Indian Antiquary Vol 23

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032515/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.,
MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXIII. - 1894.
Swati Publications
Delhi
1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
... 113
...
... 224
.
.. 24
The Name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE
E. UULTZSCH, PA.D. :G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.: -
Foux CHOLA DATES ... ... . . .. 296 The Roots OF THE DHATUPATHA NOT FOUND IN LITXRATURE
... ... . .. 141, 350 W. IRVINE: NOTE ON PROFESSOR JACOBI'S Aas Or' THE An Oriental Biographical Dictionary, by T. W.
VADA AND, ON PROTERAOR TILAK'S ORION ... 288 Beale, edited, revised, and enlarged by H. G. BULLATIN OF THE RELIGIONS OY INDLA, BY A.
Keene, C.I.E. ... ... ... ... ... ... BARTH OR TX. IXETIRAR EMANCE, TRAX- Prov. H. JACOBI :LATED FROM THE FRENCH BY JAMES MORISON 352
ON THE DATE OF THE RIG VEDA ... ... J. BUBGESS, LL.D., C.I.E.:
F. KIELHORN, Pa.D., C.I.E.:Kopg-kin-Da-pa-lo
ON THE DATE OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTHE LATE A. C. BURNELL, C.I.E.:
TIONS ... .. . See Major R. C. Temple.
Some Dates of the Burmese Common Era ... ... 139 Srahi .. ... ..
. A. CAMPBELL - Traditional Migration of the Saptal Tribes ... 108
JOHANNES KLATT, PH.D. -
THE SANACHABI-SATAKAN OF J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E.I.C.S.
SAXAYA
SUNDARA AND-PATTAVALIS OF THI ANCRALA NOTES ON THE SPIRIT Bags or BELIET AND
GACHCHHA AND OTAER GACHCHHAS (revised CUBTOX ... ... ... ... ... ... 383, 374
with additions, by Ernst Leumann) ... ... 160 WILLIAM CROOKE, I.C.S.:
E. LEUMANN, PH.D. :FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN :
See Johannes Klatt. No. 9.-How the Bhuiya Boy, became a Raja... 78 T. M. RANGACHARI, B.A., AND T. DESKA. No. 10. - The Story of Prince Danda and the
CHARI, B.A., B.L. :Princess ... ...
Soxs INEDITED COINS OF THE KINGS OF T. DESIKA-CHARI, B.A., B.L.:
VIJAYANAGARA ... ... ... .. See T. M. Rangachari.
TAE LATI E, BEHATSEK - GEO. FR. D'PENHA:
A NOTICE OF TAE 'UMDATU'T TAWARIKH CORRUPTIONS OF PORTUGUESE NAMES IN SAL
LEWIS RICE C.I.E.:SETTE AND BASSEIN.... ... .. . ... 73
Yaddavera ... ... ... ... ... .. 167 FOLKLORE IN SALBETTE:
PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.:No. 18. - The Sparrow Girl ... ... ... 134 TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA .. . 49 A Cumulative Rhyme on the Tiger ... ... ... 167
FOLKLORE IN SOUTAERN INDIA :-- J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., Px D., C.I.E.:
No. 88. - The Talisman of Chastity ... 339, 385 A Table of Intercalary and Expunged Months
TAW-SEIN-KO:the Hindu Calendar ... ... .. . ... 104 Some remarks on the 'Kalyani Inscriptions, 100, GEO. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.I.E., I.C.S. --
222, 255
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, C.L.E., I.S.C. :Prof. Weber on the Kavyamals ... ... ... 28 Indian Epio Poetry ...
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAB, from the ... ..... ... .. 52 Prof. Zacbarim's Anekarthasamgraha ...
Papers of the late A. C. Barnell, C.I.E. 1, 29, 85, 183 ... 84
Counting out Rhymen in Burma ... ... Progress of Oriental Scholarship, No. 26 ... ... 109
Branginooo ... .. .. .. ... THE BHABHA BHUSHANA OF JAB'WANT SINGH, 215, Buddhist Caves in Morgui ... ... ...
225, 265, 806, 845
Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language ... 168 The Hemp Plant in Sanskrit and Hindi Literature 260
Demonolatry among the Kaching .. .. Col. Jacob's Vedantanara ... ... ... ... 268 A Burmese Love-song ... ... ... ...
... 262
... Prof. W. Dwight Whitney ... ... ... ... 263 M. N. VENKETSWAMY :BERNARD HOUGHTON, I.C.S.:
Telugu Superstitions ... ... ... 193, 844, 384 FOLKLORE OY TRE SGAW-KARENA, translated
L. A. WADDELL, M.B., M.R.A.S.:-- from the Papers of Saya Kyaw Zan, in the '-Tu-Waw . .. ... ... ... ... 26
THE REPUGE-FORMULA OF THE LAMAS Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language,
DEXONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAIBM ... ... Rejoindere
PUTLIBAT D. H. WADIA :The Burma Cenaus Report, 1892, Chapter VIII.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :" Languages" ...
"" ... .. .. ... 194
No, 20. - Devki Rani ....... ... ... 160
. 84 ... 140 ... 168
... 262

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CONTENTS.
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE.
PAGE Kong-kin-un-pu-lo, by J. Burgess ... ... ... 28 Prof. Weber on the Kavyamala, by Geo. A. Grierson, 28 Some Remarks on the Kalyani Inscriptions, by
Taw-Sein-Ko ... ... ... ... 100, 222, 255 Traditional Migration of the Santal Tribes, by A.
Campbell... ... ... ... .. ... ... 108 A Table of Intercalary and Expunged Months of
the Hinda Calendar, by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... 104 Progress of Oriental Scholarship, No. 26, by Geo. A. Grierson . ... .
... 109
PAGE Some Dates of the Burmese Common Era, by F.
Kielhorn ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 139 Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, Re.
joinder, by Bernard Houghton ... A Cumulative Rhyme on the Tiger, by Geo. Fr.
D'Penhs ... ... .. ... .. ... " Vaddavara, by Lewis Rice ... ... The Hemp Plant in Sanskrit and Hindi Literature,
by Geo. A. Grierson ... ... ... ... ... 260
NOTES AND QUERIES. Counting out Rhymes in Burma, by R. C. Temple. 84 | Telugu Superstitions, by M. N. Venketswamy, 193, Branginoco, by R. C. Temple ... ... ... ... 140
344, 354 Buddhist Caves in Mergui, by R, C. Temple ... 168 Syahi, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... ... ... 224 Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, by R. C. Demonolatry among the Kachins, by R. C. Temple. 262 Temple .. ...
.* *** .. ... .. . ... 1681
. *** A Burmese Love-song
... ***
... ... ... 262
BOOK-NOTICES Indian Epio Poetry, by Goo. A. Grierson ... ... 52 Col. Jacob's Vedantasnya, by G. A, G. .. ... 268 Prof. Zacharim's Anekarthasamgraha, by G. A. I An Oriental Biographical Dictionary, by T. W. Grierson ... ... ... ...
... ... ... 84
Beale, edited, revised, and onlarged by H. G. The Burma Census Report, 1992; Chapter VIII. Keeno, C.I.E., by W. Irvine ... ... ... ... 219
"Languages," by Bernard Houghton ... ... 194
OBITUARY
Prof. W. Dwight Whitney, by G. A. G. -
.
..
""*.
.
.*
"*
"
.
.
..
... 268
ILLUSTRATIONS. Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, No. 1, Jumadi and Devil Workship of the Tuluva, No. 2, Koti and Panjarli ... .. ... ... ... ... ... 19 Channayya
... 38 Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara ... ... ... 25 Devil Workshop of the Tulavas, No. 3, Todakinar
and Mudader (Kala Bhairaya) .. ... ... 186

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXIII.-1894.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. O. BURNELL.
Preface by Major B. O. Temple. TN 1882 my former friend and correspondent Dr. A. C. Burnell died, and when his library
was dispersed in 1883. I secured, through the kind offices of Mr. Quaritch, the MSS. which I now publish. They are bound together in & volume of 825 leaves of large quarto writing-paper of various qualities, written generally on both sides, making up altogether 650 pp.
There are in addition ton colored plates of devil-dancers by native artists, which have been reproduced for me by Mr. Griggs, and will be found in their appropriate places later on.
The title of the book as published is that given by Burnell on the cover of his MSS.
The contents of the volume are best described generally in the words of a note, in Burnell's handwriting and signed by him, found on the fly leaf at the commencement :
“This contains & collection of the Tulu incantations, used at the ceremonies of Bhuta worship as practised in South Canara, and which are chanted by the pombadas or priests. The first 5 are from Dr. Mögling's MS. (at Mangalore). The next 5 were written down by a Tântri (Tulu Brahman), at the Mangalore tahsildar's request, for me. The remainder were collected by agents I sent to different places, and several were dictated by a blind pombada, named Kanta, who also gave me information as to where other such compositions could be heard. They are all oral and contain many words not now in use. The pombadas are very averse to reciting them to strangers. The figures shew the dress of the priest who dances, and who is supposed to personate the Bhůta. They are from actual observation by people in my service.-A. Burnell." The contents are really as follows:(1) Jumadi-pardano ...
... 13 (2) Pañjarli (3) Deyibaidi-pârdano ... (4) Koti Channayya-pårdanos .. (5) Járântâyana-sandi ... ...
... 123
Dotarli
...
... ...
10 15
1 The cover having been partially eaten by rats, I was obliged to have the volume rebound, 2 i. e., the illustrations.
* The numbers refer to MS. Leaf numbers. • I follow the MS; strictly throughout.
This seems, however, to be part of the precoding story, and the vorsified version is followed by one in prose.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
130
241
243
245
247
...
...
266
(6) Kodamaņa tåyana-sandi
124 (7) Kanapaditâys-bhutana-sandi...
126 (8) Munditâya-bhatana-sandi ...
129 (9) AmbadAdipañjarlli-bhutana-sandi (10) Pilichåmundi-bhutana-sandi... (11) Todakinar ... ... ..
136 (12) Sarala Jumadi ...
142 (13) Mudader (Kala-Bhairava)
149 (14) Attaver Daiongala ...
159 (15) Koţi and Channaya
168 (16) Kalkuda
230 (17) Posa Mahârâye
232 (18) Kannalâye ... ..
235 (19) Jumadi
239 (20) Järantâys ... (21) Perar Bolandio ...
242 (22) Miyâr Rodamanathiya (23) Kántunekri-bhata (24) Magrandâya-pardano (25) Kallurti
253 (26) Bobberye ... . . (27) Panjurli
... ... ... 272 (28) Vodilataya ...
*** ... ... .. ... ... ... ... 278 (29) A collection of Proverbs, untranslated and in the Malayalam character... 282 (30) A prose story entitled Tonna-bhůta in the Kanarese character and
untranslated ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 312 In addition to the above I found, loose among the MSS. leaves and wrapt up in an EnglishKanarese Form of the Public Works Department, two documents, which are of great interest in the present connection.
One of them is & note in Burnell's handwriting, in balf margin, of a Bhata festival he witnessed from the 23rd to the 26th March, 1872, at Mangalore, in the house of “Dhûmappa, bard of the Billava Caste." This note is accompanied by a running commentary in the other half margin from the hand apparently of some member of the well-known Basel Mission there. It is endorsed on the outside in blae pencil:- "Not yet made any use of. - Joh. Hesse."
The other document is a description" of the same ceremony “as witnessed by A. O. B. and J. E." in Burnell's handwriting, and evidently intended by him for pablication. It may have been actually published somewhere, for all I know to the contrary. It is enclosed in a blue official envelope and endorsed : - "Dr. A. Burnell with Monier Williams' best thanks and kind regards."
The illustrations relate to the following stories, and were found in the following leaves of the MSS. :
(1) Jumadi-pârdano ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 (2) Pañjarli ... ... ... ...
***
...
10
• No rendering at all is given of this short tale.
11 "Statement No. 2, shewing the partioulans of expenditure under the South Canara District, for the official year 1880-81." This paper is superscribed in pencil in a German hand "Burnell's Bhuten." I have had it now inserted in & pocket in the new binding.
That is, doubtless, "Joh. Hesse."
. And again by myself : Look this up and see if it can be made into # paper in connection with Burnell's M89. of Tulu incantations.-R.C.T. -7-11-84."

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JANUARY, 1894.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
23
136
(4) Koţi and Channaya-pârdanolo (11) Todakinar ... (13) Mudader
149 (14) Attaver Daiongalu ...
159 (19) Jumadi
... ... 239 (25) Kallarti
253 (26) Bobbarye
266 Having thus described the papers in detail, I will now state the steps taken to make them available for those interested in such matters.
Barnell's note at the opening of the volume shewed that the text was probably of great linguistic value, and that it had taken him years to make a collection such as, most likely, can never now be made by another hand. The seclusion in which the Toļuvas live, further makes it probable that they have preserved that devil-worship, on which so much popular Hinduism is everywhere based, in greater purity than it is perhaps preserved anywhere else. It, therefore, seemed to me important to preserve the contents of the MSS. from possible destruction by publishing them, but here difficulties sprang up.
The number of persons of culture, who know anything of the Taļuvas and their language, is necessarily very small, and, unfortunately, althongh all but two stories, viz., No. 21 of one page only, and the last at p. 312 ff. in the MSS., had been translated for the collector, the text, though very clear and admirably written, was in the Kanarese character introduced by the Basel Mission for printing Tula, 11 excepting pp. 123-188 and the proverbs, which were in & plain, though untidy, Malayalam script. It, therefore, became obvious that only a person well acquainted with Tulu would be able to reproduce the text to any practical use. I, therefore, applied in 1886 to the late Rev. A. Männer of the Basel Mission for help, asking him to transliterate any of the stories, which, in his judgment, contained peculiarities of language. Probably all are worth, or will be in time worth, transliterating, but he selected only Nos. 1, 11, 16, 24, 25, and 26 for transliteration. In addition to this work, be very kindly made a number of variants in the trarslations of Burnell's employés, apparently by way of corrections of mistakes, and added an original text and translation on the origin of demons," a long note" on Bhatas," and some long variants of the stories given by Burnell.
The last of Mr. Männer's invaluable contributions was received in 1887, and ever since then I have been looking ont unsuccessfully for a competent editor for the MSS., endowed with the leisure requisite for publishing them in the manner they deserve. At last I have decided to give them to the publio with such explanations, as Burnell's own notes and papers, Mr. Männer's contributions, and such books as are at my command, enable me to make.
As the South Kanara volume of that most excellent series of books, the Madras District Manuals, has not yet been issued, it is, I find, exceedingly difficult to obtain, at first hand, any trustworthy account of the Tuluvae, although the missions at Mangalore and elsewhere are of long standing. Their country occupies the central portion of the South Kanara district, and their language seems to be now spoken by about half a million people.13 Bishop Caldwell, with some hesitation, classes Toļu among the cultivated Dravidian languages, on the ground that, though it was unwritten, until the Basel Mission began to teach the people after 1834 how to write it in Kanarese and Malayalam characters, and to print it in the former, it had been very carefully cultivated by the reciters of poetry and prose; and he remarks frequently on its exceeding interest from the philological point of view. He describes the Tuluvas as the most conservative of the Dravidian peoples, and asserts, that in spite of the want of & written
10 Two illustrations.
11 Männer, Tulu-English Dict. p. iii. 11 Hunter, Gazetteer of India, say, #. v., by 428,292 in 1981, and, .. v. South Kadara, by 180,000 (!). Caldwell, Dravilian Grammar, p. 35, estimated it at 300,000 in 1875.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
literature, their language shews no signs of disappearing, 13 which facts are of importance in the present oonnection, as tending to prove that the rites of the Tuluva Devil-worship are not only ancient in themselves, but are accurately preserved from ancient times.
One feels tempted to descant at length on the many affinities, as exhibited in the contents of the MSS. now published, that the Tuļuva Bhůta cult presents to demonolatry generally and to the non-Brahmanic worship of the lower classes throughout the Madras Presidency; but, I think, in a work like this it is best to let the book speak for itself, and I, therefore, abstain from doing more at present than giving a few references to the books throwing special light on the present subject, which have come to my knowledge.
For the language, there are Brigel's Tulu Grammar, 1872, and Männer's Tulu Dictionary. 1886, and, of course, Caldwell's great work, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 1875.
For the people and their religion, the best account available, so far as I know, is that in Caldwell's Grammar, Appendices IV. to VII. pp. 541 ff. to the end of the book, especially that portion of them, in which he reproduces a considerable portion of his Shandrs of Tinnevelly (pp. 585 ff.). One of the points in the stories that follow, which will prominently strike the reader conversant with Hinduism as a whole, is the strong hold that modern Brahminism has now obtained over the minds of the Tuluva Bhuta-worshippers, and the acuteness with which their practices have been bent towards Hinduism pure and simple. Bishop Caldwell's remarks as to this at pp. 548 ff. are well worth study.
That the Tuluva form of worship, as recorded by Burnell, is not confined to the Tuluvas, even in its very terminology, is proved by the statements made by Rice, in his Mysore and Coorg, 1878, Vol. I. p. 366, Vol. III. p. 261, where we have, in these neighbouring Native States, such words given as, kali, kdli-kola, kutta, kuli-kota; Panchabhàta, Pañjaruli, Chamundi, Kallurati, Guliga, Goraga; - terms and names, which will soon become familiar to the reader of these tales.
In Sturt's Manual of the Tinnevelly District, 1879, pp. 16-20, are to be found some valueable remarks on the ShanArs and their demonolatry, mostly taken from statements by Bishop Caldwell, to whom indeed most of the information on this subject in the books I have been able to consult is ultimately traceable.16
The Billsvar, or toddy-drawing class, is, in the Tula country apparently that chiefly given to Bhâte-worship, and its close connection with the Shandrs of other districts is quaintly shews in that curious compilation, Gazetteer of Southern India, 1855, p. 546, in describing “Canara," of which I give an extract:
"The Billawars are by profession drawers of toddy from palm-trees, and correspond with the Tiers of Malabar and Shanars of Tinnevelly. Twenty years ago [i. e., 1835] the females of degraded caste of Holiers used to come into Mangalore with no other covering, but some thick branches of a bush tied to their waist in front and the same behind. They have now (1855] substituted a cloth for the leaves in front.15 The worship of evil spirits is almost universal among the Hindoo inhabitants, who are not Brahmins or of other superior caste. Places of worship, which are stones dedicated to them, are to be frequently seen in the fields, and every village has its temple. There are persons of the Holiza [P Holiya) caste, who, on the occasion of the feasts, perform the service and are supposed to be possessed by evil spirits. They have their hair loose and flowing and carry a sword which they brandish about, jumping, dancing and trembling in the most frightful manner. Sometimes a rope is tied round thetr waist and they
18 Dravidian Grammar, pp. 85, 86.
I may as well note that this distinguished writer's History of Tinnotell, 1881, is, from its soopo, nelons for the present parpose.
16 The Holoyas (Boavengers) frequently appear in Burne' pagos.

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JANUART, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
eru held like infuriated wild animals." It will be seen, therefore, that the examination of Shânár ceremonies side by side with those of the Billavars of “Tuļu-land" becomes important.
The subjoined list of scattered notices of customs identical with or similar to those noted in the pages that follow may prove useful to the student.10
Walhouse, Archæological Notes, ante, Vol. III. pp. 191 f. Yule, Marco Polo, ii. 53-61. Brian Hodgson, J. A. S. B. xviii. 728 ff. Mouhot, J. R. G. S. xxxii. 147. Narasimiyengar, Bhútas of Nagara Malndd, ante, Vol. I. p. 282 f. . Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, 232.
Marshall, Phrenologist among the Todas, p. 186 ff. Before closing these remarks I would draw attention to the remarkable likeness, both in form and contents, of the Bhata stories of Southern India to the tales and legends told of saints and horoos in Northern India, as detailed in my Legends of the Panjab and similar collections.
ON BHUTAS.
By the lato Bor. A. Männer. According to the imagination of the people, in the Kanara District, the Tuļu country is especially fitted for demons, which, they say, are partly created by God, like the Panjurli, and partly sprung from men, like the Beiderlu. There are several kinds of them, mostly thought to be flying about in the air. Some are, however, considered to be residing in certain places, in houses, gardens, &c. While some are family Bhatas, others are village Bhatas, and others, again, are only to be found in connection with certain tomples.
Very often a stone of any shape, or a small plank, is placed on the ground, or fixed into a wall, and the name of a Bhata is given to it. Other representations of Bhůtas are in the shape of an ox (Mahisandaya), a horse (Jarandaya), & pig (Panjurli), or a giant (Beiderlu).
A peculiar small goglet made of bell-metal, into which from time to time water is poured, is kept before the Bhûtas, and on special occasions kepula flowers (Ixora coccinea) and lights are placed before them. On festival days cakes, boiled rice, and such like offerings are similarly placed before them to please them and to win their favoar, and it is considered also that a drum, gong, or bell is required for their amusement. In the larger sthanas, or temples, a sword is always kept near the BhQta, to be held by the officiating priest, when he stands possessed by the Bhûts and trembling with excitement before the people assembled for worship.
The family Bhutas are worshipped by the families among whom they reside. In every Sudra17. house a room, sometimes only a corner, is set apart for the Bhúta, and called the Bhata-kotya.
The village Bhatas are paid to reside in s&nas or sthanas, and are worshipped by all the Sadras of the village. These sthanas are temples, built in solitary places, and are large and substantial, or small and dilapidated, buildings, according as the Bhůtas residing in them are considered to be powerful or otherwise.
The Beiderlu are the departed spirits of two Billavar" heroes, named Koti Beidya
26 Almost every Madras Manual may be looked up with profit for this purpose. 11 A man of the servile casto. Tulu Dict., ..0. But see Caldwell, Dravidian Grammar, p. 547. 16 Billavar-Shannan toddy-drawer. Kitta, Compendium of Castes.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
and Chennaga Beidya. It is also said that a Bantle of the name of Kujumba Kasje died, and has since become a demon of the class to which the Beiderlu belong, and is, therefore, now included among them. The temple set apart for the Beiderlu to reside in is called a garudi.
There is another kind of demon called Brahmara, Berma, or Brahmarakshasa. He is said to reside in forests, or amidst a group of trees, and sthanas are built for him in such places. These are called Berma-sthånas. The difference between this demon and the other Bhūtas lies in the fact that the officiating priest must be a Brâhman, whilst for all the other Bhûtas, any Billavar is entitled to become an officiating priest, if he is so inclined. This Berma-demon does not receive néma, kola, or any such kind of worship; but the Brahman goes to the Berma-sthåna occasionally - at the new-moon and such festivals and offers puja there, just as he would at the shrine of any other Hindu god. People of other castes bring offerings of fruits and flowers and cocoanats and plantains, etc., at the same time.
There are also Bhatas connected with temples, and the place set apart for them is called a gudi. These are considered to be the attendants of the god of the temple, and receive no kind of worship. But the officiating priest of the god pours some holy water (tirtha, i, e., the water in which the god has been washed) and puts some flowers and sandalwood paste (i. e., the prasáda)20 on the stones representing them. In some places the priest does this daily, in others it is done once & fortnight or on special occasions only.
The Holeyns, or Pariahs of South Canara, worship a Bhata of their own, who is not recognised by any other class of the people. He goes by the name of the Kumberly, and the place where he is said to reside is called Kamberlu-kotya.
The Bhatas who reside in sthånas, and the Beiderlu who resides in the garudi, receive homage and worship from all the the "Sudras of the village where the sthana is. The worship offered to these demons is of four kinds, viz., kola, bandi, nôma and agelu-tambila.
Kola is offered to the Bhatas in the sthána of the village, in which they are supposed to reside. The Sadras of the village, and of those adjacent to it, assemble near the sthana, and witness the kola ceremony in public, sharing the cost of it by subscriptions, raised among all the Südra families in the village in which the ceremony is held.
Bandi is a kola, with the addition of dragging about a clumsy kind of car, on which the pombada, or priest, representing the Bhuta, is seated.
Nema is a private ceremony in honor of the Bhutas, held in the house of any one who is so inclined. It is performed once in ten, fifteen or twenty years by well-to-do Billavars or Banțs. The expenses of the néma amount to about Rs. 600 or Rs. 700, and are borne by the master of the house in which the néma takes place. The giver of the feast is obliged by custom to feed all the people of his caste who assemble at his house during the whole time that the ceremony lasts, which is usually from three to five days. He is also obliged to give presents of ancooked food and fruits, etc., to all who are prohibited from partaking of his food by their caste-customs. But he is partly, and sometimes fully, compensated by the presents, which are given to him by his fellow-castemen, and by the offerings brought to the Bhatas.
During the nema, the Bhutas, i.e., the things representing them, are brought from the stháng to the house of the man giving the feast, and remain there till it is over.
The rites and ceremonies, eto., in all the three kinds of worship, known as koļa, néma, and bandi, are similar.
19 The Bant, Bapti and Başta of those texts appear to mean a man of the Balijo or trading caste. See Kitts, Compendium of Castes.
20 Flowers are used in adorning the god, and sandalwood rubbed on flat stone and formed into & paste is applied to it. The paste and the flowers are afterwards considered to be sacred and are given to the worshippers, who reverently put them on their heads. The whole, flowers and paste, are called prasada.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
Agelu-tambila is a kind of worship offered only to the Beiderlu, and that annually by the Billa vars only. The ceremonies connected with this worship are as follow:
On a fixed day all the Billavars of a village go to the yarudi, taking with them about seven sers of rice, various kinds of vegetables, yhí, curry-stuff, and other necessaries for the feast. The rice is boiled, and a curry prepared of the vegetables so brought, mixed with plenty of ghi. in the garudi itself. No fish or flesh of any kind may be used. The rice and curry are then served on three plantain leaves, one for each of the three heroes, Koti Beidya, Chennaya Beidya, and Kujumba Kanje, and placed before them. Saltron-water, made red by the addition of a little lime, is sprinkled on the food tbus served. Three lighted torches are then stuck in the rice, one on each leaf. After this, the assembled multitudes pray to the Beiderlu to be pleased with their offerings and to grant them prosperity. When the prayer is over, the food above mentioned is distributed among the worshippers, including portions for those who are absent, which are taken to them by their relatives or friends. In this way every one has a share of the sacred food, or prasáda.
It will be seen, then, that kola, bandi and néma are applicable to all the Bhutas, including the Beiderlu, but that the agel u-tambila is applicable only to the Beiderlu.
There is yet another kind of worship, called tambila, which is offered every year by the master of every Sudra household to his family-Bhatas, who invites as many of his relatives or castemen as he wishes to receive. Some cocks are brought and sacrificed in honor of the Bhútas, and are then used in making a curry. Cakes and other dainties are also prepared, and there is a family feast on the good things collected.
III.
Description of a Bhuta incantation, as practised in South Kanara (Madras Presidency).
witnessed by A. O. B. and J. H., on March 23rd, 1872, at Mangalore. In all parts of the Madras Presidency most of the purer Dravidian tribes, which it is generally the fashion to term the "lower castes," invoke as objects of worship beings, which really have no place in the Hindu Pantheon, and which bear purely Dravidian names. This worship prevails very extensively in Tinnevelly and South Kanara, and extends even to Ceylon. How far the beings worshipped are the same is doubtful. Some, e. g., Kutti-Kattan (Will-o-the-wisp or Corpse-candle), are feared over the greater part of Southern India.
This primitive religion is now no longer neglected by the self-styled "higher castes," which formerly merely tolerated, but now almost respect the barbarons rites; while some philanthropic Brâhmaņs labour to persuade the people that their gods are Bhutas, or attend. auts on 'Siva. These influences are apparent in the classification of the rites, which are déva kriyá or usuraksiyú, according as offerings are, or are not, made to the Bhůta. As the aboriginal “ Poyi” has been changed into “Bhata," so these rites have now a Sanskrit name, néma (i. e., niyama), and they are sans (i. e., sthana) or illéchchhida, according as they are performed at a temple or in a house, though in both cases it is said that there is no difference in the performance.
The ceremony at which we were present is of the second kind, and was celebrated by tha head-man of the Billavar (ie, toddy-drawers) caste, once in about twenty years. The expense, five hundred to a thousand rupees, falls on him, but he is partly compensated by gifts from the people who attend. Europeans have so often failed to get a sight of these rites, that, even after permission had been given as and we had accordingly attended, it seemed questionable whether we bad really seen the ceremony or had been imposed upon, and it was only after questioning a Bhâta priest, now a Christian, that we found out that what we saw was really the ceremony, and, therefore, we can confidently put forward this account of it.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
On reaching, at about 9 p. m., the head-man's house in the native town [of Mangalore], we found a large ornamented shed erected in front of the house and in the garden, open on all sides, except the southern, where was erected a kind of altar, consisting of three benches placed so as to form three steps, and covered with a white cloth. In the middle of this was made a sort of shrine, or canopy, with a common lamp burning inside. On the three steps or ridges were garlands, and brass images of the five Bhûtas to be invoked that night, brought from the temple for that purpose. These were (1) Jarandaya, (2) Sara-jumadi, (3) Kantanetri-jumadi, (4) Marlu-jumadi, and (5) Pañjurli. The last mentioned has the form of a hog; the others are hideous deformed figures. About six feet in front of the altar was a common wooden tripod about two feet high, and on it a frame made of plantain stems, which contained a mass of rice, coloured with turmeric, and in which a three-branched iron lamp was stuck. The space in front of this was kept clear for persons making offerings and for the performers. The worshippers usually squat all round, forming a sort of ring.
8
[JANUARY, 1894.
On this occasion about 1,500 persons were present, and some had come from a distance of more than 30 miles! We were asked to sit down at the end opposite to the altar.
The performance commenced by the entry into the open space of two men of the Billavar caste, of whom one represented Jarandaya, and the other his dumb servant Jumadi Banți. They were dressed with a fillet round the head and bangles on the ankles, such as dancing. girls wear. They held a highly ornamented sword upright in their left hands and a brass bell in the right, and walked up and down the open space, attended by fan and umbrella-bearers, and under a portable canopy. The one who represented Jârandâya quivered hysterically in every muscle and from time to time rung his bell slowly, and occasionally rested the bell which was heavy, on his shoulder. It was the belief of the worshippers that he did so, because he was possessed by the demon Jarandaya.
After about half an hour the pombada actors appeared. These had their faces thickly painted with ochre, and were covered with a long fringe of cocoa leaves. The pombada representing Jârandâya wore a kirita, or semi-circular ornament, over the head and shoulders, just like that which we see in the brass idols sold in the bazaars. Both had a sword, with blade like that of a Malay ris, and a bell. The two parties continued dancing for a while, and then the Billavar representing Jârandâya resigned the charge of the ceremony to the pombada, by taking in each hand some flowers and betel leaves and throwing them over the other. In this manner, the demon was transferred from the Billavar to the pombada actor. He at once commenced dancing furiously, howling and ringing his bell, while the incantation of the origin and deeds of the demon he represented were sung in Tulu to an accompaniment of tom-toms and horns, and similar noisy instruments, all of which, together, produced a most hideous din.
After the incantation was over Jârandâya put on a metal mask, and his servant held in his hand a similar mask with a pig's snout to it. The dancing then became very violent, and the performers, who had evidently already indulged in intoxicating liquors to a great extent, became plainly hysterical. Meanwhile the devotees offered cocoanuts and plaintains, etc., at the tripod.
The incantation of Jarandaya33 may be literally translated from the Tulu as follows:"On a Tuesday at noon, the hero Jarandaya came to the Atrel ferry, riding on a white horse and holding a white umbrella. He ordered the ferry-man, Kunya, to bring the ferryboat. The ferry-man replied that the boat did not belong to him, that he was not to get the fare, and that the boat had been kept by one Kote Bale Bermane33 for crossing the river on Tuesdays and Sundays.
"No matter, if the boat is kept by him. for crossing the river; I will give you the proper fare. Bring the boat to this side;' said Jârandâya.
n With the flowers of the areca palm according to Mr. Männer. This is practically text No. 5 in the MS8.
•
28 That is, the Brahman.'

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JANUARY, 1894.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
"As soon as he had said this, the ferry-man brought the boat.
“Tender cocoanuts and cocoanut leaves are very dear in Knlur and Mulki. Therefore, I ann going to a village where there are teuder cocoanuts and milk,' said Jarandaya.
"He got into the boat. The boat moved on. It came to the middle of the river. 10 whirled round and round. Jarandaya murdered the ferry-man Kunya.
"He proceeded further and entered the bodies of Kote Bale Bermane, of a weeping child and a lowing calf. Wondering what this could be, he (Kote Bale Bermaņe) sent for one Maiyya Bermane. The latter looked into the praina-book.24 He found that a demon of the name of Jaranda ya had arrived in the village from the south. A she-buffalo, together with her calf, were offered to the demon Järandâya.
“There was a guard in the demon's gudi. Jarandîya was known by three names, viz., JArandAya of the sthana, Jarandaya of the kottige (i. e., the cow-shed), and Jarandaya of the Chavadi."
« Vishnu's flag with the figure of garuda was raised. The fenst began. The yard was full of people. The gudi was full of lamps. The demon Järandâya settled himself in the place."
After the incantation the following dialogue took place between the pombada representing Járandâya and the headman :
Pombada. "I ask you people of this village and caste, shall I, with joy, enter into this Pombada P"
Head-man and some of the people. "Yes, with joy !" Pombada. “Who are present of those who do not belong to this caste ? "
Head-uan. "There are some Brahmañs here. There is also the judge-sáhib of this place, and one of the Padres, 35 &c., &c. All these have come with joy."
Pombada. “Well, give them presents. Are there none here, who have come from far places ?"
Head-man. "There are some from Mulki, &c., people of this caste." Pombada. “Give them to eat."
After this, the demon Järandâ ya, through the pombada of course, asked for food. Jeaps of rice, cocoanuts, &c., were presented to him. Also twelve fowls were killed and given to the pombada. He bit them and gave them away to his caste people. After having touched somo of the food, he washed his bands, besmeared them with powdered sandal-wood, and, sitting down on a stool, took the sword and bell into his hands, which he had put down before taking the food. Then he roso from the stool and asked :-"What was your object in celebrating this festival ?" The head-man explained that it was performed in accordance with a vow, and asked his blessing. The pombada said :- “It is all well. I shall perform everything to your satisfaction."
Then the pombada who represented Jarandaya, again, commenced to tremble and quake hysterically, and, rolling his bloodshot eyes, gave out his oracles. Every one was addressed according to his rank, and if the miserable medium (as a bystander informed us) offends a rich Banta by omitting any part of his yard-long titles, he is made to suffer for it.
The performance continued as long as the medium could hold out, and then recommenced in similar style with the representation of the second Bhâta. It took three days and nights to finish the series of the five Bhútas. And certainly the performer fairly earned the eight rupees, which were paid to him for his heavy work!
24 Work on astrology.
* i. e., Dr. Burnell and the Rev. Joh. Hesse.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 13:1.
IV. Extracts from Burnell's Notes, and the Commentary thereon, 26 made after
witnessing the foregoing ceremonies.27 The festival was held on March 23rd, 1872, and the three succeeding nights at Mangalore in the house of Dhûmappa, head of the Billavar caste. B.28
This festival is not an annual one, but occurs only once in fifteen to twenty years in fulfil. ment of some previous vow. Its proper name is Illéchchhids-noma, which means a festival belonging to one house only, in contradistinction to the annual festival, which is celebrated in the Bhúta-temple, and is, therefore, called Sanada-néma. Nema is a Talu Bralımanism for the Skr. niyama. The Illéchchhida-nêma lasts for five nights, from Friday to Tuesday. C.
The festival begins at about 7 or 8 p. m., and consists of a pantomimic representation of the stories told of the Bhutas, who are then supposed to inspire the actor and enable him to foretell events. Two castes take part in this, the Billavar and the Pombada. The first is the highest and will not drink spirits ; so that up to a certain time, a double representation is necessary. B.
The altar used is called tiruvayana. C.
The five images are called together bhandára =sáhilya); and are named (1) Jarandaya, (2) Sara-jumadi, (3) Kantanetri-jumadi, (4) Marlu-jumadi, and (5) Panjurli. Every article used on the altar is taken from the temple for the purpose. 0.
About six feet in front of this is a common wooden tripod about two feet high. On this is a square frame formed of cocoa leaves (really of some part of the trunk of the plantain. C.), and in it a pyramid of (boiled. C.) rice and turmeric (to colour the rice. C.), into which a threebranched iron lamp is stack, thus:-B.
In front of this are placed the offerings. Fowls and (P) goats (in the Asurakriya) are decapitated and the warm blood drunk by the officiating priest. B.
I am informed by a former Bhůta-priest, now a Christian, that no offerings or sacrifices are made at the devaksiya, because the deva is not supposed to need any food. At the ásurakriya fruits and chiefly fowls are offered. A Billava priest kills the fowl and then gives it to a pombada, who bites it at once and then gives it to his fellow caste-people, who eat it. All this is confirmed by my munshi, a Brahman. 0.
The Billavar Jarandaya resigns charge of the ceremony to the pombada (by taking in each hand some flowers and betel leaf and throwing it over the other) who commences dancing furiously, howling, and ringing his bell. B.
36 See ante, p. 2. * It is not worth, while to give the whole of the notes, as the "description" was clearly made up from them. 28 E. moans Burnell: 0. means the Commentary.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
Flowers and rice, púvarri or húakli, are thrown on the pombada, as the means of transferring the Bhata from one person to another. There is a Canarese and Tuļu proverb "throwing flowers on a Bhâta,” which is applied to a man provoked into a fury by some remark. C.
The Bhúta stories are sung, not by the man possessed by the Bhûta, but by some other person, male or female : frequently by the wife of the pombada representing the Bhůta. C.
There is in Mangalore, and not far from the place where the ceremony which I saw was conducted, & stone called Guttyamma, before which a ceremony is performed once in 60 years (once in 19 years, and a former Bhůta-priest told me it had taken place thrice in his life time. C.). The stone is said to tremble sympathetically with the medium, as he dances. This cyclic festival occurred last in 1871.20 Both ceremonies are largely attended, not only by the members of the two castes given to this worship, but by Bantas also and even Brahmans, who seem to regard it as an excellent entertainment and a laudable usage. At the festival to-day (23rd March 1872) several persons had come from Mulki in order to be present. B.
This stone (Guttyamma), placed between two temples which are situated near one another, belongs to the Malayalam-speaking Billavars in Mangalore. The festival is called Kalliyața. Oil is poured over the stone, etc.
. v. Note on a printed slip attached to Burnell's "Description" by Major B. C. Temple.
Attached to the original MS. "description" above printed, are pages 51 and 52 of some perodical, apparently belonging to the Basel Mission and printed in German type. Unfortunately these pages have been cut in half, so that only the top halves are now in existence.
The fragment of p. 51 seems to contain accounts of the Basel Mission, and the commencement of an article :- Das Bewegung im Tululand, nach einem Bericht von Missionar Brige130 in Mangalur vom 17 Februar.
The upper half of page 52 contains, however, the plate given below and a short description thereof, which is of much interest in the present connection, I give a translation of it.
>> Burnell was writing in 1872.
> Author of a Thru Grammar, published in 1872.

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12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
Figures of Bhutas from Tulu-land, Observations.-- The images of Bhutas here given on a very small scale are from the originals in Mission Museum at Basel. The figures are in brass. We have already made a communication on the Bhúta-worship of the Tulu people in H. B. for December 1869, p. 164. In explanation of the figures we give the views expressed by Graul (Reise in Ostindien, I. 184 ff.):-" In Toļu-land they worship ten Bhatas proper or demons, and seven spirits of the dead. On the whole it appears that all this devil-worship leads back to an original period of heroes, when, long ago, Nimrods ruled the land and perhaps the bold hanter cleared it of dangerous wild beasts. It is thus that we can clearly explain the circumstance, that on every public temple is painted a horseman with flowing garments, while, clore by, the hog (der Eber (das Schrein)], the buffalo, the tiger and wild beasts, dangerous to the crops and herds, are sporting in a significant jumble. The soven spirits of the dead are apparently the spirits of heroes, and it is very significant that the proud, warlike cock is the chief live offering brought to the Bhůtas." Compare with the undermentioned new tract:- Mission Life among the Tulus (Ein Missionsleben unter den Tulus).
i am afraid that the above extract, so carefully preserved for apwards of twenty years, is not so valuable as the picture it professes to explain.
VI. A list of the principal Bhatas, furnished by the late Rev, A. Männer, Abbage-Darage.
Gidirawate. Akkarasupañjide.
Giņde. Âliseitîne.
Guļige. Annappe.
Gulge. 5 Annarakalkude.
35 Isarakumare. Arasuļa.
Ishtadêwate. Babbare.
Járandâye. Bañjaratûye.
Jathadhari. Bante.
Jattige. 10 Batândi.
Jôgipurse. Båwanne.
Jumadi. Beinâļi.
Jumbure. Beirawe.
Kalabeirawe. Berme.
KAļamma. 15 Bheirawe.
45 KAlarahu. Bommartâye.
Kalarâtri. Châmuki.
KAlarkayi. Chấmandi.
KAlastri. Chandi.
KAļêśwari. 20 Chumadi.
50 Kalkude. Deiyâre.
Kallabhůta. Dharmadeiwa.
Kalluratâye. Dharmadi.
Kallaruti. Dhûmâmati.
Kamberia. 25 Dhûmre.
55 Kandela-jumadi. Duggalâye.
Kantabare. Durgi.
Kanyakumare. Dustali.
Kariyamalle. Gândhari.
Kåtenetri. 30 Gejjemalle.
1 60 Khadgarâwaņe.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
13
Kodambadâye. Kodamantâye. Koddabu.
Kondalatkáre. 65 Korage.
Korati. Kôtichannaye. Kotipůnje.
Kshetra pale. 70 Kudpala.
Kujumbakaīje. Kukkilatâye. Kumaraswami.
Kuppepañjurli. 75 Karatti.
Kurave. Lekkesiri. Maddad kataye.
Mahesware. 80 Mabeswari.
Mahisaudâye. Mallarâye. Mammayi.
Mandi. 85 Marly-jumâdi.
Mâyaldi. Mâyandaly. Maddiltâye.
Müde. 90 Mukka mbe.
Můndatâye. Mûrtilâye. Nadu.
Nandigône. 95 Náraltâye.
Nelliryta ye. Netterychanədi.
Nêtramukkuli.
Niche. 100 Padkaņataye.
Panemåde. Pañjarli. Pathikondaye.
Påtâļabheirawe. 105 Påtalagulige.
Pejirenâye. Pilichandi. Pôsralataye.
Potte. 110 Poyikanatâye.
Pudabare. Paļaudaye. Rahugulige.
Raktêśwari. 115 Rudrachapadi.
Rundara-pañjurli. Sampigetâye. Sankalegulige.
Saraly-jumadi. 120 Sârâmabakari.
Sonne. Sabyamma. Sukotteri.
Tannimaņige. 125 Uchchaņdi.
Udpishnaye. Uuáldi. Ullâye.
Warmalatâye. 130 Wodaltâye.
Wökuballare.
Worte. 133 Yenmannye.
VII. THE ORIGIN OF THE DEMONS.
By the late Rev. A. Männer.31
Texto Adidy Narayana dôvery bhulokonu spisti malpunaga, ere balatta bhậgodu fswarela datta bhagodu Brahmela kaļlondu akulu irverylá Nárkyaņa dêvereda kêndini dånendynda :
"Inda, bhůmida i naraminya pakki parane pijinylu yenpatta nály lakshậntra prâņilengla srishti maltydy indekulegy takka Ahäranuta kordu nina bhumiga yeņma dikkygy yeņma arasulu diya. Akuļo pudary; Indre, Agni, Yame, Neiroitye, Varune, Vayavyo, Kubéry, Isanye. Iñchitti yenms gans orasnlegy dikkada adhikarole karys, râtre pagely api lekla
This consists of a text and almost literal translation of a story related by an old Tala Brahman in 1886.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1894.
Ákasoda Surya Chandre inpi i raddeng diya; undattande âji tiigoļu mariyala Aji tingo! aregåla, sitosbņa inchittineng mata malta."
Undu mäta yeņkulegu santôsha ândy andydy paộnaga, Narayaņa dôvery lóvaryada pandini dauendynda.
"Inda, ila yangla a Brâhmela nama mûveryla ittydy bh Gláka paralôka irely lôkada adhi. kåronu toivoda. Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesware; inpi môji pudarydakaļu nama adappodu. Yenky spishți mapu adyôga, Brahmagu stiti malpu udyôga, Maheśvaragy laya malpu adyôga."
lichitti udyôga nama ma podu andyug tangkale alayi nêmaka maļtoņdy, Narayanagy vása malpere Vaikuntha, Iswaragą vasa malpere Kailasa, Brahmagų vasa malpere Satya lôka. lüchitti jâgulong maltondu, bokka dêvalóka srishtisiyery. Muppatta můji Kôti dêwateļeny undu maltudy risileny, hâhâ gandbarvereny, apsarastrileny, yakshareny mini anda maltydy, môkalegy matavicharogu Dévendre.
Inpi arasunu adhikâraste âdî didy padynâlu lôka raksbane maļtoņdy uppunaga, Kailasa paļnodu Isvare simhasanodu kullondu tana saratoniji ganda ganali, saratani Bhatala Virabhadradi prâmathery ayi mukhya ganakule nalața uppunaga are bodedi.
Parvatadevi santôshodu kapdanyada kêndini dậnendunda :
"O isvara, i bhůlókodu appie janokalu påka jana påpishtery, paka jana punyavantery ávere kårana dine ? Aveng iry yenky vistirady paņodu.
Andydy kennaga, Isvare pandini.
Indâ, Parvatiyê, keņla. Yena parsva bhagodu i sårattoñji gandagaņala sarattonji Bhutald udbhavady puttiya. Aikulu yenany yêpalâ sêvemastondu yenany asraya maltoņdu itta; Apaga yâny aku?egy mechchidy sahâyogu bôdâdų, sarattonji rogaleny puttaye, dâyegandynda lôkodu påka jana dushtereny påka jana paņavu dravyâśe akan kariļu inpi på pishtereny bhanga malpere bodady undeny malpodandy; ijjanda i lôkoda naramányere garva hechcbidy badaveregy diñja apadra malpery. Andydy túdu inchene malpodândų. Å Samàyodu i Bhậtalu mata kududu yena yedyr adıla bû rudu pandini dàneidụnda :
O Dêvere, i yonkuleny spishți malta yerkulegu aharala korla, Yekuļu badavu bâjelydy tadevande kulluva.' Andydı nattongnaga, yany akalegy appaņe kordu pandiui :- Inda, nikuļu bhalokagu podu papishteregy upadra kordu akale kaidudu nikuļu ahara gettonle, yonany nambunakalogy upadra korade.'
Andydı pandydy appaņe kornnga i bhûtoļu kêndini:
• Dêrere, iry appaņe korinava genkulegg sautôsha andy, andala lõkada papishteru adappunakaļa yêr inpinavu gurta yeikulegy, teriyuji, avu teriyu lekka mâtra appaņe korodu.
Andydy bhůtolu natoņunaga, yâny appaņe korini dânendunda :
'Inda, 10kada papishţeregu yanų dumbu dala vonji roga bêne sankadala nana tarata upadrolenula kondu padave apaga nikuļu añchittina kulenu tadu pattule: pattiyarda nikulegu ahara tikkundu,'
Andndn pandydy, Appaņe kornaga a bhûtaļu kuda arike maļiņdy kêndini dine dynda :
O Doverè, inohitti róga caikadodu uppu naramânyereny yeikalu pattyda andydy Akalegy teriyuni yecha? Uudeky dane gurta ?'
Audydy ariko maltydy kendery :
* Apaga yang pandini dîncidya. Inda, 10kodu balmedakaļuld jyotisheruta yantragarerula ulleru, Akuļenų yanų undu maltụdu dite; Akule mukhantra teridụ nikulegu abara koruveru, undu nikulegu iyavu; nana nikulu hechcha paterade.' Andydy pamily, appano koriye.'

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JANUARY, 1894.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
15
Åndalâ â bhûtaļu kuda Iswara kaitaly battụdų åreļa arike maltydykêņdini.
“O Dêverê, yenkulu bhůlôkogu jattydy pôwere appaņe koriyary, anda yenkulu vodegy povodu, vôlu uppodu po
Andydy kuda nattonynega, Isvare Akulegy uttara korda pandini :
"Inda, nikule pudarulu yang pratyêka pratyekidy korpe andydy pandydų, nikulu Bob. barye, Kudgaravane, Pathikondaye mini iichittinákuļu tenak di räjyodu vása áduppule; nanalâ nikuļe śêrigegy páka bhûtoleny kadapuduve. Mahishasurerenu nikuleloppa bada kiyi désodu uppadų. Bokkalâ nikule kêrigegy påka bhůtolen yli deivolenyla kadapuçlave, undattande Mallaraye Anappe Tattige inpi bhùtoļenylâ paddayi rajyodda mudayi rajya mutta yány bête kadapaduwe."
Andudy i bhūtolegy. Itchitti appane kornaga, Mahakalila, Virabhadrola, durdovi Marila lakkydy kaņny kempu mastoņdu Isvarada pandini dînendanda :
"O fśvara dêvere, i Bhůtalegy aharagn appaņe kordu kadapodavary; yeukuleny fry madatriyary atta? Andla îregy madatyndala, yenkulegy madattijji. Yenkulegula itte sadi tajale."
Ajdydy i devateļu notany naga Isware pandini.
"Inda, Dhumavati inpi Bhata bhâmidy Tulu dosodu Modabedrady Chantere simedu Bailapari Ballakule jaguçu. Stala poyidų kulludu. Undu altydydy paddayi Samudra muttalà nina prastîpa lakkâdy i nina bhogaledy kôla baliļu gettoņdu nina ahâra Sindydy santoshadu uppala. Andydy vara kordu akuleny kada pudiyery."
Añchane hechcha itti Bhútalenyta woñjoñji jâgydy appaņe kordu kadapudiyery. A sangati nana dumba paņpundu.
Translation. In the beginning, when the god Narayana created the earth, Isvara sat on his right and Brahma on his left side. They both spoke to Narayana, questioning him as follows:
"Lo ! on the earth thou hast created eighty-four lakhs of living creatures, from man down to birds, reptiles, ants, etc., and thou hast also given them proper food. For thy (world) earth thou gavest eight kings for the eight points of the compass. Their names are: Indre, Agni, Yame, Neireitye, Varune, VAyavye, Kubére, Ibanye. Such eight kings thou hast made and didst give them the rule over the points of the compass. That there may be night and day, thou pattest in the sky two bodies, the sun and the moon. Besides this, thou didst make six months rainy season and six months hot season! Such thou didst, and for all this we rejoice !"
When he had said thus, Nârâyaņa said to fśvara as follows:
"Lo! thou and I and Brahmi, we three together bave to govern earth and heaven; yea, the twice seven worlds. Brahma, Vishņu, Mahêsvare; these three names let us have ! . I will do the work of creation, Brahmân that of preservation, and Mahesvare that of destruction."
Thus having resolved to perform such respective functions, they made Vaikuntha into the abode of Narayana, Keilasa into the residence of Isvara, and Satyalóka into the abode of Brahma. Thus the world of gods was made, and three kaross of gods, Rishis, Gandharvas, Apsarasas, etc., were created, and over all these Dêvêndra was put as their king and ruler.
While thus protecting the fourteen worlds, fávara was sitting on his throne at Keilsa in the midst of his thousand and one male Ganas, and thousand and one Bhâtas, and other principal Gaņas, including even Virabhadra.
Then his wife Pârvati joyously addressed her husband as follows:
“Olávara, why are some of the people living on earth sinners and some meritorious, Tell me this in detail.”

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
When thus asked, Isvara spoke as follows:
"Listen. O Parvati. See, on either side of me these thousand and one male Gaņas, and thousand and one Bhuta-ganas have come into existence. They are always serving me and dependent on me, and I was pleased with them, and for their aid I created one thousand and one diseases, because it was necessary to punish the wicked and money-loving and proud sinners on earth; otherwise the pride of the people on earth would increase and the poor would be much oppressed. Having seen this, I had to do as I did. At that time all these Bhutas assembled and, prostrating before me, addressed me as follows:- O God, thou hast created us, (therefore) give us food! We suffer hunger and thirst and are unable to endure it any longer.'
“When they thos begged I commanded them, saying as follows:- 'Lo! Go you on earth and give the sinners there trouble and obtain your food from their hands! (But) do not trouble those who believe in me!'
"Having heard this, these Bhatas asked : -'O God! We rejoice at what you have commanded us, but we cannot distinguish those who are sinners on earth; therefore, please direct us how to know them.'
"When the Bhûtas so prayed, I commanded, saying: 'Lo! I shall beforehand charge the sinners on earth with some disease, with sickness and all kinds of trouble; you can then discover and seize such persons, and by doing so you can get food.'
“When so commanded, the Bhatas questioned me, saying: -
O God! How shall snch men as are afflicted with disease know that we have seized them? What is the sign of it?'
"When so questioned, I commanded and spake to them thus :
Lo! In the world I have created soothsayers, astrologers and those that prepare charms. Through them they will learn to know that you do it, and then they will give you food. This must be now enough for you. Speak no more.'
"Thus I discharged them." But afterwards the BhQtas came again to Távara and questioned him as follows:
"O God! Thon hast commanded ns to descend to the earth, but where shall we go (when we get) there ? And where shall we stay ? Please tell us."
When they so begged of Isvara he answered them saying:
“I will allot you separate names, such as Bobbarye, Kadgåravano, Pathikondaye. As such go you to the Southern countries and kingdoms and settle there. Besides this, I shall send some Bhūtas to join you, and also the Mahisasuras shall be with you, in the Northern country. Also in future times I will send some Bhatas and demons to join you. Besides this, I shall send Mallardye, Annappe and Jattige, Bhůtas, to stay from the Western part of the country to the Eastern part."
When the Bhatas were thus dismissed, Mahakali, Virabhadra and the mischievous Mari rose, and with reddened eyes, addressed isvara, saying:
"O God Isvara! Thou best commanded food for the Bhůtas and sent them away. Hast thou not forgotten us? Though thou hast forgotten, we have not. Therefore, now shew ue, too, & way!"
When they thus begged, fúvara said :
“Lo, the Bhata Dhumavati is on earth in Mudabidri in the Tulu land, and has settled in a place belonging to the Beilapari Billalu of the Chantar's Country. From that place to the Western sea shew your prowess in that region, and amongst your pleasures receive kolas and offerings. Thus take your food and be happy."
After these Bhutas had been sent away, the remainder also were commanded to their respective places. This, however, will be told afterwards.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
BURNELL M88. : - No. I.
THE SONG OF JUMADI.33 Original in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mögling, Mangalore, March, 1872:33 transliteration by Mr. Männer: translation from Burnell's Ms. checked by Dr. Männer. Original text and translation occupies leaves 234 to 8 inclusive of Burnell's MSS.
Text.
Jumadi Paddana, Paralyda Parametri deveregy muppa dinata ayana ! Yêlų dinata cheidyda båra ! Muji dinata kôrida katta ! Muppa dinata bajjeida ambodi: kôrida důdu! 5 Muppa dinata utchaya ! Muppa dinata todary ! Kodi yêri Ayanada minadana utchayo tuwodaudụdy Adara Dêre Beide powodanpe. Eiky nâlu yenma kôri taikiye.
Tana jêwy aruwattereny madyanada mûrte kályawêlyodu mûrâye. 10 Korida kattogu pôwodandydy kôrigy uiry baru dipâye.
Madyanada unasy bêga aruwatteregy unpâye; Unpady tâny jôtra tuttiye. Pullya bannada taretra kattiye;
Kârugu nurlarita måyana muttu padonde 15 Dombugu kalkude pattonde.
Tana jêwu aruwattere keitą kați kôriny bududu koriye. Köri kattubûluda südiny keito pattoņde. Tana Adara stanada illaly " Puralyda kôrida kattodu kori gendgdy batynda.
Kôrida tammana addye tadadu balmana malpâwe." 20 Andydy Jumadi Bhatogu kei muggidy pandonde.
Köri pattåwonuda Addara stâna illy jatte. Sarakala Birmans illada keitadega batte. A paga târi kariyadu tiri mûruwe Birmana Beidye.
Paralyda Deweregy muppa dinata ayana apunda tû were pôya ande." 25 "Eiky âye tüwere pôwere powoliyo kattere kori ijji.
Kåpudu ittinawaperade sari addo." "Apaga yenkula popa ikul!a." Andydy môkulaberi padoņdy pônaga Kapudu itti perade
keletundų. Mókuļu añchenê Purálogy pôyery.
Ane kațţu attasa kadatery. 30 Kudre katta kinni gôli kadatery.
Meilų nalipu Meirepade kadatery. Keipe kâyery kadatery ; sipe kukku kadatery. Maralara Kinni-muggery kadatery.
Beilsal sandalige kadatery. 33 Pů mudipi Madumale kally kadatery.
Gurupurada beilų kadatery Mandla beilygy Ayery. Amuñja beily kadatery. Purâlygų mutta mutta Ayerg.
* Mr. Münner notes that Jumadi is a Bhůta much foared and worshipped in every house. This song is recited by the dancer at a kóla, 6.., a festival in honour of Bhatas held at the expense either of a single.family or of a whole community. 98 As per Burnell's note on leaf 10 of MS.
* Leaf 1 is the fly-leaf.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Parilyda bakimarudu Manéluda eingsiraly.
40 Purâluda mûji sârâ âly.
Purâluda gopuroḍu Pakkoȧgullaye Chikkarayery mini kûdadery. Dêre Baidye poyinaye tana jêwu aruwattereny nirely tûdu kôri kaṭṭâye. Dombu kalkude kerpudu diyeru, kâruda muttu alpa kadete. Pakkoagulliye Chikkariyeregy taggyly nelaty untiye.
45 Solme-pude Pâdiye, âpaga âkulu battana "Dêrebaidyâ nina jâtidâkuļu ? Kuddudery âkledoppapôdu kullâ andery."
Imbe pôdu jâtidâklu, kulladarà andądu kei muggiye.
Balle appå kalle nidydy můjisárály kulliyere jage bajada koriyerg. Akulejopané kalliye.
50 Tanukule sukha dukkonu pâteriyery.
itu portinaga dombaratydų gali jindy.
Apaga nana gâli bûjuůdy dâne tîpim.
Kürileny woddiga aúdery P
Nirmargodu lakki-Kumpali Kubala Dêre pôye
55 Apaga Kubala Dêre kôrigula i Adûra Dêre Baidya kôrigulâ jôdu pati ândy.
"Apaga kôring mata dandeḍu pâdady bâly sattuga buḍuka."
Andydy páterydy badiyery.
Aḍura Dêre Baidyagy kori tikkundy, kaṭṭa dîti bâlydulâ sutta dîti nuluḍulâ kôrinų
mâta kaṭṭiyery.
Mâta imbyagê tikkundų
60 Apaga Manelida einu sârâly Purâlada maji sârâly Pakkoňgullâye-Chikkarâye woṭṭugu
kûdudu pandery:
"I Aḍura Dêre Baidya keity kalla baly kalla nûlundandery."
Kalla bâlylâ pinaye kalla nûlandudulâ pinaye,
i jâgeda gontulâ Rawuda gontula pimbe: nina bâly tûwoda dêwere.
Dambe kalludu didų pirmâna malpoḍandery.
65 Apaga dambe kalludu didu satya bende.
Bâly gettonde, badaly irwâra yêny pôpe andydy appane naṭṭiye.
Kôriny tana aruwattere keity tumbâye.
Kôri tumbâwonudu sarâne Atrela kaḍapugu batte,
Kadapudâye kôri korla ande.
70 Â dambu tikkydi kôriną koriye.
Tana illadegy dandy padudu tumbâwonudu batte.
A marakale kôring tolludu badedikeity koriye.
Molu bisaledu didu ulai pôyalu.
Apaga a teitų poti köri jiwady tana illada kubalyḍu keletundu.
[JANUARY, 1894.
75 A Aḍḍura Dêre Baidya illadegy parundu.
Dêre Beidyagy dumbu tikki korida Addûra sanadaillalu tammana malpe anyta imaltuja,
Woda kadapudi marakalaga kordu batta andydu paṇundy.
Ayagu rasa Sankada andu. Debegu kanra kaṭṭundy danendanda.
Awa battanḍalâ chinte ijji, ânanda arpada tirgandy tirimei âwu.
80 Nina tagegy sankuḍa tûwere pôpajanâ andydy tangaḍi.
Dibegy irky kapa kattyódy
Mô'u kuḍutu lakkiyalu.
Kandanya keitaly yâny tagegy sankaḍa tûdu barpe andudy kendaly. Apaga natta nadirly Jâmada portugu pôpe andady pańpanâ ande ?" 85 "Andy pandudų pôdu tage sankada" tûyaly.
Addara sanoḍu kori adudu addye sududu tammana malpayaļu. Apaga batti &patty niltyndy.

Page #23


Page #24

dood
GO
O
I.— The Devil Worship of the Tuļuvas.
Fig. 1. Jumadi. Fig. 2. Panjarli.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
19
Translation. Thirty days in honor of the Goddess Paramért of Purala! Seven days play with bulls ! Three days fighting with cocks !
Thirty days play with areca nuts, and gambling with cocoanate. 5 Thirty days festival! Thirty days illuminations of the audi!
The ceremony of raising Vishộu's flag and the figure of Garuda ! Adara Dore Baidye intended to go. With this intent he had four to eight cocks fed.
At an auspicious hour he sent for his young nephews. 10 Intending to fight the cocks, he had water and grain served to them.
He gave an early dinner to his little nephews, And after dinner dressed himself in his full dress. He tied a red turban on his head,
And put his best slippers on his feet. 15 He held a palm-leaf umbrella in his hand.
He put his best fighting-cocks into his nephews' bands. A number of spurs for the cocks he held in his own hands. In his honge at Adura (Jumadi's) stans he swore : "If I win the fight at Parala,
I will celebrate a feast with cock's flesh and baked meat." 20 Thus did he vow to Jumadi Bhata.
With the cocks in his hand, he left his honge and went to Addra (Jamadi's) stána, And reached the house of Sarakala Birmapa. Birmana Baidya was drawing toddy from the cocoanut trees in the garden.
“Thirty days feast in honor of the goddess of Parala. Let us go and see it!" 25 " I should indeed be glad to go : but I have no cocks for the fight.
I have only hens at Kapi" - replied the other. " Then we will go, you stay away," said the company and turned their backs on him. Just
then the hens at Kapi crowed! However, they walked on to Purâla.
They passed the asvatta tree, to which they tie elephants. 30 They passed the little banyan tree, to which they tie horses.
They passed the rock Meile, on which peacocks were dancing. They passed the bitter nux vomica tree, and the sweet mango tree. They passed the village of Kinni-mugor in Maralar.
They passed the sandalika avenue by the side of the paddy fields. 35 They passed the rock Madumala, where the people dress their heads with flowers.
They passed the Gurupura paddy fields and came to Manoli, They passed the paddy fields of Amunja, And drew nearer and nearer to Parála.
In the field Bakimara at Purals were five thousand men of Maneli, 40 And three thousand men of Purala.
At the gate of Parila, Pakkongollaya, Chikkaraya and others were assembled. Dare Baidya arrived with his little nephews and secured the cocks in a shady place, Laid down his umbrella and took the slippers from off his feet.
A little below Chikkaraya, Pakkongollâya stood on some low ground. 45 Said Solmapuda Padiya and others :-"O Dêre Baidya, hast thou come?
People of thy caste are assembled, go and sit in their company." He went and saluted them and said :- "Are my caste-fellows assembled ?" Then all the three thousand exclaimed :-"Come and sit among us!" and they made room
for him. .

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20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1894.
He sat down among them. 50 They told each other their stories.
By that time the noon heat had gone and a cool wind began to blow. And now they said to each other :- "The breeze is blowing, why should we longer delay? Let us array the cocks for fighting."
Now arrived are Lakkikumpali Kubala Dore from Nirmarga. 55 Then they tried if the cock of Kabala Dêre would match that of Agûra Dêre Baidya,
and these said :"Let us arm our cocks with spurs and put them to fight." And they did accordingly. Adura Dêre Baidya's cock won the fight, and the cook which had belonged to the opposite
party, Fell to the lot of his party. 60 Then the five thousand men of Manê li and the three thousand of Parala and Pakkon
gollaya and Chikkaraya complained :"Adura Dere Baidya hath & charmed spur and a charmed thread !" "I know neither charmed spur nur charmed thread : (But) what place is most favourable and when Rahu is most auspicions. This I know." “We must see your spur, and you must put it on the long fat rock in front of the god
and swear to us." 65 Then he put the spur on the stone and swore.
Taking his spur back he twice asked leave to go home. The cocks he put into his nephew's hands. Thus they went straight to the Atrela Ferry.
The ferry-man begged a cock of him. 70 He gave him the one that came first.
The remainder he put on a stick and brought home. The ferry-man gave the cock to his wife. She put it in an earthen pot and went inside.
The dead cock revived, and going to the house-top, began to crow. 75 It flew to the house of Adura Dore Baidya.
(Adara) Dere Baidya vowed a feast in his house to Adura Jumadi, but he gave none. (For he gave (the cock) to the ferry-man. So he bocame sick. Then his sister Dobe had a dream about it, and she heard a voice, saying:
"Care not for the misfortune that has befallen him, for he will soon bo free from it. 80 Go not to see your sick brother."
This was the dream of Dêbe in the night. Startled by the dream she suddenly got up, And asked her husband's leave to visit her sick brother.
"At this drend hour of the night yon say that you will go ?" 85 "Yes, I will go and see my sick brother;" and she went away.
Then she prepared a cock in the Adura sthang, baked bread and made a feast. Then he was at once relieved of his sickness.
BURNELL MSS.-No. II.
PANJARLI.35 Original in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mögling, Mangalore, and signed "M.": translation according to Burnell's MS. Original text and translation occupies leaves 1036 to 14 inclusive in Burnell's MSS.
* So in title, but Pañjurli in the text.
26 Leaf 9 is blank.

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JANUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
21
Translation,
It is said that Panjarli was born on the ghats, and the story runs thus:A sow gave birth to a twin brother and sister.
« Now we must descend the gháts! What god shall we serve? If we serve the god Sidalinga in the South, he will probably accept our services, but his male attendants will not allow that. If we should offer to serve the god Mahalingesvara in the North, he may probably accept our services, but his male attendants will not let us serve him.
Now there is the god Jimmappa in the East, mightier than all the gods and Bhutas. He is remarkably powerful, but his male attendants will interfere. There is the god Subraya on the gháts. He will permit us to serve him, but his male attendants will not allow that."
Such were the contending thoughts of Panji Gujjare, king of the pigs, blacker than the berry called kar, and of Panji KAJi, queen of the pigs, whiter than the flower called jambe.
Now they resolved to become the servants of the god Subraya, giving him offerings, in case the male attendants should interfere. Intending to descend the gldts, they consecrated five or six offerings to the god, bathed their heads and bodies, and, starting from the eastern gate, came to the western, and humbly asked the blessing of the god, thus :
"Up to this day we were brother and sister, and now we descend the ghats, and will become husband and wife !"
The god said, "Be it so," and they walked down the gháts.
The wife became pregnant, and when they reached the low country, she was seven months big with child. The colour of her breasts faded and her head became dirty.
As she was completing the seventh month of her pregnancy, she felt the peculiar desire occasioned by pregnancy, and to satisfy it, her husband brought her yams (ké ne), plantains and creepers.
When she was in the tenth [lunar) month of her pregnancy, the time of giving birth was near, and it became necessary to build a shed and to dig a pit.
"Go tlou and find me out a branch of the karya karala tree, and another of the plant called simul!u. The pit I shall dig myself," said the wife.
The husband went and brought the medicines, and in the meanwhile she dng a pit and built a shed, and sat within it possessed by a Bhůta). While there, she began to feel the pangs of child birth. She ground her teeth with pain, and her hair stood on end. Her groans were heard in the four worlds, and her sighs resounded in the three worlds. Both in her back and in her womb she felt rueful throes, and at each pang she brought forth a pig.
Three or six days after giving birth to her young, she descended into the low country with them. She could not find a good garden any where, and so she entered the pleasure garden of the god Isvara, and, having entered it, she laid waste the plantains, the creepers, and the plant called kéne, and then returned to her own place in the forest.
When Isvara awoke in the morning and looked at his garden, he found the whole garden laid waste and spoke to his servants thus:--
«Some wild beast has entered the garden, and has destroyed everything in it. Go you, and find it out."
They searched every part of the forest, every pit,"street, lane and house, and at last found the sow sitting possessed (by a Bhůta) within a shed under a simu!!r plant. The people of the whole town joined together and sbot the pig and the sow dead. The young ones the god Íbvara took up in a blanket and carried to his palace.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1894.
His wife Parvati had no children, and he said to her :
"Yon have no children, therefore bring up these young ones with great care and attention," and he gave them into her care, and she brought them up.
About four or five months afterwards, they began to lay waste the garden. The god Isvara saw this and said :
"These evil ones I shall not allow to live, but will shoot them dead. Then Pârvatî wept bitterly and said to her husband :
"To this day have I taken care of them, and you shall not kill them before my very eyes." Then the god Isvara cursed them thus :
“No more be Panji (pigs), but be known to the world henceforth as Pañjarli (Bhuta). Descend into the country and get tribute from the people;" and on account of the curse of lśvara they became the Bhúta Pañjarli.
BURNELL MSS. No. III.
THE SONG OF DEYIBAIDI. Original in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mögling, Mangalore, and signed * M.": translation according to Burnell's MS. Original text and translation occupies leaves 15 to 2237 inclusive in Burnell's MSS.
Translation. In Sankamale, a woman of the Joti Brahman caste, was, as soon as she had attained to puborty, left in a forest with her eyes bound with a cloth.
A certain man, named sayina Baidya, had gone to that forest on that very day to draw toddy from the kadamba (baini) tree. While he was drawing toddy, the blossoms of the tree fell on the head of the Briihman woman.
Then she said, “Whoever you may be, if you are a male, I shall call you my brother, and if a female, my sister."
On hearing these words, he descended from the tree, and then he said that he would ask one Parmale Ballal whether he could take her home. So he asked the opinion of the Ballal thus:
"I found a certain woman left in the forest with her eyes fast bound with a cloth. Can I take her to my house ?"
Then said the Balla, “Go and take her to your house, and take good care of her."
So he went to the forest, undid the cloth which bound her eyes, and went home in her company, taking with him the toddy. He lived in the house of his wife at Barke, and the woman and his wife lived in the house together. The women began to quarrel with each other.
Then ho married the Brahman woman to one Kantanna Baidye, residing in a garden in Kurgel. After the marriage she became pregnant, and brought forth for the first time a female child. In its seventh year the child learned to speak, and was then married to Paiyya Baidya, a rich man in Palli.
While these events were taking place, another BallAl went to a village named Bonte Mare, and as he was travelling along, he was burt in the foot by a thorn of the white kdeana tree. Being hurt the Ballal fell to the earth; when he tumbled down he said to his companions):
“Why do you stand looking at me? Come out of this forest and carry me onward. Chavadi Sankayya and Badi Bommayy, take me to a house."
1 Lcaf 18 is blank.

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JANTARY, 1891.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
23
Then they out the branches of a tree, formel a rough litter with them, bore him to a house, and they seated him there. He caught cold and suffered from fever.
"Bring me a man that knows medicine and charms," said the Dala!.
Tlen Ammanna Bannayya asked Birmaņņa Baidya to treat the Ballal, in the latter came immediately and gave him medicine, and uttereil some charms. When he luullone this, the cold, the fever, and the swelling in the foot) rapidly increased lay ly clay and became very large. The Balla! could not taste his food, and conld not sleep, and so he asked whether any other physicians or magicians cuid be found. He was told that there was one Sayina Baidya, who knew medicine and magic.
The Balla! then asked that Sayina Baidya might be sent for, for a bandage. Accordingly Charadi Saikayya and Badi Bommayyû went to him, and asked him to treat the Balli! with medicine and with charms.
I cannot bring medicine from the forest, as I am quite blin. I have a sister Deyi, who cooks food for one Kantanna Baidya and cats with him. Go there. She knows everything," said Sayina Baidya.
They went to her house and called ont her name. She came out, leaving the call, and enquired who it was that called her and what was their object.
They replied, "We are only the servants of a Ballal, who las ordered us to ask you to como and adminster medicine to him and utter charms."
" I would have come, but I am fally pregnant," answered the woman.
On hearing this answer they returned to the Balla!'s house. The Balla! was eagerly expecting their return, and they said to him) :
"She says that she wonld have come, but she is pregnant. She says that she is acquainted with medicines, but that she cannot walk, because she cannot see her feet, for her womb has become very heavy."
Then the Ballal ordered his litter to be adorned and carried to her house. His servants accordingly alorned the litter, and bore it to her house and placed it at the gate. They asked hier to come to him, and then she said :
"He has sent me a thing that is quite useless to me," and having said this, she went to seven different forests, and brought handfuls of seven kinds of leares. After fetching these, she went to three other forests, and brought handfuls of three kinds of roots. Then she went home and fetched a cocoanat from upstairs and placed it in the litter as an offering to the litter! She also put the medicine into it and walked on beside the litter. As she was approach ing the gate of the house, the Balla! was calling out :- "Has Deyi come ? Has Degi come ?"
She walked gently and with great modesty, and the Ballal was told that sbe was deeply blushing, he said :
"Let her not be ashamed nor afraid, but let her come with straight-forwardness." She came and sat down.
- Protect my single life from the grasp of death. Formerly my (Balla!'s) mother gave birth to a son like the god Rama. This day I am to be born from thy womb. If you protect my single life, I shall feed and clothe you for ever," said the Balla! to her.
On hearing this, the ointment, which Ammanna Baidya had formerly applied, she washed away from his body, and applicd a new medicine herself. She attered some charms, and struck his heart with the loaves. Then, day by day and minute by minute the discase in the neck descended to the waist; what was in the waist came down to the legs; what was in the lege descended to the feet ; what was in the feet fled to the eartlı! The Ballaj could now taste his food; he could now sleep with case.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1894.
"I will go home now," said he. “Give me the food and clothes you had promised me," said Deyi.
Then the Balla! said, "Before I give you food and clothing, I must ask the opinion of him who is esteemed to be the wisest in (my) brotherhood."
She replied, “The other day you could not get your friend to protect your life, bat now to fulfil your promise you want to ask his opinion!"
But as she was going away, one Abby said :“She has saved your life; you must needs give her food and clothes." When he said this, she was called back :
“ To you I shall give oil, all kinds of ear-ornaments, a silk gown and a nose-ornament set with emeralds, the rest I shall reserve for the child that shall be born of yon," said the Balla!. Then, doing him every kind of honour, she set out from the house.38
(To be continued.)
SOME INEDITED COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
BY T. M. RANGACHARI, B.A.;
AND
T. DESIKACHARI, B.A., B.L. It is an admitted fact that the chronology and succession of many of the princes of the last great Hindu kingdom of the South are still enveloped in obscurity, in spite of the numerous efforts that have been made in recent times to add to the existing stock of information relating tin their history; and the value of coins in clearing up this obscurity will be gathered from a perusal of Dr. Hultzsch's "Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara," ante, Vol. XX. p. 301 ff. The list given in that article was an attempt to bring together and present in one view all the available information relating to the coins of the princes of this kingdom, as will be evident from the number of the cabinets that were examined, and the numismatic publications that were consulted, during its compilation. Subsequently, in a further note on South Indian Soins (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 821 ff.), some Vijayanagara Coins that had not been referred to in the previous list were described. As, however, the coinage of some of the Vijayaragara kings embraced a period of many years, and as some of them had apparently a fancy for issuing coins of various types, the articles above referred to were necessarily not exhaustive, and served only as landmarks for coin collectors, to enable them to distinguish between coins that had already been edited from those that have still to be presented before the numismatic public.
On comparing Dr. Hultzsch's lists with the coins in our cabinet, which had been classified by us as belonging to this series, we discovered that many copper coins in our possession bad not been referred to by the learned doctor, and we have accordingly ventured to supplement his lists by the following notice of some of the inedited coins in our cabinet. Only such, however, of our inedited coins, as to the readings of the legends on which there was no doubt or uncertainty, have been taken up now, the rest being reserved for examination and notice at a future time.
First Dynasty.
Déva Raya. Fig. 1Obv.-Standing bull, facing the left; the Sun and Moon above; the whole encircled by a
ring of dots.
# The story is after this continued as the song of Kôți and Channayya.

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COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
ga
3
Indian Antiquary.
SCALE-FULL SIZE.
Casts prepared by Mr. B. SANTAPPAH, Curator, Bangalore Museum.

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JANUARY, 1894.] INEDITED COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
25
Rev.-The chank or conch shell with a sceptre to its left; above the sceptre partly
visible the Kanarese letter at the. The Kanarese letter stands for, or is part of, the full legend Thova Raya. Fig. 2Obv.-Standing bull, facing the left with a dagger in front; the Sun and Moon above; the
whole surrounded by a lined circle. Rev.-Nagari legend
Srt उत्तम
Uttama
Raya distributed in three uneven lines amidst other emblems that cannot be deciphered. Fig. 3— Obv.-The chank and chakram (the conch shell and the discus), the usual symbols of
Vaishnava worship, separated by a dagger; above the dagger the Moon and
below the Sun; the whole surrounded by a lined circle and ring of dots. Rev.-Nagari legend, same as No. 2, with, however, the legend distributed around a
dagger, the whole surrounded by a lined circle and ring of dots. Fig. 4Obv.-An elephant passant, to the left; a dagger in front thereo; the Sun and Moon
above; the whole within a lined circle and ring of dots. Rev.-The Någari legend Uttama Rays, as in figa. 2 and 3, in three lines, brit without
any emblems; lined circle and ring of dots as in the last. We have, with some besitation, assigned Nos. 2, 3 and 4 to Dêva Raya. They bear a strong resemblance to the coins of the First Dynasty, because it is on these latter, almost exclusively, that the elephant, the bull, the conch, and the discus figure. Of the princes of the First Dynasty the most famous was Dêva Raya, whose reign extended through nearly half a century, and who had issued coins of very various types, chiefly in copper. Though, no doubt, none of the inscriptions, that have been brought to light, allude to Uttama (which means 'best,' and is one of the thousand names of Vishạn) as one of the titles of Deva Raya, still it is not improbable that this prince had the name of Vishnu put ap on his coins, as he is known to have done that of 'Siva, viz., Nilakantha (blue-necked), on a coin figured as No. 23 in Dr. Hultzsch's list. Further there is nothing incongruous in the same prince adopting the titles of the presiding deities of two rival sects. The policy inaugurated by his father's learned minister Madhava, vix., that of composing the differences between the adherents of rival religious creeds, and in effect reviving the old simple Vedic theology, was in all probability pursued by Dêva Raya, and this must account for the otherwise inexplicable fact, that the coins of his reign bear emblems and figures poseessing both Saiva and Vaishnava attributes (as for instance the bull sacred to Siva, and the conch and the discus the emblems of Vaishnava faith).
Second Dynasty.
Krishna Raya. Fig. 5
Obo.- A bull recumbent, facing the left Rov.-Nagari legend in three lines
Brt F T (CT) Krishna (rd)
() The middle line alone appears on the coin in full, the rest appearing only in part, as if the coin was too small for the die.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Sadativa Raya. Fig. 6
Obv.-Lion passant, to the left. Rev.-Nagari legend in three lines
(ft) &
(Srb) 88 TFE () da Si(va) (TTT)
(Raya)
Achyuta Raya. Fig. 7
Obv.-A double-headed eagle holding elephants in its beaks and claws. Rev.-Nagari legend in three lines
rf ()
Sri (pra) (AT) Tey (a) (ta) pachyu (ta) (12)
(Raya) This is the copper prototype of the gold pagoda, fig. 29, Dr. Hultzsch's first list. Fig. 8
Obv.-Prancing horse, to the left. Rev.-Nagarî legend in three lines
ft (9)
srt (pra) (at) are (6) (ta) pachyu (ta) (TO)
(Raya) Third Dynasty.
Venkapati Raya. Fig. 9
Obv.-The figure of Hanımân, or the Monkey-God, advancing to the right. Rev.-Nagari legend in three lines
Sri Ven . कपति
kapati राय
Raya Our thanks are due to Dr. E. Haltzsch, Government Epigraphist, Bangalore, at whose instance the plaster casts, from which the accompanying plate was copied, were prepared by Mr. R. Ry, B. Santappa Garu, Curator of the Mysore Government at Bangalore.
FOLKLORE OF THE SGAW-KARENS. TRANSLATED BY B. HOUGHTON FROM THE PAPERS OF SAYA KYAW ZAN
IN THE 'SA-TU-WAW. (Continued from Vol. XXII. p. 288.)
VII.-How tha Karens first feasted to the Nats. “Having cast lots as to what we shall do, let us act accordingly. If the lot says that we should eat fowl first and afterwards pork, we will do so." Thus they devised and first catching a fowl they ate it and afterwards & pig.
Then they looked under the hut and saw a great many pigs there. They consulted together, saying: “See how many pigs there are. Let us ask the man who wipes away charcoal."
They did so. He replied: "Mind you catch first the old sow, who is always grubbing about. She is the chief of the pigs. For we here must feast together."

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JANUARY, 1894.7
FOLKLORE OF THE SGAW-KARENS.
They did exactly as he told them, and descending from the hut they caught the old sow, and killed and cooked it. When the flesh was ready, they stirred it about in their curry.
They said to each other: "There is very much of it. In order that we may enjoy it thoroughly, push the liquor-pot close up to the well."
And so it was done.
Moreover, after they had feasted they performed the ceremony of tamap'o as follows. They took a fowl and killed it, and, having cooked it, ate a portion. Afterwards they went and buried the remainder under the ground, because they were afraid that some one else was going to come and eat it. They called this tamap'o.
VIII.-The writing of the Karens will come back to them. Howbeit the Karens lost heavily and were not able to devise anything, so that their misery and insignificance were very great.
They considered again: “We are not as other people. Let us devise a means of getting back our writing. We will go and take it from the Kulás."
They feared that the latter would not easily part with the writing; and, on searching amongst themselves they found only seven valiant youths, who would go for it. They des. patched them accordingly, and they came to where the Kulås were. When the Kulås saw the Karens coming they feared greatly. The Karens on coming near the Kulás clenched their fists, and so approached them together,
They said to the Kulâs : "Will you give up our writing, or will you not ?" And they looked fiercely at them.
The Kulâs replied: "We will give you the writing. Do not be angry with ns, O brethren."
But the hands of the Karens remained clenched, and they did not think fit to listen to the Kulâs.
The latter deliberated and said: "These Karens are tall and straight. We cannot conquer them."
But others said: “Only maidens can conquer young men."
So they deliberated and made ready seven maidens, tall and fair to look upon, and these they placed in front.
They called across to the Karens: “O Karens, if you will only trust our word, these maidens are yours."
When the Kulás spoke, the Karens saw the faces of the maidens, and they became glad, and smilingly unclenched their hands, for the forms of these maidens were very beautiful, and they were decked with ornaments of great price.
And the Kulás spoke cunningly thus: “Dear brethren, our father, God, gave one writing for one race and one for another. It will be hard for you to learn our writing, because God devised it for us only. Please now learn the writing with ns, and afterwards you can return. Should you return now you will live anbappily, because you will not be able to do or make anything. Once you have mastered the writing, you can return. If you remain with us until you know it, these maidens are yours. Enjoy yourselves here."
When the Karens heard these words their resolution was broken, and marrying the maidens they became lost amongst the Kulâs. The elders left behind looked for their return; but they came not, and the elders heard news that they had become lost amongst the Kulâs, for the sake of the maidens.
And the elders sent word to them: “Will you not bring us back the writing?"
The young men replied: "When the time is come, we will certainly bring back the writing. But it is not yet time for us to return."

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The elders returned, and no longer looked out for the writing, for it was lost. Howbeit the Kulas will certainly send back the writing, and once the Karens see it, they will become happy and their eyes will be lifted up. But the elders, who had despatched the men to get the writing, looked out1 for their return until they could do so no longer.
MISCELLANEA,
KONG-KIN-NA-PU-LO.
With reference to Dr. Fleet's proposal (ante, p. 43) to identify Nasik with Hiuen Tsiang's capital of Maharashtra, may I be permitted to point out that Hiuen Tsiang and Chinese writers generally have only eight points of direction, and he shews a preference for the four principal ones, except in cases where the direction appeared very close to the intermediate point; hence west,' with him, may mean any direction almost between southwest and north-west; and so of other indications? Whether we should adopt Hwui-lih's direction of Bharôch as north-west' from the capital of Maharashtra, or Hiuen Thsang's own statement of west,' may be a matter of opinion. Bharôch certainly lies between north-west and north from Nâsik.
From Dr. Fleet's proposal to identify Karnal with the capital of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, there may be grounds for dissent. We cannot twist Chinese representations of Indian names at will. The Chinese writers were scholars and had syllabaries for the transcription of names and vocables. The first syllable kong, we find used to represent ko, and also kum (in Kumbhânḍa); kin before n is used for ka, as in Kin-ni-kia (for Kanaka); it appears for kun in Kanchipura, for gan in Sugandhi, for ghan in Nighantu, and in So-kin-ti-lo for kan in Skandhila; and na is always na, na, na, ne, or nya. The pu-lo in this name is represented by the same Chinese characters as in Kâñchi-pura,' &c. Hence we are almost constrained to transliterate into Konkanapura. It was 2,000 li northwards (not north) from Kanchipura-say 330 miles, and 2,400 to 2,500 li north-west from it (say 400 miles) was the capital of Maharashtra. If this latter were at Nasik, or thereabouts, then we might be tempted to seek for Konkanapura about Kopal, or Kokanûr ( Konkanûr) which is 310 miles as the crow flies from Kâñchi and 335 from Nâsik; by road about 350 and 390 miles respectively. Now Kokanûr, as well as Ittigi, must have been a place of note, and is still remarkable for some very old temples of about the 7th century A. D. May we not identify it with Kon-kin-na-pu-lo ? J. BURGESS.
PROF. WEBER ON THE KAVYAMALA. The first part of the Journal of the German Oriental Society for 1893, pp. 120 ff., contains an appreciative article by Prof. Weber on the Kavyamalá, published in Bombay at the Nirnaya Sagara Press.
This excellent work is, no doubt, well known to most of our readers, and any detailed account of its contents would be unnecessary; but it is certainly a matter for congratulation that a collection of Oriental Texts should be edited and
printed by native scholars in Bombay, in a style which is capable of satisfying the somewhat severe requirements of European critical scholarship. It is not claimed that the book represents the most advanced principles of strictly scientific editing, an apparatus criticus, and so forth. Now and then the text, when it depends on a single. and perhaps corrupt manuscript, leaves much to be desired; but it is better to have a text which is incomplete or fragmentary than to have none at all. The editors have evidently spared no labour to obtain as intelligible and correct a text as was possible in the circumstances, and to avoid mistakes in printing; while the influence of European scholarship is shewn in the introductory notices furnished regarding the authors of the works published, their lives and their other writings, in the indexes of verses, the lists of contents, the tables of errata, and the like. Special acknowledgment should be made of the numerous instances in which complete commentaries are printed with the texts, and, when these are wanting, of the excelle it notes on obscure passages supplied by the editors themselves.
The Kavyamálaá contains edited texts of works falling under the head of Drama, Kavya, Alamkára, and Prakrit literature. Many works are published for the first time, including some nine or ten plays and a large number of epic poems. The collection of works on Rhetoric is specially rich and valuable. Amongst the Prakrit works, the edition of Pingala's Prakrita-sútráni on Prakrit Prosody, with the commentary of Lakshmidhara, is deserving of particular attention.
Prof. Weber's notice concludes with two useful indexes, one of works, and the other of authors.
Edinburgh, June 14th, 1893.
1 Kw5-là akle, lit., to look along the path expectantly. A most expressive idiom to people living in the jungles. Amongst the Southern Chins the same expression prevails, meaning "to hope, desire, long for."
1 S. Julien's Méthode, pp. 126, 133, 157, &c.

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FEBRUARY, 1894.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
29
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. E. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 24.) BURNELL MSS. -- No. IV. PART I.
THE SONG OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA. O RIGINAL in the Kanaresé character from the MS. of Dr. Mögling, Mangalore, and
signed “M.": translation according to Burnell's MS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 23 to 53 inclusive in Barnell's MSS. It is really a direct continuation of the story of Deyibaidi.
Translation.
On leaving the Balla!'s house (Deyi) walked on by the sides of the paddy fields, and began to feel pangs of childbirth, little by little. She stood on the road, clasping a cocoanut tree bearing fruit of a red colour, and dropped tears.
At this time one Buddyanta came up, and, on coming up he said :-"O my mother! O Billavar girl! Is it the overflow of blood in your veins, or is it the pride of wealth (that makes you stand thus) ?"
Deyi replied: - "If I have done this out of pride, I shall suffer hardship. If out of trouble, the children that shall be born of me will relieve me of it."
Meanwhile, the Balla! had sent his wives to see whether Deyi had reached home, or was still on the road. They came and called her to their house, and when she came, the Ballal said:
“There are seven rooms in my bidu (residence). One of them do you set apart for her, and let her bring forth her children in that room."
By this time Deyi felt pain, and (her attendants) hung up a rope to facilitate the delivery, praying to the Bhûta, Brahmara of Kommule.
Then, first she brought forth a male child. From one womb she brought forth two children. On the ninth day after this, she and her children were purified, and it was desired that the ceremony of giving names to the children should be performed on that day. So that he might out-live the corner-stone of the temple of the god at Kotêsvara in the South, the first was named Koti: and so that he might live as long as there existed the corner-stone of the temple of the god at Badiringa in the North, the second was named Channayya.
Through Ammanna Baidya, Birmanna Baidya killed the mother of these children by means of magic. The Ballat caused her to be buried in a corner of the room, in which she had stayed, and had her children purified. He gave orders that, as they had no mother, they should be well taken care of; and he sent for their use first a cow and then a shebuffaloe, one after the other, as each ceased to give milk. He also provided them with carpets and shawls, one after the other, as each became useless. In this manner he treated them with much respect.
Then the Balla! sent for sayina Baidya: - "Feed these your children well,” said he.
So Sayina Baidya had the children taken to his house, and when he was leaving the Balla!'s house, the Balla! provided him with everything he wanted, in order to bring up the children well.
While they were living in Sâyina's house, they saw Buddyanta's children playing with cashew nuts; and when they saw this, they went to Sâyina Baidya, and asked him to give them some cashew nuts, and also with implements for the game. He gave them trowsers and coats, and had a horn blown in their honour !

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The next day they went out to play:
"O, you children of Buddyanta! We will also play with you. We will also stake cashew-nuts," said they.
So they played, but upon the agreement that there were to be no squares for the play, and were completely beaten by Buddyanta's children.
Then the younger of them said to his brother: - "Give me my turn now. I shall proceed with the play."
So he took his turn and began to play, and he completely defeated Buddyanta's children. They then demanded that the play should be renewed with the squares.
The victorious party said : -"You yourselves had ruled that there were to be no squares for the play. Now we will not agree to that," and they walked straight home.
Buddyanta's children went home and informed their father of this, and he came and took the cashow-nuts by force from the hands of the victorious children.
"We are young and you take the puts from us by force. Keep them well, and when we are grown up, we shall get them from you," said the children.
Buddyanta took the nuts home, and tying them in a cloth, hung them up in the smoke.
u We must go to see the BallA]. In his face sits (the goddess) Lakshmi (good luck), whereas in our faces sits Kali (bad luck), We must get rid of Kali and try to gain over Lakshmi."
So spake the children to cach other, and one of them advised the other to ask the opinion of Sâyina Baidya. Sayina Baidya went to the Ballal, who was sitting in his hall with great enjoyment. On his head was a hat of areca-nut shell ornamented with peacock's plumes. His body was decorated with garlands of jasmine flowers, and of the flowers called k&taki. To the Balla! thus seated, Buddyanta made a lowly obeisance.
The Ballal said : -"Come, Sayina, take a seat. What is your object in coming here?"
Sayina Baidya replied: -“(The goddess) Kali, who sits in the faces of the children, . whom you have nourished, should be driven away, and the Goddess of Wealth invited to sit there instead."
To this Balla! answered:-"Have the ceremony performed according to the custom of our caste. Fell plantain trees. Hang up festoons of cocoanat leaves. Set up foar posts of plantain trees. Ceil the inner roof. Carpet the ground. Rain coral on the heads of the boys. Wave lamps before their faces in a plate filled with rubies. Perform the ceremony just in the same way as the Ballál king would have done."
On hearing this, Sayina Baidya returned home, and inquired who had been serving his household as a barber from the time of his ancestors. He was told that it was one Isara Kambi, the son of a barber, and that he was at that time living on the land of one Kande Bollari Svåmin in a place called Karmi Sale in the City of Ijjya on the Ghats.
He then desired to write him a letter on palm leaves and send for him ; and enquired who had been writing such letters from the time of his ancestors. He was told that the writer was a clerk damed Narayana Rangoji. Rangôji was then sent for, and came, and asked Sayina Baidya why he had been sent for.
Sayina Baidya then sent a servant to a place named Uddanda Bottu, and caused some raw leaves of a young palm-tree to be brought, and to be exposed to the morning sun. In the evening he caused the leaves to be taken out of the sun, and had them tied up in bundles. He had the middle parts only of the leaves preserved; their ends he had cut off. The clerk held
i
e., in the chimney.

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
31
one of those trimmed leaves in his hand and it bent; so he caused oil and turmeric to be put on it. Then he asked Skyina Baidya what he should write on it.
Sayina Baidya dictated thus :-" you who have been serving my house as a barber from the time of my ancestors, know that from Sayina Baidya's house Kali is to be driven out and Lakshmi is to be invited instead. You must bring with you for that purpose all the instroments connected with your profession. Bring two pairs of razors, a pair of scissors, a small cap for holding water, tweezers, and a glass in which the face can be reflected. Kali is to be driven out from the persons of the children, whom the Balla! has caused to be brought up. Immediately on seeing this letter, in whatever dress you may be in at the time, and even though you may be taking your food, you must start, taking your box with you, and following the man I have sent you."
He then asked for a man to be the bearer of the letter. Vanappa Bhandani, the son of his mother's sister, was sent for. Sayina Baidya paid him the expenses of the jourdey, and of his family during his absence, and tied the letter in the skirt of his garment, Vanappa Bhandari then started, and passing out of the yard of Sayina's house went on his way straight to the Svâmin's residence on the ghits.
He stood at the gate and called ont:- "Iså of Karmi." The first call Isara heurd, but made no answer. The second he answered, and at the third he came out, enquiring who called him.
"It is I and no one else," was the answer, and Vaņappa Bhandari undid the skirt of his garment and gave the letter to the barber.
Isara Kambi then opened the letter, extended the leaf to its full length, and read it. Immediately on reading it, he rose from his dinner, and in the dress he wore at the time he set out, taking all his instruments with him; and, following the man sent to him, he descended into the low country, and came to Sayina Baidya's house. He was asked to name all the things required for the ceremony.
"Five bundles of betel-leaves, five areca-nuts, a cocoanut having three eyes, a sér of green rice, and cow's milk, are wantod," replied the barber.
He was supplied with all the things required for his part of the business. All the friends of Sayina Baidya assembled ; a small bower of plantain trees was formed, festoons of cocoanut leaves were hung up, the inner part of the roof was ceiled, and the ground was covered with a carpet.
The children of Sayina Baidya together with the friends, who were assembled, circnmambulated the bower, the boys being seated within it. Then the pouring of rice on their heads began. First the barber poured it, next Sayina Baidya, and last of all, Sayina Baidyati, mother of Kantanņņa.
Then the barber, holding the left cheek by bis hand, began his work on the right check of Koti. The front part of his head he shaved and made figures of the sun and the moon; and on the back of the head he made the figures of Bhîma and Arjuna. Thus the tonsure of Koti Baidya was finished, and he was lifted by the hand.
Lamps were waved before his brother's face, too, in a plate filled with rubies. Coral was thrown on Channayya's head, and his head, too, was shaved, and figures of the sun and the moon formed on the front part, and figures of Bhima and Arjuna on the back. The tonsure of both was thus over, and they were now to bathe themselves, and wash away the pollution of being shaved.
For this purpose they got ready the juice of several kinds of leaves growing in dry and wet paddy fields; and uddu, and pods of green gram, and several substances for washing away oil; also a thousand pots of bot water and a thousand pots of cold water. They warmed themselves by bathing in the hot water, and cooled themselves by bathing in the cold water.

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They then went to a room where there was some sandal-wood, aud ground a great deal of the saudal-wood, and fully besmeared their bodies down to their waists with it, and then sat down to take their food. They next got into a palankin of the color of parrots, and each of them tied to his waist a dagger like that of Rama.
Thus did they go to the Ballal's house. They approached the gate, and entered the enclosure, and, passing through the yard in front of the house, went into a room set apart for the use of bards, poets, and such like.
• They then went into a room on the western side of the house, and climbed into the upperstory by means of a rope. On a great chair the Balla! was sitting in great enjoyment. He had ahat of areca-nut shell, decorated with a crest of peacock's plumes. On his head were garlands of jasmine flowers and of the flowers called kétaki. Thus seated, the boys made him a lowly salute.
“Come, my children, sit down," said the Balla!.
He brought a bed of flowers and spread it out, and they sat down on it and placed their daggers on the ground. Then the Ballå! asked them why they had come, and they replied :
"You have nourished us with great love. You have treated us with great respect. From this time forward, also, do you provide for our livelihood !"
Then the Ballal said: "Buddyanta owns the upper part of a paddy field named Anilaja; the lower part of that field, I shall assign to you."
He accordingly marked its boundaries, and when he was giving the field to the boys, he advised them to make some offering to Buddyanta, whenever they might sow it.
With the intention of sowing the yanéla seed at the proper time, they gathered all the refuse of the field and set fire to it. And then, after eighteen days of the month Paggu had passed, they ploughed the field with two pairs of he-buffaloes. Thus did they caltivate the yanéla crop:
Meanwhile, to choose a day for celebrating & kambala in his field, Buddyants was going to ask the opinion of one Matti Bira Ballaya. On his way he passed the field of Koti and Channayya, and they called out to him :
“Where are you going to, Buddyanta ?"
"I am going to ask the opinion of a soothsayer for fixing a day for the celebration of a kambala," replied Buddyanta.
“When you are asking about your kambala, please ask also about ours," said the young men.
Then Koti asked his brother to go up to the upper-story of their house by a ladder, and fetch down a cocoanut. Then he took off its outer skin, removed all the fibres from it, and gave it to Buddyanta. Taking the cocoanut with him, Buddyanta walked away, but when he got out of their sight, he struck the cocoanut against a rock, broke it to pieces, and put the pieces into the skirts of his garment. He munched them all the way as he went along. Channayya saw this, and he said to Koti :
« The cocoanut we gave to Buddyanta he has broken to pieces, and he has been eating it all along the way; so we have not had the good fortune of eating vegetables mixed with cocoanat!"
Buddyanta went to Matti Bîra Ballaya, and asked him to name a day for the celebration of a kambala. Tuesday was found to be an anspicious day, and, when he heard this, Buddyanta returned home.
(This is an agricultural coromony, and consists in racing with buffalooo and bullocka in luck. - ED.)
rice field
for

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
33
“Now, Buddyanta, what day has been found to be auspicious for us and what day for you ?" asked Koţi.
"This Tuesday has been chosen for me and the next for yon," replied Buddyanta.
“We must celebrate the kambala on the same day as Buddyanta, and we must sow onr field at the same time that he does ;" so the young men resolved within themselves.
They then said to one another that they ought to order some he-buffaloes and coolies for the kembala.
"Yon go to the lower parts, and I will go to the upper parts, to order he-buffaloes and coolies. He who owns foar he-buffaloes should send two to us, and two should he send to Buddyanta ; and he who owns two only, may, if he pleases, send them to us, or he may send :hein to Buddyanta," said the elder to the younger brother.
Now, at this very time, Buddyanta also intended to order he-buffaloes and coolies. "Where are you going, Kôți?” asked he. "I have come to order he-buffaloes and coolies," was the reply.
“For you the next Tuesday has been chosen. This Tuesday has been chosen for me. Why do you act in this manner ?" asked Buddyanta.
" Acting upon your advice, my brother has put the seed that was in the upper-story into water," replied Kôţi.
When Buddyanta proceeded further, he met Channayya Baidya, and, seeing him, be asked him where he was going to.
"I am going to order he-buffaloes and coolies, my lord !" said Channayya. "Then, when do you mean to celebrate your kambala ?" asked Buddyanta.
“It should be celebrated to morrow. Listening to my brother's advice, the seed that was in the upper-story I put into water," answered Channayya.
“What do you mean by this, Channayya ? What trick are you playing ?" said Buddyanta.
The men who were to drive the buffaloes were ordered to appear along with the animals very early the next morning, and the maid-servants were ordered to appear with earthen pots in their hands. The next day, the buffaloes and coolies both came to the fields, and it was only after the fields of Koți and Channayya had been twice ploughed that the buffaloes came to Buddyanta's fields; and by the time that the fields of the latter had been ploughed once, Kôți and Channayya had entirely finished their kambala. Then they sent four buffaloes and four coolies to Buddyanta's fields.
Then Buddyanta came from Vali Manje Katte, rooted out the kuntálam plant growing in the water, and severely beat the buffaloes and coolies.
Then the two brothers said :- “Do not you beat the buffaloes and coolies belonging to others. If you bear hatred against us, revenge yourself on our own persons ;” and to the coolies and buffaloes they said :- "Although you have been beaten, we shall consider the aggression as against ourselves."
They then caused the buffaloes to be washed and boiled rice to be served to them. They also caused fodder to be served to those who were willing to eat it, and supplied tender cocoanuts to those who would not take fodder. To the coolies they said: - "Go home in great enjoyment."
They then brought some soed in baskets to their fields for sowing them; while Buddyanta had his seed carried to his fields in a palankin, and a plantain tree carried on the shoulders of coolies. The two brothers then planted a plaintain tree in their fields, sowed them and returned home.

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Three or six days afterwards, Channayya said to Kôti: "Now them uddy water in the fields must be let out and pure water let in, and we should see what the seed has come to. Will you go, my brother? or shall I?"
“The bluntness of Buddyanta and your angry disposition will not well agree," replied Kbti.
Then he took his harrow with him and set out from his house; he passed Uddanda Bottu, and went through the field named Anilaje, and walked by the side of a paddy field named Pamaje Rajya in Munilaje. On his way he observed that Buddyanta's field had not even so much water in it as would be sufficient for a fly. Buddyanta was engaged in scaring birds from his field. The fields of these brothers presented the appearance of the sea bearing Råma's name.
Buddyanta was sitting in his house at Vali Manje with great enjoyment, when Kôti laid down the harrow on the ground, and exclaimed :-"Salutation to my lord !"
When he saluted him from the eastern side Buddyanta turned his face to the north; when from the north he turned his face to the west; when from the west he turned himself round to the south; and when he saluted him from the southern side Buddyanta looked down on the earth.
At last Koti said "I saluted you full four times and not even once did you return my salute! If I had saluted the wild kásana tree in the jungle, even that would have dropped its fruit and leaves, and its tendrils would have greeted me. You have not returned me even 80 much. Let one of my salutations go to the god) Narayana on high, another to the (goddess) Earth below, a third to your ancestors, and the last to the Bhuta, Brahmara of Kemmule.”
Saying this, he took up his harrow with him and went to the banks of his field. He made a wide opening in one of the banks; the water flowed out with a rapidity equal to that of rivers during the monsoon. Seeing this, Buddyanta called out his servants and they shut up the opening made by Kôți by means of grass.
Koti then said :-"Take care, Buddyanta! The suggi crop is the only means of food for the monsoon for you as well as for us! If you have enmity against us, avenge yourself on our persons, and not on the crop that we have cultivated. Let, therefore, the water, which is flowing out according to custom, flow on in its proper course."
“Who has given you a right, my youthful Billavar, to fell the trees in the forest, and to dig a channel, and let out the water of your field through that channel ? " said Buddyanta.
“As it was I that came here, matters have come only to this; but if my brother had come they would have borne a serious aspect," replied Kôți.
"Did your brother descend from heaven, or did he spring out of the earth? Was he born in a peacock's plame? Was he suckled by the wild buffaloe ? Can he make the water in a small earthern pot flow out in a rapid current ? Will he ride to this place on a noseless horse ? Ah! your brother will surely come, and shall I not get ready a bundle of thorny plants ? Shall I not strike his face with it P” said Buddyanta.
At this time Channayya came to Uddanda Bottu and looked around him, and said to himself:-"What could possibly have delayed my brother so long? He is not yet to be seen."
Meanwhile words rose to a high pitch between Buddyanta and the elder brother, and Channayya heard them. He went to his bouse, and, unsheathing his dagger, proceeded to the place, and when he reached it, he saw his brother and Buddyanta quarrelling with each other. He remonstrated with Buddyanta and warned him not to interfere, saying :-“Will the water that is poured on the feet come up to the head? Or will the water poured on the head come down to the feet? Let the water, which is flowing out according to custom, have its proper course."

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On this Buddyanta said:"Who has created a custom for you ?"
Then Channayya held Buddyanta by the head and broke his neck. He held him by the back, and broke the back-bone. Then he hurled him to the ground, so that he fell with his face upwards. His throat and his breast with his silver-hilted dagger he stabbed full three times. Buddyanta vomitted all his food; his bowels were loosened, and his soul fled from his body to Kailasa! The two brothers then took the corpse by the hands and feet, bore it to the channel they had dug, and there they placed it. They then put a harrowful of earth on its head, and said to the corpse: "Do you imagine this to be a red turban."
35
Next they put a harrowful of earth on its breast, and said:"Consider this to be a blanket of the colour of pigeons."
A third time they put the same quantity of earth on its middle, and said:"Take this to be a shawl of the best manufacture."
And for the last time they put a harrowful of earth on its feet, and said: "This last do you consider to be slippers."
They then smoothened the earth, just as they would do the banks of the suggi fields. The harrow they decorated, and made it look somewhat like Buddyanta, and placed it on his seat, and said:"Sit down here and scare away birds!"
"Now, my elder brother, on our way home, let us go to Buddyanta's house," said Channayya,
"To Buddyanta's widow let us mention a fact, apparently true, though not really so," said the elder brother.
They then proceeded towards Buddyanta's house, and stood at the gate and called out to his widow. She came out answering the call, and enquired who it was that had called her.
"We are the persons that called you," answered the two brothers.
She asked them to come in and sit down. They sat down on a swinging cot.
"You, Sirs, who never visited our house till this, what is your object in coming here?" asked the woman.
"Our lord, your husband, is very thirsty, his body is full of sweat, and his throat is dry; therefore he has ordered that, with milk in a cup, water in a goblet, and betel-leaves in a metal plate, you should go there, accompanied by a maid-servant," replied the brothers. "Wherever you went, there he would sprinkle water mixed with cow-dung, and wherever he went, there you would do the same."
"Who has effected this union between you, who have been so widely separated ?" asked the woman.
"All the great men of the upper and lower countries joined and united us together," replied the brothers.
"If you have become friends, I shall still have the fortune of enjoying married life," said the woman.
She further said:"You, my children, who never came here till this, and have so strangely visited our house, take your food here."
"Till yesterday we have lived upon your food and salt, and henceforwards, too, we are only to depend upon you," replied the brothers.
She then asked them to at least chew betel-leaves, and offered them the leaves in & metal plate. They took up some leaves in their hands and said:-"We will go."
Meanwhile, accompanied by the maid-servant, who took with her milk in a cup, water in a goblet, and betel-leaves in a plate, the widow proceeded by the sides of the bank named

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Apile of the field called Ambala. Here blood was slowly flowing through a narrow channel near the field. Then she went to the shed in Vali Mañje, and saw a harrow decorated 80 as to assume the appearance of Buddyante, placed on his seat ! She cried out:"Oh! the brothers have committed murder ! "
She threw away her nose ornament, and cried out :-"Let it ornament the breasts of those heroes!"
She threw away her neck ornament, and cried out:-"Let it adorn the breasts of those heroes!"
She cast off her ear-rings, and cried out: - "Let them ornament the breasts of those heroes !"
She dashed her bracelets to pieces, and the brothers rejoiced to see Buddyanta's wife in this distracted condition, and returned home. All the water in the country became poisonous to them and every man became their enemy. They then resolved to leave the country and to go to foreign lands, and said to each other: - "If we are to go away, our uncle lives in his house named Mandil Néma Barke. Let us visit him."
Saying thus, they went on their way. Svámi Baidyati, the woman that had nourished them, saw them from afar and said to Saying: “The children that have not visited us for so long are coming!"
By this time they had reached the gate and went into the house. Seeing this, on a swinging cot sbe spread ont a bed of flowers, and asked them to sit down. At the same time Sayina Baidya came and also sat down on the same cot.
"You children, who have not come here for such a long time, with what object have you visited us to-day P What are those stains on your faces ? And why does your dagger shine so brightly P" asked he.
"Our mother has not been able to wash away those stains, and our dagger, having been whetted, the polish on it is still bright," replied the brothers.
"Tell me the story as it really is, will you, my children P” said Såyina.
The younger brother said :-"The tone of Buddyanta's words rose to a high pitch, and so he met his death at the hands of Channayya."
"Now you will be hated by one and all of the people of the conntry," said Sayina Baidya.
“We will leave our country and go to a foreign one. In our life-time you supplied us with a handful of food and after our death you would have reduced our bodies to five sêrs of asbes!” said one of the brothers.
“At the age of seven years, land was given to you by Parimale Ballal. Do not go away, when you possess land and the love of women. Make the thrones the cause of your departuro. Consider this well," said Sayina Baidya.
Then they asked him to tell them the means, by which they were to carry out his advice.
“O, my children, listen to me then. The pancholi-betel creeper that has climbed up the areca-nut tree, and the mandoli-betel creeper that has climbed up the mango tree ; fetch you some leaves of both these creepers, tie them in bundles, put them into the skirts of your garments, and beg of the Ballkļ to give you the food and clothing he promised your mother to give you. Then he will become terribly angry. Do you then take him at his word, put the blame upon him and go away." Thus did the wife of Sâyina advise the two brothers.
They sat down to take their meals. There were five hundred kinds of curries mixed with curds, and three hundred kinds of ourries mixed with tamarind pickles, and green rice boiled in milk. They ate food mixed with ghi, washed their bands in whey and chewed betel-leaves.
• i..., the Ball4.

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After their dinner they came out, and set out from the house. They went towards the house of Parimale. The five hundred men in the service of Parimâle, and the three hundred in that of Kolamalo, asked them who they were, and whispered to each other : -"We cannot find out whether they are merchants or Brahmans, or whether they belong to the class called Vakkatera, or whether they are Bants."
At this time the BallAl was looking out of a window of his house, and he said: "The children that are coming are those that I brought up."
By this time they approached the gate and came to the spacions yard in front of the house, and went into the crowded hall. They proceeded to a room set apart for the use of bards, poets, musicians and the like. It was a room on the western side of the house. By means of a rope they got into the upper-story which was made of silver, and sat down on two chairs. Wearing a hat of areca-nut spathe on the head, decorated with peacock's plumes, the Balla! was nodding on his seat. He was adorned with jasmine and pandanus flowers. To the Balla! thus seated, they bowed low.
"Come, children, take seats," said he.
“We would first speak about the purpose with which we have come, and afterwards about the matter of sitting down," said the brothers.
"You can speak about the object which has brought you here, but sit down," said the Balla!.
They sat down near the door, and he asked them to tell him the object of their visit.
“We have become tired of living by cultivation. Our purses have become empty. Supply us with something that will defray all our expenses," said the brothers.
“What do you want, my children P Tell me and I will give it you," said the Balla!.
“In front of your mansion there is a field damed BAkimar, in which can be sown five sérs of rice, and which produces five hundred mudis. Give us that," asked the brothers.
"That field meets all the expenses of my household. Leave that, and ask for another," said the BallAl.
“There is the field Bertasi below your mansion. You sow three sérs of rice in it, and when you reap the orop you get three hundred mudis," said the brothers,
"Leave that one and ask me for something else!" said the Balla.
“In your spacious cow-pen, there are two milch she-buffaloes, give us one of them," asked the brothers.
"They are for supplying milk to the children of my household. Leave them and ask for something else," said the Ballkļ.
“In the yard of your house, there is & jack-tree of & superior quality. On one of its branches there is fruit with a soft rind; on another there is fruit with a hard rind; on a third there is unripe fruit; and on a fourth very tender fruit. Give us that," asked the brothers.
"I cannot give you that," said the Ballai.
Your grand-mothers have two pleasure-gardens. Favour us with one of them," said the brothers.
“Yon, who to-day have asked for a a flower-garden, will to-morrow ask me for one of my grand-mothers !" said the Ballal.
“Ah! you have conceived the strange idea of marrying us to the very mother that Buckled us !" said the brothers, and, bowing low, rushed ont of the house, and proceeded on their way.
. (A memure of grain containing from 40 to 60 sdro.-ED.)

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While they went on their way, they met the Balla!'s nephew coming from a place called Dovana Ajale belonging to one Bola Mardade.
“Why are you walking with such angry looks from the Ballâľs house ?” asked he.
"The Ballal had the strange idea of marrying us to the very mother that suckled us, therefore we came out of his house," said the brothers.
His nephew asked the Balla!: -“Why did those heroes go out of your house in anger"
They asked me to give them very unusual gifts and I became terribly angry; then they saluted me and went away!" said the Ballâļ.
“They shall not be left unpursued, in their own land. We must construct a fort in the paddy field called Kolala and must give them battle," said the rephew.
Then the Balla! asked him to try and make peace with the brothers, and bring them back to his house. The nephew then took some precious shawls in both his hands, and said to the brothers :-"O, my heroes, make peace, and I will give you whatever you want."
"Give your shawls to the Pariahs that have long served you! We will never enter the hall that we have once left," replied the brothers.
Then the royal elephant was sent out to fight with them.
“ If you have come to fight on behalf of justice, on our very breasts we shall let you tread; but if you have come on behalf of injustice, we shall cut you to pieces," said the brothers to the elephant, and the elephant returned to its stable.
Next the royal horse was sent.
· Are you come to fight on behalf of justice or of injustice P If on behalf of justice, we shall allow you to pass over our very breasts; if on behalf of injustice, we shall cut off the legs of your foal," said the brothers to the horse. Hearing this, the horse went back to its stable.
A company of player youths and some youths of the class called Châvadi Makkala were armed, each with a cudgel, and sent to fight.
"Are you come to fight on the side of justice, or on the side of injustice ?" asked the brothers. Hearing this, the youths turned back.
The brothers then proceeded on their way, and while they were walking, they resolved to get back from a plough-wright the implements of husbandry, which they gave him to be repaired, and which they used for cultivating the field Anilaja; namely, the plough made of the tree called bédijña, having a handle made of the tree called tiruvu, some iron nails, and a yoke made of the tree called koraji.
BURNELL MSS. No. IV. PART II.
THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA. Original in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mögling, Mangalore, and signed "M.": the translation according to Burnell's MS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 54 to 122 inclusive in Burnell's MSS. It is a direct continuation of Part I, which breaks off in the middle of a sentence.
Translation. When Koți and Channayya called out to the plough-wright, he came out from his house. "Give us the implements we entrusted to you the other day," asked the brothers.
“The plough-tail and the plough-share have been injured by white ants, the plough-shoe has been injured by rast," said the plough-wright.
From this point the story is continued in proso.

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ଆପଣleep b୭
II.—The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas.
Figs. I and 2. Kôti and Kannaya.

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“ You had better give us our implements; if not, we will reduce you to Buddyanta's condition."
Henring this, he went in, and, stretching his hands to the rafters of his roof, he took down the broken plough-share, the decayed plough-tail, and the injured plough-shoe, and threw them away, saying :
"Let the instruments, which were used to furrow the earth, henceforward furrow your breasts."
"Ah! you son of a paltry courtezan, shall the implements used to farrow the earth farrow our breasts P"
Saying this Channayya Baidya held him by the head and broke his neck. He hurled him to the ground, so that he fell on his back. He looked at his neck and at his breast, and with his silver-hilted dagger stabbed the plough-wright in the breast. The plough-wright vomited all his food, and the wound streamed forth blood. The plough-wright fled from his body to Kailasa, and they said to the corpse :
« Drink a bellyful of rain water, repair old ploughs, and make new ones." So saying they went on, and, on the way, & Washerman said to them :" What are those cries of men and groans of women in that plough-wright's house ?"
They answered him :-“We kindled a fire, a spark flew from it and barnt a shed; therefore are the inmates of the house crying out."
“Wherever you go, there ruin will never be wanting; and wherever the crab goes, there dirt will never be wanting," said the washerman,
“Do you compare us to a fish that lives in the water? You whoreson! You that live by washing the clothes of others!” said the brothers; and holding him by the head broke his neck. They rolled him on the ground, so that he lay on his back. The centre of his breast they stabbed three times, and they then said to the corpse :
"Bring dirty clothes, clean them, and eat your bellyful." Saying thus, they proceeded on their way, and came to a small river. They washed their hands, feet, faces and bodies in it. After washing themselves they sat down by the foot of an asvattha tree, and, having sat down, they undid a small bag containing betel-leaves, areca-nut and the like, and chewed pieces of areca-nut, and pancholi betel-leaves. They ate white lime and Sûrat tobacco. They tied up the bag, and went on chewing the betel-leaves.
There was toll gate on the way, and as they approached it, the toll-man Dore saw them noming and asked them who they were. They said that they were travellers.
“Look! there is the toll gate: pay me the toll before going away," said the toll-man.
"Toll! what is it on P Do we carry any packs on our heads? Did you see any loads on our backs? Is it on any cattle that we have brought with us? Have we brought a whole family with us " said the brothers.
To this the toll-man Dêre answered: “The toll on the steel-dagger, five feet long, that you carry with you, amounts to a cash. Pay that to me and then go away."
The brothers said :-"Never has any man set so low a price on our dagger, and now you have been born !"
"Is it wonderful that you should be asked to pay the toll? If the son of a Bant should pass this way, he would pay toll on the slippers on his feet. Should the Betti's son Shenaye pass, he would pay toll on the white umbrella in his hand. If the son of a king should pass this way, he would pay toll on his palankin," said the toll-man.
“You may proceed, I shall pay the toll to Dêre and follow you," said Channayya to his elder brother.

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Köți went onwards, and the younger brother took a cash from his pocket and said :“Here, Dêre, receive the toll." "Stretch out your hand to the verandah and pay it me," said Dêre. “Come down from the verandah and receive it," said Channayya. "I will not descend from the verandah," said the toll-man.
Channayya stood awhile, gazing at him with fiery eyes. He twisted his red moustache. He ascended the verandah and caused Dêre to run round the verandah thrice, held him by the head and broke his nook. Then Channayya held him by the back and broke the back-bone. He stabbed his breast and neck three times with his silver-hilted dagger. Dêre vomited up all his food, and his soul fled from his body to Kailasa.
Channayya then said to the corpse :-"Eat your bellyful and thus feed your belly. Receive toll from Banga, Mallaya and Chauta."
So saying, he placed the cash on the breast of the corpse and went on. The wind was blowing and the two brothers spread out a dirty blanket under a banian-tree. They undid the bag of the colour of parrots and pigeons, containing betel-leaves and so on, and chewed arecanut with much enjoyment. Channayya swooned from the effects of the areca-nut.
"My throat is dry with thirst," said he.
Said Kõţi :-" See here, brother, there is the spot named Darma Katte. If you look towards it, you can see it, and your call can he heard there. A poor Brahman keeps holy water there."
So spake Koti, and the pair went to Darma Katte. "Give us a little water, Brahmaṇ, to allay our thirst," said they. “What is your caste ? And what is your religion P" asked the Brahman.
« We wear the thread to mark our religion, and we are Billavars by caste," replied the brothers.
" Come to the bonthern side. I have got & tube of bell-metal, and I will pour water along it into your hands, and thus you may allay your thirst," said the Brahman.
"We will not drink out of the vessel that has been used by people of a hundred and twenty different castes. We will hold our dagger to our months, and you may pour water into our mouths along it."
Koti then placed the point of the dagger in his mouth and stretched the hilt towards the Brihmap. Thus he assuaged his thirst. Next Channayya placed the point of the dagger in his mouth, with its hilt towards the Brâhman, who then poured water upon the dagger. On seeing the red moustache and the flaming eyes, and the broad face of Channayya, the Brâhman's hand trembled, and he poured out a large quantity all at once. The water ran down on to Channayya's body, and he said :
«O. you Brahman! Do you give water for the sake of charity, or for the purpose of committing sin ?"
Saying thus, he suddenly stood up, and made the Brahmaņ run round the verandah.
"Wait a little, brother! Wait a little! Do not murder him. If you disobey me, your crime will be equal to that of murdering me; to that of killing a cow in Baņáras; nay, even to that of destroying the Bhata, Brahmara of Kemmule."
Thus did Koti solemnly warn his brother. Hearing this, the latter drew back and said: “The cow that you speak of is in Baņāras and the Bhuta, Brahmara, in the forests of Kemmule; but where can I wash away the sin of murdering you P"
Hearing these words, the Brahman said :-"Do you wait here a little while. I will just go home and return."

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He ran home so fast that the dust rising from the earth covered all his head. He held a little grass in his hand, and by its means induced his cow to come home from the garden, where it was grazing. The cow came home and its pretty calf was put to suck its mother. When it had sucked once, the Brahman drew a ser of milk. A second time, the calf was put to its mother, and this time the Brahman drew two sérs of milk. He then boiled the milk and reduced it to one ser. Then, taking with him a stool made of the wood of the tree called kadali, ornamented with flowers of silver, and another of gold set with precious stones, he came to the two brothers, and said:"Drink this milk to allay your thirst." They accordingly drank the milk, and said to each other that they would not murder the Brahman, who had given them milk.
"Sit down, both of you, and I will predict future events."
So the Brahman prophesied..
He said:"O yon heroes, in the village named Adakkanellijine, the Koragars, living in their sheds called koppu, the Mugêrs in those called roni, and the Bakders of the plain, are all eagerly waiting to meet you. Kemer Ballal, of the village named Pañje, keeps a watchful guard. Therefore, be very cautious on your way. If you think that what I say is false, on your way to Nellijine, you will see white stone-berries and Kôți Baidya's palankin, and hear the sound of the war drum. If you think this also to be false, you will meet a female areca-nut seller called Kantakke. She will verify my statement; and if this, too, shall prove false, when you return, you may put me to death."
Hearing this Kôti and Channayya walked on. On the way they met the female areca-nut seller Kantakke. She cried out:-"O children, why are you journeying? Where did you come from? Where do you go to? Over there, wood, stone and earth-work is being busily carried on. O children, why are you journeying?"
"She, who has given us such good advice, shall not henceforward carry the basket of areca-nut on her head," said the brothers to each other, and they gave her their blessing by lightly touching her hand with their dagger, and said to her :
"Put out rice to interest in kind and money to interest in coin, and thus live happily."
They went on their way to Nellijine, and while they were walking on they saw a bunch of stone-berries. Channayya took one of the berries and threw it up, he held his dagger directly under it and passed the dagger through the berry. The berry as it fell was reduced to powder as fine as red turmeric. The people saw this wonderful feat, and said :
"If the younger brother can shew so much dexterity, how much more will the elder be able to shew? All our ability and skill would be as nothing in comparison to theirs. If we obey our master's orders (to fight them), half of us will lose our lives."
Thus spake the Bakders of the plain, and the Koragars, living in their sheds termed koppu, and fled. The Mugêrs, carrying bows, held each a blade of grass in his hand and fell prostrate before the two brothers, crying for protection.
"For ever and ever we will serve you like crows," said they.
The brothers heard this, and poured water on the hands of the suppliants, saying: "Be you our bond-slaves," and the brothers blessed them by touching their hands with the point of their dagger, and gave them some rupees.
Feast yourself with toddy," said the brothers, and then, taking their way, they went through the plain in Panje.
On that plain there were some cow-herds grazing thousands of cows. Channayya proposed to his brother to propound a riddle to the cow-herds.
"A riddle requires little wisdom, but great wit," said Kôți. They then said to the cowherds:"Look! in your herd of cattle, a ball has brought forth a calf and is licking it."
To this the others answered:-"Look to the West, O you heroes! and see the sea on fire!"

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“The great god is descending, O you boys!” said the brothers.
To this the cow-herds answered: -" It is not that the bull has brought forth a calf and is licking it, but that the ball is smelling its dung."
"O! they have solved our riddle, Channayya Baidya," said Koti. "We must get every information about the way from these boys," said they to each other.
So they said to the boys : -"Which is the way to the house of that rich man in Palli named Paiyya Baidya P"
“O, heroes, if you go by the road on the left, you will come to the village Edambur. If you go by the road on the right, you will come to the village Pañje. And if you go by the great road in the middle, you will find the house of that rich man in Palli called Paiyya Baidya."
“What are the signs by which we may know his house P" asked the brothers.
“There is a gate of bamboos, and a spacious cow-pen. The house has an upper-story, and the well a pump. The manoli creeper has been trained up a double pandál. The cocoanut tree bearing red fruit bas a circular basin round it, and in front of the house there is a shed with a thick roof."
Thus the boys told the brothers all the distinguishing marks. After hearing this, Kôți and Channayya proceeded on their way. They entered Paiyya's enclosure, crossing the hedge round it, and called out:-“ Paiyya, Paiyya !”
The first call, his wife merely heard, but did not answer. When they called out again she answered the call, and when they called out a third time she came out asking :-“Who is it that calls ? "
“It is we and none else. We the travellers. Is Paiyya, the rich man of Palli, present or not ?"
To this the woman answered :-"He is not present. He is gone to draw toddy from the keadamba and date trees in the forest called Bank in the East."
"At what time does he go out, and when does he return P"
"He goes out in the morning and returns at noon. If you are Brihmaņs wearing the thread, sit down on the round platform of the cocoanat tree bearing red fruit. If you belong to the tribe called Vakkatêr, sit down in the shed, built by the poor man. If you belong to our caste, sit down on the swinging cot within the house," said the woman.
Hearing this, they approached the house and said: “We will not enter into a house in which there are no males."
They spread out their dirty blanket within the shed and sat on it. They chewed betel-nat with much enjoyment. Then Channayya became thirsty.
"You, who are a member of Paiyya's family, please give us a cup of water," said he.
To this the woman answered : -"I will not go out of my honse to a place where there are no males belonging to my family."
She said this merely in jest, and did not mean it in earnest. She took off her dirty dress and put on a clean one; and then, taking a copper pot in her hands she went to the well which had been walled in, and by the means of the pump drew pure water from the deep well. She poured the water into a goblet and came into the house. As she was coming, in, the younger brother looked at the elder's face, and the elder looked at the younger's face, and they began a suppressed laughter. Said the woman :
“You men, are you laughing at my beauty, or are you laughing at my foolishness ?" "We did not laugh at your foolishness, but we laughed at your beauty," said they.
• 1. c., the Sun.

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And then they said : -“Before we can drink the water given by you, you must first tell us in what place you were born, the tribe you belong to, the names of your mother and father and the Bhata you worship."
“As for my native place, in its eastern part it is named Setti Bannala; in its western part it is called Uppi Bannala; in its southern part it bears the name of Kirodi Bannala. In the northern it is known by the name of Becchi Bannala. My father is Kantaņņa Baidya, my mother Deyi Baidyadi, and my uncle Sayina Baidya. As for the Bhůta, worshipped by my family, I have merely heard it said that it is the Bhata, Brahmara of Kommule. I have not personally seen it. It is said that after my birth my mother gave birth to two children in Parimâle's house, that these latter are burning city after city even without fire, and that my hands were joined in marriage to those of a stranger at the age of seven. My name is Kinni Daru."
“We are the persons that committed depredation in the kingdom of Parimale !” said the brothers.
Hearing this she held Channayya by her left hand and- Koti by her right, and led them both into the house and seated them on the swinging cot. Then she held a little grass in her hand and called home the cow that had gone out to graze. She put the calf to suck, and drew two sêrs of milk. She boiled it and reduced it to one sér. When Paiyya Baidya, the rich man of Palli, came home, carrying a pot of toddy, he went into a small room, and heard the creaking of the swinging cot.
"My old enemies are come," said he to himself, and, seeing the brothers, he precipitately fled.
Kôți saw him running and said :-"O, my sister Kinni Daru, your husband, our brotherin-law, is ranning away. Fetch him hither," said he.
She went out and addressed her husband :-"O my lord! O you monkey of the forest ! Stop! My brothers, your brothers-in-law, have come."
Thas she brought him back to the house. She entered the house through a narrow door, came to wbere her brothers were sitting, and seated her husband between them. Then she went in and brought the milk and gave it to her brothers saying:
“Drink milk to assuage your thirst, my brothers; and as they drank, they said to each other:
“We will not meditate evil to a house in which we have drunk milk."
Kinni Darn then went inside the house and made preparations for cooking. Channayya and Koti bathed themselves, and went to a room where there was sanılal-wood. They ground up a great deal of it, and besmeared their bodies. They came to the basin of the sacred tulasi, and each made a mark with the earth of the basin on his forehead, in order to earn merit. They then came in and sat down to take their food, and were served with green boiled rice, ghi, five hundred kinds of curries mixed with cards, three hundred kinds mixed with tamarind, and tender bamboo shoots, and pickled berries called kávade, and ate the food mixed with ghi. They washed their hands in butter-milk, and, thus finishing their meals, sat down on the swinging cot and chewed betel-nut.
They asked Paiyya Baidya of Pali :-"Who are the most intimate friends and the most faithful servants of Khmer Ballal of the village of Panje P
"I was the dearest friend of the last Ballal, but those of the present one are Chamundu Bernaye and Chandagidi Baidya," said Paiyya.
"Can you introduce us to Kêmêr Balla!?” asked the brothers. “I can," said Paiyya ; and so the three set out together to visit him.

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In a small hut consecrated to the Bhata in the village Perunde Permunde, Chandagidi was teaching a number of boys to play dexterously on the flute. They went towards the place. Chandagidi saw them from afar, ordered the sound of the flute to cease, and all men to be silent, and shut the doors.
They stood in front of the hut and called out:"0 Chandagidi, Chandagidi." But he did not answer the call, neither did he come out of the hut. The brothers then broke open the door by means of their dagger, and entered the hut. They searched the four corners of it and found Chandagidi standing beside a pillar, clasping it closely like a lizard.
Said Channayya to Koţi :-“How many kinds of lizards are there, Köți?” “There is the white lizard, and there is the black lizard." " How many kinds of eagles are there ?” said Channayye. " There is the red eagle, the black eagle, and the yellow eagle,” said Kôţi. Hearing this, Chandagiời moved away from the side of the pillar.?
"I have heard that you are teaching some boys to play or the flute. Teach my brother Channayya,” said Koti.
"I will teach him. The new comer shall be the pupil, and he who was here before, shall be the master," said Chandagiời. Then they played on the flute.
"Chandagiời! Who is the master and who is the pupil now " asked Kôți. “O heroes! The new comers are the masters and he who was here before is the pupil." “Chandagidi, introduce us to Kêmêr Ballad of the village of Pañje," said the brothers.
"I will introduce you," said Chandagidi, and walked on first, while they followed behind. Komór Ballal had posted an elephant in the way. But, although the heroes were young, they did not leave the elephant alone. They caught hold of its trunk, and pulled it violently backwards and forwards, and the elephant cried out. Then they proceeded further, walked a little distance and looked back. Chandagidi had concealed himself, like fruit hidden under leaves.
"We took him for a faithful gidi, and so brought him with us, but he has proved himself to be a flesh-eating gidi (vulture) and has fled," said the brothers to each other, and proceeded towards the house of Kêmêr Ballâl of Pañje.
They crossed the gate, entered the enclosure, and came to the spacious yard in front of the house ; he saw them at a distance. He seated one JAļa Kottapi on his seat, and went hiraself into the upper-story. The brothers entered the house and approached the Balla!'s seat.
“Wait a little before you salute, my brother," said Channayya to Koti.
"Are you the only Ballal in this house? Is there another Balla! here or not P" asked the brothers.
Hearing these words, the Ballâl came down from the upper-story. He caused JAla Kottari to be displaced and seated himself on his proper seat. The brothers then formally saluted him.
“Come, heroes; take seats," said the Balla!. A bed of flowers was spread out, and they sat on the same bed.
Just at this time, the Balle! secretly received Sayina's letter from the kingdom of Parimâle Ballal. He rend the letter, which was as follows:-“The heroes have committed murder in the kingdom of Parimale. They have murdered one Buddyanta. Therefore, when they come to you, you should confine them in a narrow room and put them in heavy chains."
[There is a play on the naine" Chandagiời" here. Gidi means an eagle or hawk. See below in the text. -Ed.]

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Thereupon Kêmêr Ballal said to the brothers :-"I have erected a mansion and have named it Élade, and I wish you to examine it, and point out to me its several beauties and defects."
So he conducted them into the mansion. They examined every part of it and said “O my lord, there is no creeper without a curve, and there is no thorn without a point." Then the Ballå! said:"Now let us go to the upper-story, O you heroes!"
Accordingly the Balla! went first, and the brothers followed him. When they entered the room the Balla! came down, and the porter shut the doors. The man that had charge of the key, locked them in, and their legs were heavily chained.
The elder brother cried out:-"O God! O God! O my hard fate! How woeful is my story! My death is approaching ! I am now to die, even with my brother, whom I brought with me, at the age of seven years! O Brahmara, send us relief! The offering we consecrated to you shall be the bell-metal handle of our dagger. If you are the Brahmara that relieves men in their difficulties, relieve us now! We are heroes that in life deserve a place in the king's courcil, and after death to be taken to the heaven of Brahmara. We are they that in no circumstances fail to fulfil our promises."
At these words Brahmars sent him gigantic strength in his right shoulder, and the heavy chains broke, and the upper-story gave way! Did he crush it like an elephant ? Did he stamp op it like a tiger? Did he shew the ferocity of the wild hog? He stamped on it like an elephant and five hundred stones fell down, and three hundred stones fell down by the force of his dagger.
In the field called BAkibalatimara in Panje, he spread out his dirty blanket, and sat down on it. He undid the white bag of botel and said :
" Come, my brother! Come to me creeping, my brother! This event will serve to remind me always of my visit to Pañje! What is there to shew that I have visited Pañje P"
"I shall try whether Brahmara is merciful towards me or not," said Channayya.
No sooner had he uttered these words, than Brahmara sent him remarkable strength in his right shoulder. The heavy chains broke, he crushed the upper-story like an elephant. He stamped on it like a royal tiger. He displayed the fury of the wild hog, Five hundred stones fell down by his stamping, and three hundred stones fell down by the strokes of his dagger. The roof gave way and fell down on his head; but he easily blew it off! The mansion in Pañje was develled to the ground.
The brothers then sat down together in the field Bâkibalatimâra in Pañje, and they caused the Ballal of Pañje to be brought before them and reproached him thus:
«O you flat-nosed Ballal! You crooked-eared Balla!! You opium-eating BallAļ! You bhang-smoking Balla?! You swollen-legged Balla!! You Balla! that takes three meals a day ! The golden swinging cot of Pañje with its silver chains, we shall swing in Edambûr, and the wooden one there with its iron chains shall be swung by us in Pañje. Your upper-story we will level with the spade, and the roof will we set on fire. Wo will have your house destroyed by the pick-axe. We shall make you creep like a lizard. We shall make you run like a bloodsucker. Seven feet of land in the village of Pañje we shall annex to Edambûr."
Having thus severely reproached the Ballal, they told him that they would leave the village. On one side was Panje, and on the other was Edambar, and between them was a bilastone, serving as a boundary-mark, They saw the stons, and it was covered with writing. "Look here, brother, see this writing on this stone," said the younger brother.
* (An inscribed stono : a stone with an ancient inscription on it. -Ed.]

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"My qualifications are only, that I was born before you and that I have grown up speedily, but writing, wit and wisdom are all your part," said Koti.
Then the younger brother knelt down. Was it to dig out the stone ? Or was it to read the writing on it ? He read the writing, and said to his brother thus: -"O my brother! in former times, Edambůr was very powerful, and Pañje paid tribute to Edambar, Now Pañje has become powerful and Ellambur pays tribute to Pañje. Seven feet of land of the village of Edambůr have been annexed to Pañje. Therefore it is now necessary to change the place of this stone."
Having said thus, he dug up the stone, and moved it seven feet back, and thus annexed seven feet of land to Edambur.
The two brothers then proceeded on their way. They saw the coming of tho wind, and Sit down under a banyan-tree. Meanwhile, the story about their imprisonment had reached the Ballal of Edambur, and he had sent one Channayye, surnamed the Young, to make peace with Kêmór Ballal, and release the prisoners. While Channayya of Edambar was going to Paīje on his mission, the two brothers were sitting under a banyan-tree to enjoy the cool wind. He saw them, and from the size of an ordinary man, he shrunk to the size of a span!
"Don't you wecp, and don't you shrink, Channayya. Come here! Where are you going to? Whence did you come ?" asked the brothers.
Channnyyn replied: "The Balla! of Edambûr sent me. He heard that you had been imprisored by the Dalla! of Parije, and so sent me to get you released by making peace with him."
“Who is the dearest friend and the most faithful servant of Balla! of Edambur?" asked the brothers.
"I am the man," replied Channayya. "Then can you introduce us to lim P"
I can,” said Channayya, and he took them to his own house.
"You must stay here to-day, and I will introduce you tomorrow. To-day you must take your meals in my houso; tomorrow I shall introduce you at the noon-day levée. In the morning I shall go and ask his permission," said Clannayya, and went off at once into the Balla!'s verandah.
What kept you away so long, Channayya ?” asked the Balla!.
He replied: - "Heroes that never had visited me up to this time, have this day come to my house. They are the most beautiful men that yet I have seen. They love friendship, and such men never live been born before, and never will be born again. They are able to raise an empire and also to subvert one."
"Fetch the heroes hither. I shall give them an interview at the noon-day levée," said the Balla).
Then Channayya returned home. "What order has the Balla given P” asked the brothers.
Channayya replied: - "He has ordered me to take you to him. I can do it; but look here, my heroes! We shall bave to go through the forest of Kemmule. If you see anything in that forest, do not say to any one that you have seen it. If you hear anything, do not say that you have heard it. If a pregnant cow goes into that forest, it brings forth a dead calf. If a pregnant woman goes there she mis-carries. If a bird able to fly goes there, its wings are torn. If & creeping ant goes there, it can creep no more. Therefore, O you heroes, you should follow me as a child follows its mother; as chickens follow the hen; and as the thread follows the needle."

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When he had finished, they set out, Channayya of Edambůr walking first, and the brothers following him. They walked very fast, when passing through the forest of Kemmule. While they were walking through it, the brothers asked their guide : -
“What is that in the distance, Channayya of Edambůr; what is it that in height equals & cocoanut tree and in circumference an umbrella, and is shaped like an umbrella ? Is it a mosque of the Mâpillas ? Or a temple of the Kudumbis? Or a temple of the Jains ? Or simply a temple? Or is it a guļi belonging to the Bhuta, Brahmara ?”
"O heroes, the time of your death is come! I shall also have to die with you," cried Channayya.
" Channayya, do you sit down here under this trunkless sánti-tree, hidden under its leaves. We will give some offerings to the Bhata Brahmara, and on our return, we will take you along with us," said the two brothers, and proceeded towards the Bhûta's gudi with great speed.
They crossed a bridge of ropes and reached the place and came to the yard in front of the gudi and stood there, like Bhima and Yáma, with their breasts towards a pillar and their backs towards the long flat stone in front of the deity. The noon-day worship was finished, the doors of the gudi were shut, all the lamps were out, and the sound of the bells had ceased.
Then they prayed to the Bhůta thus: - "We are heroes that in life deserve a place in the king's council, and after death a place in your council-chamber. If you are the Brahmara that helps men in their difficulties, the doors of your gudi that are shut, should now open; the lamps that have been put out, should become lighted; the bells that have become silent, should ring; and the signal gun should be fired, and the horn and the drum should sound."
Before the words had left their lips, Brahmara had granted their prayer. The doors that had been shut opened, and the lamps that had been put out became lighted, and all their prayer was fully answered. They then prayed that the Bhůta should descend from the seventh story of the gudi and come down to the third, and that he should hold a golden plate in his bands and receive their offerings. Then Brahmara descended from the seventh story to the third, riding on a white horse. Holding a silver umbrella, he wore a garland of white conch-shells on his right shoulder, and on his left, & garland of black shells. He had a discus on his head and his breast was covered with a square shield. The two brothers then delivered to him the offerings they had consecrated to him. The Blûta gave them his prasáda.
Now when they had finished their worship with flowers, hear, Oye people ! a wonderful miracle was wrought by Brahmars of the forest of Kommule. When they had finished their meals, they were suddenly attacked with fever and cold, and ran to the house of a Brahman so fast, that their heads were completely covered with the dust rising from the ground. Now, before leaving the place, they had crossed the yard and had entered the gudi itself, and had thus pollated it. The Brâhmaņs asked them what was the matter, and said :
"You have polluted the sacred gudi of Brahmara. O heroes, was it through the pride of race, or of money, or of your gigantic strength P"
“Listen to us, Brahmang. If you think that Brahmara is helping you, move him by your prayers to shut the doors that have been opened," said the brothers.
The Brahmaņs then began to pray, and knelt down; but although their throats became dry with their praying, and their knees broken, Brahmara did not grant their request. He did not become their charioteer. The brothers then advised them to place one of their hands on one of their eyes, and the other on one of their ears, and to stand on one leg. While they were standing in that posture, the brothers prayed as follows:
"If you are a Brahmara, willing to help us, you must needs become now our charioteer,
. Some ground sandal-wood and some flowers as a mark of his favour.

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and must shut the doors that are now open. The torch that is now burning, you must now put out, and from the third story, you must now ascend to the seventh."
All their prayers were granted, and they told the Brahmaņs to take their hands from their eyes and ears. When they had done so, they observed, with great surprise, that one of their ears had become deaf, that one of their eyes had become blind, and that one of their legs had become lame. Then the two brothers left the yard of the Bhůta's gudi, and, crossing a bridge of ropes on the way, came to where they had concealed Channayya of Edambůr under the leaves of a tree; and accompanied by him went on to the verandah of the Ballal of Edambar, who was sitting on his seat with much enjoyment.
“Ah, Channayya of Edambûr, have you brought the heroes along with you ?” asked Ballal. "I have, my lord,” replied Channayya.
The two heroes then formally saluted the Ballal, and the BallA! caused a bed of flowers to be spread, and asked them to sit down on it. They sat down on the bed and placed their dagger on the ground.
The Baila! then said to them: - "I know by hearsay that you have been imprisoned in Pañje. Is it true ?"
“We have been imprisoned, my lord !" answered the heroes. "We know by hearsay that you are a very weak king, and that your kingdom is but very small."
"O heroes, it now behoves you to remain in my kingdom. Do you want the field called Berampolli cultivated by the Brühmaņs, or that called Guttuberke cultivated by the Bants, or that called Nattil Nalaja cultivated by the Billavars P" asked the Balla!.
The brothers replied:-"If you give us the field Nattil Nålaja, cultivated by the Billavars, our own caste people will become our enemies. If you give us the field Guttuberke, cultivated by the Bants, it will be like setting a dog against a dog. If you give us the field Berpodi, cultivated by the Brahmans, you will be only setting the cobra against the serpent. Therefore, if there is any waste land, or any land overgrown with the plants tumbe and nekki, give us that. If there is any land such as is named by ns, favour us with that."
"O heroes! there is the land called Ekkadka Erryangada," said the Ballâl. "Then give us that, and mark out its boundaries," said the brothers.
Accordingly the Ballal marked out its boundaries, and when he had done so, they went and inhabited that desolate land. Their cook was Syami Baidyadi, the woman that had nourished them.
When eighteen days of the month Paggu had passed, they gathered all the rubbish in the fields and set fire to it. They then ploughed them with four he-buffaloes, and in a corner of the field, they sowed some seed to prepare plants for transplanting.
“We must transplant them in the proper time, and we must reap the crop with songs," said the brothers to each other. They thus cultivated the yanéla crop, bat when, on a day, they went to see the state of the crop, they found it all destroyed by wild beasts.
“We had only heard up to this time that the Ballal of Edambůr was a very poor king, and that his kingdom was in a very bad condition. Now, we actually see it. In this country, there is no practice of hunting. There are no great festivals, nor the sport of driving he-buffaloes in fields. The food that we eat is liko an anchor in our hearts, suspended by the chain of the water that we drink. Our clothes do not become dirty, and our dagger gets rusty." So spake these brothers to one another.
Meanwhile the Balla! of Edambůr had sent a spy to see what his new guests were saying about him. The spy came back and spoke to his master thus :-"O my lord, they are finding fault with you. They are sorry for having remained in your country."

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TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
“What do they say P" asked the Balla!.
“They say that in your country there is no practice of hunting. They say that you are a very poor king, and that your kingdom is badly governed ; that the food they eat is like an anchor in their hearts, and the water they drink like the chain by which it is suspended ; that their dress has not become dirty, and that their dagger has got rusty."
“Do they speak of me thus p" asked the BallA.
“They further suggest," said the servant," that all the śráddhas of your ancestors, which have remained unperformed, should now be performed; that all the bottomless wells shonld be dried up; that all the thick and inaccessible forests should be rendered accessible; and that all the invulnerable beasts should be conquered."
(To be continued.)
TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, B. A., M. F.L.S. The tradors in Southern India, ar everywhere, have a custom of talking, when they meet together, in a poculiar language, which has a conventional meaning among themselves, with the object of keeping chance listeners ignorant of their transactions and tricks. Thus, when one trader asks another what the price of a certain piece of cloth is, he will answer it is puli, meaning ten rupees, for among all the Tamil traders, from Cape Comorin to Tirupati, puli means ten rupees, while in the ordinary langnage it means "tiger.'
With great difficulty I have been able to gather two groups of such conventions, to which I now give publicity in the hope that the readers of this Journal will produce more. But, at the same time, I must inform them that it is no easy thing to arrive at the true signification of secret trade symbols and words, for once the desire of the enquirer to pry into their meaning becomes clear to a trader friend, that friend becomes cunning and suspicious, and then rarely, if ever, gives the true meaning. It is only by constantly comparing information from different sources that one can hope to meet with success.
The first of my groups prevails in the purely Tamil districts of Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura, and Tinnevelly, and stands as follows :
arumbu (bud) = x
gunam (quality) = 3 pú (flower) =
suruti (sruti) (the Vedas) = 4 pú erumbu (flower bud) = 1
saram (garland) = 5 piñju (tender berry) = ?
matam (religion) = 6 kd (is pronounced-ledy, berry) = ?
tirai (ocean or sea) = 7 pú kú (flower berry) =
giri (mountain) = 8 palam (fruit)=+
mani (gem or jewel) = 9 mati (moon)=1
kili (parrot) = 10 vinai (action) = 2
The fractional terms are comparable with the system published by Major Temple, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 157, as current at Dehli, and elsewhere in Northern India. It will be seen that all the words relate to flowers and fruit, and so a conversation, which really relates to an argument over fractional prices, would appear to a bystander to be desaltory, polite talk over garden produce or the season. He would thus be certainly deceived. So far, the group has been well conceived for a system aiming at the deception of persons not in the secret.

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The set of numbers from one to ten have not been nearly so well thought out, and might be guessed by a sharp Hindu, well up in the philosophy of his religion: because they are derived from philosophical expressions that have universally fixed numbers attached to them. Thus the word for 'one' is 'moon' (matí); and there is obviously but one moon in the world. So rinai means two; and there are only two 'actions' recognised in Hindu philosophy - nál-vinui (good action) and ts-vinai (bad action). The symbols for 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 are exceedingly plain, for every Hinda of any knowledge of philosophy knows that the Vedas are 4, the matas 6 (shan mata), the tirais (sapta sågara) 7, and the giris (ashļa giri) 8. Mani, = jewel or gem, for
nine' is also to be classed as a plain symbol, for nava ratna, = the nine gems, is a common saying. The symbols 5 and 10, saram and kali, garland and parrot, respectively seem to have been arbitrarily chosen, for such symbols as Bhúta (pañcha bhita) or avatdra (dasávatára) would well bave suited the numbers 5 and 10.
My second group, which prevails in all the Tamil districts, is a purely arbitrary one, with no meanings for most of the words employed. It may be compared with Major Temple's North Indian group, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 158. This group is as follows: śávisam = 1
tiruvándai= 3 sendalai = 1
páttándai=4 tiri visam = 1
kulachchu = 5 kurundalai=
kiráti = 6 tangán=1
pichchu=7 tirukkál = t
valivárdai = 8 kávándai = 1
tayandai= 9 tórárdai = 2
pulivandai= 10 Of the symbols for fractions in this series, áendalai, karundalai, and tangán (#, and ) are purely arbitrary, and have no meaning of any kind. Sdvicam is, in fact, a combination of two different words, sá and visam: ód meaning one (see kávándat) and vibám meaning sixteenth, the whole meaning one-sixteenth. Trivíam is a poor symbol from a deceiver's point of view, for the very word means three-sixteenths.
As to round figures, the combination of andai with several of the words makes the symbols pazzling at first. Andai means master, and appears to have been used in the symbols with no meaning of any kind, and merely with the purpose of puzzling. The symbols in which andai appears are : sú=v=undai=1
wali=p=andai=8 tô (db)=y=andai=2
tay=andai=9 tiru (tr)=r=andai=3
puli=p=andai=10 pátturándai=4 Thus, in 7 out of the 10 numerals andai appears: but sometimes the first syllable alone, without the suffix andai, is employed to designate the figures, thus:ád=1
vali=8 tó (db)=2
täy=9 tiru (tri)=3
puli=10 páttu=4 The va appearing in many of these symbols is only a joining link between the two parts of the words according to the rules of sandhi in Tamil. When deprived of andai some of these symbols become quite plain. Thus, t8 (dő) and tirs (tr) are only simple, ordinary words for two and three. The other symbols ordinarily used with andai, are, however, entirely arbitrary. The conventions for 5, 6, and 7-are equally arbitrary.
The general opinion among traders is that the second group of cryptic words is more difficult for the public to guess at than the first.

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FEBRUARY, 1894.] TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA
Private-trade-signs to mark the prices of articles in writing are, of course, used all the world over. The commoner ones in Madras to designate fractions are as follow:
=
= 1 = 18
I
51
I
These four marks were reluctantly given me by a trading friend, who assured me that the round figures were represented, in writing, by the initial letters of the words for them contained in my second group. Thus 1' would be written +. Here the s stands for sa, one, and the + for one-thirty-second. These symbols for fractions are generally used to designate the profit the native firm or trader charges on the cost price. Sometimes purely arbitrary marks are chosen in order to puzzle other traders; thus sometimes stands for ths; and sometimes an asterisk stands for ths.
The trading world of South India has a number of amusing stories of the successful working of their conventions and of the great use they have been to them. Here is one, which a trader related to me at Conjeeveram (Kâñchipuram).
Ten traders had gone to the town of Arcot from Conjeeveram to sell their goods, and were returning home with their purses full. In those days the path lay through a jungle for a certain part of the way, and, while they were passing through this, they were surprised unawares by three daring ruffians armed with scythes, while the poor traders had not even a stick between them. For trading and manliness, in the opinion of many Hindus, do not go hand in hand, and a trader must always submit to physical force without attempting to resist. True to this theory, our ten friends; as soon as they saw the three thieves, shuddered at their weapons, and, on the first demand, laid their all on the ground.
Had the thieves quietly retired to the woods with the money, this story would have ended here, and there would have been no occasion for the trading world to boast of the usefulhess of their conventions. But, unfortunately for the thieves, the matter did not end there, for the ruffians were elated at their easy conquest. They had always met with some show of resistance in their other adventures; but in this case they had only to order, and, to their surprise, found that the traders implicitly obeyed. So they collected the purses together, and, sitting opposite their trophy, asked our trader-friends to stand in a row. Their good dresses were the thieves' next demand. These, too, were given without any objection, excepting a small bit of cloth for each to cover his nakedness; and this was only kept with the dhe permission of the ruffians, willingly granted, for they contemptuously pitied these poor spécimens of the human race with no resistance in them. The ten traders now stood as suppliant beggars, ready to run away as soon as leave might be given. But no leave was given, as the thieves had comfortably taken their seats near the booty and the good clothes, and wanted to have a little more fun.
Said the chief of the three: "Do you fools know how to dance?"
"Yes, your honour," was the reply; for a denial of any kind, the traders thought, would only bring down the scythes on their necks.
"Then let us witness your dance before you go away. Give us all a dance," was the order.
The traders had to obey. One among them was very intelligent, and thought within himself that, as the thieves had won everything without any trouble, they would entertain no suspicion of any tricks being played at them. So he commenced a trick which, if the other traders helped, would work successfully. If not welcome to them, he could easily give it up without any harm to himself or to others; for none but his own party would understand what he was driving at. Now there must always be a song before a dance, or rather dancing must be accompanied by a song; and so he sang a song to introduce the dance, which was
1 Compare Major Temple's remarks on nafa' and asal dâm in Northern India: ante, Vol. XIV. p. 156 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1894.
clothed in the language of the traders' convention by way of hint to his companions as to how they were to act.
52
The song wasNámanum puli per Tálanum tiru per Savana talanai Tiruvana talan sutta
Savana tálan midi.
Tú tài tôm ta dingand.
Which may be freely translated thus:We are pulix,
The hint contained in this song was that they (the traders) were puli (ten) in number, that the robbers were only tiru (three), that if on each one (sa) robber three (tiru) traders fell, one (sú) of the traders still remained to tie the hands and legs of the surprised robbers. The thieves, secure in their imagined success, thought that the song was merely meant for keeping time to the dance, and suspected no trick. The whole body of traders, however, caught the hint, and separated themselves into groups of three, leaving the business of tying the thieves' hands and legs to the starter of the song. When the thieves were all eyes and ears for the dance, and when tá tat tôm was at last significantly pronounced, the traders fell upon the robbers. There was a very severe struggle, no doubt, but three to one is no proportion at all in a free fight without weapons, and the thieves had already laid theirs aside in their elation, and so in the end the traders managed to tie them up, and render them helpless. Then, taking possession of their money and other valuables, the ten traders safely returned to Conjeeveram. What is it that saved them in this delicate position ? Traders' convention, is the only answer of the trading world.
INDIAN EPIC POETRY. For many years the study of the two great epics of India has been like Trisanku, neither in heaven nor on earth. The subject was too modern for students of the Védas, and too antique for those who devoted themselves to classical Sanskrit. Beyond some notices by Lassen, and one or two important essays by Prof. Weber (which have appeared in an English dress in this Journal), the student has had little to help him, except that practical and laborious work of Sir M. Monier-Williams entitled Indian Epic Poetry. Since then, the oracles have been dumb. There have been no epoch-making essays on the subject published in any of the Journals of the various Oriental Societies for the past twenty years. We have had entertaining articles from the facile pen of the late Dr. Rajendra Lâla Mitra, on "Beef in
Ancient India," and Krishna's seaside picnic, and Dr. Muir (another departed scholar) has also translated extracts from the larger of the two poems; but nothing has been added to our inforination regarding the epics, as forming a stage in the history and development of Indian Literature, nor are we wiser than our literary forerunners of a generation ago as to how much of these great masses of verse forms the original poems, and how much forms accretive additions.
They are tiru æ,
If on a sá x,
Tiru x sits down,
Sá x remains.
Tả tại tôm ta dingana.
BOOK NOTICE.
2 The meaningless word talam may be best translated by z.
1 Das Ramayana, Geschichte und Inhalt, nebst Concor.
Two books which have been lying on my table for some months go far to wipe away this reproach from Sanskrit scholarship,-Zur Geschichte und Kritik des Mahabharata, by Adolf Holtzmann, and Das Ramayana, Geschichte und Inhalt, hy Hermann Jacobi. I propose to deal with the. latter' work at present.
To begin with general remarks. The book is a pleasant one to read, well printed and wellindexed. The language is clear and forcible, and the author moves about amidst the amazing perplexities of his subject with a sureness of tread that evinces (as we might expect in any work emanating from Prof. Jacobi's pen) the most complete familiarity with all his surroundings. Such a confidence on the part of the author breeds confidence in the reader, and one rises from a
perusal of the work with an assurance that, though the last word on the subject of the great Rama-epic has not been said, a great addition has been made to the world's knowledge on the subject.
-
To give a complete detailed account of its contents would take up too much space. It must suffice to glance rapidly at the principal headings, and to dwell at length on one or two topics which seem to me to be of greater importdanz der Gedrückten Recensionen, von Hermann Jacobi. Bonn, Friederich Cohen, 1893. Price, Marks 15. Pp. vii., 256.

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FEBRUARY, 1894.)
BOOK-NOTICE.
53
ance. I begin, more Hibernico, with the end. regarding the later origin of passages like the There are a number of useful indexes which can Episode of Visvamitra, and the R&vaņeïs of the only be mentioned, and a valuable concordance of 7th book. Internal evidence is, however, more the Bombay and Bengal recensions of the poem. valuable, and much can be learned from inconsisThis is preceded by an analysis of the poemtencies or contradictions in the test itself. By according to the former recension, with a special these tests Prof. Jacobi is able to shew that index of its own, which must, in future, be a passages, such as the episode of the burning of handbook indispensable to every student of the Lanka by Hanumat, the description of the four text. Hitherto our vademecum has been Sir M. quarters of the world put into Sugriva's mouth Monier-Williams' little work, bat Prof. Jacobi's in the fourth book, portion of the discussion as index at once places a new instrument in our to whether Vibhishana should be killed as a spy, hands. Certainly, this analysis is the most prac. and other important passages in the sixth book, tically useful portion of the book, and would well and, finally nearly the whole of the first book do deserve separate publication. It is immediately not form portions of the poem as originally compreceded by the main part of the work,--the text, posed. By an ingenious process of reasoning he if I may use the expression, to which all the rest is enabled to give what, in his opinion, was the forins an appendix.
original introduction of the poem, consisting of This text is divided into three parts, dealing,
only of some sixteen slókas. respectively, with the general question of the
The third and most interesting part of the recensions of the poem, the various additions and
work deals with the place of the Ramayana in interpolations which have increased the bulk of
Indian Literature. The author's theory of the the original text, and the place of the Ramdyana
growth of the poem is clearly put, and, though in in Indian literature.
one important point I am unable to agree with him, Dr. Jacobi commences by describing the three his general conclusions demand complete assent. well-known recensions of the Ramayana, the He first wipes away the theory of a tendentiöse Bombay or Commentators' (C), the Bengal Umarbeitung, a deliberate re-casting of the whole (Gorresio's) (B), and the newly discovered poemr to suit the theories of the Brahmans. The West-Indian (A). The Ramdyana, as he points growth of the poem was eminently natural. It out, must originally, and for many generations, was from the first the property of singers, rhaphave been sung by bards before it was first sodists, kulslavas, who wandered from village to reduced to writing, and this fact fully accounts village and court to court, reciting and singing for the discrepancies between the different recen- the national epic. These men had, like all of sions, which are nearly all just those which would their class, little reverence for the text of their result from slips of memory, e. g., passages poem, and lengthened out this touching episode, omitted or repeated, or alterations in the order of added that, inserted didactic passages, or comic the lines. Amongst the three recensions, however, or burlesque scenes, as they found their hearers O bears marks of being the nearest represent- appreciate them. This is what occurs down to the ative of the text as originally composed, present day with the modern successors of these but all are, necessarily, of a considerable kubilavas, who wander through Northern India, antiquity. The author illustrates his arguments singing the folk-epics which are now popular. by the episode of the parting of Hanumat and These additions soon became integral parts of Sit& in Lanka (which is repeated no less than the poem, and were handed down from father to three times in different places in C and A, and son and from one bard to another, each generatwice in B), and by a comparison of the texts tion making its own contributions and alterations of the various quotations from the Rámdyana to suit the tastes of its audience. At length the in the works of later Sanskrit authors.
Ramdyana so enlarged was fixed into & corpus, That the text, as we now find it in all the and what shape it then took may be gathered recensions, contains many later additions, bas
from the table of contents in the first canto of long been admitted, -amongst these, the chief the first book, in which the subjects described in being the first and last kandas. The original poem
the first and seventh books are not mentioned. certainly commenced with the second and ended Then came the later additions of these two with the sixth. Prof. Jacobi in the second part books, and the insertion of the second table of of his book endeavours to formulate some test contents in the third canto which refers to them. for distinguishing these added portions. The In all this there is no editing or retouching. The tests of metre, peculiarities of phraseology, and older parts are not manipulated to agree with the grammatical irregularities give us little assistance newer ones. There are nothing but additions, and only confirm judgments already arrived at land often these additions are so clumsily made

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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RO.
that the marks of junction are clearly visible. place in the land of Patchåla, which reverenced Rama, the national hero, was gradually raised the Pandavas, and which adjoined Kosala, the by later rhapsodists to the dignity of a tribal god, original home of the Rumyana. but he is nowhere consistently identified with The chapters on the alleged Buddhist influence Vishụu, except in the latest added first and and Greek influence on the Rimdyana are of great seventh books. In the five original ones he is interest. Prof. Jacobi combuts the view put only so identified in a few isolated passages, forward by Prof. Weber in his treatise on the which are plainly later additions.
Ramayana, that the original of the poem was a Who was Valmiki.P3 What part did he take in Buddhist legend contained in the Pali Dusaratha the production of the original poem? The Jutaka, and, it must be admitted, has proved his Rimiyana itself (I. 5, 3) helps us to answer this contention; for knowledge has made giant strides question.
since Prof. Weber's well-known essay was publishIkshvikariisis idaria téshánh vanisé réijdin mahdt- ed more than twenty years ago. Attention may manám!
be drawn to the suggestion that by Lanka, mahad utpannam akhyánar Ramayanam iti Valmiki did not mean Ceylon, but a fabulous Srutam 11
country of which he had no real knowledge. Here we are told that the Ramdyana was a Nowhere during the period of classical Sanskrit is national poem born in the family, and celebrat. Lanká identified with Sinhala-dvipa. Curiously ing the prowess, of the Ikshvikuides. The enough, in old Hindi poetry. Serendib, Lanka, and history of the family hero, Råma, must have Sinhala-dvipa are often considered as altogether formed the subject of the legends sung by bards, different countries. Lanka in South India means sita, at the court of these princes, and they must an island, and the well-known Lanká cigars are have been collected and fused by a prominent made of tobacco grown, not in Ceylon, but on the poet, the Bralıman Valmiki, into one complete islands of the Godavari delta.* epic, which, if not the first of its kind in India, Prof. Jacobi's researches have, it will be seen, was at least the first destined to live to after reduced the original Ramayana to a poet of ages, and which rightfully claimed to be the moderate compass, and one of the incidental dd ikdvyam. This must have occurred in Oudh, results has been to eliminate from it the names the land of Kösala, which was the kingdom of the of foreign nations, the Yavanas, the Pablauvas, Ikshvakuides; and, as we learn from references the Sakas, the Tushåras, and the like. So also in the later added first and last books, must have all the so-called traces of Greek influence have spread from thence to the courts of princes disappeared, or are become so faint, that it is related in some way or other, to the main line of impossible to say that the legends which have the descendants of Ikshvaku. Finally, the Rama- hitherto formed the groundwork of that theory yana became the folk-epic of the eastern, as the are not those which are the common property of Mahdbhdrata was that of the western half of all nations. Northern India.
These investigations lead up to the solution Space forbids my describing the arguments of the importent question of the age of the poem. which Prof. Jacobi advances to prove that the It is a noteworthy fact that, though it contains Rimdyana had become a practically completed numerous references to the various kingdoms of poem, while still the Mahdbharata was in a state of Eastern Hindåstån, and though Rama is repreflux; how it is an older work than the greater part sented as passing over the very place where the of that unwieldy encyclopedia, as we now have great city subsequently stood, no mention is it; and how it formed the model both in language made of Pataliputra. The state of society deand metre for all subsequent Indian epic poems. scribed is also a patriarchal one. There is no The Mahabhirata, originally a national epic of mention of the great empire founded by Asoka; the Kauravas, became appropriated by their here- the kingdoms were small, even Kosala could be ditary enemies, the Pâpdavas, and was altered to traversed in a two or three days' journey. Each suit their side of the story. This editing took petty state is occupied with its own palace
Thus, in several cases, when a passage is inserted, ita legends. It contains the hermitage of Rishya Sirige, in conclusion is made evident by the repetition of the line the sub-division of Nawada. The village of Barat is said immediately preceding the insertion, -as a sort of frame- to be the site of Vellmiki's hermitage, and a mile from it is work to help the memory of the reciter.
a cave called Sitamadhi, in which Sit is said to have - Prof. Jucobi mentions two places as sites of the tradi- lived during her exilo, and to have borne Lava and Kuka. tional hermitage of Valmiki, the banks of the Yamuna, 4 So also at the other extremity of India, in Kalmir near the confluence with the Ganges, and a bill in the dis-link means an island. (In the Further East it is an trict of Banda. It is necessary to point out that these are exceedingly common custom to attach classical names to quite distinct places. Prof. Jacobi's language leaves the l quite impossible places. -- ED.) matter in doubt. The District of Gaya is full of Rama

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BOOK-NOTICE.
55
intrigues. No high state-craft, no imperial rule Sanskțit but a Pråkpit, and to kings the language over Northern India, is anywhere alluded to. The of whose courts was Paļi. Such recitations are capital of Kosala was called Ayodhya, though the inconceivable. No bard would rehearse a folk. Buddhists, the Jains, the Greeks and Patanjali legend in a language not "understanded of the called it Saketa. The seventh book tells us how people.” For this reason, I believe that the Ayodhyâ became deserted after the death of Rama, proto-epic, the "uncient ballads," which were still and how Rama's son, Lava, fixed his capital at remembered when the Harivarisa was written, Srivasti. Moreover, in the Buddha's time, Pra. must at one time have worn a Prakrit drusk, and sênajit, the king of Kösala, lived in that city. All that it was not re-elited or republished in the these and other facts lead Prot. Jacobi to con p olished,' Salita, language till the adaptation sider that Valmiki lived during the period of the of Sanskpit to profane literatura, somowhere about prosperity of the Ikshvakuides, and that the old the first century of our era. Whether Valniki est portions of the poem were composed before was the original compiler of the cycle in Priksit the 5th century, and probably, in the eth or or the translator into Sanskrit, I do not pretend 8th century before Christ.
to decide; but I maintain that it is infinitely It is here that I am compelled to part com. more probable that there was such a cycle of Pra. pany with Professor Jacobi. I do so with much kpit poetry, and such a translation, than that the diffidence, but I am glad to see that I am not alone Riimuyana was a folk-epic, popular amid the in my schism, for M. Barth has lately made the courts and people, and yet sung by bards in an same objections to his theory, and has anticipat
unknown tongue to an audience which did not ed all my arguments. I by no means deny that
speak it. Every analogy, too, points to the same a Ramdyana was current in India eight centuries
conclusion, as M. Barth justly maintains. All the before our era. I am prepared to go further, and
Further, and popular literature.of India, oscopting tho sacred to admit, with Holtzmann, that much of Indian
literature of the Brahmanioul schools, commenced Epic poetry is ur-alt, and dates from times pre
with Prakpit and ended with Sanskrit. Tbe ceding the Aryan migration into the Pañjâb, but
inscriptions shew Sanskrit gradually superit seems to me most improbable that the Ramd. Seding the older Prikpit; such also was the yana of the centuries preceding the Buddha in
history of lyric poetry, and the fablo-literature any way resembled in form the poem that we
and the Prakrit of the dean teach us tho sane know at the present day. Professor Jacobi him.
lesson.? Nor need this conversion of a folk-literBelf maintains that, both before and after its redac.
ture into a literature of the learned surpriso us. tion by Valmiki, the R&ma legend was the property
Most probably, for centuries after the conversion, of wandering bards, whether sūtas or kutilavas.
the old vernacular ballads lingered on, graduali This is borne ont by many independent circum
thrown into the shade by the increasing use of stances; and we are all agreed that the foundation
Sanskrit for profane purposes among the educated of the poem was, as even so late a work as the
surroundings of the courts, and superseded Harivar a calls them, a number of "ancient bal.
amongst the masses by other cyclus in the per lads" (githas). A ballad, ancient or not, is, of
ple's tongue. These cycles were some of thebay' necessity, in the language of the people to whom
no doubt, preserved by the Rajput: bards, and it is sung. A warlike population would prove a
others remained the property of itinerant vingers bad audience to a rhapsodist reciting in an un
and were forgotten in their turn and soapeded! known tongue, be his subject ever so admired, or
by others, such as the Epic of Alba, the Adven! his hero ever so revered. It hence follows that, tures of Htr und Rejh, the hug Lorik Oyeleri if the Ramdyana of VAlmiki was composed in the and the like, which at the present day for the 8th century before Christ, the language of Noristobe in trade of the modern representatives thern India at that time must have been Sanskrit: (mostly low-caste men) of the ku flani. Let us admit this for the sake of argument, ProtJacobi next deals with the peculiar! though, personally, I am not one of those who Sanskrit folatid' in the epic poetry. Ho considers believe that the vernacular of India in the 8th that Pâņini did not refer to it in his Gramatur, century before Christ was the same as the language because he did not choose to do sol. Apparently of the Rdmdyuna! But then what follows P'For the position of the epic singers,** the kuráálaras +++ centuries afterwards, adcording to Prof. Jacobi, was so little respected, that their languagd was not the Rimdyana continued to be handed down byl decuped worthy of note. A simpler saxpaution, word of mouth, and must finally have been redit to my mind, is that in Pâniai's tima Epic Sanskpita ed by bards to people whose language was not did not exist. It is difficult to imagine the pecul
• Bulletin des Religions de L'Inde, pp. 288 and . 1. Bartb. . c., p.150.Pest. Justin Tinut it.com • See Weber, On the Riindyana, p.77
bat this

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liarities of so important a work as the Ramuyana translating them into the polished language; but not being noticed by Panini, if it existed when he the rise of the singers of these folk songs to a wrote his Grammar.
classical level. So, in the inscriptions, we are able Prof. Jacobi looks upon Epic Sanskrit as the
to trace the steady progress of vernacular comvulgar form of Sanskrit spoken by the unlearned,
position, commencing with an almost pure Prakrit in contrast with the Påninean language spoken by
and gradually approximating itself through cen. the fishța or educated. To this I cannot, for
turies of attempts, through the various phases of reasons already given, accede. Prof. Jacobi quotes
monumental Prekrit, through the gathd dialect, to the well-known passage in the Sundarakanda in the almost correct Sanskrit of the latest epigraphs which Hanumat discusses in his own mind as to the
At one stage, at least, of that progress the lanlanguage in which he should address Sita. He guage was stereotyped by some cause or other in considers whether he should use vdchan manushin
the language of the gathds. What can be more sanskritari, or whether, dvijatir iva, he should
natural than to assume a similar history for the use vůcan samskritám (I quote the text given by
epic poems P These folk songs more and more Prof. Jacobi, the Bengal recension differs consider
nearly approached Sanskrit in their language, till
they, too, were stereotyped by some great poet, ably). Hanumat considers that if he speaks the polished language like a Brahman, Sita will take
some master, say Valmiki, the Brahmana who had him for Ravana and will be frightened. He there
lived an impure life amongst hunters and their
kin, and since then the form of speech used by føre determines to address her in the polished lan. guage of ordinary men and women. Prof. Jacobi
him has been adopted as the model for all subse
quent works of a similar nature. I admit that all considers that this polished language of ordinary men must mean Epic Sanskrit, while the lan
this is mere hypothesis. All I can say is, that I guage of the Brahmaņs means the Papinean
know nothing against it, and that it at least fits Sanskrit of the schools. But, surely, the difference
in with established facts, as well as; the theory of between these two phases of the same language
Prof. Jacobi. (they are hardly even differences of dialect) is too I must pass over the interesting chapter, in slight to justify a supposition that the use of which the author shews the existence of many of one would frighten Sitê and the other not. A the most advanced rhetorical ornaments in the conversation of considerable length would have Rámdyana, with the remark that, while Prof. to take place between the two before Sita Jacobi maintains that their existence proves the could discover that Hanumat was talking not antiquity of these ornaments, it may equally be in Epic, but in Classical. Sanskřit. A far more taken to prove the modern date of the poem. I probable explanation would be that the polished would also willingly linger over his concluding language of ordinary men and women was
chapter, in which he analyzes the Rama Saga, the Prâkpit of the gentle folk, the fairly and discusses in his own luminous style the coneducated Kshattriyas and well-to-do persons nexion between the three Råmas (Rama Chandra, round the court, while the Brahmanical language Rama Halabhșit, and Parašu Rama) and Indrawas the Sanskrit of the schools, known to the Parjanya, as well as the later identification of Rama twice-born classes, much as Latin was known in. with Vishņu. But I have already exceeded my the middle ages. Prof. Jacobi says that the
allotted space with what are, perhaps, heterodox Ramdyana must have been written in its present theories, and this chapter is worthy of an article language long before the time of the Asöka to itself. I must be content with referring the inscriptions, because Sanskrit was not then a liv. reader to the book, and with again recording ing tongue. I say that, for the very same reason, my obligation to the author of an essay of great it cannot have been composed before that date, iaterest, dealing with a work which is not only for, if it had, no illiterate, low-caste, ku-slava intrinsically, of high poetical merit, and illumining bards would have carried it down through the many dark corners of antiquity, but which is notePraksit-period of the life of the Indian languages, worthy as being the foundation of the one Indian in a Sanskpit dress.
religion which, since the Buddha's time, successBut, it may be said "the author has, to a cer.
fully taught man's duty to his neighbours. In a tain extent, accounted for the difference between
future communication, I hope to be able to describe, Epic and Classical Sanskrit; let his critic find &
for the benefit of readers of the Indian Antiquary, better explanation." I admit the necessity laid
Prof. Holtzmann's interesting essay on the great upon me, and I find the clue in the history of
companion epic of the Rámdyana, the MahabhdIndian Epigraphy. Epic Sanskrit shews traces
rata. not of Sanskrit scholars drawing up to themselves,
GEORGE A. GRIERSON. so to speak, the folk songs in the vernacular, and Howrah, 22nd August 1893.

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A NOTICE OF THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWARIKH.
A NOTICE OF THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWARIKH.
BY THE LATE E. REHATSEK, THE anthor of this work, Lala Sohan Lal Sart, having been a vakil at the Court of
1 the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, through twenty-seven years of that monarch's reign, and through the entire period during which his successors occupied the throne of the Pañjáb, till the deportation of his last son, Mahârâjâ Dalip Singh, by the British Government in 1849,- took advantage of his exceptional opportunities to compile a MS. of some 7,000 pages, relating to the events of the very stirring times in which he lived. A lithographed Persian edition of the said MS, having been placed at my disposal by the Editor of this Journal, I shall now proceed to give a notice of the work, which consists of five large volumes. The whole work, in contradistinction to the Zafarnáma of Ranjit Singh, noticed ante, in Vols. XVI. and XVII., is written in prose, excepting only a few verses occasionally interspersed, and a brief monotheistic address with which it begins. Owing to the minute detail in which the events mentioned in it are recorded, there is no donbt that the work is one of first rate importance to the student of Panjabi and Anglo-Indian History.
Vol. I., from Guri Nának, V. St. 1526, = 4. D. 1469, to Ahmad Shah Durráni,
St. 1828, = A. D. 1771. After a few reflections on historiography, accounts of three modern vernacular works are given, the last being in allusion to the 'Umdatu't-tawarikh and its author. We are first told that in the reign of Aurangzêb, one Lala Subhân Râi, an inhabitant of Batâlâ, composed an elegant and wonderful book, entitled Khulásatu't-tawárikh, which contained accounts of the great RAjás, beginning with Judishtar and ending with Raja Pirthîrâj, known also as Râjâ Pithaur of the time of Aurangzeb, in A. H. 1116.1 This is followed by the • Ibratnáma, written by Mîr Qasim Lâhôri, on the wars of the sons of Bahadur Shah. Lastly, we are informed that our anthor, Sôhan Lal Sûri the vakil, son of Ganpat Rai, who had spent much time in the study of Persian and Arabic, as well as in the pursuit of various sciences, produced an historical work, commencing with the events of A, H. 1017, which he completed in V. St. 1870 = A, D. 1823.
Then follows a brief account of the Guras. The first, Bâbâ-NAnakji, was born at Talvandi in St. 1526,5 corresponding to A. H. 880, during the reign of the Sultan Bahlôl Lôdhi. He began to manifest signs of divine inspiration and to work miracles at the early age of twelve, his preaching attracting adherents from every part of the country. He afterwards composed the Janam Sakhi, written in the Gurmukhi character," listening to the explanations whereof puts all hearers into ecstacy!” He died during the reign of Salim Shah Sûr at the age of seventy years. Although he had an intelligent son, Lakhmi Dâs by name, he refrained from appointing him his successor, but selected on his deathbed a faithful disciple, called Lahn, whom he surnamed Angad, to be Gurû after him. Angad occupied the position for thirteen years, and then died. He placed on the masnad Amar Dås, a faithful disciple, who died after having been the spiritual guide of the people for twenty-two years. Amar Das appointed Rûm Das to succeed bim, and Ram Das held the position of Gurû for seven years. He was succeeded by
1 Bogan 6th May 1704. (See Elliot, Hist. of India, where some very hard words are used towards this wellknown work in the opening pages of Vol. viii. The date given above varies from Elliot's. -ED.] 3 [But see Elliot, op. cit., Vol. viii. p. 237 ff. ED.)
• Began 17th April 1608. • (But see post, p. 60 ff. - ED.)
. Zafarnama, st. 1525 [A. D. 1468). . This extraordinary statement may be valuable, if it relates the general educated Sikh belief of the last eneration. But it is of course entirely wrong. Soo Trumpp, Adi Granth, p. ii. ff. 1 and the title of Sardar 'Atar Singh's Sakhee Book, Benares, 1873.- ED.)
1 Zafarnáma, St. 1596 (A.D. 1539).

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his son Garů Arjun, who departed this life after an incumbency of twenty-five years. His son, Har Gobind, followed him, and occupied the position thirty-eight years, and was also succeeded by his son, Har Rai, who was Gurû for seventeen years. After him Har Kishq, his younger son, was Garú for three years, when "the bird of his soul departed from the cage of the body.” After him Tégh Bahadur, the younger son of Gurû Har Gôbind, directed the Sect of the Sikhs for fifteen years, until at last "he fell by order of the Inscrutable One into captivity" and was slain at Shâbjahânâbâd in A. H. 1051, at the behest of the Emperor Alamgir. Thus ended the series of Garûs, the first of whom was Nânak.10
After the above summary account comes a very detailed one of each Gurd separately, extending to many pages and interlarded with miraculous events. The orthodox, series of the ten Gurús ought to end with Guru Gobind, but in the work of Sohan Lal the biographies of many more, not generally reputed to have been such, are also given, as follows:-Gurú Gəbind Singh Jiv, Guru Srichand and Gard Lakhmi Dâs Jiv in one chapter, followed by Garû Råm Raiji, Gurú Miharban Jiv, and again a Guru Gôbind.11
Then follow various chapters on political events, which may be summarised as follows. Reign of Bahadur Shảh and his death at Lahôr. The contests between his three sons. Reign of Muhammad Farrukhsiyâr. Incursion of the Shâbzâda Muhammad Mu'izu'd-din to Akbarâbâd (Agrå), his encounter with Muhammad Farrukhsiyâr, and his defeat and flight in the direction of Shahjahânâbâd (Dehlí). The revolt of Guri Banda, and departure of `Abdu's-şamad Khan. Decline of the power of Farrukhsiyûr. Reign of Rafiu'd-darját, son of the Shahzada Raf-ia'sh-shin. Reign of Rafhlu'd-daula, the elder brother of Raf lu'd-darjât. Reign of Raushan Akhtar, son of Shahjahan, better known as Muhammad Shah. Arrival of Nâdir Shah, his doings in the Pañjáb, and his departure to the East. Arrival of Nadir Shah in Lâhôr and Muhammad Shah's attempt to collect troops to meet him. Conclusion of treaty and the departure of Nadir Shah with Muhammad Shah to Shajahanabad after friendly intercourse. Affairs of the şabahdar Nawab Khân Bahadur, and various events occurring at that time.
Affairs of Muni Singh and Jara Singh, with an account of the first rise of the Sikhs under the government of Khán Bahadur, and his death in St. 1801 (A. H. 1156). Affairs of the Sardar Jassá Singh Ahlawalia, his subjugation of the Dôâb and the country across the Satluj, and his departure Eastwards. The demise of Khân Bahadur, and the usurpation by Yahiya Khân of the şabahdârship of LÁhôr. His subsequent capture by Shah Nawaz Khan and final escape in St. 1802 to Shahjahanabad. The despatch by Shâh Nawaz Khan of his vakil Sabir Shâh to Ahmad Shah13 to invite him to invade India, and the arrival of Ahmad Shah. Death of Nadir Shah and the murder of his children. The assumption by 'Ali Qali Khân of the title of Sultan, under the style of 'Ali Shah. The succession of Sultan Ibrahim, and the gradual usurpation of power by Shâh Rakh and Sayyid Muhammad. The first invasion of the Pañjáb by Ahmad Shah, and the flight of Shah Nawaz Khan in the direction of Multân. Departure of Ahmad Shah from LÂhôr towards Hindustân, and the war between Ahmad Shah Hindi and Ahmad Shah Vilâyati in Sarhind, ending in the defeat of Ahmad Shah Viliyati at the hands of Mir Ma'ainu'l-mulk, better known as Mir Manû. Departare of Ahmad Shah Hindi for the Pañjab on account of the demise of Muhammad Shâh, and the appointment by him of Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk to be Şubahdâr of Lahôr, and Ahmad Shah Hindi's march in the direction of Dehli.
The account of the Zafarnama is different, not only concerning this Gord, but also concerning Tégh Bahadur.
• Began 12th April 1641. 10 [The writer of the notioo has become confused here, and his statements must be taken cum grano. -ED.]
11 Is not jtv, however, the Panjabt word jta, life? If so, Guru Gobind Singh comes into his right place in the text. -ED.)
11 Ahmad Shah Durrani, otherwise called Abdili, is meant, on whose reign, sow ante, Vol. XVI., and post, P. 72.

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The first hostilities of the Sikhs, under the Sardars Jassa Singh, Hari Singh and Karo; Singh, during the sway of Mir Mu'ain u'l-mulk, their prevalence over him and their conquest of some portions of the Pañjab. Arrival of Ahmad Shah for the second time in the Pañjab, and the departure of Kûrå Mall towards Multân for the purpose of encountering Shâh Nawaz Khân. Increase of the dominion of the Sikhs, who slay some Musalman nobles, whilst Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk." chooses to sit in the corner of retirement." Contest between Kürå Mall and Shah Nawaz Khâu, who is slain in Multân. Despatch by Ahmad Shah of Bårå Khan as a vakil to Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk. Arrival of Kurâ Mall in LAhôr after conquering Shah Nawaz Khan at Multiin. Invasion by Ahmad Shah of the Pañjáb for the third time, his siege of Labor, and death of Kūrå Mall. Entry of Ahmad Shah into Lahôr, St. 1809, and the oppression of the people by the Afghang. Allegiance of Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk to Ahmad Shah after the death of Kurå Mall. Marriage of Ahmad Shah to a daughter of Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk, and his departure after levying immense sums of money.
The crossing of the Satluj by the Sardar Jassi Singh and other Sikhs and their depredations. The despatch by Mîr Mu'aiņu'l-mulk of Şidaq Khâu with Adina Beg Khan in that direction. The death by cholera of Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk in St. 1810 [A. H. 1165), and the appointment by his widow of the Nawab Bhikhari Khan to be Şubahdar of La hôr.
The fourth invasion of the Panjab by Aḥmad Shah in St. 1813 and the preparations of • the Sikhs to meet him. His plunder of Mathura and Bindråban, and appointment of his son
Timur Shâh to be Şubahdar of LÅhôr in St. 1814. His subsequent enforced departure into Afghanistan in St. 1815. The arrival of the southern Sardárs at Lahôr under the command of Adina Bêg. The petition of Najib Khân to Ahmad Shah, which became the occasion of his fifth invasion of India. The conquests of the Sikhs in the 'JAlandhar Doab under the Sardar Jags& Singh, and coinage of money in the Sardar's name. The arrival of Ahmad Shah at Lahôr, and his appointment of Haji Karimdad Khan and Amir Khan to the charge of the town, and his departure to Hindustan. The troubles excited by the Sikhs and the burning of the outskirts of Láhôr in St. 1816. Arrival of [the Marath Generalissimo]19 Bhảo Rai at Akbarabad, and his coalition with Sûraj Mall Jat. The removal of Shah Jahan II. from the throne and installation of Mirza Jahåndar Shâh in his stead. The defeat of the Marathas at Pâqipat after a war of about three months' duration and the departure of Ahmad Shah homewards. The depredations of the Sikhs after the departure of Ahmad Shah and his subsequent return for the sixth time to the Pañjab, to avenge the injuries inflicted upon his officials, and his return to Afghanistan in St. 1818.
This is followed by a general coalition and rising of the Sikhs, who beleaguer Guru 'Aqil Das at Jhandiâlâ on account of his allegiance to Ahmad Shah. As soon as Ahmad Shậh obtains information of the state of affairs, he quickly crosses the Atak and other rivers with the intention of surprising them. The Sikhs, however, obtain news of his approach, immediately abandon the siege, and fly to inaccessible localities in the mountains; whereon Ahmad Shah marches to Láhôr, despatching some troops in pursuit of the fugitives, of whom they succeed in exterminating a great many after overtaking them at Gajarwal.
Samvat 1820.- The Sardar Jassa Singh Ahld walfa causes confusion across the Satluj, and bas a fight with Bhikhan Khan, Ahmad Shah's Thânadár at Mâlêr-kotla), and with Zain Khan, Thânadør at Sarhind. Bhikhan Khan applies at Lahôr to Ahmad Shah for aid against the Sikhs.
Samvat 1821. - The Sikhs now cause confusion in the Jalandhar Doab, devastate for the second time the country across the Satlaj, and ruin Sarhind after slaying Zain Khan and Bhikhan Khân.
The Sardar Jahận Khan, who was ordered to attack the Sikhs, is disgracefully defeated by them. Ahmad Shah now invades the Pañjâb for the eighth time, Kabuli Mall accompanying
13 See ante, p. 271, Vol. XVI.

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him, in the direction of Sarhind. Kabnli Mall attempts to enter Lahor, but the Sikhs occupy it in St. 1822, and he marches to the hills of Jammûn and other parts.
The first volumo terminates with an account of Ahmad Shah's last invasion of Indian in consequence of his being informed that the Sikhs had again ousted his officials from their posts and committed depredations. After having, in his turn, committed others and installed new governors, he returns to Afghanistan, where he dies A. H. 1186.14
Vol. II., an account of the Sardárs Chast Singh and Jahan Singh, and detailed
account of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, top to St. 1887 = 4. D. 1830. This volume begins with an account of Chart Singh, the grandfather of Ranjit Singh, who appears as a great freebooter and leader of depredators in ravaging the country. His head-quarters were at Gujranwâlâ in the eila' of Ramnagar, which he fortified, because of the habit of the Sikh chiefs of fighting among themselves for predominance, and uniting only to combat Ahmad Shah when he invaded the Panjab, relnpsing into domestic hostilities as soon as the foreigner ceased to assail them. Besides his contests with Sikh chiefs and Musalman officials, it is recorded of Chart Singh that he was bold enough to enter Lahôr in St. 1822, and to take away a very largo cannon, which, after being dragged about the country, found at last a resting place at Gujrån wala. He died in St. 1827, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Mahan Singh, who was as predatory as himself, and happened to be engaged in beleaguering Sayyidnagar, when the news was brought him that a son, Ranjit Singh, had been born to him on Monday, the 2nd of the month Sangarandmanghar,15 St. 1837. After this joyous event, Mahan Singh continued the extension of his power, took possession of Sayyidnagar, ravaged the hills of Jammun, imprisoned certain rebellious Sikhs, sent troops to aid Raja Sansar Chand, took possession of the fort of Kangra, and again ravaged Jammûn. He then fell sick, but, nevertheless, carried on hostilities against the Bhangi Misal, laid siege to the fort of Sôdhra, till at last he was, on account of disease, compelled to retire with all his artillery and ammunition to Gujranwala, where he died on the 5th of Baisakh, St. 1847. His body, attended by all the Sardárs of the surrounding country, was cremated according to the Sikh fashion, and his son was during the same year installed on his throne. Contentions immediately arose between the two Diwans, Lokhu Mall and Dal Singh, which, however, soon subsided, and the reign of Ranjit Singh, on the whole, began auspiciously. He married in St. 1852, but shortly afterwards Shah Zamân attacked Lahôr for the first time. About this time Chait Singh rebelled at Râmnagar, but was met by Ranjit Singh and slain. Ranjit Singh also had a fight with Shah Zaman, when the latter attacked Lahôr for the second time in St. 1855, and in the following year Ranjit Singh obtained permanent possession of Lahor. In St. 1857 Khark Singh, the first. born son of Ranjit Singh, was born.
In those days Ranjit Singh was constantly moving about in order to extend his power. He besieged and took Akalgash, marched to Fatehabad, where he made alliance with Faten Singh Ahlû walia. He then crossed the Råvi, conquered the fort Chandföt, and made his first appearance before Multan in St. 1860 for the purpose of receiving nazarand. He took possession of Amritsar in St. 1861, where, after a while, Jaswant Singh Kulkar arrived to crave his aid against the English, but was informed that it would by no means be expedient to wage war against them. Ranjit Singh then marched to the Kanga Hills; also again to Multân, and across the Satluj in St. 1863. He conquered Pathankot and Sialkot in St. 1864, after which he returned to his capital at Lahôr and received envoys from Shahjabânâbâd (Dehlf). He next conquered the fort of Shekhûpura, marched to Qaşûr, crossed the Satluj, and had a friendly interview with Metcalfe şahib in St. 1864, = A. H. 1223. Meanwhile Munshi Bishņ Singh had
14 A. H. 1184 according to the Tarikh Sulagni. See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 302.
10 fsic in the MS. of Mr. Rehatsek. He means that Ranjit Singh was born on the 2nd Migh. Sangrand is the Panjabi form of sankrant, and manyhar of magh. - ED.)

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been despatched to Shahjahanábad, whence he brought the information that Elphinstone Sahib, "remarkable for courtesy," had told him that the şabibs of the “Company Bahadar" would be highly pleased if Ranjit Singh were to visit those parts with a small escort, and establish harmony between them.
Rañjit Siógh next crossed the Biyâs, visiting Firôzpůr, Faridkoţ and other localities for the purpose of making arrangements to levy nazarána from the Sardars, departing in St. 1864 from Faridkot to Chhôtà Ambâlâ to celebrate the Diwali festival on the banks of the Jamna. After levying nazarana in Patiala, Nabhi, etc., he returned to Lähôr, where he found Metcalfe Şahib, and a cordial meeting took place between them. Amritsar was the residence of the English Envoy, and Raõjit Singh witnessed the disturbance between the Akali troops and the Envoy's escort there during the Muharram, A. H. 1224. All farther discord was, however, avoided and the Envoy pacified by the "consummate tact of Ranjit Singh." Metcalfe sahib departed afterwards to Hindustan, upon concluding a treaty with the Maharaja, to be maintained by Colonel Lont,16 the commandant of the fort of Ludhiana, which the English had been allowed to erect. The contents of this treaty were as follows:-(1) Armed Sikh troops are not to cross the Satluj for waging war. (2) Any forts across that river, which were in possession of the Sikh government before the arrival of the English, are to remain so, their garrisons being maintained and dues levied as heretofore. (3) The estates across tbe Satluj in possession of Rajâs are to be enjoyed by them without let or hindrance. (4) This treaty is to be considered annulled if any one of these points be transgressed. One copy of this document in English was to be in possession of Metcalfe Şahib, and another to be in the custody of the Sikh government. It was written by the hand of Faqir 'Azizu'ddîn in st. 1865, on the 18th Baisakh ; A. H. 1224 in Rabîu'l-awwal; the 25th April, A. D. 1809.
The events above alluded to give in very brief outline the contents of this volume; but they are there recorded in the most minute detail, and the book would accordingly be of great value to the stadent of the earlier part of Ranjit Singh's career and of the history of the Pañjab at this time. To attempt to note here, even in outline, the various and complicated stories related would, however, only confuse the reader and be of no practical value. It is to be noticed that allasions to the English and to the foreign military adventurers in Rañjit Singh's service are few and far between.
Appendix to Volumes I. and II. This contains a succinct account of the Sikhs from the days of Gurê Nának and his nine successors, of their condition after the death of Banda Bairagi, and of the formation of their six chief Misals, and shews how they finally merged into one body under the Lion of the Pañjáb. It really consists of a great number of short biographies, commencing with those of the Gurûs, and giving many details at great length. Some of the events recorded in this appendix occurred as late as A. D. 1825.
Vol. III. Part I., a diary kept in St. 1888 (A. D. 1831). News arrived that Burnes şahib, vaqil of the English, had arrived at Bahawalpur, and the Diwan Ajudhia Parshid was ordered to meet and to entertain him. Letters from Captain Wade Sahib also arrived with the information that the Governor-General intended to pay a visit to the hills, and he was, in fact, at Shahjahânâbâd in order to proceed to Simla. Preparations were, therefore, made to entertain him, Under Ranjit Singh's orders the Sardár Hari Singh Nalwâ, Faqir 'Azizu'd-din, Gulab Singh Karnel (Colonel], and the Diwan Môti Râm collected 265 soldiers with gold-embroidered uniforms, 4 chodárs, 5 horses with costly saddles and other things suitable for presentation, and went to Ludhiana, where they offered the gifts to Captain Wade, who accepted them, and in turn presented Fagir
16 [Sic in the text, bat Ochterlony is meant, as the name invariably sippears as Lony Akhtar whenever it occurs again. -Ed.1

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*Azizu'd-din with pearls, bracelets, jewellery, two shawls, two elephants with golden howdahs, a tent, carpet-spreaders, and a torch-bearer. When the “Lord Şahib7" arrived at Karnal, he purchased some ground from the cultivators, and caused a cantonment for white soldiers to be built. Meanwhile Captain Wade, who is never mentioned in the text except as the "Kaptan Sahib," lived at the court of Ranjit Singh, till the 25th of Jêth, t. 1888. On his departure he was presented by the Maharaja with many valuable gifts, and among them was a diamond ring which the Maharaja took off his own finger and threw to the Captain Şahib. His companion, Murray ŞAhib, likewise obtained gifts, Captain Wade bad post horseg laid to Simla, which he reached in four days from Ludhiana.19 Ranjit Singh entrusted him with letters both to the Commander-in-Chief and to the Governor-General [Lá! Şahibán jangi wou mulle), and he promised to do his atnost towards the maintenance of harmony between these high personages and Rañjit Singh. Afterwards Burnes Şahible arrived in an official capacity at Lihor, and met with a honourable reception. Captain Wade also returned and was entertained with various amusements, and given presents, as well as a "Doctor Sabib" [? Murray], who appears to have accompanied him.
As the long expected interview with the Governor-General20 was now approaching, and he had already reached Amritsar, Ranjit Singh issued orders to provide his own army with all the necessaries, by which probably new uniforms and accoutrements are meant, so as to make a good appearance in the reviews. The neighbourhood of Rupar, where the meeting was to take place, was beautified, and costly tents had to be constructed and erected for the accommodation of the Governor-General. At last Ranjit Singh himself started, continuing to mareh till he alighted at a distance of three kôs from Rapar. There the Jarnél (General) Şahib Bahadur, brother of the Commander-in-Chief, and other English gentlemen, waited upon Ranjit Singh to enquire after his health, and a deputation for the same purpose was sent to the GovernorGeneral, with presents, such as horses, dresses, and the sum of Rs. 11,000 in a bag of kimkhab. Sardar Fateh Singh Ahluwalia and Bardars Nihal Singh and 'Atar Singh Kaliai wala introduced the English gentlemen who visited Ranjit Singh. They took off their hats as soon as they reached the brink of the carpet, and Ranjit Singh received them with great courtesy, causing five of them to take seats on chairs on one side, while he himself sat on the other with Raja Hîrâ Singh and Sardâr Nihal Singh. The Sahibs on behalf of the Governor-General presented Ranjit Singh with the sum of Rs. 15,000, which they deposited in front of him in eleven bags of Kim Icháb. Then a conversation ensued, Ranjit Singh asking his guests to cover their heads, but they replied that it was as a mark of civility to keep the head uncovered. He asked whether all Şahibs were the same in understanding and knowledge. They replied that all were equal, but that their attainments depended upon their intellect and discernment, to which opinion he fully assented, saying that not even the fingers of a hand were equal. He further asked how long it took to drill a regiment, and they replied that it took six months. To his question concerning the occupations of the Governor-General they replied that he was always engaged in writing. To his remark that he had marched in six days from his capital to Rápar, the Sahibs replied, thit, as in long journeys, if quickly made, a loss of camels, elephants and horses was incurred, they themselves travelled only a few kix per diem, except in cases of necessity. Ranjit Singh answered that his own troops marched twenty kós at a time, and that he had from the beginning of his reign always been fond of long stages. To his question whether they were personally able to hit a target with a cannon ball, they replied, that this was the business of soldiers and artillerists. The conversation turned even upon wine (sharab), which the Maharajâ said was very good in
17 The name of the Governor-General is never given. He is usually called Lat-mulki, "Lord of the country," whilst the Commander-in-Chief is given the title of Lal-jangt, "war-lord."
16 Captain Wade is often mentioned by the author and praised in every way, chiefly becanse he entertained high opinion of tho author's work, although he had not read it, but only manifested a wish to do so.
19 I. e., Alexander Burnes, called Birnas Sabib in the text, and later on Jelandar Birnas. See ante, Vol. XV. p. 968.
* Lord William Bentinck, whose name is not even once given in the whole work.

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Lähôr, and that at the proposed banquet he would make the Şahibs taste some. He also informed them that he possessed a well drilled troop of female soldiers, but they replied that they had been shewn a “Zanana Regiment" able to perform all the military exercises belonging to the Nawab of Lakhnau.
The Governor-General established himself on the other side of the river with his elephants, camels, troops, etc., and Ranjit Singh paid him a visit, the road being lined with European soldiers on the one side and with Purbhiâs on the other. He was received by the Governor-General himself with due ceremony, and given a seat in the tent in the midst of a number of his own Sardars, whilst on the other side about fifty Şahibs took up positions. Captain Wade and Prinsep Sahib acted as interpreters, and after the first compliments and presents had been exchanged, Ranjit Singh mentioned one by one the name of each of his Sardars, thus introducing them to the Governor-General, who, mindful of oriental usages, had provided a number of singing women and musicians in the adjoining tents to amuse the company. After a while Ranjit Singh called for his horses, whose feats he exhibited to the Governor-General, and, presenting one of them to him, took his departure. . When the Governor-General paid his return visit, he passed through lines of troops dreesed in kim cháb and was met by Ranjit Singh on the bridge with all his Sardârs, whence they all proceeded together to the great tent of the Maharaja, salutes being fired all the while. The names of all the Sardârs present are given, and of about sixty Englishmen, which it will, no doubt, some day exercise the ingenuity of scholars and historians to decipher. Prinsep Şahib, who was asked by Rañjit Singh to state the position and employment of each of the English gentlemen present, introduced them in turn. The Governor-General then reviewed the Sikh troops, and was finally asked to have a look at the women, dressed in uniforms, who had been assembled in a tent. After this he departed to his own camp. On the 14th of Karţik, Rañjît Singh witnessed a review and manoeuvres of the European troops, on which occasion all the Sardars, who accompanied him, appeared dressed in coats of mail. Subsequently, the Gorernor-General paid a visit to the Sikh camp for a similar purpose, and manifested his pleasure at beholding the spectacle. A musical entertainment was also arranged in a costly and brilliantly illuminated tent, which was attended by the Governor-General and his saite, including his wife and several other English ladies. The next evening Ranjit Singh was present at a similar entertainment in the English camp. After some more banquets and reviews, Ranjit Singh took his leave and departed on the 18th of Kartik to Amritsar, whence he proceeded to Lähôr. Then various hunting parties, given to various English gentlemen, but chiefly to the often mentioned Captain Wade, are described, and also Rañjit Singh's interviews with Burnes. The volume abruptly terminates here.
Vol. III. Part II., a diary kept in St. 1889 to St. 1892 (A. D. 1832-1835). This part commences with orders to various Sardars for the proper celebration of the Holi festival, and the description of a hunting expedition of Ranjit Singh, who afterwarde made excursions to various parts of the country, and had interviews with his vassals. Next follows a description of his wedding with “Gul Bêgam.” Many pages deal with the visits of Captain Wade, of whom Ranjit Singh appears to have been very fond. Letters are also noted from Alexander Burnes, who writes that, after travelling through Afghanistan and sojourning in Hirât, he had reached Mashhad. Courteous replies are sent to him, the Mahârâ já entertaining even at that time misgivings as to the approach of the Russians; but as to his own dominions, he appears by this time to have attained such anthority in them, that all transactions with his feudatories are of an amicable character. He is, nevertheless, constantly marching about and paying them visits, and hunting in various parts of the Pañjab and Kashmir. It happened that, about this time, the Mahârâjá fell sick, and, becoming very weak, summoned the author of this work one day to his presence, asking him of what use his science was, and to shew it by curing him. The author then informed Ranjit Singh, that puja to the planet Saturn would be useful, and was asked to arrange the matter. He obtained the appropriate incantation from an astrologer of Basoli,

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which was carefully recorded. Bhai Sahib Bhai Gobindrâmji duly performed the pújá in strict accordance therewith, and the Makârâjà forth with recovered his health !
This part of Volume III. contains accounts of the celebration of festivals, the distribution of alms, the various movements and errands of Sardars, of the French officer Allard and of Avitabile and Ventura the Italians, which are recorded just as they happened to occur. The presents sent to the King of England, those given to the Governor-General, to Mr. Metcalfe, to Captain Wade, to Mr. Clark, and to the wife of the Governor-General, are all enumerated in detail. Also a " Padre, "21 whose name is not given, was honourably received by Rañjit Singh, who, being about to undertake a hanting expedition, invited the Padre to accompany him, or, if he preferred to stay in Lâhôr, to pay visits to various localities worth seeing there. The Padre, however, preferred the chase and so he, Shahåmat 'All Munshi, and Captain Wade accompanied by Ranjit Singh, went out together pig-sticking! News arrived that the GovernorGeneral was to depart to Europe, and that Metcalfe Şahib would occupy his position in Calcutta as his Lieutenant. Captain Wade sent a book on military drill to Rañjit Singh in English, but no one could be found able to translate it, Ventura Sahib asserting that there was no one in the Pañjab capable of doing so. Later on, Ranjit Singh issued a parwana to Ventura Sabib, ordering the author of this work, Lâlâ Sôhan Lal, to translate the book ander his supervision, but Ventura being undecided and Ranjit Singh not pressing the matter, it fell into abeyance. The English gentlemen of Firôzpůr requested the Maharajá to grant leave to Ventura to celebrate their new year's festival with them, and so be issued a parwana to that effect, and sent him away with gifts.
Mikshan şahib (Mackeson) paid a visit to Ranjit Singh, and was well entertained. Certain Şahibs having recently arrived from Europe, Ranjit Singh asked Captain Wade for instructions as to how they should be received, and he wrote in reply that they were only travellers who had come to see the country, and that the same hospitality should be dispensed to them as had formerly been shewn to Jakman 22 which was accordingly done. Two gentlemen of this party, namely, Baron von Hügel and Win şahib (de Vismes), were introduced in apdience to Ranjit Singh by Mikshan Şahib, and were received with honour and questioned by the Maharaja with the following extraordinary result:
Q.- Are you servants of the Company Bahadur" or not? A. - We are servants of our own king. Q. - What is his name?
He is called Jarmani.23
What was your position in the service of your king? A. - We were colonels of cavalry.
What was your pay ? A. - Two thousand rupees. Q. - You must teach us your military drill.
A. - We intend shortly to return to our country, and some time would be required to impart the required instruction.
Q. Why have you brought so many skins of animals ? A. - We desire to shew them to our king as specimens of the beasts of this country. Q. - What relations are subsisting between your king and the "Company Bahadur"?
A. - Formerly a war was carried on between them, but it is at present three years [sic] since they have been at peace with each other, * Probably a Bishop. * Jaquemont the French botanist.
* King of Prussin is meant.

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Q. - The people say that even in the night when you are asleep, you keep muskets leaning against your breasts; explain the meaning of this.
A. - We are very fond of hunting, and when during the night some wild beast comes in sight, we immediately rise and shoot it.
Q. - What is your opinion of the governor of Kashmir ? A. - He keeps the country in good order. Q. - The people say that he is robbing my government. A. — Then he should be removed.
After this conversation the foreigners took leave, but were afterwards hospitably entertained on several occasions, and given presents.
On another occasion the same gentlemen met Rañjft Singh at Shah Bilawal, and he ordered BAJA Suchet Singh to cause the cuirass-wearing cavalry to manau vre, who shewed much dexterity in shooting with guns at targets, which fact the Sahibs promised to bring to the notice of their king. They asked about the number of the cavalry, and were told that both the infantry and cavalry amounted to about 5,000 men. To the enquiry of Ranjit Singh, whether the king of France or the king of England was the more powerful, the Şahibs replied that the dominions of England were extending day by day. Then the Şahibs asked what the use of wearing cuirasses might be. And Râjâ Suchet Singh explained that a cuirass cannot be damaged by a sword, giving three or four blows with his own sword then and there on a soldier's cuirass, which had no effect on his body. The Sahibs, who were much pleased with what they had seen, were asked whether in their opinion the cavalry or the infantry were the best, when Baron von Hügel stated that he belonged himself to the cavalry service and highly approved of that arm, whilst de Vismes said that as he belonged to the infantry he considered it to be the better, but that in case of need both branches of the service would be useful.
Vol. III. Part III., a diary kept in St. 1893 (4. D. 1836). This part commences with a mention of the alms and charities bestowed during the month Cbait' St. 1893, and records interviews between Ranjit Singh and a number of his Sardârs and officers, and his journeys to various parts of the country. An interview between the Governor-General and Ranjit Singh near the Satluj is also described. On this occasion they both paid a visit together to the fort of the Bhangis, and the English gentlemen admired the fruit on the trees along the road, which had been gilt and silvered! The wedding of the Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh was also celebrated about that time at Atari, the Governor-General being present at the festivities, which were on & magnificent scale and were afterwards contipued in Lahor, to which place Rañjit Singh journeyed in company with his Lordship.
Vol. III. Part IV., a diary kept in St. 1894 and St. 1895 (A. D. 1837-38). In St. 1894 Regjit Singh paid visits to the camp of the Governor-General, and witnessed the manoeuvres of the English troops and the practice of the artillery. Afterwards the GovernorGeneral paid him return visits, was entertained at banquets, and saw the displays which take place in the celebration of the Holi festival. The Governor-General was much pleased with Naa Nihal Singh, and congratulated Ranjit Singh for having chosen him as his successor. His Lordship also promised to report to London the hospitable treatment he had met with.
Considering that the names of many English officials - of course, excepting that of the anonymous, but oft recurring and beloved, Captain of Ladhiana (Wade) - are mentioned, it is surprising that neither the author nor Ranjit Singh himself appears to have known the names of the highest fun tionaries, and when another Låt Şahib is expected to pay a visit to the Pañjáb, Ranjit Singh is made to say:-- "I shall have had the pleasure of meeting three Lât Şahibs; the first was the Lât Sahib
> On the spot.

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Rûpaswâlâ, the second the Jangi Lâţ ŞAhib, who was present at the wedding of the Kalwarji, and the third will be the Lat Sahib Mulkî, who is now going to honour us with his presence."
As the last mentioned Lord Sahib was gradually approaching the Pañjáb, due preparations were made for his reception, and among other things not less than 300 elephants were got ready for his camp. But Captain Wade 25 sent a letter to Rañjit Singh, that the Lât Şahib, being much distressed by the heat, would first spend two months in Simla, and would then be glad to meet the Mahârâjâ. After this a letter arrived from Rai Gôbind Das, reporting that the Lat Şahib had left all his baggage at Mêrath, and had sent back "the shahzúdas" to Calcutta, and that he was travelling to Simla alone, to which Ranjit Singh sent a reply to the effect that he desired to know how much of the Lat'Şahib's baggage had been left behind and how much bad been taken with him, and he farther wanted a detailed account of how many "European shahzadas" had been sent back to Calcutta, and who they were ! 26 Having invited Mackeson Şahib to a hunting party, which lasted for some time, Ranjit Singh asked him many questions about the Lat Sahib and other matters. The Maharaja was, however, somewhat displeased when it was reported to him that Mackeson was in the habit of writing down all the occurrences of the day in the evening daily, and eating his dinner only after he had done so. The Maharaja observed that the Sahibs had had a free run all over the country during the last 25 years, and ought to know all about it. Nevertneless, most cordial relations continued and Mackeson remained for some time.
There were no internal troubles, and when on a certain occasion the Afghans sallied out from the fort of 'Ali Masjid, they were repulsed by the cavalry of Allard, which thus earned the praises of Ranjit Singh. News from Kabul arrived that a Russian envoy had proposed to Dost Muhammad Khan to let his son go to Russia for the purpose of strengthening the bonds of friendship. To this the Amir had replied that he was on good terms with the English who were his neighbours, whereas Russia was a distant country. On hearing this story, Burnes Şahib27 was reported to have expressed his astonishment that European Sardars28 could talk one way at night, and another in the morning. Lord Auckland sent a letter to Burnes Şahib to inform Dost Muhand mad Khân that if he entertained loyal intentions towards the English, who were allies of the Sikh government, and if he desired to retain their amity, he ought to send away the Russian envoys. Some time afterward the Maharajâ asked Mackeson Şahib concerning this matter, and was informed that Dôst Muhammad Khan had given only elusive replies to Burnes. Later on Wade informed Ranjit Singh that letters from Burnes had arrived reporting treacherous intentions on the part of Dôst Muhammad Khân, that the Låt Şâhib had recalled him, and that he was now on his way from Kabul to India. Rañît Singh at once sent orders to Avitabile Şâhib that on the arrival of Burnes Şahib in Peshawar, he was to present him with the sum of 500 rupees and 31 dishes of sweetmeats, by way of welcome.
One day, after having received somo English gentlemen, Ranjit Singh fainted on account of the heat and the warm clothes he was wearing, but Bhai Gôbind Råm opened his month and poured into it a medicine composed of rubies, musk, and rosewater, whereon the Maharaja recovered consciousness and allowed himself to be divested of his clothes! He gave strict orders not to reveal to any one what had taken place, ordered the sacred Granth to be read to him, to which he listened 'for some time, and performed the ceremony of suchita, which consists of washing the hands, head and feet. Before the day had closed, he was well enough to ride out and to divert himself with hunting. Not long afterwards information was brought that Burnes had arrived, and had been hospitably entertained in the camp of Avitabile. On
25 Wade is said in this work to have allowed only such Europeans as he approved of to visit the Court of Rañjit Singh, and to have further issued instructions as to how they were to be treated. He appears to have been consulted on inany occasions and to have thus played an important part in the history of the Pañjab at this period.
26 (This quaint statement probably means that the Governor-General left his family at Merath and went on to Simla alone. - ED.) 27 Who was at that time in Kabul.
» [Meaning apparently the Russian envoye. -ED.]

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his arrival at Lahor, Bunes and seroral other officers were received by Ranjit Singh, who quostioned Burnos on various snbjects as follows :
Q. - You have no doubt exerted yourself in Kabul for the best P
A. Although I imparted salutary advico to Dost Muhammad Khan with reference to his attitude towards the British and the Sikh governments, telling him that they would support his own if he kept on good terms with them, he disregarded me, saying that his government depended on predestinntion, and that he must carry it on according to his fate, and there was no profit whatever in the amity of the said two powers.
Q. - If, by the vicissitudes of time, and his own ill luck, Dost Muhammad Khân fails to heed your advice, his reign will soon come to end, and his country be trodden under foot by cavalry, as will be demonstrated by the said two governments as soon as the rainy season ceases. It is reported that the QAjárwal430 has abandoned the siege of Hirât and has departed.
A. - It is not likely that he has done so.
Q.- Are there any troops of the Shâh of Rassia with the QâjârwalA to aid him in the contest?
A. - It is quite certain that there are none, although the Russians agree with him and encourage him.
Q. - What is the strength of the army of the QAjârwald P A. - It amounts to about 60,000 cavalry and infantry. Q. - What troops has Dost Muhammad Khan ?
A. He has 12,000 cavalry and infantry, but his army is in a bad condition, unfit for war, and would be unable to offer resistance, if hostilities break out.
Q. - What sum is contained in the treasury of Dost Muhammad Khan P A.-There is not one dam in the treasury, and the revenues are spent daily as they come in. Q. - What is the amount of his artillery ?
He possesses 35 pieces of cannon, and carries four ghubdras in his suite. What kind of man is Harlan 280
He is an ungrateful scoundrel, and will be bronght to judgment by his own misdeeds. Q. - How is Peshawar governed, and what is the condition of the people ?
A. - Pêshû war has been well governed by Avitabile, and the people are grateful for his administration. Allard and Court maintain the troops in prime order. They have so improved the fort of Fatehgarh that there is no other like it in the country, and there is no change in the loyulty and devotednoss of Avitabile.
0. - It has been reported that Avitabile has committed great defalcations in the revenues of Peshawar ?
A. - The Şahibs know nothing about such reports. Q. - What kind of places are Khaibar and 'Ali Masjid P
A. - Khaibar is like a gate with a padlock on it, but the people of Khaibar are greedy of money, and will do anything for ready cash, so that the real key to the padlock is money, on the payment of which the gate becomes passable, either way, with ease.
In a subsequent conversation on the same subject, Barnes again spoke of the weakness of Dôst Muhammad Khan, and of the wise resolution of the British authorities to set up Shah
29 [The ShAh of Persia.-ED.]
[For tho doings of Dr. Harlan, 300 Cunningham's Sikha, p. 212 . -ED.)

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Shujaa as his rival, and to take him with them in the impending contest with their army from Shikârpur to Qandahår.
Once certain English officers tried to persuade Ranjit Singh not to trust the foreigners in his service, because they would be of no avail in time of need: but he strenuously took their part, saying that Allard, Ventura, Court, A vitabile and other high officials had loyally served him during many years, had organised his army, and had so justly carried on the civil administration of his country that the people were grateful for it; whereas in former times, when Peshawar had been governed by his own Sardârs, there were perpetual contentions with the landholders; moreover, under the Europeans'administration not a trace of brigandage remained in the country formerly so insecure. He said that, for these reasons, he trusted his foreign officers, and bad no doubt they would jeopardise their lives for him if need be. The English gentlemen rejoined that all this was quite true, but that the Mahârâjâ ought, for all that, to put no trust in foreigners.
In course of time it appeared that the English intended to begin the proposed war with Dôst Muhammad Khân by the invasion of Afghanistan, and were concentrating troops to that effect, some arriving from Bombay, by way of Sind; but Rañjit Singh, although on cordial terms with the English and sympathising with them, kept himself neutral, Vol. III. Part V., a diary from 17th Bhadon, St. 1895, to 15th Hár, St. 1896
(1838 and 1839 4. D.) While Ranjit Singh was sojourning at Râmbâgh the news arrived that one of his ladies, MAI Chandan by name, had, on the 3rd of Bhadon, given birth to a son, afterwards Dalip Singh, and the Maharajâ rejoiced greatly.
Lord Auckland, the Governor-General, arrived at Firôzpůr, and several interviews took place with the usual ceremonies between him and Ranjit Singh. Long descriptions of the etiquette observed, and the persons present, are given, as well as of the reviews of the Sikh and English troops. Afterwards the Governor-General paid & visit to Ampitsar and to Lâhôr, The account of this visit is given in the detail usual with this writer.
Ranjit Singh had, on two or three occasions, suffered from weakness and fainting fits, and on the 10th of Hâr, he became so seriously indisposed that his hakims, who had before relieved him somehow, despaired of their ability to cure him by their strengthening and exhilarating drugs. He spent a restless night, sleeping alternately inside and outside his tent, and when the morning dawned, his physicians held a consultation, during which Bhai Gôbind Râm said that the disease was alternately violent and gentle, bat 'Azizu'd-din replied that it was beyond the power of the intellect to fathom it! The critical state of Ranjit Singh was brought to the notice of the Sardar Ajit Singh, who hastened to the presence of the Maharaja withont eating his food, and orders were issued to send troops to guard the twelve gates of Láhôr, and to prevent any armed men from entering it. The courtiers remained all the next night watching at the bedside of the patient, and after feeling his pulse on the morning of the 12th, the physicians declared that it was much stronger, and that he would recover his health. Alms on an extensive scale and gifts to the temple of Amritsar were disbursed by Ranjit Singh, who also performed his devotions, but knew full well that his end was near at hand. After a time the intervals of consciousness became gradually shorter, and the hakims found at last that pulsation had ceased. On this Bhai Gôbind Ram said to the dying Mahârâjâ in a loud voice that Raja Suchết Singh was present, and requested him to cast a glance at him, but Ranjit Singh merely opened his eyes and closed them again for ever! When Rañjit Singh was dead great lamentations ensued, and on the 16th of Hâr the Kanwarji Khark Singh had his corpse bathed in Ganges water, dressed in perfumed saffron coloured garments, and adorned with bracelets, anklets and a diamond ring. All the preparations having been duly made, the corpse was burned on
funeral pyre constructed of sandal-wood saturated with oil. The concourse of people was great, but no disturbances occurred.

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Vol. IV., a diary from 17th Hár, St. 1896, to Kartik, St. 1902 (1839 to 1845 d. D.)31
Khark Singh announced his accession to the throne by sending letters to Raja Gulab Singh, to Sardar Atar Singh, to the governor of Kashmir, etc., and, among English officials, to the Lat Sahib (Governor-General), to Colonel Wade, to Clark Sahib and to Lawrence Sahib, informing them of his intention to follow the example of his father, and of his anxiety to remain on friendly terms with the British government.
A somewhat confused account is given of a conspiracy, which seems originally to have had for its object the deposition of the wazir Chait Singh, but ended in his murder, the perpetrator of which is not named in this work. Khark Singh is represented as retiring and Kanwar Sher Singh as performing various supreme functions, such as corresponding with and receiving English officials, transacting business with the Sardârs, etc. He even desired to meet the Governor-General when he crossed the Satluj, but his Lordship sent word that being in bad health, and unable to bear the roar of artillery, which the salvoes of the interview would entail, he desired to reserve the pleasure of meeting him till his arrival in Lâhôr. The Kanwar was, however, consoled in his disappointment by receiving visits from various English officers. Meanwhile, the Mahârâja Khark Singh fell a prey to fever and died, the beginning, progress and treatment of his malady with medicines and incantations by holy men being narrated at great length. Kanwar Shêr Singh was then called to Lâhôr, and took his share in the lamentations and funeral ceremonies. He also condoled with Rani Chand Kaur, the relict of Khark Singh, paying her visits of ceremony, but trying, nevertheless, to get her out of the way by advising her to visit the Ganges and other places, but she demurred and remained in Lâhôr; and so far from effacing herself, assumed the reigns of government as soon as Shêr Singh departed to Batâlâ, the council over which she presided being composed of four members:Sardar Atar Singh Sindhânwâliâ, Jam'adâr Khushhâl Singh, Sardar Lahnâ Singh Majîthîâ, and the "Raja Sahib."32
After this event the Râjâjî demanded leave to retire to Jammun, which the Rânî reluctantly granted. As he departed, he despatched letters to Shêr Singh, informing him of what had taken place, and to the Generals and Colonels of the army, inviting them to pay allegiance to Shêr Singh, as soon as he might arrive in Lâhôr. Shêr Singh obtained possession of the town at once, but the garrison of the citadel offered resistance and surrendered only after a siege of three days. After this proclamations were issued to the population, advising the inhabitants to be in dread of no further hostilities, and to resume their usual occupations.
Sher Singh now began to reign openly, and narratives are given of his interviews with his own officials, as well as of those with English gentlemen, and of the celebrations of various festivals, Holl, Dasahra, etc. An account is given how certain Sikh officers meditated treachery by alleging that they had put their sovereign under obligations in placing him on the throne, and that instead of fulfilling the obligations he had kept the Râni, who was their real mistress, in durance vile. They, therefore, asserted that she ought to be liberated and the Mahârâjâ removed. The matter was, however, settled by Shêr Singh's party, who suborned four of the Rânî's maids to poison her in a draught of rosewater and musk. The poison soon took effect and she expired despite the efforts of the hakims to save her life. The four girls were punished by having their hands cut off, and died in a short time. The Rânî was the mother of the Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh, and so the Mahârâja, Shêr Singh, paid him a visit of condolence, and assured to him the secure possession of his jágers and other property. The Sardar Ajit. Singh Sindhanwalia returned to Lâhôr, and Shêr Singh went on to transact all kinds of business with his own subjects, and had many friendly interviews with British officials till the 19th of Sha'ban 1259, when the Sardar Ajit Sindhânwâlîâ made his appearance with a number of
s1 There is a gap of four months in this volume. Name not given. [ Dhyan Singh.-ED.] 33 Dhyan Singh, the wazir during the previous government, is always thus designated in the text.

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retainers fully armed in the garden of Shah Balawal,34 where the Maharaja was sitting in public assembly. The Maharaja complimented the Sardâr on his fine equipments, and desired to examine his gun. But, in handing to him, the Sardar turned the muzzle of it suddenly towards him, and shot him dead. A general confusion ensued, and many who had attended the darbár took to their heels; but the Sardar, not satisfied with having murdered the Mahârâjâ, went to the garden of Tej Singh, where he found the Maharaja's little son Partab Singh and killed him with a sword.
The Râjâ Sahib (Dhyan Singh) had taken refuge in the citadel, where also many of the scum of the people had collected, and the tradesmen of the city were so frightened that they conveyed their goods in all haste to their domiciles and closed their shops. The Khâlgâ troops soon arrived, entering by the Dehli gate, Ventura Şahib with his regiment also putting in an appearance. The Sikh soldiers plundered the town, and took the citadel, elimbing into it with scaling ladders, and plundering all the apartments of the palace, so that in a few days afterwards the bázár was full of goods for sale. Great lamentation afterwards ensued among the inhabitants of Lähôr when Hira Singh arrived with the corpse of his father, Dhyan Siógh, who had been slain in the citadel, and placed it upon the funeral pyre. Ajit Singh, who had witnessed the prowess of his enemies in the citadel, was so dismayed that he betook himself to the northern wall, intending to let himself down by a rope, but it broke, and his fall attracted the attention of the sentry. Several men at once ran up, slew him, and, after dragging aboat his corpse, threw it into the moat.35
After tranquillity had been restored, heralds were sent round Lähôr to proclaim a general amnesty, and to announce to the people that Dalip Singh had been raised to the throne, with Hira Singh as his wazir. The same information was also despatched abroad. The whole Court now considered it proper that Dalip Singh's formal installation should take place on a propitious day and hour, according to the indication of the stars, and so astrologers were consulted, and they fixed on the 22nd of Mâgh as the proper day. On that day he was accordingly dressed in new garments, made to perform the required ceremonies, and seated on the throne. Bhâî Râm Singh with Bhai Gôbind Râm marked his forehead with the qushqas, after which the officials of high dignity, and after them the daftarís, munshis and vakils, and lastly the cavalry and infantry officers according to their various grades presented nazaránas. After the ceremony various shows took place.
On the 10th of Chait, St. 1901, while Hfrá Siógh was holding a darbár, the officers of the infantry sent him a message, that, if he desired to retain his position undisturbed, he must comply with the following demands :-He must set at liberty Jawahir Singh36 whom he had imprisoned. He must remove the surveillance he had established over the house of Misr Bikram. He must raise the siege of Gauriko wala
Hira Singh, who was astonished at these demands, held a consultation with Pandit Jalla and his other councillors, and the conclusion arrived at was that, as the times had changed and perils were at hand, it would be necessary to comply with the requirements of the disloyal faction. It also transpired that the officers of infantry had offered their allegiance to Baje Suchot Singh, and had invited him to come to Lâhôr, and that the Maharani Chandaó seconded their views. Raja Suchết Siúgh soon arrived in the vicinity of Lahôr, whilst Hîra Singh, on his part, endeavoured to satisfy the infantry officers by complying with all their demands. Surprised at the quick arrival of his uncle, Suchết Singh, and aware of his aspirations, Hîrâ Singh induced the Khâlså troops to surround his camp, and to slay the Râjâ with his whole escort.
A long, but confused, account is given of the dissensions and contests which ensued
* At Shahdara near Láhôr.
* This event is narrated differently in the Zafarndma which see, ante, Vol. XVII., with the remark of the Editor thereon in footnote 81.
* Brother of the Maharani ChandAD.

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among the Sikh factions until Jawâhir Singh, the maternal uncle of Dalip Singh, succeeded in usurping the supreme power. The Pandit Jalla, as the counsellor of Hira Singh, had, of course, incurred the displeasure of the Rani Chanclai, Dalip Singh's mother, and she intrigued with the troops to insist on luis removal; but instenu of yielding to this demand, Hira Singh Hled with him from Lahor, bnt, being overtaken by the troops, they were both slain. After the death of Hira Singh, Jawahir Singh wits proclaimed wozir with much ceremony, and received nazaranas. Prince Péshôra Singh, another son of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, now aspired to sapremo power, and took possession of the fort of Alak, but Jawahir Singh had him slain there. In consequence of this event a deputation of Sikh officers waited upon the Mahârînî, categorically demanding her presence with Jawahir Singh near the troops. The people of the town were much frightened by this bold demand, but the Maharani obeyed the summons, and when Jawahir Single had arrived with her in front of the Sikh lines he trembled for fear, and was confused. Great excitement was manifested by the troops at the mere sight of Jawahir Singh, which made the Mabarani address the officers, saying that her brother was guilty of the prince's death, but that he ought to be pardoned, as he had thrown himself upon their mercy. She appealed to the sacred writings and promised large bribes, but without avail. They ordered Dalip Singh's elephant-driver to make the animal kneel down, upon which Dalip Singh was removed from the howdah and Jawahir Singh forth with shot dead with a carbine. To the maledictions which the Maharani then heaped apon the Khålså troops, they merely replied that now she had some idea of the distress felt by the mother of Peshôrâ Singh. The spot being unsuitable for cremation, she desired to convey the corpse of her brother to Lahor, so that the sati of his wives could take place, but the troops demurred, saying that they might easily be brought from the citadel. At last, however, the Mahârânî took the corpse to the Bagh Badâmî, while she went to the citadel, where she caused the satis to be dressed and adorned with jewellery. She started back with the procession of the mourning women, but was not allowed to go farther than the Ghariali Gate, while the satis continued their walk and reached the funeral pyre. So she was obliged to mount to the octagonal tower of the Gate and witness the proceedings thence. The Khalsa troops insalted the satis, teiling them that other widows were weeping because their husbands had been slaughtered like sheep, and violently tore off all the ornaments from their bodies, before they allowed them to immolate themselves.
After this the Maharani assembled such of the troops as still sided with her, and declared that she would henceforth herself assume the reins of government, and carry on the administration with the aid of Diwån Dinanath. Nevertheless, she seated Baja Lal Singh on the throne in a darbár she had assembled, and enjoined all present to obey him.
This volume ends with the remark that the original account of the war of the Sikhs with the Sahibs of high dignity (i. e., the English) from the beginning of Kartik St. 1902 to the 11th of Phậgan St. 1902, had been lent by the author to Sir Herbert Edwardes Bahadur, and had never been returned.
This unfortunate incident has prevented the preservation of a probably uniquely valuable account of those memorable events.
Vol. V., a diary from 2nd Phagun St. 1902 to 7th Chait 1907 (1845 to 1849 4. D.) On Friday the 11th of Phagun, about evening, the Lât Şahibs arrived with the Maharaja Dalip Singh Bahadur and sent him into the citadel of Lihör. Then Lawrence Şahib arrived with a European regiment, encamped at the Badshah Masjid, and placed watchmen at three gates of the citadel. On the 14th Raja Lal Singh and Sardar Téj Singh arrived with their regiments and amicable intercourse between them took place. These events are recorded in the minutest detail in the text.
Lal Singh was removed from the position of Diwân by the British Government and imprisoned, and an assurance was given to the Maharani that her government would be supported. She

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was given a council of four high officials to assist her. These were Tēj Singh, Shêr Singh, the Diwan Dinânâth and Khalifa Núru'd-ilîn. Arrangements were afterwards made, at the request of the Mahârânî and her council, for the retention of the English troops in Lâhôr, for 7 years 9 months and 15 days, by which time the Maharaja Dalip Singh would attain his majority Later on the Governor-General arrived in Lähôr and had several interviews with Dalip Singh and his mother the Maharani. He admonished the councillors and high officials to maintain order and peace in the country, and then he took his departare.
On the 3rd of Bhadon, St. 1901, four Şahibs paid a visit to Raja Taj Singh in his haréli, and informed him that at the third watch all the Sardars were to present themselves in the citadel of Lâhôr, and that the Maharaja Dalip Singh was to go to the Shala Bagh for diversion and hunting. All the Sardars accordingly assembled, and after some consultation with them the Rani was sent to Shêkhupura with their approbation. From that place, afterwards she was conveyed to Firôzpůr with a strong escort, because she had again begun to plot against the government.
In St. 1905 the Lit şabib paid a short visit to Lähôr. The names of English officers, John and George Lawrence, Nicholson, Edwardes, and others, who quelled sundry disturbances and maintained order in the country, are often mentioned, and their doings are narrated in great detail. In St. 1906 the Amritsar District was disarmed. At Atari Edwardes şihib and John Lawrence Şahib made their appearance about midnight, and, taking Mai Lachmi, also called Sarkar Lachmi, from ber bed, imprisoned her, and shortly afterwards the same fate overtook her sons at Adinapagar. Their names were Chhatr Singh, Sher Singh, Gulab Singh, Antar Singh, Têj Singh, Bishņ Singh, and Nahar Singh Açariwâlâ. Mahtab Singh with his brother Surt Singh Majithia and others were also taken into custody in various localities, but no statements are made as to the transgressions for which they had been thus dealt with.
On the 15th of Magh, the Lât Şahib arrived in Lahôr and the city was illuminated. On the 24th he paid a visit to the citadel, where he saw the Diwan Malraj, Sher Singh and other prisoners, each of whom he questioned about his affairs, and about the wars of former times. He had an interview also with Dalîp Singh. He made arrangements for the removal of the prisoners and for the departure of Dalip Singh, with the Diwan Ajudhia Parshad and Zaharu'd-din and Mian Kimân, to Farrukhabad. On the 4th of Poh, the Lâţ Şahib, Lawrence. Şahib and Edwardes Şahib departed towards Multân, after the removal of the prisoners. On the 9th of the same month Dalip Singh departed with Diwan Ajudhiâ Parshad, Zaharu'd-din, and Kimâu, the servant of Jawahir Singh, from the Tôshakhâna of Mișr Beli Râm towards Firôzpûr. On the 11th of Magh, six Sikh soldiers killed a European lady near the cantonments of Mêwa Singh, and were executed. The Lât Şahib Jangi (Commander-in-chief) came to Lähôr to pay a visit to the Maharaja Galáb Singh, and left on Monday the 14th of Chait. On the 24th the wedding of Edwardes Şahib took place in the house of John Lawrence Şâhib, after which he departed with his bride to Amțitsar, St. 1907. The death of LAIA Sohan Lal Sari, author of this work took place in the month of Pôh, St. 1910.
Here the 'Umdatu't-tawarikh terminates abruptly. Readers of the Indian Antiquary will find notices of four other vernacular books bearing on the same events in previous volumes, namely:
(1) The Last Years of Shah Shuja'a, Vol. XV. (2) Reign of Ahmad Shah Durrani, Vol. XVI. (3) The Zafarnama of Rañjit Singh, Vols. XVI. and XVII. (6) The Gulábnáma, Vol. XIX.

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MARCH, 1894.)
THE REFUGE-FORMULA OF THE LAMAS.
THE REFUGE-FORMULA' OF THE LAMAS.
By L. A. WADDELL, M.B., M.R.A.S. The Refuge-formula' of the Lamas, which I here translate, well illustrates the very depraved form of Buddhism professed by them; for here we find that the original Triple Refugeformula (Skr. Trisarana; Pali Saranagamana) in the Triratana, i.., the Buddha, the Word, and the Assembly has been extended, so as to include within its palo the vast host of deities, demons and deified saints of Tibet, as well as many of the Indian Mahayana and Yogacharya saints. The version here translated is that used by the Karmapa and Nyingmapa sects of Lamas in Sikhim, but it is practically the same as that in general use in Tibet, except among the reformed Lamas the Geluk pas ----, who address a less extensive circle of saints and demons. It is extracted from the manual of worship entitled the Kyabs-hgro, commonly pronounced Kyam-do, which literally means "the going for protection or refuge. The text is as follows:
“We - all beings - through the intercession of the Lama, go for refuge to the Buddha ! "We go for refuge to the Buddha's Doctrine (Dharma)!
"We go for refuge to The Assembly of the Lamas (Sangha)!3 . "We go for refuge to the Host of the Gods, and their retinue of Tutelaries (Yidam) and
Fairies (mKhah-hgro, Skr. Khéchara or "sky-goers'), - the defenders of the religion, who people the sky!
“We go for refuge to the victorious Lâmas, who have descended from heaven, the holders of wisdom and the Tantras.
"We go for refuge to the Buddhas of the ten directions !
“We go for refuge to the all-good Father-Mother, the Dharmakaya Samantabhadra, Yab-Yum Sprul-sku Kün-tu bzang po (the primordial Buddha-God of the Northern Buddhists)!
“We go for refuge to the incarnate mild and angry loving one, the Sambhogakaya Santikhroda-prasaraka (Longs-sku zhi-khrorab-hbyam)!
"We go for refuge to the Nirmanakaya Mahavajradhara incarnation of Sakya-Muni (Sprul-sku-rdo-nje hchhang-chhen)!
"We go for refuge to the diamond-souled Guide, Vajrasattva (sTön-pa-rdo-rje-sems-pa)!
"We go for refuge to the Jina, the victorious Sakya-Muni (Gyal-wa or Sha-kya thub-pa)!
"We go for refuge to the most pleasing Vajra incarnation (Sprul-sko-dgal-rab-rdo-rje)!
"We go for refuge to the fierce holder of the thunderbolt, Vajrapani (Phyag-na-rdorje-ytum-po)!
"We go for refuge to the converted dazzling Goddess-Mother, Marichi-devi (Yum-hgyur Lha-mo-höd zer-chan-ma)!
"We go for refuge to the learned teacher Acharya Manjubri (sLob-dpön-hjam-dpalbshes-bsnyen)!
"We go for refuge to the great Pandita Sri Sinha (Pan-chhen-Shri-Singha)! "We go for refuge to the Jina Lakshmi(?) Suda (rgyal-wa-gYang-na su-da)! "We go for refuge to the great Pandita Bhimala Mitra.
"We go for refuge to the incarnate lotus-born Dharmakaya Padma Sambhava (sPrul-sku Padma hbyung-gnas)!
1 The Tibetan words are transliterated according to the system of Ceoma De Körös. » It is a Lamaist axiom that no layman can address the Buddhas, except through the medium of a Láma.
• The Gelukpa text begins :-Dag-sogenam-mkah dang miyams pahi seme-chan thame-chad bla-ma la skyabe au mchhio. Sangs-gas-kyi skay be su mchhio. Chhos-kyi skyabs su mohhis. Ge-hdun-gyi skyabs su mchhio.

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"We go for refuge to (his wife) the Fairy of the ocean of foreknowledge (mklal-lgro ye-shes mtsho-rgyal)!
"We go for refugo to the religious kiny, Dharmaraja Thi-Song-de-tsan (Chlös. rgyal-khri-srong-Ide-ltsan)!
"We go for refuge to the noble Apocalypse-finder Myang-ban (Myang-ban-ting-dsin bzang-po)!
“We go for refage to the Teacher's disciple, the victorious Sthavira Dang-ma (ga 3brtan-dang-ma-lhun-rgyal)
"We go for refuge to the reverend sister, the powerful lioness Lady, Sinhêsvara (Ichc-btsun-seng-ge-ulbang-phyug)!
"We go for refuge to the incarnate Jina Zhang-tön (Prul-sku rgyal-wa-zhang-rtön)! "We go for refuge to the Guru clever above thousands (m Khas-pa nyid-lbum) !
"We go for refuge to the religious lord, Dharmanatha Guru Jo-ber (Chhos-ldag gu-ru jo-hber)!
“We go for refuge to the illusive lion Gyaba (Khrul-zhig-seng-ge-rgyab-ba)!
“We go for refuge to the great devotee, the clearer of the misty moon (Grub-chhenzla-wa-man-sel)!
“We go for refuge to the Sage Kumaraja (Rig-hdsin ka-ma-ra-dsa)!
“We go for refuge to the Prince of the scentless rays, Bhimala Bhaskaras (TGyal-sras-drimed-höd-zer)!
"We go for refuge to the incarnate noble Banner of Victory' (Prul-sku dpal-hbyor. rgyal-mtshan)!
**We go for refuge to the omniscient and renowned Chandrakirtti (Kan-mkhyen-zla-wagrags-pa)!
"We go for refuge to the three incarnate kind brothers (Drin-chhen sprul-sku mchledgsum)!
"We go for refuge to the Bodhisattva, the noble occean (Byang-sems dpal-hbyor rgyamtsho)!
"We go for refuge to the incarnate sage, the holder of the religions vajra (Sprul-skurigs hdsin chhös-rdor)!
“We go for refage to the entirely accomplished and renowned speaker (yongs-hdsin-ngag. dbang grag8-pa)!
"We go for refuge to the great teacher, Mahagurd Dharmaraja (La-chhen-chhös-kyirgyal-po)!
“We go for refuge to the revelation-finder, Thig-po-ling (gTer-bton zhig-po gling-pa)!
"We go for refuge to the religious king of accomplished knowledge (Chhös-rgyal-yonten-phun-tsbogs)!
“ We go for refuge to the banner of obtained wisdom (mKhas-grub bio-gros rgyal-mtshan)! "We go for refuge to the peerless useful vajra (tshungs - med.gzham-phan-rdo-rje)! "We go for refuge to the radical (Skr. müla) Lama Asoka (mnyan-med-rtsa-wahi-bla-ma?)!
“We go for refuge to the Lâma of the Mulé Tantra of the three times (rtsa-brgyud-düsgsum bla-ma)!
• The king of Tibet who patronized the founding of Lamaiem, # The Tibetan term hod-zer may also be Sanskritized as Piogala, Rasmi Pada, or Gou. • The first Bhotiya king of Sikkim, circ. 1650 A. D.
* This may be a reference to the great Emperor A60ka, or his Confessor Upagupta, the Fourth Patriarch of the Early Buddhist Church in India ; or it may be only the title of lama. Several of the foregoing titles, which I have tranalated, may also be proper names.

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THE REFUGE-FORMULA OF THE LAMAS.
MARCH, 1894.]
"We go for refuge to the Sage, the accomplished soul (Sems-dpah phun-tshogs rig-hdsin)! "We go for refuge to the religion-loving king, the holder of the doctrines (Chhösrgyal byam-pa bstan-hdsin)!
"We go for refuge to the reverend abbott, the Sky Vajra (Khas-btsün nam-mkhahvdo-rje)!
"We go for refuge to noble the jewelled-souled Pal-zang (Sems-dpah-rin-chhen dpalbzang)!
"We go for refuge to the assembly of mild and angry tutelary deities (Yi-dam)!
"We go for refuge to the holy doctrine of the great end, Mahanta (rdsogs-pa chhen-po)! "We go for refuge to the male and female saints of the country!
"We go for refuge to the Fairies, the (demoniacal) Defenders of Religion and the Guardians (mKhah-hgro chlös-skyong barungs-ma)!
"O! Lâma! Bless us, as you have been blessed. Bless us with the blessings of the Tantras! :
75
"We beg you to bless us with Om, which is the (secret of the) Body! We beg you to purify our sins and pollutions of the body. We beg you to increase our happiness without any sickness of the body. We beg you to give us the real undying gift of bodily life!
"We beg you to bless us with Ah, which is the (secret of) Speech! We beg you to purify the sins and pollution of our speech. We beg you to give us the power of speech. We beg you to confer on us the gift of perfect and victorious speech!
"We beg you to bless us with Hum (pronounced hung'), which is the (secret of the) Heart (or thought or mind)! We beg you to purify the pollution and sins of our minds. We beg you to give us good understanding. We beg you to give us the real gift of a pure heart. We beg you to empower us with the four powers (of the heart)!
"We pray you to give us the gifts of the true Body, Speech, and Mind."
Om! Ah! Hum !
"O! Give us such blessing as will clear away the sins and pollution of bad deeds!
"We beg you to soften the evils of bad causes!
"We beg you to bless us with the prosperity of our body (i. e. health)!
"Bless us with mental guidance!
"Bless us with Buddhahood soon!
"Bless us by cutting us off from (worldly) illusions!
"Bless us by putting us in the right path!
"Bless us by causing us to understand all things (religious)!
"Bless us to be useful to each other with kindliness!
"Bless us with the ability of doing good and delivering the animal beings (from misery)! "Bless us to know ourselves thoroughly!
"Bless us to be mild from the depths of our heart!
"Bless us to be brave as yourself!
"Bless us with the Tantras, as you yourself are blessed!
"Now! we, the innumerable animal beings, conceiving that (through the efficacy of the above dharanis and prayers) we have become pure in thought, like the Buddha himself, and that we are working for the welfare of the other animal beings, and therefore having now acquired
The sixth Bhotiya king of Sikkim, circ. 1770-90 A. D.
• These refer to the mystic yoga, or union of the three secrets.'

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[MARCH, 1894.
the qualities of the host of the Gods, and the roots of the Tantras, the Zhi-wa, Gyas-pa, db Ang and Phrim-las, - pray that all the other animal beings be possessed of happiness, and be freed from misery! Let us -- all animals - be freed from last, anger, and attachment to worldly affairs, and let us perfectly understand the true nature of the Religion !
“Now! O! Father-Mother (Yab-yum) the Dharmakaya Samantabhadra (Chbos-8kr kün-bżang)! O incarnate mild and angry loving one, Sambhogakaya Santikhróda-prasaraka (Longs-sku-zhi-khro-rab-hbyams)! O incarnate sages of the skull-rosary, Nirmaņa Kaya Kapals (spral-sku-rigs-hdsin-thöd-iphreng-bstsal)! And Mulatantra Lama (Tsa-rgyud. La-ma)! I now beg you all to depart!
"O! Ghosts of heroes (dPa-ho)! Witches (Dálk)! Demoniacal defenders of the Faith (Chhös-skyongs) ! Holy Guardians of the Commandments (Dam-chan-bkah-i-berangma)! And all you that we invited to this place! I beg yon all now to depart!!
"O! Most powerful king of the angry deities (Khro-wo-hi rgyal-po stob-po-chhe)! O! Powerful Isvara and host of the country's guardian Gods (mthu-stobs dbang-phyug ynlhkhor-srung)! And all you others that we invited to this place, with all your retinues, I beg you all now to depart!!!
May Glory Come! Tashi-Shok !
Virtue! Ge-o! Sarbamangalam !"
CORRUPTIONS OF PORTUGUESE NAMES IN SALSETTE AND BASSEIN.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. In an article entitled "Corruptions of Portuguese Names in Salsette and Bassein," Mr. C. E. G. Crawford gives a very interesting list of names, compiled from the Criminal Returns of Magistrates exercising jurisdiction in the Salsette and Bassein Talukas of the Thânâ District. The fact that the names are taken from Criminal Returns is sufhcient evidence that the list is not exhaustive. The following names, which have come within my hearing, in Salsette, will not, therefore, I trust, be deemed uninteresting.
I give them, irrespective of their appearance or not in Mr. Crawford's list. As in Mr. Crawford's list the Portuguese name comes first, in Italics, and the corraptions after it. The list also includes local names. Aleixo - Åles, Åles, Alesia, Alesa.
Bertoldo - Bartol, Batů. Andre - Andrei, Andria, Andrů.
Boaventura - Intar, Intúria, Vintúr, Vintúria. Amaro - Amar.
Borges --- Bôrji. Anjelo - Anjel, Anjiâ, Ânjů.
Botelho - Batel. Anjelina - Anjelin, Anjûti.
Caetano - Kaitan, Kaita. Anna - Annt, Anniâ, Annủ, Annůli.
Cardoz – Kardôs. Antlonia - Antlia, Antlôn, Antôniâ, Antûk. Carlos - Karlů. Antonio - Antia, Antôni, Antônia, Antů. Carolina - Kårðlin, Kalû. Appolinario - A plôn, Ipů.
Catharina - Katrin, Katû, Katůli. Athoguias - Tôgi.
Cecilia - Sisil, Sijil. Augustinho - Agustinh, Gustiâ, Gustin. Celestino - Sølêstin. Avellino - Aulû, Avelia, Avelin.
Clara - Kalâr, Kalârin, Klarin. Baptista - Bêutis.
Clement - Kalmênt. Barbosa - Barbôz.
Colaco - Kolås. Bernardo - Barnên, Bernad.
Constancio - Kostans. 1 See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 442.

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MARCH, 1894.]
CORRUPTIONS OF PORTUGUESE NAMES.
77
Cornelius - Kôrnel.
João - Jambut, Jamtů, Janin, Jâo. Correia - Küre, Kürêl.
Joaquin - Jóki. Coutinho - Kontinh, Kotin.
Jose - Jhijut, Jhijutia, Zaje, zajia, Zajin, Custolio --- Kistôz.
Zûzê. D' Aureo – Âbrên, DÂbrêu.
Lopes - Lob. D'Alluquerque -- Âlbukôr, Ålbûkêrk.
Lourenço - Lôrêns, Lôrsia. D'Almeida - Almed, Dalmêd.
Luts - Luja, Lûjût, Lugha, Lusa, Lasů. D'Andrades - Andråd.
Luisa - Lûjî, Lûzû. D'Athaide - Tavid.
Magdalena – Madliận, Madla, Madů. Da Cunha - Kauh.
Manoel - Mana, Mania, Manů, Manuli, Manâliâ, Daniel - Danel, Dangli, Dinů.
Manut, Manvel. Da Silva -- Sil.
Maria - Mari, Mari, Marů, Marûli. De Brito - Brit.
Mariano - Marian. DeCarvalho - Karwal.
Martha - Mártů. DeConceiçao - Kônskon, Konsêskon.
Bartinho - Martin. De Mello -- Damêl.
Matheus or Mathias - Matos, Matiâ, Matis, De Menezes - Minêz.
Matûli. DeMonte - Mônt.
Matilda - Matil, Matuli. De Penha - Pên, Penh, Pênhâ.
Mendez - Mêndis. Desa - Daså.
Minguel - Mangů, Miigel, Mingli, Minglinh, De Souza - Sôz.
Minglů, Minguț, Mingútiâ. Dias - Dis.
Monica - Maku, Mankia, Mankin, Mankût. Diodinho – Dễgiih.
Murzello — Mürjél, Marzôl. Diogo - Dêgia, Dégů, Dégüt, Dégâţiâ.
Nathalia - Natal, Natú, Natúi, Nátůlinh. Dominga - Důma.
Netto - Net. Domingos - Důma, Důmbria, Dambra, Damiâ, Nicolau - Niklao, Nikla, Nikal, Nikût, Nikůția.
Důming, Důmingiê, Dam âliâ, Důmût. Nunes - Nan. Dos Remedios -- Ramêd.
Pascoal - Pakalia, Pakia, PAkôl, Påkôti, Dyonisits — Déunis.
Pákoţia, Paků, Pakút, Páskiâ, Påskól, Elias -- Ellia, Elliz, Elsūt.
Påskôliâ, Påskôlin, Påsků. Eulalia - Eulů.
Paulo - Paul, Paulià, Pâuld. Eusebius - Ebjêb.
Pedrinho - Pedrinh. Falcão - Falkon.
Pedro - Pedria, Pedra, Pița. Feleciano - Félia, Feliz, Félsia, Felfiân, Felů. Pereira - Pirèl, Pirêr. Fernandes - Farnân.
Quiteria -- Kitêr. Filipe - Filip, Filipiâ.
Rebello - Rabel. Fonsecca - Fanchek, Fönsêk.
Ritha - Ritioh, Ritů, Ritili. Francisco - Farânsia, Frânsis, Farái, Farsd. Rodrigues - Rûdrig, Rüürik. Gabriel - Gabrel, Gabrêlin, Gabriâ, Gabrâ, Romania - Rûmân, Rúmu. Gabut, Gabâţia.
Rosa - Rôjâ, Rôjin, Rôjali, Rôjút, Rôzů. Gaspar - Gaspar, Gaspäri.
Rosario - Rûzêr. Gomee - Gôm.
Salvador - Sald, 'Sálat, 'Saluti. Gonsalves - Ghônsal.
Santiago - Santia. Henriques - Erik, Henrik.
Sebastião - Bastillo, Basta, Bastali. Hilario - flar.
Simão - 'Simkon. Ignacio - Inês, Inâbid, Inksiöh, Inkáů.
Sylvester Silia, Silů, 'Silat. Izabella - Zabel, Zabla, Zabů.
Theresa - Têrêz, Têrêzinh, Térů. Jacintho - Jaśd, Zaśin, Zasut.
Thomas - Tômây, Tômện, Tômin, Tômũi. Jeronimo - Jêrêmin, Jérônin, Züran.
Vicente - Isênt, Visênt, Visentinh. Joana - Jánů, Zanâ, Zana.
| Xavier - 'Savêr.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MARCH, 1894.
FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN.
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, C. S.
No. 9.
- How the Bhuiya Boy became a Rájá.
Once upon a time there was a Bhuiya boy, who was left an orphan when he was very young. The villagers used to give him food, and, at last, when he grew up, he was sent to graze the cattle in the jungle. At night he used to sleep on a platform, which he put up under a banyan tree.
The Lord Paramêsar pitied his case, and sent a fairy from his heavenly court to bring the boy the finest food. But he was afraid to look at her, and, whenever she came, he used to shut his eyes in terror.
After a few days he told an old man of his tribe about the fairy's visits. The old man snid:"This food is sent by Paramésar. If you don't eat it, he will be displeased. But if you wish to stop the visits of the fairy, when she next comes, cut off a piece of the cloth which covers her breast."
So, when the fairy came next night and asked the Bhuiyâ to eat, he pulled out the curved knife, with which he used to peel bamboos, and out off a piece of her sheet. Then she ceased to visit him.
One day the village people said to their barber:-"It is time that boy's head was shaved." So the barber went to where the boy was staying in the jungle. Now the barber is the craftiest of men. As they say "a barber among men, a crow among birds."5 When the barber was shaving the lad's head, he saw the fragment of the fairy's robe, and thought to himself: "Such cloth is not found even in Râjâs' palaces."
"Where did you get this ?" he asked.
"My maternal uncle gave it to me," he answered.
The barber went to the Raja, and told him what a lovely piece of cloth the cowboy bad. The Raja sent for him, and said :
"You must get me a bale' of this cloth." "I will get it if you give me three hundred rupees," said the boy: and the Rûjû gave him the money. Out of this the boy bought a horse for two hundred rupees, and spent the rest on clothes. Then he rode off in search of the cloth.
By and by he came near a city, and halted at a tank to bathe and water his horse. Some sepoys of the Raja of that city saw him, and said:
"This must be some great Râjâ. Our Raja has a daughter for whom he cannot find a fitting match. If he were to marry her to this Raja, his burden of care would be removed."
So they told their Râjâ, and he sent for the Bhuiyâ.
"Who are you?" he asked.
"I am a Râja's son."
"If another Raja offered you his daughter to wife, would you accept her ?" "How can I marry without asking my brothers and parents ? "
1 A folktale told by Khirpatti, Bhuiya of Harwariya Barap, P'ândo Chatan, Mirzapur District: recorded by Pandit Ramgharib Chaubê.
* Machân.
3 Pari.
4 Banka, a knife shaped something like a sickle.
Admin men naud: Panchhin mên kawwa.
The cunning of the barber is proverbial: see Tawney, Katha Sarit Sågara, I. 288.
• The close connection between maternal uncle and nephew is possibly a relic of the matriarchate.
+ Thân.

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MARCH, 1894.]
FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN; No. 9.
"If you refuse to marry her, I will kill you."
In that case I must consent." So they were married, and all the ceremonies were finished in a single day.
"I have some urgent business," said the Bhuiya, “but I will come back by and by and take my wife lome."
So the Bhuisa rodo off, and by and by lenched the palnce of Balwanti Bani' which was in the depths of the Jharkhand forest. This hnd seven gates, ono within the other. The first Was bruaried by a demon, 10 whose upper lips stretched to leaven and the lower to Påtala. The Bhuiyi saw him and thought to himself :
« This monster's mouth will engulph me and my horso. I had buttor mako friends with Lim."
So he went up to him, and said :"I salute you, O maternal uncle!” The demon said :
"I have had no food for twelve years, and when prey comes, it is hard that it should turu out to bo my sister's sou. However, sit down, and tell me what you want."
The Bhuiya angwered :"I am come to enquire about the licalth of Balwanti Rang."
“Do not ask about her," replied the demon. "She sleeps for twelve years and remains usrake for twelve years. Just now she is asleep, and all her warders are dying of hunger. When she wakes, she will give us all food."
“How can I manage to see her, Uncle P” asked the Bhuiya.
“This is very difficult," he answered. "She has seven guards. The first is I myself, whom you tee. Next is a tiger guard : then a leopard guard, then a bear guard. Next come guards of demons and witches. You cannot see the Rani unless you escape from all of these."
“Happen what may, I must see her, and you must tell me how to evade the guards." Said the demon :
"Take a he-goat for the tiger and the leopard : some bér fruit for the bear : 11 some parched rice for the demon and witches. They are very hungry, and if you feed them they may let you in. But beware on your return, as they will all attack you."
The Bhuiya took these things with him, and as he passed in none of the guards noticed him. Then he came into a chamber where Balwanti Rani lay asleep on a couch of gold. Under her bed was a betel box.12 The Bhuiya took a packet of betel, chewed it, and with the red spittle he made a mark on the cloth which covered her breast. Then he went back. All the guards rushed at him, but he threw rice before the demons and witches, a he-goat before the tigers and leopards, a handful of bér fruit before the bears, and so he escaped to where his uncle the demon was on watch. Then he mounted his horse, and, saluting the demon, rode away. In the morning Balwanti Rani woke, and washed her hands and face. But when she saw the mark on the robe she was wrath. First she went to the demon watch, and beat him soundly, and all the guards she beat with her magic wand. Then she set out in search of the man who had dared to mark her robe. She mounted on her flying couch,13 and after many
* The powerful queen.
The jungle of brambles. Sanskrit Jhafakhanda. Locally it is said to be at Vaidyanath in the Shihabad District. 10 Deo.
11 This is the fruit of the Zixyphus jujuba, of which bears are very fond. 12 Pindan.
13 Uran khatolna.

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days reached the tank where the Bhuiya had met the sepoys of the Raja. There he was bathing and watering his horse. Balwantî Rânî said to the Bhuiya :
"Why did you run away after marking my robe ? Now I must live with you all your life." So the Bhuiya married the Rani then and there. That night, while all the world slept, Balwant Rani built a palace much grander than that of the Raja. Next morning the Bhuiya saw the palace and told her to stay there while he went to visit his father-in-law, the Raja. He received him kindly, and that night he stayed with his wife, the Raja's daughter,
When they were alone together the girl said to him :
“If my father asks to you to accept a present take nothing but the basket in which cowdung is collected for the palace. It has magic powers, and all my father's prosperity depends on it."
Next day the Raja offered many valuable presents to his son-in-law, but he said: "I will have nothing but the cowdung basket." The Râjâ was much grieved.
"Take anything but this worthless basket," he said ; "otherwise my subjects will make a jest of me."
But the Bhuiya would have nothing except the basket, and at last the Raja had to give it to him, and he took it and his wife to the palace which Balwanti Rânî had built. Then they all came back to the Bhuiya's native village, and that night his two wives built a palace even more splendid than the last.
Three days after the old barber arrived. When he shaved the Bhuiya's head, he recognized him, and then he went and pared the nails of the two Rânîs. After this he went back to his Raja, and said : " The Bhuiya, to whom you gave the money to buy the cloth, has come back rolling in wealth, and he has two beautiful women, who are fit only for Your Majesty."
The Râjâ asked his advice how to get hold of them.
" Send for him," said the barber, "and demand your cloth. He cannot produce it, and he will have to give the women instead."
The Rajâ sent for him and asked :" Where is the cloth you promised to bring P” The Bhuiyâ answered :Wait till to-morrow.".
When he went home, Balwanti Râni saw him in distress and asked the reason. He told her how he was in the Raja's power.
“Don't fret," said she, “I am the fairy whose breast cloth you cut. I will bring you four bales of the cloth to-morrow."
Next day the Bhuiyê gave the cloth to the Rajs. The barber then gave him counsel.
“Tell the Bhuiyâ to bring you four baskets of ripe mangoes. They are out of season, and he will fail to do so, and will be obliged to give up the women."
Again the Bhuiya was perplexed and again Balwanti Rânî relieved him of his difficulty, for by her magical power she planted a garden that night, and in the morning the trees were laden with ripe mangoes. These the Bhuiyê gave to the Raja.
" All our plans have failed,” said the barber. “Now yon most call him and tell him to bring you news of your parents in the world of the dead."
The R&jå gave the order and the Bhuiyê was much distressed. Balwanti Râni saw him in grief, and when she heard the story said :

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“Go to the Raja and say that, in order that you may be able to go to the land of the dead you must have a house filled with fuel. In this you must be burnt and your spirit can go to Yamaraj."14.
This was done, and meanwhile Balwanti Râni had made an underground passage from this place to her own house, and when the fuel was lit the Bhuiyai escaped to his home, where he lived six months, starving himself, and living in the dark, and letting his hair and beard grow. When six months passed, he came out and said to the Raja, “Yâmaraj is a bad place. Look at my condition after being there six months, and only think what your parents must be, who have been there twelve years !"
So the Raja determined to go and visit his parents bimself, and he had a house filled with fuel and lighted. But he was burnt to death, and the Bhuiya took possession of all the Raja had, and ruled his kingdom for many years with justice and wisdom.
Notes. The BhuiyAs are a Dravidian tribe residing along the Vindhya-Kaimur ranges and in Chatia Nagpûr. There is a good account of them in Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 139 ff. This story was told by one of the most primitive members of the tribe, who, when I met him, was engaged in making catecho in the heart of the jungle. The story is curious, but obvionsly bears traces of Hinda influence. Thus, the part or fairy comes from Paramèsvara, here equivalent to Indra, at whose heavenly court (Indrásan) the fairies assemble. The robbery of a portion of her robe is one of “ Robbery from fairy land" cycle, and the cloth is thas equivalent to the Oldenburg Cup or the Luck of Edenhall (Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, 149, sqq.)
The prejudice against taking fairy food, or food bronght from the other world, is common in folklore. We have it in the pommegranate of Proserpine, and in numerous other instances. (Hartland, loc cit, 43, sqq).
The Bhuiya's search for the fairy robe is on the same lines as the Argonautic Expedition, which the comparative mythologists take to mean the search for the lost sunlight, that bas been absorbed by the darkness. (Cox, Introduction to Mythology and Folklore, 260, sq9).
The palace of Balwanti Rânt is guarded like the garden of the Hesperides : or as the water of life is watched by lions in the Arabian Nights Story of Prince Aḥmad and the Fairy Paribânů.
The ääni has her flying couch, which appears constantly in the Katha Sarit Ságara (I. 259, 278, 386, etc.), and is also found in the flying horse of the Arabian Nights (Lady Burton's Edition, II. 496, etc.); and her magic wand is like Aaron's rod, and is found in various forms all through Indian folklore (Temple, Wideawake Stories, 418). The magic rubbish-basket is a new form of the inexhaustible pot (Temple, loc cit, 423: Tawney, Katha Sarit Ságara, II. 2), which in European folklore becomes a purse, hat, &c. (Jacob's Folklore Congress Reports, 1891, p. 93).
The story then diverges into the Cycle of “Hero Tasks" (Tawney, loc cit, 1. 195, 361; II. 632).
No. 10. - The Story of Prince Danda and the Prince88.1 There was once a king, who had an only son, and on the day that the prince was born the king's mare also had a foal. So the king shut up the mare and foal in a room, and supplied them with food and water through a pipe from outside, and once a day a groom used to come in and tend them both.
The king called his son Danda and arranged his betrothal (mangni), but unfortunately he did so while the prince was still a child. When the prince grew up, he became acquainted with the son of the wazir, but they were not great friends. The prince was very fond of amusing himself with the pellet bow (gulbl), and became an excellent shot. In his garden was a well, and
** The kingdom of Yams, king of death.
1 A folktale told by Maht Aba, an old Muhammadan woman of Mirzipur : recorded by E. David, Native Christian

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there he used to go and hide behind the trees, and when the women came to draw water he used to break their water jars with his pellet bow, and laugh when their clothes where drenched. The women complained to his mother, and she ordered that they should be supplied with iron jars from the royal treasury. These he tried to break but failed. The wazir's son came to him and said : “Why are you so low-sprited ?" He said: "I used to amuse myself with breaking the women's water jars, and now, since they have got iron vessels, my pleasure is gone." The wazir's son said: “Don't be downhearted, I will make yon pellets of flint (chaqmág), and with these you can break the iron jars." So he made flint pellets for the prince.
One day a very pretty girl came to draw water. The prince broke her water jar, and her clothes were soaked. She called out, “Rogue! Look at your nose." He put his hand to his face and said: "Why, my nose is all right." "Well, if it is," said she, "the king of Russia is coming to betroth his son to your promised bride." When he heard this, the prince went at once to his mother and asked her: "Have I been betrothed"? She said: "Who told you, and why are you asking?" "I won't tell you," said he ; "only tell me if I am betrothed or not." She said: "Yes." "Are there any signs of betrothal ?” he enquired. She produced a ring and a handkerchief and gave them to him. "Where am I betrothed ?” he asked. "To the daughter of the king of Persia (Fárs)," she said. "Is there anything else you have to tell me?" he asked. Then she told him of the mare and of the foal which was born when he was born. Dandâ went to the stable, brought out the young horse, mounted it, and started for the land of Persia. He had to pass through a jungle, and on the road a faqir named Angang, saw him and motioned to him to stop. He pulled in his horse with difficulty, and Anganû said: "Where are you going, my son ?” Dandâ replied: "The king of Russia has bespoken my betrothed bride for his son. May God (Rabb) bring about our marriage !” The faqir answered: "I am ready to help you. I will escort you to the king of Persia."
So they both started--the prince on horseback, and the faqir on foot; but no matter how hard the prince pressed his horse, Anganû was always in front of him : and on the day his bride was to be betrothed to the son of the king of Russia they reached the palace of the king of Persia and halted in a grove close by.
The wife of the gardener, seeing them, asked who they were. "I am the betrothed of the princess of this land,” said Danda. The gardener's wife went to her and said: "He to whom you were first betrothed has come." Hearing this the princess desired to see Danda : and going secretly with the gardener's wife looked at him, and began to weep because the king of Russia wanted her for his son. She went to her mother and said: "I have seen the prince to whom I was originally betrothed, and I desire to marry him." Her mother was much distressed, and sending for the king told him the whole story. He was greatly grieved and said: "If I refuse the match, the king of Russia will kill me and carry off my daughter by force."
The king of Russia heard what was going on. So he sent and had a picture of the prince painted, and hanging it up in the place where the marriage was fixed to take place, issued an order : “ If this youth come to the marriage house, cut his throat and fling his corpse away." When the time of the marriage came, Dandâ said to Anganû: "I wish to see the wedding." Anganû warned him, but Danda persisted. At last Anganû said: “Well, you may be present. But stand aside and look on, and do not go into the midst of the company.” Dandà came, but there was a great crowd, and where he stood he could see nothing. So he forced his way in the middle of the guests. When the servants compared him with the picture, they dragged him out and pitched him into a well.
When much time passed and Dandå did not return, Anganû was sure that he had forced his way in and had been killed. Just then the gardener's wife came and told Anganû that the servants of the king of Russia had killed Dandå. Anganú said: "Come and shew me the well into which they have thrown him." She shewed him the place. Angand took up a stone, and, breathing spells over it, threw it into the well, on which Danda revived, and came out of the well, for he was not quite dead, and some life remained in him.

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Anganủ then sent the gardener's wife to the princess to say: "Your first husband has sent for you." She went to her mother and said: "I want to go into the garden this evening with some of my companions." When she came there Anganû instructed Danda : “When you meet the princess tell her to play hide and seek (chipné kú khél) with her companions." When she hid from them she came to Dandâ, who took her to Anganů. Anganû had borrowed a magic elephant from one of the Jinn and directed Danda to mount it with the princess, and then to touch its right ear, when it would take them to the mountain where they were to remain for three days. “But, take care," said he "not to dismount till the third day." But Dandâ said: “The companions of the princess, who are locked up in the garden will die of hunger. I will release them before I take away the princess." So he took the key from her and let out the girls. When they saw him they canght him and said: “Shew us the princess. If you refuse we will take you to the king."
When Anganû saw that Danda was caught he went there, and, untying a necklace made of cloves of gold from his neck, he flung the beads before them, and as the girls ran to seek them Dandà escaped, mounted the elephant, touched its right ear and carried the princess off to the mountain.
When the girls saw that the princess was being carried off they raised a cry, and the king of Russia heard them. So he sent his army to arrest Danda and the princess. But Anganû took up some potsherds and threw them into the air. When one of these fell on a mau, his lead was broken: and demons (deo) rising out of the ground began to devour the corpses of the Russian troops. They began calling out: “We are dead men;" and again they said: "Angana Miyan is dead." When Danda heard that Anganû was dead, he said to the princess: " I must go and see if this is true or not." So he touched the left ear of the elephant, which immediately descended to the ground. When he dismounted the troops of the king of Russia fell on Danda and killed him. When Anganû saw he was dead, he put his corpse on the elephant and carried him off to the mountain, and said to the princess : "I warned him not to dismount for three days. Why did you let him go ?" Then he prayed to Khuda: "Revive this youth for half an hour, 50 that I may give him something to eat." Khuda heard his prayers, and brought Dandâ to life for balf an hour. Anganû fed Danda and the princess with his own hand. Meanwhile two faqirs came up and asked for alms. The princess said to Dandâ : "You have gone through much trouble for my sake: and now you must die. I will die too, and we will be buried in one grave. If you allow me, I will give all the jewels I am wearing to these faqirs." Dandâ said : "Give them, if you please." So she gave them to the faqirs, and they seeing the purity of her heart prayed: "O Khuda ! measure their life to the space of a hundred years !” Khudâ heard their prayers and measured their lives to one hundred years each. So Danda, the princess and Anganû came to the palace of Danda, and there was great delight at Danda's return, and the pair lived in great love and happiness for a hundred years, and their eldest son, who was wise and beautiful, ascended the throne of his father.
Notes. We have the flying elephant in many of these stories. Thus Svetarasmi is turned into an elephant and can fly through the air (Tawney, Katha Sarit Ságara, I. 328), and later on in the same book (II. 540) we read of two air-going elephants, Kanchanagiri and Kanchanasekhara, It is the flying horse of the Arabian Nights, which Sir R. Burton (Lady Burton, Arabian Nights, II. 138) thinks may have originated with the Hindu tale of a wooden Garuda built by & youth for the purpose of a vehicle. This is Chaucer's -
" Wondrous steed of brass
On which the Tartar king did ride." For various other miraculous vehicles in Indian folklore see Temple, Wideawake Stories, 425 sq. For scrambling for gifts among servants see an instance in Arabian Nights, V. 357.3
? [It is to be noted that this tale opens precisely as do the Adventures of Raja Rasálů; see my Legends of the Panjai, Vol. I. p. I ff. - ED.)

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
COUNTING-OUT RHYMES IN BURMA. I.
St-bông Dong eng, Dô-gô hmén! Wus-sén!
Ke-bong: pyé!
Made-of lines
Three houses, Intended for-us!
Off-you-go. Save-yourself; run!
II.
Dàn nổ! Dàn nyet! Dan-nyet kè!
Hmwè, yú! Laik pê-dò (ông)! Palm juice! Palm sugar!
PROF. ZACHARIA'S ANEKARTHASAMGRAHA.1
Prof. Zachariæ has been a well-known authority on Indian Lexicography, since the publication of his Beiträge zur indischen Lexicographie in 1883, and I am glad to welcome the important work, whose title heads this article, from his competent pen.
Prof. Bühler's life of Hemachandra has been before the public for some years, and it is hence unnecessary for me to do more than to remind my readers that the Anckárthasaṁgraha, or Dictionary of Homonyms, is one of his most important works. It is the chief of its class, occupying much the same position in reference to it, that the Amarakósha occupies among the ékárthakóshas, or Dictionaries of Synonyms. Put more popularly, an anékárthakósha is a dictionary of words of more than one meaning, while an skárthakosha is a dictionary, in which different words of the same meaning, synonyms, are grouped together. The work of Hêmachandra has been published more than once, but Prof. Zachariæ's is the first really scientific edition, with
a properly edited commentary. It is remarkably free from misprints. The commentary is the more valuable because its author, Mahendrasûri was a pupil of Hêmachandra, and composed it soon after his teacher's death in the last quarter of the 12th century.
Dr. Zacharia has not been able to print Mahêndra's commentary in its entirety, except for the
BOOK-NOTICES.
1 Sources of Sankrit Lexicography. Edited by order of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Vienna. Volume I. The Anckarthasarhgraha of Hemachandra. With extracts
[MARCH, 1894.
Palm sugar lumps! Bend-over, take! Now follow!
These are used in a game played by boys all over Burma with some variations.
In Mandalay squares (or "houses") are marked off by lines, made in the dust or on the ground, in three separate places at some distance apart. The boys are then arranged in a row at some distance from the nearest equare and counted out by the first rhyme until two are left, when the last boy is counted out by the second rhyme. They all then make for the "houses," the last boy trying to catch one of the others before he gets into a "house."
In Rangoon the boys stand in a circle and are counted out indifferently by either rhyme, and the last boy has merely to try and catch one of the others.
R. C. TEMPLE.
first kanda of the text, but the pith has been preserved, and only those portions omitted which furnish information readily obtainable elsewhere. A special feature is the large number (some 7,000) of examples taken from classical authors illustrating the meanings of words given in the text. These examples have been retained by the editor, except such as have been quoted in Böhtlingk's dictionaries. The way in which they have been treated by the editor illustrates the care and thoroughness with which he has carried out his work. A large number of the examples have been traced to their sources and identified. This must have been a work of immense labour.
The work has been excellently printed in Bombay by the Education Society's Press, and the learned world owes a debt not only to the editor for a most useful work, but to the liberality of the Imperial Academy of Vienna, and of the Secretary of State for India, which made its publication possible.
P. S. Since the above was written, I have
received a pamphlet by the same author, entitled Epilegomena zu der Ausgabe des Anékárthasamgraha.' It consists principally of critical notes on the text, and on the examples given by Mahêndra in his commentary: and also contains a useful index of the authors quoted by him. I commend it warmly to students of the original work.
G. A. G.
from the Commentary of Mahendra. Edited by Th. Zachariæ. Vienna. Alfred Holder. Bombay: Education Society's Press. 1893. pp. xviii. and 132 and 206.

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from p. 49.) BURNELL MSS. No. IV. PART II. - (continuel).
THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA (continuerl). N hearing this, the Balla! caused letters to be written to those who lived in remote
countries; and to the people of the town, he caused a proclamation to be made by the beat of a bell-metal drum, that there should assemble in the town every male who had a tuft of hair on his head; everyone of the tribe called Kolkárs with a stick in his hand; every hunter having a pistol; the bowmen of the tribe called Mugêrs; two hundred men of Edambůr and three huudred of Koda Padi. Accordingly all the people assembled. The two brothers living in Ekkadka Erryaŭgada were then sent for. When they came into the Balla!'s verandah, the Balla ordered them to accompany him to a hunt.
"We have got a sufficient number of men, but we have no hunting dogs; and a chase without dogs is quite useless," said the two brothers.
So it was necessary to write a letter to one Kanda Bulefi, living in a spot called Karmi sale in the town of Ijjya on the ghats. On enquiry the Ballal found that their writer was a clerk named Narayana Rangoji, and he sent a man to call the clerk, who was thus obliged to come to the Balla!. Another man was sent to Buddyanta's land to bring some leaves of a yoning palm-tree. The Balla! caused the leaves to be exposed to the morning sun, and to be taken out of the sunshine in the evening, and by that time, the clerk Narayana Rangoji had come to the Balla!'s verandah. He asked the Balla! why he had been sent for.
"You are now to write a letter," said the Ballal.
The clerk sat on a three-legged stool, and the bundle of palm-leaves the Balla! causeù to be placed before him. The clerk took a leaf from the bundle, and cut off both its ends and preserved only the middle part. He caused oil and turnieric to be applied to it, and asked Balla! what he should write.
The latter dictated thus:"To him who lives in the town of liiva on the ghéts. Whereas the Ballad of Edambůr intends to go hunting in all the great forests, you are required to bring with you about twenty or twenty-four dogs, including twelve of those always kept bound and twelve of those always kept loose. Without the least delay, you should start as soon as you see this letter, in whatever dress you may be at the time, and even if in the middle of your dinner."
After the letter was written, the Balla! enquired of the people of his household who was to be the bearer of the letter, and was told that there was one Bagga. He was paid all the expenses of his journey and of his family during his absence. The letter was tied to the skirts of his garment, and he was advised not to stop at any place, either on account of a storm or on account of the noon-day heat. On hearing the order he set out from the Balla!'s verandah, and, passing the low countries, he came to the spot Karmi Sale in the town of Ijjyu on the gháts. He approached the house of Mallo, and standing at the gate called out: "Mallo! Mallo!”
Hearing the call, the latter came out and said: “Who is it that calls me p"
“It is I and no one else. I, the messenger sent by the Balla! of Edambûr," said Bagga. and gave the letter which had been tied to the skirts of his garment to Mallo.
Mallo opened the letter, extended the leaf to its full length, and read it, and it was to the following effect, namely, that, as soon as he saw the letter, he should start in the dress he was in at the time and from the middle of his dinner, taking with him about twenty or twenty-four dogs. After reading the letter, he went in and called out to a dog named Kasu by its name,

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and caused rice of a very black sort to be served to it. In the same manner he called out to another dog named Tandu, and caused broken rice and bran to be served to it. Next, he called out to a dog named Bollu, and caused green rice to be served to it. The last time he called out to the dog named Kaju, and caused rice of a coarse kind to be served to it. Then holding all the dogs in a leash, he set out from his house, following the man sent to him. He descended from the ghús into the lower country, and came to the Ballal's house. He caused his dogs to be tied to a pillar, and bowed low before the Ballâl. The Balla! asked him to sit down, and then sent a man to the two heroes, asking them to come home to his verandah. They sent word that they would bathe, and thus wash away the oil they had robbed on their bodies, and, taking a little rice water, would come to his verandah. After a little while, they arrived at the Ballå!'s house.
"Now must we go a-hunting," said the Ballal.
The people of the whole town went to the chase, and the Balla!'s son-in-law, Rukku Ballal, rode on a white horse. After meditating for some time what forest they should enter, they at last surrounded the forest called Sanka in the east. They threw stones on the bushes and held the dogs in the slips. They entered the forest, but altbough they hunted a long time, they were not able to find either deer or wild hog. They then resolved to enter the forest over-grown with the plants called simulla. They surrounded it, as they had done the first, threw stones on the bushes, and held the dogs in the slips. The deer, the hare and the wild hog did not come out of the bushes. Thus the chase proved quite useless. Now they resolved to hunt from the place called Anekallavu to Tuppe Kallavu, and surrounded the latter place. All the most prominent places were occupied by the best hunters. They threw stones on the bushes, and in a pit as deep as the height of a man they found the king of pigs, a little smaller than an elephant and bigger than a horse. It suddenly sprang out of the pit and grunted aloud, and went straight to where Koţi Baidya was standing. Its grunt, when its hair was standing on end, was like the roar of thunder. Its tusks, when it ground them, shone bright as lightning. Koți was now in a strait. He could not fly from the beast without bringing a stain upon his heroism, and he could not fight with it without risking his life. In this strait he prayed to the Bhata Brahmara of Kemmule, craving his help. He set an arrow to his bow and discharged it with such great force that it entered the body of the pig through the mouth and came out from it through the enus. The cries of the beast were heard in the three worlds and its groans resounded through the four worlds. Channayya Baidya heard the cries, and came running to Koti, to see whether his brother had killed the beast, or whether the beast had killed his brother. Koţi asked him why he came running so fast.
"I thought the pig had overpowered you and so came here," said the younger brother.
"Is it possible that the pig could defeat me ? No, it was I that killed the pig," said Köți.
"Where is that pig?" said Channayya.
"O, my dear young brother! look; here it is," said Koti. Then the younger brother threw off all the leaves which were on the body of the pig, and having examined it, placed his hand on his nosed and said to Koti :-"My elder brother, we must revive this dead pig so that by its means we may revenge ourselves on the Balla] of Panje."
"Is it possible that the dead pig should come to life again ?" said Koti.
"If the dead pig cannot revive, do you think that we can ever avenge ourselves on him of Pañje?" asked the younger brother. “If there is a Bhata named Brahmara of Kemmule, he will certainly help us. He will certainly become our charioteer."
Saying this, he took some water in a pure goblet and by means of a brush of the sacred grass, sprinkled the water on the body of the dead pig from the head to the tail. The pig
1 As a mark of great surprise.

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revived in all its freshness and vigour, and at once stood up. It then took its way to Panje, the two brothers following it. When it came to the rice-field called Baki Balisemara in Panje, the elder brother discharged a long arrow at it. The groans of the pig were heard by the thousand people of Pañje. At one call, they assembled near the pig. One thousand men of Pañje, three hundred of Kolapadi, and one thousand of Kokke Yani. They resolved not to give up the pig that lay within their boundaries and to carry home the whole of the pig, even at the cost of their lives. Then the thousand men of Pañje brought a white creeper, which is the strongest of all the creepers, and, twining it round one of the tusks of the pig, they dragged it along with songs.
At this moment Channayya Baidya said to Kôti :- "The pig lies within the boundaries of Edambůr, and Edambar belongs to you: why then do you make delay ? Will you fight with the thousand men of Pañje ? Or will you give up the pig ?"
After hearing these words, did he tarry long? He at once held the pig by its task, and Chamayya drew out the arrow from its body and punished the thousand men of Pañje. Koti dragged away the pig, Channayya slew the thousand men of Panje and they lay dead on the field, as lies the suggi crop. Those who fled to the East he pursued up to the sea of pure water. He severely reproached those who fled to the West, and completely overpowered then. He pargued those who fled to the North as far as the Ganges! And those who fled Southward, he drove into the sea. Then the brothers, dragging the pig along with them, went on. On one side was the village of Pañje and on another was that of Edambůr, and between them was a big rock named Manjolu. They placed the pig on the rock, and sent a man to the Balla! of Pasije to ask him to come to them for the purpose of cutting the pig to pieces and distributing it to the people. The messenger went to the Balla! and begged of him to come.
The Ballal said to the messenger :-"Let the heroes, who killed the pig, cut it to pieces and distribute the pieces to the people."
The two brothers accordingly cut the pig to pieces and distributed them to the people, saying :-"This day, we have given you the flesh of a pig: tomorrow, we shall give you the flesh of a lion. Therefore, those who are assembled here to-day must assemble again tomorrow. Tomorrow, too, we intend to distribute flesh."
They then told the people that they would return to their own country. They resolved to rub oil on their bodies and bathe, in order to wash away the sin of having killed a pig.
“What substances are required to wash away the oil P" asked the elder of his younger brother.
“We want black gram, pods of green gram, the juice of some plants growing in the wet and dry fields, and some acid substances," replied the younger brother.
“Who is the man best fitted to rub the oil on our bodies P" asked Koti.
“There is one Mutti Sirds, the son of a man of that profession, who, by rubbing half a sér of oil on the body, can squeeze one sér of oil out of it," said Channayya.
Mutti Sirda was sent for, and was asked to name the different kinds of oil that he required. He said :-"0, heroes! gingely-seed, oil, cocoanut-oil and castor oil are required."
All preparations were made for their bathing. One hundred pots of hot water and one hundred pots of cold water were made ready by order of the brothers. Then Mutti Sîrda began to rub the oil on their heads and bodies. He rubbed ghi and oil on their heads. He poured the oil called kir into their ears. He rubbed the oil called bindu on their joints, and on their nails he rubbed boiled oil.
Meanwhile the Ballal of Edambůr received a letter from Sayina, the contents of which were as follows:-"Send me the head and some flesh of the pig; and when you send me the head and the flesh, send me any curry that you may have made of its flesh; and when

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you send me that, send me some of its eye-brows; and when you send me the eye-brows, send me the heroes that killed the pig, prepared for battle; and when you have sent me the heroes, do you put off the dress of a male, and put on the disguise of a female, supply the want of breasts by cocoanut shells, put on a bodice, dress yourself in a woman's garment, put plenty of bracelets on your hands, apply collyrium to your eyes, and tie your hair in a knot. I shall come to the verandah of the Ballal of Edambûr to speak about your marriage." When he read the letter, the Ballâl became greatly dispirited, and sent the letter to the two brothers. They opened the letter and read it, and found it to be very discourteous.
"We will come to the battle," said they to the messenger and they burnt both ends of the palm-leaf and tied it to the neck of the man that had brought it; and, having done this, they caused him to be driven out of the house. They then sent word to the Ballâl that, if he had no courage, he might remain in an under-ground cellar, till they should come to his assistance, and that they would come after they had washed away the oil which they had rubbed on their bodies, and had taken a little rice-water. They bathed and washed away the oil. They took a little rice-water, and they made preparations for going out to battle with all the weapons of war. They each put a necklace on his body; they ornamented their waists with girdles; they put golden necklaces on their bodies; they tied turbans of the color of parrots and pigeons on their heads; they mounted a palankin; they armed themselves with their dagger, equal to that of Rama's. Thus did they completely arm themselves and set out for the Ballal's verandah. The Ballâl saw them coming, and came and sat on his seat, and they bowed low before him.
When they had saluted him, the Ballâl said :-"O heroes! I am now assured that if I rely on you for help, I shall lose the whole of my kingdom. Therefore, O heroes, shew me all your skill and bravery, that I may ascertain whether you are men who can save my kingdom, or who will only ruin it."
"In the upper-story of your mansion there is a mura of sessamum seed. Please order that to be given to us," said the brothers.
"O heroes, is that a thing that you will fail to get from me?" said the Ballal. He ordered the mudi to be opened. The elder brother, Koti, then shewed the dexterity of his hand; when he had shewed it, the seed flew up in the air in powder as fine as red turmeric.
Then the Ballâl said :-"I have thus seen your skill, and now I want to see the skill of your brother, Channayya."
"O my lord," said Channaya, "your swinging cot has four iron chains. Please order one of them to be given to me."
"Can iron be cut by a weapon of iron?" said the Ballal.
"If iron cannot be cut by iron, will one man be able to slay another ?" said Channayya.
"If this be so, will the chain be refused to you ?" said the Ballal, and he ordered one of the chains to be given to Channayya.
When the latter shewed his skill, all the four chains fell in pieces.
"You are heroes that will be able to protect my kingdom," said the Ballal.
Then the five hundred men of Edambûr, and the three hundred of Kolapadi, together with the Ballâl's son-in-law, Rukku Ballal, who rode on a white horse and held a white umbrella, went forth to the battle field. The battle was to be fought in two fields, one in which seven sers of rice, and the other in which seventy sérs of rice, could be sown, and Channayya was to command the field of seven sers. The Ballâl's son-in-law, Rukku Ballâl, stood at a place which was separated from the battle field by three rice fields, in each of which thirty sérs of rice could be sown.
Before going out to the battle, Channayya said to Kôti:-"When, my brother, shall we again see each other's faces ?"

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They talked a great deal to each other, and clapped their hands on their shoulders with joy. Then they advanced with their faces towards the battle field. Channayya went to the field of seven sérs, and Kôți to the field of seventy sérs. Channayya began the battle in the field of seven sérs. He slew a great number of the enemy, who fell down dead, like bundles of the suggi crop, and completely roated the enemy, and thus ended the battle in that quarter. Then he came to the field of seventy sérs, where the battle lasted seven nights and eight days, during which they tasted neither food nor drink.
"Come back, my brother, I will proceed with the battle," said Channayya.
Kóti answered :-"O my brother! listen to me; you will not be able to stand the attack of the enemy. Wheel-fireworks are showered on our heads; quoits are hurled at our necks; our breasts receive sword cuts; and from behind are discharged showers of arrows. I know that it is your habit to do everything with the greatest circumspection - fight with the greatest caution."
While Channayya was bravely fighting, Koti sat down to chew betel, when Chandagidi shot an arrow at him from behind. The arrow struck him in the lower part of the leg.
He cried out:-"O my brother, the cur of Pañje has bitten me from behind. If it had been a dog of high breed it would have met me in front. Therefore I will not look at the arrow with my eyes, and will not touch it with my hands."
So saying he kicked the arrow back with his leg. The arrow struck Chandagidi in the breast and he fled from his body to Kailasa, and he was then borne to the Balla!'s verandah. The Balla sent a man to bring some medicine from a physician named Barmu, living in the village of Sanje Manje.
Köţi cut the whole of the enemy to pieces, and brought the battle to an end. Having thus terminated the war, he left the field of seventy sérs, and on his way home be saw a man in the field Bakibalatimara in Panje put in chains by the Ballal of that place on account of arrears of rent of one mudi due by him to the ancestors of the Ballal.
The man gazed eagerly at Koti and cried out, "O! If my chains had been broken, I would have wrested the dagger from the hands of Kôți."
"You are to die by this means. Meet your death at bis (Koti's) hands," said the Balla!.
Then the man advanced straight on Kôti, stood before him and said :-"Who is Koti? who is Koți ? Will you give me the dagger yourself or shall I take it from your hands by force ?"
Koti replied :-“If you had come to the field of seven sérs, your fate would have been quite different; but it is a pity that you came to the field of seventy sérs. You need not wrest the dagger from me. I will give it to you of my own free will."
Then giving the dagger, Koti said :-“This, my only dagger, belongs to Brahmara of Kemmule. If you take this with you, you can pass only one field, and when you have passed that, you will not live to pass a second. And if in any way you should succeed in passing two fields, be assured you will not live to pass a third."
With these words he gave the dagger to his antagonist. Koti then went to the foot of a banyan-tree, where there was a gentle breeze, and spreading ont his dirty blanket sat down on it. While his antagonist was passing the third field, the Balla!'s son-in-law, Rukku Ballal, saw Kôti sitting down. The potter? was walking with the dagger in his hands. Rukku Ballal secured his horse in a shady place, and cut off the head of the potter named Padampu. Then, taking the dagger from his hands, he returned home. On the way he asked Kôți, who was sitting down to enjoy the cool breeze, to come along with him to the BallAl's verandab.
"I cannot walk, my lord ! Pour some water into my mouth, and let me go to heaven," said Koti.
* I. e., the antagonist.

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Tben Rukku Balla! went to the verandah and informed the Balla! that Kôti was unable to walk. The Ballå! sent him his palankin and Kôti was borne to the verandah in the palankin.
"O great dero! You are he that saved the whole of my kingdom," said the Balla!.
"That is well," said Koţi; "but, my lord, pour some water into my mouth that I may go to heaven. I will leave this body and go to Kailasa."
A tender cocoanat of the red kind the Balla! ordered to be brought.
"O Koti, you were a hero that was able to save my kingdom, and now the time of its downfall approaches," said the Balla!.
Koti said :-"O my lord! We shall continue to assist you as much as we did in our lifetime in the day of battle. Only plant our dagger in the battle-field and we shall fight, on your behalf, as spirits, in the same manner 88 we did as men. In life we never gave up your cause; therefore, after death, be assured, we shall not fail to assist you."
"O Kôti Baidya, up to this time I could have counted on must elephants in Edambúr; but this day one must elephant is going away, O Kôți," said the Ballal, weeping bitterly, as he poured water into Kôți's mouth that he might go to heaven. Then Koţi left his body and went to Kailasa.
A mango and a jack-tree, growing on each side of a river, the Balla! ordered to be cut He prepared a funeral pile in a corner of the burial ground, and caused the body to be burnt with all the proper ceremonies.
When Koți advanced towards the throne of Brahma, Brahmi said:-"Do not enter into the gudi. Do not come into the yard. In your life-time, you and your brother were always together; why, then, have you come alone? Unless you come together, you cannot enter the yard."
Hearing these words, Kofi came back to the world. The younger brother came to the side of a deep well and looked down into it, and saw his face reflected in the water.
“My brother fell in the battle ; what then is the use of my living ?” said Channayya to himself.
So saying, he struck his leg against a rock and thus committed suicide. The news reached the Balla! that Channayya had committed suicide in the house of the physician Barmu of the village Sañje Manje.
On hearing the news, the Ballal cried out :-"O God! O God! O my unlucky fortune! I had congratulated myself that, although I lost one must elephant, I had yet another. Now I. bave lost both. The time of the downfall of my kingdom has approached."
He caused a maugo and a jack-tree, growing one on each side of a river, to be cut. He caused a funeral pile to be raised in a corner of the burial ground, and had the body burnt. Then the two brothers went in the form of spirits to the throne of Brahma, who said:
"Do not approach the gudi. Do not come into the yard. You must purify yourselves before you come to me."
Hearing the order, they came, in the shape of aërial beings, to the Balla!'s mansion, and threw the handle of their dagger on the ground, and asked the Balla! to purify them. On the ninth day of their death, the Balla! caused the ashes of their dead bodies to be collected, and on the tenth, he had the ceremony of sálya performed. He planted three posts on the burial ground, and covered them with cloths of different colors. Thus he caused all the funeral rites to be performed, in as grand a manner as would have been done for a royal Balla!. Having thus purified themselves, they again approached Brahma's throne, but he forbade them to advance, saying: -
"Do not touch my gudi. Do not come into the yard. You must bathe in the holy Ganges before you come here."

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They told Brahma that they would bathe in the Ganges. They drank the waters of sixteen holy places in order to wash away their sins, and the waters of twenty-four others to earn merit. Having thus washed away all their sins, they came for the third time to the throne of Brahmâ. Then they came into the yard and they entered the guḍi. They stood on the right hand of Brahma, and became members of Brahmâ's council, and were ever afterwards in the world as much honored as Brahma himself.
BURNELL MSS. No. 5.
THE ACTS OF JARANTAYA.
Original in the Malayalam character recorded by a Tântri (Tulu Brahman) for Dr. Burnell: translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaf 123 and part of 124 in Burnell's MSS.
Translation.
On a Tuesday at noon, the hero Jarantaya came to the Atrêl ferry, riding on a white horse and holding a white umbrella, and ordered the ferry-man Kanya to bring the ferry-boat.
The ferry-man replied: "The boat does not belong to me. I am not to get my fare, and the boat has been kept by one Bermane Kote Bale for crossing the river on Tuesdays and Sundays."
"It is no matter that the boat is kept by him for crossing the river, I will give you the proper fare. Bring the boat to this side," said Jârântâya.
As soon as he said this, the ferry-man brought the boat.
"Tender cocoanuts and cocoanut leaves are very dear in Kalar and Mulki. So I am going to a village where there are tender cocoanuts and milk," said Jârântâya.
He got into the boat and the boat moved on. It came to the middle of the river. It whirled round and round. Jârântâya murdered the ferry-man Kanya, and proceeding further, he entered the bodies of Kote Bâle Bermane, a weeping child and a lowing calf.
Wondering at what had happened, Kote Bâle Bermane sent for Bermana Maiyya, who looked into his prasna-book, and found that a Bhuta, named Jarantaya, had arrived in the village from the south. A she-buffaloe and its calf were offered to the Bhûta Jârântâya.
A guard was placed over the Bhûta's gudi, and Jârântâya was known by three names: Jarantaya of the Sthâna, Jürântâya of the Kottige, and Jârântâya of the Châvadi. A flag in honor of Vishnu, with the figure of Garuda on it, was raised, and a feast began. The yard became full of people, and the gudi full of lamps. Thus the Bhâta Jârântâya became established in that place.
BURNELL MSS. - No. 6.
THE ACTS OF KODAMANATAYA.
Original in the Malayalam character recorded by a Tântri (Tulu Brâhman) for Dr. Burnell: translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 124 and 125 inclusive in Burnell's MSS.
Translation.
Dugganna Kaver of Ekkar and Timmantikari of Tibers were noted for their skill in cock-fighting and their knowledge of bullocks.
In the month of Bêse, following that of Paggu, they passed the village called Ekkarparâra, taking with them two hundred and thirty spurs, four or eight cocks, and about thirty or fifty men.

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They came to the temple of the god Irvail, and gave some offerings to the god. On the next day they came to the low countries, and took their meals. They ascended the yhűts, and bought a fine cock. They also bought a bullock, which took their fancy, and proceeded on their way, taking with them the bullock and the cock. They then erected a post under a white asvattha tree, and tied the cock and the bullock to it. After this they went into the house of one Biru of Naddyodi, as she had invited them to dinner. In the village Naddyodi they took their dinner, and untying their bag of betel they chewed betel-nut.
The bullock was possessed by the Lord of Charity, Dharmada-arasu, and the cock was possessed by the Bhata of Perinja.
"O, what is this? What can have happened in the place where we have tied the bullock and the cock? What is the cause of those cries and groans?"
Saying this, Dagganna Kåver of Ekkâr and Timmântikäri of Tibêra came to where they had left the bullock and the cock.
"A Bhůta, equal to God himself, has now come to this village," said they to each other.
They went to the village called Berke of Tangai. They brought with them the bullock and the cock, and built two gudis for the use of the Lord Kodamanataya. Another gudi was built in the south for the Bhúta of Periñja, and the cock and the ballock were offered there.
Kodamamataya required that both a gudi and a palace should be built for him. A pilota worked by three hundred men fell in pieces. In the east is the village Perinja, and in the west is the hill Deriñja, and the fruit of all the trees lying between the two places fell down. So a guļi and a palace were built for Kodamanataya.
The Bhůta required that the ceremony of raising the flag in honor of Vishņu should be performed, and he then became known in that village as a Bhůta, and established himself in that place.
BURNELL MSS. - No. 7.
THE ACTS OF KANAPÅDITAYA. Original in the Malayalam character recorded by a Tântri (Tulu Brahman) for Dr. Burnell: translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 126 to 129 inclusive in Burnell's MSS.
Translation. The Bhůta descended into the Tula country from the ghats. His groans were heard in the four worlds, and his cries in the three worlds.
He saw the Ballakula of Ennekallu, and the Ballakula of Santikallu. He became known as a Bhůta able to give life and also to send distress to mankind.
He came to the Berke of Panjipadi, and saw four children, all born of one mother.
There was a Bhatta, who was the master of the village Kamarai, and the Bhúta became known as his family god.
In the summer, a younger and an elder brother quarrelled with one another.
"I will go. You be the elder brother and I will be the younger, and let us both go to the house of the master of Mangalore," said the Bhuta to the Bhatta.
Riding on white horses, and having white umbrellas held over them, they passed the Berke of Pañjipâdi, and ascended the hill called Addandu. They came to a place named Sarabime in the village Mogérnad. They came to Paiyyayyi of Panemogér, and passed the pleasare garden in Bantwal. They passed a banyan tree on the bank of a river at AindAlapatta
3 Irrigating apparatus.

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in the village Ambaqadi. They passed the spot called Pilipanjer and Ulavuţtu in Tumbe. They passed the temple of the god Vardesver and the gudi chávadi and Majabbidu. They passed the tank called Gujjerkedy, and arrived at Mangalore.
The Kartu of Mangalore saw them and asked the Bhatta :“Where did you come from? Where are you going to ?"
“ In the Berke of Pañjipâţi, we four children were born of one mother. We quarrelled with one another. Therefore I am going to a country, where my eyes cannot see and my ears cannot hear," said the Bhatta to the Kartu of Mangalore.
“Do not go to a country, where your eyes cannot see and your ears cannot hear. I will give you a palace in the village Ulavor," said the Kartu.
The Bhatta accepted the palace in Ulavûr. He repaired it and dwelt in it. At the honr of midnight he wept bitterly, shedding heavy tears, and said :-"Oh! there is no woman in the palace built by me. There is no she-buffaloe and calf in the cow-pen."
“Why are you weeping thus? I will bring a woman to your palace," said Kanapå ditaya.
He went to the Berke of Pañjipadi. He saw the two persons, Kartas of Palli and Kunyarapach, and cast them into the river Netravati, and, crossing the river at the Uber (Uppinangadi) ferry and the Nandávar ferry, he came to the Sanja ferry, crossed it, and proceeded to the math in Tumbe belonging to the. svimi of Pejavar. He went on to the Sandi ferry to perform the sandhyavandana' ceremony. While he was doing this, he saw a girl of mature age floating up and down the river with the ebb and flow of the tide.
“This girl is not bors of men. She must have been sent here by God himself," said he to himself.
He sent a messenger to the palace in Ulavûr, and the Bhatta came to the Sañja ferry. “So you have come, my niece!" said the Bhatta.
He took hís niece by the hand, and led her to his palace in Uļavûr, wherein there was no woman; and when that year had passed and the next one had come, the girl was married to the Kartu of Kumbale. After going to her uncle's palace she was proceeding to Kumbale, whither the Bhúta Kanapaditâya followed her.
At Kambale be entered a weeping child, and he killed a calf. The Karta of Kambale wondered what all this might mean, and he asked a soothsayer.
"A Bhůta has followed your bride, and you should offer sacrifice and food to him," said the soothsayer,
"Mention all the articles that are required for the offering and sacrifice and for the food," said the Kartu.
“Balls made of eleven sérs of rice, sixteen torches, a thousand sérs of fried rice, a thousand sérs of beaten rice, one hundred and twenty tender cocoannts, twelve bunches of plantains, twelve cakes of palm-sugar, twelve kudtes of ghi are required," said the soothsayer.
Kichhe the Pombada, came to act the part of the Bhuta, and stood prepared to become possessed. He put on the dress appropriate to the Bhuta, and required, by signs, the articles of food to be brought. One thousand sérs of fried rice were brought. Thrice he threw up three balls of rice! He devoured the sacrifice and the food, and shewed his belly, pointing to it, to the Karty of Kumba!e. He thus shewed him that he was not satisfied!
“I have offered you so much sacrifice and food, yet your belly is not satisfied. Return to the country from whence you came," said the Kartu.
• I..., tiger-cage.
. I. 6., master.
• Half a ser.

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"I will go back to the country from whence I came," said the Pombada.
The Bhůta came to NAlapirikolasdra, and demanded that a gudi should be built for him in Kanapadi, and a gudi was accordingly built for him in Kanapaļi. He also required that a bidu should be built for him in Piryodi. He became known as the chief Bhâta of Nalapirikolasára, and established himself in that place.
BURNELL M88. - No. 8.
THE ACTS OF MUNDIPADITAYA, Original in the Malayalam character, recorded by a Tántri (Tulo Brihmap) for Dr. Burnell : translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies parts of leaves 129 and 130 of Burnell's MSS.
Translation. He was known in Kant as Kalabhairava.
A man named Vaidyanaths descended into the Tolu country from the 'ghts, and the Bhâta followed him. He came to the sana gudi built by one Kotekar in Kondana. Taking with him balls of vibhuti7 and the root of the plant sanjivana, he went to the Kotebegtu sada in Siyėra. He went to the Siyêra guttu.
In the time of one Ramamiņdara the ceremonies of raising the flag and of the car-festival were celebrated in his bonor in the Kollabettu Sana.
He became known as the umbrella (protector) of the village of Yerdur, and he established himself in that place.
BURNELL KSS. - No. 9.
THE ACTS OF AMADADI PANJARLLI. Original in the Malayalam character, recorded by a Tântri (Tuļa Brahman) for Dr. Barnell translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 130 and 131 of Burnell's MSS.
Translation. Kochalva BallaL of Nandarbettu, hearing that a feast was being celebrated for Pafijursi in the bidu in Barardil, expressed his intention of going to witness the grandeur of the feast. He immediately took his meals and left the bidu in Nandar Betta. He passed the ban yan tree in Mangame and the kisana tree in Kollabettu. He crossed a stream at Ummanottu and the Bantwalpêtah, and another stream at Addanda. He approached a place called Sarabime in Mogernad, and came to the bidhu in Bårardil.
The Bhúta had already entered the actor, and looked on the face of Kochålva and said :"You are welcome here! I will go to you."
"To a Bhůta, that desires to come to me, I will not say nay. If you will cast aside your present form, and come to me, I will have a woollen eouch prepared for you, and cause a silken Hag to be raised. I will offer to you a pig made of bell-metal," said Kochålva.
The man possessed by the Bhata gave him a tender cocoana t and some flowers of the areca-nut as his prasáda.
Kochålva, followed by Panjurți of the Ambadadi bidu passed the bidu in Barardil and approached Sarasime in Mogêrnad. They crossed together the stream at Addanda, and passed the BanwAlpêtah, and came to NandArbettu du.
Ashes used by Saiva ascetics for emearing their bodies.

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The Bhúta saw the Balla! falling, for the Ballâļ fell down in a swoon, Orders were given for all the people to assemble at once, and all his caste men asembled. The prasna-book was referred to, and they found that the cause of the misfortane was Pañjurli, who had followest Kochaļva Balla!. They asked the Bhůta to tell them what he wanted, and he said that bir wanted a dagger'in his sana. The dagger used by the Ballal of Aiyyandal (was thrown at random and) fell in Mangilamar. He caused a gudi to be built for Pañjarli in Mangilamar, and caused the ceremony of raising the fag to be performed.
The Bhůta demanded a car, and became known as one of the Five Bhâtas of Ambasadi, serving Brahma. Thus was he established in the sana in Mangilamar.
BURNELL M88. - No. 10.
THE ACTS OF PILICHAMUNDI. Original in the Malayâļam character, recorded by a Tântri (Tuļu Brahman) for Dr. Burnell: translation according to Burnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 131 to 1358 inclusive of Burnell's MSS.
Translation. A man named Manju Panjs obtained a piece of land called Tumbojalajanans, and culti. vated one crop on it. Depredations committed by thieves became very great, till not even : single tender cocoanut remained on the cocoanut trees. The paddy stored in the yards did not remain, and there was no paddy in the rice-fields, Manju Pañja told his eldest daughter that he would introduce a Bhůta that would be able to put all the thieves to death, and that he would go to the kingdom of BAloli.
He took his food, and tied a turban on his head, and pot on his best drese. He passed Tumbejalająnana and came to the kingdom of Baloli.
Baloli saw him and said to him: - "On what business have you come here, Manju Pañja?"
"I have obtained a piece of land called Tumbejalajanana, but the ravages of thieves have become too great for me, and is therefore, ask you to give me a Bhúta that can put the thieves to death," said Maõju Pañja.
“What Bhúta shall I give you ?” said Båloļi.
"There is the Bhata Pilichamundi worshipped by you. Give him to me," said Manju Pañja, and he gave three hundred pagodas to Baloļi.
When he saw the money, Baloli entirely forgot his Bhůta. He ordered & panchoļi betel-leaf to be brought, and the exact figure of the Bhata to be drawn on it, and he gave it to Manju Pañja and said: "Take this Bhůta to Tambeja lajanana and worship it with all your heart."
Maija Pañja returned to Tambejalajanana, taking the Bhúta with him, and worshipped it with all his heart. The Bhúta killed the eldest daughter of Manju Pañja, Manju Panja himself and a woman named Gaige at the end of six months, one year and two years.
"We can no longer worship this Bhůta in a house where there are children and relatives, said the inmates of the house, and taking the Bhůta to the foot of a tree producing stoneberries, worshipped it there. The Bhůta required that the suna in Tumbejalajanana should be furnished with a dagger, and established himself in that place.
When he was about to leave it, he lighted a bell-metal lamp and shouted out alond. He ascended the hill at Addanda, passed Iranda patta in Mijar, and stopped at the village
Leaf 134 is blank and leaf 135 is missing.

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Kumpapavumura. He left it and passed Bollibeţtu, and came to Perår, peopled by one hundred men. He saw the Bhata Balandi and Brahms of Maribettu.
He demanded that his såna should be fornished with a dagger. The hundred men of PerAsabettu assembled on the hill of Maribettu, and areca-nuts were heaped up. A sáne was built in that place, and the Bhůta became known as the umbrella (protector) of the hundred men,
He left the land of the hundred men, ascended the hill in Addanda, and came to Bollimarguttu. The people wondered what the cause of this unforseen misfortune might be, and referred to the prasna-book.
The Bhúta reqnired that a palace should be built for him, and the dagger used by three. hundred men (was thrown at random and) fell in the village Mukkodivalakuda. The Bhůta caused his sthána to be built in that place, and finally settled himself there.
BURNELL M88. - No. 11.
THE STORY OF TODAKINARA. Original in the Kanarese character: transliteration by Mr. Männer: translation from Burnell's MSS., checked by Mr. Männer. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 136 to 142 inclusive of Barnell's MSS,
Text.
Todakinara Paddana. Kiry kanchi wogji, Mely kanchi woñji, kanchikadange daaramane wonji; anļu ndyemedi Dharmada-arasu, Âry puttuni Kekkei udda malligedy naďapei sampigedy. Yêly warsa virendy, gadda battyndy. Kali kaledy siri wadyere yêrendery darmada rasoļu. Gattada mitty âyere nådydy Bjanakaroļu kelesi mage Binadikare allendery chakri dáko!a. Eiky Uddabottugu mani kadapudiyery gajjari tareda kiru woli tarpu diyery; mudiyi dombagu padiyery; paddâyi antara dombugu deppâyery; kade kadi tanda malpâyêry; kelesi pudarygy wôle bare: payery; undi nuppudu tutti kuntuda gali gegn barodu andydy bareyery. Wole woñji mani keiky kordu ayagy sambala kori yery. Aye Kabchikada gada aramane budiye, kelesi maga illadegy wÖle konda koriye ; aye wôle tûyi galigegy lakkiye bâly pâţi bokkaņa dette, magn sûdi kannadi eity pâdiye ; gundu katteri, parengi bâly inta pâądy mâni beriye batte, Kanchikadairguda aramanegy batte Dharma-arasunu tûye, kei muggiye; battinawu yedde åņdg andydy pandery. Ninakula jalmada bêle benla andery. Châvadida nadutu nâly karyda mukkalige ittyndy eing dîpâyery dattu balatty jagaya jôti pottâyery, worla ari woñji târâyi irețy dipâyery gellanda ghante nôpâyery, bori sankala uripâyery, tâny arewasi eitâyery mukkaligedy kulleyery, muttadu desa padandy, árati andy. Kelesi mutta botte pappedu bâle malte, tareddy pattinawu kary mutta soreyi tingara béle maste. Kelesi muți dôshogu dane malpodu andery châkridakuļa eiką grosolu yennedy sudda nirydy jalaka awadu anderu. Tâny kattayi kere anda, anļu pâly keita kopparige dipâyery, sâra kodya chaņdi niry kopparigegy meipâyery. Padyraddy katta kaņakyda bendry keipâyery; sâra kandely bendry arası tareky meipâyery, sâra kandely chaņdi niry meipâyery. Shiri muļi gatyere woļta patte åwn andery chakridakulu. Kawura kariya patte, Bôlúra bolya pagte, sôpa kambati, iremadûre patte muikuda suyilngy munnûļu gawuda pari paste, kanny nfrydą naneti patte ugura ditetų dengidi patte Åwodu andery arasu!u; aweng châkridakuln kondattņdy eiţg chandi dettapdų. Yenky eithwodu endern; eiky yêly pettige kunta kondattery. Yely pettige bangarg, kondattery, kappiditti parimala kondattery, Dharma-arasn maņițy kulludery kura!ygy padaka yêrgndy naduku dAbu dindy kebiky muttuda chaikoli yêrgody birelygy suryamattu mudreda ungila yêryndy, ekkilggy chakra sara pâyndy, keika dande aitundu, tareddu kary motta bangâruady singårándy. Aranalu Tulu rajyada gatta jappoļu tuly dakulong tawadu andery. Woln joppuni andydy châkridakuleda kêndery, jottery joppunaga Bangadydy Somanatha dewery balli indery. Shiraridy Chikkarya dê wery

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balli indery; apaga yerute Settogare nalų sawira yeru kondadı Gandapendara bardina malleddy jappery; einy túdu Dharma-arasulu Channamangalo Chaluwaraye inpiyeruta mitty kulluder, wolagayery, mâyoda kulludery. Subraya dôwere stalogu battyndy. Peiry jappunaga Subraya dôwery tûyery. Deiwa dêwery nâge Berme tanaddy malle dinti jagudų yêry jappuni ander. Châkridayada pandini: oddaņadu kôte gorawadu, sapalodu dari gopayery; gôdedy katti barchi dipayery; arasu mâta po!todu battery. Subraya dôwere stalogu battudy dêwasthanogu poggiyery. Můji suttu bali batterij, einų dinata ayana tûyery. Altu yeruta mitty Kumaradare Matsyatirtha kadatery, kôtela Kopadi Gattala Kadlatydų, Wittlagy bottery. Panchalinga dêwereny tuyery Witla Bakimarudy nálų sa wira yerunu tadewondery; pallere lakkiyery, Wittla Bâkimar Kadattydų Bossawagudila Kadambi dêwastanala, Saletûra diwastânala kadaterų. Madungara golidanļu portu kartundų. Yeru pilaya poyyery. Alty pullyakelogu lakkydy Dharmada-uggely dalpa palya poyyery. Kannandaru PoyyedAru einų kèņdery. Akkaji Mamaji kalođu nama hiriyery ane kattydy kļuderyge, kudure kattụdą så i kyderige nama kalodu yeru kattady sáňkodu andydy Poyyedary yeru kondariyere pidadiyery. Tana bû da kadattudu padikaluda ane pattiyerų. Dharmada Uggelų dalpado padpagu batterų; nâly så wire yeruna tûyery; tana kannygų woñjila samadų tôjyji. 1 Dharmada-arasu wolagati - Channamangale Chaluwaraye inpi yerunu tûyery, i yerunu dettery; krayogu dettudy kondu. bottydų toda kukkudu kattiyery. Nirudu jattydy japogu kulliyeru. Poyyedary alty bannaga yeru ijji, mayatyndy. Yeru pondundydų ariyery. Jäta ka-graha shôdhane tûnaga, awu Bhata, kulludi yeru, Bhutada mâya atụndy andydų tôji battụndų. Å ghaligegy Poyyedâre doppa Nambe beide, aya yojjody Bhuta jagadarike battupdy; Aye kajó andydy lette. Poyyedåreny lette; yerkuļu wâsâye yenunu koņdattery, yeru iregy tikkuji; yeikuļu yeru –
Translation. There was a Lower Kanchi and an Upper Kanchi, and a palace called Kanchikadanga, in which King Dharma was born. He was born on a heap of mallige flowers, piled up as high as a man's neck, and on a heap of sampige flowers, piled up as high as a man's middle. Seven years passed, and then a beard appeared on his face !
“Who can shave me?" asked king Dharma.
"On the other side of Ejanagar10 on the ghats there is a barber called Binnadikara," said his servants.
King Dharma sent a man to Udda Bettu, and made him bring some small palm leaves, and put some in the morning sun, and some in the evening sun. He then made him cut both the ends of the leaves, and ordered a man to write a letter to the barber :
"You must start immediately without attending to your meal or dress."
Thus was the letter written. It was given to a messenger, to whom King Dharma paid a fee. The messenger left the palace of Káñchikadanga, went to the barber, and gave him the letter. The barber started immediately. He opened his bag of razors, in which were a looking. glass and round scissors, and also a European razor. He kept these all in his bag, and followed the messenger. He came to the palace of Kanchikadauga, where he saw King Dharma, who saluted him.
"It is well that you have come here. Yon had better attend to your duty, according to the custom of your caste," said King Dharma.
A European chair with four legs was placed in the middle of the floor. Two jagana lamps were placed on the left and right of it. One sér of rice and a cocoanat were put on a plantain leaf. And then the ringing of a bell was heard, and a conch-shell was blown, and swishes were waved over the king, who sat on the chair in half-dress. Pearls were cast, and lamps
. [Part of the transliterated text has been lost and it ends abruptly here.-ED.] 10 (For Bijanagar apparently. -Ed.]

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were waved before his face. Then the barber came up to King Dharma and shaved his face, and then shaved him from head to foot.
"What is the remedy for the sin of touching a barber ?" asked the servants.
King Dharma replied:-"It is necessary to rub the body with oil and to wash it in water. I have constructed a tank for the purpose."
He made his servants bring a large pan and a thousand pots of cold water were poured into the pan. Then he made them warm the water with twelve bundles of fire-wood, and pour the thousand pots of warm water over his head, and afterwards a thousand pots of cold water.
"Whence are the silken cloths to be brought to wipe the water from your head ?" asked the servants.
"A black silken cloth manufactured at Kavar, a white silken one made at Bolûr, a silken cloth called sopu kambati, a silken cloth made at Irawadura, a silken cloth of which one piece would stretch to three hundred gávudas,11 a silken one which can be soaked with a tear, and a silken cloth which can be hidden between the nail and the finger, are required," said the king.
All the silken cloths were brought and the king dried his head with them. Then he ordered his servants to dress him. Cloths kept in seven boxes were brought to him, and also jewels kept in seven boxes, and scents kept in bottles. King Dharma sat on a European chair and made his servants decorate him :-an ornament round his neck; a golden belt about his waist; pearl ear-rings in his ears; a ring with a pearl in it as bright as the sun, and a ring with a seal on his fingers; a second necklace round his neck; and a large golden ring on his arm. Thus was he adorned with jewels from head to foot.
Then King Dharma said that he wanted to descend to the Tulu country and see the Tulu people, and he asked his servants :-"Which is the way down the ghats?"
He started to go down, but on his way he was opposed by Somanatha at Bangadi and by (the god) Chikkaraya at Shirari.
It happened that a dealer in cattle, a Settigare, with a herd of four thousand oxen was descending from the forest of Gandapendara. King Dharma mounted an ox named Channamangala Chaluvaraya, belonging to the Thettegara. This he did by magic and the herd descended by the way of the temple at Subramanya.
The god Subraya saw this and asked his attendants: "Who are the people coming down here, where there are no déwas, nor gods, nor nagas, nor Bramhâ (Bhútas) superior to myself?"
He made his servants build a fort of shields round his temple, and place crossed swords upon it. King Dharma broke them into pieces, came up to Subrâya's temple, and entered it. He circumambulated the god thrice, witnessed for five days a feast of the god, and then he mounted his ox and passed by the river Kumara and the Matsyatirtha. He passed by Inglika Fort and the Kêpadi Ghat and arrived at Ittal,12 where he saw the god Pañchalinga.
That day the herd of four thousand oxen halted in a paddy field called Bakimara in Ittal, but next morning King Dharma and the herd left the place, and passed on by a place called Bassavaguḍi. He then passed by the temples at Kadambi and Saletara, and it was getting dark when he reached a banyan tree at the village Mudungara. Here he remained that night, and started early in the morning with the herd, and stopped near a well, called, after him, Dharma's Well.
The news became known to the Poyyedar of Kunnandur.
I have heard that in the reign of Akkaji Mamuji, our ancestors had elephants and horses; and now I shall be glad to possess an ox," said the Poyyedir.
11 One gavuda = 12 miles.
12 [Or Witṭal. ED.]
-

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He started for the well, and, passing by his bidu, he ascended the hill Padikala, and came to the plateau of Dharma's well, where he saw and examined the four thousand oxen. But he conll not find one fit for him. Then he saw and examined the ox Channamangulo Chalu. varaya, upon which King Dharma was sitting, and bought it. He took it to a mango tree, where the ox was tied up, and then the Poyyedâr went down to a water course and sát there to perform the ceremony of japan. On his return the ox that he tied up was missing, and he cried aloud that he had lost his ox. He then referred to his jatakam, 13 and found that it was the ox on which the Bhata Dharma Arasul4 had sat, and had concealed it.
Nambe, an attendant, who had followed the Poyyedar, became possessed by the Bhuta, and came trembling and cried aloud “ld jó."
Ho said to the Poyyedâr :-"You have bonght the ox on which I sat, and now you cannot find it; but I shall cause it to be found. For this kindness, I want a matham in this country."
Thus spake the Bhâta through Nambe and then the ox, which had disappeared, appeared again before the Poyyedar..
The Poyyedar made his servants build a matham in Upper Kannandur, and a feast was performed in honour of the Bhůta. And as the servant Nambe had become possessed of the Bhúta on the banks of a water-course the Poyyedar named the Bhata, Todakinara.
Bangs from three neighbouring villages came to see the Poyyedâr's festival, and while they were on the road a man became possessed by the Bhůta and called the Poyyedâr and said :
“This is not a matham fit for me. People from three villages are collected here, and I want two separate mathams: one for your use, and one for the use of the people of the three villages. Whom can you induce to build them? Who will consent P"
The Poyyedar and the people of the three villages thought for a while about building a second matham. There was a fit place in a plain called Uikunja, and there a matham was built and a festival performed in the presence of the Poyyedâr and of the people of the three villages.15
Some years afterwards Todakinaral ordered his attendants to be ready to make a marcb, as he wanted to bathe in the Western Ocean, and was accompanied by one Ullatti of Ammanur.
She said to Todakinara :- "If you are going to take a bath in the Ocean, I shall follow you."
When he heard this he ordered his servants to bring a palankin for Ullatti and seated her in it, while he mounted his ox Channamangale Chaluvaraya. That same night he and she, with all the servants - Pilichavandi, Jumadi, Durugalaya, Verkadi, Mitta Mugeraya, and others -- started from the temple, and arrived at Ullal, where they bathed in the Ocean.
After bathing they all went to Uliya, where there is a white chapal tree, and beneath this Ullatti's palankin was put down, and here it was that she asked Todakinara for matham, as that place is a cool one.
Todakinara ordered the eight tenants of the land oil-makers, Kônkanis, Native Christians, and others to build a matham there, and they built one. A festival was performed in honor of both Ullatti and Todakinara at this matham.
Todakinara used to call her sister,' but the year after the festival he said to her :-"If we live together in one matham, the people may scoff, so you had better have this one to yourself, and I will make the eight tenants of the land build a separate one for me in the West."
He ordered them to build him another matham, and they willingly built one in the West. Ever since, their festivals are performed in both places even to this day!
15 Horoscope.
16 [1. e., King Dharma. -ED.] 16 " Three villages" is the name of a place between the Verkadi temple and Ittal Magne. 16 [This part does not appear in Mr. Männer's version. - BD.)

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MISCELLANEA. SOME REMARKS ON THE KALYANI but as the political ascendancy of these three INSCRIPTIONS
countries often passed from one to the other prior (1) Ramannadega.
to the 14th century, the appellation appears to
have been loosely applied. The above identifica. The Kingdom of Ramannadóss "comprised
tion is supported by the following extract from originally only the region between the Sittang
Forbes' Legendary History of Burma and Arakan, river and the Salween;" but in the 15th century
p. 20 :A.D. it included the provinces of Kusimamandala (Bassein), Hansavatimandala (Pega), 1. "In A. D. 746 Ponenareekaraza, who was on and Muttimamandala (Martaban): that is to say, 'the throne, rebuilt the ancient town of Rama. it extended from the Arakan Yôma on the west nago, afterwards called Dagone. The Talaing to the Salween river on the east, and from history says that this town was originally built Kadut, now called Myânaung, on the north to by Arammanaruza, and called after him AramMaulmain on the south.
manamyo, but in time the name became cor.
rupted to Ramanagomyo." The country stretching to the south as far as Tenasserim, in the Mergai district, had frequent- According to tradition, Thaton was the ori. ly been, in the previous century, the bone of oon- ginal seat of the Talaing race in Indo-China, and tention between the Muns, or Talaings, and the
was built in the 17th century B. C. This high Siamese, and was retained, or taken possession of antiquity claimed for the foundation of the city by either nation, according as either happened to
is, however, vitiated by the fact that no mention be the viotor. The following extract from Bow
is made of it in the Kalyani Inscriptions, which ring's Kingdom and People of Siam, Vol. I. p. 43 relate that Sonathôra and Uttarathdra landed at shews that Martaban, Maulmain, Tavoy, and Gāļa mat tikanagara (Ayetbema) in the 3rd century Tenanserim were subject to Siamese rule in the
B. C. middle of the 14th century A. D. :
Muttima (Martaban) and Hansavati (Pegu) "Christian era, 1350. King Uthong assumes
were founded, I think, in the 6th century A. D. 1 the name Phra Ramathibodi; appoints his son but the former was of not much importance til: Phra Ramesuén, King of Lõphaburi. At that
1167 A. D., when it was made the seat of a protime, the following kingdoms were subject to the vincial government by Narapatisiba (Nampati. King of Siam :-(1) Málaka; (2) Xava; (3) Tanaosi jayasura). Kusima (Bassein) is mentioned in the [Tenasserim); (4) Nákhonsịthămărat (Ligor);
Talajng histories 48 forming part of the kingdom (5) Thăvai;' (6) Motamă (Martaban]; (7) Mo- of Pegu in the 7th century A. D. lámlóng (Maulmain)."
(2) Ramadhipati. But the historical records of both countries,
The latter half of the 15th century A. D. is however, appear to be silent as to whether this tract of country was under Siamese or Talaing
& brilliant epoch in the history of Burmese rule in the 15th century.
literature. The profound peace, that was due to
sheer exhaustion induced by foreign wars and The appellation Ramanna, or Remanya, internal dissensions, was eminently favourable to apparently points to an Indian origin, as do the cultivation of high literary culture. The frethose of Ramapura (Maulmain), of Råmmåvats or quent intercourse with Ceylon, and the liberality Råmavati (near Rangoon), and of Râmri, and with which monastic institutions were supported seems to have been originated by colonista from by Burmese Kings in the previous centuries, had India,
made their capital the seat of learning and a The country of Arramana, mentioned in the
stronghold of Buddhism. The long subjection of Sinhalese Chroniclea, may be held to refer to
Råmasiñadêsa to Burmese rule from the 11th to RAmaññadêsa, rather than to Siam or Cambodia,
the 13th centuries had caused all political, reli
1 Forohhammer's Notes on the Early History and Geo. graphy of British Burma, I. The Shwe Dagon Pagoda, page 3. • Tavoy.
S RÅmanagara. • Now Rangoon. • Rard is the corrupted form of raja in Talaing and Burmese.
• Myo is the Burmese equivalent for nagara. (I am
inclined to think that Arramana came from Ramañía and not vice versa. Cf. Ansiam and Asion=Siam: Ancomorin
Comorip-Comar=Al-Qum&r=KhmerCambodia, etc. This Anor Ar==(P) Arabic article al in such names. Such cnsul prefixes must always be looked out for in place. names, when found corrupted in foreign languages. Cf. Dávå for Ava, or correctly for 'of Ava,' in Nicolo Conti's Travels: Hakluyt Society's Ed. p. 11.-ED.]

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gious, and intellectual life to centre at the Bur people, the direct outcome of the ruthless and mese capital (at that time Pagàn), as is always the vandalic wars, to which their country was case in the East, and had accustomed Talaing spasmodicnlly subjected. priests, like Dhammavillea, from the maritime In common with other Talaing priests of the provinces to repair to it for the completion of
period, Ramadhipati, whose priestly name was their education. Until Dhammacheti came to
Dhammadhara, accompanied by his fellow-pupil. the throne in 1469 A. D., the mental energies of
Dhammañana, who was subsequently known as the lower country appear to have been spent in
Dhammapala, proceeded to Avà in his sixteenth squabbles and profitless religious controversies.
1 year (1492 A. D.) and received his instruction Hence there were no great writers or renowned
under Åriyadhajathéra, a learned priest of teachers in the Talaing Kingdom, at whose foet
Sagaing. scholars could receive their instruction.
A few years previous to this, consequent on the The literature cultivated at that period was not only that of Pali and Sanskrit, but
death of the great Talaing monarch, Y Azadarit
(Rajadhiraja), the kingdom of Pegu had been also that of the Burmese. The exquisite,
convulsed by civil wir's. The succession of Byin. highly refined, and inimitable poetry of Sila.
nya Dhanamarija, the eldest son of the deceased Vass and Ratthasara, the great epic poets
king, was disputed by his younger brothers, of Burma, who flourished in the latter half
Byinnyùyàn and Byinnyakaing, who sought the of the 15th century, and whose works are mentioned at page 66 of Forchhammer's Jardine
assistance of Dihàba (Bihasara), King of Ava. Prize Essay, does not appear to corroborate that
It was during the second expedition of this Bur. writer's statement made at page 28 of the same
mese King that Byinnyàyàn gave his sister, Shiu work:--"A critical study of the Burmese literature
Sòba, in marriage to him, as a pledge of his good evolves the fact that the Burmese idiom reached
faith. Shin soba, who was a widow and the stage of a translatory language at the close of
mother of three children, accompanied her the 15th century, and that of an independent lite.
husband to Avà (1495 A. D.), and there made rary tongue not much more than a century ago."
the acquaintance of Dhammadhara and Dham. This learned scholar was apparently misled by the mañana, whose intelligence and nationality statement of Native writers, who, in their biogra
induced her to become their supporter. After the phical notices of their literary countrymen, gene.
death of Dihabû, Shin Sòbd was not satisfied with rally accord the first places to the two great poets
her life in the palace. The intrigues, political named above. But the wealth of imagery and
convulsions, and rapid changes of kings, brought allusion, the pure diction, and the terse, logical,
about through the instrumentality of her rival, and masterly style of composition, evinced by the Sòbume, appear to have bewildered her and made works referred to, afford strong and unassail
her feel that her position was precarious in the able internal evidence as to the Burmese idiom
extreme. She, therefore, longed to be once more having passed beyond the "stage of a translatory
in her native land, and secured the assistance of language at the close of the 15th century."
the two Talaing priests, Dhammadhara and Dham. Besides, the Tet'nwègyaung Inscription at
mañApa, in the prosecution of her object. Amidst Pagàn, dated 804 B. E. (1442 A. D.), that is to
much danger and under great difficulties, the say, eleven years before the birth of Silavamsa,
party left Avà in a country boat and arrived safely affords corroborative evidence of the high literary
at Pegu in 1429 A. D., where Byinnyàyàn had culture of the Burmese vernacular, in that a por
become king under the title of Byinnyàyànk'aik. tion of it is written in faultless Burmese metre,
Twenty-six years later, in the absence of male which has served as the model of later writers.
heirs of Y&z&darit, Shin Soba became sovereign The list, mentioned in it, of works belonging
of Pegu by popular choice under the title of to the Buddhist Canon, of commentaries and
Byinnyà To. scholia, of medical, astrological, grammatical, and Dhammadhara and Dhammažana were well poetical works translated from Sanskrit, provided for, in token of the Queen's appreciation shews also the keen literary activity of the Bur. and gratitude for the services rendered by them mans of that period. The divergence between during her flight to Pegu. Subsequently the for. the actual fact and the statements of local writers mer, who was a native of Martaban, of obscure may be reconciled by ascribing the cause to the parentage, and was then known as the Lokunreliable historical memory of the Burmese pyingyaung-pongyi, but who had unfrocked
TA son and two daughters. The son, Byinnyà Tara, Byinnyaen, Governor of Bassein, and the younger to succeeded his unclo and adoptive father, Byinnykyan- Dhammachett. k'aik, in 1446 A.D. The elder daughter was married to

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 1894
himself at her request, was appointed to be Dhammachêti fully justified the choice of his the Heir Apparent, while the latter was put in mother-in-law, and though brought up from prison for harbouring evil designs against his early youth in the seclusion of a Buddhist monas. Bovereign
tery until he was more than 40 years of age,'' In her choice of a successor, and in cxcluding
proved to be a wise, able, and beneficent ruler.
He was a man of great energy and capacity, and her own blood relations from the succession, Shin SòbQ was guided by her knowledge of human
throughout his long reign of thirty years, consonature, and actuated by a noble desire to secure
lidated his power and extended the boundaries of to the Kingdom of Råmatinadosa firm and wise
his Kingdom eastward without any bloodshed. administration under an able and competent
Moreover, he tried his best to secure the welfare ruler; and Dhammadhara was eminently qualified
and prosperity of his people and to recoup the
strength and resources of the country, which had for the task.
well-nigh been exhausted during the wars with The only opposition against which the Heir
Burma and the rebellions headed by Talaing Apparent had to contend was that of Byinniên, princes. He was a good judge and legislator. A Governor of Bassein, a son-in-law of Shin Soba. compilation of his decisions is extant, and tho He headed a rebellion, but was shortly after slain Dhammacheti-chammasattham was compiled in battle.
under his direction. He died in 1492 A.D., Shin Sdba entrusted Dhammadharu with the
at the ripe age of 86. The funeral honours of affairs of the government, while she retired to
a chakravartin or universal monarch paid to him Dagon (Rangoon) to pass her remaining days in
after his death, and the building of a pagoda over doing religious works and in peaceful contem
his bones, bear testimony to the great esteem, plation. The site of her residence is still known
love, and admiration with which he was regarded to this day as Shin sdbamy. She died in 1469
by his subjects. A. D., at the age of 78, and was succeeded by The dynasty, to which Dhammachoti may be said Dhammadhara, who had married her younger to belong, is that founded by Wagard, a Talaing daughter. The Talaing, clergy and nobility adventurer from Siam, who, during the dismem. conferred the title of Dhammachêti on the new berment of the Burmese Empire, consequent on a King because of his wide and varied learning and Chinese invasion near the close of the 13th century of his thorough knowledge of the Buddhist serip- A. D., seized the government of Martaban, and tures. He subsequently assumed the titles of defeated the Burmese forces sent against him. Ramadhipati, Sʻinbyayin (Betagajapati) and This dynasty gradually increased in importance Biripavaramahadhammarajadhiraja. He was, till its highest pitch of powor was reached however, best known among the peoplo of Burma under Yazidarit (1385-1423 A. D.). Previous to 28 Dhammachêti.
WAgard's rebellion, the maritime provinces had Dhammacheti held friendly intercourse with
been under Burmese rule since the conquest of the rulers of Ceylon, Northern India, Siam, and
Thatón by Anòrat'azd in the 19th century A.D. Cambodia. He sent two religious missions :
(3) Dhammaso karaja. one to Buddha Gayà in 1472 A. D., to report on the sacred Buddhistic buildings commemorative | It is necessary, I think, to explain the attitude of the life of its founder; and the other to Ceylon, of native Burmese scho!ers towards the great in 1475 A. D., to establish beyond doubt the Buddhist reformer, Asöka. apostolical succession of the priests of Ramafi
The following is the list, according to the Ma. jadêsa, by deputing twenty-two thêras and ag
hdvanusa, of the countries to which missionaries many younger priests to receive their upasam padu
were sent at the conclusion of the Third Buddhist ordination at the hands of the Mahåvihara sect
Council:founded by Mabindamahấthêra in the 3rd century BC. The result of the first mission was the
Name of country. Name of missionary sent. construction at Pegu of religious edificos in (1) Kasmira-Gandhara.. Majjhantikathôra. imitation of those at Buddha Gaya, and that (2) Mahlsamandala ...... Mahadevathúra, of the second was the tonsecration of the (3) Vanavisi ............... Rakkhitathêra. Kalyani-sime by the priests, who had returned (4) Aparantaka .......... Yûna-Dhammarakkita. from Ceylon.
thêra.
Phayre's History of Burma, p. 85. As a matter of fact, Dhammachiti was 56 years old when he became Regent, and 63 when he became King. During the
interval of seven years, he ruled Ramadladesa i tho namo of Shin Sübů, who had retired to Dagon (Rangoon),

Page #113

APRIL, 1894.)
MISCELLANEA.
103
(5) Mahårattha............ Mahadhammarakkhita- the sea-board, proceeded to invent new stories
thêra.
and new classical names, so that they might (6) Yûna...................... Maharakkhitathêra. not be outdone by the Talaings, who, according (7) Himavanta ............ Majjhiinatbêra.
to their own history and traditions, received the (8) Suvannabhumi ... Sôçathêra and Uttara- Buddhist religion direct from missionaries from
thêra.
India. The right bank of the Irrawaddy river (9) Lankadipa.............. Mahamahindathêra. near Pagan was accordingly re-named Suna.
The following extract from The Cave Temples paranta, and was identified with the Aparanof India by Fergusson and Burgess, p. 17, will be
taka mentioned in the above list. This is but of value here, as indicating the identification of one of the many instances of the lying gabble, the countries named in the above list:
as Cunningham aptly terms it, of the native his. "After a great Couneil of the Buddhist Priest
torians, and indicates the extreme care and judi. hood, held in the 17th year of his (Asoka's) reign,
cious discrimination that is required in utilizing 246 B. C., missionaries were sent out to propa
their writings in the compilation of a history of gate the religion in the ten following countries,
their country. whose position we are able, even now, to ascertain
A similar idiosyncrasy on the part of Cambodian with very tolerable precision from their existing
writers was noticed by Mouhot, who says in his denominations:
Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China (Vol. (1) Kasmira;
II. pp. 8 and 9): "All traditions being lost, the
natives invent new ones, according to the meaeuro • (2) Gandhára (or Kandahår);
of their capacity." (3) Mahfsamandala (or Maisdr);
Taw Sein-Ko. (4) Vana vâsi (in Kanara); (5) Aparintaka- the Western Country,' or
TRADITIONAL MIGRATION OF THE SANTAL
TRIBES. the Konkan, - the missionary being Yavana-Dharmarakshita ;-the prefix I am greatly interested in the paper by Dr. Yavana apparently indicative of his Waddell on "The Traditional Migrations of the being a Greek, or foreigner at least;
Santal Tribe" which appeared ante, Vol. XXII. (6) Mahürattha (or the Dakhan);
p. 294 ff. (7) The Yavana country (perhaps Baktria);
I have, during the past few years, been trying to
trace the Santals, by means of their traditions, (8) Himâvanta (or Népal);
from the north-east of India along the valley of (9) Suvarnabhumi (or Burma); and
the Ganges to Chuţia Nagpur, and I am delighted (10) Ceylon.
to find that Dr. Waddell has turned his atten. " His own son, Mahendra, and daughter, San. tion with the same object in the same direction. ghamitra, were sent with the mission to Ceylon, The Kolarian tribes, of which the Santals are taking with them a graft of the Bodhi tree at one, would seem to be splinters broken from a Buddha Gay&, under which Buddha was supposed larger mass, who, at different periods, have sought to have attained the supreme knowledge."
refuge in the hilly fastnesses of Chutia Nagpur. The native writers of Burma, however,
The time elapsing between each successivo inboth lay and clerical, aver with great serious
road of fugitives must have been sufficiently proness that the Aparantaka referred to is
tracted to admit of the feeling of kinship being Burma Proper, which comprises the upper
obliterated, otherwise they would have re-united valley of the Irrawaddy, that Yona is the Shan into a compact people. country about Chiongmai (Zimmè), that the! Efforts have been made to identify the coun. scenes of the Milinda Panhi were laid in that tries, rivers, forts, etc., mentioned in the tradiState, and that, with the exception of Hima- tions of the Santâls with those of similar names vanta, which, they say, comprises five coun- in Chuţia Nagpur. Localities have in many intries subject to China, of Suvannabhami and stances been found bearing traditional names, and Laukadipa, the remaining countries mentioned are the inference has been drawn that it was here that situated in India. Such fagrantly erroneous the traditions of the Santâls took their rise, and identification of classical names has arisen from that their institutions were formed. But only a the national arrogance of the Burmans, who, slight knowledge of these traditions is necessary after their conquest of the Talaing kingdoms onto shew that they belong to a much more remote
. It is one of the objects of the Kalykņi Inscriptions to record that the forms of the Buddhist Religion prevaz" ing in Burma and Ceylon were ultimately blended.

Page #114

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1894.
period than the location of the Santâls in Chatiš the more recent being required to explain the Nagpur, and to countries separated from it by older, as Marang Baru Bonga. Buru in modern many hundreds of miles.
Santali means a mountain, and Marang Buru The theory which seems to me capable of proof
has been erroneously translated by all previous is that the Santals, or rather the people of whom
writers as the Great Mountain. they are a portion, occupied the country on both As another instance of the same kind I may sides of the Ganges, but more especially that in mention that of the Damuda River, which by the the north. Starting from the north-east they by is not the name by which the Santâls know graduaily worked their way up the valley of the it, as Dr. Waddell in his note ante, Vol. XXII. Ganges, till we find them in the neighbourhood of page 295, seems to suggest. In old Santali the Benares with their head-quarters near Mirzâpur. word for 'river' was nai. In their traditions they Here the main body, which had kept the speak of the Gang-nai, the Sang-nai, the Cham
rthern bank of the river, crossed and, heading nai, etc. In modern Santali the word for river' southwards, came to the Vindhya hills. This is gada, but the old name still adheres to the obstruction deflected them to the left, and they Damuda, with this exception that it has now at length found themselves on the table-land of become a proper name, the Damuda being called Chuția Nagpur. Examining this theory, we find the Nai, and sometimes the Nai-gada. I ain their supposed route strewed with relics and also extremely doubtful as to the accuracy of reminiscences of their occupation. The traditions, Dr. Waddell's etymology of Damuda. in which an account of these migrations is pre- Among the names found in the Santal tradiserved, are not the exclusive property of the tions, which are easy of identification, I may menSantals, but are also claimed more or less fally tion the following rivers, vis., Gang-nai, the by the other Kolarian tribes.
Ganges, Jom-nai, the Jumna, Sang-nai, the Son, Like many other emigrants, the Santale carried and Cham-nai, an affluent of the Manaura, which with them to their new homes cherished memories flows for considerable distance through the of the land from which they had been driven, and, centre of the Khamarid Division. as in America, Canada, Australia and elsewhere Antarbêda is given in the Suvródaya as one of we come across such familiar names as London, the provinces in the ancient Madhyadeba. York, Perth, Melbourne, etc., so also the SantAls Beldwa is mentioned by Montgomery Martin transplanted many names from the banks of the l in his work on tbe History of Eastern India, Ganges to the country of their adoption, Chuţia but I am unable at present to locate it more Nagpur. We know the Romans were at Chester
accurately. and Lancaster, and in like manner we can say
Kéri pargana in Shåhåbåd is the Kairi of the that the Santâls lived in Chh&i, Champå, Bêlê wê
Santal traditions. and Kaira, although none are to be found there
Ambôr is the old town near Jaipur. at the present day.
ChitrabûţA is the Santal Chitrabatup. Dr. Waddell's identification of Chhai, Champa and Khairagash is, I consider, correct, but I
Many more instances, in which identification is think he is at fault when he seeks to identify possible, might be given, but I refrain from tresHihihri Pipihri with a pre-Aryan settlement on passing farther on your space. the south bank of the Ganges near Chunâr called
A. CAMPBELL. Pipri, and the Ahiri country. Hihibri Pipihri
Free Church of Scotland Santal would require too much twisting to fit into Ahiri
Mission, Manbhum. and Pipri. Dr. Waddell's attempt to identify their dei.
A TABLE OF INTERCALARY AND EXPUNGED fied mountain Marang Buru, or the Great Hill ”
MONTHS OF THE HINDU CALENDAR. with Parasnath is evidently a mistake. The The accompanying Table, on pages 105 to 108, Santâls have not, and never had, a sacred or of Intercalary and Expunged Months of the deified mountain. The Marang Buru of their Hindu Calendar, for the expired Baka years traditions is the Great Spirit, or the chief object 1 to 2105, is a reproduction of a Table, No. 3, by of worship, Buru in ola Santálf having always this the late Prof. Keru Lakshman Chhatre, published meaning. It is equivalent to Bonga in modern in Vol. I. No. 12 (for March, 1851), pages 348-53, Santall. Buru, as meaning an object of worship, of a Marathi monthly magazine called Jidnapra. is retained to this day in many of the formulas sdraka. The Table is likely to be of use in verifyof worship, and with objects connected therewith. ing ancient Hindu dates. Very often we find the two terms joined together,
J. F. FLEET.

Page #115

Interon lary and Expunged Months, and the Saka Years (expired) of their occurrence.
Intercalary Months, and tho Saka Years (oxpirod) of their
courronou.
Intercalary.
Expunged.
APRIL, 1894.)
Bråv. ...
Asvi. ... ...
...
44 Kart. ... ... 63 Marg. ... ...
4+ 63
KArt....... 185 Kart. ... ... 185
śvi. ... ... 20+ MÅrg. ... ... 204
MISCELLANEA.
Chai...
KArt....... Åsvi. ... ...
326 Kårt. ... ... 326 345 Marg. ... ...
BLA
Kårt. ...
Chai. Phål.
Mårg. ... Paush.... Mårg. ...
Asvi.
Paush.... ...
... 508 BhA....
105
...
522
)
...

Page #116

Vai.
Chai.
Kart.
"1
Asvi
Bha.
66
12
"
Sráv.
"9
33
33
"1
46
"
Asha.
39
44
19
...
⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
533 Bhâ.
541 Bha.
560
579
598
611
617
59
"1
630 Jyê.
636 Sráv.
649
655
674
668 687
690
693
,,
706
709 Asvi.... 711
725
728
730
741
744
747
760
""
779
763 766 782 Vai, 785 Bhâ. 801 820
798
804 823
817
836
839
842
855
858
861
877 874 Jyê.
880 899
896 Chai.
893 912
915
918 Sråv.
931
934
937
950
953
956
969
972
975
988
991 Aávi.. 993
1007
1010
1012 1031
1015 1034
1026
1045
1050 Asha.... 1053
552
"6
570 Srâv..
589
608
66
"1
627
646
665
684
703 Ashâ...
722
"1
"1
*
23
"
"
66
44
"1
"
"3
"
"
...
"3
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Intercalary Months, and the Baka Years (expired) of their Occurrence.
...
535 Ash&... 538 Vai.
554 573
592
1029
1048
60
"
37
39
"
"1
"
44
11
33
66
"1
91
33
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
557
576
614
633
652
33
595 Chai..
671
"1
13
دو
66
33
29
31
"
66
"
...
"
...
...
...
....
***
...
...
...
....
...
...
...
...
....
و"
"1
966
"1
"
"
"1
23
33
"
66
"1
749
768
787
806
825
844 Asha....
863
882
901
920
939
958
*****
"
33
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
.
"
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Sriv.
562 Ashâ.
...
543
581
600
619
638
657
676
695
714
733
752
771
809
828
817
998
32
885
904
923 Vai.
942
961
980 977 Jyê.
"
666
"
1018
"1
33
790 Jyê.
"
""
44
33
"1
ار
66
"3
::
29
...
45
...
...
⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
***
...
...
...
...
546 Jyê.
565
584
603
622
641 Vai.
660
679
...
869
717 736
964
983
1002
1021
1037 Chai. 1040
1056
698
889
24
66
23
14
755 Chai.
774
793
812
831
850 Aśvi.
33
65
66
11
66
33
"
907
926 Bhâ.
945
..
"
44
"L
1059 Sriv.
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
549 Kart....
508
587
606
625
644
663
682 Kürt..
701
Aśvi..
720
739
758
777
796
815
834
852
871
890
606
928
947
996
Intercalary and Expunged Months, and the Saka Years (expired) of their Occurrence.
Intercalary.
Expunged.
1991
"3
Kârt. Aśvi.
985 Aśvi.
1004
1023
10-12
***
::
***
...
...
....
***
::
...
⠀⠀
...
...
532 Kart.
551 Paush....
673 Kårt. 692 Mârg.
... ...
974 Mårg.
...
81 Kart....
833 Mårg.
...
....
...
532
551
673
692
814
833
974
106
THE
INDIAN
ANTIQUARY
[APRIL, 1894.

Page #117

Interealary and Expunged Months, India Saka Years (expiral of their heart
Intercalary Months, and the Baka Years (expired) of their Oecurrence.
APRIL 1894.
Intercalary.
Exponged
Ash. ... 1064
... 1083 , ... 1102
1069 Asha.... 1072 1088 Srav.... 1091
. ... 1110 Åslia.... 1129
... 1148
... 1075 Chai. ... 1092 ... 1113
1132
... 1078 ... 1097 ... 1116
Sriv. .
... 1080 ... 1.99 ... 1118
Åsvi....... 1115 Mirg. ... ... 1115
1121
1131
1137
1151
1170
1140 1159 1178 1197 1216
... 1183
1143
1162 Chai.... 1181 Phal.... 1199 . ... 1218
... 1237
... 1153 ... 1172 ... 1191
1210
.. 1156
... 1175 Asha.... 1194
1213
Märg....
1180
1202 1221 1240
1190 Mirg. ... 1199 Paush.... 1218 Märg.
1229
1199 ... 1218
1232
1235
1237 1236
1256
Phal. ... ...
1273
1275
1251 1270 1289 1308
1254 Vai....
1292 Jyê. Vai. ... 1830
1294
1297
1302
Kart....... 1302 Kart. ... ... » ... ... 1321 Mårg. ... ... 1921
MISOELLANEA.
1316
1335
1327 1346
,
... 1349
1354
1365
Co
1384
&
1483
„ ... 1368 Chai. ... 1387
.... 1406 , -1425 Vai. ... 1444 Chai. ... 1463 Aśvi. ... 1481
1500
1422
1389 Sráv, ... 1408
> ... 1427 Bhâ. ... 1446 Srav.... 1465
1411 1430
... 1435
1300
, ... 1303
Chai.... 1322 1338 Kárt. ... 1310
, ... 1359 376 „ ... 1378 1395 Åsvi. ... 1397
Bha. ... 1416 1433
1454
1473 ... 1490 1492 1 ... 1509 1511 Chai.... 1528 ... 1530 „ ... 1547 Srav.... 1549 , ... 1566 ... 1568 . ... 1585 , ... 1587
1441
Kårt. ... ... 1.413 Karl. ... ... 1413 1479 Åsvi. ... ... 1462 Paus... ... 1462
1484 1503
1519
159,
*. 1552
Vai.
1555
Bhå.
>>
1574
107
... 1576
... 15791
... 1582

Page #118

Interculary and Expunged Months, and tho Saka Years (expirod) of their courronoe.
108
Intercalary Mouths, and tho Saka Ycara (cxpired) of their occurrenco.
Intercalary.
Expungod,
... 1633
1639
... 1666
Bha. ... 1595 Sráv. ... 1598 ... 1614 Åsh.... 1617
1636 .. 1652
1655 » ... 1671 Sriiv. ... 1690
1709 1728 1747
1663 1682
Jyo. ... 1601 Chui.... 1604 Sráv.... 1606 Asha. ... 1609 1620 Åśvi. ... 1622 1625 Jyê. ... 1628
. ... 1611 1644 Åsha. ... 1617 .) ... 1658
1660 ... 1677 ... 1679
Jyê. ... 1685 Vai. ... 1696
... 1698
1701 ... 1717
» ... 1720 , ... 1739
»
... 1612 Åsvi. ... ... 1603 Mirg. ... ... 1603 ... 1631 ... 1050 ... 1669 ... 1688 ... 1707 ... 1726
Asvi....... 1744 Mârg. ... ... 1744 1763
1704
1761
1766
1795
... 1780 ... 1799
1818
1793 1812
1804 1823
1810
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
09
1837
Bha.
1839
1791 Chai.
... 1829 > ... 1818
1867 1886 1904
1842
1834 1853
1858
1861
1850 1969 1888
1872
1875
1877
1830
1891
1907
18:39 1918 1937
1910 1929
1923
1926
1940
,
... 1945
1948
Acha
Chai. Phil.
1964
... 1959
1978
1967
... 1942 ... 1961
1980 1999
Srav
1932 ... 1951 ... 1969 ... 1988 ... 2007 ... 2026
... 1972
Asv ... ... 1885 Märg. ... ... 1885 ... 1915 Phal...... 1901 Paush. ... ... 1904 ... 1931 ... 1953 Kárt. ... ... 1950 Mirg. ... ... 1950
Mary.... .. 1969 , ... ... 1969 ... 1991 2010 Kirt 2007 Kart. ... ... 2007
... 2026 Märg. ... ... 2026 9048
... 2045 Paush.... ... 2045
1983
1986
2002
2005
2016
Asvi. Bha.
Phal...
2035
2045
... 2059
2051
... 2051
> ... 2073 ... 2089 Chai.... 2092
2024 Vai. ... 2013
Jyo. ... 2062 ... 2078 Vai. ... 2081
2097 , ... 2100
... 2061 ... 2083 ... 2102
LA PRIL, 1894
»
2086 Asha.... 2105

Page #119

109
MISCELLANEA.
APRIL, 1894.]
PROGRESS OF ORIENTAL SCHOLARSHIP, In the number for March the 31st, M. V. No. 28.
Henry gives a bright review of Prof. Lefmann's life of Franz Bopp. The learned Heidelberg
professor, who is one of the few scholars who can In the Journal Asiatigue for 1892 M. Senart
| claim a thorough working acquaintance with continues his invaluable notes on Indian Epigra
the whole of the Mahabhirata, from cover to phy, with an account of the new version of the
cover, and who is best known to the outside Sa nasram inscription discovered by Mr. Lewis
world by his well illustrated History of Ancient Rice in Mysore. This is a subject familiar to the
India, was excellently fitted for the task. readers of the Indian Antiquary, and I need not
As M. Henry truly remarks, the history of deal further with it here.
Bopp's life is more than a simple biography. M. Léon Feer gives two articles on L'Enfer It is the history of a new-born science, which, Indien, commencing with an account of the under his auspices, and along the path which hells of Buddhism, and concluding with one of
he traced for it, has since progressed with those of Brahmanism. The articles are learned grand strides. Bopp's name is Ro familiar to us, and complete, and should be read in conjunction that to many it seems difficult to believe that he with Dr. Waddell's account of the Buddhist died so long ago as the year 1832, at the comWheel of Life in J. A. S. B. for 1892, and with paratively early age of forty-one. All his best Baba Sarat Chandra Dås's articles on Buddhist work was done in the last ten years of his life, Hells in the journal of the recently started during which there appeared from his hand Buddhist Text Society. The Hell-nightmares of several Sansksit texts, his Glossary, his Sanskrit both these religions are compared by M, Foer Grammar, which is still one of the best in with considerable acumen, and he shews that, existence, and finally his immortal Compurative though the Buddhists borrowed their system Grammar of the Indo-European Languages. Dr. of infernal regions from the Brahmans, they Lefmann's biography is described as at once able modified it, multiplied it, and added new
and sympathetic. Hells with all the luxuriance of Oriental fancy.
The most important article in the Revue Cri. From them again the Brihmans borrowed some
tique, on Indian subjects, which has appeared in of their inventions, altering them to suit their
1892, is M. Barth's review of Sylvain Levi's own theories in doing so. The last article
History of the Indian Theatre. Tbis brilliant concludes with a useful alphabetical list (with
Sanskritist has worthily taken up the mantle references) of all the Narakas, the names of
dropped by Wilson more than sixty years prewhich the author has come across in his reading.
viously. It says much for the soundness of that There are ninety of them.
great scholar's work that it sufficed students for With these exceptions, the Journal Asiatique 80 long. His Hindi Theatre has ever since for 1892-93, so far as its numbers have come into occupied a place of honour on the library shelves my hands, is devoted to articles dealing with of every student of Indian literature. But even Arabic and Egyptian antiquities. A new series in this case knowledge has progressed, and the of volumes commenced in January 1893.
desire to know more has increased; so that Prof.
Lévi's work will be found most acceptable by II.
every student. M. Barth's thoughtful and Kaviratna Abhinass Chandra's editions of learned review will command instant attention. Hinda medical works receive deserved praise It is more than a review, for it proposes explanafrom M. Barth, in the Revue Critique for March tions of doubtful points, as when, for instance, 7th. 1892. The Kaviratna has not only published he suggests that the meaning of the difficult term texts of the Charaka and Susruta Sarnhitis with bhdrati vritti is the style of the bharata, or actor, commentaries, but is also issuing from the press when he acts and speaks under his own name, as
eful translation of the former. The Biblio- in the prologue, and, now and then, elsewhere in theca Indica translation of the Suéruta has been the drama, when he recites the bharata kávyas. delayed by the unfortunate death of its trans- An idea of the comprehensive nature of M. lator, Dr. Uday Chand Dutt, and hence the Lévi's work may be gathered from a very brief translation of the Charaka is doubly welcome. It statement of its contents. The first part deals may be added that a similar work was also with the theory of the drama according to the best commenced in 1870 by Dr. Mahendre Lal Sircar, Sanskrit historical writers, and the author does but it never got beyond the first fasciculus. not fail to point out how their teaching has been
1 In Vol. XX. and in Yol. I. of the new series.

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THD INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1894.
minutely followed in all the plays, which have come never seen it) of an elaborate Sanskrit commentary down to us. This is followed by a history of Indian to Malik Muhammad's vernacular Padumivuti dramatic literature, in which M. Lévi has analysed Nahi påtar sydd gulshfraina svu-dritur athyitav. in detail the principal dramatic works, and Sanskrit used to illustrnte the writings of a given more or less complete descriptions of other Muhammadan suint! It is sufficient to make the less important ones. The origins of the Hinda ashes of the old Sutrakaras turn in their bed at theatre are next discussed at length. They are the bottom of the Ganges. traced down from the Vedic hymns to the master
M. Barth very properly draws attentior: tn pieces of Kalidasa and Bhavabhati. The line of
the improbability of the Sanskrit dramn ever descent is admittedly incomplete, for there is a
being a folk-drama, - a popular exposition of gap, regarding which we know nothing, between
a well-known subject which was attended for the rudimentary indications, which we observe in
the sake of its literary graces. I do not believe carly Indian Literature, and the sudden appear.
that there ever was even a paulit in India, whe ance of a complete dramatic theory and of com
could have understood, say, the more difficult plete dramas of high literary merit.
passages of Bhavabhuti at first hearing, withThe history of Sanskrit drama, is, in fact,
out previous study. What then are we to say that of classical Sanskpit itself. It springs | of the less lettered dilettanti Rajputs, and the suddenly into existence, like Minerva, armed herd of the common folk, who crowded at all points. The influence of Greek art these performances ? Not one word could they has boen credited with its invention, but this have understood, any more than a fashionable proposition is strenuously denied by M. Levi, audience at home now understands a West. while his reviewer gives a more cautious minster play, or its prologue. The prandits went verdict of "not proven." Most probably M. Lévi to these representations because the language is right when he maintains that the true rudi. was chamatkura, and the rest went there because mentary attempts of the Indian drama were the pandits said it was chamatkıtra. Nowhere is couched in the vernacular of the time, and that custom a greater force than in India. The old it was not till the vernacular authors had lady at home who loved her Bible, but felt most acquired a certain skill, that the dramatic form comfort from that blessed word "Mesopotamia." was adopted by Sanskrit writers. I have more. is a type of the Indian masses. Custom made than once maintained myself, that Sanskrit, botb the literary class, who had the ear of those wbo as a language, and as a literature, owes more paid for the representation, write the dramas in to the vernaculars of the centurios preceding
Sanskrit and in Prakrit. Custom made the our era, than most European scholars are at
spectators accept this bar to all intelligent apprepresent willing to allow. It is the same at the ciation of the piece, and their acceptance was present day. Nothing good and original is done in aided by he pleasure derived from the acting, the vernacular, that is not taken up and imitated in from the music, from the dresses, and so forth; Sanskrit by the pandits. Just as the Pråkpit just as the British multitude flonks to an Italian Saptasatiku of Håla may he claimed as the origin opera, not one word of which ninety per cent. of of erotic poetry in Sanskrit (compare, for the audience can understand. India is unchanginstance, the Satakas attributed to Bhartfibari): ing, like the rest of the East, and what occu's so in modern times, the incomparable Sat'sal of now is not very different from what occurred Bihari Lal, - seven centuries of Hindi stanzas fifteen hundred years ago. In Mithild, the possessing a grace and a mastery of language pandits still write prakaranas, which are reprewhich Kalidasa would have en vied, did not sented on State occasion. These are composed fulfil its fate, till it had been translated into or according to the strict rules of Sanskrit rhetoric. imitated in very neat Sanskrit verses, ench with I have seen them in the actual process of forma. its appropriate commentary, by Paramananda, in tion. A pandit first writes his play throughout his Sringdra-saptašatiká. So it has been with in Sanskrit. Then he rubs up his memory of others. No grent Hindi author has been let alone of Prakṣit Grammar, and transliterates such porby the pandits of the 16th and 17th centuries. tions as are necessary into Prakrit. I have even Even Tul'si Dâs, the apostle of teaching in a had the honour to watch a well-known pandit language " understanded of the people," was not performing this process. Mr. Cowell would be sacred to them, and I have heard (though I have interested to know that his edition of Vararuchi
II may note in passing thnt Bhartrihari's fatakasa Brahman named Padmanabha. See Constable's Edition were the firat Sanskrit book translated into a European of Bernier's Travels, p. 334, footnote. anguage. They were translated into Dutch c. 1640, by

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APRIL, 1894.1
MISCELLANEA.
111
was found very useful." Then a few Maithilimentary on the first two verses of the Dhammasongs, in the vernacular of the present day, are påda, containing the legends of Chakkhupala and added, and the whole is complete. I remember of Maddhakundali, by MM. de la Vallée-Pousseeing one called somebody or other's karana. It sin and Godefroy de Blonay. The first legend was acted with éclat, but I do not believe that teaches how miefortune follows an evil act, as the (beyond a few who had studied the libretto cart-wheel followa the yoked ox, and the second beforehand) the audience understood one word that faith in the Buddha, without works, is of what was said or sung by the actors. I sat sufficient for salvation. next tho ráje, at whose expense the whole thing M. Darmesteter's French translation of the was done. In one of the more florid songs in the Zend Avests, with notes, historical and philovernacular (ais own mother tongue) which I had
logical, has been frequently reviewed since its vainly followed, I asked him if he could under- appearance. The erudition and competence of stand it. "Of course, not a word," said he. Yet the translator were certain to make this an he was himself a very fair Sanskrit scholar. 'If
epoch-founding work; but it has been more than he could not understand what was being said,
this : for, as Prof. Max Müller observes, it has what could be expected of the crowd of muschibs, thrown a bomb-shell into the ranks of Zend who sat behind us, or of the peons and other scholars. Prof. Darmesteter advances a theory hanyers on, who crowded in in the rear Yet all that the Gotthas, the oldest portion of the Zend were pleased, and followed the tamdisha with
scriptures, do not date further back than the first interest. They knew the story, and would have
century after Christ. This is a bold statement followed it equally well, if it had been dumb show to make regarding a book, which scholars had I do not believe that in Bhavabhati's, or even hitherto regarded as being more than two Kalidasa's, time things were much different. As
thousand years older than this; and the proposition studies for the closet, their works were admired
has provoked, and will provoke, most lively disas chamatkara, and hence had a reputation which
cussion. Prof. Darmesteter has spared no pains ensured a large audience (which could not, or
to ensure the utmost possible correctness in his could only partly, understand them) at their translation. Instead of following the not always representations.
very trustworthy guide of doubtful etymologies, III.
he has visited India, and gone himself as In the Revue de l'Histoire des Religions for near the fountain head as possible. With May-June, 1892, M. Barth contributes another the assistance of learned Pârsis, he has inti important review: - this time of the first volume mately studied the ritual of the religion, and has of Prof. Max Müller's translation of the obtained access to manuscripts hitherto unpub. Hymns of the Rig Veda, published in the Series lished, which have thrown much light on disputed of the Sacred Books of the East. The book con
passages. tains the hynins to the Maruts, Rudra, Váyu and
Another work which has been issued under the Vata, and a great portion of it is a revised edition
auspices of the Musée Guimet, but which can of his well-known translation of de Hymns to the
hardly be snid to have excited much controversy : Maruts, published in 1869. Most of the article is
for all the reviews, which I have seen, have been devoted to criticism of the translation of isolated
unanimous in ditfering from the author, has been passages, but M. Barth also, while paying a just
the first volume of M. Paul Regnaud's Le tribute to the learning and brilliant style of the
Iligvida et les Origines de la Mythologie Indo. Oxford Professor, gives expression to the regret,
Européenne. I confess that I am compelled to which more than one of us have felt, that advan.
side with the majority. I willingly admit the tage was not taken, in republishing the Hymns
labour which the author has expended and the to the Maruts, to omit much surplusage, and to zeal and industry which he exhibits, but he goes bring the commentary up to date.
too far when he claims to be a legitimate follower The number of September October, 1892, of the of Bergaigne. Bergaigne was a reasonable man. same Revue, contains the translation of a com- He sometimes, like every one, made a slip, but 8 Mr. Cowell's Vararuchi was the one book which I |
In the January 1899 number of the same Revue, could not keep during my service in Tirhat. No M. Paul Regnaud discusses the meaning of the Vedio pandit who saw it could resist the temptation of bor- word iraddha, and compares it with the later Saurkrit rowing and forgetting to return it. I had to purchase use of the word. Curiously enough he makes no copy after copy, till I resolved never to lend it to any allusion to the sharp distinction between bhakti and one. Since then it has been safe, but I earned the title sraddha, which is insisted upon in the Sandilya Sutras, of pustaka-pisdicha!
a modern work it is true, but undoubtedly containing much ancient tradition.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1894.
he never delivered himself over body and soul to neighbouring kingdom of Champa by the inde. a theory, and then endeavoured to make facts fatigable zeal of M. Aymonier, had been ontrusted suit it. This is what M. Regnaud, with all his partly to M. A. Bergaigne, and partly to learning and all his ingenuity, has done. He has M. Senart for decipherment. The second volume, discovered what he calls a "system" for the that by M. A. Bergaigne, has now appe:ured interpretation of the Vedas. This system, briefly and arouses many melancholy associations. put. consists in this, that the hymns of Rig Veda The preface was probably the last thing which everywhere, without exception, refer to only one the author wrote on the subject, before he set thing-the pouring of an inflammable spirituous out in 1888 on that trip to Switzerland, in the liquid, called sóma, on the fire. There is no course of which he met his tragic fate. Oriental question of a god Agni, or of any God. The soholarship has not ceased to lament the sudden hymns describe merely the literal union of the death of one of her most gifted children, and this liquid and the fire. To prove this theory he has publication has bidden us 'infandum renovare to distort the meaning of an inconceivable num- dolorem.' Bergaigne left the work incomplote ber of perfectly simple hymns, and to invent new and the painful task of preparing it for the prese meanings for words, - meanings which were devolved upon his intimate friend, M. Barth. never imagined before. It is useless for me to This he has done with a reverent hand, and with give a detailed criticism of this work. I can rare self-abnegation; but, while we can admire only express my regret that so well-known and Bergaigne's learning and ingenuity, I may also esteemed an author should find himself in so be permitted to pay a tribute to the modesty of false a position.
his editor, as regards the very important part,
which he has taken in making these inscriptions M. L. de Milloué, the Conservator of the Musée
ready for publication. One word must be said Guimet, has reprinted from the Annales of that
for the magnificent Atlas of photogravures which institution his study on the Myth of Vrishabha,
uocompanies the volume. Nothing equal to it in the first Jain Tirthamkåra. The pamphlet is
the way of producing facsimiles of epigraphe has accompanied by two good photo-lithographs of
ever been attempted either in India or in EngVfishabha and (P) Mab&vira. The author's
land. The inscriptions themselves are of very object is to shew the original identity of the
great interest, epigraphically as well as histori. Pauråạik Vrishabha with the Jain saint, in
cally, as they furnish a long series of dates, which he clearly succeeds, and to trace the origin
from the beginning of the 6th century of the of the Myth to the Vedic legends about Agni, in Saka Era. which I doubt if he has been so syccessful. The essay shews a considerable range of reading, and
v. much ingenuity; but, judging from the misprints
The result of M. Barth's labours in another and the various different systems of translitera
field, must also be mentioned. One of his periotion employed, the book gives one the impression
dical notices of the Progress of Indian literature that the author has taken his authorities entirely
entitled "Bulletin des Religions de l'Inde" has from translations, without going to the original
lately appeared in the Revue de l'Histoire des Sanskrit texts. He might, moreover, have been
Religions, a periodical which I have mentioned more careful in the authorities which he quotes.
more than once in this paper, and which we also Some of the theories referred to (e. g., that
owe to the Musée Guimet. The Bulletin, as embodied in Mr. Thomas's article on the early
heretofore, contains a complete and succinct faith of Asoka) have long been exploded.
review of everything important dealing or in any IV.
way connected with the Religions of India, which When, in 1885, M. Barth at once delighted
has been published during the past five years. and surprised the world of Oriental learning with
It is written in the luminous style, for which its the first instalment of his account of the Sanskrit
author is well-known, and replete with the learnInscriptions of Cambodia, it became generaly
ing and acuteness of deduction which distinguish known that the remainder of the Sanskrit
him. inscriptions collected in that kingdom and in the
G. A. GRIERSON. * For instance (pp. 125 and ff.), parvata, adri and giri mean "the current of the libations," and never mean "mountain."
*[A translation of this most important work will shortly appear in this Journal.-ED.)

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May, 1894.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
113
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS,
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. I. E.; GÖTTINGEN. THE number of dates of the Saka era which I have collected from the texts of inscriptions,
1 or from accounts of inscriptions published by other scholars, especially by Dr. Vleet, amounts to about 370. Of these, about 100 dates contain no details for calculation or verification, and in rather more than thirty others the wording of some of the details is donbtful. Of the rest, the calculation of about 140 dates has yielded results which theoretically satisfy the require inents of the cases, while that of about seventy has proved unsatisfactory; and in the case of about twenty dates my examination has shewn, either, how a particular term of the original date ought to be understood, or in what manner the wording of the date should be amended. In the following I give a list of what may be called regular dates. These will be followed by a list of irregular dates, and by such remarks as have suggested themselves to me regarding the prctice of dating followed in connection with the "Saka era. For obvious reasons, I shall include in my lists the dates which have been already treated of by Dr. Flect, and feel sure that he will approve of my doing so.
I. – REGULAR DATES. A. - DATES IN LUNAR MONTHS.
1. - Dates in Expired Years.
(a). - Datos in Bright Fortnights. 1. - 3. 654. - Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 48. Date in a stone inscription from Java :(L. 1). - Så kêndre=tigatè śrat-Indriya-rasair=angiksitê vatsarê
vår-êndau dhavala-trayodasi-tithau Bhadrottard Karttikê. 3. 654 expired: Monday, 6th October, A. D. 732; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 17 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-bhadrapada up to 15 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise.
2. - 9. 670.-- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 106; ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 55. ÂntroliChhårôli copper-plate inscription of a Rashtrakata king Kakka of Gujarat : -
(L. 29). – vishuva-samkrantau ...
(L. 36). - Sakanripa-kal-&tita-samvatsara-sata-shatké ekonâsity-adhikê Aśvayuja-suddha. (ddhê=n)katê (tôpi sam 600 70 9 tithi 7.
In S. 679 expired the Vishuva(Tula)-sankranti took place 18 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd September, A. D. 757, during the 6th tithi; and the 7th tithi of the bright half of Āśvina ended 22 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th September, A. D. 757.
3. – 3. 785. - Notulen Bataviaasch Genootschap, Vol. XXVI. p. 21. Date in a stone inscription from Java :
Svasti Sakavarsh-åtfta 765 Chaitra-masa tithi pañchadasi chandragrahaņa Sómavara ..
5. 765 expired: A lunar eclipse, visible in Java, 18 h. 50 m. after 6 a. m. (local time) of Monday, 19th March, A. D. 843.
4.-9. 782.- Jour. Bo. As. Soo. Vol. IX. p. 219, and Vol. XII, p. 329; ante, Vol. III. p. 320, and Vol. XVIII. p. 94. Date of the Kalyan Ambarnath temple inscription of the Mahamandalesvara Mamvåņirajadêva, as read by Dr. Bhâu Daji and Dr. Fleet:
(L. 1). – Saka-saṁvat 782 Jyêshtha-buddha 9 Su(u)kré.
1 Those dates in which a tithi is joined with the week-day on which it commenced I shall give, under a separato heading, in the list of irregular dates, but by doing so I do not wish to intimato that those dates are incorrect. Under irregular dates will also be given several regular dates from (apparently) spurious documents.
Tho regular dates which have been already examined by Dr. Fleet are Nos. 2, 4, 6, 13, 25, 27, 28, 32, 35, 55, 59, 60, 62, 64, 65, 69, 74, 85, 98, 102, 106, 108-112

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1894.
S. 782 expired: Friday, 3rd May, A. D. 860; the 9th tithi of the bright halt ended 7 h. 43 m. after mean sunriso.
5.- S. 782.-Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 48. Date in an inscription from Java :
Sakaynrslintita 782, Karttikamasa, tithi trayodasi sukla-paksha,.. Vri-vara (i.. Bțihaspati-vara), ... Abviņi-nakshatra, ... Vyatipata-yôga, ... Taithila-karana.
S. 782 expired: Thursday, 31st October, A. D. 860; the 13th tithi of the bright half and the laruna Taitila ended 10 h. 29 m., and the nakshatra was Abvini up to 11 h. 10 m., and the yôya Vyatipata up to 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
6.-9. 838.- Ante, Vol. XII. p. 194, and Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Haddalâ copper-plate inscrip. tion of the Chapa Mahásámantadhipati Dharanivarâha, the feudatory of a king Mahîpåladêva :
(Plate ii. 1. 12). - prapt-odagayana-mahaparv vaņi ... (L. 21). - Saka-samvat 836 Pausha-sudi 4 uttarayane.
In S. 836 expired the Uttarayana-sankranti took place 4 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd Decernber, A. D. 914, during the 4th tithi of the bright half which ended 15 h. after mean sunrise of the same day.
7. – 9. 851, – Ante, Vol. XII. p. 211, No. 48. Kaļas inscription of the Rashtrakūta Gôvinda IV.:
Saka-varsha 851 neya Vikrita-samvatsarada Mághada puņnamey-Adityaváram:Aslesha(sha)-nakshatrado(?!?) somagrahanar samanise tuļi-pu[rusham=i()]ldu tatsamayado!.
9. 861 expired: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 12 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 17th January, A. D. 930, when the nakshatra was Aslesha up to 19 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise. By the mean-sign system the year Vikrita lasted froin the 27th December, A. D, 928, to the 23rd December, A. D. 929, and was therefore current at the commencement of 'S. 851 expired, bat not on the day of the date. [By the southern luni-solar system Vikrita would be 'S. 852 expired.)
8. - 8. 855.- Ante, Vol. XII. p. 251. Sångli copper-plate inscription of the Râsht rakůta Gôvinda IV.:
(L. 44). - Sakansipa-kAl-Atita-samvatsara-satêshy-ashtagu pamohapaṁchâsad-adhikeshyaṁkatô=pi samvatsarapÂm 855 pravarttamâna-Vijaya-samvatsar-âmtarggata-Srâ vaņa-paurinamasyâr varð Guro} Parvve-Bhadrapada-nakshattrê.
In S. 865 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vijaya, Sråvaņa was intercalary, and the full-moon tithi of the second 'Srávaņa ended on Thursday, 8th Angast, A. D. 933, 8 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise. On the same day the moon entered Parva-bhadrapada, by the Brahma-siddhanta, 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise, and later by other systems. [By the mean-sign system Vijaya had ended on the 10th December, A. D. 932, before the commencement of S. 855 expired.]
9.-8. 878,- Ante, Vol. XIL p. 257. Soratar stone inscription of the Rashtrakůța Krishņa III. :
(L. 4). --Salsa) kansipa-kAl-Akranta-samvatsara-sa(a)tamga[1] 873 Virodhi-samvatsarada Mârggaśira-masada paņņameyum-Adityavaramum Rohini(ni)-nakshatramum (88)magrahaņad-andu.
S. 878 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhskrit: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 16th November, A. D. 951, when the nakshatra was Bohint up to 12 h. 29 m. after mean suprise. [By the mean-sign system Virðdhaksit had onded on the 26th September, A. D. 950, before the commencement of S. 873 expired.)
• Clearly only an error of the writer or engraver for Vinodhakrit.

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MAY, 1894.]
10. S. 894. Kakkala (Karka II.): -
(L. 47). Sakanripa-kâl-âtita-sam(sam) vatsara-satêshv-ashtasu chaturnna (rnna) vaty-adhikêshv-aikataḥ sam (sam) vat 894 Angira(rah)-sam (sam) vatsar-ântarggata(t-) Âśva yuja-paurņṇamasyâyâm Vu(bu)dha-dinê somagrahana-mahâparvvaṇi.
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
3. 894 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Angiras: A lunar eclipse, visiblo in India, on Wednesday, 25th September, A. D. 972, 16 h. 56 m. after mean suurise. [By the mean-sign system Angiras had ended on the 29th June, A. D. 971, before the commencement of 'S. 894 expired.]
11.-8. 939. As. Res. Vol. I. p. 363. Thani copper-plate inscription of the 'Silâhâra Arikêsarin: -
'On the fifteenth of the bright moon of Cártica, in the middle of the year Pingala, when nine hundred and forty years, save one, are reckoned as past from the time of King Saca, or, in figures, the year 939, of the bright moon of Cártica 15. . . . . the moon being then full and eclipsed'...
-
115
S. 939 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pingala: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on the 6th November, A. D. 1017, 19 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.
Ante, Vol. XII. p. 266. Kardâ copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakuta
12. S. 946..
Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 18. Miraj copper-plate inscription of the Western
Chalukya Jayasimha III. :
Sakanripa-kal-itîta-samvatsara-satêshn navasu shatchatvârimsad-adhikêshv-amkataḥ samvat 946 Raktakshi-samvatsar-âmtarggata-Vaiśâkha-paurṇṇamâsyâm-Adityavâre.
S. 946 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Raktaksha: Sunday, 26th April, A. D. 1024; the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise.
-
13. S. 950. - Ante, Vol. IV. p. 278, and Vol. XVIII. p. 379. Talgund stone inscription of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III. :
(L. 8). Saka-varsha 950neya Vibhava-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha 5 Sómavarad= uttarayana-sam krantiy-andu.
-
In S. 950 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vibhava, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 16 h. after mean sunrise of Monday, 23rd December, A. D. 1028, during the 5th tithi of the bright half which commenced 0 h. 47 m. before mean suurise of the same day and ended 1 h. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 24th December, A. D. 1028.
14. S. 980. Jour. Roy. As. Soc., O. S., Vol. IV. p. 281, and Cave-Temples of Western In lia, p. 104. Copper-plate inscription of the 'Silâhâra Mârasimha :
(L. 44). Sa(sa)kanṛipa-kâl-âtita-samvatsara-satêshu | asi (si)ty-adhika-nava-satêshv= amkêshu pravarttatayiti Vilambi-samvatsarê Pausha-masasya éaddha-pakshê saptamya'n Brihaspativare udagayana-parvvani I.
In S. 980 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vilamba, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 10 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 24th December, A. D. 1058, during the 7th tithi of the bright half which ended 17 h. after mean sunrise of the same day.
―
15.8. 996. Ante, Vol. X. p. 127. Bijapur stone inscription of the Western Chalukya Sômêsvara II. :
(L. 10). Sa (sa)ka-varsham 996neya Anamda-samvatsarada Puśya(shya)-su(su)dhdha(ddha) 5 Bri(bri)haspativarad-amdin-uttarayana-sam kramti-parvva-nimittam.
In S. 996 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Ananda, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 12 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th December, A. D. 1074,

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before the commencement of the 5th tithi; and the 5th tithi of the bright half ended on Thursday, 25th December, A. D. 1074, 15 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.
16.-S. 999. Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 17. Hulgûr inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI. and Jayasimha IV.: -
Sa (sa) kanṛipa-kâl-âîtîta-samvatsara-sa(sa)taṁgalu 999neya Pimgala-samvatsarada Ashaḍa(dha)-su(su)ddha 2 Adityavara samkranti-pavitrarohanad-amdu.
In S. 999 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pingala, the Dakshinayana-samkranti took place 15 h. 2 m., and the second tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 25th June, A. D. 1077.
17. S. 1037. Inser. at Sravana Belgola, No. 47, p. 26. Date of the death of Meghachandra-traividyadeva:
Sa (sa)ka-varsham 1037neya Manmatha-samvatsarada Marggasira-sa(su)ddha 14 Briha
varam...
B. 1037 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha: Thursday, 2nd December, A. D. 1115; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 53 m. after mean
sunrise.
18.-S. 1039. Inser. at Sravana Belgola, No. 59, p. 57. A grant by the Dandanayaka Ganga-Raja, confirmed by the Dandanayaka Echi-Raja: -
Sa(sa) ka-varsham 1039neya Homanambi-samvatsarada Phalguna-suddha 5 Somavarad.
andu.
3. 1039 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Hêmalamba: Monday, 28th January, A. D. 1118; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 11 m. after mean suurise.
19. S. 1045.- Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 18. Date in an Old-Kanarese inscription at Têrdal:(L. 49).-Sa(sa)ka-va[r]sha 1045neya Subhakri(kri)t-samvatsarada Vaisikhada punnami Bra(bri)haspativâradalu.
8. 1045 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sobhakrit (Sobhana): Thursday, 12th April, A. D. 1123; the full-moon tithi ended 13 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise. Inser, at Sravana Belgola, No. 43, p. 18. Date of the death of Subha
20. S. 1045. chandra :
Bân-âmbhôdhi-nabhaś-saśâuka-tulite jâtê 'Sak-âbdê tatô
varshê Sobhakrit(d)-âhvayê vyupanatê mâsê punas Sravanê pal shê krishna-vipaksha-varttini Site vârê dasamyâm tithau.
8. 1045 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sobhakrit (Sobhana): Friday, 3rd August, A. D. 1123; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 18. Hulgûr inscription of the Western
21.8. 1076. Chalukya Taila III. : Sakanṛipa-kal-âtita-sataṁgal 1076neya Bhava-samvatsarada Âśa (shi)da(dba)-su(su)ddha 5 Brihaspativarad-amdu.
S. 1076 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bhava: Thursday, 17th June, A. D. 1154; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. after mean sunrise.
22. S. 1078.-Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 24. Stone inscription of the 'Silâhâra Mallikarjuna, now in the Hall of the Bombay As. Soc. :
This is clearly an error for Sibhakrit.
-

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MAY, 1894.)
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
117
Sakansipa-kAl-Atîtn-samvatsara bntêslu daśa (su) ashțasaptaty-adhikeshu Saka-barn yat 1078 Dhåta-samvatsarê Vaisikba-suddha-aksha[ya*]-tritiyayam yuga di-parvvani Bhauma-dine Mrigasira-nakshatré.
8. 1078 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dhatri : Tuesday, 24th April, A. D. 1156; the third tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 58 m., and the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha up to 13 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
23. - . 1081. - Inscr. at Sravana Beļgoļa, No. 138, p. 108. A grant by the Hoysala Narasimha I.:
Eksity-uttara-sahasra-Saka-varshêshu gatêshu Pramadi(thi)-samvatsarasya Pushya-masaKuddha-Sukravara-chaturdaaśyam uttarayana-sankrantau.
In S. 1081 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramathin, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 13 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 25th December, A. D. 1159, during the 14th tithi of the bright half which ended 16 h. 48 m. after mean sonrise of the same day. 24. - 8. 1085.- Inscr. at Stavrına Beļgo!a, No. 39, p. 8. Date of the death of Devakirti :
Saka-varsha sisirada embhatt-widaneya II
varshê khyata-Subhanu-nainani sito pakshe tad-Ashadhake
misè tan-navami-tithaa Budha-yutê vêrê dinês-oday S. 1085 expired, which by, the southern luni-solar system was Subhanu: Wednesday, 12th June, A. D. 1163; the 9th tithi of the bright half onded 18 h. after mean sunrise.
23.-. 1096. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 127. Halgür stone inscription of the Kalachuri Someśvara :
(L. 35). - Saka-varshada 1096neys Jaya-samvatsarada Margasirada pannami Adityavåra somagrahaņad-andu.
3. 1096 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : A lunar eclipse visible in India, on Sunday, 10th November, A, D. 1174, 16 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
26.-S. 1114. - Ante, Vol. II. p. 301. Gadag stone inscription of the Hoysala Viraballala :
(L. 43).- Sakansipa-kAl-Atita-samvatsara-satêshu chaturddas-Adhikeshy-êkadaśasu amkatipi 1114 varttamina-Paridh&vi-samvatsar-Antarggata-Marggasi(si)rsha-paurnamksym Sane(nai)bchårsvare somagrahane.
S. 1114 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridh&vin: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on Saturday, 21st November, A, D. 1192, 01, 56 m. after mean suurise.
27. - 3. 1121. - Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 153. Gadag stone inscription of the Hoysala Viraballa!a :
(L. 31). - Saknnripa-kAl-&tita-samvatsara-satamgala 1121 neys Siddhartthi-samvatsarada pratham-Ashada(dha)-sukla-paksh-Ashtami-Brihaspativ&ra-Bya(vya)tipata-punya-dinad8= Å Bya(vya)tipata-nimittam,
In 8. 1121 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddharthin, Ashadha was intercalary by the Arya-siddhanta ; and the 8th tithi of the bright half of the first Ashadha ended 23 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 3rd June, A. D. 1199, when the yoga was Vyatipata for about 14 h. after mean sunrise.
28. - 3. 1148. - Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 157. Kolår stone inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadave Singhaņa II. : - .
(L. 9). - Saka-varnsacja5 1145 de (da)neya Svabhanu-sanńyachchharada dvitiya-Bhadrapada-Buddha 5 Su(bu)kravarad-amdu. .. Read varshada. . Read earhvatearada.
Read fuddha.

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In S. 1145 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhanu, Bhadrapada was intercalary; and the 5th tithi of the bright half of the second Bhadrapada ended 7 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 1st September, A. D. 1223.
29. - 8. 1158. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 87. Bijậpar inscription of the Dêragiri-Yadava Singhaņa II.:
• Saka 1156 (in figures, 1. 5), the Jaya sarvatsara; Vaddavars, the day of the full-moon of the bright fortnight of Vaisakba.'
S. 1156 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : Saturday, 15th A pril, A.D. 1234; the full-moon tithi ended 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
30. - S. 1156. - Cave-Temples of West. India, p. 99. Image inscription at Eldrå : - (L. 1). - Svasti eri Sakê 1156 Jaye-savachhare (Phálgana-sudha-tritiâ Budhe). (L. 3). - Phålguņa tsitiyâm Vu(bu)dhe.
$. 1156 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya: Wednesday, 21st February, A. D. 1235; the third tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
81. - . 1158. - From Dr. Fleet's impression (Graham's Kolhapoor, p. 426, No. 13). Kolhapur stone inscription of the Devagiri-Y Adava Singhaņa II. : -
(L. 1). - Svasti óri Saks 1158 Varshê Durmmukha-samvatsaré Mágha-buddha-pûrņņamisyâm tithau Soma-dine 1
(L. 14). -... somepavi[ddhe P] ...
$. 1158 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmukhs: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 12th January, A. D. 1237.
32. - 3. 1171. - Ante, Vol. VII. p. 304, and Vol. XIX. p. 441. Chikka-Bagiwadi copperplate inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Krishna : -
(L. 19). - Ekasaptaty-uttara-bat-Adhedhi)ka-sahasra-samkhyesha Sak-Avdø(bd@)sht= atitêshu pravarttamine Baum(sau)mye-samvatsarê tad-anta[r]gat-AshAdha-patrņņamassam Sanaischaraváre Purvashadh[A*)-nakshatrė Vaidlipiti-yôgê itthambhâta-pum(puløyakále.
8. 1171 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya: Saturday, 26th June, A. D. 1249; the full-moon tithi ended 11 h. 33 m., and the nakshatra was Parveshadhá up to 6 h, 34 m., and the yoga Vaidhfiti up to 18 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
33.-8. 1171. -- Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 69. Bendigêri copper-plate inscription of the DêvagiriYadara Krishna :
(L. 22). Svasti eri-Saka-samvatsarasya katadhiks-sahasr-aikadhika-saptatyfis-ch-Anantare Saumyabdé Srêvanê misi sita-pakshë dvadasyAm Guruvare.
S. 1171 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya : Thursday, 22nd July, A. D. 1249; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 23-h. 5 m. after mean sunrise.
34. - 5. 1187. - From Dr. Fleet's impression. Kolbåpar pillar inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Mahadeva : -
(L. 8). - Saka-Varshê 1187 varttamâna-Krodhana-samvatsarê Magha-masa-purņņimâyân Sukra-dine.
S. 1187 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Krodhana : Friday, 22nd January, A, D. 1266.; the full-moon tithi ended 14 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
35. - 5. 1193. -Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 317, and Vol. XIX. p. 442. Paithan copper plate inscription of the Dêragiri-Yadava Ramachandra :
(L. 62). - Sasa)kê cha ēkådaśasu trinavaty-adhikeshreatítéshu 1193 varttaminaPrajapati-samvatsar imtargata Magha-buddha-dyûdabyAm Vu(bu)dhe.

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S. 1193 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Prajapati: Wednesday, 13th January, A. D. 1272; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 48 m. after mean
sunrise.
36.8. 1194. - From Dr. Fleet's impression (Graham's Kolhapoor, p. 437, No. 15) Kolhapur stone inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Râmachandra:
(L. 23). Saka-varshêshu 1194 vêd-Amka-Rudra-pramitêshu vyatitêshu varttamânAmgirab-[sth] vatsara-Migha-pārṇpimâyâṁ somagrahana-parvani.
S. 1104 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Angiras: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 13 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise of the 3rd February, A. D. 1273.
37. S. 1200.-Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 137, p. 105. Date of a private inscription:Svasti śri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana-saka-varsham 1200neya Bahudhanya-samvatsarada Chaitra-suddha 1 Sukravara.
119
S. 1200 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bahudhanya: Friday, 25th March, A. D. 1278; the first tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise. [This was the day of the Mêsha-samkrânti which took place, by the Sûrya-siddhânta 16 h. 44 m., and by the Arya-siddhânta 14 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.]
38. S. 1227. From Dr. Fleet's impression. Vêlapur stone inscription of the DêvagiriYadava Ramachandra :
-
-
(L. 1). Svasti éri Sâku 1227 Visvavasu-sam vachchha (tsa)rê | Marga-su(su)dha(ddha)
5 sômê.
S. 1227 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Visvavasu: Monday, 22nd November, A. D. 1305; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
39.-S. 1801. Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 356. Dambal copper-plate inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara:
Sak-Abdê Salivahasya sahasrêņa tribbiḥ sataih
êk-adhikaiś-cha gapitê Siddharthê-bdê subhê dinê II Jyê(jyai)shṭhyam Bhaume nisânath-oparage...
8. 1301 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddharthin: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on Tuesday, 31st May, A. D. 1379, 20 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.
40. S. 1301. Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 126; ante, Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 87. Harihar stone inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :
'Sasi-kha-sikhi-chamdra-samitê Sake Sidhdha(ddha)rththi(rtthi)-saṁjõitê ch=âbdê [*] Karttika-mâsasya sita-dvâdasyam Bhaskarê varê [*].
S. 1801 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddharthin: Sunday, 23rd October, A. D. 1379; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.
-
41. 8. 1332. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Insor. No. 127; ante, Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 88. Harihar stone inscription of Dêvaraya I. of Vijayanagara :--
Sakê nêtr-fgni-vahn-fmdu-samkhyê Vikru(kpi)ti-namakê [*] varushê Nabhasya-dvâdasyam suklâyâm Somavarake [*]
S. 1882 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita: Monday, 11th August, A. D. 1410; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 36 m. after menn sunrise.
--
42. S. 1353. Ante, Vol. II. p. 353. Date on the colossal Jain statue at Karkala, in the South Kanara District :

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(L. 5). Svasti śri-Sakabhupati-tri-sara-vahn-îndau Virodhyadikṛid3-varshê PhalgunaSaumyavara-dhavala-śrî-dvâdaś?-tithau . . .
(L. 14).
Saka-varsha 1353 . . .
B. 1353 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhakrit: Wednesday, 13th February, A. D. 1432; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. after mean sunrise.
43. S. 1436.As. Res. Vol. XX. pp. 22 and 37. Krishnapura stone inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara :
'Salivabana-éaka 1436... Bhava-samvatsara, Phâlguna-suddha 3, Sukravara.
S. 1436 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bhava: Friday, 16th February, A. D. 1515; the third tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. after mean sunrise. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 401. Krishnapura stone inscription of Krishnaraya
44, S. 1450.
of Vijayanagara: -
(L. 41). Sakê sârdaiḥś-chaturbhiḥr-dasabhir-api sataiḥ sammitê Sarvadariny= abdhê10 Chaitr-akhya-mâsê sita-Madana-tithau Jivavare-ryamarkshê
—
S. 1450 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sarvadharin: Thursday, 2nd April, A. D. 1528; the 13th (Madana) tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 13 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-phalguni (the Aryamarksha) up to 12 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.
45.-S. 1451. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 399. Krishnapura stone inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 1).. Svasti śri-jayabhyudaya-Salivahanasaka-varushaṁgala 1451neya Virodhisamvatsarada Vaisâkha-suda(ddha) 15 Sudalu (i. e. Sukravaradalla)...
-
(L. 22). Virodhi-samvatsarada Vaisakha su 15 Sudalla somagra(gra)hana-punyakaladalû.
-
S. 1451 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhin: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on Friday, 23rd April, A., D. 1529, 14 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise..
46.8. 1460. Ante, Vol. IV. p. 332, and Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 96. Harihar stone inscription of Achyutarâya of Vijayanagara : -
(L. 15).
'Salivahana-nirņita-saka-varusa (rsha)-kram-âgatê vyôma-tarkka-chatus-chandra-samkhyaya cha samanvitê | Vilambi-namakê varshê mâsê Kârttika-namani I paurņamâsyâm sitê pakshe vare Basisutasya cha 11 Somoparaga-samayê...
8. 1460 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vilamba: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on Wednesday, 6th November, A. D. 1538, 15 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
47. S. 1476. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 133; Mysore Inscr. No. 17, p. 25. Harihar inscription of Sadasivadêva of Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara) :
Salivahana-Saka 1476 (in figures, 1. 4); Monday, the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha.'
B. 1476 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Ananda: Monday, 16th April, A. D. 1554; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. Read sardhais-chaturbhir. 10 Read dhariny-abdé.
Read Virodhakrid.

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ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
121
48. - 9. 1506. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 28; ante, Vol. XII. p. 213, No. 74. Då vanhalli copper-plate inscription of Rangaráya of Vijayanagara :(L. 114). - Khyat-ang-ambara-ban-êmda-ganité Saka-vatsarê
vatsard Taran-Abhikhyê mâsi Kârttika-nå mani 11 Pakshê valakshê paạyayan paurņimayam mahậtithau !
80mbparaga-samaye ... S. 1506 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Tarana : A lunar eclipse, visible in India, on the 7th November, A. D. 1584, 23 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise. · 49. - 8. 1543. - Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 29; Mysore Inscr. No. 136, p. 248. Simoggâ copper-plate inscription of Ramadêva of Vijayanagara :--
Saka 1543 (in words ; 1. 18 of the first side ; véda, 3; ambudhi, 4 ; sara, 5; and kshox, 1), the Durmati samvatsara ; Saturday, the third day of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha.'
8. 1543 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmati : Saturday, 14th April, A.D. 1621; the third tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
50.-8. 1866. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgoļa, No. 84, p. 66 (and No. 140, p. 111). Stone inscription of Chama Raja Vadoyar of Maisûr :
Sr-Salivahana-saka-varusha 1556neya Bheva-samvatsarada Ashâda (dha)-áu 13 SthiravaraBrahmayoga-dalu.
8. 1556 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bhava : Saturday, 28th June, A. D. 1634 ; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 22 h., and the yoga was Brahman from 1 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
51. - $. 1844. - Mysore Inscr. No. 168, p. 316. Tonnur copper-plate inscription of Kệishộarâ ja of Maisûr :
"The Salivahana Saka year reckoned as véda, arnava, situ, kshiti (1644) having passed, the year Subhakfit being current, in the month Margasira, full moon, Tuesday, Brahma yoga, Ardra nakshatra, BAlava karana, .... the moon being eclipsed in the constellation ander which Râmânuja was born' ...
8. 1644 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhakrit: A luner eclipse, visible in India, 16 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 11th December, A. D. 1722, when the nakshatra was Ardra from 5 h. 55 m., the yoga Brahman from 10 h. 23 m., and the karana Balava from 16 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.
52.-8. 1650.- Coorg Inacr. No. 13, p. 20. Abbimatha copper-plate inscription ; date of a grant of the Coorg Raja Dodda Virappa Vadeyar: -
Salivahana-saka-varusha 1650ne Kllaka-samvatsarada Kárttika-suddha 2 Budhavaradallu.
8. 1650 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kllaka: Wednosday, 23rd October, A. D. 1728; the second tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
53-8. 1688. - Pai, Skr. and Old-Kan. Insor. No. 37. Date in copper-plates from Maisûr :
Salivåhana-Saka 1683 (in figures ; 1. 1 of the first side), the Vishu sarivatsara ; Monday the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.'
8. 1889 expired, which by the southern luni-solar systom was Vishu : Monday, 6th April, N. S., A. D. 1761; the first tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. after mean sunrise. The Mesha-sankranti took place on the 9th April, A. D. 1761.]

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54. S. 1718. - Coorg Inser. No. 13, p. 20 (and No. 14, p. 22). Abbimatha (and Mahidevapura) copper-plate inscription of the Coorg Râja Vîra Râjêndra Vaḍeyar: -
Svasti śri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana-saka-varusha 1718ne varttamânakê salluva Nalasamvatsarada Chaitra-su 1 Bhargavara-dallu.
122
S. 1718 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Nala: Friday, 8th April, N. S., A. D: 1796; the first tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. [The Mesha-samkrânti took place on the 9th April, A. D. 1796.]
(b).
55. S. 726. Ante, Vol. XI. p. 126, and Vol. XVII. p. 141. Kanarese country copperplate inscription of the Râshtrakuta Govinda III. :
—
Dates in Dark Fortnights.
[1.] - Purnimanta Dates.11
(L. 1). Sakanṛipa-kâl-âtîta-samvatsaramgal-êlnûr-i(i)rpatt-âraneyâ Subhanu embhâ(mba) varshada Vaisâ (s)kha-masa-krishna-paksha-pañchamê(mî)-Brihaspati(ti)våraṁ.
—
S. 726 expired: Thursday, 4th April, A. D. 804; the 5th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Vaisakha ended 7 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise. By the mean-sign system the 4th April, A. D. 804, fell in the year Subhanu which lasted from the 17th June, A. D. 803, to the 12th June, A. D. 804. [The 5th tithi of the dark half of the amânta Vaisakha ended 20 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 3rd May, A. D. 804; and by the southern luni-solar system S. 726 expired would be Târana.]
-
56. S. 976. Páli, Skr., and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 158. Balagâmve stone inscription of the Western Châlukya Sômêśvara I.:
Saka 976 (in figures, 1. 15), the Jaya samvatsara; Sunday, the day of the new-moon of the dark fortnight of Vaisakha.'
57. S. 1313. of Vijayanagara: -
S. 976 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya: Sunday, 10th April, A. D. 1054; the 15th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Vaisakha ended 19 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise. [The 15th tithi of the dark half of the amânta Vaisakha ended 6 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 10th May, A. D. 1054. Compare below, No. 150.]
Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. IV. p. 115. Copper-plate inscription of Harihara II.
Sakê trayôdaśâdhika-trisatôttara-sahasrê gatê vartamâna-Prajapati-samvatsarê Vaisakha mâsê krishna-pakshê amâvâsyâyâm Saumya-dine sûryoparaga-puṇyakâlê.
S. 1313 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Prajapati: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 5 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 5th April, A. D. 1391, which was the 15th of the dark half of the purnimanta Vaisâkha.
[2.] Amânta Dates.
58.-S. 589.—Inscr. Sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 74; ante, Vol. XXI. p. 48. Stone inscription at Vat Prey Vier12:
Yâtê kâlê 'Sakânâm nava-tanu-vishayair-Mmâdhavê shôḍaś-âhe Jivas-chape-ja-suryyo. . . . . . . maitram-indur . . .
8. 589 expired: The 16th day of the lunar Madhava (Vaisakha) was the 15th April, A. D. 667, when the first tithi of the dark half of the amanta Vaisâkha ended 4 h. 28 m., and
11 The dates given under this heading will be specially considered below.
12 For the full wording of this date and an exact calculation of all its details see now M. A. Barth in Inser. Sanscrites de Campå et du Cambodge, p. 592. I give the date here, merely, because it is the earliest available Saka date in a dark fortnight which shews the amânta scheme of the lunar month and admits of verification. For sa even earlier amânta date from Cambodia (of Saka 548), see ante, Vol. XXI. p. 47.

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123
when the moon was in Anuradha (the Maitra nakshatra) up to about 22 h. 20 m. after mena sunrise. On the same day the sun was in the sign Aja (Mesha), which it had ontored on the 20th March, and Jupiter was in Chapa (Dhanuh), having entered that sign on the 20th January, A. D. 667.
59. - 8. 788. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 219, and Vol. XVII. p. 142. Sirur stone inscription of the Rishtrakūta Amôghavarsha (Sarva): -
(L. 15).-Sakanripa-kal-atîta-samvatsaranga! el-nar-enbhatt-entanoya Vyayam enba samyntsaram pravarttise srimad-Amôghavarsha-Nripatunga-nâm-aukitanâ vijaya-rajyapravardhamana-samvatsarauga! avyatt-eradum uttar-ôttaram râjy-abhivriddhi salutt-ire .... Jyêshtha-masad-amåseyum Adityaváram âge stryyagrahaņad-andu.
9. 788 expired: A Solar eclipse, visible in India, 9 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 16th June, A. D. 866. This day fell in the year Vyaya by both systems; for by the mean-sign system Vyaya lasted from the 23rd September, A, D. 865, to the 19th September, A. D. 800; and by the southern luni-solar system Vyaya was 8. 788 expired.
60.- S. 810. Ante, Vol. XIII. P. 69, and Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Bagumrå copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakūta Mahúsámantadhipati Krishnaraja II. of Gujarat: -
(Plate ii. 6, 1. 11). - Sakanripa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-satêshv=ashtasu das-ottarůshu Chaitrê= mâvâsya yam] suryagrahaņa-parvaņi.
S. 810 expired: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 2 h, 40 m. after mean sunrise of the 15th April, A. D. 888.
61.- S. 867. - Ante, Vol. I. p. 209. Salotgi stone inscription of the reign of the Rashtrakůta Krishna III.: - (L. 3).- Saka-kaladagat-avda(bdA)na sasaptadhikashashtishu
satêshy=ashtasu tavatsu samânâ m-aikatô-pi cha
varttamâne Plavang-avdo(bdo) ... (L. 45). - Půryvôktê varttamân-avd8(bdê) mâsê Bhadrapada-chite
pitri-parovani taey=aiva Kujavarona Banyutô
suryyagrahana-kálê tu madhyage cha divákare. 9. 867 expired: A Solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 9th September, A. D. 945. The year Plavanga, by the mean-sign system, did not commence till the 17th October, A. D. 945, and it is therefore clear that the donation, to which the date in line 45 refers, was made some time before the date, referred to in line 3, when the inscription was put up. [By the southern luni-solar system Plavanga would be S. 869 expired.]
62. - 3. 887. — Ante, Vol. VII. p. 16, and Vol. XIX. p. 102. Date of the accession of the Eastern Chalukya Amma II., from a copper-plate inscription of his :(L. 31). - Giri-rasa-vasu-samkhy-abdê Saka-samayê Mârggaśirsha-mâsê=smin [1]
krishna-trayôdaśa-dinê Bhriguvård Maitra-nakshatro il
Dhanushi ravau ghata-lagnê dvâdaśa-varshậ(rshë) tu janmanah .... S. 807 expired: Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945: the 13th tithi of the dark halt ended 10 h. 8 m., and the nakshatra was Anuradha (the Maitra nakshatra) up to 7 h 53 m. after mean bunrise; and the sun was in the sign Dhanuḥ which it had entered on the 23rd November, A. D. 945.
63. - 5. 893. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 256. Adaraguñchi stone inscription of the Rashtrakūta Kottiga (Khotika): -
(L. 7). - Sa(sa)kanripa-kal-&tita-samvachchha(tsa)ra-sa(ba)tangaļ=entu nûra tombhattamûraneya Prajapati-sa[m*]vachchha(tsa)ram saluttam-ire tad(d-)ya(-ya)rsh-abhyâ(bhya)ntarad=Ashya(sva)yujad-amayâse Adityavára suryyagrahana.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1894.
8. 893 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Prajapati: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 2 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 22nd October, A. D. 971. [By the mean-sign system Prajapati had ended on the 3rd July, A. D. 970, before the commencement of S. 893 expired.]
64. S. 904. Inser. at Sravana Belgola, No. 57, p. 55; ante, Vol. XX. p. 35. Date of the death of the Rashtrakuta Indrarâja:
Vanadhi-nabhô-nidhi-pramita-samkhyê(khya-)'Sak-âvanipâla-kâlamaṁ
neneyise Chitrabhanu parivarttise Chaitra-sitêtar-ashtamî
dina-yuta-Somavaradol ....
8. 904 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitrabhanu: Monday, 20th March, A. D. 982; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 22 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise. [By the mean-sign system Chitrabhânu had ended on the 18th May, A. D. 981, before the commencement of S. 904 expired.-The Mêsha-samkrânti took place on the 23rd March, A. D. 982.]
65.-8. 972. Ante, Vol. XII. p. 202, and Vol. XVIII. p. 91. Surat copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Trilochanapâla of Lâțadêsa: —
(Plate iii, 1. 3).
Sâkê nava-sa(sa)tair-yuktê dvisaptaty-adhike tatha [*] Vikrite vatsarê Paushê mâsê pakshê cha tâmâ(ma)sê || Amavasya-tithau surya-parvvany-Angaravaraks [*]
S. 972 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita : A solar eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 15th January, A. D. 1051.
-
66. S. 991. - Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 227. Vaghli stone inscription of the reign of the Yadava Sêunachandra II.: -
(L. 9).
Rûpa-Namd-âmka-tulyê tu 991 Saka-kalasya bhûpatan [*]
Saumya-samvatsar-Ashadha-ravigrahana-parvvani II
B. 991 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 0 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise of the 21st July, A. D. 1069.
67.8. 1047.- Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 56. Narendra inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI. :
Saka-varsham 1047neya Visva(sva)vasu-samvatsarada [Bhâ]drapada-ba 13 Sukravara mahâtithi-yugadiy-amdu.
B. 1047 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Visvavasu: Friday, 28th August, A. D. 1125; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise. 68. S. 1050. Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 54, p. 47. Date of the death of Mallishêņa: -
Sakê sûnya-sar-âmbar-âvani-mitê samvatsarê Kilake
mâsê Phalgunikê tritîya-divasê vârê 'sitê Bhaskarê | Svatau...... madhyâhnê....
B. 1050 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kilaka: Sunday, 10th March, A. D. 1129; the third tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 16 m., and the nakshatra was Svati up to 15 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise.
69. S. 1096. Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 127. Hulgûr stone inscription of the Kalachuri Sômêsvara:
(L. 40). Saka-varshada 1096neya Jaya-samvatsarada Mârgasira-bahulad-ama(mâ) vâsyê Mangalavara suryagrahanad-andu.
-

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193
S. 1096 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 26th November, A. D. 1174.
70. – S. 1112. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 25. A Kolhapur inscription of the 'Silâhâra Bhôja II.: -
(L. 2). – Sakansipa-kâlâd-arabhya varsheshu dvâdabottara-satadhika-sahasrêshu nivșitteshu varttamâna-sadharana-samvatsar antarggata-Pashya-bahala-dvâdaśyam Bhaumaváre bhậnor-uttarayana-samkramana parvvani.
In s. 1112 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sadharana, the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 14 h. 2 m, after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 25th December, A. D. 1190, during the 12th tithi of the dark half which ended 19 h, 7 m. after mean sunrise of the same day. (For another, irregular date in the same inscription see below, No. 191.]
71.- S. 1113. - From Dr. Fleet's impression. Gadag stone inscription of the DêvagiriYadava Bhillama:
(L. 13). - Sakantipa-kal-Atita-samvatsara-satêshu trayôdasAdhik@shv=êkâdaśasu varttamânaVirodhakrit-samvatsar-Amtargata-Jyêshth-Amâvâsyayam-Adityavárd suryagrahane.
8. 1118 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodbaksit : A solar eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 23rd June, A. D. 1191. . 72. - . 1113. - Pal, Skr. and oid-Kan. Inscr. No. 109. Chaudadîmpur inscription of the Great Chieftain Vira-Vikramaditya of the lineage of Chandragupta, and his Náyaka Khandêya-Kåra-Kam@yanayaka :
Saka 1113 (in figures, 1. 72), the Virðdhikrit sasivatsara ; the day of the new-moon of Margasirsba; at the time of an eclipse of the sun.'
S. 1113 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhakrit : A solar eclipse, visible in India, 5 h, 59 m. after mean sunrise of the 18th December, A. D. 1191.
73. – . 1137. – Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 201. Balagânve stone inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava Singhaņa II. : -
Saka 1137 (in figures, 1. 23), the Yuva samvatsara, Thursday, the day of the new-moon of Bhadrapada.'
S. 1137 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Yuvan: Thursday, 24th September, A. D. 1215; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h, 36 m. after mean sunrise.
74. - 5. 1189.- Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 128. Hulgar stone inscription of the DévagiriYadava Mahadeva: -
(L. 15). - Saka-varshada 1189neya Prabhava-samvatsarada Jyêshtha-ba 30 Budhavára suryagrahaņad-andu.
In S. 1189 expired, which by the southern luni-solar systom was Prabhava, Jyaishtha was intercalary; and there was a solar eclipse, visible in India, 8 h. 35 m. after mean sunrisa of Wednesday, 25th May, A. D. 1267, which was the 15th of the dark half of the first Jyaishtha.
75. - 8. 1285. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 41, p. 11. Date of the death of Subhachandra :
Panchatrimsat-samyuta-satadvay-Adhika-sahaara-nuta-varsheshu vrittêshu Saka-nsipasya tu kalê vistirņņa-vilasad-arņņavanêmau il Pramadi-vatsarê mîsê Sråvaņê tanum atyajat 1 Vakrð krishņa-chaturddasyam Sabhachandrô mabayatih 11

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1894.
S. 1235 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramadin : Tuesday, 21st August, A. D. 1313; the 14th tithi of the dark half ended 15 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
76. - S. 1295. - Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 48. Date in an inscription from Java :
Sakavarshatita 1295, Asujimasa, tithi trayodasi krishộapaksha .... Su-vara (i. e. Sukra-vara).
S. 1295 expired: Friday, 14th October, A. D. 1373; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise.
77. - S. 1307. - Hultzsch, South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 157. Inscription on a lamp-pillar at Vijayanagara : -
(L. 36). - Saka-varshë 1307 pravarttamanê Krodhana-vatsarê Phâlguna-måsë krishapakshê dvitîyâyâm tithau Sukravare.
$. 1307 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Krodhana : Friday, 16th February, A.D. 1386 ; the second tithi of the dark half commenced 0 h. 17 m. before rrean sunrise of this Friday and ended 0 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
78. - S. 1331. - Insor. at Sravana Belgola, No. 106, p. 80. Date of a private inscription:
Saka-varusha 1331neya Virodhi-samvatsarada Chaitra-ba 5 Gu (i e. Guruvara).
S. 1331 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhin : Thursday, 4th April, A, D. 1409; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 23 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.
79. – S. 1585. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 142,' p. 112. Date of the death of Chârukirti: -
Sri-Sakavarusba 1565neya Srîmach-Charu-sukîrti-pandita-yatih Sobhanu-samvatsarê
mase Pushya-chaturddasi-tithi-varo křishộê supakshê mahån madhyâhnê vara-Mala-bhê cha(?)karanê Baarggavyavard Dhridhru)v
yôgê svargga-puram jagama matiman(mams=)traividya-chakreśvarah 11 S. 1565 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhanu : Friday, 29th December (the day of the Uttarayaņa-samkranti), A. D. 1643; the 14th tithi of the dark half and the karana Sakuni ended 19 h. 54 m., and the nakshatra was Mala up to 11 h. 10 m., and the yoga Dhruva up to 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
80.- S. 1731. - Inscr. at Sruvana Belgola, No. 72, p. 61. Date of the death of Adits. kirtidêva : -
Saliyahana-sakábdih 1731 neya Sukla-nama-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-ba 4 Budhavaradalli.
S. 1731 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sukla : Wednesday, 27th September, N. S., A. D. 1809; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
81. -S, 1739.- Coorg Inscr. No. 17, p. 25. Merkara copper-plate inscription of the Coorg Raja Liiga Rajendra Vadeyar: -
SAlivåhana-saka-varsha 1739ney Isvara-samvatsarada Jêshtha-bahula bidigeyu Bhanu. varakko Kali-dina 1796 392 ne ...
S. 1739 expired, which by the southera luni-solar system was Isvara : Sunday, 1st June, N. S., A. D. 1817, which was the day of the Kaliyuga 1796 392; the second tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.

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127
The same inscription also has the date: Vikrama-samvatsarada Chaitra-suddha dvadasiya Bhanuvarada varige varusha 2 tingalu 9 dina 25 Kali-dina 1797 421ne, corresponding, for 'S. 1742 expired = Vikrama, to Sunday, 26th March, N. S., A. D. 1820, which was the day of the Kaliyuga 1797 421.]
82. - 3. 1748. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 98, p. 74. Date from the reign of Krishnaraja Vadeyar of Maisûr :
Sålivâbana-saka-Tarusha 1748neya sanda varttamânakke saluva Vyaya-nâma-saṁvatsarada Phâlguna-ba 5 Bhanuväradalu.
S. 1748 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vyaya: Sunday, 18th March, N. S., A, D. 1827; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
2.- Dates in Current Years.
(a). - Dates in Bright Fortnights. 83.- . 1032.- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 3. Tálalei copper-plate inscription of the Silâhâra Gandaradityadêva :
Sakanripa-kâl-âtita-dvâtrimsad-uttara-sahasrê Virodhi-samvatsarê Mágha-buddha-dasamyân Mangalavare.
S. 1032 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was virodhin : Tuesday, 1st February, A. D. 1110; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
[The same inscription contains the date: tat-samvatsar-Oparitana-Vikrita-samvatsaraVaisakha-paurnamâsyam somagrahaņa-parvani, corresponding, for 8. 1093 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita, to the 5th May, A. D. 1110, when there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise.]
84. – S. 1051. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 57. An Inglêśvar inscription of the Western Chalukya Sômêśvara III. : -
Sakha(ka)-varusha 1051neya Kilaka-samvatsarada Kürttika-paurņņamåseyo! somagrahana-nimittar.
S. 1051 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kilaka: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 20 h. after mean sunrise of the 8th November, A. D. 1128.
85. - S. 1085. -Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 317. Miraj stone inscription of the Silâhåra Vijayadityadeva : -
(L. 19). - [Saka]-varsha 1065neya Dundubhi-samvatsarada Bhậdrapada-su(su)dhdha. (ddha) 2(altered to 6) Sukravarad-amdu.
S. 1065 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dundubhi: Friday, 28th August, A. D. 1142; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.
86.- 8. 1065. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. Kolhapur stone inscription of the Silâhâra Vijayadityadêva : -
(L. 16). - Saka-varshêsha pamchashashty-uttara-sahasra-pramitêshyratitêsha pravarttamana-Dumdubbi-samvatsara-Magha-masa-paurņņamåsyam Somavård somagrahaņa-parv vanimittam.
3. 1065 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dundubhi: A. lunar eclipse, visible in India, 17 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 1st February, A.D. 1143.
87. - S. 1088. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 50, p. 33. Date of the death of Prabhåchandra-siddhantadêva :
Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1068neya Krodhan-samvatsarada Åsvijn-sa(su)ddha-dasami Brihavárad-andu Dhanur-llagnada púryvahşad [a].

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[MAY, 1894
8. 1068 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Krodhana: Thursday, 27th September, A. D. 1145; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
88. - S. 1073. - From Dr. Fleet's impression. Bâmaņi stone inscription of the SilAhara Vijayadityadêva : -
(L. 12). - Saka-varghêshu trisaptaty-uttara-sahasra-pramitêshv=atitëshu amkatô=pi 1073 pravarttamâna-Pramoda-samvatsara-Bhadrapada-paurņņamási-Sukravard Bomagrahanaparvva-nimittam.
S. 1078 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramoda: A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 20 h, 6 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 6th September, A. D. 1150.
89. - S. 1099. – Inscr. at Sravana Bego!a, No. 42, p. 14. Date of the death of Nayakirtidêva: -
Sakê randhra-nava-dyu-chandramasi Durmmukhy-Akhya-samvatsarê
Vaisakhê dhavale chaturddaśa-dinê vârê cha BaryAtmaje
purvvihņê praharê gatê 'rddha-sahite ... S. 1099 current, wbich by the southern luni-solar system was Durmukha: Saturday. 24th April, A. D. 1176; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. after mean sunrise.
90.- 5. 1127. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 236. Kalhoļi Jain temple inscription of the Ratta chiefs Kartavîrya IV. and Mallikarjuna :
In the Saka year 1127, the RaktAkshi samvatsara, on Saturday, the second lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Paushya, at the time of the sun's oommencement of his progress to the north.'
In S. 1127 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Baktaksha, the second tithi of the bright half of Pausha ended 4 h. 82 m., and the Uttarayana-sankranti took place 4 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 25th December, A. D. 1204,
91. - S. 1191. - Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 247. Bhôj copper-plate inscription of the Ratta chief Kartavirya IV.:
(L. 97). - 'Sakanripa-kAlasy-aikatri(tri) mead-uttara-sat-Adhika-sahasratamasya VibhaVa-samvatsarasya Kärttika-masasya sukla-dvadaśyûm Budhavara-saman vitayam.
8. 1131 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vibhava: Wednesday, 22nd October, A. D. 1208; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.
92.-8. 1197.- Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Insor. No. 236; Mysore Inscr. No. 120, p. 219. Halebid memorial tablet: -
"Saka 1197 (in figures, 1. 8), the Bhava sariwatsara; Wednesday, the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada.'
S. 1197 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bhava: Wednesday, 15th August, A. D. 1274; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise.
93.-. 1199.- From Dr. Fleet's impression. Sidnůrle inscription of the DêvagiriYadava Ramachandra :
(L. 13). - Saka-varshdsha 1199 ramdhr-Amka-Rudra-pramitêshu gatêsha varttamânaDhatri-samvatsar-am(antargata-Sravana-pûrņnimâyâro Soma-dind yajt pavita-parvaņi.
S. 1199 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was DhAtri: Monday, 27th July, A. D. 1276; the full-moon tithi ended 4 h, 58 m. after mean sunrise. 94.-5. 1205.- Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 129, p. 97. Date of a private inscription: -
Sa(sa)ka-varsham 1205neya Chitrabhånu-saṁvatsara Srâvaņa-su 10 Bridandu.

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ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
129
8. 1205 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitrabhonu : Thurg. day, 16th July, A. D. 1282; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise. 95.- S. 1295.- Inscr. at Sravana Belgo!a, No. 111, p. 86. Dato of a private inscription :
Saka-vargha 1295 ParidhAvi-samvatsars-Vaisakha-suddha 3 Budhavára. B. 1295 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhavin: Wednesday, 7th April, A. D. 1372; the third tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 3 m. after mcan sunrise.
96.-8. 1355. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 108, p. 85. The tomb of the Jaina Srutamani was set up: -
Ishu-sara-likhi-vidhu-mita-saka-Paridhavi-sarad-dvitiyag-Ashadhe i
sita-navami-Vidhudin-odayajushi sa-Visakhe pratishthit-êyam=iha || In S. 1355 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhavin, AshAdha was intercalary ;13 and the 9th tithi of the bright half of the second Åshadha onded 4 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 7th July, A. D. 1432, when the nakshatra was Visakha up to 17 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.
97. - S. 1455. - Ante, Vol. V. p. 19. Bådâmi inscription of the time of Achyntaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 4). - Svasti sri-jnyâbhyudaya-Salivahana-soka-varsha 1455noya Nandana-samvat sarada Je liye)shtha-su 5 Guruvaradalu.
$. 1455 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Nandana: Thursday, 9th May, A. D. 1532; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
(b). - Dates in Dark Fortnights. [1.] - Parnimanta Dates: None.
[2.] - Amants Dateg. 98. - 3.948.- Ante, Vol. XVII. p. 120 (and Vol. XVI. p. 43). Kalas Budrakh copperplnto inscription of the Yådava Bhillama III.: -
(L. 14). - Sakansipa-kAl-Atîta-samvatsara-batêshu navasvrashtachatvari[m"]śnd-adhik[*]shr=amkato=pi II 948 11 Krodhana-samvatsara-Kârttika-samjât-Adityagrahaņe.
. 948 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Krodhana: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 2 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd November, A.D. 1025.
99. - 8. 1042.- Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 49, p. 28. Date of the death of Damiyyaka: -
Salsa)ka-varusha 1042neya Vikari-samvatsarada Phålguna-bahula 11 Brihavárad-andu.
S. 1042 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikarin : Thursday, 26th February, A. D. 1120; the 11th tithi of the dark half endod 21 h. 42 m. after mcan sunrise.
100.- 5. 1104. – Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 19. Date in an Old-Kanarese stone inscription at Térda! :
(L. 59). — Sn(sa)ka-varsham 1104neya Plava-samvatsarada Asvnyuja-hnhula 3 Adivaradalu.
S. 1104 current, which by tho southern luni-solar system was Plava : Sunday, 27th September, A. D. 1181; the third tithi of the dark half onded 16 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise.
13 See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 356, No. 157.

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[MAY, 1894.
101. – 3. 1110. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 97. Toragal inscription of the Mahamandaléérara Barma :
(L. 33). - Sa(sa)ka-varshan 1110neya Plavamga-samvatsarada Pusya(shya)-bahu!a 10 Vaddavärav-uttarayaņa-samkramaņa-vyatipatadalı.
In S. 1110 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Plavanga, the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 19 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 25th December, A.D. 1187, during the 10th tithi of the dark half, which ended 15 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 26th December, A. D. 1187.
102. - S. 1136.- Jour. Bo. ds. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 7; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 440. Khédrapur stone inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Singhana II.:--
(L. 8). - Sri-Saka-varshe 1136 Srimukha-samvatsaré Chaitré surya-parba(rva)ni Soma-dinê.
S. 1136 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Srimukha: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 22nd April, A. D. 1213. | Tlie same date in a Halebid inscription of the Hoysala Vîraballala, Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 234.]
103. - 5. 1151.- Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. III. p. 113; Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 282. Date in an Old-Kanarese stone inscription of the Rațţa chief Lakshmidêva at Saundatti :
(L. 64). - Saka-varshamn 1151neya Sarvvadhari-samvatsarada Åsbâdhad-ama(mâ) vase Somavárad=andina sarvvagrási-stry yagrahapad=uttama-titbiyo!.
S. 1151 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sarvadharin: A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 3rd July, A. D. 1228.
104. - 8. 1172.- Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 201. Káñchipura Ekâmranátha stone inscription of Ganapati :(L. 13). - SAkâbdd ta dvisaptaty-adhika-Siva-sata-khyâta-samkhyana-manê
Saumy-abd8 Srðshtha-måsê bahula-Hari-dinê Bhaumavård same=hni S. 1172 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya : Tuesday, 8th June, A. D. 1249; the 11th (Hari) tithi of the dark half ended 13 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise.
105.- . 1175. - Mysore Insor. No. 171, p. 322. Bangalore Museum copper-plate inscription of the Hoysaļa Sômêsvara :
The Saka year 1175, the year Paridhavin, the month Phålguna, new-moon day, during an eclipse of the sun.'
S. 1175 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhavin: A solar eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise of the 1st March, A. D. 1253.
3. – Dates in Expired or Current Years.14
[1.] - A Purnimanta Date. 106.-8. 534.-Ante, Vol. VI. p. 73; Vol. XVI. p. 109; Vol. XVII. p. 141 ; and Vol. XX. p. 3. Haidarâbâd copper-plate inscription of the Western Chalukya Pulikêśin II. : -
(L. 11). - Åtmanah pravarddbamâna-rajyabhisheka-samvatsarê tritiyê Sakanripati-samvatmara-satêsha chatustrimg-adhikeshu pañchasv=atîtêshu Bhadrapad-âmAvåsyâyên suryyagrahaņanimittam.
14 The question as to which of the possible equivalents of the original date should be regarded to be its true equivalent will be considered below.

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ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
131
S. 534 ourront: A partial solar eclipse, not visible in India, 21 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of the 13th August, A. D. 611, which was the 15th of the dark half of the parniminta Bhadrapada.
S. 534 expired: A total solar eclipse, not visible in India, 14 h. 15 m. after mean sun. rise of the 2nd August, A. D. 612, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the purnimanta Bhadrapada.
[2.] - Amanta Dates. 107. - 3.716.-From Dr. Fleet's impression. Paithan copper-plato inscription of the Rashtrakata Govinda III. : -
(L. 60). - Sakansipn-kal-âtîtn-samvatsara-sa (sa) têsha saptamu(su) je(sh)das-Ottarêshu Vaisakha-va(ba)hul-a mavasyam=Adityagrahana-parvvaņi.
$. 716 current : A circular solar eclipse, not visible in Indin, 17 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of the 14th May, A. D. 793, which was the 15th of the dark half of the amánta Vaisakha.
S. 716 expired: A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 3 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise of the 4th May, A. D. 794, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amánta Vaišlikhn.
108. - 9. 780. - Ante, Vol. VI. p. 68, and Vol. XVI. p. 74. Radhanpur copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakata Gôvinda III. :
(L. 53). Sakanripa-kal-atita-saṁvatsara-satêsha saptasu trimsad-uttarêshu Sarvajin. zimni sumvatsarê Sravana-bahula-a(l-a)mâvâsyam suryagrahana-parvaņi.
$. 780 current: A total solar eclipse, not visible in Indin, 10 h. 85 m. after mean sunrise of the 7th August, A. D. 807, which was the 15th of tho dark half of the amanta Sravana.
S. 730 expired: A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th July, A. D. 808, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amântu Srivaņa.
By the southern luni-solar system Sarvajit was S. 730 current; and by the moan-sign system Sarvajit lasted from the 31st May, A. D. 807, to the 26th May, A. D. 808, and accordingly was current on the 7th August, A. D. 807, and at the commencement of S. 739 expired, but not on the 27th July, A. D. 808.
109. - 9. 789. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 185, and Vol. XVIII. p. 50. Bagamri copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakūta Mahasamantadhipati Dhåravarsha Dhruvarija III, of Gujarat: -
(L. 64). - Sakantipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-śntêshu saptasv=êku(kö)nanavaty-adhikashrau katah sarvat 789 Jyêshth-imivasyâyam adityagrahana-parvvani.
S. 789 current: A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 9 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of the 16th June, A. D. 866, which was the 15th of the dark half of the amánta Jyaishtha.
S. 789 expired: A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 1 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise of the 6th June, A. D. 867, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amanta Jyaishtha.
B. - DATES IN SOLAR MONTHS.
All in Expired Years. 110.-. 044. - Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 53, and Vol. XIX. p. 129. Korumolli copper-plate inscription of the Eastern Chalukya Rajarâ ja II.; date of his accession :(L. 65). - Yo rakshitum vasumatir Saka-vatsarêshu
vêd-Amburasi-nidhi-varttishu Simhage=rkko (1"] ksishņadvitiya-divavas15-Ottarabhadrikayam
våre Guror-yvaniji lagna-varê=bhishiktah 11
16 Road - diras.

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[MAY, 1894.
In S. 944 expired the Sinha-samkranti took place and tho solar Bhadrapada commenced) 20 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise of the 26th July, A. D. 1022; and the day of the date is Thursday, 16th August, A. D. 1022, when the second tithi of tho dark half of the amánta Bhadrapada) ended 10 h, 55 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-bhadrapada up to 16 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
111.-8. 999.-Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 168. Vizagapatam copper-plate inscription of Anantavarman Chodagangadēva ; date of his accession : - (L. 30). - Sak-avde(bde) Nanda-randhra-grahagana-gaạitê Kumbha-samsthe dinosa
Gukle pakshe tri(tri)tiyâ-yaji Ravija-dino Rovati-be nsiyugme
lagmê(gne) ... In S. 999 expired the Kumbha-samkranti took place and the solar Phålguna commenced) 19 h. 12 m, after mean sunrise of the 22nd January, A. D. 1078; and the day of the date is Saturday, 17th February, A.D. 1078, when the third tithi of the bright half of the lunar Phâlguna) ended 21 h. 23 m., and the nakshatra was Revati up to 19 h. 3 m. after mean suprise.
112. - 3. 1003. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 164. Vizaga patam copper-plate inscription of Anantavarman Chôdagangadēva : -
(L. 40). — Haranayana-viyad-gagana-chandra-gaạité Sák-åvde(bde) Meshamasa-kļishnashtamyam-Adityaváre.
In S. 1003 expired the Megha-samkranti took place and the solar Vaisakha commenced) 17 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd March, A. D. 1081; and the day of the data is Sunday, 4th April, A.D. 1081, wben the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Chaitra) ended 12 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise.
113. - S. 1347. - Hultzsch, South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 84. Inscription inside the front Gopura of the Viriñchipuram temple :
On the day of the nakshatra) Anusham (i. e. Anuradha), which corresponds to Wednog day, the sixth lanar day, the 3rd (solar day) of the month of Panguni (i. e. Phalguni) of the Vibvávasu year, which was current after the Saka year 1347 (had passed).'
In S. 1347 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Visvävasu, the month Panguni i.e. the solar Chaitra) commenced 15 h. 42 m. aftor mean sunrise of the 24th February, A. D. 1426; and the day of the date is Wednesday, 27th February, A. D. 1426, when the 6th tithi of the dark half (of the amánta Phålguna) ended 20 h. 30 m., and the nakshatra was Anuradha for about 23 h. after mean sunrise.
114. - S. 1871.-Hultzsch, South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 111. Inscription on the east wall of the Sômanathêsvara temple at Padavêdu :
On the day of the nakshatra) Uttiradam (i. e. Uttarashadha), which corresponds to the yoga Ayushmat and to Saturday, the thirtee nth lunar day of the former half of the month of Simha of the Sukla year, which was current after the Saka year 1371 (had passed).'
In S. 1371 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sukla, the Simhasankranti took place and the solar Bhadrapada commenced) 8 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th July, A. D. 1449; and the day of the dato is Saturday, 2nd August, A.D. 1449, when the 13th tithi of the bright half of the lunar Srávaụa) onded 8 h. 43 m., and when the nakshatra was Uttarashadha for 10 h. 30 m., and the yôgu Åyushmat for 4 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise
115.-8. 1471. - Hultzsch, South-Inil. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 85. Inscription on a stone, built. into the floor of the court-yard of tho Virinchipuram temple : -
On Thursday, the day of the nakshatra) Punarvasu, which corresponds to the seventh lunar day of the former half of the month of Mosha of the Saumya year, which was current after the Salivaha-Saka year 1471 (had passed).'
:

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MAY, 1894.]
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
133
In S. 1471 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya, the MeshaRamkranti took place (and the solar Vaisakha commenced) 19 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th March, A. D. 1549; and the day of the date is Thursday, 4th April, A.D. 1549, when the 7th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar Vaisakha) ended 14 h. 44 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu ap to 17 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
116. - 8. 1488. - Hultzsch, South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 70. Inscription on a stone at Arappakkam :
On Wednesday, the twelfth lunar day of the latter half of the month of Kumbha of the Akshaya samvatsara, which was current after the Saks year 1488 (had passed).'
In 8. 1488 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Akshaya (or Kshaya), the Kumbha-sankranti took place and the solar Phålguna commenced) 7 h. 58 m, after menn sunrise of the 27th January, A, D. 1567; and the day of the date is Wednesday, 5th Febrnary, A. D. 1567, when the 12th tithi of the dark half of the amánta Magha) ended 20 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
117.-8. 1589.- Arch. Survey of South India, Vol. IV. p. 77. Râmêśvaram copper-plate inscription :. In the year Plavangs, current after 1589 of the Salivahana-Saka had elapsed, .... on Thursday, the third lunar day of the light fortnight of the month of Vaiyasi, and in the materism of Paba (Pashys), Kanda yoga and Karakava () karana.'
In 8. 1589 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Plavarga, the month Vaiyasi (i. e. the solar Jyaishtha) commenced 6 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of the 29th April, A. D. 1667; and the day of the date is Thursday, 16th May, A. D. 1667, when the third tithi of the bright half of the lanar Jyaishtha) and the karana Gara ended 1 h. 51 m., and when the nakshatra was Pushya16 after 21 h. 40 m., and the yoga Ganda up to 9 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise.
118.-8. 1688. - Arch. Survey of South India, Vol. IV. p. 85. A Sötupati copper-plate inscription in the Râmêsvaram temple :
In the year Jaya, current after 1636 of the Salivahana-Saks had elapsed, on ... Monday the tenth lunar day, and the first day of the month of Sittirai, in the asterism of Sravana and in the Subha yoga and the Subha karana.'
In 8. 1836 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the month Bittirai (i. e, the solar Vaisakha) commenced on Monday, 29th March, A. D. 1714, by the Sûryasiddhanta 12 h. 21 m., and by the Arya-siddhanta 9 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise. By the Arya-siddhanta, therefore, this Monday was the first day of 'Sittirai; and on the same day the 10th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Chaitra) ended 21 h., and the nakshatra was Sravana ap to 9 h. 12 m., and the yoga Bubha from 9 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.17
119.- S. 1637. - Arch. Survey of South, India, Vol. IV. p. 88. Another Setupati copperplate inscription in the Râmêávaram temple: -
In the year Manmatha, current after the 1637th year of the Salivahana-Saka era had elapsed, on ... Monday the third lunar day, and the 2nd day of the month of Magi, and in the asterism of Uttiram' i. 8. Uttara-phalgunt).
In 8. 1637 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha, the month Mabi (i. e. the solar Phålguna) commenced 21 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 28th January, A. D. 1716. The second day of Maši, therefore, was Monday, 30th Jangary, A. D. 1716; and on this day the third tithi of the dark half of the amanta Mâgha) ended 13th. 45 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-phalgunt up to 16 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
16 Tho nakshatra preceding Pushya ia Pudarya.
1 There is no karana named Subha.

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[MAY, 1994.
120.-S. 1855. Arch. Survey of South. India, Vol. IV. p. 91. Another Sêtupati copperplate inseription: -
" At the auspicious time of the lunar eclipse that occurred on the 10th lunarls day of the month of Kattikai of the year Piramatishsa which is current after 1655 of the SalivahanaSaka had clapsed, on Saturday, when the time of full moon, the asterism of Rohini.... are in conjunction.'
In S. 1655 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramadin, the month Karttigai (i. c. the solar Margaśira) commenced 5 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise of the first November, A. D. 1733. The 10th day of Kârttigai, therefore, was Saturday, 10th November, A. D. 1733; and on this day (the full-moon day of the lunar Kârttika) there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India, at 11 h. 42 m., and the nakshatra was Rohini from about 13 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
121.-S. 1658. Arch. Survey of South. India, Vol. IV. p. 97. Another Sê tupati copperplate inscription:
On... the Tai new-moon day of the dark fortnight of the month of Pushya,. . . of the year Nala current after 1658 of the Sâlivâhana cra, in the Sravana asterism, in the good yoga named Birummiyayoga (?) and in the good karana of Karulakarana (?).'
In S. 1658 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Nala, the month Tai (i. e. the solar Mâgha) commenced 20 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise of the 29th December, A. D. 1736; and the day of the date is the 19th January, A. D. 1737, when the new-moon tithi of the amúnta Pausha and the karana Chatushpada ended 18 h. 38 m., and when the nakshatra was Sravana up to 22 h. 20 m., and the yoga Siddhile up to 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
122. S. 1705. Arch. Survey of South. India, Vol. IV. p. 105. Another Sêtupati copper-plate inscription:
In the year... Sobhakrit, current after 1705 of the Sâlivâhana-Saka and 4884 of the Kali era had elapsed, . . . on Friday, the thirteenth lunar day of the light half of the month of Mithunn, in the asterism of Anusha (i. e. Anuradha), in the auspicious yoga named Siddhi and in the auspicious Taittula karana.
=
In S. 1705 Kali 4884 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bobhakrit (Subhana), the Mithuna-sam kranti took place (and the solar Âshâḍha commenced) 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of the 11th June, N. S., A. D. 1783; and the day of the date is Friday, 13th June, A. D. 1783, when the 13th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar Jyaishtha) and the karana Taitila ended 4 h. 36 m., and when the nakshatra was Anuradha up to 22 h. 20 m., and the yoga Siddha (not Siddhi) up to 6 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 18. The Sparrow Girl.
There once lived in a town a cock-sparrow and a hen-sparrow, with their chicks. After living in the town for a long period, they went with their chicks and took up their abode in a jungle, where they lived happily for some time. One day it happened that a fire broke out in the jungle, which caused great dismay to them. Said the cock-sparrow to the hen-sparrow :
"Come, my dear, let us fly from this jungle, or else the fire will come to where we are living and burn us to death."
15 This word is wrong and should have been omitted.
19 The yoga Siddhi is followed by Vyatipita

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 18.
MAY, 1894.]
Of course, the hen-sparrow was of one mind with her mate, but said she:-"Fly, we must; but what will become of our chicks? They will perish in the fire!"
135
The cock-sparrow, however, who did not care about his chicks, said :-"Oh, come; don't bother yourself about the chicks! Let us fly away. We can't save ourselves and them at the same time. Let them perish. If we wait much longer in order to save them, we too, shall perish with them."
Bnt the hen-sparrow could not entertain such an idea, and they thus kept quarrelling and fighting, pecking at each other, till at last the cock-sparrow flew away, leaving the hensparrow and the chicks to save themselves or perish in the fire, which was rapidly approaching the tree on which they had made their dwelling. The hen-sparrow was now at a loss to know what to do to save herself and her little ones from the fire. She looked about for water, bnt no water could be seen anywhere about the place. At length she flew up to the tallest tree in the jungle, and from there she spied a little pond at a distance. She managed to fetch some water in the hollow of her wings several times, enough to make the nest damp, and going at a short distance waited to see the consequences of the fire. In the meanwhile the fire raged furiously and had reached the abode of the sparrows, which it soon passed, leaving everything behind it a mass of live coals and ashes; but, fortunately for the young ones, the tree and their nest was not touched by the fire, and the hen-sparrow had the satisfaction to know that she did well in watering the nest, and the happiness to find her chicks alive.
They now lived in peace for a long time. One day the hen-sparrow went into the town to search for food, and in her absence the cock-sparrow returned for the first time since he had abandoned them to the mercy of the flames. He asked the chicks where their mother was, and they told him she had gone in search of food. The cock-sparrow then told them to look for her and call her back, which they did.
When the hen-sparrow returned, she fed the chicks, and ate the remainder of the food. herself, leaving nothing for the cock-sparrow, who grumbled and growled at his mate, and asked her what it all meant. The hen-sparrow said that she did not wish to have anything to do with him, and that she was right in feeding her chicks and eating some herself without thinking of him. Upon this the cock-sparrow said that the chicks belonged to him, and that he wished to take them away with him, but the hen-sparrow contended that they belonged to her, and she said she had the better right to them, because she had saved them from fire; and so the two sparrows kept quarrelling till they came to pecking at each other, and they did so for a long while. At length they made up their mind to go before the king of the neighbouring country, and ask him to decide their dispute. When they came before the king, it was decided by him that the chicks belonged to the father, the cock-sparrow, and so the mother, the hen-sparrow, was obliged to give up her chicks, and live by herself.
Now, it happened that next door to the king's palace lived a pardhan, in a niche of whose house the hen-sparrow took up her abode. There she had plenty to eat, for she had only to get into the pardhan's granary. She passed in this way several months, till one day the pardhan saw her in the granary and killed her, and it so happened, that the pardhan's wife, who was childless, became from that moment pregnant, or, rather the hen-sparrow, which died, was conceived in the pardhan's wife's womb.1
1 The following folk-story which is told locally as a fact (!), will not be uninteresting in this connection:There lived two brothers with their wives. One of the brothers had a child, a girl, who was tenderly loved by her parents, and more so by her aunt, who had no children. When the girl was about seven or eight years old, she became seriously ill, and, when she saw her aunt weeping near her bed, she said to her :-'Don't cry, annt; when I am dead I will be conceived in your womb.' When she had thus spoken, she expired, and it is said that the aunt from that time became pregnant, and at the end of nine months a girl was born to her." This story is a good instance of the inability of the folk in India to connect cause and effect. Given that the girl spoke as is said, and given that her aunt gave birth to a girl-child at a time shewing that pregnancy commenced just after the girl's death, there is still, of course, no proof whatever that the girl who died was the same person as the girl that was afterwards born.

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In duc time the pardhan's wife was delivered of a daughter. This girl grew up beautiful, and was the pride of her parents, who spared neither pains nor parse to bring her up well. When she was about nine or ten years old, she asked her father to buy her a horse with which she could play and amuse herself, and sometimes take a ride. The father readily bought a very good horse for her. Now, it happened that the king had a mare, which was covered by the horse of the pardhan's daughter, which resulted in the mare's bringing forth, in due time, a colt. The pardhan's daughter ordered her servants to bring the king's mare, with the colt, into her own stables, and when the king's servants remonstrated with her, she gave up the mare, and said the colt belonged to her, as the issue of her horse. This led to a serious quarrel with the pardhan's daughter and the king's servants, who said that the colt belonged to the king, as it was a issue of the king's mare, but the girl would not give it up, and at last they agreed to ask the king to render them justice. When the king, who had till then been ignorant of the affair, heard the case, be naturally decided in favour of his servants, which, of course, meant in his own favour. Upon this the pardhan's daughter quietly remarked :
"Sire, your decision is not just! Do you remember how you decided in the case of the two sparrows about their chicks? You said the young ones belonged to the father, the cocksparrow, and deprived the mother, the hen-sparrow, who had, with much trouble and anxiety, saved them from a fire, of her young ones. You must act op to that decision in this case too, and I contend that the colt belongs to my horse, its father."
The king was dumb-founded by this remark, and at last gave up the colt to the pardhan's daughter, saying:-" Go away, you stupid girl, and take the colt; and if you can bring me the milk of a bullock I shall certainly consider you very clover!”
The pardhan's daughter listened to this quietly, and went away without saying a word, On the following day she collected a basketful of rags in the streets, and began to wash then in u tank, from which the king's servants got their water for drinking and cooking purposes. When the servants saw her, they asked her what she was doing, and she answered:
"Last night my father was confined of a baby, and I am washing the clothes used by him at the time!"
The servants burst out laughing, and asked the girl to go away, as she was spoiling their drinking-water by washing rags; but the girl refused to go away, and kept washing the rags, upon which the servants, after repeating their request, two or three times, began to beat het. The girl immediately ran to the king and complained to him of his servants' conduct, and that they had beaten her. The king summoned the servants, and asked what the row was about. The servants said :
“ Sire, as we were passing by the tank we saw this girl washing rags in it, and thus spoiling our drinking-water. We remonstrated with her, but she would not listen, and hence the quarrel."
Upon this the king cried out to the girl :-"Is this true that I hear?”
The pardhan's daughter replied :-"Sire, these people are telling lies, when they say they caught me washing rags. I was not washing rags; but my father has given birth to a baby, and I was washing the clothes that were used at the time of his confinement."
"What a girl!" thundered out the king. “Are you mad ? How can a man give birth to a child?
"Ha ha ha,” laughed the girl, and asked the king :-"If a man cannot give birth to a hild, how can I get milk from a bullock P'
Tho king at once perceived that, in trying to make a fool of the pardhan's daughter, he himself had been befooled, and, as a second attempt to try the skill of the girl, he said :
"Get away, you mad girl ; if you can put together the roofing of a house before it is built, I will admit that you are a very clever girl,"

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The girl, pretending not to hear what the king said, went away without uttering a single syllable.
A few days elapsed after this incidence, and the girl, carrying a basketful of gram and a measure called páili, came near the king's palace, and cried out :-"Gram for sale; good gram for horses. Who will buy my gram?"
The king's grooms heard the call of the supposed gram-seller, and ran and told the king that there was a girl crying ont gram for sale, and as their stock was over, they would, if the king ordered, buy from the girl. The king ordered the servants to fetch the girl with the gram in his presence, and, on her being brought, he told her to measure the gram she had, upon which she cooly asked the king to apply the shigo to the paili.
“Go on, mensure the gram," said the king, "none of your nonsense."
But the pardhan's daughter pertly replied :-"Go on, apply the skiy, and then I will till my measure."
This roused the king's ire, and he thundered out:-"None of your impertinence. What do you mean by asking me to apply the shig, before you have filled the measure ?"
The girl, however, remained composed, and qnietly said :-"Sire, why do you got into temper? If you cannot apply the shiy before I have filled the paili, how could yon get it into your head to ask me to put together the roofing of a house before it is constructed ? Is it not the same as applying the shig to the pd ill before it is filled P"
The king now clearly saw the trick, and admitted to himself that he wus, for the second tine, outwitted by the girl. However, he determined to try her for the third time. He therefore, dismissed the girl from his presence, saying: -
"Oh, I'll marry you, and make you eat náchnis for twelve yours."
The girl, however, quietly remarked :-"Oh, I'll maury you, and present you with your own child without your knowledge!" So saying she went to her house.
. As soon as the girl was gone the king went to his father, the ex-king, whom he had succeeded during his life-time, as he was very old and nnable to hold the reins of government any longer, and asked him to contract an alliance for him with the parihan's daughter. The old king did not like the idea of his son, a king, marrying the daughter of a common parillan, and tried his best to make his son dissuade from his intention. The young king, however, was determined to marry her, and he said so to his father. The old king, at length yielded, and sent for the pardhan. The poor pardhan, who feared that some new quarrel had been created by his daughter, lost no time in presenting himself before the old king, and, bowing down very low, asked what was His Majesty's pleasure, and what his orders. The old king, having asked the parilhan to take a seat, proposed a marriage between his son, the king, and the parillurn's daughter. The pardhan was quite astonished at the proposition, and asked the king why ho took such pleasure in annoying a poor man like him with such a joke. Tho old king assured him that it was no joke, and that he was earnest about the marriage, no matter what the pardhan's social or pecuniary position might be. The pardhan, however, could not be convinced, and left the palace without even giving an answer, either in the affirmative or negative. When the pardhan had gone home, his daughter asked him why the king had sent for him, and he told her it was on occount of some business about which she must not concern herself; but she was not satisfied with such an evasive answer, and begged and urged him to tell her why he was sent for by the king. At last the parihan said :
“The old king sent for me and asked me to give you in marriage to his son, the king."
• When measuring gram, whont, rice and other grains, the measure, pdill or tiprf (one-eighth part of a pili), or
tessure is, in the first place, Glled up, and then the grain, protruding above the edges of the measure. is, po to say, cut off with the finger or with a sort of rule, levelling the grain with the edges of the measure, and this is called applying the shig.
Nichif is a sort of grain used as food by very poor people. It is supposed to be the staple food of prisoners

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"And you have agreed to it, I suppose !" asked the girl eagerly.
"No," replied the father." In truth, I gave him no answer at all, either in the atlirmutive or negative."
"Oh, low silly it was of yon," said the girl. “Shonld the king happen to send for you again and touch upon the subject, tell him you are willing to give me in marriage to his son."
The parillan was quite surprised to hear his daughter talk in that way, and did not under. stand what to make of it. However, he promised to give an auswer in the ntfirmative, if the king should send for him and moot the subject.
The following day, being worried by the young king to be told the result of his interview with the parihan, the old king sent for the purdhur. When the pardhan came the old king asked him if he had considered over their conversation of the previous dny, and what answer he was prepared to give, and added, by the way, his hope that the answer would be in the affirmative. The parihan, though with some hesitation, gave a reply satisfactory to the old king, who fixed a day for the celebration of the marriage.
In the meanwhile the young king ordered the construction, in the neighbourhood of the old palace, of a new one, seven storeys ligh, and in tlie seventh storey he stored ichni onough to last for twelve years. This new palace was intended for the imprisonment of the parellan's danghter, with the view of making her eat náchni for twelve years, as he had already told her. Such was the impatience of the young king to see the palace (or rather the prison) ready, that he engaged thousands of workmen, and a work that would ordinarily bave taken years to finish he got completed in a few days.
Preparations, on a grand scale, were, also, made on both sides. Nothing was spared to lend to the occasion a grandeur befitting a royal wedding. Time flitted by rapidly and the day appointed for the marriage came. At last the auspicious occasion was solemnized with great pomp, and the feasting extended over several days.
A few days more passed, and the pardhan's daughter, now the queen, was duly transplanted to the new palace which had been expressly built for her. In the wholo of the palace could he seon nothing save, perhaps, one bedstead and a chair, and plenty of náchni, which would serve her as food for twelve long years, during which she was to be imprisoned, all alone. The panthan's daughter was not, however, to be outdone. She had taken the precaution of carry. ing with her a few rats, which were at once set to make a subterraneous passage. In a few days' timo n passage was made, which, by a strange coincidence, linppened to lead into another prince in a neighbouring village. In this second palace there were no human beings, but in it were stored the best sorts of provisions, confectionery, sweatments, and, in fact, everything one could desire. Here she took up ler abode, which would be for twelve years, for she knew ton well that her husband would not open her prison gatos, much less seu her, during that period. She did not also forget her rats, whom she fed every time she took her meals, and these rats wore her only companions in her solitude.
She thus lived happily for several years. One day her husband happened to take & ride through this village, and chanced to see her at one of the windows of the palace. The kiny did not recognise her, and how could he ? What reason had he to believe that he saw his wife? Had he not imprisoned her safely in the new palace, where no one saw her, and from which she had no means to escape? And he was greatly enamoured of her beauty. The pardhan's daughter, however, recognised him at the first glance, but feigned ignorance; yet for all that she thought this the best opportunity to accomplish her object, and so accepted his advances. T'ine king soon begun to love her very passionately, and visited her every day. At the end of sis or soven months she became pregnant, and in di: uime gave birth to a son, in every respect the type of his father. Some time after this occurrence, the king gave her to understand that ho was, for some reason or other, obliged to discontinue his visits to her. She,

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therefore, asked bin to give her something which would serve her as a souvenir of their love. The king had not the heart to refuse her request, and so he pulled off from his finger a ring, which he presented to her, little suspecting that some day this very ring would be produced as an evidence against himself.
A few years more rolled away, and the twelve years during which the pardhan's daughter was to be imprisoned with the view of making her ent náchni for that period, were also over. The pardhan's daughter, while there were yet two or three days remaining, set her rats to again open a passage to her prison, and the rats, like grateful creatures, at once set to work and finished it in a shorter time than was expected, and on the last day of the twelfth year our heroine, followed by her son, passed through the subterraneous passage, and again installed herself in her place of confinement, so that, should any one open the palace gates, they would see her there, and imagine that she had remained there, ever since she had been bronght in by her husband twelve years ago. The king, too, did not forget her, and he had determined to open the palace gates on that very day. Ho had for this purpose invited several of the neighbouring kings and princes and other men of noto, for he had counted upon seeing - either the náchni more or less all consumed, or the parlhari's daughter a corpse through starration, a fact less probable.
At the appointed time hundreds of kings and princes and nobles and other great men, who were fully acquainted with the object of the invitation, came to see the result. When all had assembled together the king went in person, and, in the presence of all, himself anlocked the doors of the palace, when, wonder of wonders, contrary to all expectations of the king, what did they see ? - the nachni untouched, and the pardhan's daughter carrying a child of three or four years, which she brought and seated on the lap of the king, saying:
“Here is your son, whom I told you, twelve years ago, I would present to you."
All the guests were thunderstruck at this sight, and so, too, the king, her husband, who at last asked for an explanation. The pardhan's daughter said not a word, but produced the king's ring, which she had asked from him at the palace in the neighbouring village, and asked if he could deny that it was his ring. The king admitted it to be his ring, but was at his wit's end to understand how she managed to leave the palace, which he had taken the precaution, not only of locking securely, but of having guarded by several men both by day and night. The qardhan's daughter then related how she had taken with her a few rats, who made a subterraneons passage, which, happily for her, led to the palace in which, after several years, the king saw her, and to which he made visits, the result of which was she became pregnant, and in due time gave birth to the son, whom she now presented to the king, his father. She also mentioned the day on which she asked the king for something as a souvenir of their love, upon which she received the ring she had just produced. She concluded by telling them low, again, she got the rats, whom she had fed for twelve years with the same food as she ate, of which there was an abundance in the palace, to open up the same passage, by which she was ennbled to bring herself and their son to the abode where they now saw her. All the guests were surprised at the courage and the ingenuity of the pardhan's daughter, and the king, too, her husband, admitted her to be a very clever person, and confessed himself outwitted by her. She was then conducted in great splendour to their old palace, in which they had been married, and there they lived happily to a ripe old age, surrounded by many children and grandchildren.
MICELLANEA. SOME DATES OF THE BURMESE COMMON ERA. | Burmese common era, which should admit of
Mr. Taw Sein Ko's account of the Poču dauns verification : inscription of Sʻinbyûyin, ante, Vol. XXII. 1.- Sunday, the 8th of the waxing moon of pp. 2-5, contains the following six dates of the Pyao (i. e. Pâusha), 1136, Sakkaráj';

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2.- Monday, the 8th of the waning moon of No. 5 to Wednesday, the 15th March A. D. the same month';
1775, by the Indian calendar the 13th of the 3. Wednesday, the 9th of the waxing moon bright half of PhAlguna, but here called the full. of Tabödwe (i. e. Magha), 1136, Sakkaráj, and moon day; and 2318, Anno Buddhae';
No. 6 to Saturday, the 13th May A. D. 1775, 1.- An eclipse of the moon on the evening by the Indian calendar the. 13th of the bright
Vadna day, the 1st of the waning moon of balf of Vaisakha, but here also called the fullTabòdwe'; also described as the first day of the moon day. waning moon of Magha, 1136, Sakkarij, and 2318, The explanation of these discrepancies is perAnno Buddhae, when Asurinda had seized the hape to be found in the statement of Sir bright moon and released her from danger';
A. Cunningham that the Burmese luni-solar year 5.- Wednesday, the full moon day of bas twelve lunar months of 29 and 30 days Tabaung' i.e. Phâlguna), 1138, Sakkaraj; alternately. For if we assign 30 days to Paysha,
6.- Saturday, the full-inoon day of Vaisikha, 29 to Nagba, 30 to Phålguna, and 29 to Chaitri, 1137, Sakkuraj, and 2319, Anno Buddhae'; also and take the month Pausha of Sakkaraj 1136 to described ag Saturday, the full-moon day of the have commenced on the 1st January A. D. 1778, same month' (of Kasan, i.e. Vaisakha, 1137, | Sunday the 8th January will be the 6th of Pansha, Sakkaraj).
Monday the 23rd Jannary the 23rd (= 15 + 8tb)
of Pausba, Wednesday the 8th February the 9th The common era of Burma, according to Sir
of Mâgha, Wednesday the 15th February the A. Cunningham, was introduced from India.in
16th (=15+ lst) of Mâgha, Wednesday the 15th A. D. 638; and there can, therefore, be no doubt
March the 15th of Phålguin, and Saturday the that the eclipse spoken of in connection with the
13th May the 15th of Vaisakha; and it wonld fourth of the above dates is the lunar eclipse
thus seem as if the first fifteen days of each which took plaoe, at Ara, about 9 pm. on Wed.
month, in Burma, were called days of the waxing nesday, the 15th February A. D. 1775,' by the
moon, and the following days of the month days Indian calendar the 15th of the bright half of
of the waning moon, quite irrespectively of the the month Magha, but here described as the first
actual course of the moon and of the tithi of the waning moun of Magha. And counting
that ends on each day. backwards and forwards from that day, the other dates, as indioated by the week-days, must
I hope that this matter will be inquired into correspond
by somebody residing in Burma, with the help of
a Burmese calendar. What we want is, e. g. for No.1 to Sunday, the 8th January A. D. 1775,
the year now current, Sakkaraj 1255, the first day by the Indian calcridar the 7th of the bright
of each lunar month and a full and exact scheme half of Pausha, but here called the 8th;
of one of the months, with the proper European No.2 to Monday, the 23rd Jannary A.D. 1775,
equivalent for each day. It would also be desir. hy the Indian calendar the 6th of the dark half
able to obtain the scheme of a year which contains of Pausha, but here called the 8th;
an intercalated month. This information it No. 3 to Wednesday, the 8th February A. D. would not be difficult to procure. 1775, by the Indian calendar the 8th of the
F. KIELPORN. Irright half of Megha, but here called the 9th ; Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES. BRANGINOCO.
Bnt Scott, Burma, as it was, &o., p. 15, gives This extraordinary word is used by the old
a clue, when he calls him “Buyin-Gyee Portuguese travellers for the name of a prominent
Noung Law," meaning thereby Bayinji' King of Pegu who reigned 1551-1581 A. D. Naungad (great royal king-chief). This would
be spelt Bʻurankri Nauńchau, which is quite His real name or rather title, as known to local
enough to account for Branginooo, allowing for history, is usually given in the modern form of
the difference in pronunciation, which is known to Bayin Naung (royal or divine king). This
exist between that and the present period. title wonld be spelt Bʻuran Naun, which does not, however, account for all of Branginoco.
R. C. TEMPLE.
1 (But (P) from further East.- ED.)
eclipse which took place on a Wednesday. 1 From May 1778 to June 1776 this was the only lunar' Sometimes still pronounced Bayingi.

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THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA.
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THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA NOT FOUND IN LITERATURE.
BY G. BÜHLER.
IN
N his "Review of Recent Studies in Hindu Grammar," which fills pp. 171-197 of fourteenth volume of the American Journal of Philology, the continuation of an article on Hindu and European Grammar in the fifth volume of the same periodical, the late Professor Whitney reopens the discussion of a question, which used to sorely vex the soul of the Sanskritists of the last generation, but has since been dropped in Europe, because the progress of Indo-Aryan research has shewn very clearly what the solution of the problem is. Professor Whitney, engrossed with his Vedic studies, does not seem to have noticed the labours of the Prakritists. He informs us on p. 182 that there are in the Dhatupatha a "thousand or twelve hundred false roots," and declares that the fact of their "voices being not less carefully defined by the Dhâtupitha than those of the eight or nine hundred genuine ones casts a shade of unreality over the whole subject of voice-conjugation." On the next page he condoles with Geheimrath von Böhtlingk, who, in his second edition of Pânini, has given "the whole Dhâtupâtha in length and breadth, finding nothing else to put into its place," though he ought to have known better. Next he severely blames Dr. Liebich, who "talks of probable interpolations and intimates that be deems them posterior to the great trio of Pânini, Kâtyâyana and Patanjali, acknowledging that his (i. e., Professor Whitney's) criticisms may be more or less applicable to their successors." Turning finally to the Sanskritists of the modern school in general, he throws down the gauntlet to them and winds up with the following peroration:-"This free and easy way of disposing of the subject is quite characteristic of the whole guild of partizans of native grammar. It appears impossible to bring any one of them to stand up and face fairly the question of the Dhatupatha. There are not far from nine hundred real and authenticable roots in Sanskrit. We could believe that the uncritical interpolations of later grammarians might add to this number a dozen, or a score, or fifty, or (to take the extreme) even a hundred or two; but it is the wildest of nonsense (only strong expressions suit the case) to hold that they could swell the number to over two thousand. Such increase is thus far wholly unexplained, perhaps for ever unexplainable, and certainly most unpardonable; and until it is in some way accounted for, the admirers of the Hindu science of grammar ought to talk in very humble tones. If these roots are not the ones recognized by the wondrous three, when and under what circumstances and by whose influence were the additional twelve hundred foisted in, to the abandonment and loss of the old genuine list? The difficulty of explaining this seems not less great than that of supposing the whole two thousand as old as Pânini himself; both are hard enough; and in either event the taint of falsity attaches to the Hindu system as we know it and are expected to use it."
Professor Whitney's grievances are therefore: (1) against "the guild of the admirers of Hindu grammar" that they will not to use with Professor Whitney the language of the prize-ring come up to the scratch and fully discuss his objections to the Dhâtupâtha, though they do answer his strictures on other and less important points: (2) against the Hindu grammarians that their Dhâtupâțha contains a very large number of verbs, which are not traceable in the accessible Sanskrit literature and which therefore must be "sham" and "false," i. e., if I understand Professor Whitney rightly, inventions either of Pânini or of his successors.
If I venture to offer some remarks on the points, raised by the illustrious Praeceptor Columbiae, my object is to suggest a definite line of enquiry, which, I think, may lead to tangible results, valuable alike for Sanskrit and comparative philology, and to add some practical proposals. In doing so, I must premise that I do not belong to any guild of partizans of the Vyakarana (if such a one exists). Eighteen years of personal intercourse with the Hindus have taught me at least something about their many excellent qualities and their weaknesses, which are all clearly discernible in their system of grammar. It shews their great acumen and their pedantry, their laboriousness and their practical sense as well as their feebleness in the struggle after an ideal, which is much too high for their strength. I am even ready to believe with the

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great Mimamsaka Bhatta, that the Hinda grammarians occasionally resemble "horsemen who forget the existence of their steeds." But, strong language on the part of a European or American authority, however great, is insufficient to persuade me that the Hindu grammariana have invented forms or roots. Such an assertion I could believe only on the evidence of stronger proof than the fact that one, or a dozen, or even a score, of scholars cannot find the forms taught. Until that has been furnished, I prefer to adhere to my own opinions, which in the main coincide with those of Professors Westergaard and Benfey. I must also express my doubts regarding the desirability of the use of strong language, in this case and in all other scientific discussions, both for personal reasons and oat of regard for our special branch of learning
Professor Whitney's fret complaint seems to me well-founded. I likewise regret that the specialists in Hinda grammar and particularly the able pupils, whom Professor Kielhorn has trained, hitherto have not turned to the Dhậtupåtha, and have not availed themselves of the plentiful materials which are ready at hand in order to carry on and to supplement the work, begun in so masterly a manner by Professor Westergaard. Since the times of the great Dane the critical treatment of Paņini's Sutrapatha has been began, and perfectly trustworthy critical editions of the Vårttikas and of their great Commentary, as well as of the Kåtantra, have been pablished. The Paribhashas, which are the key to the whole system of Hindu grammar, bave been so excellently translated and so carefully illustrated by Professor Kielhorn, that even a beginner may understand their application. The Kasika together with its huge Vșitti, the Padamañjart of Haradattamiśra, Kaiyata's Pradipa, a number of Någoji's and Bhattoji's grammatical treatises, Bhartsihari's Vakyapadiya, Sayaņa-Madhava's Dhîtavșitti, Sakatåyana's grammar and the Sarasvata have at least been printed, be it in their entirety or in part. And for those, who desire to critically examine these works, there are good old MSS. in the pablie libraries of India, which the liberality of the Indian Governments makes accessible to all Sanskrit students. Finally, the Grammars of Chandra, Jinendra-Pujya pada, Buddhisågarn, Malayagiri and Hemachandra have been recovered in MSS., mostly together with theip Argas, as well as Jinendrabaddhi's Kasikivsittinyåsapañjikâ, and an apograph of Sayaņa's Dhậtuvritti is lying in the library of Elphinstone College, Bombay, which has been transcribed from a MS. (at Nargund), dated within a hundred years of the author's time.3
With these materials, which mostly were not accessible to Professor Westergaard, or only so in indifferent modern MSS., it is possible to settle the following points :
(1) Which portions of our Dhậtapâţha were certainly known to Påşini and the other two Munis.
(2) Whether any additions have been made by the later authorities of Pâņini's school, Vámana, Jayaditya, Jinendrabuddhi and so forth, and what has been added by each.
(3) What our Dhâtupåtha, or the list of verbs in the Dhậtavritti, owes to the homonymous treatises of Sarvavarman, Chandragomin and the other at thors of independent Sabdanaśâsanas.
Though Professor Westergaard's and Geheimrath von Böhtlingk's works contain a good deal that helps, the task is nevertheless one of considerable magnitude, and it requires a thorough acquaintance with the Hindu system of grammar, as well as with the Hindu ways of thought, which differ considerably from those of Europeans. Such an enquiry will solve nearly all the doubts regarding the history of the Dbátupåtha and make unnecessary all speculations whether the Munis had a different list, or if their successors "foisted in " new roots or meanings. From the end of the sixth century of our era it is possible to determine with full
.? Tantrapirttika, p. 201, 11. 3-4 (Benares edition):- 1 41649
T
R IVETT: VA F y: : :| The-sermon, in which KumArila expands this text, is highly edifying, and the best Vaiyákaranas Irving have admitted to me that the charges made there are not anfair.
2 Boe my Rough List, No. 120. Thia MS., or its original, will be used for the continuation of the edition of the Dhatuvritti in the Benares Pandit.

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exactness the meaning of every explanation, given in the Dhâtupâțha. Bhatti's version of the Ramayana, which has been composed between Guptasamvat 252 and 330 and probably dates from the reign of Dharasena III. of Valabhi about G. S. 310, illustrates most of them, and Halayudha's Kavirahasya,3 written during the reign of one of the Krishnarajas of the Râshtra. kuța line, between A. D. 775 and A. D. 973, shows the meaning and conjugation of every root. If further help is wanted, there are considerable fragments of Bhima's or Bhauma's Râvanârjunira, which Kshemendra, saec. XI, quotes as an instance of a kistrakávya or kávyaśástra.
4
THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA.
143
air
As far as my own, of a necessity desultory and incomplete, studies in Hindu grammar permit me to judge, the result of the whole enquiry will be, that the Dhâtupâtha of the "wondrous three " did not differ materially from that commented by Sayana. And it is not doubtful to me that verifications for a certain number of verbs and inflexions will be found in the Bhashya, and other grammatical works. It seems to me impossible to contemptuously leave aside such sentences as at a fra Varttika 3 on P. III. 1, 78 (Kielhorn, M. Bl. II. 61), or ibidem Vârttika 2, fra (M. Bh. II. 56), or such specific forms as न्यग्लुचत् । न्यग्लोचीत् । ibidem, and अवदिग्ये (M. Bh. III. 346) 0 The fact that a preposition is prefixed to the last three forms indicates that Patanjali had in his mind a particular passage or phrase, in which they occurred. The four sentences are quotations, as insuspicious as the famous वरतनु संप्रवदन्ति कुकुटाः, पञ्च पञ्चनखा भक्ष्या and so forth. I must add that, if I were as much racked by doubts regarding the history of the Dhâtupâtha, as Professor Whitney appears to have been, I should not lose a moment, before I began to search, or had searched by others every work, bearing on the question. Together with his staff of able pupils Professor Whitney no doubt could have effected all that is necessary and laid his fellow-students under new obligations by bringing out a work, giving a clear and comprehensive view of the state of the list of roots before and after beginning of our era.
Turning to Professor Whitney's grievance against the Hindu grammarians, his assertion that they have inserted "false," "sham," or "fictitious" forms in the list of verbs, which, as is acknowledged at all hands, has an intimate connection with their Sabdânusâsana, is supported in his present paper by the sole argument that he cannot find the verbs, their inflexions and meanings in the literature accessible to him. In his earlier article (Am. Journ. Phil. Vol. V.) he refers to Professor Edgron's paper on the Verbal Roots of the Sanskrit Language (Journ. Am. Or Soc. Vol. XI. p. 1-55). He greatly approves of his pupil's results and appears to wish them to be taken together with his own argument. Professor Edgren's views coincide with those of sundry authorities in comparative philology, while they disagree from those of the most competent Sanskritists of the last generation.
Briefly stated, Professor Edgren's line of argument is as follows: (1) The Dhâtupátha contains a great many more roots that cannot be found, than such as are traceable in Sanskrit literature, and the same remark holds good with respect to the inflexions and meanings of the roots. And in spite of a "vast" progress in the exploration of Vedic and Sanskrit works, the proportion of the former had remained in 1882 virtually the same as in 1841, when Professor Westergaard expressed the conviction that every form in the Dhâtupâtha is genuine and would be found some time or other in inaccessible or unexplored works. Professor Edgren's second proposition is certainly not in accordance with the facts, as will be shewn below.
(2) The roots, preserved in the grammars and their Angas alone, are barren and mostly have no offspring, are not connected with derivative nouns, such as the genuine roots have
See Professor Bhandarkar's Report, 1883-4, p. 8f. The poem is a Sastrakarya in the guise of a Prasasti, addressed directly to the poet's patron, king Krishna.
4 Kasmir Report, p. 62f. and Professor Peterson, First Report, p. 8 f.
5 Professor Whitney omits T in para. 731 of his Grammar. Professor Westergaard mentions that occurs in the Bhashya.
2 is according to the Kasika the perfect of and stands for . For a dental, followed by ya, a gutteral is substituted also in nikyam instead of nityam, Asoka, Rock Edict XIV. (Kalst), and there are other instances of the same change in the Indian Vernaculars.

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produced in great numbers. Only 150 among them seem to have "a possible connection in sense with surrounding or similar nominal forms." This proposition, too, requires considerable modification.
(3) Most of the roots, not found in Sanskrit literature, are not represented in the cognate languages. Professor Fick's Wörterbuch shews only 80 roots, solely known through the Dhatupatha, to have belonged to the common stock of the Indo-European speech, and it would seem that in some cases the evidence adduced is too weak. On the other hand, among the verified roots, 450 have representatives in Greek, or in the Iranian, the Italic, the Teutonic, the Selavonic and the Celtic languages.
(4) On a closer examination the unverified roots shew various peculiarities, which point to an artificial or fictitious origin. First, the majority of them naturally arranges itself into smaller or larger groups of forms of similar sound and identical in meaning, "the analogy of form being such as to exclude the principle of growth and decay." The first instance given is the group ker, hev, gev, glev, pev, plev, mer, mlev, sev, meb, peb, mep, lep with the meaning 'to honour, to serve,' and with absolutely identical inflexion. To Professor Edgren (p. 15) "it seems, as if, in coining these counterfeits, the guiding principle had been at first to model them in form and sense on some genuine radical, rightly or wrongly interpreted," and he suggests that the above group "leans on the real root sev as its point d'appui." To me it would seem that, in the case quoted, Professor Edgren has made his list unnecessarily long. Sev and sev differ only in pronunciation, and so do pev and peb, as well as mev and meb. To a Hindu the syllables si and si, se and śe are absolutely the same thing, and our Dictionaries are full of words, which shew sometimes the one and sometimes the other. Again ba and va likewise are often exchanged. In Northern India (excepting Kaśmir), and in the East, va has been lost completely and, as the inscriptions prove, since ancient times. The ten remaining forms, it would seem to me, are clearly variants of two originals, *skler and plev, and are due to the same principles of change, which are regularly operative in the Prakrits and not rarely active in Sanskrit, as well as in other Indo-European languages. The pedigree stands thus: -
*sklev
plev
glev
T
kev khev
I gev
plev
pev mlev I
mev
1
mep lep
The form gev has been preserved; I think, in the noun gevaya' the low ones' (Aśoka, Pillar Edict, III.), which is best explained as equivalent to gevakáḥ 'servitors, slaves.'s The same remarks apply to most of Professor Edgren's other groups, which usually consist of one or two old forms, with numerous dialectic varieties or such varieties as might be expected in the same dialect, according to the laws of Indo-Aryan phonetics. Some shew, too, an intimate connection with words of common occurrence in Sanskrit or in the Prakrit languages. Thus, in the second ganu, at is evidently the parent of the modern Gujarati and so forth, and of the Sanskrit झम्पा, झम्प, झम्पन. Again, in his fifth ganart bears the same relation to the common Saiskrit verb गर्ज़ as कष् to कर्ष, जप् to जरूप and so forth And जगति is probably the parent of
Examples of the assumed changes are to be found in Professor E. Müller's Simplified Pali Grammar, and Professor Pischel's edition of Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, as well as in Sanskrit, where, e. g., the same words sometimes shew k and g, like कर्ते or गर्त कुल्फ or गुल्फ, किरिक or गिरिक, संकर or संगर, कुह[र] and गुह[[], तटाक and तडाग, लकुट and लगुट, and where roots are found ending in k, or equivalents thereof, while the corresponding ones in the cognate languages shew the media.
I withdraw my former proposal to derive gevaya from glep dainye, because the Pali usually preserves a la preceded by gutturals, and because I find in Pali many cases, where aka is represented by aya.

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elephant,' literally 'the roarer, the trumpeter.' The important fact that a very large proportion of the roots of the Dhâtupâtha is Prakritic in form, has apparently not been fully realised by Professor Edgren, though Professors Weber, Benfey and many other Sanskritists have repeatedly called attention to it, both years ago and quite lately.
The second point, which, according to Professor Edgren, makes the introuvable roots appear artificial, is the fact that so many of them are stated to have the same meaning. To take only the worst case, there are, according to Professor Edgren, 336 verbs, to which the explanation at is appended, and only 65 can be verified in literary works. The fact, no doubt, looks curious. But it becomes easily intelligible, if one consults the Hindu Sastras as to the meaning of गति or गमन. The Naiyáyikas and Vaiśeshikas say, कर्म पसविधमुत्क्षेपणमवक्षेपणमाकुञ्चनं प्रसारणं गमनम् and give as the definition of गमनम् । उक्षेपणादिचतुष्टयभिन्नत्वे सति कर्मस्ववत्. They futher add, गमनं बहुविधम् । भ्रमणं रेचनं स्पन्दनमूज्वलनं तिर्यग्गमनमिति । It is evident that the author, or authors, of the Dhâtupâtha hold the same opinion, and that they mean to say that the roots, marked . denote some kind of motion. It is a matter of course that definitions like भासने । शब्दार्थे and हिंसायाम् are likewise intended merely as general indications of the category to which the verbs belong, not as accurate statements of their meanings.
The third point, which rouses Professor Edgren's suspicions, is that the same verbs aro used according to the Dhatupatha आदरे । अनावरे । गतौ हिंसायाम् । भाषणे भासने or व्यक्तायां वाचि and a. Nevertheless, the Sanskrit dictionaries shew that many verbs actually are used with widely divergent meanings, and he might have found without difficulty in English and in other languages a good many instances, exactly analogous to those which have appeared to him so extraordinary in Sanskrit.
The problems, which the Dhâtupâțha offers, ought to be approached in a very different spirit and can be solved only by a different method. Taking as correct Professor Whitney's statement (Am. Journ. Phil. Vol. V. p. 5 of the reprint) that in all eleven hundred roots are awaiting verification, and likewise Professor Edgren's assertion that 150 among them are connected with nouns occurring in Sanskrit literature, and that 80 have representatives in the cognate languages, the genuineness of 870 forms has still to be proved, and the number of unverified inflexions and meanings is in all probability at least equally great.
The first question to be put is, of course, if all that can be done has been done in order to account for them, or if there are still materials unused and unexplored. The next consideration is, whether the author or authors of the Dhâtupâțha may be supposed to have drawn on other materials than those accessible in the present day and if there are circumstances which could explain the apparent barrenness of so many roots as well as the absence of representatives in the cognate languages.
Professor Edgren is certainly right in maintaining that a great many Sanskrit works, and particularly the more ancient ones, have been explored lexicographically since Professor Westergaard's times. But he is as certainly in error, when he says the number of verified roots, meanings and inflexions has remained virtually the same. A comparison of the articles on roots in the Petersburg Dictionaries and in Professor Whitney's Supplement with the Radices proves that incontestably. Without counting those roots, which occur in Sanskrit literature, but are not found in the Dhâtupatha, Professor Whitney has 120 verified roots, for which Professor Westergaard' was only able to quote Pânini, the Bhaṭṭikâvya and the Nirukta, and the smaller Petersburg Dictionary has about a score more. Each Samhitâ of the Vedas, the Kathaka, the Maitriyaniya, the Taittiriya and that of the Saunaka Atharvavedis has furnished its contribution. The same remark applies to the Brahmanas, the Upanishads and the Vedâigas, among the Sûtras especially to the huge Kalpa of the Apastambîyas. And it must be noted that, with the exception of the Rik and Atharva Samhitâs, which have been
I take the following definitions from Mahamahopêdhyfya Bh. Jhalkkar's excellent Nyåyakosha (second edition, 1893, Bo. Sansk. Ser. No. XLIX.).

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indexed, the exploration of the printed works is not complete, and that the interpretation even of these two Samhitas, is not yet settled. The Richas and the Mantras of the Atharvâögirakas are still a field yatra yuddhan kachakachi between the strict philological school and the linguists, and will probably remain so for some time. It is not doubtful that, with an alteration of the method of interpretation, the views regarding the meanings of a certain number of roots and words, and regarding the derivation of the latter will considerably change.10
It is, of course, well known to all Sanskritists that there are other Vedic works, accessible in MSS., which have been explored only very superficially, or have not been used at all. Among these may be named the Kapishthala Samhita of the Yajurveda, and the Paippalada version of the Atharvaveda, which Professor Whitney was to have taken in hand, and there are, besides the last Praśnas of the Apastambiya Srauta Sûtras, a number of exceedingly bulky Kalpas, that of the Manavas, the Baudhayanlyns, the Bhâradvajas, the Hairanyakeśas and the Vaikhanasas.11 Smaller in compass are the Gșihyasútras of the Våra has," of Laugîkshi,13 of Jaimini," and the recently recovered Dharmasútra of HÁrita, 15 one of the earliest compositions of its class. Among these the Bandhayaniya Sûtras may be expected to furnish much that is valuable, both because they are very ancient and because the Dharmasútra already has furnished something, and the same may be said of the Harita Dharmasútra. Among the Vedic works, certainly existing in India, but not as yet easily accessible, the Satyayanaka, the Paingyamahabrâhmaņa, the Saunkasútra of the Rigveda, the Bhřigusútra of the Black Yajurveda and the Gantamasútra of the Samaveda may be mentioned as instances.
Though the Vedic literature may be justly expected to furnish most for the elucidation of the enigmas of the Dhatupátha, yet the two great Epics yield, too, a good many contributions, A careful study of the largest Parvans of the Mahabharata permits me to say that something may be gleaned there in spite of Geheimrath von Böhtlingk's harvesting for his two dictionaries. Frofessor Holtzmann's grammatical extracts (Grammatisches aus dem Mahabharata) are incomplete and not always trustworthy. Spellings like civita rācan, stäpya, the explanation of the ablative kshuttah as a perfect passive participle and of brüyāsta as a medial form, and the translation of pitä mahyari daydhah by "der Vater wurde mir gebissen" and similar mistakes are certainly unfortunate. The incompleteness of Professor Holtzmann's excerpts became very evident when Dr. Winternitz, while writing his review for the Oesterreichische Monatschrift für den Orient, carefully went over one single Parvan. Among the Purâņas, the la nguage of which so closely resembles that of the Epics, it is unfortunately that huge forgery of the eleventh or twelfth century A. D., the Bhagavata, which has been explored most thoroughly. The older ones, with the exception of the Vishņupurâņa, have received very little attention. Among other works, the authors of which probably, or certainly, have not written according to Paņini and the Dhâtupațha, I may point to the Samhitûs of the ancient Bhagavatas18 and Saivas, those belonging to the ancient Jyotisha, the GajaśAstra, the Våstavidya, the Natya and Samgita Sastras, and the medical Sambitás. Among these, only the last have engaged the attention of the European lexicographers, especially of Professor von Roth. The remainder has hardly been looked at, though MSS. of them, e. g., of the large Vâsishtha
10 I may state that I stand on the side of those who consider the Vedas to be Indian books, and interpret them As such. The older school has rendered most important services chiefly by its Anccessful w omnipotence of the Hindu tradition. But it is just this success that has caused its chief weaknesses
11 A bad copy of the Vaikhanasa Srauta 8tra is in the State Library at Munich, good copies are in the Sarasvatibhåndagars of the Mahkraja of Mysore. Copies of the Grihya and Dharmasutras are in the Vienna University Library.
19 Recovered by the late Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik from Khandesh. 11 Or, of the Kathakas.
14 In the Sarasvatibhånd Agårs of Mysore. 11 See Prefatory Notes to Pandit Vaman Shastri Islampurkar's edition of Parafara, Vol. I. p. 16 1. (Bo. S. Ber. No. xlvii).
16 See Dr. B. G. Bhandarkar, Report for 1883-4, p. 8.

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Samhita, the Vriddha Garga, the Palakâpya,17 Bharata's Natyal and Samgita Sastras and the Vastusastra are lying in the public libraries of India. The number of the existing published and unpublished compositions of the learned Kavis and of the Pandits on all kinds of 'Såstras, on paper, stone and copper, which have been explored either insufficiently or not at all, is simply legion. And it is not doubtful that they might help to verify a good many roots, meanings or forms.
In order to prove that these expectations are not quite unfounded, I give here a list of some aorists, which Professor Whitney's Supplement does not take into account, from the Daśakumaracharita, together with a few taken from other sources. They are:
(+) D. iv;10 f D. v; r (sic) D. ii;
fra D. ii, iii, vii (8 times); अंगारिष्ट D. iii, viii; अनासिषम् D. iii; अवक्षिषि D. vii; 20 अचारीत् D. viii; अचुम्बिषम् D. iii; अजाविषत परा+) D. vi; अनुदुषत् Srikanthachar 9, 21; अददरत् Haravijaya, 3, 30; अधायिषि Div; अपूपुजल् D. vi; अशेषि D. vi; अवाभवत् Srik. Char, 5.46; अयनिष्ट D. vili; भयंस्त D. ii; अयाचिष्ट D. vii; अरीरमत ). iii, vi, viii; अरोहीत् D. ii; अरुत्सत D. vi; अलविषम् D. vi; अलापिषम् D. iii; अलिपतः Haravijaya, 5, 102; s D. ii; af Srik. Char., 5, 14; stafar D. ii, iii, iv, v; й D. v; stfagiára D. viii; argeta D. viii.
"L
Every one of these forms will necessitate at least the addition of a +, or the removal of a square bracket, in Professor Whitney's Dhâtupâtha. The occurrence of a makes also desirable small alteration of the wording of para. 998 f. of the second edition of the Grammar, which paragraph Professor Whitney would probably have seen reason to modify still more, had he been able to further extend his researches in classical Sanskrit. I may add, that the remarks in para. 925, a and b, of the Grammar are absolutely erroneous. Both the Parasmaipada and the Atmanepada of the Precative are very common in classical Sanskrit, of course not in the texts consulted by Professor Whitney, but in their proper sphere, those portions of the Kavyas, which are called technically Asishaḥ. Thus, there are ten precatives in the first canto of the Srikanthacharita, twenty-two (all Par.) in the Sûryasataka (saec. vi), fourteen in the Chandisataka (saec. vii), and their number is very large in the Praéastis. The little hymn, incorporated in the Jvâlâmukhi Prasasti, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 129 f., offers sixteen readable forms: (1) पायात (2) अध्यात् (half a dozen times), (3) खण्डर्षाष्ट, (4) एधिषीष्ट, (5) संगसीष्ट, (occurs also Srik. Char., 1 24), (6) विद्योतिष्ट, (7) संबोभूयिषीष्ट, (8) प्रकोकूयिषीष्ट, (१) कंसिसीष्ट, (10) अशिशीष्ट [आशेषीष्ट], (11) वासीष्ट, (12) दासीष्ट, (13) गाहिषीष्ट. (14) स्थासीष्ट, (15) धृषीष्ट, (16) fat, and others which I have not been able to make ont owing to the unsatisfactory state of the squeeze.21 From the Haravijaya, 5, 117, I add
These facts, to which others will be added in the Appendix to this paper, will suffice to substantiate the assertion, that the partially explored and the unexplored classical literature can furnish facts, confirming the statements of the Hindu grammarians. In the course of my reading, I have noted hundreds of words from Vedic, Epic and Classical works, which all prove that a very great number of the forms, postulated by the grammarians, may be verified from one source or the other, and the same may be said of many verbal roots.22
17 An edition of the Palakipya Gaja i&stra, from which Kumarila (p. 202, Benares edition) extracts the curious word : a blow delivered with both tusks,' will be published shortly, in accordance with my repeated requests in the Anandasrama Series.
18 Its pulication in the Kavyamála was begun by the late Pandit Durgaprasad at my urgent request.
19 The figures refer to the Uchchhvásas. The form
(second edition).
has been duly noted in the Grammar, para. 998 f.
20 Against Panini ii, 4, 54-55.
21 For this reason and through the uncontrollable vagaries of the P. D. of the Calcutta Government Press my edition of the hymn is not what it ought to be. I hope that one of these days a MS. of the hymn will turn up, and a better edition will become possible.
22 In order to show that I do not talk at random, I give a few passages for roots, which Professor Whitney either omits or declares to be doubtless artificial: H. V. v. 66, 151; to shine,' Śr. Char. 21, 35; Śr. Char. 12, 6; 16, 56; to taste,' Sis. 11, 11;
H. V. 19, 41;
Sr. Char. 12, 85; 14, 12; 17, 55; T to redden, Sr. Char. 10, 17; fasato devour,' Sié. 18, 77.
"

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I would also undertake to prove that the majority of the words and meanings, marked with an asterisk in B. W., does actually occur somewhere in the ocean of the existing Sanskrit literature. To me, who believe that the Hindus are not swindlers, brt hare carefully prererved n trustworthy tradition in all matters, where they are not biassed by religious dogmas, such facts appear of small importance. What seems to me really interesticg, is tho likewiso not small amount of facts that has escaped their attention, or has been left aside by thom for other reasons.
But, even after the whole existing Sanskrit literature has been fully explored, only half the task of the root-hunter has been accomplished. He has then to extend his researches to the ancient and modern Prakrits, many of which possess an extensive literature, as well as to the Mixed Laugunge of the first centuries before and after the beginning of our era. The compositions in the oldest types of the Prakrits, which are found in Asoka's Edicts, in the Vinayapitaka, the Pancha Nikayas (e.g., in the verses of Jatakas), and other canonical Buddhist books, certainly existed in the third century B. C. This much is evident from the Manrya inscriptions on the rocks and pillars and from those on the Stupas of Sanchi and Bharahnt. Their langnage las preserved numerous forms older than those of the classical Sauskpit of Panini, and some older than those of the Vedic dialects. Their frequent nominatives plural from masculine u-stems in ase and from neuter a-stems in á (Professor Oldenberg's discoveries) are Vedic. The not uncommon occurrence of the subjunctive (Professor Pischel's discovery) is another remnant of the language of the Rishis, and such are the imperatives like 317 (a vrajatu), the plural instrumentals of the a-stems in ebhi (Oldenberg), the very common first persons plural in mase, the infinitives in tave, táye, tuye, ase and other forms, which may be gathered from the Pâli grammars, or from detached articles and notes of Professors Fausboll, Jacobi, Kern, Kuhn, Leumann, Oldenberg, Rhys Davids, Trenckner, Weber and Zachariae, as well as of Dr. Morris and M. Senart in Kohn's Zeitschrift, Bezzenberger's Beiträge, the London Academy, the Journal of the Pali Tect Society, the editions of the Asoka Inscriptions, the Maharastu and in other works. Among the forms, which are older even than the Vedic language, I will only mention the present participles of the Atmanepada in mana, mina, mina, which the Asoka Inscriptions offer, and which agree with the Greek, Latin and Bactrian endings, and the Aorist addasa "I saw,' which goes back, not to Sanskrit adarsam, bnt to *adrićam, thus corresponding exactly with ipakov, and which without a doubt is the older form. A careful investigation of the oldest documents reveals the existence of very many similar cases.
Now it might be expected, that such a language should have preserved verbal roots, which were dropped by the classical writers. And Professor Kern has shewn long ago in his Bijdrage tot de Verklaring van enige Wurden in Pali-Geschriften Voorkomende, as well as recently in his Review of Játakas, Vol. V. (A[useum of 1693, p. 100ff.) that this is the case. He has proved the existence of yozta Tai,23 Pali surat2 masya Atala, Palics , #,25 Pali mi ओषति गती, Pali जेस्सति (Class Iv), बलयति प्राणने, Pali बलेतिः शुम्भति हिंसायाम,26 Pali and Mixed Language शुभति, सुभति, सुम्भति and सुम्हति. In lately going over the Jatakas for a different purpose I have notod representatives of some more verbs, for which the explored Sanskřit literature offers no passages, and cven of some which Professor Whitney in his Supplement expressly stiginatises as “without a doubt artificial."
(1) fazla, I. P., Han.
Professor Whitney gives the verb in his Supplement, remarking that the forms are and Jare, quoted in B. W., are doubtless artificial.' B. W., which had not progressed 90
28 This verb bas also been given by Professor Whitney in the Addenda to his Supplement, on the authority of B. W., which got it from a Buddhist work in the Mixed Dialect.
24 The PAli ya shews that the original forin was 3, compare the Epic a a 'petit.'
15 This verb occars, too, in the Supplement, on account of the Vedic present participle ea. The Pali verden offer the forme Age = @ 3 a = zsal, afegid= care (Vedic absolutive or gerund).
* Compare Sanskrit Pay and so forth, and Professor Whitney's Vedic St.

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far, when Professor Whitney wrote, states under that no examples of the simple verb are found and refers to 39 , adduced by Professor Westergaard from the Bhattikavya, and to
fest. It also gives the derivatives ferat, fett, fagmand fact, as well as others, with ha instead of gha.
According to the phonetic laws of PAli, the representative of firça ought to be and the Jataka verses offer inflected forms and participles of its Parasmaipada and Atmanepada. In the Jatakas, Vol. III. p. 308, 1. 10 ff., we read the following story:
बोधिसत्तो----एक पतुमसरं निस्साय उपवसन्तो एकदिवसं सरं ओतरित्वा सुपुष्फितपनुमं उपसिंघमानो अवासि । अथ नं एका देवधीता रुक्खक्खन्धविवरे ठत्वा संवेजयमाना प्रथम गाथमाह । यं एकं वारिजं पुष्फ अदिन्नं उपसिंघसि । एकङ्गमेतं थेय्यानं गन्धत्येनोसि मारिसा ॥ ति ।। ११७ ॥ ततो बोधिसत्तो दुतियं गाथमाह ।। न हरामि न भजामि आरा सिंघामि वारिजं । अथ केन नु वण्णेन गन्धत्येनोति वृश्चती ॥ ति ॥ ११८॥ तस्मिं पन खणे एको पुरिसी तस्मिं सरे भिसानि चेव खणति पुण्डरीकानि च भञ्जति । बोधिसत्तो तं विस्वा । आरा ठत्वा उपसिंघन्तं चोरोति वदसि एतं पुरिसं कस्मा न भणसीति ।। 27
"The future Buddha ...... who resided near a lotus-lake, one day went down to the bank and stood there inhaling the fragrance of a well flowered water-lily. Thereupon a daughter of the gods, who lived in the hollow of a tree, intending to frighten him, recited the first verse of this story):. When thou inhalest the fragrance of a lotus-flower that has not been given to thee, that is an attempt at theft; friend, thon art a thief of perfume.'
“Then the future Buddha answered her with the second verse: I neither take away, nor do I pluck the lotus. I smell it from afar. On what grounds then doest thoa call me thief of perfume ?'
“But at that moment a man dug in that lake for lotus-sprouts and plucked off the flowers. When the future Buddha saw him, he said to the Dryad): Thou callest a thief me, who smell (the flowers) from afar, why doest thou not apply (the same name) to this man?'”
Here we have the active present indicative of fay and of s q and the present participles of the Parasmaipada and the Atmanepada, which latter is an arsha form, as the Hindus would say. Childer's Pali Dictionary does not give the verb, but notes its derivative Format 'mucus from the nose,' which in Sanskrit appears occasionally in the same form, but is usually and more correctly spelt forforat. In B. W. it has been identified already with the synonym. ous
, found in Apastamba's Dharmasútra I, 16, 14, with the variants Fe at ft and goal. The identification is anobjectionable, as the changes in the second form may be explained by the phonetic laws of the Prakrits, where și frequently becomes i and kha is softened to gha. It suggests the probability that the Sanskrit verb fora is likewise a Prakritic or secondary form of an older aa, which had fallen into disuse when the Dhâtapatha was composed. In support of this view it is possible to adduce (1) the noun of action fax “throwing out mucus, blowing the nose," which likewise has been preserved in Apastamba's Dharmasůtra ii, 5, 9, (2) the lingual na in the derivatives like rent, which points to the former existence of a námin in the radical syllable, and (3) the Gujarati 'to smell.' The radical vowel of the latter verb can only be derived from an older ?i, not from i. For in the Prakrits a, i, u, e are the regular representatives of Sanskrit ri. Accented Sanskrit i can become u only by assimilation, i. e., if the following syllable has the same vowel as in for fort and so forth. These facts teach two valuable lessons. First, they prove that among the Sanskpit roots there are such as have been shaped according to
27 Dr. Morris has pointed out that the same story and the same verses occur in the Samyutta Nikkya IX. 14.

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phonetic laws, regularly operative in the Prakrits and sporadically active in the production even of Vedic forms and stems. Nearly one-half of the roots of the Dhâtupâţha, I should say, owe their forms to these laws. The difference between Sauskpit and Prakrit is only one of degree. A definite boundary line does not exist between them, and the further one goes back, the sinaller does the difference become. Secondly, it appears that, even in the tertiary Prakrits, forms are reflected which are older than those commonly current in classical Saúskrit. No Sanskritist can afford to leave the modern Vernaculars out of the range of his studies, if he wishes really to understand the ancient language.
(2) yozta, I. P., tha ag aragoza.
This verb is omitted in the Supplement. B. W. marks it with an asterisk, referring at the same time to the well known gozala. In the Jatakas, Vol. III. p. 368,1.1,wbere an angry disputant says to the future Buddha: स्वं मं कुण्ठसत्येन मुण्डन्तो विय अतिफरूस कथेसि "You speak to me very roughly, as if you were shaving ine with a blunt razor," its present participle Parasmaipada actually occurs. This verb, too, is Prakritie. It is clearly & corruption of * मन्दति,28 which bears to मृद्राति the same relation as अन्यात toमथ्नाति, मन्थति, to मध्नाति and so forth. And I actually has all the meanings attributed to go in the Dhâtupatha. The lingual nda of the latter is due to the influence of the original namin of the root, which very commonly affects not only following dental Dasals, but also dental tenues and mediae, compare 6. g., Sanskrit 0 = fan or Pan (Shahbâzgarhi) = FR or < (Pali); Sanskrit = crat-(es): Prakrit e 'a fort' = Teutonic gard, Sanskrit ang = Shahbâzgarbi quor Y = Sansksit 94 (according to Professor Kern). (3) afet I. P.,
T TTTEIÀY. The passive past participle of the causative of this verb , which is omitted in the Supple. ment and marked with an asterisk in B. W., has in Paļi the representative anita. According to the Kandagalaka Jataka (Vol. II. p. 163, verse 118) the future Buddha, who had been born as a wood-pecker, once broke his beak and split his head in striking a Khadira tree. Sorely hurt, he exclaimed:
अभ्भी को नामयं रुक्खो सीतपत्तो सकण्टको।
यत्य एकपहारेण उत्तमंगं विसाटितं ।। ति ।। ११८ ॥ "Ho, I say, wbat is then this thorny tree with pointed leaves, 29 where by one blow my head has been broken?” The Commentary explains T* fraifea by alle favi and in a parallel passage, verse 119 S ET appears instead. To the Sanskrit Tzih belong the nouns UTC TC and pict, their literal meaning being " strip (of cloth or bark)."30 The form is again Prakritic and corresponds to an older 7. derived, as Professor Meringer suggests to me, from or , compare चि and चित्, हन् and घातयति and so forth.
(4) popa I. A., fra TITEIT.
I have found the absolative of this verb, which the Supplement omits and B. W. marks with an asterisk, in the following passage, Jâtakas, Vol. I. p. 239, 1. 10: STY माणवकेहि सद्धि भण्डित्वा ओवादं अगण्हन्तो ततो पलायित्वा आहिण्डन्तो एकं पञ्चन्तगामं गत्वा भिर्ति कत्वा
fall The person referred to is quarrelsome Mittavindaka whose story is told in a number of Jatakas. In punishment of his greed be bad in the end to carry a revolving wheel on his head; he is the wheel-carrier in Panchatantra V. Katha 5. The verb sofa is given in Childer's Pali Dictionary and the nominal derivatives 37 and so forth are common both in Sanskrit and in Pali. The lingual nda of the root induces me to believe that it is, like the
* See also a similar opinion of Professor Fortunatov in Per Person, Zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung und Wurzelvariation, p. 87 (11).
The Commentator explains tag it by hat and takes its equivalent to a He is probably right, as in PAli an accented i is frequently lengthened.
In the Maharashtri there is P ET an Adoia for cara, and E.

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preceding three verbs, a Prakritic form, but I cannot suggest what the older form may have been.
(5) gefa vi. P. artefat.
The perfect past participle of this verb, for which in B. R. W. pagsages are quoted, according to the Radices, from the Bhaktikavya occurs in a prose passage and in a verse, Jatakas, Vol. II. p. 225, 1. 22 ff, and p. 226, verse 163, which latter runs as follows:
पुरिसूसभ मम्ममाना अहं खुज्जमकामर्यि।
सोयं संकुर्दितो सेति छिन्नतति यथा विणा । ति ॥ १३ ॥ « That hanchback, to whom I clave, considering him a bull among men, lies here doubled up . (by pains) like a lute with broken strings." It may be noted that the identical form # rea
is used in the Bhattikävya. Professor Edgren correctly enumerates 57 among the roots, "possibly connected with surrounding nouns." era is, of course, as the Greek kupr-ós shews, a Prakritic corruption of an older form saia, and as Professor Cartins suggests (Grundzüge I. p. 133, II. p. 127) finally goes back to an Indo-European root kur-kul.31
(6) wafa I. P. Teurleg.
Professor Whitney's Supplement gives it and that in the sense of .to hurt,' for which meaning B. W. adduces various passages from Vedie texts. In the Vyagghajataka (Vol. II. p. 358) it is narrated, how a foolish Dryad frightened the lions and tigers from the neighbourhood of her home. Consequently, the woodcutters, who saw that there was no longer any danger, began to cut down the trees. Perceiving her mistake, the Dryad tried to coax the carnivorous animals back to their old haunts with the following verse :
एय व्यग्घा निवत्तह्वो पञ्चमेथ महावनं ।
मा वनं छिन्दि निष्यग्धं व्यग्घा मा हेस निम्बना ।ति ।। ६६॥ "Return hither, ye tigers, walk back into the great forest, lest the tigerless wood be cut down, lest the tigers lose their forest."
Some MSS. offer for 9 4, in Paļi the regular second person plural of the optative, the variant age. Professor Fausböll has correctly chosen the lectio dockor.32
(7) fa 'to move.'
This root, which is duly noted in B. W., occars only in the Nirukta V. 26, and Professor Kern (Bijdragen, p. 55) has pointed out that the Pali itafa or tafar and various Sansksit nouns belong to it. I will add its causative tra=urafa, which occurs in a verse, Jåtakas. Vol. IV. p. 478, 301 :
यथापि नावं पुरिसोरकम्हि एरोति चेनं उपनति तीरं ।
एवंपि व्याधी सतत जरा च उपनेन्ति मर्च वसं अन्त कस्ता । ति॥१॥ “ As a man, if he rows a boat in the water, drives it to the further shore, even so diseases and old age constantly drive mortals into the power of Yama." 33 The Commentary explains
एरेति by अरित्तेन उप्पीळेन्तो पियेन कड्डन्तो चालेति. (8) Tata I. P. youth .
B. W. adduces one passage from Bana's Harshacharita, in which this verb, given by Professor Westergaard on the authority of Chandragomin, occurs in the sense to rustle.' Professor Whitney remarks thereon in the Supplement, “If it is not a bad reading, it is
31 Compare also Benfey, Wursellexikon, II. 289, 322.
» The root is worthy of the attention of Professor Edgren, who is astonished that the Dhâtupatha often mark, roots at FATTE. Another case of the same kind will be discussed below under No. 12.
39 In this verse the verb has been chosen in order to bring out the Anupraas.

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probably an artificial formation." In the Játakas, Vol. V. p. 304, verses 50 and 52, I have found it used with the meaning to trumpet' and to whistle':
यस्थस्स येरि नदति कुञ्जरो च निकुञ्जति ।
arra fagua aina 114 1134 In the second verse the past participle is found in the compound alichofana, which the Commentary explains by भभिनिकूजित.4 The verb कुजति, very probably the etymon of कुञ्जर * elephant,' literally the trumpeter,' is, of course, merely a variant of a the short vowel plus the nasal doing duty for the long one, as is the case in numerous other Sanskrit roots. Sometimes, as many as three forms occur, e. g., kud, kad (kú!), kund 'to burn. The first form is vouched for, as Professor Meringer points out to me, by the Gothic hauri 'a coal, coal-fire,' the second occurs in Vedic works and in PAļi (e. g., Jatakas, Vol. I. p. 405, verse 97) and the third rests on the authority of the grammarians, who adduce various inflected forms, e. 9., in the Mahâbhishya, Vol. III. p. 337 (Kielhorn) the future logar. Various modern Vernaculars, like the Gujarati, allow in the case of almost every verb, with a short u or i followed by a double consonant, the substitution of a nasalised short or of a long vowel, followed by one consonant, e. 9., gã or =#
y a. (9) tula X. P. **.
This verb, regarding which hitherto nothing has been known, is clearly the parent of the noun Tayt 'the destroyer,' preserved in the compound W a r Ittivuttaka, p. 64, verse, 59:
अतिजा भनुजातं पुत्तमिच्छन्ति पण्डिता
अवजातं न इच्छन्ति यो होति कुलगन्धनो।35 As Professor Windisch states in the note, loc. cit., the MS. A explains s ala कुलच्छदको and mentions the v... कुलधंसनी. In my opinion गन्धयति isadenominative from गन्ध, which frequently means "a trace, something infinitesimally small." Everybody, who has attended an Indian Sabhậ, or had intercourse with the Pandite, will remember the familiar phrase kasz PurTI TIET.
(10) que qrua, I. A. mifera.
Prof. Westergaard gives the meanings 'corvum esse, scelestum esse, curvare. According to B. W., "qyra means also verletzt, beschädigt.' Hemachandra, Anekârthasangraha, III. 249 (Zachariae), says : afera gargoyut: 1 Tand Mahendra (op. cit. p. 110) adduces for an unidentified fragment of a verse qu 22 T F44. In the Shahbâzgarhi version of Asoka's Rock-Edict XIII. the noun 1994 occurs twice instead of 'hurt,' which the Girnar and Kalsi versions offer. In the Jâtakas, Vol. V. p. 306, 11. 14 and 21, we have twice the compound Tieft, which is explained by, and certainly means tha, 'a female disgracing her family. The noun feyz is apparently the representative of any 'curvans, scelestum faciens,' ttha being pnt, as in other cases, in place of ntha in order to save the quantity of the syllable. Though we have also in this case no proof, that the verb was inflected in the manner prescribed by the Dhâtupatha, and though the task of verification has not been done completely, yet the former existence of a verb qy or 'to disgrace, to hurt,' which in the Atmanepada would mean 'to be disgraced, or hurt,' cannot be denied.
(11) Ana I. P., arxar qaratoy.
The verb ta is given in the Supplement with the meaning to seek aid,' which corresponds to rear, and W. B. states that only the participles are found in literature. It is used in the sense of famera, agreeing with Professor Westergaard's 'aegrotum esse,' in the Jâtakas,
* The true black Koil, which is really reared by the crowe, atters three whistling notes in succession, among which the second is the highest and as the stress-a-coent. They may be rendered by pihihu.
Compare Panchatantra, I. 441-2 (Kogegarten) and Indische Sprüche, 2878-9.

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Vol. V. p 90, verse 274, where a queen, who nurses her sick husband in the forest, begs her life from a Yaksha for the following reason
भहं च वनमुच्छाय मधु मंसं मिगाबिलं ।
यदा हरामि तं भक्खी तस्स नूनन नाधती ॥ ति २७४ ।। .. When, searching the forest like a gleaner, I bring honey and flesh, the leavings of carni. vorous beasts, that is his food; his (body), I ween, fades to-day."
The Commentary says, तस्स नूनज्जाति । तस्स मम्ने आहारं भलभमानस्स सरीरं आतपे पक्खित्तपदुमं विय नापति उत्तम्पति मिलायति ।।
Professor Meringer points out to me that any zara is reflected by the Greek putus, wepos slow lazy,' vapeva 'to be slow or lazy.' (12) FEV I. P., Tari atat team**
f i ght This verb, which Professor Whitney omits and B. W. marks with an asterisk, may either remain unchanged in Pali or become मग्घति, just as,e.g., लम्भेति (लम्भयति) becomes लभति, वम्झ becomes वज्झ and माल becomes in Asoka's Edicts मंगल, i.e., मग्गल. In the latter form the verb is found in the Gandatinduka Játaka. Pañchâla, the negligent king of Kâmpilya, the Jataka narrates, allowed his kingdom to be misgoverned by bad servants, who oppressed and plundered the inhabitants. Once, in consequence of the exhortations of a Dryad, he went out incognito, together with his domestic priest, in order to see for himself how matters stood. Sorne miles from his capital he came upon an old man, who during the day had lain hidden in the jungles, and returned home in the evening after the royal officials had left the village, In accordance with the custom still in use, the man had scattered thorns before the door of his house in order to protect the entrance. In the darkness a thorn entered his foot and, while he plucked it out, he cursed the king as the cause of his mishap. The king and the Purohita heard his words, and the latter answered the accusation with the following Gâth:1, Jatakas, Vol. V. p. 102, verse 317:
जिण्णो दुब्बलचकखुसि न रूपं साधु पस्ससि ।
कि अत्थ ब्रह्मदत्तस्स यं तं मग्घेय्य कण्टको ति३१७॥ "Old art thou and weak of sight, thon doest not distinguish objects well. What is the fault) of Brahmadatta in this, that a tborn has hort thee P"
The Commentary explains ty by face. The meaning to hurt' has apparently been developed from the meaning tal, given in the Dhâtupåtha, because the thorn or any other object entering the foot or any part of the body hurts it. We have here another case, where & "go-root" is used AZT, just as the Dhâtupåtha asserts of many other verbs. The nse of the Parasmaipada fit for the Atmanepada apa required by the Dhâtupitha, is accounted for by the circumstance that the latter occurs in PAļi less frequently than the former.
In conclusion I will give a case, where an inflexion, tanght in the Dhitupatba, but not as yet found in a Sanskrit work, has been preserved in Pali. 9, it is stated there, makes na se and rafa (red, which latter two inflexions have been verified.
In the Jåtakas, Vol. V. p. 84, verse 248, a Suparna grants to the Naga Pandaraka his life, with the following words:
हन्दाज त्वं मुश्च वधा दुन्जिह सयो हि पुता नहि अज्मो भत्थि ।
अन्तवासी दिनको अग्रजोच रजस्म पुत्रप्रतरो मे भहोसी ॥ति२४८॥ "Well, from death I free thee now, oh snake with donble tongue! For, (there are three (kinds of sons, a pupil, an adopted child and the offspring of one's own body there is no

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other. Rejoice, thou hast become a bon (of mine) belonging to one of these classes) P°'36 Here we have रजस्व, in Sanskrit रजस्व.
When a cursory inspection of five-sevenths of a single section yields such results, it is perhaps not too much to say that a search for roots, in other ancient portions of the Paļi canou of the Buddhists is at least desirable, and that probably it will not be bootless.
(To be continued.)
ON THE DATE OF THE RIG VEDA.
BY PROFESSOR H. JACOBI.
(Translated from the German by Dr. J. Morison.) In the Rig Veda VII. 103, 9 it is said of the frogs:
Dévákitim juyupur dvádasásya ritúm náró ná prú minanty été' I saivatsare' prársishy & gatáyúm taptá' gharna' asnuvaté visargam Il
Kaegi and Geldner translate : “ Sie halten ein des Jahres heilige Ordnung, vergessen nie die rechte Zeit, die Männer, sobald im Jahr die Regenzeit gekommen die heisse Sonnenglut ein Ende findet." "They observe the sacred order of the year, they never forget the proper time, those men, as soon as in the year the raintime has come, the hot glow of the sun finds its end." Similarly Grassmann.
Hore I take objection to the rendering of dvádash with "yenr." Dvadasá is supposed to have tl.is meaning, because it can also mean "with twelve parts," and in fact has this meaning in the technical expression dvádací strotra in the Satapatha Brahmana and the Taittiriya Brahmaņa. But I should be inclined to doubt if dvddasá can have this meaning, standing alone without mention of the thing which has the twelve parts, for the ordinal will then always be understood in its proper sense. And so I take dvádasásya in oor passage, understanding masah; I translate accordingly:"they observe the sacred order, never forget the proper time of the twelfth (month) these men." We have hence for the Rig Vedla a year beginning with the rainy season, the most obvious and in general most regular division of time, from which the Jater Hindus called the year varsha or abda (rain-giving). The objection inay be made, that if the year began with the rainy season, the beginning of the latter must fall in the first and not the last month of the year. But since the beginning of the rainy season, considering the variations of the lunar year, could not be determined with certainty, the simplest way was to count that month, whose former half was in the dry season, in with the old year and reckon the first markedly rainy month with the new year, also its beginning. Those sensible creatures (narah) the frogs are therefore justly praised for never forgetting the right month, the twelfth, and with it the proper division of the seasons.
Since the Panjab was the home of the earliest Vedic civilization we must keep its climatic conditions clearly before our eyes. Now in the northern part of the Pañjab, where alone a wind of the specific character of the monsoon blows, the first rains come at the end of June, or say about the summer-solstice. It is an obvious hypothesis that these marked out, so to say scientifically, the beginning of the barsha year. That this really was the case is probable from another passage of the Rig Veda. In the Súryastikta, x. 85, 13, we read: sürya'yå vahatúh pra'gât savitâ yám avi'spjat | aghi'su hanyantê gûvô rjunyőh páry uhyate 11 The Ath. Ved. XIV. 1, 13, has the following variant: magha'su hanyantê gå'vah phalgunisha vyúhyatê," in Maghỉ the kine are killed, in Phalgani the marriage or procession - is held." It is clear, I think, withoat further argument, that when the marriage of the sun, or its procession into
y stands, according to the commentary, for a final Anusvira, can be optionally omitted or elided in Pasi. The dinnaka putta is the dattaka putra of the Smritis. The meaning of the last line is, as the commentary points out, that the Naga has become the Suparna's antevist.

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its new house, is spoken of, this point of time can be referred only to the beginning of a new revolution of the sun. And, since the Vedic year, as we have seen, began about the summer solstice, this latter must be assumed in accordance with the passage above to have been in Phalguni at that time.
The full moon in Bhadrapadaa belongs to the summer solstice in Phalguni; the first rainy month was therefore Bhadrapada or Praushthapada, since the summer solstico coincided, as we have scen, with the beginning of the rainy season. A trace of this has been preserved in later times in the directions in the Grihyasútras as to the beginning of the study of the Veda, the uprik rana. It is fixed in the Sinkh. G. S. 4, 5, for the beginning of the rainy season, ôshadhinn prádurbháré. The rainy season, in which all out-of-door employment is at an end, is the natural time for study, and the Baddhists, too, hold, during this period, their rusea, though this, indeed, is devoted more to preaching than study. Páráskara a. S. 2, 10, transfers the wákarana to the day of the full moon in Sravana, the first rainy month in Madhyadeśa, 2000 B. C., while the monsoon began as early as Ashadha3 in the east of India, and a part of the Deccan at that period.
Accordingly, when in the Gobhila G. S. 3, 3, the upákarana is fixed for the day of the full moon in Praushthapada, though at the same time the opening of the schools on the day of the full moon in Sravana is well known, the former must be a date hallowed by immemorial usage, which was not abandoned, even when it had long ceased to agree with tl:e beginning of the rainy season. The same date is mentioned in Ramayana III. 28, 5+:
mási Praushthapadé brahma brühmaņánám virakshatam
ayam adhyayasamayah samagánúm upasthitah 11 It was current, as can be proved, among the followers of the Sámavéda; bat must have been still more generally spread. For it was probably founding on this ancient custom that the Jainas fixed the beginning of their pajjusand, which corresponds to the Buddhist vassa, on Bhadrapada sn, di. 5.4
The opening of the schools, therefore, in Praushthapada, appears to go back to the earliest times of the Rig Veda, for even then it is likely there was an official scholastic year, in which the sacred science was communicated orally, and for this as in later times the rainy period was probably chosen. In the hymn to the frogs the phrase baktásyeva vadati ákshamanah would contain a comparison, appropriate not only to the subject, but to the time of year.
As in the case we have just been discussing, an antiquated usage has been preserved down to times when the position of the heavenly bodies, and hence the division of the months among the seasons of the year, have undergone alteration, we shall expect to find similar traces of change in the more modern Vedic works. In these, as is well known, Ksittika is always the first in order of the nakshatras. Here and there, however, we find indications, which are not in agreement with this arrangement, but which do agree with the position of the colours assumed by us. So, for example, the remark of the Kaushitaki Br. V. 1, " that the úttare phalgú form the beginning (mukham), while the púrve phalgú form the tail (pucchiam) of the year, and the note of the Taitt. Bráhm. I. 1, 2, 8 in which in the same way " the pirve phálguni is called the last night, jaghanyá rátrih, the attare phálguni on the other
1 So also Weber, Ind. Skizzen, p. 76, note. But in the Vedischen Nachrichten von den Nakshatra, II. 365 ff., he has departed from this opinion. The most of the facts about the nakshatras are borrowed from the above classical dissertation, which I need not, therefore, quote in every single instance.
? A glance at the table of Nakshatras at the end of this article will shew this. The position of the colures I have assumed for the period of the Rig Veda is made clear to the eye by this table. It has only to be noted that the full moon 5 eretly 180o further advanced than the sun at the same time.
* The difference in tixing the rainy season in works which belong to the ame epoch is a valuable criterion for determining the country of their authorship, which has not as yet been employed as it should have been.
• Kilakaobarya puts it on the previous day.
6 This same Bralina XIX. 3 places the winter solstice in the new moon of Mighs, and puts, accordingly, the suminer solstice in Magka, tish corresponds to the Krittiki order.

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hand is called the first night of the year. Accordingly we can say, with more exactitude, that in the oldest period, from which we have here a tradition not a contemporary testimony, the colure went through Uttara Phalguni.
Hitherto we have treated only of the varsha year. But it is probable that even then, as in India and Europe in the Middle Ages, various dates for the beginning of the year were current. Thus the counterpart of the rarshd year, which began with the summer solstice, would be a hima year, beginning exactly six months earlier with the winter solstice, and its first month would accordingly be Phalguna. This can be proved by Taitt. S. 7, 4, 8, 1, 2: múkham va etát samvatsarásya yát phalguni purnamasaḥ, and Panchavimsa Br. 5, 9, 9, mukham va êtat samvatsarasya yat phalgunaḥ.7
For this same period we may readily assume a sarad year, since even in the Rig-Véda the year is often called simply sarad (along with hima), and in historical times the year beginning with Karttika is the commonest in Northern India. Such a sarad year must begin with the autumnal equinox, or with the full moon closest to it. Now at the time in which the summer solstice was in Uttara Phalgunî, and the winter solstice was in Purva Bhadrapadâ, the autumnal equinox was in Mûla, and the vernal equinox was in Mrigasiras. In this computation Múla was accordingly the first nakshatra, and its very name mila, i. e., "root, beginning," seems to indicate this, just as its older name vichritau, "the dividers," seems to point to the beginning as the break in the series. The preceding nakshatra, which was therefore the last at that time is Jyeshtha. The meaning of this name, "the oldest," corresponds with the position we have assumed for it, and its older name Jyêshthaghni,8 Taitt. Brahm. 1, 5, 2, 8, seems to indicate the star, Antares, as that which "kills," that is, closes the "old" year.9
Our conjecture is still more clearly supported by the name of the first month of the sarad year, Agrahayana, "belonging to the beginning of the year," which is the name of Margasira, whose full moon occurs in Mrigasiras. As at that time Mrigasiras denoted the vernal equinox, it follows that the autumnal full moon must occur in conjunction with the same sign and that the first month must be Mârgasiras.
The three years we have discussed yield the following initial months for the three divisions, Chaturmasyáni ritumukháni:
Himå year.
I. Phâlguna (12) II. Ashadha (4) III. Karttika (8)
Sarad year. II. Chaitra (1) III. Śravana (5)
I. Mârgasira (9)
Varsha year.
III. Vaisakha (2)
I. Praushthapada (6) II. Pausha (10)
This difference is reflected in the contradictory Vedic statements about the Châturmasya ceremony, 10 inasmuch as all the above three lists are recorded as existing side by side. For at the first glance we see that these periods of four months cannot be derived from the actual seasons, since it is sheerly impossible that within a single period, even if we extend it to a thousand years or more, one season can have begun in three successive months, as in fact is prescribed for each sacrifice which occurs at intervals of four months. The contradiction, however, disappears if we assume that the division of the year current at the epoch of the Rig-Véda, the three kinds of year which have been proved to exist before, were in later times
Weber, II. 329.
Weber, II. 339.
The spelling of Ath. V. 6. 110, 2, Jyaishthaghni seems to rest on a wrong tradition or intentional similarit with the month Jyaishtha.
Taitt. S. 4, 4, 10, 2, uses for Jyêshtha the name Rohini, which usually denotes Aldebaran; this name is explained by the fact that both stars, Aldebaran and Antares, have a red light, as even Ptolemy noticed. And I believe that the well-known story that Soma, the moon, dwelt only with her, is to be explained from the existence of two Rohinis, the brighest stars among the nakshatras, which moreover marked the termination of both halves of the circuit of the moon. 10 Weber, 329 ff.

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retained for liturgical purposes, as in other cases practices which have died out in daily life still survive in worship. Under this supposition the apparent confusion gives place to the most perfect order.
These combinations point in my opinion, without a possibility of error, to a position of the colures, such as we have given for the oldest period, that of the y-Véda. The later Vedic period introduced a correction, consisting in the transference of the opening point of the year from Mrigasiras to Ksittikả ; and it is precisely this circumstance that gives a material significance to the determination, for it must have been approximately correct for the time of the correction. Now the vernal equinox was in Krittiki and the summer solstice was in Maghi about 2500 B. O., as may be seen from the following tables of Nakshatras, based on Whitney's Surya-siddhanta, p. 211. To allow for an error of observation on the part of these early astronomers, we may leave this date not exactly determined five centuries one way or the other. The statement of the Jyótisha, as to the position of the colures, is much later; it corresponds to the fourteenth or fifteenth century B. C., and shews a repeated fixing of the colures. That, however, is less important for us now; the chief point is that the Vedic texts, properly so called, contain a determination of the colures, which was evidently correct for them, and was only corrected in the Jyotisha, a determination that leads us to at least the beginning, of the three thousand years B.C. Considerably older than this, even, is the position of the colures, which we may infer for the Rig-Védd, a position which, as our table shews, corresponded to reality about 4500 B. C. We can hardly venture, it is true, to place the Rig Veda so far back, but only the beginnings of the civilization, a mature, perhaps even late, product of which we possess in the hymns of the Rig Veda.
This period of civilization extended accordingly from about 4500 to 2600 B. C., and we shall perhaps not be far wrong, if we put the collection of hymns which has come down to us in the second half of this period.
Hitherto we have spoken only of one result of the precession of the equinox, namely the alteration of the colores. Another result is that, along with the gradual alteration of the celestial equator its north (and south) pole continued to move in a circle of 23% semidiameter in a period of about 26,000 years, round the fixed poles of the ecliptic. In this way one star after another draws nearer the north pole and becomes the north or pole star. We shall distinguish these two names, which are now synonymous, by calling the bright star which at any time stands nearest the pole, the north star; the star whose distance from the pole is so slight, that for all practical purposes it may be called fixed (dhruva) we shall call the pole star. The following tablell contains the north stars from 5000 B. C. till 2000 A. D.; for each star there is given the magnitude, minimum distance from the north pole, and the date of this minimum distance,
Draconis
polar dist.
ADA
3.0 magnitude | 4° 38' 33 3.3 2.0
6° 28 20
0° 28
4700 B. C. 2780 , 1290 . 1060 , 2100 A, D,
1
Ursae minoris
> >
The given polar distances shew that only two stars, a Draconis and a Ursae minoris (our pole star) deserve the name of pole star, since the rest at their minimum distance from the pole - spun round it in a circle of a diameter of at least 9 degreus - and hence could be easily recognized as moyable by any obseryer, especially since the height of the pole was not great. All this harmonizes with the facts that the ancients did not commonly use the name pole star, and that navigators did not steer by one fixed star, but that the Greeks sailed by the
11 My colleague, Dr. Küstner, Professor of Astronomy, has had the kindness to make the celoulations for me and has taken into account the proper motion of each star,

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Great Bear, and the Phoenicians by the Little Bear ;12 farther that the Indian astronomers do not name a pole star, and lastly that European writers in the Middle Ages, though they do mention the north star, do not term it the polar star, since at that time our pole star was still distant some 5 degrees from the pole.
Now when, in the Indian ritual of marriage, the pole star (called expressly "the immovable" dhruva) finds a place, the usage, though first mentioned in the Grihya Sitras only, must date back to a very ancient period, when there was a real pole star. After w bat bas been said above, it can only be a Draconis. More than five centuries ago, this star stood nearer the pole than our pole star does now. It was therefore long enough & pole star, in the narrower sense of the word, to be recognized as such by the Hindus, and become closely bound up with their views and customs. In addition its position was such as must lead to its recognition as a steadfast pole, round which the other stars revolved, and was therefore easy to find. It is placed equally distant from the angles of a somewhat irregular four-sided figure formed by and * Draconis, B Ursae Minoris called according to the Pet. Dict. Uttânapada) and Ursae Majoris (near which star stands Alcor-Arundhati, which is likewise shewn to the bride).
Since therefore we must look upon a Draconis as the dhruva of the Vedic period, it follows from the table above, that this took place some centuries before and after 2800 B. C. This date coincides nearly exactly with that which we obtained above from the position of the colures in the Brahmana period, perhaps for its beginning. Thus both results, obtained in different ways, harmonize, and mutually confirm their correctness in the completest manner.
Many may be inclined to shake their heads at these conclusions, inasmuch as they stand in too decided opposition to the generally accepted views. But on what is the common view founded P Chiefly we think on the splitting up of the Vedio period into several successive divisions of literature, and a somewhat subjective guess at their duration. M. Müller assuines for the three last of his four strata of Vedic literature, in order to avoid a too extravagant estimate,13 a minimum of 200 years. But it is easy to see that this estimate is far below the minimum of the possible period, during which in India a department of literature could take its rise, reach perfection, become obsolete and die out, to give place finally to a thoroughly new departure. For a Brahmana, for example, could only to widely spread by being learned by heart by a gradually extending circle of Brahmans, and with the size of the country this would certainly demand a long time. Every man, who learned such a work, became, so to say, a copy of it, and to carry out the figure, a written copy, to which no new work could be added. But several of such works must successively take the place of their predecessors, before the entire class of works in question became obsolete. I maintain that a minimum of a thousand, years must rather be taken for such & process, which in the conditions that prevailed in ancient India was of necessity a very slow one, especially when we take into consideration that in historical times the literatare of the classical period remained for more than a thousand years nearly unaltered.
But I shall not continue these general arguments in order not to overstep the space allotted to me too greatly.
Concluding Note. The previous investigation had been finished and communicated orally to others, when I got information of the work of Prof. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, which leads to the same results. These investigations were put on paper in their present form before I saw his summary of the principal facts and arguments in the Orion. Nevertheless, I have determined to publish my arguments, as, in spite of our agreement in the main result, our methods are different.
12 Aratus (Phaen. 87-89) and Eratosthenes (Catasterismi) do mention, it is true, a star below the square of the Little Bear (probably not a) as the poles, round which the vault of heaven revolved. In the root of the ancient literature it does not seem to be noticed.
13 MM. Rig Veda, VOL IV. p. vii. T. M.

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Longitudes of the principal stars of the Nakshatras at various times.
0
Name.
560 A. D.
B.C.
1000 B. c.
2000 B. C.
3000 B. C.
4000 B. c.
Name of Star.
Ašvini ... ... 13093 6o70 353083 S41°04 328°31
315064
B Arietis Bharani
26.90 19.67
6.80 3501 341.28 327.61a Muscae Kșittika ...
39.97
32.74 19.87 7.08 354.35 341.687 Tauri 2 Rôhini.... 49.75 42-52 29-65 16.86 4.13 350.46 Aldebaran 3 Mrigasiras ...... 63.67 56.46 4357 30.78 18.05 5.38 Orionis 4 Ardra ... ...
68.71 61.48 48.61 35.82 22.09 9.42 Beteigeuze 5 Punarvasu ... 93.23 86.00 73.13 60-34 47.61 31.94 Pollux 6 Pushya ...... 108.70 101.47 88.60 75.81 63.08 50418 Cancri 7 Aslesha ... ... 112.33
..
105.10 92.23 79-44 66.71 54.04 Hydrae 8 Magh& ... ... ... 129-81 122-58 109.71 96.92 86.19 71-52 Regulus 9 P. Phalgunf... ... 141.25 134.02 121.15 108-36 95.63 82.96 Leonis 10 U. Phalguni ... 151.61 144.38 131.51 118.72 105.99 | 93.32s Leonis 11 Hasta ... ... ... 173.45 166.22 153.35 140.56 127.83 115.16 o Corvi Chitrt ... .. 183.81 176.58 163.71 150.92 137.19 125.52
Spica Syátt ......
184.20
176.97 | 164.10 151.31 133.58 125.91 | Arcturas Visakhi
11.00 203.77 190.90 178.11 165.38 152.71 · Librae 15 Anuradh& ... ... 222.57 215.31 | 202.47 | 189.68 176.95 164.28 8 Scorpionis 16 Jyêshtha ... 229-73
209.63 196.81 183.11 171.41 17 Mala ... ... 244.55 237.32 224.45 211.66 198.93 186.26 Scorpionis
P. Ashadná ... ... 254.53 247.30 234.43 221.64 208.91 196.24o Sagittarii
U. Ashadul... 262.35 255.12 212.25 229.46 216.73 203.06 Sagittarii 20 Abhijit... ...
265-25
258-02 245.15 232.36 219.63 206.96 | Vega Sravana ......
281.68
274.45 261.58 248.79 236.06 223.39 Atair Sravishth& ... ... 296.31 289.08 276.21 263.42 250.69 238.02 8 Delphini Satabhishaj... ... 321-55 314-32 301.45 288.66 275.93 263.26 ^ Aquarii
P. Bhadrapada 333.45 326-22 313.35 300-56 287.83 275.16 a Pegasi 25 | U. Bhadrapadi ... 349.13 311.90 329.03 316.24 303.51 290.84 a Andromedae
Rêvati ... ... ... 359-83 352.60 339.73 326.93 314.21 301.54 $ Piscium
as ...
Supplementary Tables.
Degrees.
1° = 2 =
Years.
78 156 234
Degreos.
7° = 8 =
9 = 10 = 11 = 12 =
Years. 547 625 703 781 859 937
Years. 100 = 200 = 300 = 400 = 500 =
Degrees.
1°28 2.56 3.84 5.12 6.40
II.
Years. Degrees. 600 = 7068 700 = 8.96 800 = 10.24 900 = 11.52 1000 = 12.80
312
5
=
390 469
1
Note.-This table is based on that given by Professor Whitney in the Surya Siddhanta, for A. D. 560. The
precession has been calculated according to Bessol. The Supplementary Tables serve to determine approximatively (1) the longitude for the intervals between the dates mentioned in the large table, and (2) the periods for longitudes not mentioned.

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. 20. Dévkt Rúni.
[JUNE, 1894.
Once upon a time there lived a farmer, who was rich in all earthly possessions, but had the misfortune to lose his wife and to find his only daughter motherless at a very tender age. After the death of her mother, the whole burden of the household duties devolved upon the little girl, and among other things she had to cook the daily food for her father and herself. In the art of cookery, however, the poor little girl was very deficiont, and had, therefore, now and then to seek the advice of a neighbour, a woman who, thongh sweet of tongue and fair of form, was cunning and false hearted. She would often come into the house under pretence of directing the girl in her household duties, though in reality she made every endeavour to involve her more and more in difficulties, and painted her before her father as a girl hopelessly inefficient in every respect.
In doing this, the crafty woman had a double object. She wanted to ruin the poor girl in the estimation of her father, and to impress upon the old man the advisability of marrying a second wife, and that wife her own worthy self. Unfortunately for the poor motherless child, the plan succeeded, and the farmer married his fair neighbour one fine day. The little girl in her innocence welcomed her with every manifestation of delight, and she was duly installed mistress of the house.
Things went on smoothly for some days, but by degrees the false woman threw off her mask and revealed herself in her true colours. She treated her step-daughter very cruelly, and subjected her to all sorts of indignities. Somehow or other, the poor thing was always in trouble. Continual dropping will wear away a stone, and the complaints of her alleged misdoings were so frequent, that her father grew sick and tired of it all, and came to look upon his poor little daughter as a being utterly unworthy of his regard. She had, however, no one to whom she could tell her wrongs, and had, therefore, to bear her lot in silence.
The lapse of a year or two saw the birth of another daughter to the farmer, but this event only served to fill the cup of the poor child's misery to the brim, for the cruel step-mother, who had up to this time barely tolerated her step-daughter as a dependant in the house, now wished to get rid of her altogether. So one day she found out a pretext for sending her to the woods in the hope that some wild animal might devour her. She deputed to the poor oreature the task of taking out an old cow of her dead mother's to graze: "Take her out with you," she said, "for I cannot trust her with anyone else, she is your mother's cow, and" she added sarcastically" she perhaps might put up with your ill-nature and your stupid ways, and rid me for a time at least of your troublesome company."
These words brought tears to the unfortunate girl's eyes, but she meekly went to the stables, and throwing a halter round the cow's head, took her away with her to the fields.
A crust of dry bread was all that the hard-hearted woman had given her for her noon-day meal. She ate it, and took a cooling draught from a spring hard by, and wandered about in childish freedom through the fields with her charge,
Day after day was the girl thus sent out with the cow, a bit of dry bread for her food and little or no clothing to protect her from the sun and the rain. But the child was patient by nature, and complained not, nor had she any friend to whom she could turn for sympathy. The old cow, however, evinced great love for her and shed many a tear in pity for her sad lot. At last, one day, Isvara miraculously endowed the dumb creature with the power of speech, and she said to the girl: "My dear child, how your good mother must be weeping in heaven to see you so miserable! She was kind to me as well as to all around her, and Îsvara has for her sake given me the power to help you; so, do as I bid you. Place your dry crust of bread into my mouth, and see what follows." The girl did so, and rather regretfully watched the cow

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gulp down the bread, for she was very hungry. But a moment after, the cow opened her large mouth again, when lo! it was filled with the daintiest and most wholesome food! The delighted child ate heartily of it, and being greatly refreshed, lay down beside the cow as she would have done by the side of her own mother.
Things went on like this for many months, and the child throve so well on the wholesome food thus strangely provided for her, that her shrewd step-mother noticed the change, and suspected some interference with her plans. So one day, she sent her own little girl after her half-sister to watch her movements, and the little spy came upon her just as she was removing the eatables from the cow's mouth and spreading them before her on some leaves on the ground prior to partaking of them.
Our heroine, suspecting nothing wrong in this unexpected visit of her younger sister, gave her a kind welcome, and invited her to a share of the tempting things spread on the ground. The crafty child readily sat down to the meal, and, when she had eaten her fill, rose to go. Before she left, however, the elder sister made her promise not to tell their mother what she had seen and done in the jungle that day. But the ungrateful little thing could not hold her tongue. She related to her mother all about the miraculous powers of the cow, at which the wicked woman flew into a terrible rage, and vowed to destroy the cow before she was a day older ! Accordingly, when the farmer came home that evening, she complained of a severe headache, and said that a physician, who had visited her, had prescribed as a remedy the fresh hot blood of a cow to be applied to it. The farmer, thereupon, ran out to get a good cow, but she called him back, and suggested that they could not do better than use the tonghold cow that had once belonged to his first wife, and had now grown utterly useless. It was all the same to the henpecked husband, and the poor cow's doom was sealed. The very next morning the butcher was asked to come round with his big sharp knife.
Now, the cow was as wise as any old woman, and when she saw her protégé's little sister trip into the fields, she knew what she was sent for, and felt sure that her end was near and inevitable. So she said to her little companion, as soon as the intruder's back was turned : “My child, it is all very well for you so long as I live, but something tells me that my end is approaching, and when I am gone, who will love you and tend you as I do P"
“Then, I, too, shall die," replied the child, weeping and throwing her arms round the old beast's neck, for certainly she was the only friend she had upon earth.
"No, no, it will not come to that," said the cow soothingly, "if you remember and follow my instructions. If ever I die or am killed, and my carcass thrown to the crows, do you take care, child, to collect some at least of my flesh, and bury it into the ground in some unfrequented corner of your father's land. Do not touch this spot for thirty-one days, but after that period is past, if you find yourself in any trouble, come and dig at the spot again, call on me by name, and I shall help you."
The next morning brought the butcher with his knife to the farmer's door, and before the girl could take the good motherly cow to the meadows, she was dragged out and slaughtered, and a pailful of her fresh warm blood was promptly carried to the mistress of the house, who had remained in bed nursing her headache. She immediately issued orders to the butcher to cut up the carcass of the dead beast into ever so many small fragments, and to scatter them to the fonr winds, so that no one may make the least attempt to put them together and bring her to life again! The butcher did as he was desired, but our little heroine, overwhelmed with grief and despair, stolo quietly out of the house, possessed herself of a piece or two of the flesh and hurriedly buried it, as she had been instructed.
The poor cow had not been dead and gone many days, when the cruel stepmother agnin began to invent plans, by which to dispose of her husband's first-born. Among other things she wonld send her with a large basket into the jungle, and bid her bring it home with her in the evening filled with sticks for fuel.

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One day, while going about on her errand, she placed her empty basket on a large stone, and went into a thicket in search of dry sticks, when a gust of wind suddenly swept the basket away. The poor thing beat her breast for fear lest she might lose it and incur her step-mother's displeasure, and ran eagerly in pursuit of it. But the wind was too strong for her, and it carried the basket further and further away, till at last she found herself in quite a strange place, and saw it roll up to the feet of a pions Brahman engaged in his devotions. As the basket touched his feet, he took it up to the great dismay of our little heroine, who cried piteonsly and begged him to give it back to her.
Now the Brahman was no other than Isvara himself, who had come upon earth in this guise for some purpose of his own. He smiled graciously on the poor child, and said as he flung the basket back to her: “Here, Devki Rani, take back thy basket. The sun and the inoon shall adorn thy brow, and Padam deck thy feet. Thou shalt cast thy radiance wherever thou goest, shed pearls for tears, and throw out rubies with thy laughter!”
The young creature hardly comprehended the meaning of these strange words. To recover her basket was all that she desired, and away she flew home with it. But when she went into the presence of her step-mother, what an ejaculation of surprise she was greeted with! What could have worked that transformation in her poor despised step daughter! Her beauty sparkled like lightning and almost blinded the eye of the beholder! What could have brought about such a change in her! Surely the poor girl herself could not tell. But by threats and coaxing administered by tarns, her step-mother got out of her the whole story of her adventure in the jungle, and persuaded her to take her half-sister with ber to the woods the next morning, and get the same wonderful change worked in her, for be it mentioned the half-sister was as plain as plain could be, greatly to the detriment of her mother's pride. So the next morning our heroine started forth with her basket, accompanied by the younger girl, and duly placed it on the same stone. Presently a high wind arose and carried away the basket, and the younger girl ran after it till it reached the same Brahman impersonation of Isvara. He caught hold of it as before, but when the girl cried and begged it back, he called her Mutkull Rani, and tossed the basket back towards her with a curse! The words had a terrible effect upon the girl, for there and then she was transformed into a disgustingly ugly creature, with a horrible squint in her eye, and a frightful hump on her back!
Her elder sister, when she saw this, wept both for pity at her sister's misfortune, and for fear of her mother's resentment, and went up to the Brahmaņ to entrent him to restore her to her original shape, but to her great dismay he had disappeared! So the two wended their way homewards, and what was the disappointment and chagrin of the mother to see her muchloved daughter many degrees aglier than she had been ! She rushed upon our little heroine, and would have killed her on the spot, had she not run away and hid herself for the night.
The next morning she rose betimes, and went to the place where she had buried some of the cow's flesh, for the prescribed period of thirty-one days had now passed. Upon removing the earth that she had piled upon the flesh, she, to her great surprise, discovered a flight of steps leading downwards, and when she came to the end of them, she found herself dragged into the passage by some unseen hand. Lower down and still lower she went, till at last she saw around her a large palaco very richly and handsomely furnished, the presiding divinity of which was a middle aged motherly lady, who introduced herself to her as her old friend the cow. This good creature rejoiced greatly to see our young heroine there, and welcoming her cordially, invited her to stay with her for the rest of her life, which she was only too glad to do.
After some days the fame of the marvellous beauty of the cow's protégé reached the ears of the Raja of those subterranean regions, handsome young man, and he sent messengers to ask the cow to give him her adopted daughter in marriage.
1 The lotus.

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The cow, for so we must still continue to call her, consented readily, for what man, short of a Raja, could be fit mate for one so beautiful, but she stipulated that she must obtain the consent of the girl's father before she could give her in marriage to him. So the Raja sent his men to invite the farmer into his presence that he might obtain his consent. The farmer's wife, however, felt so highly flattered at her husband being thas bidden into a Raja's presence, that she too went underground with the messengers, accompanied by her own daughter.
The farmer was duly presented before the Raja as the beautiful lady's father, and he humbly ard most thankfully gave his consent to her marriage. Meanwhile his crafty wifo remained with the cow, and, not knowing her in her transformed state, thanked her for befriending her step-daughter, and said that she had been very much grieved at the poor child's unaccountable absence from home, adding that she had always loved her, and had only chastised her occasionally for her own good. The cow, however, know how much of this to believe, but she shook her head and said nothing, and even allowed her to do all the kind offices, which it is a mother's privilege to perform when her daughter is to be married.
And here the wicked woman saw her opportunity and seized it. On the day appointed for the wedding she herself elected to bathe and dress the bride, and, under pretence of applying some perfume to her head, she thrust a long sharp magic needle, that she had concealed abont her person, deep into her head. The poor girl was speedily transformed into a bright little bird, and flew away into the air before any one could know what had happened, and her scheming step-mother at once installed her own daughter in her place, and quickly dressing her in the bridal clothes threw a chhatlar round her as is the custom, and carried her in her Own arms to the side of the bridegroom! The ceremony was then soon performed over them, and the princely bridegroom, without suspecting whom he had married, joyously bore his bride home.
In due course, however, the fraud was discovered, and poor Mutkuli Rani soon found herself consigned to a dungeon, dark and dismal. But the Raja's disappointment at the loss of his charmer was so great that he nearly wept his eyes out, and caused every search to be made for her, but in vain. He also threatened the farmer, as well as the cow, with death if they failed to reveal what had become of her, but they protested their entire ignorance of her whereabouts, and the Rajâ had therefore to give her ap for lost, and to bear his grief as best he could.
Some days after this it happened that a beggar came to the door of his palace and asked for alıns, and his servants threw him a copper, as usual, for even a Rajâ cannot give more than a copper to each beggar, since thousands come to his door every day. That day, however, the beggar would not go away with what he had got, but said: "What anomalies are to be inet with in this world! Within a stone's throw of this place lives a Dhõbi, and at his door I have just got a handful of pearls — real rare pearls - for alms; while here in a king's palace I have buon given only a copper coin! Why, judging from what an humble subject of his bas giron me, I should at least get a cart-load of pearls, if not more, at the Raja's door! This must indeed be a strange country where a subject is richer or more generous than his sovereign ! "
These words of the beggar fell upon the Raja's ears, and both startled him and wounded his pride. What must be the meaning of them ! " Surely, that man's gains must be ill-gotten. since he gave away so lavishly," thought the Raja, and he forthwith sent his men and had the Dhobi brought before him. And what a strange and romantic tale did this humble individual unfold to his sovereign! He said that he had long been doing the washing of the Royal house. hold, and that it was not by robbing or killing any one that he had come by his wealth, but that it had pleased Isvara to bestow his bounty upon him in a miraculous way. On being asked to explain himself, he proceeded in these words :
"Of late, a little bird has taken to coming and perching on one of my hanging lines, cach night exactly at the stroke of twelve, and every time it comes it puts this strange question to

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[JUNE, 1891.
me: Ard, Dhobi, to whom belongs this Raj!' and with an involuntary impulso, for which I cannot account, my lips utter this reply, whether I be asleep or awake: To Dêvki Rini!' At this the bird laughs a sweet ringing laugh like that of a young lady, and with it throws forth from its mouth the rarest rubies that ever were seen."
The Rajá listened with wrapt attention and surprise, while the Dhôi continued :" As soon as it has done laughing, I again hear its voice asking me another question. "Are, Dhobî, who occupies the gadi now?' To which I am again compelled to reply instinctively: Mutkuli Râni. At this the little bird sobs and weeps and sheds numberless larga bright pearls for tears. After this short dialogue it flies away and I sleep on, taking care to rise before day break and collect the jewels and pearls, for I believe that I have an exclusive right to them."
"Nobody dare dispute your right to them, Dhobi," said the Rajâ re-assuringly after this frank avowal of the honest fellow, "but what I want is the little bird itself. So let me watch with you to-night, and see if I can contrive to get possession of the sweet prattler."
"O! that can easily be done, Maharaj, by placing some bird-lime on the line, and throwing a handkerckief over the bird just as it has done speaking," suggested the Dhobi readily.
That same night the Raja went to the Dhobi's yard with a couple of his attendants, and laid himself down, covered from head to foot, in a sort of bower shaded over by a jossamine creeper, just underneath the very spot where the line on which the bird was wont to perch, was stretched. The Dhobi had already smeared it with bird-lime, so that there was nothing for the Raja to do, but to lie in wait till the bird's arrival.
Exactly at the hour mentioned by the Dhobî the bird came and perched itself on its favourite line just over the Raja's lead, and at once began to ask the usual questions: "Are, Dhobi, to whom belongs this Raj!" And the Dhobi, who had all the time been snoring regardless of the Raja's presence, replied as before: "To Dêvkî Râni." And, sure as the Dhobi had said, she laughed a light silvery laugh that went straight to the heart of the young Raja, and brought him out of the recess in spite of himself ! But the bird heeded him not, and went on: "Arê, Dhobi, who is the present occupant of the gadi ?" The answer as before was: "Mutkuli Rani!” And the bird began to sob and weep in a manner that very nearly broke the heart of her listener, and would have flown away, had it not found its tiny feet stuck to the line, and its body covered over with a large cloth thrown over it from behind !
In a twinkling it was a prisoner in the hands of the king, who pressed it to his heart, and walked away with it to his palace, leaving the Dhobi to rise at his usual hour and collect the rubies and pearls that had dropped from the mouth of his nocturnal guest.
Never was the prince happier than on that morning, as he sat stroking the bird's head, for he felt an unaccountable regard and affection for it. All of a sudden, however, he discovered what looked like a needle stuck into the bird's head, and on pulling it out, what was his joy to find his feathered friend transformed into his own long lost bride!
Between her smiles and her tears - showers of rubies and pearls - Dévki Rani related to her lover the trick that had been played upon her by her step-mother. The Râjâ was so angry at this that he forth with ordered Mutkuli Râni and her mother to be summoned before him, and having had their noses and ears cut off, banished them his kingdom.
He then took Dêvki Rani into the presence of her kind friend and guardian, the cow, and with her consent, soon celebrated his nuptials with the beautiful lady with due pomp and iclat, and lived happily with her ever afterwards.

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JUNE, 1894.]
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
There is, of course, a certain vagneness in the expression "common use," and words that may by one person be considered to fall under this head may by another be considered to be of but rare occurrence, the confusion arising from the exact meaning to be applied to "common." To take an example at random from the English language the word "eleemosynary" is one under. stood by persons possessing a good education und in certain circles (those connected with the administration of charities, as well as those taking an interest in the social problems of the day): it may even be said to be in 'common use.' At the same time it cannot be said to be so as regards the mass of the people generally, and as a matter of fact it would not be understood by the majority of those to whom the word 'educated' can fairly be applied. My contention is that the Sanskrit words under discussion occupy very much the same position, i. e., they are understood and are, perhaps, in common use in a few small educated
165
SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BURMESE LANGUAGE. A REJOINDER.
The first of the objections of Mr. Taw Sein-Ko to what was said under the above head ante, Vol. XXII. p. 162, is a reiterated assertion that the words in dispute are in common use. He wisely, however, only quotes in support of this a small number of them, and, even of these, there are but one or two, on which I do not still join issue with him. Surely, Mr. Taw Sein-Ko does not mean to assert that the ordinary Burman uses chaǹkram when he says. he is going for a walk, or drap when he hints that his neighbour's ideas as to his position in society are not warranted by the facts of the case. In the first word (adhvan) taken seriatim Mr. Taw Sein-Ko practically gives his case away, for the only case he is able to adduce of this word in conversation is in a purely theological connec-being "based on the mere morphology of words," tion, and that too in one, which, unless the Burmese think a great deal more about their prospects after this life than strikes the ordinary non-Buddhist observer, is hardly likely to be of every-day occurrence. Moreover, there are plenty of more common equivalents for the meaning mentioned for adhvan.
Coming to the next word (abhisheka), Mr. Taw Sein-Ko's disparagement of my argument as
1 As regards mor in Mrang: mir, I rather doubt whether it is really an equivalent for Méru. The r is probably added; cf. the spelling mogh the sky, where the gh is added on a false analogy to the Pali megha. [Mr. Houghton will find it difficult to persuade scholars of the truth of the last assertion: e. g., Bur. RajagroSkr. Rajagriha. ED.]
2 [Does not this argument cut both ways? If the
circles, but that the great majority are truly "caviare to the general."
As regards the word amraik, Mr. Taw Sein-Ko has not given a tittle of evidence in support of his assertion that amrita became amrók in Northern India, nor has he in any way attempted to controvert my argument, based on philological grounds, as to its late introduction. Had he done so, it might have been worth while to diseuss seriously the original sound in the Burmese language of that vowel, which is now sounded as
when final and ai when penultimate. There are excellent grounds for supposing that neither of these two sounds represent the former pronunciation, but it is scarcely necessary to enter on the matter here.1
is not very clear, nor does he appear to have, in any way, controverted it. My position in reference to this, as well as to other words, is that the Burmese language has changed its pronunciation since it was reduced to writing, and that foreign words, transliterated according to the first pronunciation, were introduced before those transliterated according to the later one, and no amount of assertions as to the use of particular words avails, in any way, to controvert this argument. The only adequate reply to it possible would be the production of an old, extensive, and fairly popular literature, the approximate dates of the different works being known, proving the contrary, and there seems little possibility of such a literature ever being unearthed."
Merely observing that the two examples quoted of the common use' of chakra by Mr. Taw Sein-Ko shew evidently, as has been suggested above, that his ideas and mine as to what words can be legitimately so described are widely dif ferent, I would pause to inquire his objection to my expression "the old speakers of Pali." Perhaps "those who spoke Pâli in former times might be better turned, but is not this purely verbal quibbling ps
The authorities as to the supposed Sanskrit word chankram seem to be divided. Perhaps some
literature which will disprove Mr. Houghton's argument is wanting, the proof of it must also be wanting.ED.]
8 [But did Mr. Taw Sein-Ko mean any verbal quibbling? Was he not poking fun at Mr. Houghton for supposing that there were "old speakers of Pili," or "those who spoke Pâli in former times," in such a connection as the present PED.]

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(JUNE, 1894.
of the readers of the Antiquary, who have made The existence of Sanskrit and Pali derivatives a speciality of the study of Sansksit, may be able together is, of course, susceptible of the explana. to enlighten us on the subject. Mr. Taw Sein-Ko tion given by Mr. Taw Sein-Ko, but it would seem las completely misstated my argument concerning much more probable that they are formed on the the relative antiquity of Sanskțit and Pați deriva- analogy of the linked words so common in the tives. It is briefly that where one is found to be Burmese, Chinese and cognate languages, some in common use and the other is relatively times to express a new shade of meaning and rarely used, the former must be inferred to have sometimes merely to help out the "accentual been the first introduced into the language. This rhythm" of the sentence. Anyway their existence argument is not, of course, a conclusive one, but does not help out the argument one way or the its validity is in no wise impaired by the two or other. three isolated words quoted in this connection
As regards samuddara, there are plenty of hy lim. .
books in which the vernacular pinle is used for The allusion to Arakan is not very happy, as "sea," and not this word. Further, I do not think although it is not now a seat of learning' it is that even Mr. Taw Sein-Ko will assert that it is in actorious that the Arakanese hare, from their common use in conversation rather than pinle. isolation, preserved better the older pronuncia- In granting that samuddard is occasionally used in tion of the language than the Burmese proper. its literal sense instead of pinlè in books, there is The matter is, however, the more beside the point, no comparison as to the relative use of the two as I went out of way to shew from cognate words in Burmese. Now, the latter people did languages a legitimate example of the change of not push their way down to the sea until com. final l in n.
paratively recent times, long after the introduc. I cannot admit, except to a very limited degree, tion of Buddhism (I speak subject to correction, the argument from the employment of Sanskrit
not having a book of reference by me), so that, if derivatives in certain Burmese translations of
the Sanskrit word in question had really been Indian works on religion, etc. It is notorious, in
introduced at an early epoch, it is difficult to English and other languages, that learned people
understand why it should not be the current have # weakness for the most recondite words
word now for "sea" or "ocean." From the available, preferring Greek to Latin, and Latin to
direction of the Burmese immigration, it is Anglo-Saxon, and there is no reason to sup
evident, indeed, that the word pinle can only pose that the Burmese literati were or are exempt
be a (comparatively) recently coined one, and, in from this weakness.
the absence of direct testimony to the contrary, it
must be presumed, under the circumstances, that The question as to whether the Sanskrit deri.
there was no word previous to it to express the vative parissad was first brought into cominon 1180
same idea. by political rather than religious influences is one which it is impossible to decide without further
As regards sattvå I still affirm the probability evidence, and no useful purpose can, therefore, be
of my previous argument, and fail to see what the served by a further discussion now of this word.
occurrence of this word, in a by-no-means parti
cnlarly ancient inscription, has to do with the As regards the remarks under the word
case. Rishi I must disclaim any intention to imputo "pride or conceit" to Buddhist monks in par.
In assuming that Mr. Taw Sein-Ko was the ticular, they being in my estimation a very
first to entitlo Sakra the "Recording Angel of estimable and well-conducted body of men
Buddhism," it appears that I was in error, but two according to their lights. At the same time they
blacks do not make a white, and the fact remains ale only human, and the maxim, horno sum,
that the said “Recording Angel,” if he can le nihil loremnanum ab me puto, applies to them as
called such, is simply the old Hindu god Indra well as to other people. I admit that the use of
metamorphosed. the word "monk" in this connection in my The reply of Mr. Taw Sein-Ko is interesting ou former article was somewhat loose ("holy per- two grounds, the first being tbe theories put son" would have been better), but the argument forward by him on the source of Burmese Buil. is not affected thereby.
dhism. The possible truth of these theories I
. [Then if Skr. derir, inip is a synonym of the Pali That depends upon what is c-lled "ancient:" in deris. (ante. Vol. XXII. p. 162), it is a good in. | Burma tho dato quoted, 1223 A. D., is important. -ED. Brace to quote because their relative " cominon tuse" is! [But did not this occur boforo Buddhism came into poiut capable of being treted. -ED.]
Burma nt all-whether from the North or the South - ED.]

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JUNE, 1894.1
CORRESPONDENCE.
167
have no intention of controverting, but it cerintelligent part of the committee, it may not be tainly seems to me that the linguistic evidence on too late by means of a free discussion to get the which they rost is of the flimsiest description, and spelling altered.? points, so far as it goes, directly the other way.
BERNARD HOUGHTOX. It is quite possible that further research may A CUMULATIVE RHYME ON THE TIGER. modify, if not altcgether change, the complexion
Text. of that evidence as at present known to us, or, again, that the theories mentioned may represent
Talia maliâ wîgô manzâ pânia d'êvala ge, what actually happened, and yet the prior use of
Panie piuni wagô månza santosa zhaila gé. the Sansksit books have left no trustworthy
Santosa lüüni wago manza dholið baisala go, traces in the language. It is a common place fact
Dhölið baisūni wîgû månza gazrann lagala go, that in analytical reasoning we must be very
Gazrůtan gazrâtain wîgû mînza pânirnîn doklila careful of our facts and of the inferences legitimately deducible from them before we can safely
Pânürnin dekhani wago manzâ på radia sângili go. found any general hypothesis on them, and in no
Paradiả sánguni wagô månza bandukhê nêmila ye. department is this caution more necessary than
Bandukhê nômûnî wêgo minzi göliê marilâ ge, in the science of language. Bearing this in mind,
Goliê maruni wigo mânzi dharnie pârila gè, it certainly seems to me that the linguistic argu. Dharnið párůni wagò månza rasið bandila gê, ments in favour of a prior use of Sanskrit are
Rasie bânduni wagu manzâ árið ghatalà yê, neither sufficiently numerous nor trustworthy at
Arió yhâloni wa go manza khandio achlila go, present to support any inferences whatever in Klandið ûchlani wîgû manza darbarantu nêla yê that direction; but this, of course, does not refer
Translation. to other evidence, such as that relating to the
To the tank my tiger for water descended ; form of pagodas, etc.
Drinking water, my tiger felt harry; The second point of interest in Mr. Taw Feeling happy, my tiger in the cave sat; Sein-Ko's paper is the somewhat startling light
Sitting in the cave, my tiger began to play, it throws on the proceedings of the Text-Book Playing, playing, my tiger the water-woman saw; Committee. The facts related under the leading
The water-woman secing my tiger, the hunter WMS
informed: of parissad might well have been inserted elsewhere under the leading of "Folk Etymo
The hunter being informed, my tiger with the Jogy," but, joking apart, it is certainly prepos
gun was aimed at; terous that the futuro spelling of Burmese
Aimed at with the gun, my tiger with a bullet was should be laid down by a majority of say is,
killed ; whose ideas in philology were of the kind men.
Killed with the bullet, my tiger on the ground tioned. There are grave grounds for doubt as to
was thrown; whether the scientific study of the Burmese lan
Thrown on the ground, my tiger with a rope was guage had reached that point when an authorita
bound; tive statement on the spelling of doubtful words
Bound with a rope, my tiger on a pole was slung: might advantageously have been made, or, at any
Slung on it pole, my tiger on the shoulders Wits rate, care might have been taken to form the com
lifted; mittee of a majority of persons with some train
Lifted on the shoulders, my tiger to the darbúr ing in philology. Perhaps even now, if Mr. Taw was carried Sein-Ko, or other member of the committee, will This is a popular song among the East Indians favour the public with further disclosures as in Salsetto, and is sung on festive occasions, in. to the arguments used by the native sayús including marriages and christenings. cases where their opinion over-ruled the more Bombay.
Geo. Fr. D'Pexka. CORRESPONDENCE. VADDAVARA.
the meaning of varla, I would draw attention to In connection with the discussion (ante. Vol. the following interesting passage from Kamada XXII. pp. 111 and 251) as to what day of the literature, which has been brought to my notice week is indicated by the term Vaddavára, and by B. Srinivas Ayyangår, one of my assistants.
[It may help the present controversy for me to another language not yet determined: (?) in Gupta state hero that by farby very for the two oldest characters and dated in the second Gupta Century, inscriptions yet unearthed at Pagan are: (1) in North 400-500 A. D.; this is in Snuskrit. I hope in due Indiau 7th or 8th Contury characters; this is filled with course to have tho publishing of both inscription in this Sanskrit words and expressions mixed with those in Journal. -ED]

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It occurs in Ranna's poem called Sahasa-BhimaVijaya, or Gadd-yuddha, written at the end of the tenth century, the hero of which is the Chalukya prince Satyáśraya. The quotation forms the 26th padya of the 3rd dévása.
Kalasajan intum kolisida I
khalane gadam Dharmma-nandanam kraradinam- II
gala pesaram mareyisi Mam-1
galavaram Vadḍavaram embante valam || Having so caused Kalaśaja to be slain, is not the son of Dharma base ? Even as disguising the
name of evil (or unlucky) days in calling them Maigalavara and Vaḍdavara.'
The reference is doubtless to a common saying
that Tuesday, which is amangala or inauspicions, is called Maigalavâra, and that Yudhishthira, who was (in this instance) adharma or unjust, is called Dharma-raja. But as far as the meaning of Vaddavára is concerned, the passage demands that it NOTES AND BUDDHIST CAVES IN MERGUI. Referring to my "Notes on Ramannadesa," ante, Vol. XXII. p. 327 ff., I have lately been sent, through the kindness of Mr. H. G. Batten, Deputy Commissioner of Mergui, three ancient images of the Buddha found in that District. One is of wood, very much eaten away; one of iron or bell metal, so eaten away as just to prove by its appearance that it was an image of the Buddha; and one of some such mixture as the "tutenague,"i or white copper, of the old travellers. This last is still in good preservation, and had been either cast or stamped. All three bear a strong family likeness in general shape to those found by myself in the Caves about Maulmain.
These three images were found in the extreme south of Burma on the banks of the Lênyà River and in a Cave, and so are valuable to prove the spread of the cult of the Buddha in Caves.
The finder was Maung Maung, a Township Officer of the Mergui District, who writes of the find thus:
"In the Pratan Caves on the left tributary of the Lênyà River I found these remains. Tradition asserts the existence in this neighbourhood of the site of an ancient City, called Kosambi, which was destroyed about the middle of the 14th Century A. D. by the Great Thai (Shân) Race, who invaded the country from the north-east. I found vestiges of cultivation, but no remains beyond those now sent."
R. C. TEMPLE.
1 See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. Tootnague. [There are "Kosambis" all over Burma. They merely refer to the habit of giving classical names to old
[JUNE, 1894.
should be a name of auspicious import applied to a day which is really inauspicious. Now these conditions are exactly fulfilled in the case of Saturday (not Friday), provided we can interpret vadda as a word of good omen. On the analogy, therefore, of baddi (interest on money) from vriddhi, we may derive vada from vriddha, which signifies 'old, full-grown, large, augmented,' &c. This is sufficient for our purpose, for growth and increase are recognized signs of prosperity and good fortune. The idea of maturity is also not inappropriate as applied to the last day of the week. We seem, therefore, justified in concluding that Vadḍavara means Saturday.
The terms vadila thus explained will equally,
apply to a great merchant, to the principal taxes or to a famous village, the various connections in which it appears in inscriptions.
LEWIS RICE.
Bangalore, 10th January 1894. QUERIES.
SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BURMESE
LANGUAGE.
Rájagriha Yazajo.
The Burmese word for the famous Buddhist site is written Rajagro and pronounced Yazajo. The Sanskrit name of the place is, of course, Rajagriha and the true Pâli name is Rajagaha. The Burmese gró cannot be got out of gaha, though it is the natural representative of griha.
Here then seems to be a clear instance of a famous name in constant use, connected with religion in Burmese, the Sanskrit form of which is preferred to the Pâli, pointing almost certainly to a Sanskrit usage anterior to Pâli usage in Burmese.
Bigandet, Life and Legend of Gaudama, Or. Ser. Ed., Vol. II., p. 181, practically admits the Sanskrit form when he writes: "Radzagio or Radzagihra, was the capital of Magatha or South Behar." Compare with the above state: ment the following from Fausböll's Játaka, Vol. I. p. 143, Lakkhanajataka:-"Atitê Magadharatṭhê Rajagahanagarê êko Magadharaja rajjam kârêsi," which Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories, p. 195, paraphrases: "Long ago, in the city Rajagaha, in the land of Magadha, there ruled a certain king of Magadha."
This instance seems dead against Mr. Houghton's argument, ante, p. 165, and J. R. A. S., 1894, p. 411 f., that Môr does not, in Burmese, represent Mêru and that mogh does not represent mégha, for there we have gró representing griha.
R. C. TEMPLE. sites in order to give a home to classical stories in their own land, which is so strong in the Burmese.-R. C. T.]

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THE SAMACHARI-SATAKAM.
1 69
THE SAMACHARI-SATAKAM OF SAMAYASUNDARA AND PATTAVALIS OF THE ANCHALA-GACHCHHA AND OTHER GACHCHHAS.
BY JOHANNES KLATT. (Revised with Additional by Ernst Leumann.)2
1. The Samachari-gatakam. THE Samachari-yatakam was composed in Samvat dvi-muni shat-prilegarochis 1672
(4. 1. 1616) in the city of Medata by Samayasundara-gani. The author was a pupil of Sakalachandra of the Rihada-gotra, whose preceptor was Jinachandra-sûri, from Samvat 1012 to 1670 sûri of the Brihat-kharntara-gachchha. The work was begun in Siddha-puri (Mülatrannpura) in Sindhu-deśa and was finished three years later in Medata (Sukhakara) under Jinasinha-sûri, from Samvat 1670 to 1674 sûri of the same gaclichha. It contains 5 prakasas and 100 chapters (252 leaves). The date of the MS. is "vidhu-vusu-rasa-sasin" 1681 (A. D). 1625) and it was written in the reign of râula-Kalyanadasa by Thahara, son of Srimalla. The text begins with the sloka :
Sri Viram cha gurum natvå smritvå gachchha-paramparâm
Praśnottara-sata-grantham vakshye sastrinuskratah ! 1. This verse proves thnt the work has also the title of Pragnottara-sata.
A number of the chapters have special names, vir: -11, cvidalngrahanaclhikira. 12, saingnrapha-pramukhamam dvidalatvadhikira. 13, srivakiinin pinakakara-nishedha. 15, sravikâņam ekadaśa-pratima-vahana-nishedhädlikara. 21, játa-mrita kn-sûtaka-pinda-nishedhidhikira. 22, tassa duammassa kevali-pannattassa nishedhadhikara. 36, sâmáyika-vaisaņadhikara. 38, 45-agama-sthapana. 39, jina-pratima-pujadhikara. 40, jina-pratima-sthapanadhikira. 41, jina pintima-pûja-phala. 44, deva-stliter api punyatvadhikara. 45, yogopadhina-vahana. dhikara. 48, půrvacharya-grantha-san mati. 49, śråvakanan mukha-vastrika. 50, dvitiya
1 Chictly derived from the newly acquired Berlin MSS. which I examined in the Autumn of 1893. I have also arranged alphabetically the list of quotations from the samichuri ataka (aco post, p. 170, 1. 4 from tottom to 1. 17+), which Kintt had prepared in the order of the leaves (16, 2b, etc.)
I cnunot publish this paper of my friend, Johannes Klatt, without noting that it is, with the 'Note' attached to it, and published post, p. 183, the last contribution that can come from bis pen. Besides these he has left behind him the Jaina-Onomasticon, a huge con position, for which, I am sorry to say, I have as yet not boen able to do more than to arrange the parts and have them bound into eight stately volumes. Klatt himself was never able to do more towards the publication of this great work than to prepare finally for pross a niple of work, which (prefaced by our common mastor, Prof. Weber) appeared under the title :- Specimen of a literary-bibliographical Jaisa-Onomasticon, by Dr. Johannes Klatt, Leipzig, 1892, printed by O. Harrassowitz.'
In thus taking leave of the eininent Indianistic Chronicler and Bibliographist, we are the more sensible of the irreparable loss caused by his disappearance from Literature, as a year or two more of work would have allowed him to coinplete what has been slowly growing into shape in his study during the past ten years. Meanwhile it is some satisfaction to point to the other results of Klatt's Librarianship and scholarship, and to be able to state that, short as his career was, his unwearied zeal has resulted in work cf capital importance to the Indian Depart
f the Royal Library at Berlin, to Indian Bibliography, and particularly to Jain Studies.
The chronology of his life, presented by way of one of the Pattaralis so happily brought to light by his researches, is as follows:-Johannes Klatt: born 1859 A. D. as the son of the postınaster of Filehno (in the Prussian province of Posen); dikaha (matriculation) at the Borlin University 1868; after four years' study there, he took his Doctor's degree by presenting (seo Bochtlingk's Indische Sprüche, 2nd ed., Part III. Preface) A paper on Chåpakya's Sentences' to the University of Halle; 1873 Volunteer' at the Berlin Royal Library (still earning his living for a couple of years as official stonographist in the Prussian House of Commons), 1880 Custos,' 1888-92 (nominally also 1193) Librarian.'
He contributed papers to the following periodicals: Journal of the German Oriental Society, Vienna Oriental Journal, Indian Antiquary, Transactions of the Royal Academy of Berlin, Centralblatt ftir Bibliothekeresent. For the German Oriental Society he also wrote, in its Yearly Reports for 1880 and 1981, the article Vorderindien' (Upper India), and for the same Society he compiled, with Prof. Ernst Kuhn, tho Oriental Bibliography' from 1993 to 1886 (one volume per annum). The eminent services of Klatt to the Royal Library at Berlin can only be fully appreciated by one who has for some time worked in its rich stores of Indian prints and manuscripts. For the acknowledgment of Klatt's contributions to Prof. Weber's Second Catalogue the reader is referred to the Preface of its Third Part, p. viii.

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vandana.pradana. 51, kulini. 52, mangala 54, śpingataka. 55, prienka-vichara. 56, sachittachûrņa-vichira. 59, daivasika-råtrika-pratikramanam kiyat-kalam yavach chhudhyati vicharah. 60, pañchamyah parvatva. 62, Jinavallabha-sûri-sâmâchâri (40 v.). 63, Jinadattasûri-samachari (30 v.). 64, Jinapatti-sûri-samachari (69 v.). 65, vyavasthi-patra. 69, padasthana-vyavastha-vidhi. 70, anuyoga-dana-visarjana-vidbi. 71, bhavana-devata-kayotsarga. 73, locha-karapaņa-vidhi. 79, asvadhyâya-vichåra. 80, chaitra-purņimi-deva-vandana-vidhi. 81, guru-stupa-pratishtha-vidhi. 82, śråvakanam devatavasara-sthapana-puja-vidhi. 83, kalpatrepottarann-vidhi. 84, pratikramananukrama. 85, paushadha-karaņânukrama. 86, dikshalana-vidhi. 87, vâchani-vidhi, 88, utkshepa-vidhi. 89, nikshepa-vidhi. 90, nitya-karta vyata. 100, sânti-vidhi.
One of the most interesting chapters (f. 356-376) is that detailing the dispute between Jinachandra-suri (Samvat 1612-70, Kharatara) and Dharmasagara (Tapa) in Samvat 1617, karttika sudi 7 sukra-váre, in Anahilla-pattana, where the preceptors of the 84 gachchhas assembled, as to whether Abhayadeva, the author of commentaries on the 9 angas, belonged to the Kharatara-gachchha. The chapter names the following gachchhas and preceptors : sisha-bhattaraka-Karmasundara-sûri 1. Siddhantiya-vada-gachchhathi sri-Thirachandra-sûri 5 (!). śri. Kalyanaratna-suri 6. Siddhantiya-vada-gachchha sri-Maltsågara-sûri 8 (!). Pimpaliya-gachchhe Vimalachandra-súri 9. Trångadiya-punamiya-gachchhe sri-Udayaratna-sâri 10. Dhandheriya. pumnamiya-gachchhe śr-Samyamasagara-sûri 11. Katabapura-tapa-gachchhe Vidyaprabhasûri 12. Bokadiya-gachchhe Devananda-sûri 13. Siddhantiya-gachchhe punyâsa-Pramodahansa 14. PAlhanapuri-gachchhe sakha Tapa-gachchhe vâ Ranganidhana 15. Änchala-gachchhe Bhåvaratna 17 (!). Chhậpariya-pumnamiya-gachchhe paṁo Udayaratna-raja 18. Sadhupanamiya-gachchho vao Naga 19. Maladhara-gachchhe pamo Gunatilaka 20. Osa vála-gachchhe pamo Ratnaharsha 21. Dhavaliparva-Añchaliyâ-gachchhe punyasa-Ranga 22. Chitra vála-tapagachchhe vio Kshamâ 23. Chintamaniya-padi vâo Guņamâņikya 24. Agamiya upadhyâyaSumatisekhara 25. Vegada-kharatara pamo Padmamaņikya 26. Vsihat-kharatara vào Muniratna 27. Chitrậvála-jangîvådai pamoRaja 28. Koranțavala-tapa-gachchhe chela-Hamsa 29. Vichamvandanikashi Ralaya 30. Âgamiya Mokala 31. Kharatara apadhyâya-Jayalabha 32. Sashi-osavala-gachchhe pano Siha 1. Anchala-gachchhe sri-Lakshminidhana 2. Vrihach-chhalfya-tapa-gachchhe śri-Saubhagyaratna-sûri 3. Vada-gachchhe upadhyâya-sri-Vinayakusala 4. Korandavala-gachchhe paño Padmasekhara 5. Pürņimâ-pakshe paro Ratoadhîra-gani 6. Bharuyachchha-gachchhe pamo sri-Ratnasagara 7. Maladhârå-gachchhe Kshamasundara 8. Aichaliya Purnachandra 9.
The names of 17 pattavalls are also quoted, vix.:-1. éri-Tapi-gachchhiya-áriHemahansa-suri-ksita-Kalpintarváchya. 2. Bhavahadâ-krita-Gura-parva-prabhavaka-grantha. 3. Tapå-laghu-sakhả Laghu-sakha-pattâ vali. 4. Tapa-krita-Achåra-pradîpa (by Ratnasekharasûri). 5. Samdeha-dolâvali Kharatara-grantha. 6. Kumăragiri-sthita-Tapa-sâ magri-sadhupattávali. 7. sri-Jinavallabha-sûri-krita-Sardha-śataka-karmagrantha. 8. sri-Chitrâvâla-gachchhiya-sri-Dhanesvara-krita-vritti-parampara-sâdhaka (composed Samvat 1171). 9. Kalyåņakaratna-sûri-chirantana-tippanaka-dvaya. 10. Chhậparisbå-pamnamigå-patávali. 11. Sådhupunamiya-pattavali. 12. Guru-parvavali-grantha. 13. Prabhavaka-charitra (sloka 15). 14, sri. Abhayadova-sûri.charitra (55 thi 95 sîma). 15. Pallivala-gachchhîya-bha - Amadêva-sûri-Prabhava ka-charitra. 16. Pimpaliya-Udayaratna prárambheņa Jiranusasana. 17. Tapa-sri-Somasûri-rajye ksitopadéśa-sattari-grantha (composed Samvat 1412 by Somadharma-gani).
In the remaining chapters of the compilation the following works, authors and dates (presented here in alphabetical order) are quoted :
20a, Ajita-sûri, 90a, Ajitadêva-stri, of the Chandra-gachchha, composed Yoga-vidhi-prakaraya, s. 1273, tri-saptaty-adhika-dvadasa-bata-varshe.
30a, Abhaya (dêva)-sûri's of the Radrapalliya-gachchha Vijayanta-vijaya-kavya (122 ślokas), composed Samvat 1278, ashţa-saptaty-adhika-dvadasa-bata-varshe.

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171
236, Ambada-muni's Årådhyatvena-stati, under the name of Shat-kalyåņaka. 92a, Rishabhadeva-sishya's Ashțâpada-pratishtha. 67a, Ananda-suri's vritti on Pravachana-sâroddhåra-gåthårdham. 2426, Årâdhana-pataka. 3a, Âvaśyaka-laghu-vșitti and purvâchârya-vinirmita-sri-Avasyaka-chürņi. 356, Upadeśa-taragiņi. 726, Upasaka-pratima-prakaraņa. 91a, Umásváti-vachaka's Pratishtha-kalpa. 1976, U.'s Paja-prakarana.
92a, Kalpadhyayana-nirukta, composed Samvat 1325, tattva-gunendu-varshe by Sri Vinayenda (i. e., Vinayachandra). This notice is exact as may be seen from the Poona MS. of the gloss (Kielhorn's Report, 1880-81, p. 76, No. 371). It is a short commentary (of 418 Granthas only) on the so-called Kalpasůtra, viz., on the Paryusbank-kalpa (published by Jacobi); its full title (at the end of the Poona MS.) is Paryushanakalpádhyayanasya kalichil. durga pada-nirukta.
58a, Kalakâchârya-katha atijirņâ, 369 slokas.
586, Kalakichårya-katha, Anahilla-pattane Pimpaliya-kharatara-bhandigârûntarvartini, tat• prati-prânte cha punar idam api likhitam asti, yathê éri-Kharatara-gachchhe bri-Jinachandrasûri-patte sri-Abhayadeva-sûri-hetau sadhu-Jayasinhena śri-Kalpa-pustika likhâpitá.
521, 62a, 881, Tapa-gachchhadhiraja-bhattaraka-srf-Hiravijaya-sûri-prasadikrita-Praśnottarasamuchchaya, tach-chhishya-pandita-Kirtivijaya-gaại-samuchchita, pamo Vishnarshi-ganikrita-prathama-praśna, pamo Gunavijaya-gani-krita-navama-praśna, pamo Jagamåla-gani-kritatrayodaśa-praśna.
240, Avachori on the Kalpa-sůtra, by Kalamandana-sûri of the Tapa-gachchha, and 59a, K's Vicharâmrita-sangraha.
25a. Gunachandra-gani's Vira-charitm (226, Hira-charitra, pråk.), pañcha-vinsaty-adhikadvadasa-sa hagra 12025-pramina, composed Samvat 1139, ekona-chatvärinsad-adhikaikadaśn-satavarshe. 256, Gunachandra, pupil of Sumati-vachaka, papil of Prasannachandra-sûri, pupil of Abhayadêva-sûri navånga-vritti-kåra. (Peterson, III. Rep. p. 17, App. p. 305-6, has Guruchandra, which is a mistake).
916, Gautama-prichchha-tika.
14a, Chandra-sûri's vșitti on Shad-avaśyaka. 167ab, Ch.'s Yoga-vidhi. 18a, śrî-Srichan. dra-sûri's vritti on Pratikramaņa-sûtra (chapter såmáyikâdhikara).
696, Charchari-grantha. 70a, Chaitya-vandanaka-vșitti ; see also Dharmakirti.
23a, Sulasa-charitra (sarga 6 with the name Samyaktva-parikshaņa), 700 slokas, by Jayatilaka-sûr' of the Âgamika-gachchha.
72a, Jina-kalpa-vyavachchheda. 56-6a, "Jinagutto Navakara-parassaram kâûņa Nisihiam." 67ab, Jinadatta-sûri's Utsätra-padodghattana-kulaka. 696, Jinadatta-sûri's Prabodhodaya-grantha. 696, Jinapatti-sûri's Prabodhodaya-grantha.
205, Jinapatti-sûri (died Samvat 1277) of the Khar.-gachchha, Dvadasa-kulaka-vritti (v. 1-12 communicated). 636, J.'s SÂmâchâri.
926, Jinaprabha-sûri's Yoga-vidhi, composed Samvat 1273, tri-saptaty-adhika-dvádaśasata-varshe. .
99a, Jinaprabha-sûri's (Saṁvat 1349-69) Siddhanta-stave. 15a, Jinavallabha-sûri's Paushadha-vidhi-prakaraṇa.

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796, Vallabhajina(= Jinavallabha)-sûri's Panshadha-vidhi-prakaraņa. 85a, Jinavallabha-sûri's bțihad-vșitti on Samgha-pattaka. 1666, Jo's Sraddha-kulaka. 64a, Sri-Jeśalamera-bhîndagare samo 1215 likhita-pustika. 105a, Acharya-Valabhya's (!) Jyotih-karaydaka-sutra. 1046, -vritti.
53a, sri-Kalikâcharyair achirnatvật yad uktam Thâņa-vrittau sri-Hemacharya-guru-śrlDêrendrachandra-sûribhih.3
711, Tarumaprabha-sûri's bâlâvabodha on Shad-dvaśyaka. 720, fri-Tilakacharya's Sâmâchâri-grantha. 1876, sr-Til.'s Avasyaka-vșitti. 351, granthin sri-Tilakas chakâra vivid hans Chandraprabhacharyavat. 401, Döva-sûri's Sådhu-dina-charya. 60a, -vșitti; see also e. v. Sthânânga.
45, Devagapta-sûri's chirantana-vșitti on Nava-pada, composed Samvat 1070, saptats. adhika-sahasra-varshe.
Davachandra-suri, see s. v. Thiņa-vritti and Sthânåóga. 31al, Dêvabhadracharya's Parávanátha-charitra, 11167 slokas, composed Samvat 1168, Vasa-rasa-rudra-varshe, first copy written by Amalachandra-gasi. Succession list: Chandra-kule Vardhamaina, etc., up to Prasannachandra-sûri, papil of Abhayadêva-sûri. P.'s pupil Sumatyupadhyâya, author of Samvega-ranga-śâlâ (Peterson, III. Rep. App. p. 64, 1. 4 fr. b., has mila instead of sala), Vira-charita, Katha-ratna-kośa. Dåvabhadra, Samvat 1168.
476, Devendra-sûri and Vijayachandra-sûri, pupils of Jagachchandra-sûri, Tapî, Samvat 1285 in Vija-pura.
7a, Devendra-sûri (of the Tapa-gachchla), vritti on Śrâvaka-dinaksitya-sútra, and Višeshavishaya, and 90, vșihad-vșitti on Dbarmaratna-prakarana.
306. Devendra-sûri (of the Rudrapalliya-gachchba), vritti on Praśnottara-ratna-mala, composed Samvat 1429, ekona-trinsad-adhika-chaturdasa-sata-varsbe.
1196, Devendra-stava. 2366, Dhanapala-pandita-raja-paramarhata's Sråvaka-vidhi.
315, Dhanesvara-sûri of the Chitravala-gachchha, composed a vritti on Sård ha-sata, Samvat. 1171, eka-saptaty-adhikaikadaśa-sata-varshe.
7a, Dharmakirti-mahopadhyâya, pupil of Dêvêndra-suri, composed Chaitya-vandanakabhashya-vritti under the name of Sanghâchára.
78), Dharmakirty-apadhyâya's (Tapa) vritti on Sanghåchåra.
311, Dbarmaghosha-sûri, Abhayadeva-sûri-samtaniya, erected Samvat 1293 a statue of Santinatha.
35a, vâdi-Dharmadéva-sûri of the Chitrâvâla-gachchha.
58a, Dharmaprabha-sûri's Kalakacharya-katbå, 56 gåthâs, composed Samrat 1389, ankáshțayaksha-Farshe.
96, Dharmabindu-vritti. 120, Dharmavidhi-prakarana-vritti (chapter Kåmadêvadhikara).
646, Nami-sadhu, pupil of Salibhadra-sûri, composed a vșitti on Sravaka-dharma prajiapti Samrat 1122, dva-vinsaty-adhikaikâdaśa-sata-varshe, and a vritti on Shad-avaśyaka. Samvat 1112.
861, Nárachandriya-dvitiya-prakaraņa. 206, Pañchâsaka-chūriņi-vșitti. 900, Pañchâśaka-chůrņi; see also Yasodêva. 39ab, A complete Patâvali of the Tapa-gachchha.
3 Plur.! A Prakrit passage from the Thana-vritti is quoted by Dharmasagara in his commentary on Kupa kshukau. III. 59; see also below 8. v. Sthininga.

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THE SAMACHARI-SATAKAM.
266-27a, Padmaprabha-sûri's Munisuvrata-svâmi-charitra, composed Samvat 1294, vêdagraha-ravi, chatur-navaty-adhika-dvâdasa-sata-varshe. Chandra-kule Vardhamâna-sûri, pupil Jinesvara-sûri and bandhu Buddhisâgara-sûri, Jinesvara's 3 pupils Jinachandra, Abhayadeva (9 vritti) and Jinabhadra; chakre éri-Jinachandra-sûri-gurubhir dhuryah Prasannâbhidhas, tena granthachatushtayi-sphuta-matiḥ śri-Dêvabhadra-prabhur Dêvânanda-muniśvaro, Deva-prabhu, Vibudhaprabha-sûri Chhatrapalliyt, his pupil Padmaprabha-sûri Samvat 1294.
90a, Paramânanda, pupil of Abhayadeva-sûri, composed Yoga-vidhi, Samvat 1240, chatVarin sad-adhika-dvâdasa-sata-varshe likhita.
173a, Paryushanâ-chûrņi. 1746, Paryushanâ-parvan. 167ab, Pârnabhadra, pupil of Jinapati sûri (+ Samvat 1277), composed éri-Kritapanya
1
916, Pidaliptichirya's Pratishtha-kalpa. 2086, Pârávanâtha-laghu-stavana.
173
charitra.
22a, Prithvichandra-sûri's tippanaka on Paryushaṇa-kalpa. P., pupil of Devasena-gani, pupil of Yasobhadra-sûri, pupil of Dharmaghosha-sûri who converted the king of Sakambhari, pupil of Silabhadra-sûri of the Chandra-kula.
123a, 127a, Pratimotthâpaka-matam triiśad-adhika-pañchadasa-sata 1530 varshe prâdur bhutam.
816, Devendra-sûri's Pratyakhyâna-bhashya.
68a, Vritti on Pratyakhyana-bhashya, composed Samvat 1183, try-asity-adhikaikadaśa-satavarshe.
1656, Nagapurlyn-gachchha
206, Brihad-gachchhiya-Sâmâchârt; see also Sâmâchârî. Pratyakhyana-bhashya. 576, Bhâvadêva-sûri's Kalakacharya-kathâ, 100 gâthûs. 83a, Prasama-sûtra-vṛitti.
1080, 1106, 1366, Manomati-sishya.
71a, Prasaha-sûri.
206, Mânadêva-sûri's Kulaka (v. 5-15 communicated). 55a, Vinayachandropadhyaya-Munichandra, pupil of Sarvajñadêva-sûri of the Brihadgachchha, composed a vṛitti on Upadêsa-pada, Samvat 1174, abdhi-muni-rudra-varshe.
526, 1716, Munisundara-sûri, pupil of Somasundara-sûri (Tapâ), composed Shad-âvasyaka, bilavabodha, Śrâddha-pratikramana-sûtra.
976, Mêrusundaropadhyaya's Sâdhika-sata-prasnottara-grantha, composed under Jinachandra-sûri (Samvat 1514-30), successor of Jinabhadra-sûri (Samvat 1475-1514). 162a, M.'s Shad-avasyaka-bâlâvabodha. 1716, M.'s Vârttika-prasnottara-sataka.
5a, Yasodêva-sûri's chûrni on Panchâsaka.
157a, Yasodêva-sûri's Vandanaka-chûrņi.
17a, 4a, Yasodêvopadhyaya in the succession (samtâna) of Kekndâchârya of the Ukesagachchha, composed a vritti on Nava-pada, Samvat 1165, pañcha-shashty-adhikaikâdasa-śatavarshe
94a, Yoga-niryukti-bhashya.
35a, Ratnaprabha-sûri of the Ukeśa-vansa.
52a, Ratnasekhara-sûri's (Tapa-gachchha) vṛitti (Vidhi-kaumudi) on Śrâddha-pratikramana. 79a, R.'s Śrâddha-vidhi-viniśchaya.
95a, Lalita-vistarâ-vritti.
95a, Laukika-tippanaka.
56, Vardhamâna-sûri, pupil of the navânga-vṛitti-kâra Abhayadêva-suri, composed Kathâkosa (chapter pañcha ann-vrata-phala-varṇanadhikâra), Samvat 1141, and 26ab, Adinathacharitra, ekâdasa-sahasra 11000-pramita, Samvat 1160, shashty-adhikaikâdasa-sata-varshe, under Jayasinha-narendra.

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216a, 234b, Vardhamâna-sûri of the Rudrapalliya-gachchha, in the samtâna of Abhaya. dêva (9 vṛitti), composed Achara-dinakara. 70a, Vidhi-vichara-sara-kulaka.
2166, Vardhamâna-stuti-traya.
152a, Vivâha-chûlika. 47a, Vihâra-nishedha-sûtra. 1826-1836, Vyavastha-pattra, 33 v. 2086, Sakra-stava.
7a, Shad-ivasyaka-vṛitti and Dinakritya-vritti. 276-28ab, Sanghatilakacharya's (Rudrapalliya-kharatara) vritti (Tattva-kaumudl) on Samyaktva-saptatikâ, composed Samvat 1427, adri-nayanâmbhodhi-kshapâkrit (Peterson, I. Rep. p. 53. gives, by mistake, 1422, dvi instead of adri), sapta-vinśaty-adhika-chaturdasa-sata-varshe in Sarasvata-pattana, dipotsave, at the request of Devendra-muni; Somakalasa-vâchaka was his sahaya, and Yaśaḥkalasopadhyaya wrote the first copy. The succession list is: Chandra-gachchhe Vardhamana (Dharanendra-vandya-charanah), Jinêsvara, Abhayadêva (9 vṛitti), Jina vallabha, Jinasekhara ganadhara, Padmachandra-sûri, Vijayachandra-sûri, a second Abhayadêva-sûri, founder of the Rudrapalliya-gachchha, Dêvabhadra-sûri, Prabhânanda-suri, tat-patte siîmat Srichandra-sûri and Vimalachandra, tach-chhishya Gunasekhara-sûri, whose pupil was Samgbatilaka, Samvat 1427. In a Rudrapalliya-kharatara-krita-prabandha is the succession: Chandra-kule Abhayadêva (9 vritti), Jinavallabha, Bhavadêva- sûri, Dêvabhadra, Prabhânanda, author of Vitaraga-stavana, the first copy written by Harshachandra-gapi.
196, Vasuhinda (ekonavinśati-lambha). 152a, Vichara-sara-grantha.
1566, Vicharâmṛita-grantha. 1576, Vichârâmṛita-samgraha.
226, Samgha-pattaka-brihad-vrittan Chaitrakütlyn-prakasti.
244a, Dêvendra-sûri's brihad-vritti on Samghâchâra.
906. Vada-gachchhiya-jîrna-Sâmâchârî; see also Brihadg.
67a, Siddhasêna-sûri's vṛitti on Pravachana-sâroddhâra.
35a, Somadharma-gani, pupil of Châritraratna-gani-mahopadhyaya, pupil of Somadevasundara-sûri (38a, Somasundara-sishya) of the Tapa-gachchha, composed Upadesa-saptatika, Samvat 1412, dvâdaśâdhika-chaturdaśa-sata-varshe.
66ab, Somasundara-sûri, pupil of Dêvasundara-gani (Tapâ), bâlâvabodha on Yoga-sastra. 59a. Dêva-sûri's vritti on Sthânânga, corrected (sodhitâ) by Nêmichandra-sûri.
59a, Devachandra-sûri's vritti on Sthânânga. 16. Haribhadra-sûri's Avasyaka-vrihad-vritti. 26. H.'s Śravaka-dharma-prajñapti-vṛitti.
95a, Jayachandra-sûri's (Tapâ) Hetagarbha-grantha.
23a, Hema-nyâya-sûtra.
71b, H.'s Daśama-śrâvaka-vidhi-pañchâśaka. 2410. H.'s Panchaka-vastuka-vṛitti.
35a, Hemaraja and Gunachandra (digambara).
79a. 896, Hemahansa-gani, his succession list: Tapâ-gachchhe Somasundara-sûri (+ Samvat 1499), Jayachandra-sûri, Ratnasekhara-sûri, Udayananda-sûri, whose pupil Hemahai sagani composed a bâlâvabodha on Shad-âvasyaka śrâddha-varabhyarthanaya.
35a, Hemahansa-sûri (of the Tapa-gachchha), Kalpântarvâchya (?), (chapter gachchhaprabhavakadhikara).
2. Pattavall of the Anchala-gachchha.
The Paṭṭavali of the Añchala-gachchha is printed in "Srimad-Vidhipaksha-gachchhiya śrâvakanâm daivasâdika pâñche pratikramaņa sûtra," Bombay, Nirnayasagara Press, Samvat 1945, 1889, pp. 478-519.
The names of the sûris agree, up to the 35th (or 38th) Uddyotana-sûri with those given in the Tapa- and Kharatara-Pattâvalis. Also in the Anchala-Pattavali Uddyotana's date is 1464 after
See W. Miles, on the Jainas of Gujerat, in Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3 (London, 1835) pp. 365-7. Bhinlarkar, Report, 1983-84, pp. 14-5, 319-23. Merutunga's Prabandha-chintimani (ed. Bombay, 1888), preface, pp. 10-13.

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Mahavira, or Vikrama-samvat 994 (see unte, XI. 253a, n. 35), in which year Sarvadeva-sûri, one of Uddyotana's 84 pupils, was installed as the 36th sûri of the A. The latter's successor was the 37th Padmadêva-sûri, likewise one of Uddyotana's 84 pupils and the first peculiar to the A. After his conversion of the Simkhya-darśaninas, he received a second name, Samkhya-sûri. The new gachchha obtained the name of Sankhesvara-gachchha from Sankheśvara-grâma," a place consecrated to Sankheśvara-Parsvanatha.
175
38. Udayaprabla-sûri.
39. Prabhânanda-sûri. Under him arose the name Napaka-gachchha, called so either because the śravakas of Nanaka-grâma? celebrated his visit, or because much money (nánaka) was expended.
40. Dharmachandra-sûri.
41. Suvinayachandra-suri, 42. Gunasamudra-sûri.
43. Vijayaprabha-sûri. 44. Narachandra-sûri. Virachandra-sûri.
45.
46. Jayasinha-sûri. 47. Aryarakshita-sûri.
Bhandarkar, Report, 1883-4, p. 321, has the following succession:-Uddyotana, Sarvadeva, Padmadeva, Udayaprabha, Prabhânanda, Dharmachandra, Sumapachandra, Gunachandra, Vijayaprabha, Narachar.dra, Virachandra, Munitilaka, Jayasinha, Aryarakshita.
Mêrutunga, preface, p. 10, has:- Uddyotana, Sarvadêva (note: Dhanapâlaḥ Vi° 1029) Padmadêva, Udayaprabha, Narachandra, Sriguna-sûri, Vijayaprabha, Narachandra, Virachiandra, Aryarakshita.
Atmârámji's list, communicated to me in a letter from Dr. Hoernle, makes the following statement: In the time of Sarvadêva-sûri there arose eight sâkhâs Sarvadêva, Padmadêra, Udayaprabha, Prabhânanda, Dharmachandra, śri-Vinayachandra, Gunasamudra, Vijayaprabha, Jayasinha, Narachandra, Vijayachandra, Aryara kahita."
47. Aryarakshita-sûri, born Samvat 1136 in Dantránâ-grâma (Mêrut. p. 11: Dantâņi), mula-naman Godu (Mêrut. Godaü), son of the vyavaharin Drona of the Pragvâțajuâti, dikshâ Sativat 1146 (Mer. 1141, Satapadi-samuddhara 1142), obtained from the guru the name Vijayachandropadhyaya, sûri Samvat 1202 under the name Aryarakshita-sûri,+Samvat 1236 at the age of 100 (Mêr. and Sat. 1226 and 91). Under him the gachchha, having a vision of Chakreśvari devi, received Samvat 1169 the name Vidhipaksha-gachchha (see Bhând. Rep. 1883-4, p. 130, 442, v. 1). A. gave the diksha to 2100 sadhns and 1130 sâdhvis, the acharya. padam to 12 sådhus, the upâdhyâya-padam to 20, the pandita-padam to 70, the mahattarapadam to 103 sâdhvis (Samayasri and others), the pravartini-padam to 82 sâdhvis, the total number of sådhus and sûdhvis being 3517.
48. Jayasinha-sûri, son of koți-dravya-dhanin Dâhada-setha and Nedhi, born Samvat 1179 Kunkana-dêse Sopârâ-pura-pâtane, diksha 1193 (Mer. and Sat. 1197), sûri 1202, âcharya 1236. 1258, 79 years old. Bhand. 1883-4, p. 323, gives, in reference to him, the date Samvat 1249, and v. 2 of the prasasti at the end of the Upadêśa-chintamani (ib. p. 442) reads:
maalim dhunoti sma vilokya yasya niḥsangatâm vismita-chitta-vrittih
sr-Siddharajah (Samvat 1150-99) sva-samâja-madhye so 'bhuttataḥśrî-Jayasinha-sûriḥ 2
49. Dharmaghosha-sûri, son of Chandra vyavahârin in Mâhava-pura-nagara (Maru-dése) and of Rajalade, born Samvat 1208, diksha 1216, acharya 1234, composed Satapadi (ashțâdasapraśnottara-rûpâ) Samvat 1263 (see Peterson, I. Kep. p. 63, App. p. 12); +1268 at the age of 59.
50. Mahendrasinha-sûri, son of śreshthin Dê vaprasâda (Mêr. sâna Devaprasâda) in Saranagara and of Khiradêvî (Sat. Sthiradêvî), born Samvat 1228 (Mêr. 1220), diksha 1237, acharya
Place of pilgrimage, near Radhanpur (Bombay Presidency), see J. F. Baness, Index Geogr. Indicus, alph. ind. See Weber, Ferz. II. p. 926, 11. 8-9. 7 Nana Bira in Godewar, see Miles, loc cit. p. 365, This explains the last error in Atmárâmjl's list (Vijayachandra instead of Virachandra). So it might be that. also Bain larkar's Munitilaka' is simply a juvenile name of 16. Jayasi ha.
8 See Weber, Ver:. II. p. 837, 1, and p. 938 on v. 59.

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1263, gachchha-nayaka 1269, +1309, at the age of 82. He composed, Samvat 1294, a commentary on his preceptor's Satapadi (see ib.), and the Tirtha-målå-stavana in 111 prâkrit verses, which is printed in Vidhipaksba. Pratikr. Bombay, 1889, pp. 229-77.
51. Siibaprabha-sürison of freshthin Arisiúba in Vija-purn and of Pritimati, born Samtat 1283, diksha 1291, acharya and gachchiha-nayaka 1309 (Mér. 1308); + 1313, 30 years old.
52. Ajitasinha-suri, son of Jinadeva-betha and Jinadêvi in Doda-grama (Mêr. and Sat. Koka-gråma), born Samvat 1283, diksha 1291, acharya 1314 in Apahila-pura, gachchha-nayaka 1316 in Jalora, converted the king Sanarasinha of Suvarna-nagari (inscr. Samvat 1342 and 44, Kielhorn, ante, Vol. XVI. pp. 345-55; Vol. XX. p. 137; Jaina inscr., J. A. S. B. Vol. 55, Part I. p. 47) and gave the acharya-padam to 15 pupils; + 1339, 56 years old.
53. Devendrasinha-sûri, son of Santů-seţha of the Srimali-jõâti in Palapa-para, mother Santoshasri (Sat. sao Toshasri); born Samvat 1299, dikshå 1306 in Thiradra-grâma, Acharya 1323 in Timira-pura, gachchha-nayaka 1339, + 1371 in Anabila-pura, 72 years old.
54. Dharmaprabha-sûri, son of Limba-betha in Bhinnamala and of Vijalade, born Samvat 1331, diksha 1341 in Jalora, acharya 1359, gachchha-nayaka 1371 in Anahila-pura. The Bhuvanatunga-bari-bakha arose at his time. He had intercourse with rîula Khengåra in Junagadh, (Kh. IV. reigned Samvat 1336-90 in J., see Arch. Sury. W. Ind. II. pp. 164-5), and with påtasaba Mañjüriyâta. He received the other name Prajñatilaka-sûri and died Sarvat 1393 in Å soti-grâms, at the age of 6-3. He composed a Kalikâchârya-katbá in the year ankashta-yaksha 1989, see Jayasoma's Vicbara-ratna-bangraha (Jacobi's MS. f. 57a) and Samayasundara's Samachariat. (my own MS. f. 58a, 1. 1, see abore p. 172, 8. v. Dharmaprabha). The tale has been edited from the India Office MS. by Leumann, Journul Germ. Or. Soc. XXXVII. 505-9. Meanwhile a second MS. has reached Europe : No. 1737 of the Berlin Collection, it omits the last four Aryâs which were also unknown to Samayasundara.
55. Sibhatilaka-bůri, son of Agidhara setha in Aica-para Maru-dése (Mêr. and Sat. Adityavataka), and of Chimpalade; born Samvat 1345, diksha 1352, Acharya 1371 in Anandapura, gachchha-nayaka 1393 in Pâţapa, + 1395 in Stambhatirtha, at the age of 50.
56. Mahendraprabha-sûri (Šat. Oprabhn), son of Aså setha (Mêr. parikha Abba) in Vadagråma, and of Jivanade, born Samvat 1363, diksha 1375 (Mêr, 1369, Sat. 1365) in Vija-para, acharya 1393 (Mêr. 1389) in Anabilla-pura, gachcbha-nayaka 1398 in Khambhàta-bandara (Stambhatîrtha). Under him the sakhâcharya Abhayasin ba sûri erected Samvat 1132 an image of Pårsvanatha (see Bhandarkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 323). M. died Samvat 1444 (Mêr. and Sat. 1443), at the age of 81.
57. Mêrutanga-sûri, son of vora Vaïrasinha in Nâni-grama, and of Nahûnade, born Samvat 1403, dikshå 1418, acharya 1426 in Sala, gachchha-nayaka 1446 in the same place, + 1471, at the age of 68. He composed in Lolada-grâma, in defence of a snake, the Jirikäpalli-Parsvanâtha-stavana (printed in Vidhip. Pratikr. pp. 348-53, 14 v. Sansk.) Imitating Kalidasa and Mâgha, he composed some kavyas, viz.: (1) Nâbhi-vanía-sambhava-kavya, (2) Yadu-vansa-sambhava-kavya, (3) Nemidůta-kavya; besides he wrote navina-vyAkarana, Súri-mantra-kalpa (see Peterson, III. Rep. pp. 364-5) and other works. He, moreover, composed Méghadůta-kavya, see ib. p. 248, Satapadi-samuddhâre composed in the 53rd year (of his age = Samvat 1456, or of the centary = Samvat 1453), a commentary on Sri-kankalaya-rasadhyâya (see Weber, Verz. I. p. 297, n. 964). Prabandha-chintamani, Upadeśa-bata and Kåtantra-vyakhyana have been composed by the older Mêrutunga of the Nagendra-gachchha.
In M.'s time lived Jayasekhara-sûri bakhacharya, who composed (in Sekadi-grama) Upadeśa-chintamani in 12000 slokas (date of the work Samvat 1436, see Bhånd. Rep. 1883-4, p. 130 442-3), Prabodha-chintamani (see Kielhorn, Rep.p. 95), Sambodha-battari (see Peterson, I. Rep. p. 125, n. 275), Atmåvabodha-kulaka and other works (altogether twelve in number) along with

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some smaller compositions, such as the Brihad-atichára, printed in Vidhip. Pratikr. pp. 88-228, and the Ajita-santi-stavana, 17 v. sansk., ib. pp. 357-66.
M's pupil, the sakbâcharya Mâņikyasundara-sûri, compored Gunavarma-charitra, see Bendall, Journ. p. 64, Sattara-bhêdi-puja-katha, Prithvichanda-charitra (see Weber, Verz. II. p. 175), Chatuh-parvi-katha. He also wrote Suka-râja-katha (see Rep. 1880-1, p. 27), Malayasundari-katha (Peterson, I. Rep. p. 123, n. 262), Samvibhaga-vrata-katha (Mitra, Not. VIII. pp. 237-8).
58. Jayakarti-sûri, son of Bhûpêla seţha in Timira-pura, and of Bhramaride, born Samvat 1433, diksha 1444, sûri-pada 1467 in Khambâyata-bandara, gachchha-nayaka 1473 in Pataņa, + 1500 at the age of 67.
His papil Silaratna-sûri composed Samvat 1491 a commentary on Mêrutunga's Méghadůtakavya (see Peterson, III. Rep. pp. 249-50. Also ante, Vol. XIX. p. 366).
59. Jayakêsari-sûri, son of Devasinha setha in Sri-thâma-nagara (Pafchâla-dêse), and of Lâkhanade, born Samvat 1461, mûla-nâman Dhanarâja, diksha 1475, acharya 1494, gachchhanayaka 1501 in Châmpaner, + 1542 at the age of 81.
60. Siddhantas&gara-sûri, son of Soni(gotra)-JÂvada in Patona, and of Paralade, mulanåman Sona pala, born Sanvat 1506 in Sala, dikshå 1512, acharya 1541, gachchiha-nayaka 1542, + -1560 at the age of 54.
61. Bhavasîgara-sûri, son of vorâ Sânga in Narasâņi-grâma (Maravádla-dêśe), and of Singårade, mûla-naman Bhavada, born Samvat 1510, diksha 1520 in Khambâyata-bandara by Jayakêsari-sûri, acharya and gachchheśa 1560 in Mandala-grâma, + 1583 at the age of 73.
Under him Vinayahansa composed Saṁvat 1572 a vșitti on Daśavaikälika, see Mitra, Not. VIII. pp. 168-9.
62. Gananidhậna-sûri, son of Srimali-jñati-mugata-mani Nagaraja setha in Påțaņa, and of Lilâde, mûla-nâ man Sonapala, born Samvat 1548, diksha 1552 by Siddhantasagara-sûri, sûri and gachchheśa 1594 in Stambhatirtha, + 1602 at the age of 54.
63. Dharmamûrti-sûri, son of śâ-Hansara ja vanik in Trâmbavatî, and of Hansalade, můla naman Dharmadasa, born Samvat 1585, dikshû 1599, acharya and gachchha-nayaka 1602 in Amadâvâda, +1670 in Pâțaņa at the age of 85. He is called tyîgi. Under him a MS. of the Uttaradhyayana-dipika was written Samvat 1643-4, see Weber, Verz. II. p. 718, and a MS. of the Vyavabara-sútra, Samvat 1665, ib. p. 638. He composed the Vșiddha-chaitya-vandana (which is printed in Srávaka-pratikramanadi-sútra, Bombay, 1886, pp. 48-55) and the Pradyumnacharita, see Kante, Rep. 1881, p. 44, n. 205.
64. Kalyaņaságara-sûri, son of Kothari-Nâniga in Loladi-grâma, and of Námilade, můlanaman Kodana, born Samvat 1633, diksha 1642 in Dhavala-pura, acharya 1649 in Amadavada, gachchheśa 1670 in Pâtaña, converted the king of Kachchh, + 1718 in Bhuja-nagara, at the age of 85.
Under him Jataka-paddhati-vritti was composed Samvat 1673 (Jacobi's Collection of MSS.). and a commentary on Abbidhana-chintamani, Samvat 1686 (see Weber, Verz. II. p. 257). Inscriptions Samvat 1675 and 1683 (Epigr. Ind. II. 39).
His pupil Vinayasîgara composed Bhoja-vyakarana (see Weber, Verz. II. pp. 203-4, cf. p. 1206).
65. Amarasagara-sûri, son of Srimall-jñati Sodhari-Yodhå in Udaya-pura (Mevida-dêse), and of Soní, můla-nâman Amarachandra, born Samvat 1694, diksha 1705, acharya 1715 in Khambâyata, gacbchheśa 1718 in Bhuja-nagara (Kachchha-dese), + 1762 in Dholaka, at the nge of 68.
During his spiritual reign a MS. of Upadêśa-chintamani was written Samvat 1739, see Bhân. darkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 443.

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66. Vidyasagara-sûri, son of sao Karmasinha in Khirasari-bandara (Kachchha-dese), and of Kamalade, můla-naman Vidyadbara, born Samvat 1747 ago vadi 3, diksha 1756 phâlguna sodi 2, Acharya 1762 śrâvana sukla 10 in Dholaka, bhattáraka 1762 kürttika vadi 4 budha-vâre in Matara-grâma, + 1797 kârttika sudi 5, at the age of 50.
A Vidyasagara-sûri-stavana (6 v.), composed by Nityalábha, is printed in Vidhip. Pratikr. Bombay, 1889, p. 451.
V.'s pupil Jñanasagara-gaņi composed Gunavarma-charitra (see Mitra, Not. VIII. pp. 145-6) and Chotrisa atiśayano chhanda, printed in Jaina-kavya-prakaśa, I. Bombay, 1883, pp. 74-5.
For Satyasagara-gani see No. 69.
67.. Udayasagara-suri, son of A Kalyanaji in Nava-nagara, and of Jayavanti bãi, mulanaman Udayachanda, born Samvat 1763, diksha 1777, acharya 1797, gachchheśa in the same year, margasira sudi 13, + 1826 aśvina sukla 2 in Surata-bandara, at the age of 63.
He composed Snatri-pañchAsikA (see Peterson, III, Rep. App. pp. 236-9); in the date, v. 6, read varshe 'bdhi-khâbindu-mite = 1804, instead of abdhi-khågnindu = 1304.
For Kshamâsîgara-gani see No. 69.
68. Kirtisagara-suri, son of Osa-vaisa-jñatiya-saha-MAlasinha in Dêsala-pura (Kachchhadése), and of Asa-bai, mûla-naman Kumaraji, born Samvat 1796, became 1804 sishya of Udayasagara-suri, diksha 1809 in Mîndavi-bandara, Acharya-pada 1823 in Surata, at which occasion śdo Khuśalachand and Bhakbanadas spent 6,000 rupees, on the preparation of á mahotsava, gachchheśa 1826 in Añjára, + 1843 bhadravá sudi 6 in Surata-bandara, at the age of 48.
69. Punyasigara-sûri, son of gama-sri-Vadoda-rana-Poravada-jñatiya-śA O Ramasi in Gujarata, and of Mithi-bai, mula-naman Pânâ chanda, born Samvat 1817, became 1824 pupil of Kirtisagara-sûri, diksha 1833 in Bhuja-para, acharya and gachchheśa 1843 in Sürata, the mahotsava being prepared by sao Lâlachand. He died 1870 karttila sudi 13 in Patana, at the age of 53. Inscr. Sanvat 1861 (Epigr. Ind. II. 39).
Tejasågara wrote, in Sûrati-bandira, the MS. or. fol. 2013 of the Berlin collection Samvat 1844 varshe Såke 1709 pravartamâne ashadha sadi 5 budhe. This Tejasagara was a pupil of Kshamasågara-gaņi (who was a pupil of Satyasagara-gaại) who was a pupil of (No. 65) AmarnBugara-sûri.
70. Rajendrasagara-suri, born in Surat, + Samrat 1892 in Mandavi. Inscr. Samvat 1886 (op. cit. 39, n. 21).
71. Muktisagara-sûri, son of Osavala-jñatiya-śáo Khimachanda in Ujjayaņi, and of Umêdabai, mûla-naman Motichanda, born Samvat 1857, dikshâ 1867 vaisakha sudi 3, acharya- and gachchheśn-pada 1892 vaiśAkha sudi 12 in Pataņa, the mahotsava being arranged by the sethanathu-Gokalaji. In the jina-chaitya, established in Nalina-pura by setba Narasinha-natha (Laghujñâtiya Nagadi-gotriya), M. made Samvat 1897 mah sudi 5 the pratishthi of Chandraprabhu, and Samvat 1905 maba sudi 5 he consecrated the Mahavira-chaitya, established by são Jivaraja-Ratnasinha; + Samvat 1914 at the age of 57. Iuscr. Samvat 1905 (Epigr. Ind. II. 39).
72. Ratnasagara-sûri, son of sio Ladanapachána in Mothårå-grama (Kachchha-dêse), and of Jhumk-bai, born Samvat 1892, diksha 1905, acharya and gachchheśa 1914. Under him the Laghu-Osa-vansiya-setha Narasinha-natha became an Afchala-gachchha-śrâvaka. R. died Sarvat 1928 sråvaņa sudi 2 in Suthari-grâma, at the age of 36. Inser. Samvat 1918 (see D. P. Khakhar, Report, province of Kachh, p. 75): Samvat 1921 (Epigr. Ind. II. 39).
73. Vivêkasigara-sûri, the present sûri. Inscr. Samvat 1940, ib., his portrait in the beginning of Vidhi paksha Pratikr., Bombay, Sauvat 1945, 1889.

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3. Pettavalt of the Goyaraksha-bakha. In the Poona MS. Collection of 1884-86, No. 609, f. 26. (Pattavali of the Abchala-gachchha) the 61st (62.) sûri Bhavasigara (Saṁvat 1560-83) is followed by Sumatisagarai-sari, with the remark: atah sri-Goyaraksha-sthậpank (see Miles, Trans. III. p. 366: Gowraca). To Sumatisigara (63.) succeed : 64. Gajasigara, 65. Paạyaratna, 66. Gunaratna, 67. Kshamâratda, 68. Lalitasagara, 69, Maņikyasagara (his pupil Jõânasagara Samvat 1737), 70. Pritisagara, 71. Lakshmisagara, 72. Dhanasagara, 73. Harshasaigara, 74. Nyayasagara, 75. Gulå basagara.
4. Pattavall of the Tapa-gachchha. The Gurvavall of Dharmasagara-gani (Sarnvat 1629) is printed in Weber, Verr. II. p. 997-1015. This is the original edition of Dh. All the Poona MSS. contain the revised edition, made Saṁvat 1648 by the order of Hiravijaya-sûri. Preceding works are the Gurvavalt of Munisundara-sûri, composed Samvat 1466, and the last chapter, called śrt-guru-parva-kramavarnanidhikara, of Gunaratna-sûri's Kriya-ratna-samuchchaya was composed likewise Samvat 1466 (Jacobi's MS. f. 916-936, 66 verses).
Later works are :
The Pattavalt contained in Sarga IV. of Devavimala's Hîravijaya-charitra, see Journ. Germ. Or. Soc. Vol. 47, p. 315.
The Pattavall-seroddhara (Deccan C. p. 147, n. 409), composed by Ravivardhana-gani under Vijayaprabhia-sûri between Samvat 1739 and 1749, gives many new informations and continues the list up to Vijayaprabha-sûri (last date Samvat 1739).
The Gurvávall (surf nan parivadt) of Jayavijaya-gani, papil of Vimalaharsha-gani, composed Samvat 1680 (Deccan C. p. 39, n. 392 and p. 147, n. 402, erroneously : Dharmasagara) does not yield any further information. The same author J. composed Samvat 1677 a commentary (called Kalpudipika) on the Kalpa-sútra (Gött. Orient. MS. 21310). Tho Gurvavali (27 âryâs with sansk. commentary) begins :
panamia Vira-jiņindaṁ guņa-nilayam panaya-vašava-narinda tassi 'ham alsâņam thuņemi bhattii parivâờim 11 1.
6. Pattavalt of the Vijayananda-suri-gachchha. The V. is a sub-division of the Tapa-gachchba (see Miles, Trans, R. As. Soc. III. 360: founded about Samvat 1656, but according to Atmaramji Samvat 1699). Vijayasena (+ Samvat 1671) is succeeded, not by Vijayadeva, but by Vijayatilaka-sûri, 10 under whom 3 gachchhas arose, the Poravâda-gachchha, the Osa vala-gachchha and Samvat 1671 the Sågara-matam. The following Súris belong to the Poravada-gachchha.
61 (62). Vijnyånanda-sûrill (Ânanda-sûri), Rosalotara-vasi Poravada-jõâtiya Srivanta pitâ, Saņagaradêvi mâtâ, śii-Hiravijaya-sûriņà grihita-dikshah, saṁ 1717 divam gatah.
62 (63). Vijayaraja-sûri12 (the other MS. Virâjavijaya-sûri), Kadi-vâsi Srimali-jñâtîya sa Shimoyila pita, Gamalâde mâtâ, Samvat 1742 nirvana.
63 (64). Vijayamana-sûri, Poravîda-jõâtîya sa Vâghaji pita, Viramade mâtî, Samvat 1707 janma, 1717 dikshâ, 1736 acharya Sirohyâm, så Dharmadasenotsavah ksitah, 1742 patta, Ghanajiva-pratibodhaka, 1770 phâlguna vadi 4 divam gatah.
10 Vijayatilaka composed the Adinatha-stavana (see Kunte, Rep. 1881, pp. 42, 46, n. 185, 316). At the beginning of the commentary of Bhanuchandra on the Kadambari (ed. Bomb. 1890) Surachandra is named as pupil of Vijayatilaka, and Bhanuchandra as pupil of Surachandra.
11 Vijay Ananda's pupil Vijaya-gani composed Sabdartha-chandrikoddhdra (Mitra, Not. VIII. Pp. 186-7). In the English text the mistake Kansavijaya-gani for Vijaya-gaại is repeated in Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum.
19 Under Vijayaraja (and Vijayamana as designated successor) Dharma-sathgraha was composed Sativat 1788, (Bhand. Rep. 1883-4, pp. 114, 458, v. 2-6). Vijayaraja's pupil Denavijaya composed Sabda-bh Rahana (Bhånd. 1882-3, p. 226).

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64 (65). Vijaya-ridhi-sûri. 65 (66). Vijayasaubhagya-sûri and (67) Vijayapratâpa-sûri. 66 (68). Vijayodaya-sûri.
69. Vijayalakshmi-sûri, author of Pancha-jõâna-stutayas (5 v. guj.), printed in Jainakavya-prakasa I. p. 44-5.
70. Dêvachandra-sûri. Inscr. Sanvat 1860 śri-Vijaya-Ananda-sûri-gachchhe śri-VijayaDêvachandra-sûri-rajye (Bühler, Epigr. Ind. I. 377).
71. Mahendra-sûri. 72. Surendra-sûri, Samvat 1908.
In Merutunga's Prab.-chint., ed. Bombay, 1888, preface, p. 3, 1.7, Gunaratna-sûri is mentioned as the present sûri of the Ananda-sûri-gachchha. The Poona MS. Coll. of 1869-70, No. 47 (Decc. C. p. 8), contains the preceding names.
6. Pattávali of the Vijaya-sakha. In the Poona MS. Coll. of 1875-6, No. 743 (Decc. C. p. 116), Vijayaratna-sari comes in as 61. patřadhara after 60. Vijayadêva-sûri, under whom also Vijayasinha-sûri and Vijayaprabhasûri (+ Samvat 1749) are named. Under Vijayaratna-sûri, Keśaravimala composed Saniyat 1754 Suktamuktavali, printed in Prakarana-ratnûkara II. pp. 110-24, Nyâya-sågara Samvat 1766 and Samyaktvavicbara, printed op. cit. pp. 737-89.
62. Vijayakshima-sûri (sic) (in Jaina-tattvådarśa, Bombay, 1884, p. 594 : Vijayakshama). Under him (here Vijayakshema) Mohanavijaya composed Samvat 1783 in Raja-nagara (Ahmedabad) Chanda râjâno râs (print Bombay, 1888).
63. Vijayadaya-sûri. Under him Uttamavijaya composed Samvat 1799 in Sürat Samyamaśreņi-stavana, printed in Prak.-ratnak. II. pp. 699-719.
64. Vijayadharma-sûri, + Sativat 1841 kârttika vadi, see Samaraditya-kevali-rås, Bombay, 1882, p. 462, v. 8. Under him Labdhivijaya composed Samvat 1810 Haribala-machchhino râs (print Bombay, 1889), and Padmavijaya, Samvat 1814, Siddha-dandika-stavana, printed in Jaina-kavya-prakasa, I. Bombay, 1883, pp. 363-5. The MS. ends here, but in Jaina-tattrådarsa, p. 594, Vijayadharma is succeeded by 65. (here 67.) (Vijaya-)Jinendra-sûri, installed as sûri Samvat 1841. Under him Padmavijaya composed Samvat 1842 Samaraditya-kevali-rås, Bombay, 1882, and Samvat 1858 Jayananda-kevali-rás, ib. 1886, Yašovijaya Samvat 1849 Vira-jina-vicharastavana, printed in Prak.-ratnak. III. pp. 569-696. Inscr. Samyat 1845 (see Arch. Surv. West. Ind. No. XI. Burgess Lists, p. 127).
.. 66. (68). (Vijaya-)Devendra-sûri. Under him Viravijaya composed Samvat 1896 in Rajanagara Dhammila-kumâra-rås, Bombay, 1886, and Dipavija'ya Rohiņi-tapah-stavana, printed in Jaina-kavya-prakaśa, I. 1883, pp. 133-7.
67. (69). Vijaya dharaṇendra-sûri, at the time of the edition of Prakaraņa-ratnakara, Samvat 1933-37, and of Jaina-tattvådaría, Samvat 1940.
68. (70). Vijayaraja-sûri, the present pațfadhara (see Hoernle, ante, XIX. p. 234). Also named Rajendra-sûri, he composed Samvat 1940 a balâvabodba on Kalpa-sútra, Bombay, 1888, Rasika-stavanávali, Ahmedabad, 1886, and Tattva-viveka, ib. 1889.
7. Pattavalt of the Vimala-gachchha. In the Poona MS. Coll. of 1871-72, No. 388 (Decc. C. p. 38), the. 55. patta-dhara, Hemavimala-sûri, is succeeded not by Anandavimala-sûri (Saṁvat 1570-96), but by Saubhagyabarshasûri, Samvat 1583 sûri-pada. His successors are Somavimala-sûri, Hemavimala-sûri, Vimalasomasûri, Visalasoma-sûri, Udayavimala-sûri, Gajasoma-sûri.

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Åtmaramji (in Dr. Hoernle's letter) says : -" With the sûri sri Hemavimala (Tapa No. 55) arose the Vimala Sakhâ. In the time of Vijayadêva-sûri (Tapå No. 60, Samvat 1656-1713) the Súri Jñanavimala lived in the Vimala-gachchha."
From colophons we draw the following information: Under Somavimala-sûri a MS. of Ogha-niryukti was written Samvat 1598 (see Weber, Verz. II. p. 817). The same sûri composed Insa-d rishtanta-gita (Dece. C. p. 34, n. 290), and Sreņika-raja-rasa (Bhau Daji Men. p. 91). His pupil Pramoda-bila composed Vaitala-panchaśika (Peterson, I. Rep. p. 130, n. 337). Under Ilemasoma-sůri (=Hemavimala), the successor of the Tapa-gachchhanayaka Somavimalasuri, a MS. of Sraddha-pratikramana-sútra-vșitti was written Samvat 1646 (Peterson, III. Rep. App. p. 227).
8. Pattavall of the Pargvachandra-gachchha. In the Poona MS. Coll. of 1871-72, No. 392 (Decc. C. p. 39) a leaf contains the succession list of the sûris of the Nagapuriya-Tapa-(afterwards Parkvachandra-suri-)gachchha. The list agrees up to the 43. patta-dhara Munichandra-sûri (Tapi No. 40) with that of the Tapi-gachchha. A3 44. not Ajitadêva-sûri succeeds, but vâdi-Deva-sûri (born Sainvat 1143, sûri 1174, + 12.26), the other pupil of Munichandra-sûri, who is also named in the Tap:-patt. (see Weber, Ver:. II. Pp. 207-8).
45. Padmaprabha-sûri Bhuvana-dipaka-grautha-karta (a jyotih-sastra, printed Bombay, • 1885; 1887, here the author does not name his teacher).
46. Prasannachandra-sûri, under whom the Nâgora (Nâgapurîya)-tapâh arose. 47. Jayasekhara-sûri.
48. Gunachandra-sûri. In the colophon of Chandrakirti's Sarasvata-dipika : Gaṇasamudrasuri (Weber, Verz. II, p. 207, b. 3 fr. b).
49, Jayasekhara-sûri, samo 1301 varshe gotra 12 pratibodhaka. He was honoured (archita) by the king Hammira (Bhandarkar, Rep. 1882-3, p. 43, 227, v. 1). An Ajita-sinti-stotra, Jainakumara-sambhava, Tribhuvana-dipaka, Sambodha-saptatika are attributed to a Jayasekhara (6)
50. Vajrasena-sûri, samo 1342 acharya, 1000 gộiha-pratibodhya (?), Lodha-gotra, Honoured (sad-rasah-phuramâna-dana-mahitalı) by Alau'ddin Khilji (A.D. 1295-1316), (op. cit. p. 43, 227, v. 1).
51. Hematilaka-sûri.
52. Ratnakekharn-sûri, samo 1399 varshe Piroja-sha-pasa prao Dhillin. Honoured by Peroja-sâhi (Firôz Shah who reigned in Dehli A. D. 1351-88), ib. p. 43, 227, v. 2. Jayasekhara, Vajrasena and Hematilaka are named in Ratnasekhara's Lagha-kshetra-samasa (Weber, Ver:. II. p. 859), Brihad-gachchhiya-Vajrasena and Hematilaka in Ratnasekhara's Guņa-sthana-prakarana (Anfrecht, Bodl. p. 397a). In both places Ratnasekhara calls Vajrasena and Hematilaka his teachers. Sripala-katha is also a work of Ratnasekhara's whose pupil Hemachandra wrote the MS. Samvat 1428 (Weber, Verz. II. pp. 1022-3). R. composed also a Chhandah-kosa (Peterson, III. Rep. App. p. 404, n. 591).
53. Hemachandra-suri, 54. Pargachandra-sûri, samvat 1424 varshe Higada-gotre. 55. Hemahausa-sûri, samvat 1453 varshe Khaqqera vâla-jñâtiya. (Hoernle: Hemachandra.) 56. tat-sishya Lakshminivasa-sûri. 57. Punyaratna-pannyâsa, 58. Sâdhuratna-pannyâsa.
59. Pasachandra-stri, Hamfra-pura-vâsi-Poravada (Jacobi's MS. of Sthânânga-dipikå f. 237a, Pragvåfiya)-jñati Vimala sa pita, Vimalade mata, sa 1565 varshe kriyoddbåri-yaga. pradhana-biruda, + 1612. According to the Tapa-gary, he founded Samvat 1572 the matam,

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called after him (see ante, Vol. XI. p. 2566, n. 55; Weber, Verz. II. p. 1014, II. 1-3; Bhandarkar, Rep. 1883-4, pp. 155, 456, 1. 4 fr. b.), but Samvat 1565 in Sirohi (Miles, Trans. K. As, Soc. III. p. 367). He composed
Samvat 1597 a vârttika on Chatuh-saraņa (Peterson, III. Rep. App. pp. 214-5), A bálavabodha on Achårliga, ed. Calc. San vat 1936, a bálavabodba on Sůtraksitânga, ed. Bombay, Samvat 1936, - commentary on Sthânânga, MS. Samvat 1575, Bik, p. 702, a várttika in bhasha on Aupapâtika (Weber, Verz. II. pp. 53, 542), a bhasha-commentary on Tandala-veyaliya (Peterson, II. Rep. App. p. 15, n. 292),
#bålárabodha on Ratnasekhara's Kshetrasamasa (Brit. Mus. MS. 2118a and Add. 26374 ; Berliu MS. or. fol. 1748).
(P.-gani) a bhåsba-commentary on Chaitya-vandana (Peterson, I. Rep. p. 124, n. 264), Sthapana-dvipanchasikå, Sara-dîpika-prabandha (Bhau Daji Mem. p. 51), Hasta-kânda (op. cit. p. 35), Kesi-Pradési-prabandha (op. cit. p. 46).
His pupil Brahma-muni composed (apparently between Samvat 1600 and 1620) in Ana hilapura, a commentary on Jambûdvipa-prajñapti; correct accordingly the date given in Bhånd. Rep. 1883-4, p. 143, 448-9. A good MS. also in Berlin: MS. or, fol. 1779 (dated Samvat 1624). The commentary, together with the original text, measures 17,280 granthas.
60. Samarachandra-suri, abâla-brahmachart Srimali-jñati Pațaņa-nagara-vasi, sam 1626 varshe sri-Shambhå (Stambhatirtha)-madhye svargah.
61. Rayachandra-sûri, sa 1626 vaisakha vadi 1 dine ravi-vare so Somaji pada (-stbåpana) bri-Stambhatirthe dosi-Javada (pita), mità Kamalade.
Rajachandrs, composed a vârttika in bhåsha on Aupapatika, ed. Calc. Samvat 1936, 1880, v. 1, different from that of his predecessor Parávachandra. Vácha ka-Megharaja, papil of rishi-Sravapa, composed under R. a tabâ on Rajapraśniya (ed. Calc.), and Samvat 1659 a dipika on Sthânânga, Jacobi's MS. (his predecessor is here named Ajichandra, synonym of Samarachandra). Muni-Premachandra, papil of Hirânandachandra, pupil of R., composed a taba on Jiatâdharmakathi, ed. Calc. Samvat 1933, 1876, pp. 1476-7.
62. Vimalachandra-sûri, Sanghavi (-gotre) Ahamadá våda-vasi.
63. Jayachandra-sûri, Ugovala-jñati Rini-g(r)âma-visi. J. in the succession of P,sachandra-sûri (Brihat-tapa-gachchha) and preceptor of Pramodachandra, colophon of Upamita bhava prapancha, Poona MS.
64. Padmachandra-sûri, ári-Srimali-jõâtî Ahamadâvâda-v&st.
65. Manichandra-suri, Soni-gotra Jodha-pura-vasi, sam 1744 sri-Stam(Wha)tfrthe acharya padam, sam 1750 srargah.
66. Nemichandra-sûri, NÅhara (Nahata)-gotri Surapara-vasi Usa vála-jñati. 67. Kanakachandra-sûri, Mahaņota-gotre. 68. Sivachandra-sûri, Srimali-jūâtiya Mandala-gråma-vasi. 69. Bhanuchandra-sûri, Ośavala-jñatiya Bhandasali-gotre. 70. Vivekachandra-sûri, Ośavala-jõâtîya Singhavi (above Sao)-gotre. Hoernle: Labdhichandra, Harshachandra, Hemachandra.

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9. Note on an inscribed Statue of Parsvanatha. There is a statue of Parsvanatha, which came to my knowledge through Dr. M. Buchner, in the Ethnographical Museum in Munich. It is of bronze and is 189 millimeters in height. It belongs to a large collection brought from India by the French traveller N. LamarePicquot (born about 1785, see Nowo. Biographie Générale, t. 29, 1859, col. 65-7). The statue is, on the back, inscribed as follows:
Text. Sao 1503 varshe migha vadi 4 śukre no goshtika Ahlâ bhio (bharya) Simgârade suta Súd(Pakena bhio (bhâryâ) Sûh(Pavade sa°(sahitena) atma-śreyase sri-Parávanitha-bimbam kirioprao (karitam pratishthapitan) JA(I)rûpalliya-sri-Salibhadra-sûri-patte sri-Udayachandra-sûribhi(b) 11 śubham bhavata 11
Translation, In Samvat 1503 mâgha vadi 4 sukre (= A. D. 1447, 6th January, Friday, as Jacobi and Kielhorn have calculated) Süd (?)Aka, son of no gosht(h)ika Ahlâ and his wife Singarade, together with his (Südakn's) wife Sub(?)avade, has erected to their salvation the statue of Parávanitha. Consecrated by brf-Udayachandra-stri, successor of bri-Salibhadra-sari, of the Jirapalli(-gachchha). May there be prosperity ! . Similar Jaina inscriptions are pablished in Arch. Survey of West. India, No. XI.; J. Burgess, Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Pres. Bombay, 1885, p. 186. The names of the two sûris mentioned in this inscription are not known from any other sources.
The Jiraula (= Jirapalli) is called the 12th of the 84 sikhs of the Brihad-gachchha, founded by Sarvadêva-sûri (8.994), see Poona MS. of Brihad-gachchha-gurvavali, Coll, of 1873-4. No. 245, f. 15 = Decc. C. p. 66. In the MS. Gachchha-nâminukramani, Poona Coll. of 1873-4, No. 145 = Decc. C. p. 61, the Jirá ula-gachchha is the 3rd among the 84 gachchhas. Tod, Ann. of Raj. I. p. 121 has Jeeranwal. Miles, Trans. R. As. Soc. III. p. 370, has Jerawali (No. 2). Wilson, Works, I. p. 345, has Jolara. J. B. B. R. A. S. X. p. 114, has Jiranwal, No. 32.
Jirapalli-tirtha (Jára) founded Samvat 1109, see Bhandarkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 322, 1.3 fr. b. Jirikåpalli-Pârsvanathastotra, 14 v. sansk., by Meratunga-sûri (S. 1446-71), printed in Vidhipaksha-Pratikr., Bombay, 1889, pp. 348-53. Jîrâpalli-Paráva-stavans, 15 v. sansk., by Jinaprabha-sûri (Saṁvat 1363), printed in Prakaraña-ratnakara, II. p. 268-9, beg. Jîrika-purapatim. Jirá palli-maņdana-Pärsvanathastava, Peterson, I. Rep. p. 128, n. 316. Jirapalli-sthiParsva-stuti by sri-Karpa, Peterson, III. Rep. App. p. 213, n. 34. Other stavanas Bhandarkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 1806, n. 136, p. 187a, n. 94, p. 2436, n. 5.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL
(Continued from page 99.) BURNELL MSS. - NO. 12.
SABALA JUMADI. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 143 to 148 inclusive of the Burnell MSS. Translation according to the Barnell MSS.
Translation. There is a village called Sara-Boliyar, in which there was a shed. In this shed Sarala Jumadi washed his feet in water from a pot made of bell-metal; he washed his face in water
1 A village of a thousand people, i, e., houses.

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from a silver pot; he chewed betel from nuts placed at the door. A feast is performed to him at the shed, which was built at the cost of a thousand people!
Sarala Jumadi left Sara-Beliyûr and came to Brahmâ's abode, and passed it by. Soon afterwards he came to the abode of a god at Kariya, and passing on he visited the Bhúta Sittisvari, residing in a gudi at Kandel. He then passed by a temple, built by Brahmans, and by the plain at Adda, and went on to Mugêrnad, where he visited six Bhûtas and two gods. He passed by the bidu at Bardala, and the banian tree at Mantame, and the rock at Adda, and came to the chavadi at Yirandabettu. He took possession of a matham at Alangar, and passed on by the tirtha of Yill Bhavo, near the matham there. He came to the sand-bank at Panimugêr, and visited a god at Panumbar in the west. He also visited a god at Nandar in the east, and three Brahmâ Bhûtas at Urimanel. He crossed over the sand-bank at Panimugêr, and passed by a basti (temple) built by a Setți, and a temple built by a Brahman, and by the Kafichikar Keri. He passed along the cobbler's street, and came to the garden called Nandana Vana, where he spread disease among the houses of Kujumba Dêre and Tankara Baidya. They caused a man to refer to the prasna-book, and. in it was found the words :
"It is the Bhuta Jumadi who has spread disease."
Also it was found:-"If a festival be performed to him in this village, the disease will be cured."
The people of three quarters in the village gathered together, and under the jack-tree, where the cock-fights are held, they offered a sacrifice to Jamâdi in a shed.
"It is sufficient for me, is this feast; but I want a sánam also," said Jumâdi.
The people of the three quarters had a committee and built a sánam for Jumâdi at Nandana Vana. A flag was raised, a car was made, and a feast was performed at Nandana Vana.
Sarala Jumâdi left that sanam and came to Sara-Pulinkadimara, where there are a thousand houses. He passed by Kalla-Botti-Kayeri, by the stream Ummana-Botti-Târa, and by the old fort at Ambadadi, and came to a banian tree at Mantame. He had with him his servant Banta, and went on to the bidu at Nandar-Bettu, where lives Kochalva Ballal. Jumâdi spread disease in that house. Then the Ballâ made a reference to the prasna-book, from which it was known that Jumâdi had arrived and had made the people sick.
"If the disease is to be healed, food must be given to Jumâdi, and a puja with flowers must be performed," said the prasna-reader.
The Ballal promised all to the Bhûta, and soon afterwards the disease was cured. After this Kochalva Ballâl regularly performed the feast of Jumâdi.
In the next year Jumâdi said to Kochalva" It is not proper for you to perform the feast alone. It will be better for you and the people of Ambadâdi Mâgne to build me a sánam together."
Kochalva Ballal and the people of Ambadâdi Mâgne built a sanam together on a rock at a place called Laker, where a feast is performed once a year.
In the year following Jumâdi said:-"This place is not fit for a súnam, therefore I want another one."
So the people of Ambadâḍi Mâgne and the Ballâl built a sanam at another place called Mangalimara, and a feast was performed there.
In the year after that Jumâdi left that village and came to Kodigrama Mâgne, and going to a place called Parari-guttu, he made the people sick. They referred to the prasna-book, and it was found that it was Jumâdi, who had made them all sick.
They at once asked of the prašna-reader:-"What is to be done now ?"

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Said the prasna-reader:-"A sánam in your village is wanted : this is his desire!" Upon this an appropriate gathering was held by the householders.
Sickness is spread in our houses, because Jumadi wants a sanam. So is it found in the prašna-book," said they to the villagers.
Then the villagers folded their hands and besought the Bhuta, and said to the householders :-" This sickness is now in your houses, tomorrow it will be spread over the whole village. Therefore you of Parari-guttu and we of Kodigrama Mágne must build a sánam together."
On the hill at Parari & sanam was built, and a festival was performed there.
In the next year Jumadi left Kodigrama Mâgne and passed by Jumbe. There is a place called Kolla-Botti-sanam, where there was a woman named Devi Baidyati, a toddy-drawer by caste. Jumadi made the people of her house sick. She referred to the praśna-book, and it was found in it that the evil was due to Jumadi. She cried out to the villagers, and they all came to her house and saluted the Bhúta. The sickness in her house was healed, and accordingly the villagers promised the Bhúta a sánam on her land. Thus was that sickness cured! A sánam was built on Devi's land by Dêvi herself with the assistance of the villagers, and a feast was made.
Jumadi left that sanam. There is a temple to the god Varadoswara at Parangi-Petta, He passed by that temple. There is a place called Somenath Katte. He passed by that, too, and came to Adyan-guttu, where there was & Bant named Dugga Bandari. Jumadi made all his household sick. The Bant referred to the praśna-book, and it was known that the evil was the deed of Jumadi. The Bant called the villagers together, and then spake Dugga Bandari to the villagers :-"My household became sick, and when I referred to the praśna-book I came to know that it was Jamidi's doing. He wants a sanam. What is to be done for this ? I cannot do anything without your permission."
“The sickness came to-day to your house ; tomorrow it will come to ours. Therefore let as build a sánam together," said the villagers.
All of them together built a sunam at a place called Sara-Bari on the banks of a watercourse, where a feast was performed. Jumidi left that sinam in the following year and came to the bidu at Kannar, where he spread disease. The people there are Ballakulu by caste, and, they referred to the praśna-book, and from it they came to know that it was Jamadi's doing; and moreover, it was found that if the sickness was to be cured Jumadi wanted a swing to swing on at the bidu. Then the Balla! of the place promised the Bhůta that he would get him a swing at his house when the disease was cured. The sickness ceased, and a swing was hung upThe Ballal began to make puja there with only flowers.
Jamadi left the bidu and reached Jappu, near Mangalore, where there is a ferry called Kand-Kariya, but which was then called Nuppamara-guttu. The ferry was managed by two brothers named Kocharal and Syamparal. When Jumadi arrived, he went to their house and made all the people sick. They referred to the prasna-book, and it was known that Jumadi had done the evil, for which the remedy was to build a sánam for him.
They called the villagers and said :-"Our household is sick and it is known from the praéna-book that it is Jumadi who has made them sick, because he wants a sanam. Therefore we inform you."
“Whether the sickness, which is in your house, will come to us or not, we cannot say: therefore let us build & sánam together," said the villagers.
All of them together built a sánam for Jumâdi at the place called Kane-Kariya, and gave a feast to him.

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In the next year he left that place and came to Attavar, where he entered a sánom at Pergado-bettu, and then went into the treasury, and made the people there sick. They referred to the praśna-book, and came to know that it was due to Jumadi.
Then the head of the house asked :-"What is to be done P"
“If you want to let your people get better, you should build a separate sénam of your own," said the praśna-reader.
Then the treasurer sent for his neighbours, and when they had all come he said to them :
“In my house the people are all sick, and it is known to be Jumadi's work, because he wants a sånam. What are you going to propose ?"
“We cannot say whether the sickness which is spread abroad in your horse will come to us or not. Therefore let us build a sánam together," said the villagers.
They all prayed the Bhúta to heal the sickness, in return for which they built a sánam. Then the sickness was cured, and they all built a sanam together, where a feast was performed. And a feast is performed there once a year to this day!
BURNELL MSS. - No. 13.
MUDADER (KALA-BHAIRAVA). Original in the Kanarese character. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 149 to 158 inclusive in Burnell's MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.
Translation. There were four Bairagis, who said to each other :“We have seen the ocean in the East, and now we want to see the ocean in the West."
So they put on ashes, took a bag and went a-begging. Their family Bhata was KalaBhairava.
They went to Mugernad, and passed by the Bardala-bidu. They passed by the rock at Addala, and the chávațiat Yirauda-betty, where they saw the sun set, and where there is a tank called Dindu-kire. There they stopped that night. They built up three stones for a fire-place, and cooked, and took a meal there. Early in the morning they rose and bathed in the tank, and put on ashes.
The Bhata Kala-Bhairava, who had followed them, became a reddish cow, and they met her grazing. When the four Bairagis saw ber, they said they would milk her, and so they took a rope and tied her up. Then they brought & vessel, and milked the cow. While they were milking her, they saw water coming from one of her teats, from a second came milk, from third blood, and from the last nothing.
They referred to the Sastras, in which they found, that the Bhůta Kåla-Bhairava had followed them, and that the cow was the Bhúta They thought awhile, and brought one of the three stones, of which they had made a fire-place and established it as a place of prayer. And they prayed to the Bhůta :
"You had better make the acquaintance of the neighbouring villagers and get your food, and living from them."
They also told the Bhůta to remain in the stone; and then they left the plaee, and passing by Dindu-kîrê went to Pangar. They passed by a basti (temple) built by the Sêttis, and by a temple built by Brahmans, and they passed by the Kaichigar-keri, and the cobbler's street,
A stroot occupied by workers in bell-metal.

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©
38 PBB
III.-The Devil Worship of the Tuļuvas. Fig. 1. Todakinar. Fig. 2. Mudader (Kala Bhairava).

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Sankara Baidya's house was at Nandana Vana, where they put up. A dream came to the Bairagis, while they slept that night, in which the Bhůta Kåla-Bhairava said :-"I want a sanam here."
They got up next day, brought one of the three stones from the fire-place in which they had cooked, and established that Bhûta in the stone and prayed to him :
"You had better make the acquaintance of the villagers here and get your food, and offerings from then."
They left that place and passed by Nandana Vana, and came to a place called Pulinkedi. mar, where there was an old fort, which they passed by. There was a bidu at & place called Nandere-bettu in the village of Ambadadi, which they passed through, and then they came to Kudigrama Magne. They passed by the temple at Perivedi, by the village of Tumbai, and came to the village of Tujer. They passed by Kirodibannakute Barke, where there was a nameless tree, under which they put up. That night they had a dream that the Bhůta wanted & sanam and that a feast was to be performed. They arose next day and prayed to him : "Take your food and have a feast in your honour here."
They established there a stone, which was one of the three stones from their fire-place. Then they left the Kirodibannakutê Barke and passed by the Varadekvara Temple, and by the water-course at Arkule, and then by Addyara Magne. They passed by a stream at Maikal, and then by Surakula Janana Biļu, where there was a kambla, and they visited the hut of a Bhata called Manjagabbe Deva in the corner of the field. A Bhata called Giravu met them at Ganada-bettu, and they saw him. Then they passed by Nantur Kari Bettu, and came to a tank called Kattale Puvodi Kedu, which is at Bazal, where they took a bath, washed away their ashes, and left as soon as they had bathed. They saw sone girls at Bajal [(?) Bazal], and they stood awhile at the ferry of Bajal. Then they sat down in the boat which came first, and crossed the Bajal ferry. They went to Pariyala Magne, and leaving it passed by a stone which was used for putting flowers on. They passed by Bolma Yerandale Patta, and by Mulara-guttu, and by the kamblá at Mulara. Then they ascended the hill of Kallada, and passed by Mair Mendyar, visiting the Bhata of the Badamakula at Badar.
At that time the sun was setting, and so they lodged at a Kotakâr's house, where one Sankaru Baidyadi had put some rice in & pot and was washing it. When the four Bairagis came she stopped washing the rice, ran to the house, and gave them a handful of rice in a flat basket. When they saw it, they said :
“We are not beggars; we are travellers going to Malabar in the South. You had better give us five kondé of ricet out of what you are washing."
She gave it them and they put it into a vessel, boiled it and ate it up. They also made their beds there. In the morning they rose and called Sankaru Baidyadi, and told her to come near to them. She did so, and they asked her how many sons she had. She replied :
"I have only one, named Siddamarda Baidya.”
On which they said :-"We go to Malabar and shall return, and in the interval your son should not be married. On our return, we will teach him the details of our sdstram, and give him a mantra about a Bhuta. Until then he should not be married."
Having said thus, they went away in the morning. When they came to Sankaru she was poor, but no sooner had they gone than she became rich. Then the people of her village agreed together and also those of her caste, and having collected together they called Sankaru Bai. dyadi, and they said to her :"We wish to have your son married : what do you say to it?" A large paddy field.
* Four kondés = one ser.

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Then she replied:-"Four Bairagis have gone to Malabar in the South, and before they return the marriage cannot be performed."
"You accept the advice of boys begging in four honses, but not that of your own caste," said they. "The advice of the beggars cannot be accepted."
So the people of the caste married him by force. In the year after the marriage the Bairagis, who bad gone to Malabar, returned, and they reached her house, Sankaru's daughter-inlaw, the wife of Siddamarda, was washing rice. They came up to her and stood in the yard, and said to her :
"You were not here last year, but you are here now. What family do you belong to? Whose wife are you?"
"I am Sankara Baidyati's daughter-in-law and the wife of Siddamarda Baidya," said she.
They became angry, and just then the sun set. They descended the steps of the yard, and went to Mangar (Bober) Ferry at Ullal.
They stood awhile by the ferry. In the meanwhile the wife of Siddamarda, having washed the rice, went inside, and informed her mother-in-law that four beggars had come,
“They inquired who I was, and I answered that I was the daughter-in-law of Sankaru Baidyati and the wife of Siddamarda Baidya. When they heard this, they went away and descended the steps of the yard."
Then Sankara Baidyati came to understand that the mendicants were the Bairagis who had come the year before.
“They advised me not to marry my son when they came last year, but my caste people have him married by force. And now they have come again, and, having heard of this, they have gone away." Thus thought she.
It was evening, and the Bairagis sat awhile at the Bangar ferry, because there was no boat in which to cross the river. Then by their enchantments the waters separated and left them & way for passing over. Thus they crossed the river. Then came Sankaru running and crossed the river, in which the water was as high as a man's neck, and went to the Bairagis, bowed down to their feet and their hands, touched their chins and heads and prayed to them :
“Do not heed the faults which I have committed. Every mistake is mine!"
The Bairagis, who had set their faces to the North, did not turn them to the South, but as they could not bear her persistence, they tore off a japásaras of Vignesvara, and, taking it in the left hand, gave it to her behind their backs. She took it home and put it on her son's neck. As the saram (rosary) had been presented with blessings, his mother gave him the name of Upadêsi-Marda Baidye, and she made the people build a sånam called the Kotêkår's Sânam, and appointed her son to do the púja there and made him perform it.
In the following year she called all the villagers together and said : -
"Four Bairagis were travelling to Malabar in the South, and passed by here. When they first came to me, I was poor, as is known to the whole village. They came to me while I was washing rice. I thought over the matter to myself awhile, and as they had come in the evening, I offered them as much rice as I could give, according to my ability. But they did not take it, and said :-We are not Bairagis who beg in four houses, but we are going to Malabar in the South,' and moreover they said: 'It is better that you give us five kondés of rice out of that which you have been washing. I gave it them, and that day they put up in my house. They rose early in the morning next day and said to me:
“How many sons have you '
.= japmard, 4 rosary necklace.

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"Only one, named Siddamarda Baidya,' I replied.
"They said:
:
189
"Your son should not be married until we return from the Southern parts. As soon as we return we will teach him the details of our sdstram, and after that he may be married.' "They went on to Malabar, and after their departure I became somewhat rich. The matter was inquired into by my caste people, the Kotêkârs, and they gathered together in my house, and made me marry my son by force. In the following year the same Bairagis came back to my house, and when they arrived, the wife of Siddamarda Baidya was washing rice on the brink of the well. While she was still washing it, they came up to her and said :"When we came here last year you were not here, and now you are here.'
"They also asked her whose wife she was. She replied that she was the daughter-in-law of Saukaru Baidyati and the wife of Siddamarda. Having heard this the Bairagis went away angry. They started to cross the ferry at Jappu, and I went after them running, and took hold of their feet and hands, asking pardon for every mistake I might have made. They did not turn their faces to the South, having set them to the North. A japásara of the god Vignesvara was torn off one of their necks and given me behind their backs and also the Bhuta Mudataya. They told me to take them, give them to my son, and set him to worship according to my own ideas. I did as I was told and put the saram round my son's neck and gave him the name of Upadêsi Marda Baidya.
"Acting under their orders, I had to build a gunda for the god (Vignêśvara) and a súnam for the Bhûta (Mudatâya), and I now wish to hold a feast in honour of the Bhûta. I cannot do this without you villagers. In your presence and according to your ideas the festival must be held."
Thus said she to the villagers, and having heard her they all held a feast together. From that day to this the feast is held in honour of the Bhûta Mudatâya at Kotara near Somêsvara.
A feast was held at Kotâra, and the Bhata went to visit the god at Sômêsvara, circumambulated the god at noon, and then he became a cock and crowed on the top of the temple. "This Bhûta, eating flesh and drinking liquor, does not leave me
Then the god said: room to turn round."
The Bhûta replied to the god :-"I live by taking flesh and liquor, and I live without them too."
He descended from the temple of Sômanâtha [Sômêsvara], and passed by nine tanks. There were two places on the way, called Karmarkaḍ and Unghermath, and he passed by them, too. He passed by Posa Angadi, and came to a palace at Ullal. Here he saw one Chanta, who had two riding elephants to ride, and he made the elephants sick. They neither drank water nor ate the grass given them. Then Chanta referred to the prasna-book, and found that the evil had been caused by Mudatheye [Mudader]. Then Chanta asked his servants who was the proper man to exorcise the Bhúta.
"There is one Siddamarda Baidya at Ullal. He should be sent for," said the servants.
Chanta sent for him, and the messenger said: "Siddamarda, your Bhûta has made Chanta's elephants sick, and we have found from the prasna-book that you can exorcise him."
The Baidya came with the messenger, and Chanta said to him: "Your Bhûta has made my elephants sick, and you must pray to the Bhûta."
Then the Baidya took a pot of water to the elephants' stable, and Chanta said:-"If the elephants get better I will hold a feast in honour of your Bhûta at the elephants' stable."
• Mudader.
7 A small temple.

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Then the Baidya took the water in his hand and sprinkled it on the elephants and prayed to his Bhůta to stop the elephants' sickness at once. Then the elephants, which were lying down, stood up immediately, drank the water poured out for them, and ate up the food that was prepared for them. Then Chanta held a feast at the elephants' stable.
One Saka Kochal of Ullal-guttu came to this feast, and said to Chanta after it :-" It is not proper at all to hold a feast to a toddy-drawer's Bhůta with all the musical instruments. One horn and a drum are enough! I will not take even a flower and any sandal from a todds. drawer's Bhůta. It is not proper at all to make music with all the instruments."
He returned home and when he reached Ullal-guttu, Mudadêyê made his sister-in-law sick with small-pox! Then he referred to the praśna-book, in which it was found that the evil hac been caused by Mudadêyê.
"To atone for the mistake I have made, I offer a single horn to that Bhůta to be placed in his sinam," said Kochal.
The sickness departed and the horn was offered.
After this the Bhúta crossed by the ferry at Ullal, and also by the ferry at Mangar, and went to the Temple of Mangala Devi, and visited her. Then he went to Pandeswar. where he found the god Mahalingesvara walking round the temple at noon. He became a cock and crowed on the top of the temple.
Then the god said: “This Bhůta, eating flesli and drinking liquor, does not let me take a turn round my temple in peace."
Mudadêyê replied : -"I can live both with, and without, flesh and liqnor."
There was a Brahmana called Kobava Bhatta at that temple and he became possessed by Mudadêye.
Some Bhattas said to him :- "If you are a powerful Bhata get back a piece of land for tis at Pachanadi Niru Barke, where our home is, and then we will build a sáram there and hold a feast in your honour."
Then the man possessed by the Bhúta was released and the piece of land was obtained back. by them. A foast, even to this day, is accordingly held in his honour.
The Bhůta went to Attavar after that, where dwelt Manadiya and Karnika, who had twelve milch-buffaloes. He made the buffaloes disappear, as they were out grazing, with his unchantments. For seven whole days the buffaloes were not to be found, though they were searched for everywhere. Then the people referred to the prasna-book and it was kuown to be Mudadêyê's doing, so they said that they would build a sunam in the village, if they found their buffaloes. On the eighth day all the twelve buffaloes were found swimming in a tank. So a sanam was built on the banks of the tank.
After the sunan was built, the Bhúta killed the whole family of Pergade Bannakulu at Attivar, and it was known by the prašna-book that it was Mudadêyê's doing.
Said Pergade: -" Though the persons subject to death are dead, I shall build a sunam at Pergade-bettu if you will protect those that are still alive." They were protected and a riinam was built there. A feast even to this day is performed thero.
BURNELL MSS. - No. 14,
ATTAVAR DAIYONGULU. Original in the Kanarese character. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 159 to 167 inclusive in Burnell's MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.

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Translation. There is an ocean of water, an ocean of milk, an ocean of dirty water, an ocean of blood, and an ocean full of lotus. There is a palace built in the midst of seven oceans.
In the palace in Någaloka, a son was born as beautiful as a nágakannikê. In Devalóka another son was also born as beautiful as a daughter of the gods. They were produced, one by a heap of mallila flowers piled up as high as a man's neck, and the other by a heap of sampilu flowers pilod up as high as a man's middle.
About seven, or seven and a half, years passed over them that were so produced, and beards grew on their beautiful faces !
"Who is the barber that should shave us and make smooth our faces?” asked they.
“In the town of Ejanagar ((?) Bijanagar), on the Ghâţs, there is such a barber," said their attendants.
They sent a man to Udda-bettu, and made him bring short and good palm leaves, which were spread in the morning sun and were heaped together in the evening sun. Then both the top and the bottom were cut off, and a letter was written to the barber. The letter was given to n servant to take, who was paid for his trouble. The bearer of the letter took it and left the palace in Nagalôka, and went to the town of Ejanagar, on the Ghâts, and to the barber's house, and gave the letter to the barber.
The bearer read it, and found there was written in it:-"You must start at once without taking a meal or attending to your dress."
He opened his box of razors, put a looking glass, round scissors, an European razor, and a water cap in it, and followed the bearer. He saw the boy born at the palace in Nâgaloka, and saluted him.
Then the boy said :-" It is well that you have come. You had better do your duty."
An English chair with four legs was placed in the middle of the chávadi, two jagana jóti lamps were placed at the left and the right of him, and a sér of rice and a cocoanut were placed before him. A chank-shell was blown, and fly brushes were waved on both sides of him. The two boys sat there in undress, while pearls were sprinkled over them and a light adorned with corals was turned towards tbeir faces.' So all the ceremony was performed.
Then the barber came, and, placing a cup of water ready, he stood on the left side, and shaved the right side, and then he went to the right side, and shaved the left side, and also cut off the ends of the moustaches. He made a line for the eyebrows, and put the sign of the sun and the moon on their hearts, and of Bhima Rakkasa on their backs. He polished their toe-nails and cut their finger-nails. In this way did he shave them correctly from head to foot.
Then asked the servants :- "What is to be done for putting away the sin of touching a barber."
"Oil should be rubbed on and washed off again with water," said the boys.
A Jattis was sent for and oil was rubbed on them. A large pan, four hands in breadth, was placed under a white kadika tree near a tank built by one of the boys. A thousand pots of water were poured in and were warmed with twelve bundles of firewood, and a thousand pots of warm water were poured on their heads, and then a thousand pots of cold water. Thus were they rubbed with oil and washed in water,
Then their hair had to be rubbed with cloth made of silk, of the following kinds :-kaler, black silk; bober, white silk; sopu kambati; yir madure; the silk which is so light that it flies off three hundreds gavudsø at a breath; the silk that is soaked by a tear ; and the silk which may be concealed between the finger and the nail. All these silks were brought out, and their hair was rabbed with them. 8 A person employed to rub on oil.
1 gavud == 12 miles.

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Then the boys asked to be dressed. Dresses were brought out of seven boxes. Jewels were also brought out of seven boxes, and bottles of scents as well. Neck-ornaments ronnd their necks, waist-jewels round their waists, chankalis in their ears, a chakkrasarams on their necks, pearls lustrous as the sun on their fingers, and a signet ring, and large rings round their arms. Thus they were adorned from head to foot.
Soon after this the boys wished to descend to the Tuļu Country, through the ghats, and to see the Tulu people.
For the elder boy & white elephant, like one of Airavat's, was brought out, and the elephant's keeper was sent for. The elephant was washed at the watering place called Anegundi, and was tied up in the elephant's stable. Then it was saddled. The elder boy sat on the elephant and spoke in the Arya Language.
A white horse was brought out for the younger boy, and a groom was sent for. Then the people made the groom wash the horse at the water channel called Kudurogundi. The horse was fastened in the stable, and was saddled. The younger boy mounted the horse, and spoke in the Gujjara Language.
The elder boy's elephant and all his following started and the younger boy's horse and his following, too. They asked the way down the gháțs to the Tuļu country.
Said the boys : The god Ohikkarays at Shiradi will not let us descend, nor will the god of Mala, nor will the god Narayana at ROB01."
By tricks and cunning they descended to the abode of the god Kukke Subbaraya, who saw them descending, and said: -
"Whoso umbrella and palanquin are coming? Are they Bhutas, or gods, or NÁgas, or Brahmas P"
Then he made his servants build a fort of addana shields around his temple, and place crossed swords on the fort. But the boys destroyed the fort and swords, and came down. The younger and the elder stood awhile at the abode of the god Subbarayn, and walked three times round the temple. Then the elder arranged with the younger for a battle between them and the god.
For the first day's battle the elder brother went forth and shot an arrow, which broke Subbarậyas flagstaff in the front of his temple into three pieces. For the next day's battle the younger went, and shot an arrow which broke the top of Subbaraya's temple into three pieces. After this they left the abode of Subbaråya, and passed by the rivers Kumardard and the Matsya Tirtha. They passed by the fort at Inglike, and the place named Mugger in the village Balagand. Then, passing by the abode of the god of Kodipadi, they came to the Kapadi Ghat. In the meantime they saw the army of Bil Sultan and Virappa Naikar, and met it, and killed the whole army of Virappa Naikar!
Soon after this they went to a place called BaretimAra in Yonor, where the elder youth with his elephant and the younger with his horse, and their following, stayed the day. They spread a blanket under a white asrattha-tree, and the elder and the younger sat down on the blanket. Here the younger lay down, resting his head on the elder's leg, and slept in peace.
The elder said: "I will test the virtue of my brother."
So he made his servants build a ship, with a silken sail and a mast of pearl, and it was loaded with cargo. He caused his following and his elephant to embark in the ship, and left his brother at Baretimira, in the village of Yênûr, and started on a voyage. Then he went to the Eastern Mountain, Tirupati, where he was invited by the god Timmappa on to the mountain,
This god's servant's name was Kala Bhairava, whom the elder brother saw. Passing by that mountain, he went to the Eastern Ocean, and then reached the Southern Ocean through the Eastern Ocean, and then the Western Ocean through the Southern. The ship was anchored

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
in the Gulf of Kambalê, whence the elder brother went to the bidu at Adka Janana. All his people remained in the ship, and he went on alone.
In this place were Udda Kottari, Ballaya Pergade and Nattunda Maranayage. They had a nephew, one Kañjambu Kulyar. Kañjambu Kulyar went early in the morning to the plain of Sire to fetch some leaves for preparing cakes. The elder brother followed him, and while Kañjambu Kulyar was cutting the leaves in the plain of Sire, the elder brother became a
white cock and crowed!
193
Kañjambu Kulyar said:
"This may be useful for a cock for fighting."
He tried to seize the cock, but it was not to be caught. It looked near, while it was far from the hand. In the plain Sire his fate was unfortunate and his cunning vain, so Kañjambu Kulyar fell to the ground, and he who had gone out in the morning had not returned at sunset. Then a man was sent to search for him, and found him lying on the plain of Sire, whence he was carried to the bidu of Adka. When this matter was sought for in the prasna-book, it was found to be the elder brother's doing! Then Kañjambu Kulyar's uncles asked what was the matter with the Bhûta, and the astrologer said that a matham ought to be built. As the elder brother had came to the bidu at Adka, he was named Adka Chakrapadi Bira Marla,
Soon after that he pushed the ship onward from the bay of Kambalê, and anchored the ship in the Bay of Mañjesvar, so as to be able to land all his following. Bobbaria was in front of Mañjêśvar. He broke a palm tree and put it on his shoulder, and broke another and was turning round, when he saw the elder brother and his following, and said: "Whose people are these ?"
He caused the bay to be inundated, and when the elder brother saw this he said:-"Do not do so, Bobbaria."
Then his people landed on the shore, and a matham was built for him in this place.
"At the time of performing a feast in your honour in your sanam, I shall come one day to visit you, Bobbaria," said the elder brother, and it was when Bobbaria heard this, that he decreased the water in the bay. So the elder brother and his people crossed the bay of Mañjêsvar, and came to the shore. He sat on a verandah at Kanne Sirta.
In the meantime the younger brother, who had been sleeping at Baretimâr in Yênûr, arose, and when he looked for the elder he was not to be found. He became very angry and said :"Ah! my brother left me in the forest and went away. I will go and search for him."
He and his people started and passed by Yênûr Baretimâr, and came to the village of Kottari, where he was called Bobbaria. He passed by Mugêrnad, and crossed the river at Panyûr, and then he passed by the patta at Bantwal and by the magné of Kannur and went to Mangalore. He sat in Alake, where he was called the Brahma of Alake.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
-:
From that place he and all his people started and stayed at the ferry of Mangar, and afterwards crossed it and passed by Sarlapatta (Ullal) and went to the temple of the god Somanatha at Somêsvar and visited him. He then sat on a rock at Uddu, while the Bhúta Mudadêya from Kotarsana was on a visit to Sômanâth, and while the youth was sitting down, Mudadêya asked him :
"Where do you come from ?" Whither are you going?"
(To be continued.)
A TELUGU SUPERSTITION.
In every garha of water, which the Telugu women carry to and fro from wells, is to be seen a stalk of grass dancing close to the brim. Enquiry will elicit a smile intimating that the custom is based on a superstition. Further enquiry will
lead to the information that the stalk is used to prevent the water from spilling over the brim of the garha. But the state of the carrier's cholí (a portion of the sdri), and of her hair, will usually testify to the baselessness of the superstition. Samastipur. M. N. VENKETSWAMY.

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BOOK-NOTICE.
THE BURMA CENSUS REPORT, 1892; CHAPTER VII, "Languages."
Perhaps in no part of the Burma Census Report is that thoroughness and minute attention to detail, which is so conspicuous a feature of it as a whole, more clearly displayed than in the Chap. ter devoted to the Languages of Burma. De minimis non est disputandum is certainly not a maxim, which has commended itself to Mr. Eales in any part of his work, and the result is that, while the proportions of the latter are perhaps somewhat larger than was necessary for it, viewed merely as a Report, its value as a work of reference, which, after all, is one of the chief uses of a Census Report, has been much enhanced. To philologists this is especially advantageous, since the relative importance of languages and dialects is by no means measured by the numbers of those speaking them, and the tongue of a few obscure hill-men may not infrequently supply the key to puzzles, which the most careful study of more civilised and widely extended languages has failed to elucidate. The absence of written records of any great antiquity, together with the extraordinarily rapid ebb and flow, evolution and decay, - which are marked characteristics of the TibetoBurman family, have contributed to render the exact relationships of its languages and dialects obscure; and, although progress is being made in this branch of philology, it is very far indeed as yet from approaching finality. Mr. Eales has, however, taken great pains to bring the subject up to date, and the present chapter may be taken as a very fair résumé of the facts, so far as they are known, and should certainly be studied by all who wish to be up to date' in the languages of Burma proper. It would have been well indeed if Mr. Eales had confined himself solely to facts, but of this more hereafter.
One of the first points, which is noticeable in the results now set forth, is the marked increase in the numbers of those speaking many of the non-Burman languages, an increase which Mr. Eales has very rightly ascribed to better enumeration. The Burman language possesses a great power of superseding others, and it is certain that, had the previous censuses been as accurate as is the present one as regards the wilder parts of the country, the percentages of increase, now shewn, would have been very different. Even now it is more than probable that in some
1 See ante, Vol. XXII. p. 129 ff." The Kudos of Katha and their Vocabulary."
2 Mr. Eales has kindly forwarded me some words
[JULY, 1894.
cases a large percentage of the people living in these parts escaped enumeration. At least this is the only inference that can be drawn from the very peculiar figures in the present Report for the Arakan Hill Tracts, where the population is shewn as almost stationary instead of increasing, as it must have done in the past ten years, according to the normal ratio.
To turn to the grouping of the various languages and dialects. As regards the six which have been grouped as dialects of the Burmese, besides objecting to the inclusion in this group Kudo,' I would also object to the inclusion of Dana in the absence of further evidence as regards this tongue. At any rate it should only be grouped provisionally under Burmese. I may add here that, from inquiries lately made as to Yaw, it would appear to be merely a slightly archaic form of Burmese; and no evidence is forthcoming to support the assertion of Maung Bà Tá as to its relationship to the Palaung.
the present, it is to be observed that he has Putting aside Mr. Eales' theory of tones for classified the languages of Burma under four main heads:-(1) the Mon-Khmer or MonAnnam, the latter is Capt. Forbes' designation, and I think, the better one; (2) the Taic-Shan, (so does de la Couperie, but is not "Taic" sufficient ?); (3) the Karen; and (4) the Tibeto. Burman. The three languages under the first assertion of Maung Bå Ta that Talaing, the prinhead are declared to have tones, mainly on the however, as well a missionary, Mr. Haswell, who cipal one, possesses these adjuncts. Capt. Forbes, has written a Talaing Grammar and Vocabulary, least possible, even if any such now exist, that deny that tones exist in Talaing, and it is at their introduction may have been due to Burman influence, and that they are only now in process of establishing themselves. A good grammar and vocabulary of Palaung are much wanted for purposes of comparison, and the need is the more urgent, as these people are being fast obliterated by the flowing wave of the Kachins.
Much new information is given for the first time as regards the Taic family in Burma, mainly from the pen of Dr. Cushing, with whose theory as to the connection of the Chinese, Shân and Karen languages I cannot, however, agree. The inferences to be drawn from a study of the languages of Burma, so far, support the classification
quoted by Maung BA Tú in support of his assertion, but these differ very much from those in this vocabulary. They are apparently corrupted.

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of the languages of the Far East adopted by de la interesting and important information regarding Couperie, who has studied them, however, from them, been furnished by Mr. George, Deputy the Chinese point of view."
Commissioner of Bhamo. Mr. Eales rightly states The Karens, who are closely allied to the Tibeto
that there is no evidence of a special connection Burmans, are, as usual, divided into the Sgaw,
between the Karens and Kachins; but it seems Pwo, and Bghai, which are undoubtedly the main probable, nevertheless, that both came from North tribes, though other and smaller ones exist in Tibet, the Burman nation coming from further Karenni. It would, by-the-bye, be better to write south Sgan, Sgaw and Bghai, Bgè or Bwè. The latter Coming to the Mons, or Talaings, we have a is on the analogy of Pwo, which is really written most remarkable increase of 32 per cent. since Pgo. The minute sub-divisions urged by certain the last census, instead of the slight increase or missionaries have been rightly discarded.
even diminution, which might have been expected In the languages classified under the Tibeto- from the present circumstances of this people. Burraan group, "Thet" (as the Burmese pronounce This abnormal percentage is probably correctly
Sak'), has been accidentally included under the accounted for partly by more careful enumeraChin-Lushai sub-division, though Sak is rightly tion, but chiefly by the fact that, since the included under that of tbe Kachin-Nagns.
kingdom of Ava has been finally conquered by Besides classifying the various languages of
the British, the fear of being ground down by
their Burman masters has been for ever dis. Burma, which have been returned in the Census
pelled." This is a significant commentary on Schedules, Mr. Eales has given many interesting
the treatment the Môns received after the first facts concerning each, a large portion of this information being now for the first time 'made
Burmese war, when they had performed the part public. The slight decrease amongst those
of "friendlies," and had suffered the usual fate
of these, when the "scuttle” policy happens to returned as speaking Arakanese, is, it appears, due
be in the ascendant in to the fact that “no return of dialects was en
British councils. In forced," though, nevertheless, "enumerators were
spite, however, of their nominal increase in the not ordered to enter those who returned Arakanese
present census, it seems pretty clear that their as their parent-tongae as speaking Burmese, as this
language is doomed, and that the final supplant. might hurt the susceptibilities of the Arakanese
ing of it by Burmese is only a question of time. needlessly." The anti-Burman feeling, which is
It is interesting to learn that, as stated by thus noted as prevailing amongst the Arakanese,
Mr. Blagden of the Straits Civil Service, the Môn is undoubtedly still strong in some parts of the
kingdom once extended far south of Burma, its Western province, and is due to the memories of
influence being still traceable in some of the the conquest of Arakan over a century ago, which
languages of the Malay peninsular. conquest was carried out in a characteristically A careful classification of the Shan race by Burmese manner.
Dr. Cushing in a note on the Selons or Selungs With regard to the Yaws, a legend of their
(froin which it appears that this most northern descent from a clan (Parawga) of the Palaunge
of the Malay tribes possesses many now Malay is mentioned. It is easy, however, to shew that
words in its vocabulary), close the Chapter on the relationships of tribes of the Tibeto-Burman Languages of Burma, which might truly be called stock, founded merely on resemblances of their
a model one, but for the unfortunate theory names, rest on the flimsiest foundation, the names
concerning the primitive nature of tones. by which they call themselves and those by which As stated above, it would have been better it they are known to the different neighbouring Mr. Bales had contented himself with a clear and tribes varying in the most arbitrary manner. detailed summary of the facts regarding the inter
Under the heading of the Chin-Lushai group relationship of the languages of Burma, so far as is Mr. Eales has been good enough to print a note i at present known; but he has unfortunately gone of mine on the language of the Southern Chins (in beyond this, and attempted a new theory regarding which, however, several errors have occurred in primitive language. It is briefly that the sounds the printing'), whilst a classification of the chief of human speech were originally few and simple. Kachin tribes has, together with much other and thus the differences of shades of meaning had I See" The Kudos of Katha and their Vocabulary,"
The particular word noted by Mr. Eales as not being in which was written in ignorance of what de la Couperio
accordance with the Government system was unfor: had already done in this matter.
tunately incorrectly written. This word, which is now • The Burman words have been transliterated in the pronounced bitpin, should have been transliterated note as they are spelt and not as they are pronounced. "sach-pang."

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to be eked out by tones; that all languages had the Ainos of Japan are not yet generally acept. tones originally, those apparently in which they ed as survivals of these), but the cumulative now exist being the better preserved; and that thus evidence at present available all supports the a division of languages into Polytonic and theory that the more savage & language, the Monotonie is a useful and real one. It need only harsher and more numerous its sounds. This is be said concerning this theory (which might, with particularly the case amongst the Mongoloils of advantage, have been broached elsewhere than in South-Western Asia, and ruther upsets the theory an official publication) that it affords an interest of the primitive use of tones. Noauthority is given ing example-firstly of the danger of a priori for the statement that tones are dying out in the reasoning, and secondly of the tendency, which older languages of the Malay Peninsular, and I has been frequently noted before, of so many should be very sceptical as to the possibility of amateurs in the science of language to dogmatise adducing any satisfactory proof thereof, in view of regarding it in a manner, which could only be our very recent acquaintance with them. There justified on the supposition that it is a mere is, moreover, no proof whatever that such a state sport for children rather than a complicated and of affairs prevails in the Talaing or Mön language, inct science. The modern origin of tones and where, as already pointed out, the existence of its cause, namely, the elision and coalescence of tones at any epoch is very doubtful, and where, in consonants and vowels formerly possessing a dis- fact, it seems probable that tones, if they do now tinct existence, are now so well known and admit
exist, are merely a new growth. tedly all, who have studied the subject, that it is unneceseary for me here to set forth the grounds
The use of synonyms, which is a marked feature, for this belief seriatim; thongh the names of
not only of Chinese and Burmese, but also of Sayco, Edkins and de la Couperie may be men
many allied languages, and which prevails to a far tioned as authorities.
greater extent in the book language than in that
used by the common people, does not, I think, It may, however, be not out of place to notice
evince any tendency towards the disuse of tones. here the different arguments brought forward by It is rather the clumsy make-shift of the MongoMr. Eales in support of his theory. The first of loids, so wanting in ideality themselves, and the theso, namely, the admission' by Prof. Max
genius of whose language absolutely forbids the Müller that languages may have passed from inflection of words, to express thoughts of a more the radical, through the agglutinative, into the abstract and delicate nature than those which inflectioual stage' rests on rather a rotten basis, alone occur in the savage infancy of races. The as this theory of the different stages of languages chief use of synonyms is, in fact, to express new is now quite discredited. The example of ideas, and that of tones to prevent confusion, owing
to coalescence of word or sound, between old ones. stereotyped." is almost equally unfortunate. It is strange that Mr. Eales, who is, as already Whaterer may be the case formerly, it is certain noted, well aware of the existence of these that the sounds and tones of the Chinese lan
synonyms, should quote with approval the incor. guage have suffered.considerably from evolution
rect statement of Dr. Cushing with regard to these or decay, whichever we like to call it, in historic languages, that "on a new object being presented times, so that Chinese has no better claim to to the inind a new name was wanted and the be the best preserved example of the primitive
possibility of uniting two words to form a new languages than Sanskrit has to be the best pre
word never occurred." served of the old Aryan language or dialect, in spite of the specious arguments which have been
I do not wish to deny that tones may possibly advanced the contrary. No further example have existed in ancient Egyptian, as well as posof anci. c ne-using languages is adduced, pro
sibly in other languages now no longer existing, bably for the very sufficient reason of there not but it seems evident that the facts everywhere, BO being any, and we are at once invited to swallow far as they are known to us, point to tones as the dictum that the primeval savage possessed being merely one of the last resources of a decay. very few sounds, and was, therefore, forced to the ing language, and to be as unknown as they use of tones.
would be unnecessary in those still possessing
their primitive vigour and harshness. We have no means as yet of knowing the sounds most favoured by the cave-men (at least
BERNARD HOUGHTON.
• Languages of China before the Chinese.
. The theory is stated most clearly and unequivocally by the latter, though the truth of his assertion, that
he was the first to annunciate it, cannot certainly be admitted

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DEMONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. By L. A. WADDELL, M.B., F.R.G.S.
1. Personal Demons. IKE most mountaineers, the people of Sikhim and the Tibetans are thoroughgoing L demon-worshippers. In every nook, path, big tree, rock, spring, waterfall and lake there lurks a devil; for which renson few individuals will venture ont alone after dark. The sky, the ground, the house, the field, the country, have each their special demons, and sickness is always attributed to malign demoniacal influence.
The body also of each individual is weighed down by a burden of spirits, named the hgowa-lhe, or the chief personal gods, who are, in a sense, the guardians of his body. These are not only worshipped by the laity, but the lamas also regularly invoke them in their oblations during the 'Ser-khyem' and 'Nê-sal' worship.
These personal gods, some of whom are of an ancestral nature, are five in number, and are usually enumerated as follows:
1. The Male ancestral god (Phô-lba). This god sits under the armpits. Worship of him procares long life, and preservation from harm.
2. The Mother god (Mo-lha), or Maternal-uncle god (Zhang-lha). The latter synonym is said to have arisen out of a custom, by which a child, shortly after birth, is taken to the motber's honse, which is usually the maternal uncle's house. I doubt, however, this being the true interpretation, and think that the expression is more likely to mean Uterine god. Worship of this god secures strength.
3. The Life god (Srog-lha), who resides over the heart. Instead of this god is frequently enumerated the Nor-lha, who sits in the left armpit, and whose worship brings wealth.
4. The Birth place god (Yul-Iha, literally Country god), who resides on the crown of the head, and whose worship secures dominion and fame.
5. The Enemy god (aGra-lha), pronounced vulgarly Dab-lha, who sits on the right shoulder. In this connection it is notable that no one will willingly allow any object to rest on the right shoulder, for the reason that it injores the Dab-lha, and no friend will familiarly lay a hand on a friend's right shoulder for the same reason. Dab-lha is especially worshipped by soldiers as a defender against the enemy. But he is also worshipped by all the laity, once at least during the year, to enable them to overcome their individual enemies. Usually the whole village in concert celebrates this worship, the men carrying swords and shields, dancing and lenping about, and concluding with a great shout of victory.1
In addition to the above, are the good and bad spirits who sit on the individual's shoulders and prompt to good and evil deeds respectively, and leaving their host only on arrival before the Great Judge of the Dead. These are practically identical with the good and evil genii of the Romans, the genius albus et niger of Horace.
There are also demons, who are worshipped when the individual is happy and in health. These are called the pleasing spirits. But they may also be worshipped in sickness or other affliction,
Each class of spirits or gods has a particular season for worship. Thus:The Earth gods (Sa-gzhi mi-rig-gi-lha) in the Spring. The Ancestral gods (Mra zhang chhung-gi-lha) in the Summer.
1 The story of his acquiring from the sea the banner of victory is suggestive of Indra's victorious banner, also procured from the sea : Brihat-Sanhita, translated by Dr. Kern, J. R. A. 8. (new series), Vol. VI. p. 44.
72. Epist.

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The Three Upper Gods (sTod sum pallhla) in the Autumn.
The Royal Ancestor of the Sikhim King, the divine Mi-nyak King (sTong mi-nyag-gi-lha) in the Winter,
2. Country Gods. The Country gods, or Yul-Iha, are, like the Penates of the Romans, innumerable: but the two chief are the Mountain god (Kang chhen-dsö nga, Mt. Kanchinjanga), who is of a mild, inactive disposition, and styled a protector of religion, and his subordinate Yab-bdud, or Black Father Devil.
This last is of an actively malignant disposition and rides on the south wind. His especial shrine is in the Tista valley, near Sivok, where he is worshipped with bloody sacrifices. His respectful name, as given by Hlatsún Chhembo, who composed for both him and Khangchhendsönga special manuals of service, is Ma-mgon lcham-bras, and for him is prescribed actual sacrifice of life : e. 9., a black ox is to be killed, and its entrails, brain, heart, etc., are ordered to be set upon the skinned hide, while the flesh is to be consumed by the votaries. For very poor people the sacrifice of a cock, as with the ancient Greeks to the destructive Nox and his counterpart Erebus, is considered sufficient. The offering of the sacrifice is in the nature of a bargain, and is indeed actually termed such, viz., ngo-len; the demon being asked to accept an offering of flesh, etc., and, in return for the gift, not to trouble the donors.
In worshipping Kang-chhen-dso-nga fresh meat must be used, and, although the flesh of cows and other cattle is now offered on such occasions, there is a tradition that formerly human flesh was offered. The most acceptable flesh was said to have been the flesh of the infidel destroyers of the religion.' Kangchhendsönga was never the tutor of Sakya Muni, as has been alleged. He is only a zhi-dAk demon. One of his titles is "Head Tiger," and each of the five peaks is believed to be crowned by an animal, the highest penk by a tiger, and the other peaks by a lion, elephant, horse and a garuda.
In every village there is a recognized zhi-dák, or Fundamental-owner demon, who is ordinarily either a black devil (Udud), a red devil (tsan), or a Naga (KLu), or some one or other of the following forms:
Thus, if a man's sins are insufficient to procure re-birth even in the hells, he is re-born as a chi-dák. So say the Sikhim Lâmas. The zhi-dák may be one or other of the following eight classes, viz. :
(1) lha, or spirits, all male and of a white colour and fairly good disposition, who must
suffer niany indignities in order to procure a higher re-birth. (2) Lu, or Nagas, mostly green in colour and frequenting lakes or springs. (3) gnad-sbyan, or disense-givers, red in colour. (4) idud, or black devils, all male and extremely wicked. These are the spirits of those
who opposed in life the true religion. They eat flesh and are not to be appeased without a pig, the most luscious of all morsels to a hillman's palate. Their wives
are called bdud-mo. (5) tsan, or red demons, all male, and usually the spirits of deceased novices. They are
therefore especially associated with Gompas (shrines). (6) rgyal-po, or victors, white in colour, and the spirits of kings and deceased Lâmnas
who have failed to reach Nirvana.
3 The Sikhim king is descended from the Mi-nyak dynasty of Kham in Eastern Tibet, a dynasty which once held away over Western China and is regarded as semi-divine by the Tibetans.
. Most of the peasantry of Sikhim, before sowing a field, sacrifice a cock to the demons. • A bird like the fabled 'roc' in the eyes of the inhabitants of Sikhim,
gzhi-bdag, literally fundamental-owner.

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(7) ma-mo, all female and black in colour. This class includes Mak-sor rgyal ma, called
also Mahîrâni, or the Great Queen, the disease-producing form of the Hindu Durgå. (8) gzah, or planets, Rahula, etc.
3. Local Gods. The zhi-dak demons of the monasteries and temples are always tsen (tsan), or red, demons, and are usually the spirits of deceased novices or ill-natured Lámas. They are specially worshipped with bloody sacrifice and red coloured substances :
Rowan tree and red threid
Gars the witches tyne their speid.' The Pemiongchi tsen is named Da-wa sengze (Zla-ba sengze), or the Moon Lion. The Yangong Gompa tsen is named Lha tsen-pa, or the Tsên God. The Darjeeling tsen is named Chho-leg nam-gyal, or the Victorious Good Religion. The shrine of this last is on Observatory Hill, and is worshipped under the name of Mahakala by the professing Hindu hillmen, with the same bloody rites as the Bhôtiyas and Lepchas use. For the worship of each of the monastery or temple tséns there exist special manuals of ritual.
It is to the xhi-dák that travellers offer a rag, torn from their clothes and tied to a stick, on gåining the summit of a bill or pass. While planting this offering on a cairn (lap-che), the traveller in a meek voice calls the demon by uttering the mysticki-ki! ki-ki !,' to which he adds sô-cô ! 80-86 !,'7 by which he means presentation or offering.' After saying this he exclaims in a loud triumphant strain Lhá-gyal-ô ! Lhú-gyal-6! God has won ! God has won !
Exorcising devils in cases of sickness and misfortune is performed by regular devil. dancers, pá-wo and nyénjorma. Oracular deliverances are most extensively made by professional lha-pa. But imminent machinations of most of the devils are only to be foreseen, discerned, and counteracted by the Lamas, who especially lay themselves out for this sort of work, and provide certain remedies for the pacification or coercion of the demons of the air, the earth, the locality, the house, of death, etc. Indeed, the Lames are themselves the prescribers of most of the demon-worship, and derive their chief means of livelihood from their conduct thereof on account of, and at the expense of, the laity. Each member of each family is annu. ally prescribed not only a large amount of worship, to be performed by the Låmas, to counteract the current year's demoniacal influences, but there is also special worship according to the horoscope taken at birth. In the case of husband and wife, a burden of additional worship is added, as having accrued to the joint horoscopes on marriage, in consequence of a set of conflicts introduced by the conjunction of their respective years and the noxions influences of these! The occurrence of actual sickness, notwithstanding the performance of all this costly worship, necessitates the further employment of Lamas, and the recourse by the more wealthy to a devil-dancer, or to a special additional horoscope by the Tsi-pa Lâma! So that one family alone is prescribed a number of sacerdotal tasks sufficient to engage a couple of Lamas fairly fully for several months of the year, and to get throngh the rending of the several bulky scriptores prescribed on various occasions as a consequence of such ideas as those above mentioned within a reasonable time, it is the practice to call in several Lamas, who all, together, at the same time, read each a different book for the benefit of the lay individual concerned !
4. The House Demon. The House Demon is called the Nang-Iha or Inside god, and is of the nature of a Sa-dag. or Earth-owner-demon. As he is of a roving disposition, occupying during the several seasons quite different parts of the house, his presence is a constant source of anxiety to the householder, because no objects can be deposited in the place where he has taken up his position for the time
1 This exclamation "g901-9801 may also mean worship or entreaty.'
$ In Chinese he is said to be named Zag.je. The House-god' of the Hindus appears to be a totally different personage : Brihat-Sanhitů, liii., translated by Dr. Kern in J. R. A. S. New series, VI. page 279.

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being! Nor can it be even swept or disturbed in any way without incurring his deadly wrath! It is somewhat satisfactory, however, that all the house-gods of the country regulate their movements in a definite and known order!
in the 1st and 2nd months he occupies the centre of the house, and is then called Khyimlha-gelthung.
In the 3rd and 4th months he stands in the doorway, and is called Sgo-lha-ta-gyag, the door god of the horse and yak.
In the 5th month he stands under the eaves, and is called yNgas-pa. In the 6th month he stands at the south-west corner of the house. In the 7th and 8th months he stands under the eaves. In the 9th and 10th months he stands in the portable fire-tripod or grate.
In the 11th and 12th months he stands at the kitchen fireside, where a place is reserved for him, and the name given him is Thab-lba or Kitchen God.
His movements thus bear a certain relation to the season, as he is outside in the hottest weather, and at the fire in the coldest.
Formerly his movements were somewhat different. According to the ancient tradition he used to circulate much more extensively and frequently, thus :
In the 1st month he dwelt on the roof for the first half of the month and for latter half on the floor. To repair the roof at such a time meant the death of the head of the family.
In the 2nd, at the top of the stairway. The stair during this month could not be mended, otherwise one of the family would die.
In the 3rd, in the granary. No alterations could be made there during this month, otherwise all the grain would be bewitched and spoiled.
In the 4th, on the doorway. The doorway could not be mended, otherwise any member of the family absent on a journey would die.
In the 5th, in the hand corn-mill and the water-mill. So these could not be mended, otherwise all lack would depart.
In the 6th, in any foxes' or rats' holes that might be near the house. These could not be interfered with, otherwise a child would die.
In the 7th, on the roof. It could not be repaired, otherwise the husband would die. In the 8th, in the wall foundation. It could not be repaired, otherwise a child would die.
In the 9th, up the chimney. It must not be repaired, otherwise the house would be transferred to a new owner.
In the 10th, in the beams or standard posts. It mast not be repaired, otherwise the house would collapse.
In the 11th, underneath the fire-place. It must not be repaired, otherwise the house-wife would die of hiccough or vomitting.
In the 12th, in the stable. It must not be repaired or disturbed, otherwise the cattle would die or be lost.
Other precautions in regard to the House Demon's presence and penalties for disturbing him are as follow :
In the 1st and 2nd months when the god is in the middle of the house, the fire-grate must not be placed there, but in a corner of the house, and no dead body must be placed there.
When he is at the door, no bride or bridegroom can come or go, nor any corpse be carried across it. Should there, however, be no other means of exit, by a window or otherwise, and
.

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there be urgency in the matter of the passage of a bride, bridegroom or corpse, then must be made with wheaten flour the images of a horse and a yak, on each image must be placed respectively some part of the skin and hair of each of these animals. At such a time tea and beer are also offered to the spirit, who is invited to sit on the images. After this the door must be removed from its hinges and carried outside, and the bride, bridegroom or corpse taken out or in. The door may then be again restored to its place.
When he is at the kitchen fire, no part of the fire-place can be removed, or mended, no corpse can be placed near it, and no marriage can then take place. Should any visitor arrive, he must be screened off from the fire-place by a blanket, and the Chhös-mge-khri scripture must be read.
When he is in the verandah, there is bat littte trouble. Only the outside of the house must not be whitewashed, nor repaired, nor disturbed in any way.
Should it be thought that he has been slightly offended, in every case, so as to err on safe side, it is recommended that the worship called (Sa-bdag-po, Sab-dak) Pang-kong-snang-brgyadchhab-gtor-bcho, or Water Sacrifice of the Eight Injurers should be performed.
5. The Demons of the Earth. The local earth demons are named Sab-dak, or Sa-dak-pos, or Earth-owners. The most malignant are the gNyan. These infest certain trees and rooks, which are always studiously shunned and respected, and usually daubed with paint in adoration. The earth demons are very numerons, but they are all under the authority of Old Mother Khönma, who rides upon a ram, and is dressed in golden yellow robes. Her personal attendant is Sa-thel-ngag-po. In her hand she holds a golden noose, and her face contains eighty wrinkles.
The ceremony of sa-g0, 80 frequently referred to in the lamnio prescriptions, is addressed to her. It signifies the closing of the open doors of the earth' to the earth spirits, and is very similar to the worship of the Lares by the Romans.
In this rite is prepared a magical emblem, which consists of an elaborate arrangement of masts and strings and a variety of mystic objects; most prominent among which is a ram's skull with horns attached and pointed downwards towards the earth. Inside the skull is put some gold leaf, silver, turquoise, and portions of every precious object available, as well as portions of dry eatables, rice, wheat, pulses, etc.
On the forehead is painted in ochrelo the mystic celestial (parkha) sign of Khön, on the right jaw the sun, and on the left jaw the moon. On the crown it is adorned with:-(1) namka masts, i.e., masts to which are attached diamond-shaped and square figures, made by winding coloured threads into geometric patterns; (2) tar-zab, or pieces of silk rag; and (3) tong-tse, or Chinese pice (cash'), Parkha and several wool-knobbed sticks of phang-khra.
of Khön. Along the base of the skull are inserted, on separate slips of wood, the following images, etc.:
1. Picture of a man (pho-dong): 2. Of a woman (mo-dong) with a spindle in her hand : 3. Of a house :
"The images of men and women made of wool were hung in the streets, and so many balls made of wool 4s there were servants in the family, and so many complete images as there were children (Festus apud Lilyyr). The meaning of which custom was this:- These feasts were dedicated to the Lares, who were esteemed Infernal gods; the people desiring hereby that these gods would be contented with these woollen images and spare the persons represented by them. These Lares sometimes were clothod in the skins of dogs (Plutarch in prob.) aud were sometimes fashioned in the shape of dogs (Plautus), whence that creature was consecrated to them." -Tooke's Pantheon, p. 280.
10 The symbolic colour of the earth.

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4. Of a tree (tam-shing (khram-shing)].
5. Figures of the mystic Eight Parkha and the Nine Mewa. The whole arrangement is fixed to the outside of the house above the door; the object of the figures of a man, wife and house being to deceive the demons, should they still come in spite of this offering, and to mislead them into the belief that the foregoing pictures are the inmates of the house, so that they may wreak their wrath on the bits of wood and so save the real human occupants ! 11
When all is ready and fixed, the Lama turns to the south-west and chants :
"O! O! ki! l! Through the nine series of earths you are known as Old Mother Khön-ma, the mother of all the Sa-dak-po. You are the guardian of the earth's doors. The dainty things which you especially desire we herewith offer, viz., & conch-white skull of a ram, on whose right cheek the sun is shining like burnished gold, and on whose left cheek the moon gleams dimly like a conch-shell. Whose forehead bears the sign of Kbön, and the whole of which is adorned with every sort of silk, wool and colour and precious sabstances. To which is also given the spell of Khön (here the LÂma breathes upon it). All these good things are here offered to you, so please close the open doors of the earth to the family which here has offered you these things, and do not let your servant Sa-thel-ngag-po and the rest of the earth spirits do harm to this family. By this offering let all the doors of the earth be shut. O! O! lei! ki / Do not let your servants injure us when we build a house or repair this one, nor when we are engaged in marriage matters, and let everything happen to this family according to their wishes. Do not be angry with us, but do ns the favours we ask.
Om kharal dok ! 12 Om khamrhil dok ! Ben-neu swáhá !"
8. The Demons of the Sky. The local demons of the sky are under the control of the grandfather of the three worlds, Old Father Khen-pa, who is an old man with snow-white hair, dressed in white, riding on the white dog of the sky, and carrying in his hand a crystal wand. He is the owner of the sky.
The ceremony called nam-go, or the closing of the doors of the sky,' so frequently prescribed by the Tsi-pa Lamas, is addressed to him. An arrangement of masts, threads, images, etc., exactly similar to that used in the sa-gô ceremony above-noted, is constructed, the only differences being that a dog's skull is used, 13 which is directed upwards towards the sky, and that the sign of the parkha painted on the forehead is that of Khen in blue. The ceremony is the same as before, Parkha except in its introduction and in the names of the chief servants :
of Khen. "O! O! we turn towards the Western eun, to the celestial mansion where the sky is of turquoise, to the grandfather of the three worlds, Old Khen-pa, the owner of the sky. Pray cause your servant, the white Nam-tel, to work for our benefit, and send the great planet Pemba (Saturn) as a friendly messenger, etc., etc."
7. Prevention of injury by the Eight Classes of Demons. Om-swa-ti is the ceremony of warding off the injuries of the eight classes of demons. First of all offerings of blood, milk, curdled milk, tea, beer, and clean water, are prepared
11 (May not this ceremony, however, be merely an instance of sympathetie magicp-ED.]
12 The meaning of the dok' is 'let all evils be annihilated !' As the first two lines are repeated, the hands are clapped.
11 The dog was especially associated with the analogous Lares worship of the Romans.

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and arranged in a certain order, and the mantras or spells of The Vast Sky-like Treasury,' or Om-u-hung-bajra-sparnakham are repeated. Then is chanted the following prayer :
"I beg you, o, all guardians and evil spirits of the under-noted places), to attend to this invitation, vis., ye dwellers in the far extending ocean of the Upper-Ngari Khorsum (stödmngah-ri-skor-gsom), the Intermediate, the Central-Western, the Four Divisions of Tibet (bardbus gtsang-ru-bzhi), Amdo Kham and Gango of Eastern Tibet and Bhôtân (smad-mdo-khamssgang-drag),14 India (the white plain), China (the black plain), Li-bal,15 Mongolia (the yellow plain), Upper and Lower Turkistan, and all the kingdoms of this continent (hJambu-gling), the other three great continents and the eight islands. Also ye spirits of all retired nooks, deserts, rocky places, caves, cemeteries, fire-hearths, fortresses, streams, oceans, ponds, fountains, forests, roads, empty and uninhabited places, farms and other important places! Also all ye who always attend the congregation of priests, parties of women, festivals of births, singing parties and the learners of arts! Also all ye dwellers in hell, from the highest to the lowest region !
I beg yon, O, ye guardians of the different kinds of rgyüd, to attend this invitation. I beg you, O, Pho-lha, Mo-lha, Zhang-lha, Srog-lha, and Yul-lha, to attend this invitation. I beg you, o, Gra-lha of noble and ancient generations, to attend this invitation. I beg you, O, all ye gods of the white party which gives refage, to attend this invitation.
I beg you, O, all ye demons of the black party which is averse to the true path, to attend this invitation
I beg you, O, all ye goblins and demons, from the highest order to the lowest, counting from Tsan-dehn to Shin-hdre (life-taking demon), gSön-hdre (the demon-eater of living animals), and all ye inferior classes of divinities, to attend this invitation; vie., lha (gods), någa, bdüd, btsan, yamantaka (gshin-rje), mamo, gzah (planets), rgyal-po dmu, the-u-rang, sa-bdag, gnyan, srin-po, and all ye injurers of the regions.
O! I give to you all these offerings of red blood, of sweet tea, of clean water, of intoxicating drink, and of white butter. I make these offerings to you all. Pray accept them.
Those who prefer beer, please take beer! Those who prefer tea, please take tea! Those who prefer blood, please take blood! Those who prefer water, please take water! Those who prefer milk, please take milk ! Pray accept these food offerings and do as no further injury! Pray do not injure the human beings of the apper regions ! Pray do not injure the lower animals of the lower regions ! Pray do not injure the crops of the fields ! Pray do not injure the moisture of the plants ! Pray do not injare the essence of wealth! Pray do not injure the good qualities of the kingdom ! Pray do not injure wealth and riches ! Pray do not injure good repute and influence ! Pray do not injure the life and soul!
16 1..., the Lower D8 (or Amdő), Kham, and 'The Six Ridgos.' 15 Li-yal, or Khoten.
Those are provinces of Eastern Tibet.

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Pray do not injure the breath and prosperity! O! may we all be possessed of perfect minds! 0! may we all be happy and useful to each other! O! may we all obtain the highest power of Tathagatas!
0! may we all obtain the sphere of piety, and, having obtained it, may all oar wishes be fulfilled and reach the supreme end ! Bajra mu! Now I beg you all to depart to your respective dwellings.
Let glory come! Tashi-shak ! Virtue!
dge-o !" 8. Exorcising the She, or Disease-producing, Demons. The demons, who produce disease short of actual death, are called Shed (pronounced sho). They are exorcised by an elaborate ceremony, in which a variety of images and offerings are made. In this ceremony the officiating Lama, invoking his tutelary demon, assumes spiritually his dread guise, and orders out the disease-demon, under threat of being himself eaten op by the awful tatelary demon which now possesses the Lâmá.
The directions for this exorcism are the following :
On the five terraces of the magic circle of Rirab make the image of a yellow frog with a nam-kha, having its belly and face yellow. On the east of it make a two-headed figure with the heads of a tiger and a vulture, riding on an ass and holding the eight parkhas. On the sonth make a two-headed figure with the heads of a horse and a snake, riding on a red horse and holding a lamp. On the west make a two-headed figure with the heads of a bird and a monkey, holding a sword and riding on a goat. On the north make a two-headed youth with the heads of a rat and a pig, riding on a blue pig and holding a water-bag. On the south-east make a dragon-headed woman riding on a mdsô (half-breed yak). On the south-west make a sheep-headed woman riding on a bull. On the north-west make a dog-headed woman riding on & wolf. On the north-east make a bull-headed woman riding on a buffalo. Place thirteen hphang16 mdah, rgyang-ba, and Dam-kha. Place iron on the east, water on the south, fire on the west, and gold on the north with a slüd17 in front of them, and a lamp and a piece of a flesh at each corner. Then bless the whole with the six mantras and the six mudras.
Then assuming the guise of your own tutelary deity, or yidam, chant the following :“Salutation to (the Chinese King) Kong.rtse-hp hrul-rgyal, incarnation of Manjusri!
Hung! Hear me, O, collection of Shed demons! Hear me, O, all you gShed that cause injury! Listen to my orders, and come to receive my presents with great reverence !
I am the representative of the King of the Angry Demons (Khro-rgyal)! I am a great demon-eater !
I am The All-terrifying and Injuring One! There is none that dare disobey my commands!
There is nothing which is not composed of the five elements, and there is nothing to obstruct the communication of my words to your ear. So then, come to receive this ransom!
0, all ye evil spirits and the ghosts of the dead, listen to me and come to receive this present. Through the power of the element of iron, O, eating-demons, ghosts and evil spiritscome to receive this present with mild hearts. O, ye gShed of the four directions, eating demons, ghosts and evil spirits, come and receive it with mild hearts. Ja-hung-bi-hô !
Hung! The ghed of the eastern direction is the woman with the heads of a tiger and a voltare, riding on a red ass. She is surrounded by a thousand attendant gShed. O, ye ** See ante, under namg6, p. 202.
17 Literally "ransom " of dough-cake of wheaten flour.

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that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eatingdemons, ghosts and evil spirits of the east. I hereby drive away all the gShed, by this burning thunderbolt through the force of truth. O, eating-demons, life-cutters, breath-takers, deathcausers, and all evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye remain here any longer, I, Yesheskhro-wo-chhen-po, 'the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge,' will break your heads into a bundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Therefore, without disobeying my commands, begone instantly. Om ma ma kham kham chhu ye swahah!
Hung! The Shed of the southern direction has the heads of a horse and a snake, rides 01: a red horse, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant gShed. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and evil spirits of the south. I hereby drive away all ye gShed, by this burning brand through the force of truth. O, ye injurers of me and the dispenser of these gifts, ye eating-demons, lifecutters, breath-takers, death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye do not de part instantly, I, the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Begone immediately and disobey not my commands. Om ma ma ram ramye hung phat!
Hung! The gShed of the western direction has the heads of a bird and a monkey, rides on a grey goat, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant gShed. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not approach the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and the evil spirits of the west. I hereby drive away all ye gShed, by the burning sword through the force of truth. O, ye injarers of me and the dispenser of these gifts, ye eatingdemons, life-cutters, breath-takers, death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye stay without, I, the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Begone immediately and obey my commands. Om ma ma kara karaye hung phat !
Hung! The Shed of the northern direction has the heads of a rat and a pig, rides on a blue pig, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant gShed. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injare the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and the evil spirits of the north. I hereby drive away all ye gShed, by the golden rod through the force of truth. O, ye injurers of me and this dispenser of gifts, ye eating-demons, life-cutters, breath-takers, death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye remain here, I, the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. So depart instantly and obey my commands. Om ma ma kham kham chhuye swahah!
Hung! The gShed of the south-east is the dragon-headed woman riding on a mdsô-yak, surrounded by thousands of g Shed as attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts of the dead, and all the evil spirits towards the boundary of the south-east.
Hung! The gShed of the south-west is the sheep-headed woman, riding on a bull, surrounded by thousands of gShed as attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and the evil spirits towards the boundary of the south-west.
Hung! The gShed of the north-west is the dog-headed woman, riding on a pig, surrounded by thousands of attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and all the evil spirits towards the boundary of the north-west.
Hung! The gShed of the north-east is the bull-headed woman, riding on a buffalo, surrounded by thousands of attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel the eating.demons, ghosts and all the evil spirits towards the boundary of the north-east.

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O, ye flesh-eating demons, ghosts of the dead, life-cutting demons, breath-taking demons, death-causing demons, and all kinds of evil spirits, I hereby drive you all away. If ye do not go instantly, I, the Great One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Ye had better, therefore, go away instantly and not disobey my commands. Om ma ma kham kham chhuye swahah!
Now are they all driven away to the extreme boundaries of the four directions! Om su su ta ta ye swahah! (Here the people shout joyously, 'God has won! The demons are defeated'!)
Kye! Kye! O, thou frog of precious gold, made from the thunderbolt of Byam-mgön (pronounced Cham-gön), The Loving Protector, be pleased to remain in the south and there become the king of all the evil spirits. We pray thee remain also in the vast ocean, where the rains are deposited and the clouds originate, and there become the emperor and over-lord of the land-owning demons and of the kings (of demons). Overthrow also all the gShed of the bad planets, of the stars, mewa, time, day, month and year. Overthrow all the gShed of bad luck. I give thee from the depths of my heart the offerings of the five sublime nam-khamasts, the rgyang-bu, etc.
Overthrow the inimical gShed! Bhyo !!
Overthrow the inimical gShed !!! Bhyo !!!! Let glory come! Tashi-shok! Let virtue increase! Ge-leg-phel!"
9. Demonolatry in Death Ceremonies.
As the rites in connection with a death include a considerable amount of devil worship, I notice the subject in this place.
On the occurrence of a death the body is not disturbed in any way, until the Pho-bo (pronounced Pho-o) Lama has extracted the soul in the orthodox manner. For it is believed that any movement of the corpse might eject the soul, which would then wander about in an irregular manner and get seized by some demon. Immediately on death, therefore, a white cloth is thrown over the face of the corpse, and the hPho-bo, or Soul-extracting, Lama, is sent for. On the arrival of this Lâma all weeping relatives are excluded from the death chamber, so as to secure solemn silence, and the doors and windows are closed. The Lâma sits down on a mat near the head of the corpse, and commences to chant the hPho-bo service, which contains directions to the soul for finding its way to the Western Paradise (Dewa-chên) of the mythical Buddha, Amitabha. After advising the spirit to quit the body and its old associations and attachment to property, the Lâma seizes, with the forefinger and thumb, a few hairs of the crown of deceased's head, and by plucking them forcibly is supposed to give vent to the spirit through their roots. It is generally believed that if the hPho-bo is, as he should be, a Lâma of exceptional virtue, an actual perforation of the skull occurs at this instant through which passes the liberated spirit. The spirit is then directed how to avoid the dangers which beset the road to the Western Paradise, and instructed as to the appearance of the demons and other personages to be met with en route, and is then bidden god-speed. This ceremony lasts about an hour.
In cases where, through accident or otherwise, the body of deceased is not forthcoming, the operation for the extraction of the soul is done by the Lâma spiritually, while engaged in deep meditation.
10. Death-horoscope.
Meanwhile the Tsi-pa, or Astrologer-Lama, has been requisitioned for a death-horoscope, in order to ascertain the age and birth-year of those persons who may approach and touch the corpse, the necessary particulars as to the date and mode of burial, and the necessary worship to be done for the welfare of the surviving relatives. The nature of this horoscope will best be understood by an actual example, which I here give, of the death-horoscope

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of a little girl of two years of age, who died at Darjeeling in 1890. Its contents are as follows:
"Hail to Lâma Mañjúśrî! The year of birth of this female was the Bull-year, with which the Snake and the Sheep are in conflict : therefore those individuals born in the Snake and the Sheep-year cannot approach the corpse. The death-demon was hiding in the house inside certain coloured articles, and he now has gone to a neighbouring house, where there is a family of five with cattle and dogs.18 The death-demon will return to the house of the deceased within three months: therefore must be performed before that time the Za-de-kha-gyur Service.
Her Parkba being Dva in relation to her death, it is found that her spirit, on quitting her body, entered her loin girdle and a sword.19 Her life was taken to the east by Tsan and King (Gyalpo) Demons, and her body died in the west: therefore small girls, cousins, sisters and brothers in the house will be harmed. The deceased's death was due to iron, and the deathdemon came from the south, and has gone to the east.
Her Mewa gives the third indigo blue. Therefore it was the death-demon of the deceased's paternal grandfather and grandmother that caused her death. Therefore also take a sats-tsha (a miniature earthen chaitya), a sheep's head, and earth from a variety of sites, and place them upon the body of the deceased, and this danger will be averted (from other members of the family). • The Day of her Death was Friday. Take a leather bag, or earthen pot, in which have been placed four or five coloured articles, and throw it away to the north-west, because the deathdemon has gone in that direction. From the way in which this death has happened it is very unlucky for old men and women. On this account take a horse's skull,20 or a serpent's skull,21 and place it upon the corpse.
Her Death Star is Gre. Her brother and sister, who went near to her, are threatened by the Death-messenger (Shin-je). Therefore an ass's skull and a goat's skull must be placed on the corpse.
Her Death Hour was soon after sunset, and in the twelfth month her life was cut. The death-demon arrived in the earthen cooking-pot and bowl of a man and woman visitor dressed in red, who came from the south. Thus the deceased's father and mother are threatened, and especially so if either was born in the Sheep-year.
Precautions to secure a fortunate re-birth. It is necessary to prepare an image of Vajrapâni and Vajra-sattva, and before these to have prayer 22 offered for the fortunate re-birth of the girl's spirit. If this be done, then she will be re-born in the house of a rich man in the west.
For the benefit of the deceased's Spirit, it is necessary to get the Lamas to read the service (smon-lam), praying for re-birth in the Paradise of Deva-ch hên.
For the benefit of the survivors of the family, it is necessary to have read the prayers for long life, viz., tshe-mdo and tshe-gzungs.
Directions for removal of the Corpse. Those who remove the corpse must have been born in the Dog or in the Dragon year. The body must be taken oatside the house on the morning of the third day following the death, and it must be carried to the south-west, and be buried (not burned, or given to birds or dogs)."
18 Therefore that other family should perform the necessary worship! 19 In this case the affected girdle was cast away and the sword was handed over to the Lama. 20 A fragment of such a skull, or its image made of dough, is usually all that is used. 21 Dough also will do.
33 It has frequently been asserted that no prayer is practised in lamaism. This is not true. Real prayer is frequently offered. The word used here is geol-wa-gtab,

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11. Ceremonies following on the Death Horoscope. When the Death Horoscope has been made out, the body is tied up in a sitting posture by the auspicious person indicated by the horoscope, and placed in a corner of the room pot occupied by the house-demon. Notice is sent to all relatives and friends within reach, who collect within two or three days and are entertained with rice, vegetables, etc., and with a copious supply of murwa beer and tea. This company of visitors remains loitering in and around the house, doing great execution with hand-prayer-wheels and muttering the sacred formula, 'Om-mani-padne-hung,' until the expulsion of the shén, or death-demon, who follows the removal of the body. In this last ceremony the whole company must join. The expense of the entertaining the visitors is considerable.
During the whole of the death-feast the deceased is always, at every meal, offered a share of what is going, including tobacco, etc. The deceased's own bowl is kept filled with beer and tea, and set down beside the corpse, and a portion of all the other eatables is always offered to the corpse at meal times. After each meal is over the deceased's portion is thrown away, as the spirit is supposed to have extracted all the essence of the food, which then no longer contains nutriment, and is fit only for destruction. Long after the corpse has been removed, the deceased's cup is regularly filled with tea or beer even up till the forty-ninth day after death, as the spirit is free to roam about for a maximum period of forty-nine days subsequent to denth.
12. The Litanies. The LÂmas chant by relays all night and day the De-wa-chan-ky-mon-lam, or service for sending the soul direct to the Western Paradise of the mythic Dhyani Buddha, Amitabha. According to the means of the deceased, two or more Lâmas are entertained to read this service in chorus, as the more frequently it is repeated the better for the deceased. A special reading also of this service by the assembled monks in the Gompa is also arranged for by those who can afford the expense.
One or more Lamas also read at the house of the deceased the Thos-grol (pronounced Thö-dol), or Guide for the spirit's passage through the valley of horrors intervening between death and a new re-birth. This passage is somewhat suggestive of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, but the demons and dangers, which beset the way, are much more numerous and awful. Fall directions are read out for the benefit of the deceased, shewing how to avoid pitfalls and ogres, and how to find the proper white path, which will lead to a fortunate rebirth. It is, however, rather incongruous that while the Lama, reading this service, is urging the spirit to bestir itself for the necessary exertions for a fortunate re-birth, another Lâma by his side is reading the De-wa-chan Service for sending the spirit direct to the Western Paradise, a non-Buddhist invention, which is outside the region of re-birth.
Though it is scarcely considered orthodox, many of the LÂmas find, by consulting their astrological books, that the spirit of the deceased has been sent to hell, and the exact compartment in hell to which it has gone. When this happens & most expensive service must be performed by a very large number of Lâmas. This commences with dge-ba, or act of virtue, on behalf of the deceased, which consists of offerings to The Three Collections, vis. :
1st. - Offerings to the Gods of sacred food, lamps, etc. 2nd. - Offerings to the Lamas of food and presente.
3rd. - Offerings to the Poor of food, clothes, beer, etc. This is a good work supposed to tell in favour of the spirit in hell. After this many more expensive services must be performed, and especially the propitiation of Thuk-je-chhen-po, or The Great Pitier, for his intercession with the king of hell (an offshoot of his own self) for the release of this particular spirit. Even the most learned and orthodox Lamas believe that by such a service may be secured the release of a few of the spirits actually in hell, and in practice

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every spirit in hell, for whom relatives pay sufficiently, may be released by the aid of the Limas. Sometimes a full course of the prescribed service is declared insufficient, as the spirit has only got a short way out of hell (very suggestive of the story of the priest and his client in Lever's story), and then additional expense must be incurred to secure its complete extraction.
13. Funeral Ceremonies. Before removing the corpse from the house, an especial feast of delicacies, including cooked pork and drink of sorts, are set before the body of the deceased, and a Lama, presenting a scarf of honour to the corpse, thus addresses it "You (here the deceased's name is stated) have now received from your relatives all this good food and drink, partake freely of its essence, as you will not have any more chances ! For you must understand that you have died, and your spirit must begone from here, never to come back again to trouble or injure your relatives. Remember the name of your spiritual Lima-teacher (rtsa-wa-blama), which is (name in fall), and by his aid take the right path, the white one. Come this way !”
Then the Lama, with a thigh-bone trumpet in the one hand and a hand-drum in the other, and taking the end of a long white scarf, the other end of which has been tied to the corpse, precedes the carrier of the corpse, blowing his trumpet and beating the drum and chanting a liturgy. He frequently looks back to invite the spirit to accompany the body, which, he assures it, is being led in the right direction. Behind the corpse-bearer follow the rest of the procession, some bearing refreshments, and last of all come the weeping relatives. The ceremony of guiding the deceased's spirit is only done for the laity, as the spirits of deceased Lamas are credited with a knowledge of the proper path, and need no such instruction. The body is usually carried to the top of a hillock for burial or cremation. The scarf used in the funeral procession may probably represent the Chinese hurin-fan, or soul-banner, which is carried before the coffin in China.
14. Expelling the Death-Demon. The exorcising of the death-demon is one of the most common of the lamaic ceremonies. It is entitled Za de-kha-gyur,33 or turning away of the face of the eating devil, i.e., expulsion of the Eating.demon, or Death-demon. It is always performed after a death and within two days after the removal of the corpse, in order to expel from the house and locality the demon who caused the death.
This ceremony, which requires the presence of four or five Lamas, is conducted as follows:
On a small wooden platform is placed the image of a tiger made of grass and plastered over with mud. The animal is walking with its mouth wide open. The mouth and teeth are made of dough, and the body is coloured with yellow and brown stripes, in imitation of the tiger's markings, and around its neck is tied a string of threads of five colours.
A small image of a man is made of kneaded dough, in which are incorporated filings of an alloy, known as the Rin-chhen sna-nga rdar, or the Five Precious Things, viz., gold, silver, copper, iron, and tin. Into the belly of this image, which is called the Eating.demon, is inserted a piece of paper, on which is written the following banishing spel134 : Go, thou Eating Devil, having thy face turned to the enemy :'25 The image is clad in pieces of silk, and is placed astride the tiger's back.
Another figure is made of human form, but with the head of a bird. Its face is painted red and in its belly is inserted paper on which is written :- Thou Eating Devil, do not remain in this village, but go to the enemy's country. This is placed in front of the tiger, and is made to hold the free end of the rope attached to the tiger's neck, as it were a groom. 23 Z-hdre-kha-sgyar.
galog-pa-hi snags.
38 za-hdre-kha syur dgra phyogs.

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A second figure of human shape, but with an ape's head, is placed behind the tiger, as a driver.
Out of a piece of father' tree26 is shaped a label :
<
interior
to polir
This is inscribed with an order to take away the Eating Demon, and planted in the shoulder of the bird-faced 27 figure. A similar label made out of a 'son' tree 29 is inscribed with another spell,29 and planted in the shoulder of the tiger-riding figure, i. e., of the death-demon himself. A geometrical figure called nam-jang nak-po, and four arrows of wood with red painted shafts, called mdah khra, are placed on each shoulder of the tiger riding demon and of the bird-faced figure.
Round these figures are strewn morsels of every kind of eatable, -grains, fruits, spices, including raw meat and spirits. Also a few small coins of silver and copper.
Weapons are then enchanted for the coming conflict with the Death-Demon - pieces of iron, copper, small stones preferably white and black in colour, grains, and rampu30 roots, for the use of the Lamas. And for the lay army of the household and neighbours, a sword, knives, rea ping hook, ayak's tail, a rope of yak's hair with a hook at end of it.
When all the preparations are completed and the sun has set for demons can only move in the darkness - the ceremony begins. The head Lama invokes his tutelary deity to assist in the expulsion of the death-demon, chanting the following spell, which is locally supposed to be in Sanskrit:
Om ! dudtri maraya srogla bhyo ! bhyo ! Raja dudtri mârayâ srogla bhyo ! bhyo ! Nagpo dudtri maraya Brogla bhyo ! bhyo!
Yama dudtri mirayê srogla bhyo! bhyo!' Immediately on concluding this spell, the Lâma with an imprecatory gesture blows his breath, spiritualized by his tutelary deity, upon the images, while the other Lamas loudly beat a large drum and cymbals and a pair of) kang-ling thigh-bone trumpets, whereupon the laymen present, armed with the aforementioned weapons, loudly shout and wildly beat the air with their Weapons.
When silence is restored the Lama chants the following:
“Hung! Hear ye eighty thousand demons 131 In olden time, in the country of India, King Chakra32 was taken ill, being attacked by all the host of gods, devils, eating-demons, and accident-causing33 demons. But learned and revered Mañjúśri, by performing the following worship, defeated the devils and cured the king. With the five precious things he made a shapely image of the eating-demon, and on it planted nam-mkha rgyang-bu, mdah-khrn and phang-khra, and, writing on slips of wood the gyrr-yik spells, he stuck them into the demon's image, and he heaped round it the nine sorts of eatables, as a ransom from the house-holder, the dispenser of the gifts, and he said :--Now O devil, the sun has gone. Your time, too, for going has arrived in the black darkness, and the road is good. Begone! Begone to the country of our enemies and work your wicked will there! Quickly begone! Jump! Turn about!' And thus the devil was turned away and the king was cured. Again in the Indra 26 pho shing might possibly be intended for 'bamboo.'
1. Za hdre dgrs phyoge su-kha sgyur ro. * pu shing. 29 za hdre kha sgyur ro.
9 Sweet calamus. 11 bgage. * Ildor lo-tuk-pe='the noisy wheel.'
# Sri.

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country, in the south of India, there was a king named Dana-a80,- and so on. (Here are cited several additional examples of the efficacy of this rite.)
"Hung! O Yamantaka! Thou greatest of the gods, Destroyer, King of the dead! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
“O Ekajati! Thon chief of the Ma-mo (female) fiends, let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"O one-eyed white devil! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"O Hanubhati, flesh-eating demon, chief of all the demons! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy !
“O Nanda and Takshaka, chiefs of the Nagås! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our angry enemy!
“O Red Father Shü, 34 chief of all the Tsén! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
“O well-filled one, 35 chief of all the Yakshas 136 Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"C Eastern king, 97 chief of all the Gandharvas! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy !
"O Western King, chief of all the powerful Någås! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"O Northern King, chief of all the givers! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
“O Guardians of the ten directions and your retinne! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"O all you Tsen, Ma-mo from the grassy valleys, and all Men-mo! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy!
"O all male and female Gong-po, who abstract the essence of food, and your retinue ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our enemy !
"O Death-demon, do thou now leave this house, and go and oppress our enemies. We hare given thee food, fine clothes, and money. Now be off far from here ! Begone to the country of our enemies! Begone! ! !”
When this is ended the Lama smites his palms together, and all the Lâmas beat their drums, etc., clamourously, and the laymen wield their weapons, shouting :- Begone! Begone!' Amid all this uproar the platform containing the image and its attendants is lifted up by & layman, one of the relatives, selected according to the astrologer's indications. He holds it breast high, and at arm's length, and carries it outside, atteuded by the Lamas and laity, shouting Begone!' and flourishing their weapons. The platform is carried for about an eighth of a mile in the direction prescribed by the astrologer, supposed to be that of the enemy of the people. Finally it is deposited, if possible, at a site where four roads meet.
15. Post-funeral Ceremonies. While the funeral is going on, to make sure that the demon is not still lurking in some corner of the room, the Sorcerer-lama38 remains behind, with a dorje in his right hand and a bell in his left. With the dorje he makes frantic passes in all directions, muttering spells, and with the forefingor and thumb of the right hand, without relinquishing the dorje he throws in all
* Shud='active.
* kang.wa bzang po.
*good-sbyin.
37 rgyal-po.
* Ngag-pa.

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directions hot pebbles which have been toasted in the fire, muttering charms, which conclude thus :
"Dispel from this family all the magic injury of Pandits and Bons !!
“Dispel all strife. Dispel all the mischief of inauspicious planets, and the conjunction of the red and black Mewa. Dispel all the evil of the eight Parkhas.
“ Turn over to the enemy all the misfortune.
"Turn over to the enemy all plagues, losses, accidents, bad dreams, the 81 bad omens, unlucky years, months, and days, the 424 diseases, the 360 causes of plagues, the 720 causes of sudden death, the 80,000 most malignant demons.30
"Turn all these over to our enemy ! Lhyo! Bhyo ! Bhyo ! Begone!"
To this the Lima adds:-"Now by these angry spells the demon is expelled! Oh! Happiness !" Upon which all the people shoat triumphantly :Lhagyal-6-6 !
Lhagyal-8-8 !! God has won !! Dü pam-bo!!
Di pam-bo !!!
The demons are defeated !!!! The interment or cremation of the corpse does not terminate the rites in connection with the disposal of the soul and body of the deceased. After the removal of the corpse, and on the same day a lay figure of the deceased is made, by dressing a stool, or block of wood, in the clothes of the deceased, and for the face is substituted a piece of printed paper, called mtehan spyang, or spyang-pu (pronounced chang-bu).40 Before this figure are set all sorts of food and drink, as in the case of the actual corpse.
This is essentially a Bon rite, and is referred to in the histories of Gurd Padma Sambhava as being practised by the Bon in his time, and as having incurred the displeasure of the Guru, who was the founder of Lamaism.
The printed inscription on the face usually runs :
“I, the world-departing one (here is inserted the name of the deceased), adore and take rofuge in my Lama-confessor, and all the deities, both mild and wrathful. May the Great Pitier 12 forgive my accumulated sins and the impurities of my former lives, and shew me the right way to another good world !"
In the margin, or down the middle, of the paper are inscribed, in symbolic form, the six states of re-birth, viz., A= god, Su = a sura, Ni = man,3 Tri = beast, Pre = preta Hung = hell.44
On the paper are also depicted "the five excellent sensuous things," viz., (1) body (as a mirror), (2) sound (as cymbals, a conch, and sometimes a lyre), (3) smell (a vase of flowers), (4) essence or nutriment (holy cake), (5) dress (silk clothes, etc.)
39 bgegs.
40 Schlagintweit gives a specimen of one form of this paper, but he has quite mistaken its meaning. The figure in the centre is not the Lord of the Genii of Fire,' but is merely intended to represent the spirit of the deceased person who site or kneels, sometimes with the legs bound, in an attitude of adoration. See op. cit. p. 252.
1 of the hundred superior deities, 42 are supposed to be mild, and 59 of an angry nature.
42 An aboriginal, or Chinese, deity, now identified with Avalokita, with whom he has much in common. Other deities are sometimes also addressed.
This is a mystical interpretation of the third syllable of Avalokita's formula Om-mani, etc., which symbolizes the third region of re-birth, tis., the human.
4 This also is a mystic interpretation of Avalokita's mantra, the 6th syllable of which is made to mean hell.

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Before the lay-figure the Lâmas then go through the Service of the Eight Highest Buddhas of Medicine (Sangs-ryas sman-bla), and also continue the service of the Western Paradise.
Next day the Lâmas depart, to return once a week for the repetition of this service, until the forty-nine days of bar-do have expired. But it is usual to intermit one day of the first week, and a day more of each with the succeeding week, so as to get the worship over within a shorter time! Thus the Lâmas return after 6, 5, 4, 3, 2 and 1 days respectively, and thus conclude this service in about three weeks instead of the full term of 49 days, or seven weeks.
Meanwhile the lay figure of the deceased remains in the house in a sitting posture, and is given a share of each meal until the death service is concluded by the burning of the facepaper (chang-bu). This, on the conclusion of the full series of services, is ceremoniously burned in the flame of a butter-lamp, and the spirit is thus given its final congé. According to the colour and quality of the flame and manner of burning, is determined the fate of the spirit of deceased. This process usually discovers the necessity for further courses of worship.
The directions for noting and interpreting the signs given by the burning paper are contained in a small pamphlet, which I here translate, entitled, The Mode of Divining the Signs of the Flames during the Burning of the Chang Paper.
"Salutation to Chhe-mchlog, Heruka, or Most Supreme Heruka! The meaning of the five colours of the flame is as follows:
If the flames be white and shining, then has the deceased become perfect, and born in the highest region of Ok-in (i. e., the Supreme).
If the flames be white and burn actively with round tops, then has the deceased become pious, and born in the Eastern mGön-dgah, or Paradise of Real Happiness.
If the flames burn in an expanded form, resembling a lotus (padma), then the deceased has finished the highest deeds and become religious.
If the flames be yellow in colour and burn in the shape of rGyal-mtshan or Banner of Victory, then has the deceased become nobly religious.
If the flames be red in colour and in form like a lotus, then the deceased has become religious and born in bDe-wa-chan, or Paradise of Happiness.
If the flames be yellow in colour and burn actively with great masses of smoke, then the deceased is born in the region of the lower animals, for counteracting which a gTsug-lag-khang, or Academy, and an image of the powerful and able Dhyâni Buddha (sNang-par-snang-mdsad), should be made. Then will the deceased be born to high estate in the Middle Country (i. e., the Buddhist Holy Land in India).
If the fire burns with masses of dense smoke, then he has gone to hell, for counteracting which, images of Dorje-rnam-hjoms and Vajrapani should be made. Then will the deceased be born as a second daughter of a wealthy parent near our country and, after death in that existence, in fairy land.
If the fire burns fiercely, with great noise and crackling, then will the deceased be born in hell, for preventing which, images of Mi-hkhng-pa and Vajra-Sattva and Avalokita should be made, and the Hell-confession of the Hundred Letters (Yig-rgyana-ragskang-bshags) should be repeated. Then will the deceased be born as a son of a wealthy parent towards the east.
If the flames be blue in colour and burn furiously, the deceased is born in hell, for preventing which the Yige-brgya-pa-kika-nidri-med-bshags-rgyüd, mdo-thar-chhen-tshe-hbar, sdig-bshags, Itung-bshags, mani-bkah-hbum, and spyan-hbyed must be repeated. Then will the deceased either be born as a son of a carpenter towards the east, or again in his, or her, late

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mother's womb. But if this is not done, then will the deceased be born as a dog, who will become mad and harm everybody, and then in the nGa-hböd compartment of Hell.
If the flames be yellow, without any mixture of other colours, the deceased will be born in the region of the Yidags, for preventing which images of the Dhyani Buddha, Ratna Sambhava, surrounded by Nye-sras, and also images of Mañjûśri and of 'Sakya Muni surrounded by his disciples must be made. Then will the deceased be born as a Lama towards the south and will devote himself to religious purposes.
If the flames be yellow in colour and burn furiously, then 9 Torma-brgya-tsa must be made, and charity extensively offered to the poor. Then the deceased will be born again in his own family. Failing this the deceased will be born in the region of the Yidags.
If the flames be white and burn furiously, the deceased will be born as a Lha-ma-yin, and images of Mahâmâya (Yum-chhen-mo) and Amitîyas should be made. Then the deceased will be born in the Happy Paradise of Dewa-chan. If only Tshogs-rgya be performed, then the deceased will be born as a son of wealthy parents.
If the fire burns furiously red, emitting sparks, the deceased will be born as a Lha-ma-yin, for preventing which dkön-brtsegs must be performed, and the Thos-grol must be read, and then the deceased will be born as a son of a blacksmith.
If the fire burns furiously without any colour, then the deceased will be born as a Garuda towards the north, for preventing which images of Dön-yöd-grub-pa (Dhyani Buddha Amôghasiddhi), Nam-hjoms, sgrolma hjigs-pa brgyad-skyobs Man-lha (Dohna, the Defender from the Eight Dreads), “5 Man-lba (the God of Medicine) must be made, and the worship of Maitreya must be repeated. Then the deceased will be born as a son of a famous chief, or again in his, or her, own family.
If the fire burns of a bluish-black colour, then gZan-ghdüs (i. e., the DO-Mnng) mtshanbrjod, Sangs-rgyas-mtshan-hum (The Handred Thousand Holy Names of Buddha). Then will the deceased be born as a chief.
By doing these services here prescribed re-birth will be good in every case. O glorious result ! Sarba-manga-lam! All happiness !"
The ashes of the paper are carefully collected in a plate, and are then mixed with elay to form one or more miniature chaityas, called sa-tschha. One of these is retained for the household altar, and the rest are carried to any hill near and there deposited under a projecting ledge of a rock, where they will not be directly exposed to the disintegrating rain.
After the burning of this paper the lay-figure of the deceased is dismantled, and the clothes are presented to the Lamas, who carry them off and sell them to any purchasers available, and appropriate the proceeds.
After the lapse of one year from a death it is usual to give a feast in honour of the deceased, and to have repeated the sMan-lha service of the Medical Buddhas. On the conclusion of this a widow, or widower, is free to re-marry.
18. Exorcism of Ghosts. A ghost returns and gives trouble, either on account of its inherent wickedness, or if the ghost be that of a rich man, it may come to see how his property is being disposed of. In either case its presence is noxious. It makes its presence felt in dreams, or by making some individual delirions, or temporarily insane.
A ghost is disposed of by being burned. For this purpose a very large gathering of Lâmas is necessary, not less than eight, and the serviee of byin sregs, or burnt offering, is
The Eight Dreads are: -Drend of Fire, Prison, Plunder, Water, Enemy, Elephant, Lion, and Snake.

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performed. On a platform of mud and stone ontside the house is made, with the usual rites, & magic circle, or kyil-hkhor, and inside this is drawn a triangle named hung-hong, as in the diagram here annexed. Small sticks are then laid along the ontline of the triangle, one piled above the other, so as to make a hollow three-sided kyil-khor...... pyramid, and around this are piled up fragments of every available kind of food, stone, tree-twigs, hung hung..... leaves, poison, bits of dress, money, etc., to the number of over a hundred sorts. Then oil is poured over the mass, and the pile set on fire. During its combustion additional fragments of the miscellaneous ingredients reserved for the purpose are thrown in, from time to time, by the Lamas, accompanied by & muttering of spells. And ultimately is thrown into the flames a piece of paper, on which is written the name of the deceased person - always a relative , whose ghost is to be suppressed. When this paper is consumed the ghost has received its quietus, and never gives trouble again. Any further tronble is due to another ghost, or to some demon or other.
THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.
EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.L.E. Few Sanskrit scholars are aware of the mass of literature directly connected with their favourite subject, which exists in the Hindi language. The diligent searcher will find namerous commentaries on diffienlt Sanskrit books and many original works published in the vernacular. There is a true, unbroken current of tradition connecting the literature of classical Sanskrit with that of Hindi, and the latter may often be used to explain the former,
In the subject of Rhotorio, the treatment and terminology of Hindi is the same as that of Sansksit, and as there is no English work, so far as I am aware, at present conveniently accessible, which deals with that subject, I ventare to put forward this little treatise with a twofold intention :- firstly, to shew Sanskrit scholars that Hindi literature is a mine which may be advantageously explored by them, and secondly, to provide a convenient handbook of Indian Rhetoric. A reference to the index, which forms part of this edition, will shew how wanting even the best and most modern Sanskrit dictionaries are in this branch of knowledge.
Since the time of Kokava-dAsa (A. 1580 A, D.), who first bronght Hindi literature into line with the best Sanskrit models, rhetoric has always been a favourite subject with vernacular writers in Northern India. Kêśava-dasa's two great works on Composition are the Kavi-priya and the lasika-priya, the former of which was written for the famous hetaira Pravîna Rai, celebrated alike for her learning and for her beauty. He had numerous imitators and followers, amongst whom may be mentioned Chintamani Tripathi (fl. 1675 A. D.), author of the Kavya-vitéka and the Kavya-pralcóa, and his brothers Bhtshana Tripathi and Matirama Tripathi. The principal work of the last was the Lalita-laláma, which was written at the court of Raja Bhâva Simha of Bûndi (1658-82 A. D.). Passing over a number of other writers, we find Jas'want Singh, the anthor of the Bhashs-bhashana, flourishing at the end of the eighteenth century. He belonged to a family of Baghel Rajpûts, who came to Kannauj from Rêwâ about the year 1190 A.D. They settled at Kolapur in that country, and gradually spread over the neighbouring villages, till, about the end of the seventeenth century, their leader, Dharma-dasa, took up his abode at Tir'wâ, somo seven or eight miles south of Kannauj in the present Farrukhâbâd district. His grandson, Pratâpa Simha, obtained the title of Rio from the Nawab Vazir of Oudh. Pratapa's son, Sumêrn Simha. acquired considerable distinction by his connexion with the Nawab Vazir Shuja'u'd-daula, · The translation of the Sahitya-darpana is out of print.
1 He died 1815 A. D.

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whom he assisted in the battle of Buxar. He obtained from the emperor Shah Alam, the title of Râjâ Bahadur, and the dignity of mansabdár of 3,000. Samêru Simha was succeeded by his brother Damara Simha, who was succeeded by his son Aurada(?) Simha. Jas'want Singh was son of this last, but did not succeed to the title, which was secured by his brother Pitam Singh.3 His name is still well known locally, as the builder of a large stone temple to Annapůrna Dêvi, und of other memorials still existing. He died in the year 1815. He is said to have been learned hoth in Sanskrit and Persian. He wrote a Nayaka-bheda, or Classification of Heroes, entitled the Singara-siromani, and a treatise on Veterinary Surgery called Salihotra. The work, however, on which his reputation rests, is the Bhasha-bhashana, which has great authority. It has had numerous commentators, the best known of whom is Maharaja Ranadhira Simha, Sir'maur, of Sing'ra Maû, who wrote the Bhúshana-Kaumudi; which I have referred to throughout in editing the text. The Bhúshá-bhúshana deserves its reputation. It is a miracle of compactness. Its author contrives, generally most successfully, to contain the definition of each rhetorical figure, together with an example, within the limits of a single dóha. At the same time, the language is usually remarkably simple, and the style pleasing. Now and then, the necessity of compactness has made him obscure, and the available commentaries have, as is frequent in such cases, eluded the difficulty. I have therefore consulted the Sahitya-darpana throughout, giving references in every instance to the corresponding verse in the English translation of that work. I have, moreover, as a rule, adopted the renderings of technical terms given in that translation, and have followed its language as much as possible. I have also consulted other modern works on Rhetoric, more especially, the Rasika-mohana of Raghunatha-bhatta (f. 1745 A. D.), the Bharat-bhúshana of the celebrated Giridhara-desa (fl. 1875 A. D.), and the Padmábharana of the equally celebrated Padmakara-bhatta (f. 1815 A. D.). It will be seen that I have quoted these authors frequently, especially when the Bháshá-bhúshana deals with subjects not touched upon by the Sahitya-darpana.
In preparing the text, I have had in mind the requirements of European Sanskrit scholars, and when a word admitted of several spellings, I have given the form which nearest approaches the Sanskrit original. I do not anticipate that, with the aid of the translation, any difficulty will be found in understanding the text by any person who knows Sanskṣit and Prakrit.
The work is divided into five lectures. The first is merely introductory. The second deals with Heroes and Heroines. Their classification is carried out to a minuteness even greater than that of the Dasarúpa, or its follower the Sáhitya-darpaņa. The third deals with the various essentials of a poem, - the flavours, the emotions and the various modes of their expression, the essential and enhancing excitants, their accessories and ensuants. Then follows the fourth lecture, the main portion of the work, in which the various rhetorical ornaments of sense, the simile, metaphor, and so forth are defined and illustrated. The fifth lecture deals with verbal ornaments, - alliteration and the like.
Where the text was wanting, I have, so far as my knowledge extends, supplied omissions, printing them within square brackets. So also all annotations and remarks, for which I am responsible, and which do not form part of the text, are enclosed between these signs.
In transliterating, I have followed the system used by the Indian Antiquary, except that I represent anundsika by a dot (an inverted period) after the vowel nasalized; thus aira bhá ti. ATHA MANGALACHARANA-NAMA PRATHAMAH PRAKASALI
LECTURE I. Introductory Invocation.
Text. Vighna-harana tuma hau sada
Ganapati hőhu sahái Binali, kara jóri, harau
dijai* grantha bandi || 1 11
These names being partially Prakrit, I spell the tribe namo Singh and not Simha.

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217
Jinha linhyau parapancha saba
apani ichchha pái Ta ko hau vandana karau
hatha jóri, bira ndi | 211 Karund kari pôshata sada
sakala krishfi kau prána! Aise isvara ko hiai
rahau raini dina dhyána 11 3 11 Méré mana mé tú basau
aisi kyau kahi jai Yá tê yaha manu ápu só
lijai: kyaw na lagái 11 4 11 Rági manu mili áyáma mé.
bhayau na gahirau lala! Yaha acharaja, ujjvala bhayau
tajyau maila tihi kala || 5 | Iti mangaiácharana-náma prathamah prakásah 11 1 II
Translation. O Ganesa, thou art ever & remover of obstacles ; be thou my help. With folded hands do I supplicate thee; complete thou this book.
(The Lord) who by his mere will did create all that seemeth to exist ; Him do I adore, with folded hands and head humbly bowed before him.
In thy mercy dost thou ever cherish the life-breath of all creation. On such a Lord may I meditate in my heart night and day.
Why do I say such (words) as dwell thou in my soul '? For why dost thou not take this soul, and join it to thyself (for ever) ?
The worldly (or scarlet) mind when absorbed in Krishna (or black colour), doth not become more worldly (or darker red), but, wondrous miracle, it at once becometh white, and loseth all its foulness.
[It is impossible to translate this verse literally, which depends on a series of paronomasias. Rdgi means both devoted to things of the senses' and 'scarlet.' Syáma means both Krishna,' and black. The verse is an example of the second variety of the ornament called Vishama, or Incongruity (see below vv. 122, 123.] End of the First Lecture, entitled the Introductory Invocation.
[LECTURE I. A.]
On the Nature of Words. The Bháshd-bhashrņu does not deal with the nature of words, but the subject is handled at considerable length in the various commentaries. As the technical terms employed in this connexion are frequently met with in Hindi literature, the following extract is given from the Bhushana-kaumudi. It closely follows Sáhitya-ilarpana, 10 and ff. Cf. also Regnaud, Rhétorique Sanskrite, pp. 15 and ff.]
Text. Athá váchyádi sakti kathanam :Vachaka lakshaka vyanjaka-
s trividha sabda pahicháni VAchya lakshya aru vyangya-& tíni artha sukha-dáni | 5a 11 Yú té. bhinna ne hôta kahu Sabda 'ru artha jitéka
Tá té kachhu prathamahi kahata lakshana lakshya vivêka 11 5b 11 Atha abhidha sakti lakshanam :Nischita ékai a'rtha jaha.
nahi bhásai kachhu aura! Abhidha-bakti pramána sô
bhanyau su-kavi siramaura 115C Yatha : -
Sisa mukuta, kara me lakuţa ura vana-mála rasála Yamuna-tira tamála dhiga
mai dekhyau Na'da-lála 11 5d !!

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Atha lakshaka sabda lakshanam : -
Mukhya artha me bádha tê. babda Akshanika jani
Radhi prayojade théda kari hôta dvividha sukha-dáni II 5e ! Atha rúdhi-lakshand lakshanam: - Bádha hôi makhyártha mé.
vidita sõi jaga máhi 1 Radhi-lakshana hóta að
pramita kavicahi páhi 11 61 11 Yatha : - Phalyau manóratha ráwarf
mohi parata pahicháni Praphulita nayana vilškiyata
anga anga muda khani il 5g 1 Atha prayojana-lakshard lakshanam : - Praydjanavati lakshana
dvai vidhi tásu prakára | Suddha aru gauni dutiya
yuddha-dhira subha-dhára | 5h Atha buddha prayðjana-lakshand lakshanam :Upadana aru lakshana
B&ropa avad hari ! sadhyavasana saméta kiya
buddha me. vidhi chári II 51 Upádúna-lakshana, yatha : - Para guna k dkshépa kari
upadana thahardta Vána chalata saba kou kahai nara binu kyó kari játall 5j1 Lakshana lakshaná, yathd :Nija lakshana aurahi dae
lakshana lakshand tanta Ganga-taţa-ghoshani sabai
gangd-ghosha kahanta 1| 5k 11 Saropa lakshana, yatha : - Kyocha samata pdi kai
aurahi aura arópai Ba'ké teré nayana, é
vara khanjara ke ôpa 11 51 # Sadhyavasand lakshaná, yatha : - Sama taji samatá-hi kahai.
wahai mukhya nirabáhi ! Aju móhi pyái sudha
dhani to sama kidhi il 5mii Atha gauni prayojana lakshana lakshanam :Sádrisa guna sambandha jaha
gauņi táhi bakhani Sáropa pahili dutiya
sddhyavasána nidhani 11 5n11 Sdropa lakshand, yatha: - Sadrića guna krópa 86
Barpa sukha-daina Msiga-nayani vêni phani
dasyo su visu utarai na 1150 | Sadhyavasáná lakshand, yatha : - Gauni s&dhyavasana số
jaha kévala upamana Sasi mé dvai Ihanjana chayala ta úpara dhanu tana || 5p 11 Atha vyañjand sakti lakahanam: -
Vachaka lakshaka male kari artha chamatk sita anya Tahi vyanjana kahata hai
j& kavita mé ganya 11 6 11 Atha våohaka-mula vyangya artha : - Anékárathi babda me.
chamatkara Sarashi Tápa harai mô kari kripa
vana-mdu vana lydi 11 or II Atha lakshaka-mula vyangya artha : -
Mukhya artha ko bádhe kars artha vyangyaloari dni Téró rúpa vilóki kai
chhavi mija ko dhika mani || 58 11).

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THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.
219
Translation. (The sense of a word, or the connexion of a word with the object (artha) which it connotes, is called vydpara, function, or sakti, power. It thus appears that the word artha may itself frequently be translated by "meaning." .
There are three meanings (artha) of a word:
1. The expressed meaning (váchya artha or mukhya artha): that conveyed to the understanding by the word's proper power (abhidhd sakti).
2. The indicated or metaphorical meaning (lakshya artha): that conveyed to the understanding by the word's metaphorical power (lakshana sakti).
3. The suggested meaning (vyangya artha): that conveyed to the understanding by the word's suggested power (vyanjaná salti).]
[There are thus :A. Three functions or powers :
(1) the proper, abhidhá; (2) the metaphorical, lakshana;
(3) the suggested, vyanjaná. • B. Three meanings :
(1) the expressed, váchya; (2) the metaphorical, lakshya ;
(3) the suggested, vyangya. 0. Three uses of a word : -
(1) a word employed with its proper power, váchaka or vachika; (2) a word employed with its metaphorical power, lakshaka or lakshamka; (3) a word employed with its suggested power, vyanjaka.]
On the proper power of a word. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 11].
The proper power (abhidhd sakta) of a word (is that which conveys to the understanding the meaning which belongs to the word by the convention which primarily made it a word at all, and) is that in which only the one simple original meaning appears, and no other, as for example: -
I saw. Krishna, the darling of Nanda, by the tamala tree on the banks of the Yamana, with diadem on head, staff in hand, and a woodland garland upon his chest.' Here all the words are used each in its proper original sense.]
On & word employed with its metaphorical power. [Sahitya-darpana, 13 and ff.]
When there is incompatibility of the expressed meaning of a word with the rest of the sentence], the word becomes employed with its metaphorical power (lakshand bakte), and is classified under two heads, according us the metaphorical power is conveyed by] (1) conventional acceptation or by (2) a motive.
(1) According to the best authorities the metaphorical power depends on conventional acceptation (rúdhi), when the expressed meaning is incompatible (with the rest of the sentence, and the metaphorical meaning] is familiarly accepted by general convention. As for example:
I recognise thy wishes as bearing fruit. Thine eyes rejoice (lit., blossom), and every limb is a mine of joy.' [Here wishes are said to bear fruit, and eyes to blossom. But these words

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of bearing fruit and blossoming, are in their proper sense incompatible with the meaning of the rest of the passage; for trees, and not wishes or eyes, bear fruit and blossom. The words are therefore not used in their expressed meaning, but with a metaphorical sense familiarly accepted by general convention.]
(2) The metaphorical power depending on a motive (prayojana) is of two kinds, according as it is (a) simple (suddha) or (b) qualified (gauni).
(a) The simple metaphorical power depending on a motive (suddha prayojanavati lakshana sakti) is of four kinds, viz., as it depends upon (a) comprehension (upádána), (8) exclusion (lakshana), (y) apposition (sdropa), or (8) introsusception (sádhyavasana.)
(a) It depends upon comprehension (upádána) when there is a hinting of some other quality [in addition to the proper power of the word. That is to say when the proper power is not abandoned, but there is a co-existence in the same word, both of the metaphorical and of the proper power: as for instance], when people say the arrows are coming,' where we all know that arrows (being inanimate) cannot alone have logical connection with the action of coming, and so, with a view to the establishing of this logical connexion in the expression, the use of the word arrows hints, in addition to its proper power, that there are men employed in propelling them. [Thus the word arrows,' in the sense of 'men propelling arrows,' takes a figurative acceptation, without absolutely abandoning its proper sense. Moreover, the word is used in this figurative sense in virtue of the motive of the author of the phrase in which it occurs, to cause the hearer to understand that there are not merely a few men shooting at random, but a troop of archers shooting in concert.]
(8) It depends upon exclusion (lakshana-lakshand, or jahatsvártha lakshana) when there is absolute abandonment of the proper power, as, for instance, when we use the expression 'a herd station on the Ganges,' for a herd station on the banks of the Ganges.' [Here the proper power of the words 'on the Ganges' is incompatible with that of 'hut,' for a hut cannot be imagined as situated on a river. It is, therefore, replaced by the figurative power of 'on the banks of the Ganges,' and the proper power of the words 'on the Ganges' disappears completely before this figurative power. The figurative use, mcreover, results from the motive of the author of the phrase, to cause the hearer to think of the extreme coolness and purity pertaining to the Ganges itself, which would not have been suggested by the exposition of the same matter in the shape of the expression 'a herd station on the bank of the Ganges.']
(7) It depends upon apposition (sdropa), when one word (in its figurative nower) is put in apposition, with the same signification, to another word (in its proper power); as for example,These thy curved eyes - have the brilliancy of a dagger.' [Here the word these' denotes the glances of the curved eyes, which are also denoted by the words curved eyes,' by means of a figurative meaning with comprehension (upádána), and the two are in apposition.]
(8) It depends on introsusception (sádhyavasana) when the identity [of one word in its metaphorical power, and of another word in its proper power] is asserted, but when the word in its proper power [with which the other word in its figurative power is identified] is not given [in apposition], as for example,-To-day thou gavest me nectar to drink; O Lady, who is equal to thee,' in which the word in its proper power [with which the figurative word nectar is identified], viz., the embraces of the lady,' is omitted. [It will be seen that the use of a word in its introsuscepted metaphorical power is the same as the use of a word in its comprehensive metaphorical power or in its exclusive metaphorical power: and that it is only another way of considering these metaphorical powers of a word, in contrast with its appositional metaphorical power.]
[The instances above quoted have been examples of simple (suddha) metaphorical power depending upon motive, that is to say, the connexion between the expressed meaning and the metaphorical meaning has not been that of resemblance (sádriéya), i. e., has not been founded

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on a quality which is common to the different objects expressed by the two meanings of the same word. In other words, when the connexion depends upon the resemblance of two objects, it is meant the two objects agree in certain points, and that the points of disagreement are put to one side for the moment. When it does not depend upon the resemblance, the points of agreement are also not considered. Thus, when, as above, the word 'arrows' is used for 'archers,' there is no suggestion of resemblance between arrows and archers; so also there is no resemblance between 'the Ganges,' and 'the banks of the Ganges,' between eyes' and 'glances of eyes,' or between 'nectar' and 'the embraces of a lady.'
221
(6) On the other hand when the connexion [between the expressed meaning of a word and its metaphorical meaning] is founded on resemblance, the metaphorical power depending upon motive is called qualified (gauni), and is of two sorts, according as it depends on (y) apposition (súrôpá) or on (8) introsusception (sadhyavasúná).
(7) It depends on apposition (sárópá gauni lakshand) when there is apposition with similarity of attributes. [That is to say, when one word (in its metaphorical meaning) is put in apposition to another word (in its expressed meaning) with the same signification, the connexion depending on points of similarity.] As for example, the locks- the snakes of the deer-eyed lady, have bitten me, and (the effects of) their poison has not disappeared.' [Here the lady's hair is put in apposition to snakes, owing to the resemblance of the one to the other.]
(8) It depends on (a) introsusception (sádhyavasaná gauni lakshana) when only the thing with which comparison is made [i. e., only the word in its metaphorical meaning with no word in its proper sense in apposition], is mentioned, as for example:
Two khanjana birds (i. e., eyes) were hovering in the moon (i. e., the lady's face), and over them is a strung bow (i. e., her brow). [Here the words in their expressed meaning (the eyes, the face, and the brow) are not mentioned, and hence there is no apposition.]
On the suggested power of a word.
[Sahitya darpaşa, 23 and ff.]
[[When a word's proper power (abhidhá sakti), and its metaphorical power, repose after having done their duty, that power by which a further meaning is caused to be thought of is called the suggested power (vyanjaná sakts).]
That power of a word which gives an unexpected meaning [i. e., not the expressed or metaphorical], and which depends (a) upon the expressed meaning (váchaka artha), or (b) upon the metaphorical meaning (lakshaka artha) of a word, is called its suggested power (vyañjaná sakti).
(a) It depends upon the expressed meaning when a special meaning is to be understood (from the context, or otherwise) in a word whose expressed meaning is ambiguous (or which has several expressed meanings), as for example,
Vanamâli conducts me to the forest, and, taking pity on me, soothes the pangs of my passionate love.'
[The actions of conducting the lady to the forest, and soothing the pangs of her love, being characteristic of Vanamâlî, or the god Krishna, shew that it is only he that is meant, and not any person wearing a garland of wild flowers, which is one of the expressed meanings of the word.]
(6) It depends upon the metaphorical meaning of a word, when a meaning is suggested, the expressed meaning of a word being incompatible (with the rest of the sentence). [That is to say, we have seen that the metaphorical power of a word may be conveyed by a motive, and depends on the incompatibility of the expressed meaning of a word with the rest of the sentence. The power by which the motive is caused to be thought of, is called the suggested power:] as for example,
When I saw thy (charming) form, I cried shame to my own beauty.'

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[Here the speaker's beauty is an incorporeal thing, and it is absurd to take the expressed meaning of the words cried shame. These words are therefore taken in their metaphorical power, the motive (prayojana) being to extol the beauty of the person addressed. The suggested meaning is that the latter is surpassingly beautiful.] ).
[The following scheme shows the connexion of the various powers of a word, according to the Bhúshana-kaumudi, in a tabular form.
The Bhúshana-kaumudi follows the Sahitya-darpana in its divisions, except that the latter Bubdivides the metaphorical powers depending on convention (ridhi), exactly as it subdivides those depending on motive (prayojana). This, the Bhúshana-kaumudi, for no valid reason, abstains from doing.
Expressed, abhidha. By conven
With tion, rúdhi
apposition, rati lakshaná.
sáropa.
Simple, suddha.
Metaphorical,
lakshana.
By compre
hension, upádánalakshaná.
With introsusception, súdhyavasúná.
With a
motive, prayojana-vati
lakshana.
By exclusion, lakshanalakshaná.
Power of a word,
sakti.
With
apposition,
Qualifi. ed, gauni.
súrópá. With introsusception, sádhyavasáná.
Depending on
expressed
meaning, abhidhá-múla.
Suggested, tyanjaná.
Depending on metaphorical
meaning, lakshana
múlá.] (To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. SOME REMARKS ON THE KALYANI gion, which lies beyond in the interior, is Burma, INSCRIPTIONS.
the oldest province of which, above Avà, is still, (Continued from page 103.)
as Yule informg us, formally styled in State (4) Suvannabhumi.
documents Bonaparanta, i. e., Golden Fron
tier." - McCrindle's Ancient India described by (a)
Ptolemy, p. 198. “The Golden Khersonese denotes usually
(6) the Malay Peninsula, but more specially the "Why these lands should have been termed the Delta of the Irawadi, which forms the province lands of silver and gold (Argentea Regio, Aurea of Pegu, the Suvarnabhumi (Páli form-Suvan Regio, Chersonesus Aurea) may appear obnabhami) of ancient times. The Golden Re- scure, as they are not now remarkably pro

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AUGUST, 1894.)
MISCELLANEA.
228
ductive of those metals. There are, however, which occurs in the Dipavamsa, the Mahavamsa, gold washings on a small scale in many of and the Samantapdsddikd in connection with the the rivulets both of Pegu and of the valley of Buddhist mission to that country. Lassen identhe Upper Irwadf and of the Kyendwen [Chind- tifies Suvannabhumi with the present Pegu, or win), which may have been more productive in the Delta of the Irrawaddy; Col. Yule applies the ancient times. And the Argentea Regio may name to a promontory or place on the coast of the probably (as suggested by Col. Hannay) have Gulf of Martaban; and other writers hold that it been the territory including the Bau Dwen | means Burma in general or the large islands off (Bòdwin, really a part of the Shan States], or the Straits (Settlements). In modern Burmese. grert silver mine on the Chinese frontier, which works Suvannabhami is used as the classical is believed to supply & large part of the currency designation of British and Upper Burma. Capof Burma. Indeed Aurea Regio may be only tain Forbes, in his Indo-Chinese Languages, has a translation of the name Sônaparanta, which is already forcibly pointed out, and his statement is the classic or sacred appellation of the central corroborated by geological evidences and the region of Burma, near the junction of the Iråwadi Native records, that the extensive plains south and the Kyendwen, always used to this day in the the Pega Tôma and what are now the Irrawaddy enumeration of the king's titles. These regions and Sittang valleys were covered by the sea till may, moreover, have been the channels by which few centuries after Christ. Even Hiuen Tsiang, the precions metals were brought from China, and who visited India in the 7th century A. D., places the mountains near the sources of the Irawadi, Prome near a sea harbour. Burmese historians which are said to be very productive of gold; and date the retreating of the ocean from Prome possibly, even at that remote period, the profuse from a terrible earthquake, which took place in use of gilding in edifices may have characterized the fifth century after Christ. The corrosion of the people, as it does now.
the sea water is still clearly traceable on the "It seems, however, most probable that this
numerous boulders which line the base of the practice was introduced with Buddhism. Yet
hills stretching, now far inland, from Shwêgyin even at the period of the first Buddhistio mission
to Martaban. Cables and ropes of sea-going to this region, at the conelusion of the third
vessels have been dug up near Ayetthemi, the great Synod, B. 0. 241, it was known in India as
ancient Takkala, now distant 12 miles from the Suvarnabhami, the Golden Land.
sea-shore, and but lately remains of foreign ships
have been found near Twente buried eight feet According to Mr. Mason, the ancient capital
beneath the surface of the earth."-Forchhamof the Talains (of the Toung-thoos (see ante,
mer's Notes on the Early History and GeoVol. XXI. p. 379.], 'according to the tradition of
graphy of British Burmah. II.-The First Bud. the latter) was Thadung, or Satung, á city whose
dhist Mission to Suvannabhami, page 3. traces still exist between the mouths of the Salwen and the Sitang. Suvanna-bumme,' he adds, but unfortunately stating no authority, is still the The following extract from the preface to Col. classic PAli name of Satung (meaning thereby ? quhoun's Across Chryse is from the pen of the Thaton]."--Yule's Mission to Ava, page 206.
late Sir Henry Yule :
“Chrysd is a literal versinn of the Sanskrit "Sino and Uttarê were deputed to Suvarna
Suvarnabhami, or Golden Land, applied in bhami, or Golden Land. As this country was
ancient India to the Indo-Chinese regions. Of on the sea-coast, it may be identified either with
course, where there is no accurate knowledge, the Avd, the Aurea Regio, or with Siam, the Aures Chersones us. Six millions of people are said
application of terms must be vague. to have been converted, of whom twenty-five
"It would be difficult to define where Ptolemy's thousand men became monks, and fifteen hundred Ohrysê (Chryad Chora aut Chryse Chers women became nuns."--Cunningham's Bhilsa nesus) terminated eastward, though he appears Topes, page 118.
to give the names a special applicution to what (d)
we call Burma and Pegu. But Ptolemy, from "The identity of the Khrysé of Ptolemy, of the the nature of his work, which consisted in draw. Suvarnabhomi of the Buddhist legends, and of ing such maps as he could, and then tabulating the city of Thahtun [Thaton) in Pegu, all having the positions from those mape, as if the possessed the same signification, appears nearly certain." - most accurate data for all, necessarily defined Phayre's History of Burma, page 26.
things far beyond what his real materials justified.
If we look to the author of the Periplus, who has "Suvannabhami is the only geographical name no call to affect impossible precision, we find

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1994.
that Chryse is the last continental region grains in the Shuaygheen (Shwêgyin) gravels, towards the East.' North of it indeed, and farther I should infer the occurrence of the metal in situ off, is Thina, i. e., China.
in some of the rocks towards the sources of the "Chryse then, in the vague apprehension of the streams falling into the Sittang (Sittaung), espeancients, - the only appropriate apprehension, cially the Matuma (Muttama)...... From the where knowledge was so indefinite-was the marked scarcity of quartz pebbles at the gold region coasted between India and China. It is washings, I am inclined to believe that quartz is most correctly rendered by Indo-China.'” not the matrix, or not the sole matrix, certainly of (g)
the Shuaygheen gold."'1 The above extracts shew that the precise iden- Gold-washing in the Sittang valley was a tification of the country known as Suvanna- remunerative industry in ancient times; but as, bhami to the ancients is one of the vexed ques- in course of time, gold could not be worked in tions of the early geography of the Far East. paying quantities, the energies of the people were All Burmese and Talaing writers, however,
directed to other channels, and evidently to comagree in applying the designation to Thaton, merce. Still the glamour of the name remained, which was formerly a sea-port town, and they
and its currency was maintained by the fact of assert that the raison d'etre of the name is that
the Sittang valley containing seaport towns, auriferous ore was found in the tract of the
namely, Göļamattikä or Takkala, and subseqnently country in which Thatón is situated.
Thatôn itself, which were great emporia of trade Like the term Ramañíadesa, the appellation
between India and the Far East till the Middle Suvannabhumi appears to have been originally
Ages. applied to the basin of the Sittang and the Sal- In the Kalyani Inscriptions, Suvannabhumi ween rivers, which are noted for gold washings is identified with Bemannadésa. This idention their upper reaches. "Gold is certainly found fication appears to rest on plausible grounds, as in most of the affluents of the Shwógyin (Gold- gold-washing is still carried on in most of the Washing) river, and has been more than once districts comprising the ancient Talaing kingdom worked, but the quantity obtained is so small as
of Ramaññadêsa. Gold is still worked at Dêsàmnot to repay the labour. This river and the på in the Pegu district, on the banks of most of mountains at its source have been examined by the streams in the Shwêgyin district, at Mawaing
Ir. Theobald of the Geological Survey and by a in the Bilin township, and at the head-waters of practical miner, and the reports of both point the Tenasserim river. At Thatôn, auriferous generally to the same conclusions. Mr. Theobald sands occur in the Shwêgyaung San close to the stated that the section of the auriferous beds site of the Palace of Manuba, the Talaing king, corresponds very closely with that given by Sir R. who was conqnered and led away captive to Pagàn Murchison, in his Siluria, of the Russian gold by Anòratâzd in the 19th century. deposits . . . . . From the occurrence of coarse
TAW SEIN-KO. NOTES AND QUERIES. SRAHI.
No. III. 1. 1: ... vijayarajyê samasta 4 Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 222, Dr. Fleet has given anka frdhi Dhanu amavai Saurivare; another instance of the use of the word grahe, No. IV.1.1:... vijêråije samasta 41 érdhi which he had previously found in some dates of
Dhanu sukala saptami Ravivåre; Old-Kanarese inscriptions. I may perhaps draw
No. V.1.1: ... vijêrå jyê samasta 35 erdhi attention to the fact that apparently the same
Mêsa kļi 4 Vudhavårê; word, only spelt srahi, is regularly employed in
No. VI. 1. 2: ... maharajankara samasta the dates of the Orissa inscriptions, edited by Baba Man Mohan Chakravarti in the Jour. Beng.
4 anka srdhi Kakadá su 10 Vudhavåre. As. Soc. Vol. LXII. Part i. pp. 90ff. Thus we The editor of these inscriptions considers erdhi read in Mr. Chakravarti's inscriptions :
to be a technical word, which has no particular No. I. l. 2: ... vijêrájyê samasta 3 anka meaning in the context. I myself am unable to
sráht Magusira kşi trayodasi Bhůmiväre; offer any explanation of it. No. II. 1. 1: ... Purushottamadêva mahi
F. KIELHORN. råjånka samasta 2 érdhi Mêsa su 12 Gșivåre; Göttingen. 1 British Burma Gasettser, Vol. II. page 649.
the usual local name for the country now known as [Ono plausible derivation for Argentea Regio is that Arakan. Argentea Regio was Arakan apparently it is merely a translation of Apyvpn = & Greek ren- beyond all doubt.-ED.] dering of Arkang, the Indian pronunciation of Rak'aing,

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225
THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.I.E.
(Continued from page 222.) ATHA NÀYAKA-NÀYIKÅDI-BAEDA-VARNANA-NAMA-DVITIYAH PRAKASAH.
LECTURE II. THE CLASSIFICATION OF HEROES AND HEROINES,
Text.
Chaturvidha-nayaka-varnana. Eka nari số• hita karai
số anukala lalani Bahu narini sô priti sama
tá kó. dakshiņa jáni 11 811 Mithi bátai batha karai
kari kai maha bigára 1 Åwai lája na dhfishta ko
kiyar kiti dhilekára 11 7 11
Translation.
The Four.fold Classification of Heroes. [Sahitya-darpana, 70-74.] (1) Anukúla, the Faithful. He is devoted only to one beloved. (2) Dakshina, the Impartial. He is equally attached to several. (3) Satha, the Sly. He uses soft words to one for whom he has absolutely no affection. (4) Dhrishta, the Sauoy. He is not ashamed, however much he may be abused.
Dext.
Trividha náyaka-varnana. Svakiya-pati ko pati kahai
para-nári upapatti ! Vaibika nayaka ki sada
ganika-lí số• ratti || 8 || Translation,
The Three-fold Classification of Heroes. [Not in Sahitya-darpana. The classes correspond to each class of the three-foll classitication of heroines, given below (v. 10).]
(1) Pati. The Husband. He is the devoted husband of a faithful wife.
(2) Upapati. The Lover. He has an amour with a woman who is another's, i.e., not his wife. (3) Vaisika. The Loose. He continually spends his time amid strumpets.
Text. Chaturvidha náyika-játi-varnana. Padmini chitrini bankhintaru hastini bakhani Vividha náyiká-bheda tê. chári játi tiya jáni 11 9 11
Translation.
The Four Races of Heroines. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
Women are of four races or kinds, vit., the Padmini, the Chitrini, the Sankhini, and the Hastiní.

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[This classification is not mentioned in the Sahitya-darpana. It depends not on the inner but on the outer nature of a woman, and is frequently enlarged on by later writers. The Tantras are full of this classification, women of a particular external nature being necessary for certain of the obscener rites. The Bhasha-bhúshana does not give the distinguishing marks of each class, and those usually given are more or less ladicrous, and are manifestly incomplete as definitions. Mallik Muhammad sums up the classification in a few lines in his Padumarati, and the following abstract of what he says (vv. 501 and ff.) may be given for the sake of completeness.
(1) The Pailmini. The best kind of woman. She has the odour of lotus, thus atracting bees. She is not very tall or very short, very lean or very stout. She has four things long (hair, fingers, eyes and neck), four hight (teeth, breasts, forehead and navel), four thin (nose, loins, waist and lips), and four smooth (cheeks, pyge, wrists and thighs). Her face is like the moon. Her gait that of the swan. Her food is milk, and she is fond of betel and flowers. She has sixteen-sixteenths of all graces.
(2) The Chitrini. The next best kind. She is clever and amorous, and beautiful as a fairy (apsaras). Never angry, always smiling. Her husband is happy with her, and she is faithful to him. Her face is like the moon. Her complexion fair as a waterlily. Her gait that of a swan. She eats milk and sugar, and of them she eats but little. She is fond of betel and Howers. She has fourteen-sixteenths of all graces.
(3) The Sankhini. She eats little but is strong. Her bosom is smooth, her loins are thin, and her heart is full of pride. When she is very angry, she will go so far as to kill her beloved, and never looks forward to the consequences of her actions. She is fond of wearing ornaments herself, but cannot bear to see them on another woman. She walks with a loose gait and her body is covered with down. She loves to eat fat flesh, and hence ber bronth is evil smelling. Her embraces are fiercely passionate..
(4) The Hastini. Her nature is that of an elephant. Her head and feet smooth and her neck is short. Her bosom is lean and her loins large. Her gait is that of an elephant. She cares not for her own liusband, but is always longing for other women's men. She is greedy and wanton, nor cares for purity. She perspires freely drops viscid as honey. She has neither fear nor modesty in her heart, and must be driven with a goad.]
[Note. - In the Bhisha-Thúshana, the word for heroine' is correctly spelled ndyika, in the Sanskrit fashion. In Hindi the word is often spelled nayakd, which looks like bad Sanskrit. The case is, however, not so. It is a good Hindi word. The word náyiká became first, quite regularly, nůžka. The i after a long vowel may be written in Hindi, as ya. Hence an optional form of naika is náyaká.]
Text.
Trividha náyika-varnana. Svakiya vyáhí náyika
parakiya para-ráma Sô samanya náyiká
ja ki dhan só. kúma 11 10 11 Translation.
The Three-fold Classification of Heroines. [Sahitya-darpana, 96-111. The classes correspond to each of the three-fold classification of Heroes given above (v. 8).]
(1) Svakiya, Ono's Own. She is the faithful wife of the Hero.
(2) Parakiya, Another's. She is either the wife of another man, or an unmarried girl under her parents' guardianship. She is subdivided into six species to be subsequently described (vv. 13-15).]

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(3) Sámányá (or Sadharana). Anybody's. (She sells hier) love for money to the first comer.) [She is, however, capable of disinterested attachment.)
Text.
Mugelhadi tini avasthú ké bheila. Binu jánai* ajñata hai
jáné yauvana-jñata | Mugdha ke vai bheila kavi
ihi vidhi varanata játa 11 11 11 (Já kau chita rati ko darai
kahiya navodha SỔi | Néku hić ruti mana jó
visrabdha taha hôi ll lla 11 ] Madhya 80 já mé dlou
lajja madana samána! Ati pravima praudha wahai
já lau piya me dhyana 11 12 il
Translation. The Three-fold Classification of Heroines based on Maturity. [Sahitya-darpana, 98-101, where they are considered as sub-divisions of the heroine who is 9cakiya, 'one's own' (v. 10).]
(1) Mugdha, the Artless, or Youthful. She is of two kinds, either (a) ajñatayauvana or (6) jñatayauvana, according as she is not or is conscious of the first arrival of the period of adolescence. [Another sub-division is (c) navódha, the Bride, who fears the marriage couch, of which a further sub-division is the visrabdha-navodhi, the Bride without fear, who in her heart looks forward to the same. These are mentioned in the Bhishana-kuumuuli, but not in the Bháshá-bhúshana.]
(2) Madhyd, the Adolescent. (She struggles between) an equal amount of modesty and of passion.
(3) Praudhá Cor Pragalbha], the Mature. She is very skilled in the arts of love, and all her thoughts are bound up with her beloved.
Text.
Parakiya-bheda-lakshana. Kriya vachana sở cháturi
yahai vidagdha riti ! Bahuta duráé-hi sakhi
lakhai lakshita priti 11 13 11 Gupta rati gôpita karai
tripti no kulata dhil Nischaya júnati piya-milana
mudita kahiyai tahi 11 14 11 Vinasyau thaura sahéta kau
4gb hối 12 hối | Jái na sakai sahéta me
anabayana sôi || 15 || [Nilipiya só ékánta lwai
nija hita karai uchári 1 Parliyá mé so kahai
svayamdatika nári | 15a 11 Para-nayaka sô príti rasa
varanata udha anadha ! Kahai anudhá byáha binu
byal bôi so vặta || 15b 11 ]
Translation.
The six divisions of she who is Another's. (1) Vidagdhú, the Clever. She is either -
(a) Kriya-vidagdhá, clever in action, or
(6) Vachana-vidagdhá, clover in her language. (2) Laloshita, the Detected. Though she conceals them carefully, her amours are detected by her confidential friend.
1 For anusayand (m. c.)

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(3) Guptá, the Concealed. She successfully conceals her amour. [She has three subdivisions--
(a) Bhúta-guptá, who conceals what has occurred. (6) Bhavishyat-gupta, who conceals what is to occur.
(e) Vartamána-guptá, who conceals what is occurring.] (4) Kulatá, the Unchaste. She is not satisfied (with a single amour). (5) Mudita, the Joyful. She is certain that her beloved will keep his assigpation. (6) Anusayáná, the Disappointed. Of three kinds, either -
(a) The place of assignation exists no longer, (6) Or she is in doubt whether her beloved will be there or not,
(0) Or she is prevented from going there. [(7) SvayaındAtikd, The Direct, is she who meets her beloved in a quiet spot, and tells him of her love.
(8) When she who is another's is a Married Woman she is called údha, and when not a Married Woman, anidha. From the Lokókti-rasa-kaumudi of Raya Siva Dasa.]
Text.
Dasa-náyiká-bhéda-varnana. Proshita-patika virahin
at risa pati số• hội | Puni pichhé pachhitai mana
kalahantarita sồi || 18 || Pati áwai kahu' raini basi
práta khandita geha Játi milana abhisarika
kari si gara saba déha II 17 Il [Sukla aru krishna ganyau
apara diva abhisára Tini bhéda abhisáriká
kary au su-kabi saradára 11 17a 11] Piya sahéta páwai nahi.
chintá mana mé ani ! Sóchu karai santapa só.
utkanthita bakháni | 18 | Binu paai' sankéta piya
vipralabdha tana tápal VAsakasajja tana sajai
piya dwana jia thápa 11 19 !! Jú ké pati adhina kahi
svadhinapatika tahi Bhora sunai piya kau gamana
pravasyatpatikaa áhi | 2011 [Piya vidéśa tê. áwato
sunai badhai sukha váma 1 Agamapatika táhi ko
varanata hai guna-dháma 11 20a 11] Já lau piya áwai milana
apani tiya kau hỏi i Lakshana kavi-jana kahata hai
agatapatika sôi || 21 II.
Translation. The Ten-fold Classification of Heroines with reference to their Lovers. [Sahitya-darpana, 112, where, however, only the first eight classes are mentioned.] (1) Proshitapatika, She whose husband is abroad. She is pining in his absence.
(2) Kalahántarita, the Separated by a quarrel. She has been angry with her lord (and is separated from him). She is subsequently filled with remorse.
(3) Khandita, the Sinned against. Her lover approaches her room in the morning after spending the night with some other (woman).
(4) Abhisáriká, the Forward. She adorns her whole person, and goes to see her lover. [According to the poet Sar'dâr, she is of three kinds -
(a) Suklábhisárika, who visits her beloved on bright moonlit nights.
? Should be prayatsyat, the t is omitted (m. c.)

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229
(6) Krishnábhisáriká, who does so on dark nights.
(e) Divábhisárika, who does so by day. Other authors add
(d) Sandhyábhisáriká, who does so in the evening twilight.
(e) Nisábhisáriká, who does so by night.) (5) Utkanthitá, she who longs in absence. She is afflicted at the (unintentional) absence of her beloved from the place of assignation.
(6) Vipralabdhá, the Neglected. She is afflicted because her lover neglects to keep an assignation,
(7) Vasakasagjá, she who is ready in her chamber. She adorns herself, and waits the coming of her beloved.
(8) Svadhinapatiká, she who is sincerely loved. She has an obsequious lover.
(9) Pravatsyatpatiká, she who anticipates separation. She learns at dawn that her husband is about to go away (on a journey).]
(9) Agamapatika, sho whose husband is on the way home. Her happiness is increased by the news that her husband is on his way back from a far country. From the Lõkkti-rasa-kaumudi of Raya Siva Dâsa.]
(10) Agatapatiká, She whose husband is returned. He comes back from a journey, and immediately seeks his wife.3
[Text.
Jyéshļhá-kanishthá-lakshana. Já kô piya ati hita karai
sôi jyështha váma l Já pai ghaļi hita tásu ko
kahai kanishtha nama | 21811 Translation.
The Preferred and the Old Love. The Preferred is she whose beloved's affection is excessive. She whose beloved's affection is waning is called the Old Love. From the Lôkókti-rasa-kaumudi, of Râya Siva Dasa.)
Text. Garvita-anyasashbhôgaduh chitá-lakshana. Bupa-prema:abhimana số
duvidhi garvita jani Anya-bhoga-dukhita ganyau anata milana pra máni II 22 11
Translation.
The Vain and the Disillusionised. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.)
(1) A Vain Heroine is of two kinds, according as she is proud (a) of her own beauty, or (b) of the love borne her by the Hero.
(2) The anya-bhoga-duhkhitá, or anya-sambhoga-duḥkhita, Disillusionised Heroine, is she who, ascertaining that her beloved has been with some other flame, is grieved at his unfaithfulness.
Text.
Dhiradhira-bheda. Gópa köpa dhira karai
pragaļa adhira köpa Lakshana dhiradhira kau
κόμα pragαία ατι φόρα 23
3 This verse is omitted in some texts.
* Dukhita for drhkhita, m. c.

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Translation. Classification of Heroines according to Powers of Self-command. [Sahitya-darpana, 102-106, where only the Adolescent (madhya) and Mature (praudha) heroines (vv. 11, 12) are so classified.]
(1) Dhirá, she who possesses self-command. She is able to conceal her anger (when her lover is unfaithful).
(2) Adhírá, she who does not possess self-command. She is unable to conceal her anger.
(3) Dhiradhira, She who partly possesses, and partly does not possess self-com. mand. She can sometimes conceal her anger, and sometimes cannot.
Text.
Trividha mána. Sahojaihúsi khélité
vinaya-vachana musikyána i Púi parai piya ké misai
laghu, madhyama, guru mans 11 24 11 Iti Nayaka-nayikadi-bhoda-varnana-nama dvitiyah prakabah 11 2 1
Translation.
The three kinds of Indignation. [Not in Sáhitya-dar paņa.]
Indignation (mána) is of three kinds, viz., laghu or light; madhyama or moderato: and guru or severe. The first is easily dissipated by a smile or dalliance; the second is reduced to a smile by humble words; and the third by the beloved falling in a basement) at the Jody's feet.
End of the Second Lecture, entitled the Classification of Heroes and Heroines. ATHA BHÅVA-HÅVÅDI-VARŅANA-NAMA TŘITIYA PRAKASAŅ.
LECTURE III. THE EMOTIONS AND OTHER CONSTITUENTS OF FLAVOUR.
Text.
Sattvika-bháva. Stambha kampa svara-bhanga kahi
vivarņa abru svoda 1 Bahuri pulaka aru pralaya gani
afha-u sattvika bheda 11 25 ||
Translation.
The Eight Involuntary Expressions of Emotion. Sálitya-dar paņa, 166. These all fall under the head of ensuants (anubhava), vide v. 39,
post.]
These are
(1) Stambha, arrest of motion. (2) Kampa (or vėpathu), trembling. (3) Svara-bhanga, disturbance of speech, (4) Vaivarnya, change of colour. (5) Aśru, tears. (6) Svada, perspiration.
Pulaka (or romanche], horripilation or thrill. (8) Pralaya, fainting.

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Text.
Háva-bhéda-oarnana. Höhi sa'yoga-si-gára mé.
dampati hé tana ava ! Cheshţá jó bahu bhá ti lé,
te kahiyui dasa h&va II 26 11 Piya pyári rati sukha karai
1114-háva so jáni I Bóli sakai nahi lája só
vikrita so háva bakháni il 27 11 Chitawani bölani chalani mé.
rasa ki riti vilass Sohata a'ga a'ga bhúshamani
lalita so háca prakása 11 28 11 Vichchhiti káhú béri me
bhúshaņa alpa sukával Rasa sô. bhúshana bhuli kai
pahirai vibhrama-háva 11 29 11 Krodha harsha abhilasha bhaya
kilakinchita mé. hii ! Pragaļa karai dukha sukha-samai là ca kutgamita sôi || 30 | Pragata karai risa piya sô
báta na bhavati kána 1 Åé údaru ná karas
dhari vivvoka gumána 131 11 Piya ki bátani kai chalai
tiya igárai jabhái Mottagita s8 janiyai
kahể maha kapi-rái || 12 ||
Translation. The External Indications of Emotion (of Love in Union). The many kinds of bodily actions on the part of a hero and heroine, on the occasion of) Love in Union (vide translation of v. 33), are (of ten kinds), and are called the ten External Indications of Emotion (káva).
[Not in Sahitya-darpana. Cf., however, No. 125. The ten havas here described all fall within the last eighteen of the twenty-eight alankára, or ornaments of a heroine. According to Nos. 126-128 of the same work, bháva is the first alteration in a mind previously unaltered. Where the alteration is slightly modified — so as to shew by alterations of the eye-brows or eyes, etc., the desire for mutual enjoyment, - bháva is called háva. When the change is very great, it is called héld.]
The ten External Indications of Emotion are the following: -
(1) Lila-háva, Sport, when the hero and the heroine happily enjoy amorous caresses. [In the Sáhitya-darpana this is translated 'fun,' and is defined as the sportive mimicking of a beloved's voice, dress, or manners.]
(2) Vikrita-háva, Bashfulness, - not being able to speak (even when one ought to speak) through bashfulness.' [According to F. E. Hall (Dasarkpa, preface, p. 20) viksita in the Sahitya-ılarpana is incorrect for vihrita. The Bhasha-bhushana has vikrita. The Rasika-priya (vide post, No. 13) has vihita.]
(3) Vilása-háva, Flutter of delight, - that peculiarity in the action of the eyes, in speaking, or in motion, which is caused by love.
(4) Lalita-háva, Voluptuous gracefulness, the graceful disposition of the ornaments upon the limbs.
(5) Vichchhitti-hava, Simplicity in dress, - the employment of few ornaments on any particular occasisn.
(6) Vibhrama-háva, Fluster, - the application of ornaments to the wrong places, throngh hurry arising from delight.
(7) Kilari chita-háva, Iysterical delight, - the commingling of anger, joy, desire and alarm.
(8) Kutamita-hava, Affected repulse of endearments, - where, though enraptured by caresses, she displays the reverse.

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(9) Molláyita-háva, Mute involuntary expressions of affection, as when a heroine involuntarily stretches herself or yawns at hearing her loved one talked about.
(10) Vivvóka-háva, Affectation of indifference, when, through haughtiness, respect is not shewn to the beloved on his arrival, but, on the contrary, anger is displayed, and words unpleasing to his ears are expressed.
(Some authors add other havas, e. g., Késava-dâsa (Rsaika-priya, VI. 15) gives the following: Hola 1118 lalita mada
vibhrama vihita vilasa Kilakinchita vikshipti aru
kahi vivvoka prakása 11 32a 11 Mottayita sunu kuttamita
bodhadhika bahu háva 1 Apani apaní buddhi bala
varnata kavi kavi-ráva 11 32b11 The following are those not already mentioned :
(11) Hélá-háva, Wantonness, when the heroine, under the infuence of love, forgets her modesty.
(12) Mada-háva, Arrogance, arising from love. [The Rasika-priyá gives, as an example, a girl who was rupa-mada mana-mada chhaki, drunk with the arrogance of her beauty and her pride.)
(13) Vihita-háva, Bashfulness, the suppression of the sentiments of the heart through modesty. The Sahitya-darpana (125) calls this vikrita. See note, ante, No. 2.
(14) Vikshipti, this is an imaginary Sanskrit form of the presumed Prakrit word vichchhitti. The St. Petersburg dictionary derives vichchhitti from chhid.
(15) The Bsdha-háva or bodhaka-hava, Indicating, when a hero or heroine makes communications by private signs or by a riddle, as when the gift of a withered lotus signifies the condition of the giver's heart.
(16) The Lala-chandriká (249) adds a tapana-hava, a mugdha-hava and a vikshepa. hava.]
Text.
Dasa viraha ki dasá varnana. Naina milé mana-hú milyau • milibê kau abhilasha Chinta játi na binu milé
yatna kiyé-hú lakha il 33 !! Sumirana rasa sashyoga kau
kari kari léti usása Karati rahati piya-guna-kathana mana-udrega udása 11 34 11 Binu samujhai kachhu baki uthai kahiyai tahi pralapa 1 Déha ghatati, tana mê badhati
viraha vyadhi santapa 1135 !! Tiya-súrati murati bhai
hai jadata saba gáta Så kahiyai' unmada jaha.
sudhi budhi binu nisi játa || 36 11 [Lakshana kari, nava-hi kahyan
thashd-bhúshana mahi Marana sahita daśa kari ganyau apara kavisana chahi || 36& II ]
Translation. The (nine or) ten conditions of Love in Separation. rof. Sahitya-darpana, 211 and ff. Sfingara, Love, is of two kinds, Love in Union (savib hoon or sariyoga) and Love in Separation (viraha or vipralambha). The former (S.-d. 225) is when two lovers, mutually enamoured, are engaged in looking on one another, touching one another, etc. The latter is of four kinds, according as the Love in Separation consists in (1) Affection arising before the parties actually meet, through having heard of or seen one another (purvaraga), (2) Indignation or Lovers' quarrels (mana), (3) the Separation of the Lovers in different countries (pravasa), the Death of one of the Lovers (karuna). The ten conditions of love in

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separation (kama-daśá, or viraha-daia) are those mentioned below. The Sahitya-darpana confines them, for no very valid reason, to the case of affection arising before the parties actually meet. but the Bhasha-bhúshana, more reasonably, makes them applicable to all kinds of separation. As will be seen, the Bhasha-bhushana omits the tenth condition usually given by other authors. vis, Death. In this it is right. The Sahitya-darpana itself admits (215) that it is not properly described as a condition of unhappy love as it causes the destruction of flavour (rasa). But it may be described as having nearly taken place or as being mentally wished for. It may also be described, if there is to be, at no distant date, a restoration to life.]
(1) Abhilasha, Longing,
when, the eyes having met, the souls have also acquired a
longing for a (bodily) meeting.
(2) Chintá, Anxiety, it departs not, though a hundred thousand efforts are made, till a meeting is effected.
(3) Smarana or smriti, Reminiscence,
as she remembers the joy of Love in Union,
she heaves continual sighs.
(4) Guna-kathana, or guna-varnana, the Mentioning of the qualities of the beloved
one.
(5) Udvéga, Agitation, (6) Pralapa, Delirium, (7) Vyadhi, Sickness,
which fills her soul with dejection.
when she prattles without meaning.
when the form wastes away, while in the body the fever of Love
when the whole form (of the hero or heroine) becomes rigid
(9) Unmáda, Derangement, when night passes without memory or intelligence. [(10) (From the Bhushana-kaumudi.) Marana or mriti, Death. Only nine conditions are mentioned in the Bhasha-bhushana, but other authors add this, as a tenth; see above.]
Text.
in separation increases.
(8) Jaḍatá, Stupefaction,
like a statue.
-
-
Rasa aur Sthayi Bhava varnana.
Rasa, sringara so hasya puni Vira bhaya 'ru bibhatsa kahi Rati hasi aru soka puni Ninda vismaya átha yaha [Atha kahé ékai rasani Sthayi bhava jo sánta ki
288
karuņa raudrahi júni
adbhuta santa bakhani 137 1
#
krodha uchhaha 'ru bhiti sthayi bhava pratiti 11 88 11 ékai nara sukha khani 1 nirvêdahi so júni
388]
Translation.
The Flavours and their relative Underlying Emotions.
[Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 205-209 and ff. An Underlying Emotion or underlying sentiment (sthay bhava) may be described as the ultimate ground-basis of a poetic work. It is The permanent condition, which, running through the other conditions like the thread of a garland, is not overpowered by them but only reinforced. Thus, in the play of Málati and Madhava, the Underlying Emotion is Love; in the Nataka Melaka it is Mirth; in the Ramayana, Sorrow; and in the Mahabharata, Quietism.' There are eight (some say nine) of these Underlying Emotions; and each occasions the existence of a corresponding Taste or Flavour (rasa), excited in the mind of the person who reads or hears the poem. A Flavour bears much the same relation to its Underlying Emotion that an effect does to a cause. It is the psychic condition produced in the mind of the hearer by the Underlying Emotion aided by the excitants, the ensuants and the accessories (see below). Rasa is frequently rendered by the word style,' a translation which without being accurate is convenient. The following are the eight (or nine) Underlying Emotions, with their respective Flavours.]

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[Each Flavour has a fancied colour attributed to it, and has also a presiding deity. These are given in the 3rd and 4th columns of the accompanying table.]
234
Underlying Emotion (sthayi bhava).
Corresponding Flavour or Style (rosa).
sire.
(1) Rati, Love, or De- Sringára-rasa, Erotic Flavour. Húsya-rasa, The Comic Svéta, White ... Flavour.
(2) Hasa, Mirth
(3) Sóka, Sorrow
.. Karuna rasa,
Pathetic Flavour. Resent- Raudra-rasa,
(4) Krodha,
ment. Furious Flavour. (5) Utsäha, Magnani- Vira-rasa, The Heroic Héma-varna, mity. Flavour. coloured. (6) Bhiti or bhaya, Bhayanaka-rasa, The Krishna, Black Fear. Terrible Flavour. (7) Ninda or jugupsa, Bibhatsa-rasa, The Nila, Dark blue Disgust. Disgustful Flavour.
(8) Vismaya, Surprise. Adbhuta-rasa, The Pita, Yellow ... Marvellous Flavour. The
(9) (Some authors, as Santa-rasa,
verse in brackets,
add a 9th sama
or nirvéda, Quietism.]
[Colour.]
indicated in the Quietistic Flavour.
The [Syama, Dark-coloured. [Vishnu.
The Kapôta-varna, coloured.
The Rakta, Red
******...
[SEPTEMBER, 1894.
[Presiding Deity.}
Pramatha, the Attendants of Siva.
Dove- Yama, the God of
Death. Rudra.
Gold- Mahendra.
Text.
Vibhava-anubhava-vyabhicháribháva-varṇana.
Kâla, Death.
Mahakâla, a form of Siva.
A Gandharva.
Narayana.
[The nature of most of these Flavours is explained by their names. As explained above, the Erotic Flavour is of two kinds, Love in Separation (viraha or vipralambha), and Love in Union (sambhoga or samyoga). For further sub-divisions, see ncte to vv. 33 and ff. With regard to the Heroic Style, it may be noted that there are four kinds of Heroes: (1) dâna-vira, the hero of liberality, (2) dharma-vira, the hero of duty, (3) daya-vira, the hero of benevolence, and (4) yuddha-vira, the hero of war. Examples of these four are (1) Paraśu-râma, who gave away the whole world without affectation, (2) Yudhishthira, (3) Jimûtavâhana, and (4) Ramachandra. Quietism is the knowledge of the vanity of all things, by reason of their being but temporary manifestations of the Supreme Spirit.]
39 11
41 11
Jo rasa ko dipati karai uddipana kahi sôi 1 So anubhava jó upajai rasu lan anubhava hội || Alambana lambi rasa já mé rahai bandu 1 Nau-hú rasa mé samcharai té ibhichari-bhúu | 40 | Nirvėda-i, sanka, garva, chinta, môha, vishada Dainya, asuya, mrityu, mada, alasya, srama, unmada II Akriti-gopana, chapalata, apasmára, bhaya, glani | Vrida, jadata, harsha, dhriti mati, avega bakhani || Utkantha, nidra, svapana, bodha, ugrata bhai Vyadhi, amarsha, vitarka, smriti, é tai tisa ginai | 43 | Iti Bhava-havadi-varnana-nama tritiyaḥ prakasaḥ | 3 ||
42
5 He outshone Prometheus, in asking a hungry vulture who had stopped eating, not to desist on his account."
11

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Translation.
Excitants, Ensuants, and Accessories. [That which awakens any one of the nine flavours (rasa), as its exciting cause, is called an Excitant (vibháva). (Sáhitya-darpaņa, 61 and ff.).]
This is of two kinds, according as it is essential or Enhancing.] [In the following translation the order of the original is slightly altered.]
An Essential Excitant (alambana-vibháva) is one on which the flavour is absolutely dependent. (That is to say, it is such a material and necessary ingredient of the flavour as the hero or the heroine, without which the flavour would not be excited.] [Sáhitya-darpana, 63.]
The Enhancing Excitants (uddipana-vibháva) are those which enhance the flavour. (Sach as the gestures, beauty, decorations and the like of one of the principal characters (or Essential Excitants, álambana-vibhava), or places, times, the moon, sandal-ointment, the voice of the cuckoo, the hum of bees, and the like.] [Sahitya-darpana, 160, 161.)
That which is produced, on the perception of a flavour occurring, is called an Ensuant (anubhava). (Sahitya-darpana, 162. That which, displaying an external condition occasioned by its appropriate causes, in ordinary life ranks as an effect (karya), is called, in Poetry and the Drama, an Enguant.'] [The most important Ensuants are the eight Involuntary Expressions of Emotion (sáttvika bháva), already described (v. 25). Other Enstante may be such as fluster, or pining. Again, Rama seeing Sità in the moonlight fell in love with her, and in consequence made an involuntary motion. Here Sita is the Essential Excitant of the flavour of love, the moonlight is its Enhancing Excitant, and the involuntary motion is the Enguant or effect of the love so excited.]
An Accessory Emotion (vyabhichári-bháva) is that which goes along with (or co-operates with) (any one of the Underlying Emotions, stháyf-bharu), which form the foundations of the nine flavours (rasa).
The word used for 'goes along with,' sarhcharai, gives rise to another name for this kind of emotion, vis., samchari-bhAve, which is very often met in commentaries.]
[Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 168 and ff. Take, for example, Love as the Underlying Emotion, and Self-disparagement (nirveda), as an Accessory, inasmuch as it tends in the same direction as love, whether obviously or not, while it is quite distinct from it.]
These Accessory Emotions are thirty-three in number, viz. :(1) Nirvéda, Self-disparagement. (2) Sanká, Apprehension or Anticipation of Evil.
(3) Garva, Arrogance. [Arising from valour, beauty, learning, greatness of family or the like, and Icading to acts of disrespect, coquettish displays of the person, immodesty, etc.)
(4) Chinta, Painful Reflection. (Meditation arising from the non-possession of a beloved object.]
(5) Móha, Distraction. [Perplexity arising from fear, grief, impetuosity or painful recollection.]
(6) Vishada, Despondenoy. [Loss of vigoar arising from absence of expedients to meet impending calamity.]
(7) Dainya, Depression. [Arising from misfortune.] (8) Asuyá, Envy. [Impatience of another's merits, arising from pride.) (9) Mrityu, Death. (10) Mada, Intoxication. [A combination of confusion and delight produced by wine.] (11) Alasya, Indolence. [Aversion from movement, caused by fatigue, pregnancy, etc.]

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(12) Srama, Weariness. (Fatigue arising from indulgence, travel, etc.)
(13) Unmáda, Derangement. [A confusion of thought, arising from love, grief, fear or the like.]
(14) Alcriti-gopana, Dissembling. The hiding of appearances of joy, etc., caused by fear, dignified importance, modesty or the like. The Sahitya-darpanc calls this avahittha.]
(15) Chapalatá, Unsteadiness. [Instability arising from envy, aversion, desire or the like.]
(16) Apasmára, Dementedness. [A disturbance of the mind occasioned by the intuonce of one of the planets or the like.]
(17) Bhaya, Alarm. [The Sahitya-darpana calls this trasa.] (18) Glani, Debility. [Resolting from enjoyment, fatigue, hunger and the like.] (19) Vrida, Shame.
(20) Jadata, Stupefaction. Incapacity for action, occasioned, for example, by seeing or hearing anything extremely agreeable or disagreeable, which produces unwinking eyes, silence and the like.]
(21) Harsha, Joy. [Mental complacency on the attainment of a desired object. (22) Dhriti, Equanimity. (Complete contentment.] (23) Mati, Resolve. [Making up one's mind.? (24) Årēga, Flurry.
(25) Utkanthá, Longing. (Impatience of the lapse of time, caused by the non-attainment of a desired object. The Sáhitya-darpaşa calls this a utsukya.)
(26) Nidra, Drowsiness. (27) Svapna, Dreaming. (28) Bódha, Awaking. [The Sáhitya-darpana calls this vibodha.]
(29) Ugratá, Sternness. [The harshness which arises from rude valour, or from another's offences.]
(30) Vyádhi, Sickness.
(31) Amarsha, Impatience of Opposition. [A determination or purpose occasioned by censure, abuse, disrespect or the like.]
(32) Vitarka, Debate. [Discussion arising from doubt.] (33) Smriti, Recollection,
(Concluding Remarks.] (Vák yani rasátmakunk kávyam, Poetry is a sentence, the soul whereof is flavour. Such is the definition of poetry given by the Sahitya-darpana, and the present lecture deals with this question of flavour and its concomitants. As the arrangement in the Bhasha-bhushana is not very regular, a brief resume of the contents will not be nmiss. The foundation of all poetical Flavour (rasa) is Emotion (bhava). A poetical work has one of the so-called Underlying Emotions (sthayi-bháva) as its basis, and this forms the foundation of the Flavour (or Psychic condition produced in the hearer) which forms its listinguishing feature. One poem may be distinguished by the Erotic Flavour, and the Emotion on which it is founded will be Love. Another may be distingaished by the Heroic Flavour, and its motive Emotion will be Magnauimity. So also for other flavours.
Each flavour must have one or more Excitants (vilkeca=dlambana uldipana, vy. 39, 40). and may have one or more Ensuants (annbhára, T. 39), including Involuntary Expressions of Emotion, sáttvika-bháva, v. 25), and Accessory Emotions (ryabhichári-bhava, vv. 40 and ff.).

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The Sahitya-darpana gives examples of each of these for each flavour, and the following table is an abstract of them, which will make the matter clear:
Examples of Excitants.
Flavour.
Examples of Acces.
sory Emotions (vyabhichdri bhava).
Examples of Ensuants (ann.
bhava).
Essential (dlambana).
Enhancing (uddipana).
1. Erotic
gára).
ésin. The heroes and The moon, sandal-Such as self-dis- Motions of the eyeheroines. ointment, hum paragement, etc. brows, sideglances, of bees, etc. Any of those men- etc.
tioned in 41 ff., except death (9), indolence (11) sternness (29).
2. Comic (hásya). The thing laugh. The gestures, Indolence (11), dis- Closing of the eyes,
ed at.
form, speech, sembling (14), smiling, laughter, etc., of the drowsiness (25), etc. thing laughed etc.
at.
3. Pathetic (ka- The object sor- E. g., when the Self-disparagement Cursing of one's runi). rowed for. dead body of (1), distraction (5), destiny, falling on
the loved one dementedness (16) the ground, wailis being burn- debility (18), sick- ing, changes of ed. ness (30), and the colour, sighs, sobe,
stupefaction, rav. ing, and the like.
like.
4. Furious (rau- An enemy,
dra).
The behaviour of Distraction (5), inthe enemy and toxication (10), description of furry (24), imthe combats. patience (31), and
the like.
Knitting of the brows, biting of the lips, swelling of the arms, threatening gestures, reviling, angry looks, etc.
5. Heroic (vira). Persons that are the behaviour Equanimity (22), The'seeking of allies,
to be conquered, of the persons resolve (23), debate etc. etc.
to be conquer (32), recollection ed, etc.
(33), and the like.
6. Terrible (bha. That by which) The fierce ges-Apprehension (2). Changes of colour yánaka).
fear is produc. tures, etc., of depression (7), and speaking with ed.
that which pro- death (9), demen- a stammering tone, duces fear. tedness (16), de- faintings, perspira
bility (18), flurry tion, horripilation, (24), and the like. trembling, looking
in every direction, etc.

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Examples of Excitants.
Flavour.
Essential (Alambana).
Examples of Acces.
sory Emotions (vyabhichári bhuva).
Examples of Ensuants (ann
bhava).
Enhancing (uddipana).
7. Disgustful Stinking flesh Presence (bíthatsa). fibre and fat, worms, etc.
and the like.
of Distraction(5), death Spitting, averting
(9), dementedness of the face, clos(16), farry (24), ing of the eyes, sickness (30), ete. etc.
8. Marvellous Any supernatu
(adbhuta). ral thing.
The greatness of Joy (21), flurry (24), Stupefaction, perthe qualities of debate (32), and spiration, horripithe supernatu- the like.
lation, stammerral thing,
ing speech, agitation, wide opening of the eyes, etc.
9. Quietistic Either the emp- Holy hermitages, Self-dispaiagement Horripilation, etc. (santa).
tiness and vani- sacred places,l (1), joy (21), ty of all things places of pil- resolve (23), recol
lection (33), etc. by reason of grimage, pleastheir not being ant groves, and lasting, or God the like. (the only entity in the opinion of the quietist).
[The translation of the word bhava bas presented some difficulty. It occurs in the phrases vi-bháva, sthayi bháva, vyabhichári bháva, anu-bháva, and sáttvika bhava. A perfect translation would render it in each case by the same English word, but this is impossible, for the Sanskrit word comprehends not only feelings and mental states, but also conditions of the body. I have followed the translation of the Sahitya-darpana in translating vi-bhava by * excitant.' Literally, it means that by which the mental or bodily states (bháva) of the heroes or spectators are altered (vi-bhávayanté). So also I have translated anu-bháva by ensuant.' In the remaining three phrases I have adopted the word 'emotion' as the nearest equivalent. It suits well the meaning of stháyi bháva, and vyabhichárí bháva being the converse, the same English word must necessarily be used in each case. The translation of the Sahitya-darpana sometimes renders the former by permanent condition' and sometimes by permanent mood.' Stháyin certainly does mean constant,' or 'permanent,' in opposition to vyabhichárin, 'changeable, but the use of the word permanent' seems to me to be awkward, and I have adopted the word 'underlying' which, while not being a literal translation, accords well with the definition. In súttvika bhava, bháva does not mean' emotion,' but 'expression of emotion.'] End of the Third Lecture, entitled the Emotions and other Constituents of Flavour.
(To be continued.)
NOTE ON PROFESSOR JACOBI'S AGE OF THE VEDA AND ON
PROFESSOR TILAK'S ORION.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. As peculiar circumstances have made me acquainted with the genesis of the important chronological publications of Profe. Jacobi and Bal G. Tilak, who both, and partly with the belp of the same arguments, claim a high antiquity for the beginning of the Indo-Aryan

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civilization, I consider it desirable that I should state publicly what I know of the matter. The news that there were statements in Vedic works, calenlated to upset the prevailing theories regarding the age of the Veda, first came to me through Prof. Jacobi. When, at the end of our summer term of 1892, I started on a journey to England, I stopped on July 23rd for a few hours at Bonn in order to call on the former companion of my travels, who had so materially lightened the tediousness of my Tour in the Rajputana Desert during the winter of 1873.4 and had so efficiently assisted me in exploring the libraries of Jêsalmir and Bikanir. In the course of our conversation Prof. Jacobi mentioned his explanation of Rigveda VII. 103, 9, and called my attention to the significance of the statements in the Brahmanas regarding the beginning and the end of the year as well as regarding the beginning of the three seasons. The last point interested me greatly, as I had shortly before treated of the chúturmusyas, or three seasons of four months each, in connexion with the Pillar Edicts of Asoka, and had again studied Prof. A. Weber's truly "classical treatise" on the Nakshatras. We had a long talk on the importance of the indications that the so-called Krittika series was not the oldest arrangement of the Nakshatras, known to the Hindus, and I congratulated Prof. Jacobi on his discoveries which, he told me, would be made public in the Festschrift on the occasion of Prof, von Roth's jubilee.
Six weeks later the Committee of the Ninth International Oriental Congress sent to me the MS. of Prof. Tilak's Orion with the request that I would give my opinion on the advisability of its being printed in the Transactions. To my surprise I found that his views very closely agreed with those expressed to me by Prof. Jacobi, and that he quoted some of those very passages to which Prof. Jacobi had called my attention. Though it was impossible for me to agree with Prof. Tilak about all his details, I nevertheless recommended that his work should be printed in its entirety, as I believed that he had made an important discovery, which had also been made independently by Prof. Jacobi. Want of funds prevented the Committee from carrying out my recommendation, and the Transactions of the Congress contain only an abstract of the volume. Some time after my return to Vienna in October, I received from Prof. Tilak two copies of the printed abstracts. One of them I sent to Prof. Jacobi towards the end of December, and it was then only that I acquainted him with Prof. Tilak's discoveries and the submission of his large work to the Oriental Congress. Under the circumstances the honour of having found this new method of utilising the astronomical facts, mentioned in Vedic literature, belongs to Profs. Jacobi and Tilak conjointly, though the latter has published his results earlier, and though, as I have learned from a private letter of his, he has been gradually working out his theories for several years. The character of the two publications shows also clearly that the two gentlemen have worked independently of each other.
With respect to their new theory I can only say that in my opinion they have made good their main proposition, viz., that the Ksittika-series is not the oldest arrangement of the Nakshatras known to the Hindus, but that the latter once had an older one, which placed Mrigasiras at the vernal equinox. If this proposition has not been proved mathematically, it has at least been made probable :- so probable that it may be used as the foundation for a future chronology of the so-called Vedic period of India. The chief arguments, contained both in Prof. Jacobi's paper and in Prof. Tilak's Orion, appear to me the following:
While the arrangement of the Nakshatras according to the Kittikâ-series places the winter solstice in the month of Magha, the vernal equinox in Vaisakha, the summer solstice in Sråvara and the autumnal equinox in Kårttika, there are a number of passages in Vedic works which contain contradictory statements. The well-known passages from the Taittiriya Surihita, as well as from the Kaushitaki and Panchavitna Brahmanas, to which Prof. Tilak, Crion, p. 67, adds one from the Gópatha Brahmana, and to which others might be added from the Srauta Stitras, declares 1 Sec e. g., A pastamba Sruta satra, v. 3,16, regalgoa
TE V I R ar 11 "If one kindles (the sacred fire) on the fullmoon day of PhAlguna, one places it in the mouth of the year; (hence one should do it) two days or one day earlier." The reason is, as Redradatta states, that the year will swallow the sacred fire and that it will be lost, in case it is kindled on the first day of the year,

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the fullmoon night of PhAlguna to be “the mouth of the year." Moreover, another paysage of the Taittiriya Samhitá asserts that Uttara Phalgant is the first night of the year and Parva Phalguni is the last, which assertions are repeated in figurative language by the author of the Kaushitaki Brâhmaņa. From the first set of utterances both Prof. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak inter, as has been done by others before them, that in the Vedic times & year, beginning with the fall moon of Phålguna, was used, and Prof. Jacobi a lone points out that the second set of statements permits the inference that there was also a second year, beginning exactly six months later in Praushthapada or Bhadrapada."
The same scholar shews further that a third reckoning began with the month of Margnsirsha, which in the Grihya Satras and in Påņini's Grammar is called Agrahîyana or Ågrahyayika belonging to the beginning of the year. Thus there are for the Vedic times three years, a Phalguna-year, six months later a Praushtbapada-year, and again three months later a Margasirsba-year. Such a variety of beginnings is, according to Prof. Jacobi, not surprising, as the Hindus used in historical times and still use various initial days for their reckoning, sometimes two or three in the same province. In order to sew the force of this argument more fully, I may add, that in historical India the year began, or begins, with not less than seven different months, vis., (1) Chaitra, (2) Vaisakha, (3) Ashadba, (4) Bhadrapada, (5) Åsvina, (6) Kârttika and (7) Mârgaśirsha, while a beginning with Phalguna has been proved for Ceylon by Prof. Kern (Der Buddhismus, Vol. II, p. 263.). The first three beginuings, as well as the fifth and sixth, are known from the works of astronomers and from inscriptions. The fourth is expressly mentioned by Bêrûni, India, Vol. II. p. 8,6 and so is the seventh, which, in his times, was used in various provinces of Northern and North-Western India. Its occurrence is also vouched for by the Bhagavadgitá, X. 35, by Mahabharata, XIII. 106, 11 ff. (as Prof. Jacobi points ont to me), and by the markósha. This is just what might be expected in a large country like India, which was cut up into numerous political and other divisions. But it seems to me that in the Vedic works there are other indications, such as the contradictory statements regarding the number of the seasons, shewing that the reckoning of time even in the most early period was by no means uniform and that various opinions regarding astronomical matters prevailed.
The question, which now arises, is what the astronomical position of the Nakshatras was, according to which the three initial months of tbese Vedic years were named. Do these years belong to the period when the colare of the equinoxes passed through Kpittikâ and Visakh and that of the solstices through Maghả and Sravaņà ? Or do they belong to an earlier time, when the colure of the solstices went through Uttara Phalg uni and Purva Bbadrapada and that of the equinoxes through Mrigasiras and Müla ? In other words do they belong to the time, when the series of the Nakshatras, counting from that at the vernal equinox, began with Kittika, or from the period when Mrigasiras occupied that position P
Both scholars decide for the latter assomption, but on grounds which partly differ. In stating these, I venture to arrange those among them, which appear to me particularly valuable, in my own way, and to somewhat expand them
And priori argument for Profs. Jacobi's and Tilak's views is, that it gives a rational explanation, why the Ancient Hindus began their years with these three months. If the winter
1 The enumeration of the months in the Parisishta No. 67 of the Athar udveda begins, as Prof, Weber state (Die vedischen Nachrichten von den Nakshatras, II. p. 834, Note %), with Srivapa, and proves the use of a VarshA-yeat for the period, when according to the Krittik A-series the summer solstice fell in MaghA, (The Jaina Jambridiva. pannatti likewise gives Savana as the first month, see Weber, Indische Studien, Vol. XVI. p. 415.-Jacobi.]
Professor Tilak (Orion, p. 79) combats the idea that the Hindus ever began the year with this month, but adduces valuable evidence (also mentioned in Prof. Weber's essay quoted above) for the fact, which is oloarly stated by Bêrani.
• Compare alaa Kamasitra, p. 39, 1. 9 (H. Jacobi.]
• One of my Pandits in Surat, I forgot which of them, told me that some Brahmans still began the year with Bhadrapada.

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Bolstice fell in Phálguna, the vernal equinox in Jyaishtha, the summer solstice in Praushthapada and the autumnal equinox in Mârgaśirsha, it would be a perfectly rational proceeding to begin counting with any one of them. And it is conceivable that different schools of priests or of astronomers might decide for starting each with a different one of these four months, and might select respectively Hima, Vasanta, Varsha or Sarad years. With the Ksittika-series the beginnings are not as easily intelligible. For with that, Phalguna and Praushthapada are the second months of each Ayana, and Margasirsba lies one month behind the autumnal equinox. A good reason for the selection of the second months as initial points of reckoning seems difficult to imagine.
Secondly, as both Prof. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak point out, with the winter solstice in Parva Bhadrapada the first Nakshatra after the autumnal equinox is Mula or Mala, and if one begins to count from this, as must be done with a Margasirsha year, the last will be Jyêshtha. The etymological meaning of Müla, "root," would agree with its being taken as the first constellation of the Sarad-year, and so would that of its older name Vichitau "the separators." In like manner the name Jyêshthå,“ the oldest," would be suitable for the last Nakshatra of the year. With any other arrangement the names remain inexplicable.
Thirdly, several rules connected with sacred matters indicate that in ancient times the month of Praushthapada or Bhadrapada was that in which the summer solstice fell.
(1) The importance of one set of sach rules, those regarding the date of the Upakarana, or opening of the annual term of study, has struck both Prof. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak. The chief time for stady was in ancient India the rainy season. For during the Monsoon out-door life necessarily ceases, and people are forced to seek their occupation in the narrowest circle, their houses or their villages. Consequently the Gșihya and Dharma Sutras state not rarely that the solemn opening of the annual term happens "on the appearance of the herbs," i. e., in the first days of the Monsoon, when after the first heavy fall of rain the new vegetation springs up as if by magic. The Monsoon bursts all over the Uttarai patha, and in a large portion of the Dakshiņâpaths, exactly, or almost exactly, at the summer solstice. It is only on the Malabar coast and in the Kargatik that the beginning of the rains falls a month earlier and a break comes just about the summer solstice, while the eastern coast of the Deklan, which is under the influence of the East Monsoon, shews altogether different meteorological conditions.
Under the circumstances stated the " appearance of the herbs” mentioned by the Sátras, must fall in a month, corresponding in part with our month of June. Actually the sacred treatises, referred to, as well as the metrical Snusitis name three different months. All of them with ono exception state that the full moon of 'Sravana, or its Hasta-day, is most suitable for the Upå karaņa, and the modern substitute for the latter, the so-called Sravani, or annun! renewal of the sacred string, is still performed in Sråvam. According to the luni-solar reckoning the month of Srâvaşa corresponds at present to our July-August, and according to the Times of India Calenılar the Rik-Sravant fell in 1888 on August 20, that of the Yajurvedins on August 21,9 between 2500-1500, when the vernal equinox lay at or near Krittiki and the Nakshintra of Maghà stood at the summer solstice, the month of Sravana, of course, including the day when the sun turns towards south and the beginning of the rainy season. It is during this period, or (provided that the Hindus kept the Ksittiki-series even after it had become astronomically incorrect) possibly somewhat later, that the rule, fixing the Upikarann in Srivaņa, must have been settled.
In addition to the month of Srâvann, five Grihya and Dharma Sátras, as well as the Janne smriti, name the month of Bhadrapada or Praushthapada as an optional term for the Upakaran.
• See Mr. H. F. Blandford's "Rainfall of India," Iulian Meteorological Memoira, Vol. III., and especially his Summary on the summer rains, p. 117ff.
" See the Table annexed to this paper.
• The latter day was the full moon day of Srivan. The data is an extraordinarily late one, because there was an intercalation of Chaitra.

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Optional rules in Vedic works not rarely record ancient usages, which had become obsolete, bat which the teachers did not like to omit on account of their sanctity. Hence the conjecture that this may be the case with the second date for the Upakarana, readily suggests itself. And a passage from the Rámáyana, adduced by Prof. Jacobi, according to which in the poet's time the Så mavedins actually began their studies in Praushthapada, confirms this view. If the Upakarana was once celebrated in Pranshthapada, that month must have included the beginning of the rains and the rammer solstice. The period when this was actually the case, lies about the year 4000 B. C., when the colure passed through Uttara Phalguni and Parva Bhadrapada, and the Nakshatra of Mrigasiras occupied the place of Ksittik at the vernal equinox,
The third month, in which the Upåkaraṇa may take place, is according to the Baudbâyans and Vaikhanasa Sátras, Ashadha, which daring the period from 550 B. C. to 550 A. D. included the summer solstice. It is possible that this role was framed, when the Asvini-series of the Nakshatras had supplanted that beginning with Krittika. But it is also possible that the authors of the two Sátras, who were natives of Southern India, changed the date, because in their native country the Monsoon begins in the month preceding Sravana. For the question under consideration the passage of Baudhayana (Dharma Sútra, I. 12, 16) is of some interest, because it mentions, besides the new date, the ancient one in Sråvaņa, and thus confirms the interpretation put on the occurrence of the optional term in Praushthapada.
(2) A second rule, which evidently places the month of Praushthapada-Bhadrapada at the summer solstice and in the beginning of the rains, has been noticed by Prof. Jacobi alone. He points out that the Jainas, the most ancient heterodox sect of India, begin their Pajjusan or Paryushan on the fourth or fifth day of Bhadrapada, and that the Pajjusan marks the old term of the retreat of the Jaina monks during the rainy season. All Indian ascetics, whether orthodox or heterodox, were and still are bound by their rules to put a stop to their wanderings during the Monsoon, and to devote the four rainy months to the study of their scriptures, to meditation, prayer and preaching, as the rules of their order may require. The loss of the ancient Bhikshu Sátras makes it impossible to determine when the Brahminical ascetics began their Varsha. Only the bare fact that they kept it, is mentioned in the Dharma stras of Gautama, III. 13, of Baudhayana, II. 11, 20, and of Vaikhanasa, III. 6 (beginning). But we are better off with respect to the heretical Bauddhas and Jainas.
According to the Vinayapita kało the Bauddha monks began their vassa on the day after the full moon either of Ashâdha or of Srävana. The second term, which the Buddhists themselves call the later one, corresponds with the arrangement of the months according to the Krittikaseries, and has no doubt been taken over from Brahmanical rules. The earlier term may be an innovation, made by the Bauddhas, because in the fifth century B. C., when their religion was founded, the Monsoon began no longer in Sråvaņa but in Asbadha,11 The Jainas finally have also a double beginning of their Vâsâvâsa. According to the usual rules now in force the Chaturmasa of the Jainas, the season in which lay men and monks are forbidden to stir beyond their towns and villages, begins with the day after the full moon in Asbadha. Thus Vardhamana's, Acháradinakaru, 31, 9, says :
मार्गाद्याषाढपर्यन्तं मासे मामे महर्षयः । विहारं कुर्वते तेषां स्थितिरेकत्र नोचिता ॥९॥
. In my note to the translation of this passage (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. II. p. 191) I have first stated that the tossa of the Buddhist, which even in 1879 was still believed to be a peculiar Buddbist institution, only an imitation of a Brahmanical rule.
30 See the passages in my note on Abiks's Pillar Edict V., Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 263; compare also Prof. Kern's, Buddhismus, Vol. II. p. 260.
11 Professor Kern, loc. cit., propose a different explanation, based on the assumption that Ashkąha was chosen according to the Ceylonese scheme of seasons. But, as the Northern and the Southern Buddhists agree in permitting the rasan to be begun in AshAdha, I think it more probable that the custom was an Indian one, started in Behar, where the Monsoon sets in during the month of June,

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"From Margasirsha until Ashâḍha the great sages undertake journeys in each month; to stop in one place is not suitable for them."
Hence the season of rest lasts from Southern Âshâḍha badi or Northern Śravana badi to the middle of Kârttika,12 and in the Times of India Calendar for 1838, the Chaumasa of the Śravaks is entered under Ashâḍha-Śrâvana badi 1, corresponding with July 23.12 Nevertheless, there is the Pajjusan or Paryushana, which begins, as the Kalpasútra states, one month and twenty days after the commencement of the Monsoon, on Bhadrapada sudi 5. And the Pajjusan, now frequently called a festival, is the trae Varshâvâsa of the Jaina monks. It expressly receives this name13 and, like the Vassa of the Bauddhas, it is the season for preaching and devotional practices. It is obvious that here two different beginnings of the monsoonretreat or Vassa have been fitted into one system. The later one dates from the time, when, in accordance with Mrigasiras-series of Nakshatras, Bhadrapada was the month of the summer soistice and of the rains. The earlier one agrees with the arrangement of the months according to the Aávini-series. And it is not astonishing that the Jainas should have preserved a custom, based on this very ancient scheme of the year. Their traditional chronology places the death of their first historical prophet Parsva in the first half of the eighth century B. C., and, as will be shewn below, it is according to the newest discoveries highly probable that their sect really sprang up about that time. It is farther not improbable, that in the eighth century B: C. the rules of the Brahmanical Bhikshu Sutras may have prescribed the begininng of the Varsha in Bhadrapada, just as a number of Grihya and Dharma Sutras, even in later times, place the Upakarana in the same month. If that was so, the Jaina teachers naturally would copy the practice from their predecessors.
3. A third significant rule, which is mentioned by Prof. Tilak alone, enjoins the performance of the holiest Srâddha in Bhadrapada.14 The half of the year, during which the sun travels towards the south, is the Pitriyâna, the period sacred to the Manes. It is a matter, of course, that the Manes must be connected with the beginning of this period. And we actually find that they are named as the tutelary deities of the Magha Nakshatra, which according to the Krittika-series stands at the summer solstice. Moreover, several Dharma Sutras contain a verse, which the Manes are said to address to their living descendants, and which prays that they may offer Srâddhas "in the rainy season and under the constellation Maghâ,"15 For the same reason the performance of a Sraddha is necessary on the full moon day of Śravana. If nevertheless we find that the holiest Bråddha falls in. Bhadrapada and the whole dark half of this month is pre-eminently sacred to the Manes, the inference that this is due to the former position of that month at the beginning of the Pitriyâna, appears not unwarranted.
These arguments, it seems to me, are the strongest, which the two scholars have brought forward in order to shew that the Vedic Phalguna, Pranshthapada and Margasirsha years began respectively with the winter and summer solstices and the autumnal equinox. Professor Jacobi
13 From the Kalpasitra, para. 123 (8. B. R., Vol. II. p. 264), it would appear that its author likewise knew this period of the VarsbAvisa. For he says that Vardhamana died in Karttika, the fourth month of the rainy season which he passed in the office of the royal clerks at PAVA,
13 Professor Jacobi has been good enough to furnish me for this paper with some passages, which are very clear on this point. In the Paryushandkalpa Niryukti, the second gåthå enumerates the several synonyms for prjjosavand (Pajjusan), and the seventh is vasdvdsa, in which Jinaprabha's Pañjika remarks, 4er efa aufretary : In the beginning of his commentary the same author gives the following explanation on the word paryushana, अथ पर्युषणेति क शब्दार्थः । उच्यते । परि सामस्त्येन सषन्ति परिवसन्ति वा साधवः कृताभिग्रहा अस्यामिति पर्युOT: Other utterances to the same effect are found in the Samhdehavishaushadhi on the Samachart section of the Kalpasútra, and have been printed by Prof. Jacobi in the notes to his edition.
#
14 Orion, pp. 91, 216. Professor Tilak has not quoted any authorities, probably because the great sanctity of the Mahalaya Braddha is known to every Hindu. If authorities are required they may be found, e. g., in Hemådri's Pariilshakanda, Part III. pp. 195 ff., and in Mans, III. 350, as well as in the parallel passages, quoted in the Synopsis to my, Translation.
18 Vasishtha, XI. 40, and the parallel passage in the note to my Translation.

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mentions in addition two other points. In the beginning of his paper he quotes R.-V., VII. 103, 9:
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देवहितं जुगुपुर्द्वाद॒शस्य॑ ऋ॒तुं नरो॒ न मि॑िनन्स्ये॒ते ।
which according to his interpretation means, "They guard the sacred order, these males never forget the proper time of the twelfth (month)." The passage thus alleges that the frogs are annually resuscitated in the twelfth month, of course, the last of the hot season, and it indicates that the year began with the rains or about the summer solstice. The assertion that the frogs reappear before the rains does agree with the actualities observable in India. It is perfectly true that the large species, usually called the bull-frog, makes the nights hideous with its cries about a fortnight before the Monsoon commences. I shall never forget my experiences during the hot season of 1863, when I lived in the old Elphinstone College near the Gavalia Talão in Bombay. During the latter half of May the bull-frogs came out every night and, sitting round the tank, disturbed my sleep with the noises, which are described in so graphic a manner in the Frog-hymn of the Rigveda and in the corresponding verses of the Atharvaveda. But unfortunately the all-important word dvddasú in R. V., VII. 103, 9, is ambiguous and may mean also "the (year) consisting of twelve (parts)." I do not see any particular philological objection to Prof. Jacobi's rendering, but I cannot put any great value on a line which may also be translated "They keep the sacred order of the year, these males never forget the proper season," whereby the allusion to a Varshâ-year is lost.16
Another argument of Prof. Jacobi's, drawn from R. V., X. 85, 13, seems to me equally precarious. It is possible that the verses connecting the entry of Sûryâ, the celestial prototype of a bride, into her husband's house with the Nakshatra Arjunyah or Phalgunyaḥ, may refer to the sun's entering on a course, i. e., beginning a new year on the day of its conjunction with Uttara Phalguni.17 But other explanations are equally possible.
Among the numerous further arguments, which Prof. Tilak brings forward in his chapters IV.-VII., there is, I fear, none which will help to convince our fellow-students of the soundness of the new theory. His contention that Mrigasiras was once called Agrahayana, because it stood at the head of the series of Nakshatras and at the vernal equinox, with which the Vasanta-year began, would be most important, if it could be established. Unfortunately the. word Agrahayana is not as yet traceable in Sanskrit literature, and the name Âgrahâyani, which really is given to Mrigasiras, is explained by the fact that one of the old Indian years did begin in the month of Margasirsha or Agrahâyana.18 Professor Tilak denies this. But he has not only to refute the Mahabharata and Amarasimha. As stated above, the perfectly clear statement of Bêrûnî is opposed to his view, and it is not to be thought of, that Bêrûnî and his Hindu informants could have been in error on the simple question of fact whether in A. D. 1030 a Margasirsha year was actually used in various provinces of North-Western India. As they say that this was the case, I cannot but believe them and see a confirmation of their statement in the hints of the Mahabharata and of the Amarakosha.
But to return to the main question. It seems to me that what has been set forth above is quite sufficient to make it at least probable that some Vedic writings have preserved reminiscences of a time when the Nakshatra Praushṭhapada or Bhadrapadâ stood at the winter solstice and the vernal equinox fell in Mrigasiras, and that this arrangement has left its traces in the rules regarding the seasons for certain ceremonies and sacrifices. The period when this arrangement
16 Professor Jacobi authorises me to state that he is fully aware of the objections, which may be raised against his first argument. He has placed it first, merely because the verse first suggested to him the idea that the ancient Hindus might have had a Varshâ-year, and this observation induced him to examine the other Vedic passages regarding the beginnings of the Vedic years and the position of the months in which they occur.
17 Compare also Prof. Weber, Nachrichten von den vedischen Nakshatras, II. p. 364 ff.
18 Regarding the grammatical explanation of the word Agrahayana, see Varttika, 4, on Pânini, V. 4, 36, where it is enumerated among the Nipátas, formed by the affix an without change of meaning.

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was correct is, according to Prof. Jacobi's table, the year 4420 B. O. And if due allowance is made for possible and very probable errors of observation, the year 3800 B. C. may be fixed as the lowest term when a Mrigasiras-series could have been settled. This result does not prove that any verse or line of the Vedas was composed in those remote times, nor does it necessarily prove that the astronomical observations, on which it is based, were made by the ancient IndoAryans. For the whole Nakshatra system with the Mrigasiras-series may have been borrowed froin one of the ancient Semitic or Tarauian nations, some of which possessed an astronomical science in very early times. But, what the result prores is that the arrangement of the Nakshatras with the Krittikas as the vernal equinox is an Indian invention. If in India a Mrigabiras-sorioglo preceded the Ksittika-series, the latter cannot have been borrowed from a foreign nation.
As the position of Kțittika at the vernal equinox was astronomically correct about 2550 B. C.,20 the observations cannot, even if the necessary allowance is made for errors owing to imperfect methods. be assumed to have been made later than about 2000 B. C. At this time the ancient Hindus must have possessed an astronomical science, probably very elementary, yet bused on scientific principles and on actual observation.
Moreover, the result of Profs. Jacobi's and Tilak's researches proves, too, that some of the Hindu rites and sacrifices existed even before the time when the Krittika-series was invented, and were settled long before the year 2000 B. C. This second inference is supported by Professor Jacobi's remarks regarding the connexion of the Dhruva or pole star with the ancient Vedic marriage-ritual, which, though only known to us from the Grihya Sátras, yet must date from very remote times. He shews that, daring about six centuries between 3100 and 2500 B. C., a real pole-star existed, the observation of which might have led to the well-known popular custom, according to which the husbaud on the wedding night points out the Dhruva to his bride and exhorts her never to forsake her new home, just as the star never changes its position. Professor Jacobi might have added that in later times, even during the Vedic period, the motion of the pole-star had been observed by the Hindus. In the Maitráyaņa Brahmana Upanishad21 the motion of the pole-star is mentioned as one of the many instances of mutability to which all terrestrial and celestial beings are subject.
These inferences from the new theory are calculated, not to fix the age of particular hymns or portions of the Veda, but, as Prof. Jacobi says at the end of his paper, to upset the still very popular doctrine, according to which the whole ancient literary development of India is believed to have begun about 1200 B. C. and to have been completed within a com. paratively short space of time. Professor Jacobi declares himself strongly against this theory which has been put forward most clearly and worked out most fully in Prof. Max Müller's famous History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature. And he contends that the periods of two hundred years, allotted there to the development of each of the three oldest forms of literary composition, involve sheer impossibilities. Similar remarks have been made by other scholars in rev.ews of Prof. Max Müller's book and elsewhere. The objections have been supported both by general considerations and by special arguments drawn from Indian literature.
At the stage, which the Indo-Aryan research has reached at present, theories which place the composition of the oldest Vedic hymns about 1200 or even 1500 B. C. and the completion of
19 I morely use the term "Mrigabira-series" for the sake of convenience. The ancient Hindus probably began to count from Mola, and the more correct expression would be “Mala-series."
20 Professor Tilsk gives the year 2850 B. C. My astronomical adviser, Dr. R. Schram, sides with Prof. Jacobi. Dr. Schram rays in a letter on the subject:
"The precession smounts at present to 50, 23 annually or to 1° in 72 years. But it does not remain constant. Two thousand years ago it was about 46", and thus we get the 78 years for a degree, entered in Prof. Jacobi's Tablo. It is a matter of course that also this figure is correct for a certain period only. It is impossible to give generally correct figures for long periods, because the time, required for the passage through a whole degree, is variable."
1 Soe Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XV. p. 289. Professor A. Weber was the first to call attention to the passage in the Indiache Studion, Vol. II. p. 396.

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the Sruti about 600 B. C., are no longer tenable, nay hardly disputable. The results of the Vedic studies, elaborated by M. Bergaigne and by Profs. Pischel and Geldner, shew more and more clearly that even the oldest Saktas are not the productions of a people, combining the intellectual qualities of the ancient Greeks with the moral character of the ancient Tentons, as depicted by Tacitus in his romantic Germania - in short of a nation resembling the abstract Aryans or Indo-Europeans, created by the fancy of the older school of comparative philologists and destroyed by the researches of Prof. O. Schrader. The results, at which the Vedists of the philological school have arrived, make it probable that the Rishis closely resembled the Hindus of historical India. Thereby the supposition of Prof. Max Müller, that the early literary life of India showed "a greater luxuriance" than that of later periods becomes hard to credit, and the conjecture that the ancient Indians raced through the so-called Chhandas, Mantra and Brahmaņa periods at a furiously fast pace loses its chief support.
Moreover, irrespective of the results of the Vedic studies, it cannot be denied that all the facts, which the more complete exploration of the Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina literature and of the inscriptions has revealed of late years, prove the pre-chronological period of the Indo-Aryan history to extend very considerably beyond 1200 or 1500 B. C. This remark holds good with respect to the political history as well as to the history of literature and religion. It is now evident that the conquest of the South by the Brahmanical Indo-Aryans took place earlier than was assumed some fifteen years ago, and it is no longer doubtful that Prof. Lassen's estimate, who places it in the sixth century B. C. or even earlier 22 and before the colonisation of Ceylon, is nearer the truth than Dr. Burnell's, who believed that it must be placed after the beginning of our era. The sober facts, which hitherto have become known through the inscriptions, are that slices of the eastern and the western Dravida districts belonged to the Maurya empire, and that the remainder of the South was in the time of Asoka divided between the independent States of the Cholas, Pandyas, Keralas, Pulindas and Andhras. Aśoka's eastern Dravida possession, Kalinga, was inhabited, at the time of the conquest about 250 B. C., as he tells us in the thirteenth Rock-Edict, by numerous Brahmans and members of various sects, directed by ascetics. The Kalingas were, it would seem, exactly in the same state of civilisation as the inhabitants of India north of Ganges. The state, in which his Western Dravida province Mysore was, is not accurately described. But the two geographical names, Isila and Suvanagiri, which the Siddåpur edicts contain, are Aryan, and point to the conclusion that tho country was thoroughly under Aryan influence. The same inference may be drawn from the name of the neighbouring Vanavîsa, which is mentioned in the Buddhis. tic traditions of the times of Aśôka. Among the independent sonthern kingdomy, which Asoka mentions, there is only one, that of the Andhras, regarding which something definite is known. The inscription of the Blattiprolo Stûpa, which come from the Andhra districts and probably belong either to the times of Aśôka or to the reign of his immediate successor, shew clearly that the country was fully hinduised. They contain more than a score of names of chiefs and merchants, among which there is not one of Dravidian origin. All the personal names, as well as that of a towu, are Aryan, and among them we find the familiar Brahmanical appellations Kubiraka, i, e., Kabêraka, Vaghava, i.e., Vyaghrapad, Bharado, i.e., Bharata, Satugh0, . e., Satrughna, Jôtô, 1. e., Jayanta, Pigalô, 1. e., Pingala, Pigaha, i. e., Vigraha (Brahman), which clearly prove an acquaintance with Brahmanical mythology and with the Epic legends. The same documents speak also of the existence of guilds and goshthís, or committees of trustees supervising religious foundations, such as were known all through Aryan India. Some fifty or sixty yenrs after Asoka, the widow of the third Andhra king Satakani I., Queen Nayanika, informs us in the large Nânåghât inscription, that she was an adherent of the old Karmamarga and caused numerous expensive Srauta sacrifices to be offered. Further, she invokes Krishna and Samkarshana, the song of the Moon. She thus indicates that the Vaishnara creed was prevalent in the south, side by side with the sacrificial worship of the Vedic deities. These
* Indische Altherthumskunde, Vol. II. p. 119.

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clear and numerous indications of the prevalence of Aryan and Brahmanical civilisation in Southern India during the third century B. C. and the first half of the second would be sufficient to warrant the assertion that the conquest of the Dravida country cannot have taken place later than in the fifth century. But there is further evidence that it happened even earlier. For, the Brahmanical tradition asserts that a number of the Vedic schools of the Taittiriya Veda, such as those of Baudhayana, Apastamba, and Bharadvaja, Hiranyakeśin sprang up in the south. And the genuineness of this tradition is confirmed by internal evidence, furnished by their Sutras, and by various other circumstances. The same Brahmanical tradition, which is supported by that of the later Buddhists, makes the second of the Rishis of grammar, Kâtyâyana, a native of Dravidian India, and there is much in his notes on the grammar of Pânini, that shows his intimate acquaintance with the south, its geography, its ethnography, and its political condition. The author of the Varttikas wrote certainly not later than in the third century, and the Vedic Sûtrakâras, or at least some of them, belong to even earlier times. The mere fact that Brahmanical learning flourished in the Dravida country centuries before the beginning of our era, is sufficient to push back the date of the conquest to the seventh or eighth century B. C. Finally, works belonging to the Buddhist canon like the Játakas, refer, in their prose portions and in the presumably older Gâthâs, not rarely to the eastern Dravidian districts, and narrate ancient legends regarding their rulers, which represent them as ordinary Rajputs, governing according to the principles of Brahmanical statecraft. Their contents fully confirm the inferences deducible from the ancient Brahmanical literature regarding the early occupation of the South. With the conquest of Southern India about 700 or even about 600 B. C., the assumption that the Indo-Aryans inhabited about 1200 or even about 1500 B. C. the northern corner of India and eastern Afghanistan becomes absolutely impossible. The idea that the Indo-Aryan nation of the Vedic times, with its many clan-divisions and its perpetual internal feuds, should have conquered the 123,000 square miles, which form the area of India (excluding the Panjab, Assam and Burma) and should have founded States, organised on the same model, all over this vast territory within the space of five, six or even eight hundred years, appears simply ludicrous; especially if it is borne in mind that this territory was inhabited not merely by forest tribes, but in part by peoples possessing a civilisation not much inferior to that of the invaders. More than the double of the longest period named was required for such achievements.
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A scrutiny of the statements of the Játakas and other portions of the Buddhist canon regarding the development of literature yields results which confirm the inferences drawn from the facts and traditions regarding the conquest of the South. Though I must reserve the details for another occasion, I will mention here that the information, contained in the sacred books of the Buddhists, shows the Brahmanical sciences and literature to have reached about 500 B. C. exactly the same stage of development, which is known from the historical period. The ancient Buddhists mention repeatedly the attharasa vijjáṭhánáni, the eighteen sections into which Hindu knowledge is divided even at present, and they give sufficient details, scattered in many Suttus and in many passages, which leave no doubt that the contents of the several Vidyasthanas were then almost, if not quite, identical with those enumerated in Madhusudhana Sarasvati's Prasthanabheda. They also prove that the Epic poetry, the real Kavya and the drama, as well as other branches of secular literature were then cultivated quite as much as in the times of the Andhras, the Western Kshatrapas and the Guptas. It will, therefore, not do to place the begin. ning of the Sûtra-period in 600 B. C., nor is it possible to assume that the whole literary life of India began in 1200 or 1500 B. C.
Finally, the facts, which the modern researches regarding the religious history have proved or at least made highly probable, again agree with the supposition that the Vedic period lies a long way beyond the near 1500 B. C., but are absolutely irreconcilable with opposite theory. Before the rise of Buddhism about 500 B. C., certainly one, possibly several, heterox sects, denying the authority of Vedas, existed, as well as some creeds of the type of the so-called

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Bhaktimârga, a mixture of the philosophical tenets of the Upanishads with the exclusive worship of one of the great popular deities. Among these the heterodox Jainas claim to have had a prophet, whose death their traditional chronology places in the year 776 B. C. The trustworthiness of the Jaina tradition has been confirmed, of late, in very many particulars. And it has been shewn in particular that their second date, that of the death of their last prophet Vardhamâna or Mahavira, is approximately correct. As the Jainas assert that the Niggaạtha Vardhamana, the son of the Naya Rajput, died in 526 B. C. and the Buddhist canon places the death of the Nigantha teacher, the son of the Nata husbandman, before the Nirvana of Sakyamuni Gautama, which fell between 484 and 474 B. C., it is evident that the Jaina date cannot be much out, though a small error is very probable.
As it thus appears that up to 500 B. C. the Jaina chronology is more than a baseless fabric, there is good reason to suppose that the date for Paráva, whose doctrines and pupils are not rarely mentioned in the Jaina Angas, is not absolutely untrustworthy. The period of 250 years, which, according to the tradition, lies between the twenty-third Tirthaikara and his successor is not a long one and prima facie unsuspicious. It may contain a small error, as traditional dates frequently do. But the great probability of the view, expressed by Prof. Jacobi and by others before him,23 that Pâráva was the real historical founder of Jainism and that he lived in the second half of the eighth century B. C., seems to me also indisputable. If it must be conceded that a heterodox sect, whose teaching is based on a development of the doctrines of the Jñânamârga sprang up at that early period, it becomes impossible to reconcile this admission with the theory that the Brâhmaņa period began about fifty years earlier. Still more irreconcilable with the theory that the literary activity of the Indo-Aryans began about 1200 or 1500 B. C. is another point, which, I think, can be proved, vix., that the ancient Bhagavata, Satvata or PÅñcharâtra sect, devoted to the worship of Narayana and its deified teacher Krishna Devakiputra, dates from a period long anterior to the rise of the Jainas in the eighth century B. C. To give the details here would undaly lengthen this already long note. And I reserve their discussion for my Indian Studies, No. IV. The essentials may, however, be stated. They are (1) that the recovery of the Vaikhanasa Dharma Sútra permits me to fully prove the correctness of Prof. Kern's (or rather Kalakacharya's and Utpala's) identification of the Ajivikas with the Bhagaratas, and (2) that the sacred books of the Buddhists contain passages, shewing that the origin of the Bhagavatas was traditionally believed to fall in very remote times, and that this tradition is supported by indications contained in Brahmanical works. It is even possible that ultimately a terminus à quo may be found for the date of its founder, though I am not yet prepared to speak with confidence on this point.
As thus numerous facts, connected with the political, literary and religious history of India, force me to declare that the commonly credited estimate of the antiquity of the Indo-Aryan civilisation is very much too low, it is natural that I find Prof. Jacobi's and Prof. Tilak's views not prima facie incredible, and that I value the indications for the former existence of a Mrigasiras-series of the Nakshatras very highly. As the new theory removes the favourite argument of the Sanskritists of Possibilist tendencies, that the beginning of the Vedic period must not be pushed back as far as 2000 B. C., because the Kșittika-series may have been borrowed from the Chaldæans or from some other nation, it is of great advantage to those who like myself feel compelled by other reasons to place the entrance of the Aryans into India long before the year 2000 B. C. But I think that the matter should not be allowed to rest where it stands at present. A renewed examination of all the astronomical and meteorological statements in Vedic works and their arrangement in handy easily intelligible tables seem to me very desirable. More than thirty years have passed since Prof. Weber's most important essays on the Nakshatras were written. Various Vedic, Buddhist and Jain texts, which then either were unknown or only accessible through extracts, can now be easily
28 Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX. p. 162,

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....
...
day.
consulted. Thanks to the labours of Mr. Dikshit and Drs. Bhandarkar and Fleet, as well as of Profs. Jacobi, Kielhorn and Thibaut, Indian astronomy and chronology are no longer so difficult to deal with as formerly. And the publications of the Meteorological Department furnish a considerable amount of important and necessary information, which was formerly inaccessible. A judicious utilisation of the old and the additional materials will probably permit a classification of the Vedic rites and sacrifices according to the periods when the IndoAryans used successively the Mrigasiras-series, the Krittika-series and the Abvini-series. It may also be expected, that results will be found, fixing approximately the age of at least some Vedic works and the localities where they have been composed. Vienna, March 15th, 1894. .
Beginning of the Annual Term of Veda-study. Afvalliyana Gpihyasútra, On appearance of
Sråvana Full 3, 5. 1 herbs.
Moon or Hasta
day, Sravana (5). Sankhåyana Gșihyasdtra' On appearance of ?...... Sravana-day or 4, 5. herbs.
Hasta-day. Vasishtha Dharmasastra,
Sråvana Full Praushthapada 13, 1.
Moon.
Full Moon. Paraskara Gșihyasatra
Sråvana Full 2, 10.
Moon, or HastaYajñiavalkya Dharma- On appearance of
Srivaņa (5) on sastra, 1. 142.
Hasta-day. Månava Gșihysutra, 1, 4.
Sravana-day in
the rains. Månava Dharmasastra.
Sravana Full Praushthapada 4, 95.
Moon.
Full Moon. Kathaka Gșihyasatra
Sravana-day in
the rains.is Vishņu Smțiti, 30, 1......
Sravana Full Bhadrapada Moon.
Full Moon. Baudhảyana Gộihyastra, 3, 1, 1.
Ashadha Full Áråvaņa Full Baudhayana Dharma
Moon.
Moon. sastra 1, 12, 16. Bharadvaja Gșihyasdtra, On appeara
During Sravana2, 37. herbe.
paksha or Sri
vana Full Moon. Apasta mbaDharmasatra,
Sravana Full 1, 9, 1.
Moon. Hairan yakeśa Griyhasu. On appearance of ...
During Bråvaņatra, 2, 18. herbe.
paksha, Srivaņa
Full Moon. Vaikbånasa Grih yasútra,
Bright half of 2, 12.
AshAdha, except on 4th, 9th and
14th. Gobhila Gșihyasútra, 3, 3.
Sravana Full Praushthapada Moon or on Full Moon.
Hasta-day (5). Khádira Gţibyasútra,
Sråvaya Full Praushthapada 3, 2.
Moon or Hasta- Full Moon.
day (5). Gautama Dharmasastra,
Beginning, 1. e., Praushtha pada XVI. 1.
Fall Moon of Full Moon. Srivana.
* Kindly communicated to me by Prof. Knauer.
* Kindly communicated to me by M. A. Barth. The commentary says that the meaning is “on the Bravanaday either of Srivapa or of Bhadrapada, wbieb two months constitute the Varabi-season."

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THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA NOT FOUND IN LITERATURE. BY G. BÜHLER.
(Concluded from page 154.)
In the preceding discussion, the usefulness of the Maharashtri and Gujarati has already been demonstrated in the cases of the verbs I will now add a few remarks regarding two suspected roots, वुडति or बुडति मज्जने and बोलयति
of the modern or fay and
2
, which the Mahârâshtri and the Vernaculars prove to have belonged to the original stock of Indo-Aryan speech. Professor Whitney mentions both in the Supplement. But he appends to the former the note "the occurrence or two are doubtless artificial," and remarks concerning the second "the single occurrence in a commentary is doubtless artificial." B. R. W. quotes under only the passive past participle fa, and hence Prof. Whitney naturally inferred that this is the only form which can be verified. The verb fa, or gefa (as is the more usual spelling) is, however, not at all rare in the compositions of the Northern and Western poets and Pandits, dated after A. D. 700, and in the Jaina Prabandhas. In the Srikanthacharita, 16, 9 (between A. D. 1125 and 1150), occurs the present fa, ibidem, 8, 2, the perfect, in the Baijnath Prasasti, 1, 2 (A. D. 804), the present participle 3, and in Jonaraja's commentary on Srikanthacharita, 16, 2, the derivative 3 It is, of course, possible to declare such evidence insufficient in order to establish the authenticity of the root, because Râma, Maňkha, Kalhana, Haripala and Jonarâja were learned poets and commentators and might have written according to the Dhâtupâtha. But the Mahârâshtrî and the majority of the Indian Vernaculars possess representatives of the Sanskrit verb, which certainly have not been taken from the Dictionary of Sanskrit roots,, derived probably from sa, is found in the list of the Prakrit Dhâtvadesas, Hemachandra, IV. 101. The same author adduces passages with the future and with the absolutive of the cansative, and the passive past participle (in compounds a) or is known from Hâla's very ancient Kosha and from other works. Finally, in his excellent note on Hemachandra, IV. 101, Prof. Pischel, who is one of the few Sanskritists aware of the importance of the Vernaculars for the study of Sanskrit, has adduced the corresponding Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi and Bengali verbs with radical letters, which together with the inverted form are used universally for 'to submerge' by the people of "the five Indies."
The evidence for af is not equally strong. Hemachandra gives in the commentary on Unâdiganasútra, 19, the nouns : and :, which he derives from his Dhatu बुलण् and declares together with similar forms to be तत्तद्धात्वर्थास्तच्छीला अनुवादविशेषाः 5 In Mârâţht it is regularly represented by to dip, to smear,' and in Gujarati by
6
1 From the Uttamacharitrakathanaka, published by Prof. A. Weber, B. W. quotes, read
T.
The verb occurs likewise more than once in Haripâla's ancient commentary on the Gaujavadha. Rao Bahadur S. P. Pandit prints everywhere, but remarks on verse 101, that his copy, a transcript of the ancient Jesalmir palmleaf MS., has throughout. The ancient Jains MSS. frequently express J by, appending the vowel u to the side of the consonant instead of putting it below. The same practice is also found in old Brahminical MSS., and in the commentary on Katyayana's Srauta Sûtra, V. 5, 31, ought to be read for क्रडनम्.
3 Those who make such a contention have to reckon with the rule of the Alankaraiostra which forbids for ordinary Kavyas the use of uncommon, little understood words and terms, e. g., Vimana, Kavyalamkára, II. 1, 8, compare also Tinakiharana, I. 89.
⚫ is used, as the Dictionaries indicate, exclusively in Hindi and Panjabi, but occurs also in Western India and in the Maratha country (especially in derivatives) side by side with Cases of metathesis are common in the Vernaculars and occur in the older Prakrits. Hemachandra's Desfkosha offers a good many examples, and the Pili shoe' for 3 is a well known instance from the most ancient Prakrit dialect known. From the Vernaculars I can adduce a case, which sorely troubles the schoolmasters of Kathiawaḍ. The Gujarati word for "fire" is, literally "the deity." In the Peninsula everybody says instead, and the children in the vernacular schools invariably pronounce this form, though their books shew the correct one.
I take these words and their explanation from Prof. Kirste's MS.-edition of the Unådiganasútra, which will be published as Vol. II. of the Vienna Series of Sources of Indian Lexicography.

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251
These two forms are sufficient to vindicate its genuineness. But, as armara is evidently a denominative from Wats, a variant of the Prakrit participle irs or a3,6 it is necessary to account for its occurrence in the Sanskrit Dhâtapatha. The most probable solution of the problem is perhaps that it was excerpted from some old long lost Kavya. It is at present quite possible to prove that Kâvyas, the productions of learned poets, existed even in the fourth and fifth centuries B. C. Now, the Alam kâraśastra permits the poets, to use in their compositione "expressions very commonly occurring in popular speech." This maxim is expressly stated, e. g., by Vâmana, Kavyalamkara, V.1, 13, where it is said:
farge 1919 11 11
अतीव कविभिः प्रयुक्तमतिप्रयुक्त देशभाषापदं प्रयोज्यम् ॥ Though Våmana wrote only in the eighth century A. D., the maxim is no doubt an old one, like the famous permission to turn másha into masha in order to save the metre.7 For even the learned Kavis naturally tried to keep in contact with the popular predilections, as it was their aim to amuse their rich patrons, who belouged to the landed aristocracy and the merchant class. If this was so, the occurrence even of real Prakrit root forms in the Dhâta patha is, of course, easily intelligible. Others will perhaps hold that, as there is no definite boundary line between the pre-classical Indo-Aryan speech of the Sanskrit type and the ancient Prakrits, irs and areas and its denominative may have been used in one or the other of the several early Aryan communities. However that may be, it is certain that area is not a fiction of the grammarians. I may add that various analogies permit us to hazard at least a guess as to the original Indo-Aryan form of the root . Thus Prof. Pischel has shewn in his admirable paper “Die Desisabdas bei Trivikrama" (Bezzenberger, Beiträge, Vol. III. p. 254 ff.) that the series of verbs, Sanskļit *, Pâli rez, Maharashtri , Sanskrit and Prakṣit en goes back to an Indo-Aryan verb rei 'to play, to amuse oneself.' In like manner ago वड़ मुड़, बुद्ध, and or or मुळ seem to point to an Indo-Aryan *युर्व, “वई or * वृद्ध.
A thorough exploration of the Prakrits and especially of their Dhâtvideśas will shew that many queer looking, apparently isolated, verbs of the Sanskrit Dhậtupåtha are by no means ciðwia or åpevná kápnva but strong, healthy beings, full of life and parents of a numeroas offspring. A long paper on "Pali, Prakrit and Sanskrit Etymology" by Dr. Morris in the Transactions of IXth Int. Congr. of Or., Vol. I. p. 466 ff., contains a good deal bearing on this matter, and deserves careful attention.
The fundamental maxim, which gives their importance to these researches, is that every root or verb of the Dhatupatha, which has a representative in one of the Prakrits, - PAļi, Maharashtri, M&gadhi, Sauraseni, the Apabhramsas -, or in one of the modern Indian Vernaculars must be considered as genuine and as an integral part of the IndoAryan spooch. Those, who consider such verbs to be "gham," "fictitious" or "artificial have to prove their contention and to shew, that, and how, the author or authors of the Dhâtapâtha coined them. This rule, of course, holds good not only for the Indian languages, but mutatis mutandis for all linguistic research. If the grammatical tradition regarding the existence of a certain word is confirmed by the actualities in any dialect of a language, the presumption is that the tradition is genuine.
As I do not claim to possess prophetic gifts, I do not care to predict how many hundreds of roots will exactly be verified, when the search has been completed. But it is not doubtful that the majority of those verbs, which Prof. Whitney considers suspicious or fictitious, will turn up, and in addition a considerable number of such as have not been noted by the Hindu grammarians. On the other hand, it would be wonderful, if the whole contents of the Dhatupatha could ever be "belegt." For, it has been pointed ont repeatedly and must be apparent to the merest tiro in Indian palæography that a
• In accordance with the well-known marim-774130 II 1 An example illustrating this rule occurs ante where uma has become, melri cauri, vind.

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certain proportion of the roots is the result of misreadings. This is, of course, highly probable in all cases where the Dhaga patha gives pairs like go and go or ag and 39. 'T'he characters for jha and ú are almost exactly alike in the Nagari alphabet of the ninth, tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, just as those for ya and pa in the later MSS. More important is another point, which likewise has been frequently noticed, vis., the fact that only a small portion of the Vedic literature, known to Påņini and his predecessors, has been preserved, and that of the ancient laukika Sastra, the Kavya, Porâņa, Itibisa and the technical treatises only very small remnants have come down to our times. The assertion that the old literature has suffered terrible losses, is admitted by all Sanskritists. It is only a pity that their extent has not been ascertained, at least approximately, by the preparation of a list of works and authors mentioned in the 'Sabdannsasana, the Brahmaņas, the Upanishads and the Veddityas. Such a list, especially if supplemented by an enumeration of the numerous references to the spoken language, which Panini's Sabdanusisana contains, would probably bar for the future the inference that a root or fortu must be fictitious, because it is not found in the accessible literature. This inference is based on a conclusio a minori ad majus, which with a list, sbewt ing what existed formerly and what we have now, would at once become apparent. The loss Såkbas of the Vedas and the lost works of the laukika Sastra amount to hundreds. If on an average a third or a fourth of them contained each, as is perhaps not improbable according to the results of the exploration of recently recovered Samhitas and Sutras, one or two of the as yet untraceable roots, that would be sufficient to account for all the lost stems.
Three other considerations, it seems to me, help to explain some of the most remarkable peculiarities, observable in the materials incorporated in the Dhâtupâţha, viz., the fact that a certain proportion of the roots really is and will remain isolated, neither derivatives nor cognate forms being traceable in the Indo-Aryan or in the Indo-European languages, and the indisputable fact that many roots may readily be arranged in groaps, similar in sound and identical in meaning and inflexion. Both these peculiarities, as stated above, have been used by Prof. Edgren in order to prove that the verbs, shewing them, must be fictitious. And it has been pointed out, that the number of the isolated and barren verbs is not so great as Prof. Edgren supposes, the inflected forms or representatives of a certain proportion being found in the Prakrits and in the unexplored Sanskrit literature. Nevertheless, & certain number of instances will remain, which requires accounting for. With respect to the second fact, it has been pointed out that many of the curious variants are clearly dialectic and derived from lost or preserved parent-stems in accordance with phonetic laws valid in the Prakrits and in Sanskrit.
The chief considerations, which in my opinion do account for these peculiarities are (1) the yrent length of the period, during which the materials of the Dhâtupâțha were collected, (2) the enormous extent of the territory from which the Hindu grammarians drew their inguistic facts, and (3) the great diversity of the several sections of the Indo-Aryans inhabiting this territory
It is admitted at all hands that Pånini's Sabdanuáasana is the last link in a long chain of grammatical treatises, which were gradually enlarged and made more and more intricate, until the Hindu system of grammar became a science, which can be mastered only by a diligent study continued for years. According to the unanimous tradition of the Hindus, the Vyakaraņa, is a Vedâúga, i. e., a science subservient to the study of the Veda, and it is highly probable that the older Hindu grammars exclusively or chiefly explained the Vedic forms, just like the oldest Koslas, the Nighantus, include very little that is not derived from Vedic texts. In Papini's grammar the Vedic language is of minor importance. Its chief aim is to teach the correct
A perusal of Prof. Per Person's Wurzelerweiterung und Wurzelvariation would perhaps convince Prof. Edgren that many Indo-European roots may be arranged in ganas, similar to those in which he has arranged so many Terbs of the Dhátupåtha.

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THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA.
253
forms of the laukilet bháshd for the use of students of Sanskrit. The road, that leads from the Vedânga to the independent Sabdanuśâsana, is a long one, and has not been traversed in one or a few decades. Centuries were required in order to effect the change. For in India processes of development are particularly slow, except when extraneous impulses come into play. To the conclusion that the prebistoric period of the Vyakarana was a long one, point also Påņini's appeals to the authority of numerous predecessors. He not only mentions ten individual earlier teachers, but also the schools of the North and the East, and his grammar shews indeed very clear traces that it has been compiled from various sources. Now, if Panini's Sûtras are the final redaction of a number of older grammatical works, the same must be the case with his Dhâtupatha. For the arrangement of all Indian Sabdân usasanas presupposes the existence of a Dhâtupåtha, and there is no reason to assume that the older grammars were deficient in this respect. It may be even suggested that the occasional discrepancies between the teaching of the Dhâtupatha and rules of the 'Sabdanuéâsana, the existence of which has been alleged, as well as the inequality in the explanatory notes, appended to the roots, are due to an incomplete unification of the various materials which Panini used. Similar instances of what looks like, or really is, carelessness in redaction are not wanting in other Satras. In the Introduction to my Translation of  pastamba's Dharmasútral I have pointed out that, thongh Âpastamba condemns in that work the raising of Ksbetraja sons and the practice of adoption, he get describes in the Srauta Sutra the manner in which a "son of two fathers " shall offer the funeral cakes, and that Hiranyakesin bas not thought it necessary to make the language of the several parts of his Kalpa agree exactly.
But, if Pånini's Dhatapatha must be considered as a compilation from various works, dating from different centuries and composed in various parts of India, it is only to be expected that it should contain many verbs which had already in his time become obsolete and isolated, many variants or dialectic forms. This supposition becomes particularly credible, if the extent of the territory is taken into consideration, from which the ancient grammarians drew their linguistic facts. It extends from the Khyber Pass and the frontier of Sindh in the West, about 71° E. L., to beyond Patna in the East, in 86° E. L., and from the Himalaya to the Vindhya range, where the Narmada, the melhalá bhurah, divides the Uttarapatha from the DakBhiņa patha, or roughly reckoning from the twenty-second to the thirty-first degree N. L. The Aryan population of this large tract was divided into a very great number of tribes, clans, castes and sects, as well as of schools of Vaidiks, Pandits and poets, and owed allegiance to the rulers of perhaps a dozen or more different kingdoms. In historic India tribal, sectarian, political and other divisions have always strongly influenced the development of the languages, and have caused and perpetuated dialectic differences. It seems difficult to assume that matters stood differently in prehistoric times, when there was not, as later, one single work which was generally considered as the standard authority of speech by all educated Aryans. The diversity of the words and forms in literary works and in the speech of the educated classes probably was very great and the task of the earlier grammarians, who had to make their selection from them very difficult.
This difficulty was, it might be expected, not lessened by their method of working. Even in the present day Indian Pandits rarely use any of the scientific apparatus, of which European scholars avail themselves. Indexes, dictionaries and "Collectanea," such as are at the service of the Europeans, are unknown to them. They'chiefly trust to memory, and work in a happy. go-lucky sort of way. Even when writing commentaries, they frequently leave their quotations anverified or entrust the verification to incompetent pupils. The engrmous quantity of the
. I say advisedly looks like or really is carelessness,' because it is always possible that the Sutrakiras intentionally left contradictory rules unaltered in order to indicate an option. Very clear cases of carelessDess in the working up of different materials, do, however, actually occur, e. 9., in the grammatical and lexicographical works of Hemachandra.
30 Sacred Books of the East, Vol. II. p. xxiii, p. 130, note 7.

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materials and the deficiencies in the system of working them up, explain why none of the Vedas or other old books have been excerpted completely, while the diversity of the materials and the length of the period, during which the collections were made, fully account for the occurrence of dialectic, and of isolated or obsolete, forms in the list of roots. In my opinion it is only wonderful that they are not more numerous.
I now come to the real object of my paper, the practical suggestions for the continua. tion of the search for roots and forms and for an organisation of this search. On the one land it is necessary that all the unpablished Dhatupatbas together with their coinmentaries should be edited critically with good indexes, and that the same should he done with the Sanskrit Koshas, which furnish the tradition regarding the derivatives. On the other hand, all accessible Sanskrit, Paļi and Prakrit books and MSS., as well as the Vernacular classics ought to be read and excerpted by competent scholars, with a view to the preparation of a Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Roots. This Dictionary ought to contain, not only the roots, included in the Dhatupathia, together with their meanings and inflections, verified and unverified, as well with the corresponding forms of the Prakrits and Vernaculars, but also those verbs, which the grammarians have omitted, whether they are found in Vedic, Sanskrit, Prâksit or Vernacular literature or speech. If the materials are arranged methodically and intelligibly, and if a good index is added, such a book would be of very considerable use to all linguists, who study any of the Indo-European langunges. And if the excerpts are made with the necessary care, a portion of them can be made useful for the Sanskrit, Påļi and Prakrit dictionaries of the future.
The magnitude of the undertaking would preclude the possibility of its being carried out by one or even by a small number of students. The co-operation of a great many would be required, not only of Europeans and Americans, but also of the Hindus of the modern school, who alone can furnish the materials for the very important Vernaculars. Moreover, a careful consideration of the general plan would be necessary, as well as the settlement of definite rules and instructions for the collaborators. Perhaps one of the next International Oriental Congresses will be a suitable occasion for the discussion of such a scheme, and of its details as well as of the great question of ways and means. I believe, that if the idea finds the necessary support, the appointment of a permanent international Committee will be advisable, which should supervise the preparation of the work and the indispensable preliminary labours. A small beginning has already been made with the latter by the Imperial Austrian Academy's Series of sources of Sanskrit Lexicography, of which the first volame has appeared and the second, containing Hemachandra's Uñadigaņasêtia with the author's commertary, is ready for the press, while the third, the Mankhakoshia with its commentary, has been undertaken by Prof. Zacbariae. It is a matter of congratulation that the Council of the Société Asiatique has expressed its willingness to co-operate and has commissioned M. Finot to edit the Ajayakosha on the same principles, which Prof. Zachariae has followed in preparing the Anekårthasamgraha. I have hopes that the Austrian Academy will sanction the issue of some more volumes, including also some Dhatupáthas, e. 9., those belonging to Hemachandra's grammar and to the Kåtantra. If Prof. Lanman, the German Oriental Society, the Asiatic Society of Bengal and other corporations or individuals publishing editions of Sanskrit texts would each agree to undertake a few volumes, the necessary auxiliary editions might be prepared without too great a delay and without too henvy a strain on the resources of one single body.
At the same time it would be quite feasible to begin with the excerpts from the literary works, the results of which could be published preliminarily in the Journals of the various Oriental Societies and in the Transactions of the Academies. The form of publication ought to be such that they could easily be used by the editor or editors of the Dictionary, and the original excerpts, done according to uniform principles, might be deposited for future reference in the libraries of the learned bodies, publishing the results. With a well considered plan, which might follow partly the lines of that, adopted for the new Thesaurus Totius Latinitatis, the

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SEPTEMBER, 1894.]
MISCELLANEA.
"Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Roots" might be completed within the lifetime of those among us who at present are the madhyamavṛiddha Sanskritists.
If the idea is ever realised and a standard book is produced, a great part of the credit will belong to Prof. Whitney. In his Supplement, which, in spite of my different views regarding the character of the linguistic facts handed down by the ancient Hindus and regarding various details, I value very highly and in his justly popular Sanskrit Grammar, the statistical method has been first applied to Sanskrit, and these two works mark a decided advance in the study of the ancient Brahmanical language.
Vienna, 31st Jan. 1894.
MISCELLANEA.
SOME REMARKS ON THE KALYANI
INSCRIPTIONS.
(Continued from page 224.)
(5) Gólamattikanagaram.
"Any structure built of loam, earth (Pâli mattika, Skr. myittika), brick, or stone is called
[in Talaing and Burmese] taik. The Talaing Taikkula (Takkula) and the Burmese Kulataik
is the correct rendering of Golsmattika. In old Talaing manuscripts the Pâli name is written Gôlamattikâ, and in modern manuscripts Gula: mattika and Kulâmattika. The Talaing equivalents are Taikgôlâ and, by a natural assimilation of g to k, Taikkôla, which changed in course of time to Taikkula."
The ruins of Taikkula are still extant between Ayetbèmà and Kinywa in the Bilin township of the Shwegyin district.
"Though the seashore is now about 12 miles to the west, this place was still an important seaport in the 16th and 17th centuries; it is marked on the map of Prof. Lassen as Takkala, but erroneously placed a few miles north of Tavoy. Cables, ropes, and other vestiges of seagoing vessels are still frequently dug up about Taikkula."
The subject of the identification of the Takôla of Ptolemy and the Kalah of Arabian Geographers is discussed by Forchhammer at pages 12-16, and at pages 198 and 199 of McCrindle's Ancient India Described by Ptolemy.
If the evidence afforded by the Kalyani Inscriptions can be relied on, the settlement in Suvannabhumi was apparently colonized from Bengal by the Gôlas, = Gaudas, during one of the struggles for supremacy between Buddhism and Brahmanism, and possibly Jainism also.
255
(6) The Stone at Gólamattikanagaram. Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 17, it is stated that when Sona and Uttara conquered the rakkhasas at Gôlamattikanagara, images of rakkhasas were put
1 Forchhammer's Notes on the Early History and Geography of British Burma. II-The First Buddhist
on children as protective charms. These charms are stated in the text to have been inscribed bhuje vá panné vá, and I have translated this "on armlets, wristlets and leaves." I was misled by the Burmese version, and the allusion is evidently to the bhúrjapatra, the palm-leaf MS. (the bhojpatr of modern India) of modern and mediaval times, whatever it may have been originally.
It is further stated that the image of the Rakkhasi was engraved on a stone placed "on the top of a hill to the North-East of the town." "Tam rúpam yav' ajjatand dissati, this image is to be seen to this day" says the inscrip
tion in 1476 A. D.
A stone answering this description is reported still to exist. Forchhammer says, Notes on the Early History and Geography of British Burma, II. page 10:-"Of the town nothing remains now except traces of brick walls and the stone image alluded to in the text taken from the Kalyani Inscriptions. It is now lying half buried underground, near a small tank to the south of the Kumârachêti, and consists of a huge, phantastically-shaped boulder, similar in appearance to that strenge freak of nature, the supposed lost species of megatherium preserved in the public garden at Prome."
(7) The Pestilence in Ramaññadėsa. After the appearance of Sôna and Uttara there is reference (ante, Vol. XXII. p. 17) to an ahivataróga, which afflicted Ramaññadėsa. This word is rendered by "pestilence" in translating the Mahdvagga, I. 50. See Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XIII. p. 204.
The pestilence referred to might well have been the result of the drying up of the deltaic lands of Râmaññadêsa, such as has been witnessed in our own time in Lower Bengal.
(8) The Seven Kings.
After the pestilence mentioned in the last note Ramaññadésa "was conquered by the armies Mission to Suvannabhumi, page 9.
s Op. cit. p. 7.

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of the seven Kings" (sattarújasendyabhi. One-rúpa (form). bhútattd).'
Two-de (or dvd); chamma (there being two The seren kings alluded to here appear to refer
kinds of skins); yama (a couple). to the autochthonous tribes inhabiting the valley Three-sikhi (there being three kinds of fires, of the Sittang and Salween rivers before the namely, of lobha or rága, dosa, and móha). advent of the Talaings, such as the Taungbos, Four-beda (the number of Vedas being four). Karens, and Yabéns, remnants of whom are still
Five-puna (there being five kinds of intoxi. found scattered in what was once the Talaing
cants). Kingdom; or to the Cambodian Princes whose
Six-rasa (there being six different kinds of power was paramount in Indo-China between thee
tastes). 6th and 7th centuries A. D.
Seven-muni (there being seven kinds of Forchhammer, however, says, Notes on the
sages). Early Hist. of British Burma, II. p. 10 :-"The Taungths, still numerous about Ayetthèmà and
Eight-ndga (there being eight kinds of nagas). Thatôn, claim the region between the mouths of
Nine-ruddha (there being nine kinds of samtthe Sittang and the Salween rivers as their
and the Salween rivers as their pattis : five rapajjhina, and four artpajjhana). original home, from which they were driven, Two eras, both of exotic origin, are in use according to their traditions, by the Talaings. among the Burmese :- the era of Religion, The Taungthûs were divided into seven clans. or Anno Buddha, reckoned by the Burmans I have little doubt that by the battarajasenaya
from 544 B. C., and the Vulgar era, or Bakof the Kalyani Inscriptions, the seven clan
karaj. chiefs of the Taungthus are meant, who harassed the Talaings by their constant inroads. This
The Burmans would derive Sakkaraj from Snkka must have happened in the 9th or 10th century
or Sakra, the Recording Angel of Buddhism, after Christ, prior to the conquest of Thatôn by
and rajd, a king; because, according to them, the the Burmese King Anawratha. After the rise of
era was inaugurated by the king of the déras. Wagara, king of Martaban, at the close of the
In ancient books and inscriptions, however, the 13th century, the main body of Taungthus, being
word is found written Sakaraj, which is more 'conquered by the Talaings, left the country.
consonant with its true etymology from Sakarija. Three clans (I owe this information to Dr. Cush
It is in fact a form of the Baka era of India, ing) went towards the north and the other four
and is found in use in most of the Indo-Chinese clans towards the north-east (Shân and Laos
countries and in Java, being reckoned properly States). They appear to have been the cultivators
from Monday, 14th March 78, A. D. (Ju. of the soil from time immemorial, for in the
lian era). Talaing law-books the word Khêttiya (Kshe- The earliest era used in Burma seems to have tra), which, in the Dhanmathats, is erroneously been the Era of Religion, reckoned as above; often treated as a synonym of Khattiya (Ksha- but, according to the Burmese, this era was triya) of the Hindu Dharmafdstras, and taken abolished by Samundari, King of Prome or in the sense of tillers of the soil,' is always Brikshetra, in Anno Buddha 824, and a new translated by 'Taungthus'."
era was established in its own second year, For the Taungbas see my remarks, ante, Vol.
thus wiping out 622 years of the Era of
Religion. Hence the era established by King XXI. p. 379 ff.
Samundarf had the name of the Dodoraea Era (0) Eras and Reckoning.
applied to it. The years of Sakkaraj (Potkayit, the It will be thus seen that the Dodbraba Era • Vulgar Era' of the Burmese) throughout of King Samundsri reckons from 78 A. D.. the inscriptions are expressed by means of that is, from the Baka Era of India. The mnemonic words, the latter being written in the correspondence of the beginning of this era in reverse order.
India and Burma, and of its very appellation, and
the existence of architectural remains in Prome The following list contains the words most
which resemble those of Upper India, are concommonly used in this connexion :
vincing proofs, to my mind, that there was fre. Cipher-kha; suñña (void), nabha (the sky). quent intercourse between India and Prome in • Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 17.
(Compare Natesa Sastri's slang mnemonic nume* See Burnell's Elements of South Indian Palaogra- rale now used in South India, ante, p. 49 f. -ED.] phy, pages 58 and 59.

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the first century after Christ, when the latter was To convert the present Sakkarij into years a seaport, and that Indian influence was predo. A. D., it is simply necessary to add 638; thus minant in the Irrawaddy Valley.
1255 + 638 = 1893. The year 1893 A. D. = the But the Burmese and Indo-Chinese gene
year 1255 B E. (Burmese Era). According to rally reckon, and have for centuries reckoned,
the Burmans the number 1255 is arrived at
thus:the Sakkaraj from 838 A.D., adding, as they say, 622+560 to the Anno Buddha to arrive at
1255 years Sakkarij. it. That is, to convert a year Anno Buddhæ into
560 years Dodôrasa. a year Sakkaraj, the numbers 622 and 560 must be
622 years A. B. added to the former. How the number 622 was
2+37 the present year A. B. arrived at, we have already seen, and the next
Subtract 1893 (years A. D.) from 2437 (years A.B.), puzzle is to find out why 500 has also to be
and 544 B. O. is arrived at as the commencement added.
of the Era of Religion. Bosides the name Sakkaraj, or Detkayit,
It will, however, be perceived that there the name Khachhapancha is applied to the is nothing Indian about the Sakkarai of the Ers which commences with 638 A. D., and modern Burmese, except its name and the the Burmese records are, so far as I know, silent traditions connected with it. as to the reasons for its introduction. For the
(10) Anuruddha or Andrat'Azd. matter of that they are silent as to the causes that led to the adoption of the Saka era of 78
Anuruddha and its Burmanized forms, And. A. D.
rat'a and Andrat'Azd, are the names of the
hero-king who reigned at Pagàn about the But there is evidence to show that the new
beginning of the eleventh century A. D. Sakkaraj, or Era of 838 A.D., is of Chinese
His conquest of Thaton in 1067 A. D., is origin. Forbes, Languages of Further India,
thus described by Phayre, History of Burma, p. 26 f., talks of the "singular fact that all the
page 37:-"The king now desired to possess the nations of Ultra-India, although deriving their
Buddhist Scriptures, the Tripitaka. He knew that religion, their civilization and their literature
those precious volumes existed at Thahtun from India, have not adopted any of the Indian
(Thatôn). He sent an ambassador of high rank Eras, but have borrowed from China." He then
to Manula, the king of that city, to ask for a goes on to quote from Garnier:
copy of the holy books. The king answered "Les relations établies par les Thang avec les haughtily that he would give nothing. Anoacontrées du midi avaient propagé sans aucun doute rahta (Anòrata), with a sudden fierceness, alto. les connaisances astronomiques et le calendrier gether opposed to the spirit of the religion which Chinois, et c'est là peut-être l'origine de l'ère qui est he had embraced, determined to punish what he aujourd'hui la seule employée à Siam (Cambodge), meeded an affront. He collected a large army au Laos, et en Birmanie, et qui commence à l'an and went down the Iri wadi. The king of Thah638. Cassini a démontré en effet que le point de tun had no means of meeting the invader in the départ de cette ère était purement astronomique. field, but the city was well defended by a wall. Le 21 Mars 638 la nouvelle lune coïncida avec After a long siege the citizens were reduced by l'entrée du soleil dans le premier signe du zodi- famine and the city was surrendered. King aque et produisit une eclipse importante."
Manuha, his wives and children, were carried As to the travels of the Era from China to
away captive to Pugân. The city was utterly Burma, they can be accounted for thug. The
destroyed. Nobles ind artificers, holy relics and Annamese, who became subject to China as sacred books, golden images and treasures of all long ago as the year 221 B. C. under the Emperor
kinds were carried off; and from that time the Hwangti, passed it on to their neighbours, the
country of Pegu became for more than two Cambodians, whose empire extended in the
centuries subject to Burma. As a fit sequence carly centuries of the Christian era, prior to their
to such a war the unhappy Manuha, his whole conquest by the Siamese (1351-1374 A. D.), as far family, and the high-born captives were thrust as the shores of the Gulf of Martaban. Traces down to the lowest depth of woe by being made of their influence and civilization are still to be pagoda slaves." found in the painting, sculpture and architecture During the three centuries that preceded the of Burma.
accession of Anòrat'a, Buddhism was expelled [But noo ante, Vol. XXII. p. 358 f., to the travels of Dipankara in Lower Burma in the tenth century A. D. -- ED.)

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from India, and its votaries found a refuge in the neighbouring countries, namely, Tibet, China, the Malay Archipelago, Indo-China, and Ceylon. To this fact may, perhaps, be attributed the religious and architectural activity manifested at Pagan at the beginning of the eleventh century, and the preparedness of the Burmans to assimilate the civilization of the Talaings transplanted through Anòrat'â's conquest.
However, it has hitherto been the fashion" to represent Anòrat'a as the leader of a barbarian horde, who swept down upon Thatôn, and from thence carried away captive its king, Manuhâ, together with "five elephant-loads of Buddhist Scriptures and five hundred Buddhist priests; " and that it was during his reign that the Burmans received their religion, letters, and other elements of civilization from the Talaings. Such statements do not appear to be warranted by the evidence afforded by the following considerations relating to this period:
(a) The tract of country extending from Toungoo to Mandalay was colonised under feudal tenure in order to prevent the recurrence of the constant raids from the neighbouring Shân hills; and, with a view to attract population, the irriga. tion-works, which have been a source of wealth and prosperity to later generations, were constructed. A similar cordon of towns and villages was also formed on the Northern frontier to safeguard against aggressions from the Shân Kingdom of Pông. Coupled with these facts was that of the subjection of the Talaings to Burmese rule for over two centuries. These circumstances appear to indicate that the Burmans of that period were possessed of the elements of civilization and were acquainted with statesmanship, the methods of good government, and the arts of settled life.
(b) A debased form of Buddhism, which was probably introduced from Northern India, existed at Pagàn. Its teachers, called Aris, were not strict observers of their vow of celibacy; and it is expressly recorded in Native histories that they had written records of their doctrines, the basis of which was that sin could be expiated by the recitation of certain hymns.
7 Compare Forchhammer's Jardine Prize Essay, p. 4:"We shall in vain explore the reputed sites of ancient Burmese capitals for any architectural remains, antedating the rise of Anawrahta, which can be traced to Burmans. The conquest of Anawrahta inaugurated the career of the Mranmas or Burmans as a historical nation.
"Nor did they, prior to this event, possess an alphabet, much less a literature. Their most ancient inscrip
[SEPTEMBER, 1894.
The sacred language of Buddhism at the time of its introduction was Sanskrit, and not Pali. This is abundantly clear from the terra-cotta tablets bearing Sanskrit legends found at Tagaung, Pagàn, and Prome, from the preference shewn for the Sanskritic form of certain words, as noticed by Fausböll and Trenckner, in the Buddhistic books of Burma, and from the existence in the Burmese language of words importing terms in religion, mythology, science, and social life, which are derived directly from Sanskrit.s
(e) It is expressly recorded in the Mahayazawin that Anòrat'â and Manuhâ had inscriptions erected at the pagodas built by them, and that the Buddhist scriptures, which were in the Mun or Talaing character, were, by Anòrat'â's command, transcribed in the Burmese character at Pagàn. Inscriptions of the 11th and 12th centuries have been found at Pagàn, whose paleographical development is clearly traceable to the Indo-Pali alphabet of Kanishka (vide Cunningham's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Plate XXVII.), and not to the SouthIndian alphabet of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty of Kalinga (vide Burnell's Elements of SouthIndian Paleography, Plate IV.) from which the Talaing alphabet was undoubtedly derived.
(d) The Shwêzîgôn and several other pagodas were built by Anòratâ, who enshrined in them the relics obtained by demolishing certain religious edifices in Arakan, Prome, and Hànbawadi. The sudden outburst of architectural energy, which followed Anòrat'â's conquest of Thatôn, and which covered the Upper Valley of the Irâwad with pagodas and other religious buildings, could not have been possible unless the Burmans of that period had reached a certain stage in the scale of civilization.
It is to be hoped that further researches, both historical and antiquarian, will bring to light the social, intellectual, moral, and religious condition of the Burmans on the eve of their conquest of Thatôn in the 11th century. For the present, however, the available materials are either scanty or unreliable.
According to the Kalyani Inscriptions, the period extending from the establishment of tions are not older than six centuries and display the art of writing in its infancy." [This last statement is at any rate wrong. Vide ante, p. 167, footnote 7: Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. 75. - ED.]
* See the discussion on Sanskrit words in the Burmese Language ending with Mr. Houghton's "Rejoinder," ante, p. 165ff. Pace Mr. Houghton, I still hold to my original opinion.

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Buddhism to the reign of Manuha, -- a period Parakkamabahu is placed usually in 1153-1186 extending over thirteen centuries, - "the power A. D. See App. XI. p. lxvi. to Turnour'u of Râmaññadêsa declined, because civil dissen- Mahawanso: and Tennent's Ceylon, Vol. I. sions arose and the extensive country was broken p. 407." up into separate principalities, because the people
(12) Narapatijayasura or Narapatisiba. suffered from famine and pestilence, and because, to the detriment of the propagation of the excel.
King Narapatijayasůra, or Narapatisiba, was lent religion, the country was conquered by the the seventh king of Pagan after Andrat and armies of the seven kinga."
reigned for thirty-seven years, from 117+ to 1211 This very rapid resume, amounting practically
A. D. He built the Gòdòpalin and Chůlamani to silence, is thus explained by Forchhammer, Jar
Pagodas at Pagùn, besides many other religious dine Prise Essay, page 25 f.:-"From the 6th to
edifices in various parts of his kingdom. His the 11th centuries the political history of the
reign is also memorable in the annals of Burma Talnings is a blank. During this period the
because of the communications with Ceylon. ancient kingdom of Khmer or Camboja attained
His own preceptor, Uttarajivainahathêra, visited to its fullest power; it extended from the Gulf
that island, where one of the preceptor's disciples, of Martaban to Tonquin. The kings, who ruled
Chapata, a native of Bassein, received upasamover Khmer from the year 548 A. D. to the 11th padd ordination and remained for ten years. century, favoured Brahmanism to the almost
Chapata returned to Pagán, accompanied by total exclusion and suppression of Buddhism. forir other malithdras, namely, The splendid ruins of Khmêr date from this (1) Sivali, of Támalittbi, i. e., Tamlak; period; the temples are dedicated to Siva and (2) Tamalinda, son of the king of Kamboja Vishu; the inscriptions are written in Sanskrit.
. which may perhaps, in this instance, Camboja is the great kingdom of Zabej' of
be identified with one of the Shân Arabian geographers, which, in the eighth and
States; ninth centuries, extended also over the groups of
(3) Ananda, a native of Kimchipura, which islands south and west of Malacca, including
is probably the well known Kâûchi. Borneo, Java, and Sumatra; Kala (Golanagara),
pura, or Conjeverain; north of Thatôn, was then an important sea
(4) Rahula, of Lankadipa, i. e., Ceylon. harbour, and according to Abuzaid and Kazwini, an Indian town, subject at that time (9th The advent of these priests, and their subsecentury) to the king of Camboja. The country qaent disagreements among themselves, heralded of the Talaings was then, no doubt, also a depend. the existence of religious schisms in Burma. ency of the same kingdom, and the silence of The apostolical succession of Uttarkjivamaha, their records during that period is fully explained thêra, mentioned ante, Vol. XXII. p. 17, is thereby. They mention, however, the struggle interesting, as it bears testimony to the early for ascendancy between Bralatanism and Bad. intercourse between Thatôn and Magadha and to dhism; the latter prevailed, chiefly because the the fact that the Talaing priests of those days were maritime provinces of Burma became a place of
renowned for their piety and learning. refuge to a great number of Buddbist fugitives
It may be noted by the way that Kappunganafrom India."
gara is locally identified with Kabaing, a small In this connexion it may be noted that, in villnge a few miles to the south-west of Rangoon, order to comprehend accurately the history of and that Sudhammanagara is a classical name of Burina, the history of Indo-China should be Thaton. studied as a whole.
The reign of Narapatisfba is also memorable in (11) Sirisanghabodhi-Parakkamabahuraja. Burmese history, for the high culture of the
These inscriptions are so full of dates relating Burmese poetry of the period, and four, in Burma, to the doings of the Talaing emissaries to the Court immortal verses are attributed to Anantasdriya of the Sinhalese kings that they should go far on the eve of his execution in this reign: -vido towards establishing the still doubtful chronology Mahdydzarindògyi, Vol. I. page 357. of the line.
Taw SEIN.Ko. (Chiefly, I think, for the same reason that the history Kegalla District, 1892, p. vii. wishes to put forward of the same centuries was blank for so loug in India,
the date of Parakkamabahu (Parikrama Bahu) to 1164 vix., the very numerona Talaing inscriptions have not A. D. He suggests various other alterations in dates, yet been deciphered and read. -Ed.)
and tells me that the Kalyant Inscriptions have sup 10 Mr. Bell, Arch. Survey of Ceylon, Report on the ported his views. -ED.]

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THE HEMP PLANT IN SANSKRIT AND HINDI flower, as one of his examples. The fact that LITERATURE.
the pollen of this special flower was quoted is A search through all the Sanskrit and Hindi
worth noting. books accessible to me, has resulted in the follow.
Varahamihira (A. D. 504), in his Brihat. ing notes on the references to the hemp plant
sanhitd (XLVIII. 39), mentions vijayá as used occurring in the literatures of those languages.
with other grasses, in the rites of the Pushya The hemp plant is met with in Sanskrit and
bathing festival. Vijayd in this passage certainly Hindt literature under various names. The
means some plant or other. The word may mean principal are -(1) Bhanga. (2) Indrasana. either the Indian hemp plant, or be a synonym (3) Vijaya or Jaya. The earliest mention of the
of harftakt (the yellow myrobolan) Dr. Hoernle word ganja, which I have noted, is dated about informs me that in the oldest medical works the the year 1300 A. D.
word is explained by commentators in the latter . Whenever the word vijayd is used, it is doubt. sense. It is doubtful, however, what meaning ful whether the hemp plant is meant or the yellow we are to adopt, and the word may mean the myrobolan, as the word means both. The name hemp-plant bhanga. In the passage from the hhanga occurs in the Atharvadeda, say, B. C. 1400. Atharvavéda already quoted, amongst the five The hemp plant is there mentioned simply as a plants specially honoured as oblations, bhanga is sacred grass. Påņini who flourished, say, B.O. 300, closely connected with the herb saha. So also, mentions the pollen of the hemp flower (bhanga). in the Brihatsamhita, vijayd is mentioned as one In the commencement of the sixth century A. D. of a long list of plants to be used in the offer. we find the first mention of vijayd which I have ing, and the very next plant mentioned is sahi, noted. It is a sacred grass, and probably means, which is apparently the same as saha. This in this instance, the hemp plant. The first would encourge the theory that the vijayd of the mention of bhanga as a medicine, which I have Brihatsamhitd was more probably the same as noted, is in the work of Susruta, before the eighth the bhanga of the Atharvavéda century A. D., where it is called an antiphleg. In Busruta who flourished before the eighth matic. During the next four oenturies bhanga
century (Ut. XI. 3), bhanga is recommended (feminine) frequently ooours, in native Sanskrit
together with a number of other drugs as an dictionaries, in the sense of hemp plant. In the
antiphlegmatic. Vijayd is mentioned in the tenth century the intoxioating nature of bhang
same work as a remedy for catarrh accompanied seems to have been known: and the name Indre
by diarrhea (Ut. XXIV. 20) and (Ut. 39, p. 415, sana, Indra's food, first appears, so far as I
20) as an ingredient in a presoription for fever know, in literature. Its intoxicating power was
arising from an excess of bile and phlegm. In certainly known in the beginning of the fourteenth
these two passages, however, vijayd is probably century. In a play written in the beginning of
an equivalent of harftakt, the yellow myrobolan, the sixteenth century it is mentioned as being
and does not mean hemp. consumed by jogts (Saiva mendioante). It is there named "Indra's food." In later medical works
In the various koshas or diotionaries, bhangd it is frequently mentioned under various names.
is frequently mentioned as meaning the hemp Below will be found a more detailed account of
plant. Thus,-(1) Amarakósha,1 2,9,20; (2) Trikan. the passages, in which I have noted the use of
datésha, 3, 864 ; (3) Hêmachandra's Anekdrthathe Indian hemp. I may add that I have not kosha, 2, 37; (4) Hêmachandra's Abhidhanachintraced in literature any difference between the
támani, 1179. The Sarasundari (date not known uses of the word gañjd and of the word bhanga, to me), a commentary on the Amarak sha though modern kavirdjas tell me that they are mentioned above, by Mathur&sa, and quoted in distinct plants.
the Sabdakalpadruma, mentions that the seed In the Atharvavéda (cir. 1400 B. C.) the
of the bhangd plant is the size of that of millet
(kaldya). bhang plant is mentioned (11, 6, 15) once :-"We tell of the five kingdoms of herbs headed by Sôma; | Chakrapanidatta is said to have flourished may it, and kuda grass, and bhanga and barley, under Nayapala, a prince who reigned in the and the herb saha, release us from anxiety." elerenth century A. D. In his Sabdachandrika, Here reference is evidently made to the offering a medical vocabulary, he gives the following of these herbs in oblations.
Sanskrit names for bhang :-(1) Vijaya (victori. The grammarian Panini (cir. B. C. 800) men. ons), (2) Trailokyavijaya (victorious in the three tions (5, 2, 29) bhangdkata, the pollen of the hemp worlds, (3) Bhanga, (4) Indrabana (Indra's food), 1 Cir. A. D. 500. Tenth or eleventh oentury.
* Twelfth century.

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(5) Jayd (victorious). These names seem to shew "Bhanga is also called gañjd, mátulant, mddin that its use as an intoxicant was then known. (the intoxicating), vijayd (the victorious) and
The Rdjanighantu of Narahari Pandita (A.D. jayd (the victorious). It is antiphlegmatic, pun1300) adds the following names to those given by
gent, astringent, digestive, easy of digestion, Chakra påņidatta in the Sabdachandrikd above
acid, bile-affecting; and increases infatuation, mentioned :-(6) Virapattra (hero-leared or the
intoxication, the power of the voice, and the leaf of heroes), (7) Ganja, (8) Chapald (the light
digestive faculty." hearted), (9) Ajayd (the unconquered), (10) The Reljavallabha, a Materia Medica by NaraAnanda (the joyful), (11) Harshini (the rejoic- yanadasa-kaviraja, the date of which I do not er). He adds that the plant possesses the follow. know, but which is quoted in the Babdakalpaing qualities :-- (1) katrıtva (acridity); (2) kashd- druma, and is believed to be ancient ( 17th cen. yatva (astringency); (3) shinatoa (het); (4) tury), has the following: - tiktatva (pungency); (5) vitakaphd pahatva (re
Bakrd-'lanasi tu tikslono.'shnaria moving wind and phlegm); (6) saigrdhitva
moha-krit kushtha-nálanam ! (astringency): (7) vákpradatva (apouch-giving);
Bala-médhá-gni-krit sléshma(8) balyatva (strength-giving); (9) módh kuritva
ddsha-hdri rasdyanam II inspiring of mental power) : (10) éréshfhadlpa
Jata mandara-manthandj jala-nidhau watva (the property of a mort excellent excitant).
piyusha-rápá purd The Sarigadkarasa whitú, a medical work by
Trdilskye vijaya-prade 'li vijayd Barngadhara. the date of which is unknown,
érf-dévardja priyá II but which must have been compiled during the
Lúkandin hita-kdmyayd kshiti-tale Muhammadan period of Indian History (say A.D.
prapti naraih kumadu il - 1300), specially mentions (1, 4, 19), bhanga as an
Barvd."tanka-vináta-harsha-janans excitant (vyavdyin). In the same passage it
yaiḥ sevild sarvadı il mentions opium.
"Indra's food (i. 6., gañja) is acid, produces The Dhartasamagama, or "Rogues' Con. infatuation, and destroys leprosy. It creates vital grear," is the name of an amusing, if coarsely energy, the mental powers and internal heat, written, farce of about the year 1500 A. D., the corrects irregularities of the phlegmatic humour, author of which was one Jyotirisa. In the second and is an elimir vite. It was originally produced, act two Saiva mendicants come before an anjast like nectar, from the ocean by the churning judge, and demand a decision on a quarrel which with Mount Mandara, and inasmuch as it gives they have about a nymph of the baadr. The victory in the three worlds, it, the delight of the judge demands payment of a deposit before he king of the gods, is onlled vijayt, the victorious. will give any opinion. One of the litigants says :- This dosire-fulfilling drug was obtained by men " Here is my gañja bag; let it be accepted as a on the earth, through desire for the welfare of deposit." The judge (taking it pompously, and all people. To those who regularly use it, it then smelling it greedily) says:-" Let me try begets joy and destroys every anxiety." what it is like (takes a pinch). Ah! I have just The Rasapradipa, a work the date of which now got by the merest chance some gañja which is unknown to me, and which is quoted in the is soporific and correcta derangements of the Sabdakalpadruma, mentions jayd as a remedy humours, which produces a healthy appetite, for indigestion :sharpens the wite, and acts as an aphrodisiac."
Kshdratrayanis adtagandhar The word used for gañja in the above is Indre
panchakslam idane lubham tana (Indra's food).
Sarvals tulyt jaya bhrishta The Bhdraprakdba, another medical work
tad-ardha kigrujd jațd II written by Bhavadovamtara (cir. A. D. 1600)
"Natron saltpetre and borte, mercury and has as follows:
sulphur, and the prosperous five spicos (long Bhangd gañá mdtulant
pepper, its root, piper chaba, another pepper, and mddini dijaya jaydi
dry ginger). To these add an equal amount of Bhanga kaphahar tikta
parched jayd and half of that amount of horsegráhirt pdchani laghuh
radish (môringa) and jața." It is not certain 7&shnd-shad pittale moha
whether jayd here means bhang or harftaki (yel. mada-odg-vahni-vardhini 11
low myrobolan). The word has both significa. I quote the MS. in the Library of the Asiatic Society • Nectar was produced in this fashion. of Bengal.
The name of several plaats; I do not know which is . According to Datt "not before 1686 A. D."
meant here.

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tions. The latter, perhaps, suits the formula opium) is the invariable drink of heroes before best.
performing any great feat. At the village of In the Rasaratna-samuchchaya, a work writ
Bauri in Gaya there is a huge bollow stone, which
is said to be the bowl in which the famous hero ten in the south of India, jayd is classified as a
Lôrik mixed his gañja. Lôrik was a very valiant semi-poison,
general and is the hero of numerous folk songs. Lángali vishamushtis cha
The epic poem of Alhů and Rodal, of uncertain karavirů jaya tatha i
date, but undoubtedly based on very old materials Tilakah kanako 'rkak cha
(the heroes lived in the twelfth century A. D.). vargó hy upavishdtmakah II
contains numerous references to goñjd as a drink "Lángalt,* Vanguiera spinosa, the root of the of warriors. For instance, the commencement Fragrant Oleander, jayd, Symplocos racemosa.
of the canto dealing with Alba's marriage dekanaka' and dk (a kind of Euphorbia), are semi
scribes the pestle and mortar with which the poisonous."
ganjd was prepared, the amount of intoxicating
drink prepared from it (it is called sabzi) and the Bhang is frequently mentioned by vernacular
amount of opium (an absurdly exaggerated poets. The oldest instance with which I am
quantity) given to each warrior in his court. acquainted is the well-known hymn by Vidyapati
That the oonsumption of bhang is not considered Thakur (1400 A. D.) in which he calls Sisa
disreputable among Rajputs may be gathered "Digambara bhanga" in reference to his babit of
from the fact that Ajabês, who was court poet to consuning that drug. According to an old
the well-known Mahårdja Bishwanath Singh of Hindi poem, on which I cannot now lay my hands,
Riwi, wrote a poem praising bhang and comparing Siva himself brought down the bhang plant from
siddhi(a preparation of the drug) to the "success" the Himalayas and gave it to mankind. Jogis
which attends the wore bipper of " Hari." Hre are well-known consumers of bhang and gañja and
there is an elaborate series of puns. The word they are worshippers of Siva.
siddhi means literally "success," and hari means In folk-songs, gañjá or bhang (with or without not only the god Hari, but also bhang.10
NOTES AND QUERIES. DEMONOLATRY AMONG THE KACHINS. Chaung. I cannot say that the dragon is man's The following characteristic and instructive handy-work. I should doubt it, as no one could note is taken from the diary of a native township paint a dragon in such a position. officer of the Bhamo District, kindly forwarded
Also on the road back to Manyà from Kyu to me by Mr. Thirkell White, 0.I.E., Cammis.
Saing there is a pagoda oalled Kainghinyan.. sioner of the Northern Division, Upper Burma.
This has a curious rock at its base, and the Maung P8 T'un, Myö.bagyi (village beadman)
Kachins say that in Tabaung-lAbyi and lâzan' it states :-"One day, east of Manyà, in the valley of
bears two kinds of flowers, green and red!" the Nànha Chaung (River), near the source of
R. C. TEMPLE. the river and situated in the jungle, there is a plave known as the Nagå-yok (Snake-image).
A BURMESE LOVE-SONG. There is a painted dragon there ourled round a
The following is a love-song popular in Burnia rock, the head being formed out of a slab thereof
and much admired for its depth of meaning, It is not known whether the dragon-image got
which, however, is quite lost in any rendering that there of itself or how, and there is no insoription
might be made of it. It details the love of Mệ of any sort. I visited it five days ago (October 1893) whon at Kya Saing, whence the image is
K'in for her absent Maung Pê, whom she suspects
of enjoying himself with another damsel, after the situated about half a day's journey to the eastwards, and off the main road. There is a narrow path
fashion of Burmese youth. leading to it, and the Kachins go near it to fish. Pa-ma -8ồng chồng-loa lit-pa lô, ! The rock stands out from the bed of the Nànha Chong. ld. nga keto kto wè !
The names of several plants, - Jussiæa repens, 10 [The abovo very valuable notes formed part of Dr. Hemionitis cordifolia, Rubia munjista, Helyearum lago. Grierson's evidence before the Hemp-drugs Commission, podioides.
1893-4. -- ED.) · Said by a kaviraja to mean dhatard.
+ [1. e., full and new moon of PhAlguna. - ED.)

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BOOK-NOTICE.
263
B'an kabit Pya-du là hm1
Shu-be-da ma mws. 5 P4-ya-84yadet mange ;
Ta yet wè ch'd: b'ú, Maung. Pé ! Hš ta-mydo t'd-nf kmd Yd ył ngè pyè-bé. !
Na-nl-dò pò tré16., 10 Sto& ta-mé. bak'in !
Hàn-mye hnd sàn né tin, 'nain-b't. ! Pyàn-we k'win, kə-bd pyàn-jin ! Naung kun 'mò sabe-byin hma
Ma K'in-84 sek nito! 15 S chek 16. ma pyé-bd-naing
W bo, yè aing! Shwe myeto-yl aing-ta-aing ngè. Naingo-ta-naing ting-bd-ya-88! Lost am I as if I had lost my blanket! That is my condition now! On my bed of sandal-wood
Lying I cannot sleep. 5 Miserable and wretched am I;
Worried every day, Maung Pê! In that new land Happy art thou in thy wandering!
Thou hast taken to thyself a new match, 10 O my dear Lord !
Miserable I cannot remain in the land of | Hành Come back; I call thee! Thou shouldst come
back! Thinking only of thy absence on her bed of
jasmine, Md K'in ceasea not to weep! 15 As a whirlpool ceases not to run
Her tears fall! So great (is my sorrow) that my tears run into
a lake. (On thy return only) I feel I could restrain
my weeping.
BOOK-NOTICE, COL. JACOB'S VEDANTASARA.
text itself was printed in Böhtlingk's Sanskrit Colonel Jacob's name is a sufficient guarantee Chrestomathy published in 1877, and incorrect for the scholarly performance of the task which he editions of the commentaries have appeared at has imposed upon himself. The work consists of various times in India, but this is the first the carefully edited text of Sadananda's Védánta- attempt to publish a critical edition of the text adra, with Nrisinha-sarasvati's commentary and commentaries combined. printed at the foot of each page (pp. 1-72), followed
A special feature of the volume is the care with by Råmatirtha's workmanlike (though here and which citations from older works are indicated there prolix) commentary (pp. 73-165). Then we
and their sources identified. The two Indexes have Col. Jacob's notes (pp. 167-199), and the book
are also worthy of notice and furnish a most conunds with four Appendixes, viz., (1) Inder to
venient and much wanted aid to students of Quotations, (2) Index to Important Words and
Indian Philosophy. The author's notes are Phrases, (3) List of Works cited in Text and
of great value, more particularly to Sansksit Commentaries, (4) Addenda and Corrigenda
scholars beginning the study of the Vedanta (pp. 203-215).
system. Indeed a better introduction than this Dr. Ballantyne's translation of the text of the complete, well-edited, clearly printed handbook Vidantusdra has long been out of print. The cannot well be conceived.
G. A. G.
OBITUARY, PROF. W. DWIGHT WHITNEY.
of the ninth decade of the century. He has Another of the links which connect the Sanskrit been Hibernior Hibernis ipsis. scholarship of the present day with a former gene- The sad intelligence of his death reached us ration has snapped. Forty years ago, Prof. almost simultaneously with a printed copy of his Whitney was one of the assistants who worked latest essay, on the Veda in Påņini. He died with Bühtlingk and Roth in the preparation of sword in hand, as all true scholars would die, the great St. Petersburg Dictionary, and to-day fighting with unabated vigour in the battle of the his views on Sanskrit Grammarare known as being moderns against the ancients. This is not a more advanced than those of the younger scholars fitting occasion for me to discuss the argumente Hapbawudt = here Rangoon.
notes and indices by Col. G. A. Jacob, Bombay Staff 1 The VMAntaalra of Sadananda with the commen- Corps, Fellow of the Bombay Upiversity. Bombay, taries of Nrisimba-sarasvatt and Ramatietha, edited with Nirnayagar Press, Byo. Pilce Re. 1.8.

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in his latest work. I must confess to belonging to the opposite camp, but that fact need not prevent a humble opponent from casting one more wreath on the tomb of one of the greatest Sanskrit scholars whom the Western world has known.
William Dwight Whitney was born at Northampton, Massachusetts, on the 9th of February 1827. He studied at Williams College, where he took his degree in 1845. He then spent three years as a clerk in a bank, which uncongenial occupation he gave up in 1849 to serve as assistant in the United States Geological Survey. In the autumn of the same year he went to Vale, where he continued the study of Sanskrit which he had commenced in 1848. In 1850, he visited Germany, where he spent some years in Berlin and Tübingen at the feet of Profs. Weber and Roth. It was at the latter place that he laid the foundations of that reputation for industry and accuracy which ever subsequently distinguished him. He returned to America in 1853, and in 1854 became Professor of Sanskrit at Yale, a post which he held during the remainder of his life. Shortly after his appointment he published the first volume (containing the text) of his well known edition of the Atharva Vêda, the second volume of which, comprising translation and notes, he had nearly completed at the time of his death forty years after the publication of the first. The appearance of this first volume fixed the course of Sanskrit scholarship in America. Under Whitney's tuition, and encouraged by the example of his unflagging industry, a school of Vedic students rapidly sprung up round his chair, from which have issued many valuable works, bearing the double impress of German solidity and care for minutiæ, coupled with American originality and grasp of general principles. Whitney himself directed his researches to the Atharva Vêda and in due course scholars hailed with admiration and gratitude his Atharva Véda Prátiéákhya (1362), and, in 1881, his Index Verborum of the Atharva Véda. In the interval, he had also issued an edition of the Taittiriya Prátiédkhya in 1871.
In 1879 Prof. Whitney broke new ground by the publication of his Sanskrit Grammar, in which he definitely took his stand, not on the grammar as handed down by Panini and his successors, but on the grammar as revealed by Sanskrit Literature itself. Few works have provoked so much controversy as this revolutionary challenge of the Yale Professor. Sanskrit scholars soon became divided into three camps: the extreme Papineans, according to whom, whatever the old grammarian said was true, and whatever he had
[SEPTEMBER, 1894.
not said was "not" grammatical "knowledge;" the extreme Whitneyites who denied that grammatical salvation could be found in the Gospel of Papini, and that the actual usage of Sanskrit literature was the only possible guide; and the Moderates, who while not binding themselves to
everything that Pâini laid down, believed that he knew more about the Sanskrit of his time than the most learned Europeans of the nineteenth century, and that till every Sanskrit text in exist. ence had been published and analysed, it would be impossible to ascertain what the actual usage of the literary language was. Whitney's Grammar was thus only a grammar of the Sanskrit Literature to which Whitney had access, and nothing bears stronger testimony alike to the depth and to the wide extent of his learning, than the admirable practical completeness of this work as a whole.
Besides the above greater works Whitney had time to write several minor essays. These were subsequently collected and published in his Language and the Study of Language (1867), and Oriental and Linguistic Studies (1873-74). Like everything else that he did, these shew the same impress of perspicuity and mastery of details. He followed his own line, and not seldom was engaged in controversy, which though sometimes conducted with acrimony, was always noteworthy for fairness and a love of truth.
In subjects outside the range of Oriental scholarship, he is best known as the author of Essentials of English Grammar, and as Editorin-chief of the Century Dictionary of the English Language.
For the past eight or nine years Prof. Whitney had been suffering from a serious disorder of the heart. His disease did not interrupt his life work, and he laboured to the end, which came at New Haven on the 7th of June, 1894.
During his busy life he received many honours. He was Honorary Member of all the great Oriental Societies, and was a member or correspondent of the Academies of Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Rome (the Lincei), and of the Institut of France. He was also a Foreign Knight of the Prussian Order" pour le mérite" for Science and Arte, filling the vacancy caused by the death of Thomas Carlyle. Many Universities conferred honorary degrees on him, and these only served as illustrations of the universal respect and affection in which this scholar, as simple-minded as he was distinguished, was held by the members of the great brotherhood of Oriental scholarship. G. A. G.

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THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 238.) ATHA ARTHÅLANKARA-NAMA CHATURTHAY PRAKASAL II
LECTURE IV.
Ornaments of Sense. [Rhetorical ornaments are divided into two classes, arthalankára, or Ornaments of Sense, and sabdálankára, or Verbal Ornaments.
Some ornaments partake of the nature of both classes, and are arranged under one or the other according to the predilection of the author who treats of the subject. For instance, the Sáhitya-darpana (v. 641) treats vakrókti, or Crooked Speech, as & Verbal Ornament, but the Bhasha-bhishana (v. 189) treats it as an Ornament of Sense.
Verbal Ornaments are those, such as Alliteration or Rhyme, which depend on the external form of words. Ornaments of Sense, such as the Simile, the Metaphor, or the Poetical Fanoy, are those which essentially depend on the meaning of words, and not necessarily on their external form. The principal of these are founded on similitude, and hence the Bhasha-bhúshaņa, like other works on rhetoric, commences this lecture by describing the Upamá or Simile, which is the foundation of all such ornaments.]
Text.
Upamalankara. Upamêya 'ru upamana jaha
váchuka dharma so chári 1 Parana upama, hina taha
luptopama vichári 11 44 11 Thi vidhi saba samatá milai
upama sól jáni I Sati sau ujjvala tiya-vadana
pallava sé mridu páni 45 Váchaka dharma 'ru varananiya hai chauthau upamana Eka binu, dvai binu, tini binu
luptopama pramana 11 46 11 Bijuri sf pankaja-mukhi
kanaka-latá tiya lékhi 1 Vanitá rasa-bringára kí
kdrana-márati pêkhi || 47 11 Translation.
The Simile. [Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 647 and ff. 'A resemblance between two things, expressed by a single sentence, and unaccompanied by & eontrast or difference, is termed a simile.']
A simile (upamá) consists of four component parts, viz. :(1) The Subject compared, upaméya (or, varhaniya). (2) The Objoot with which Comparison is made, upamana. (3) The Word implying Comparison [aupamyaváchin, or] váchaka (such as '88,' 'like'). (4) The Common Attribute (sámánya dharna, or] dharma.
A Simile is Complete (púrnopamd) when it has all its component parts. It is to be con. sidered as Incomplete (luptôpamá) when (one or more) are wanting.
[Some copies omit the above verse. It is possibly not original as its contents are repeated lower down.]
In this way when you find all (four component parts) together, know it to be a (Complete) Simile, as for example: -
• The lady's face is bright as the moon, her hands are tender as a young brauch.
[Here the subjects compared are, respectively, the lady's face, and her hands; the objects with which they are compared are, respectively, the moon, and a young branch : the word

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implying comparison is in each case 'as' (sau, sé); and the common attributes are, respectively, brightness and tenderness.]
When one, two, or three of the four (viz., the word implying comparison, the common attribute, the subject compared, and the object with which it is compared) is or are wanting, it is an instance of the Incomplete Simile, as for example;
(a) The lotus-faced lady is (slender) as a flash of lightning.' Here the Common Attribute, slenderness, is wanting ] (6) Behold, the lady is [fair] [as] a golden jasmine.' [Here the Common Attribute, and the Word implying Comparison are both wanting.)
(c) 'Lo, the Lady (is) [fair) [as] [love itself], (for she) is the causal image of the erotic sentiment.'
[Here the Common Attribute, the Word implying Comparison, and the Object with which the lady is compared, are all three wanting]
[A work called the Luptopamávilása by Kavi Hirâchand Kanhji (date unknown to me) gives the following poem, containing examples of the fifteen possible kinds of a simile:
(1) Púrnôpamá, The Complete Simile. Gaja kågati si gati manda lase, Thy gait appears dignified as the gait of an elephant.' (2) Vichaka-luptôpama. Incomplete. Wanting the word implying comparison.
Yugo jangha ju kôra ke khambha nayé, Thy two thighs are fresh (or plump) [as] plantain slems.'
(3) Dharma-luptó°, Wanting the common attribute. Kati sôhata sirhana ki kați si, Thy waist appears [slender] like that of a lioness. : (4) Upamána-luptoo, Wanting the object with which comparison is made.
Ibha-śdvaka se lucha uchcha bhaya, Thy bosom is round like (the frontal bones of] a yourg elephant.'
(5) Upaméya-luptó, Wanting the subject compared. Vidhu púrana sô paramôda karé, *[Thy face) causes joy like the full moon.'
(6) Váchaka-dharma-luptoo, Wanting both the word implying comparison, and the common attribute.
Sruti sipa samipa sumukta chayé, 'Pearls adorn thine ear (delicate] [as] a pearl-oyster-shell.'
(7) Váchalia-upamána-luptó, Wanting both the word implying comparison, and the object with which comparison is made.
Musukyáni praphullita anana me, On thy face, which blossomed (like (a flower], hath appeared a smile.'
(8) Váchaka-upam@ya-luptó, Wanting the word implying comparison, and the subject compared.
Sita kunda ki pa ti subháti layé, Thou hast displayed the beauty of [thy teeth] (like) a row of white jasmine blossoms.'
(9) Dharma-upamána-luptó°, Wanting the common attribute, and the object with which comparison is made.
Tiya, tô sama-túla na pritama ke, Lady, thou art not [fair) (merely) like other ladies) to thy beloved.'
(10) Dharma-upam@ya-luptó°, Wanting the common attribute, and the subject compared.
Daï ásava-pána samana mayé, Lady, [the touch of thy lip] produced intoxication (like) drinking wine.'
(11) Upamána-upaméya-luptó°, Wanting both the object compared, and that to which it is compared.

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Pika si madhuri na duri chhavi te, [Thy voice] is gentle as [the sweet notes of] the cuckoo, (though, unlike the cuckoo) thou art not devoid of beauty.'
(12) Váchaka-dharma-upamana-lupté, Wanting the word implying comparison, the common attribute, and the object with which comparison is made.
Tila hé ju kapôla su chitta khayê, 'A mole upon thy cheek [black] [like] [love's bowstring] ravishes (khayé kshaya) the soul.'
(13) Váchaka-dharma-upaméya-lupto, Wanting the word implying comparison, the common attribute, and the subject compared.
Kadali-dala, [A back] [broad] [as] a plantain leaf.'
(14) Váchaka-upamana-upamêya-lupto, Wanting the word implying comparison, the object with which comparison is made, and the subject compared.
Aya chadhi dasi ké, Uta, On one hand, [thy hair] [like] [snakes] hath mounted (on thy head) to bite me.'
(15) Dharma upamana-upaméya-lupto, Wanting the common attribute, the object with which comparison is made, and the subject compared.
hai ita kira samana jayé, 'On the other hand [thy nose] is [curved] like a parrot's [beak].'
[The Sahitya-darpana gives also another classification of the Simile as Direct (érauti) and Indirect (árthi). The first is a simile in which the comparison is suggested by such words as iva, jimi, jau, lau', and the like, all answering to the English word 'as. A simile is indirect when such words as túlú 'equal to,' sarisa 'like' are employed.]
[A Simile differs from a Metaphor (rúpaka) (vv. 55-58), in that, in the latter, the resemblance is suggested, not expressed. Thus, 'He sprang on them like a lion' is a Simile, but the lion (i. e., the hero) sprang upon them' is a Metaphor, the resemblance being suggested and not distinctly expressed. In a metaphor, too, the resemblance is suggested as an embellishment (or the reverse), while in the simile, the two things compared are said to be equal.
A Simile differs from the Poetical Fancy (utpreksha) (vv. 70, 71), because, in the latter, the subject of the figure is fancied as acting in the character of the object, and not merely as resembling it. Thus-He sprang upon them as though he were a lion' is a Poetical Fancy.
It differs from the figure of Contrast (vyatiréka) (v. 92), in that, in the latter, the difference is also expressed. Thus an example of Contrast is He sprang on them like a lion, but without its cruelty.'
It differs from the Reciprocal Comparison (upamánôpaméya (v. 49), in that, in the latter, more than one sentence is employed. Thus 'His lion-like bravery shines like his virtue, and his virtue like his lion-like bravery,' is an example of the Reciprocal Simile.
It differs from the Comparison Absolute (ananvaya) (v. 48), because in the latter there is only one thing which is compared to itself. Thus 'The king sprang like himself upon the foe,' is a Comparison Absolute.
It differs from the ornament of the Converse (pratipa) (vv. 50-54), because in the latter the object with which comparison is made is itself made the subject of comparison. Thus - The lion springs upon its prey, as this hero sprang upon his foe,' is an example of the Converse.]
[The Lala-chandrika describes a kind of simile, which may be called the Implied Simile,' Akshopopama. The following is an example:
Dara na tarai, nida na parai
Chhina chhúkai uchhakai na phiri
harai na kala-vipáka
kharau vishama chhavi-chhaka 11 478 ||
'(Unlike that caused by wine), the violent intoxication caused by beauty is not quenched by fear. It does not allow sleep, nor does it disappear with the lapse of time. If you feel its effects for but an instant, never will you be sober again.'

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This is an instance of the figure of Contrast (v. 92). The Lala-chandrika says that if the words 'is not like' are taken as the vachaka or word implying comparison, it is also an instance of Implied Simile. Of this the word 'like' is implied. But the whole váchaka is not lupta (or wanting) for the word 'not' is given. The fall simile would be,
The intoxication of love is not (fear-dispelling, etc.) [like) that of wine.'
The same work (341) describes the dashaņopama, in which the subject compared is exhibited as not equal to the object with which comparison is made. An example is the following: - Nahi Hari lau hiyara dharau
nahi. Hara lau ardhanga Ekata-hi kari rákhiye
anga anga prati anga Il 47b 11 Like Vishnu bear not thy beloved upon thy heart: Like 'Siva incorporate not thyself with her (for thou art not equal to them); but clasp her close to thee, body to body, limb to limb.']
[Text.
MalopamAlankara. Jaha' ékahi upaméya ke
barané bahu upamana Tahi kahahi málópamá
kavi su-jána matimána || 470 11 Yatha, Mriga sé, manamatha-vána sé
pina, mina sé svachchha | Kanjana se, khanjanana sé
manaranjana to achchha 11 470 |
Translation.
The Garland of Similes. [Sahitya-darpana, 665.]
It is the Garland of Similes when we have several comparisons of the same object, as for example: -
Thine eyes (achchha = akshi) are like deers, like Cupid's arrows, full-orbed, bright-glancing like fish, like lotuses, (mobile) like khanjana-birds, and delight the soul.'] (Not in Bhúshá-bhishana. Taken from Giridhara-dåsa, Bharati-bhúshana, 30, 31.]
[Text.
Babanopamalankara. Kathita prathama upamé ya jaha. hóta játa upamána! Tahi kahahi rasanôpamá
je jaga su-kavi pradhána II 47e 11 Yatha, Sati si nati, nati si vinati,
vinati si rati chára Rati si gati, gati si Vhagati,
tô me pavana-kumara 11 471 11 Translation.
The Girdle of Similes. [Sahitya-darpana, 664.]
If a subject of comparison is turned further and further into what it is compared to, it is termed the Girdle of Similes, as for example :
O Hanumat, in thee the faith is (strong) like thy going; thy going is (strong) as thy delight (in me); thy delight is pleasing as thy obeisance; thy obeisance as thy humility, and thy humility as that of a virtuous woman.']
[Not in Bháshá-bhashana. Taken from Bharatf-bhúshana, 32, 33.]

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Text.
Ananvayalankara. Upame-hi upamana jaba
kahata ananvaya tahi Téré mukha ké jóra kau
térau-hi mukha ahi 11 48 11
Translation.
The Comparison Absolute. [Sahitya-darpana, 666.]
When the subject comparer, and the object with which comparison is made, are the same, it is called the Comparison Absolute. Thus The only fellow of thy face is thy face itself.'
(Here the Heroine's face is compared to itself, as the only possible object of comparison, and not to a lotus or the like. According to the Sahitya-darpana (666), the comparison must be expressed by a single sentence.] .
Text.
UpamandpameyAlankara. Upamá lágé parasapara
88 upamánupaméi 1 Khanjana hai tua naina sé
tua driga khanjana séi 11 49 II Translation
The Reciprocal Comparison, [Sahitya-darpana, 667, where it is called upamāyôpamá.]
When the simile is reciprocnl, the figure is called Reciprocal Comparison. Thus - Thide eyes are like the khañjana-bird, and the khanjana is like thine uyes.'
Text.
Pratipalankara. Só pratipa upaméya kau
kijé jaba upamánu 1 Loyana bé ambuja baná
mukha sô chandra bakhánu 11 50 II Upamé ká. upamána té.
adara jabai na hội | Garva karai mukha kau kaha
chandahi niké jóí 11 61 11 Ana-ádara upaméya tê..
jaba páwe upamana Tichchhana naina kațáksha ta. manda káma ké bána 11 52 II Upame ko upamána jaba
samatá layaka náhi Ati uttama driga mina sé
kahai kauna vidhi jáhi || 68 11 Vyartha hai upamána jaba
varmaniya lakhi sára Driga ágé mriga kachhu na, yê
pancha pratipa prakára !! 54 II Translation.
The Converse (Sahitya-darpana, 742, 743.] The figure of Converse has five varieties, vis.
(1) When the thing with which a comparison is usually made is itself turned into a subject of comparison. Thus - The lotus is lovely like thine eyes,' or 'The moon is like thy face.' [Here it would be more usual to say: Thine eyes are like the lotus,' and Thy face is like the moon.']
1 Called also upamty pam.

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(2) When honour does not accrue to the subject compared from the object with which it is usually compared. Thus Why art thou proud of thy face? See how fair the moon is (in comparison with it).'
(3) When the object with which comparison is usually made obtains dishonour from the subject compared. Thus By the piercing glances of her eyes, Cupid's arrows seem but blunt.'
(4) When the object with which comparison is usually made is declared to be not fully equal to the subject compared. Thus Who would compare to the (silvery darting) fish, her perfect eyes (floating in tears).'
(5) When the object with which comparison is usually made is declared to be useless beside the merits of the subject compared. Thus-The eyes of the deer are naught before her eyes.'
Text. Rapakalankara.
Hai rapaka dwaya bharti kau Adhika nyûna sama duhuna ké Mukha sasi ya sasi té adhika Ságara té upojau na yaha Naina kamala yaha aina hai Ga wana karata niki lagati Ati sobhita vidruma-adhara Tua mukha-pankaja bimala ati
mili tadrapa abhêda tini tini ye bhéda || 55 || udita jyoti dina ráti kamalá apara suháti | 56 | aura kamala kihi kama kanaka-lata yaha váma || 57 || nahi samudra-utpanna | sarasa suvása prasanna | 58 ||
Translation.
The Metaphor.
[Sahitya-darpana, 660 and ff.]
The metaphor is of two kinds according as it depends on (alleged) Resemblance (tadrúpa) or (alleged) Identity (abhéda), and each of these kinds has three varieties according as (the Resemblance or Identity of the thing compared) is Excessive (allika), Incomplete (nyúna), or Complete (sama).
(1) An example of a metaphor depending on Excessive Resemblance is ' Her face, moon, but more perfect than this moon (we see in heaven), for its radiance is ever in the skies both day and night.' [Here the face is said to resemble the moon and is not identified with it, and morcover it exceeds or surpasses the moon in the very point on which the resemblance is founded, viz., its full-orbed splendour.]
v
(2) An example of a metaphor depending on Incomplete Resemblance is, 'She is not sprung from the sea, but she is another fair Lakshmi.' [Here the resemblance to Lakshmi is incomplete.]
(3) An example of a metaphor depending on Complete Resemblance is, There are eyes which are lotuses in this house, what need is there of (thy searching for) other lotuses (elsewhere)'? [Here a friend of the heroine invites the hero, as he is searching for lotas flowers, into the heroine's house. The resemblance between her eyes and the flower is represented as complete.]
a
(4) An example of a metaphor depending on Excessive Identity is, 'The lady golden creeper, appeareth beautiful when walking.' [Here the lady is identified with a golden creeper, with the additional advantage of being able to walk.]
(5) An example of a metaphor depending on Deficient Identity is, 'Her coral-lips are glowing, though not sprung from the ocean.' [Here her lips are identified with coral, but with this deficiency that they are not ocean-born.]

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(6) An example of a metaphor depending on Complete Identity is, Thy lotus-face is very spotless, full of nectar, fragrance and joy.'
· [The difference between a Metaphor and a simile (v. 44) has been explained under the head of the latter, but it is not always easy to distinguish between the two. The Bhishanakaumudi dealing with the third example given above, says that the difference between a metaphor of complete resemblance (tadrúpaka-samôkti) and a simile with the word signifying resemblance and the common attribute omitted (rdchaka-dharma-luptôpama) is this, that in the metaphor the thing compared is embellished by the comparison with the thing to which it is compared, whereas in the simile the two are considered as equal. In the ornament of the Converse (pratípa) (above, vv. 50-54) the thing compared may also be embellished by the comparison, but in it, the word signifying comparison (vachaka) is always mentioned.]
[The Sáhitya-darpana (669 and ff.) defines a metaphor as 'the superimposition of a fancied character upon an object unconcealed or uncovered by negation' (rúpakan rüpitáropád vishaye nirapahnavé). It classifies its varieties on principles entirely different from that given above. A metaphor is either Consequential (paramparita), Entire (sunga, or according to other authorities, savayava), or Deficient (niranga), These are again subdivided, but the farther classification need not be given here. Examples of the three main classes are as follows:
Consequential, May the foar cloud-dark arms of Hari, rongh by the contact with the string of his horny bow, preserve you, - arms that are the pillars to the Dome of the triple world.' Here the ascribing of the nature of a pillar to the arms of Hari, is the consequence of the attribution of the character of a dome to the triple world.
Entire, -- That dark cloud, Krishna, disappeared, having thus rained the nectar of his words (upon the deities), - the corn withered by the dronght of RÂvaņa. Here the nature of a cloud being attributed to Krishna, his words are represented as nectar-rain, the deities as corn, and Råvaņa's tyranny as drought.
Deficient, 'When a servant commits an offence, the master's kicking him is but proper, and it is not for the kick received from thee that I grieve, fair lady; but that thy tender foot is pricked by the points of those thorns -- the hard shoots of my hairs that stand erect (at the thrilling touch), this is my sore distress.'
In the Entire Metaphor the principal object is metaphorically figured or represented together with those subordinate (angino yadi sángasya rúpana sárgam éva tat). When all the constituent or subordinate metaphors are expressed in an entire metaphor, it is called samastavastuvishaya, or Ravishaya. When any of them are understood, it is called ékadósavivartin. An Entire Metaphor is sometimes founded on a paronomasia (v. 09), and is then called bléshagarchita. If the principal object is alone figured, it is Deficient Metaphor.]
Text.
Pariņāmalankara. Karai keriya upamana hwai varnaniya parinama Lichana-kafija visala té d ékhati dékhő váma 11 59 11
Translation.
Commutation. [Sahitya-darpana, 679.]
When the subject compared (varnaniya or upaméya) acts after becoming (or being identified with the object to which it is compared, it is the ornament of Commutation in which the object superimposed is commuted into the nature of the subjoct of superimposition), as for example :--
See the lady, she looks with those large lotuses, her eyes. [Here the lotus is actually represented as seeing. The eye is identified with the lotus, and, in that character, performs the

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action of seeing. This figure hence differs from the Metaphor (vv. 55-58), in which the superimposition is simply an embellishment of the principal subject, and in which the object superimposed does not do the action of the subject of saperimposition.)
Text.
UllekhAlankara. Su ullekha ju éka kau
bahu samujhai bahu riti Arthina sura-taru, tiya madana, ari kau. kála pratiti II 8011 Bahu vidhi varané éka kau
bahu guna sau ullekha Kirti arjuna, téja ravi,
sura-guru vachana-vibékha 11 61 II
Translation,
Representation, Sahitya-darpana, 682.)
[The figure of Representation is of two forms according as it is subjective or Objective.) In the first form, a number of perceivers understand the same thing in different ways, as for example :
.To those who ask for alma, of a certainty, he is a Tree of Plenty, to women he is the God of Love, and to bis enemies he is Death' (Here the hero is given a variety of characters according to the subjective feelings of the perceivers.]
In the second form, the same thing is described under & variety of characters, based on differences in its own qualities, as for example:
In heroism he is Arjana, in brilliance he is the son, and in discretion of language ne is Bțihaspati.' (Here the differences, it will be noted, are abjective, not subjective, and do not depend on the feelings of the observer.]
Text. Smarana-bhrama-samdhAlankara. Sumirana bhrama sandeha yaha. lakshana ndma prakása Sudhi đuata wá vadana ki
dékhí sudha-nivasa II 82 11 Vadana sudha-nidhi jáni yaha
tua sa ga phirata chakóra Vadana kidhau' yaha sita-kara
kidhau. kamala bhaya bhora !! 83 11
Translation.
Reminiscence, Mistake, and Doubt. The distinguishing attributes of these three figures are apparent from their names (and hence no description is necessary).
[The Sahitya-darpana defines these three as follows:
(668) A recollection of an object, arising from the perception of something like to it, is called Reminiscence (smarana, or according to others smfiti).
(681) The Mistaker (bhrantiman) is the thinking, from resemblance, of an object to be what it is not, - suggested by a poetical conceit (pratibha).
(680) When an object under description (pratibha-utthita) is poetically suspected to be something else, it is called Doubt (sambaya or sandéha).]
An example of Reminiscence is the following: - When I see the Moon, the abode of neotar, I am reminded of her face.'

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An example of Mistake is the following:
• The mountain partridges wander about with thee, imagining thy face to be the moon (with which they are enamoured). [This figure must be distinguished from Bhránti, Error, v. 194a, q. v.]
An example of Doubt :Is this (my lady's) countenance, or is it the cool moon, or is it a lotus born at dawn' ?
Text.
A pahnutyalankara. Dharama durai árspa té
Buddha-apahnuti jáni Ura para náhi urája yaha
kanala-latá-phala máni 64 Vastu durawai' yukti sau
hếtu-apahnuti hối | Tivra chanda na raini ravi
badavánala-hi joi 116511 Paryastahi guna éka ké
aura bikhai krüpa Kõi suhá-dhara ndhi' yaha
radana-sudha-dhara Opa II 60 II Bhranti apahnuti vachana sau. bhrama jaba para kan jái ! Tápa karala hai jvaru nahi.
nú, sakhi, madana satái 11 67 11 Chheka-apahnuti yukti kari
para sau. báta durdi Karata adhara-kshata piya nahí. sakki Ha-ritte -bái || 68 II. Kaitava-'pahnuti éka kau
misu kari varanata ána! Tichchhana tya kataksha-misu
barakhata Manmatha vána II 69! Translation.
Concealment, Súhitya-darpana, 683, 684.]
[There are six kinds of this figure, according as it is (1) Simple (áuddha), or depends on (2) a Cause (hétu), or on (3) & Transposition (paryastápahnuti), or on (4), a Mistake (Chránti), or on (5) an Artful Excuse (chhéka), or on (6) a Deception (kaitava).]
[The sáhitya-darpana (1. c.) gives a less elaborate classification. It merely says: The denial of the real (nature of a thing), and the ascription of an alien (or imaginary, character constitute the figure of) Concealment, If, having given expression to some secret object one should construe his words differently, either by a paronomasia or otherwise, it, too, is Concealment.']
When by the superimposition (of a fancied quality), the real nature (of the thing compared) disappears, it is called Simple Concealment (áuddhá pahnuti), as for example: -
* These are not the swelling orbs upon (thy lady's) bosom; know them to be the (fair round) fruit of a golden creeper.'
When the thing compared is concealed by an ingenious turn of expression (shewing the reason), it is termed Concealment dependent on a Cause (hétv apahnuti), as for example:
This cannot be a fierce moon (shining) by night, but must be the sun (barning) amid subaqueous fire.' [Here the heroine explains that in her fevered condition, even the moonbeams seem burning hot. The fierceness of the moon is the cause of the comparison.]
When the qualities of one thing are superimposed by transfer on another thing, it is an instance of Concealment by Transposition (paryastápahnuti), as for example:
This (light upon the way) is not (the sheen of) the moon; it is the (reflection of the) brightness of thy moon face.' (Here brightness, the quality of the moon, is transferred to the face of the lady.]

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When by means of words, another's mistake is corrected, it is called Concealment dependent on a Mistake (bhramápahnuti), as for example:
It is true, O friend, that I am hot and shivering; but it is not fever. No, it is the torment of love.'
When a person conceals a thing from another with artfulness, it is an instance of Concealment dependent upon an Artful Excuse (chlékápahnuti), as for example: -
It is true, my friend, that there are wounds on my lower lip, but they are not caused by (the kisses of) my beloved; they are (chapped) by the winter wind.'
When one thing is mentioned as pretending to be another thing, it is an instance of Concealment dependent on Deception (kaitavápalunuti), as for example:
Under the pretence that they are but the piercing glances of my Lady, Love showers his arrows upon me.'
Text.
Utprekshalankara. Utprèksh& sambhávaná
vastu, hêtu, phala lekhil Naina mano' aravinda hai
sarasa viedla viselhi il 70 II 31.20 chali d'gana kathina
tá té: raté pái Tia pada samatá kau kamala
jala sevata ika bhái | 71 !!
Translation.
The Poetical Fancy. [Sahitya-darpaşa, 686 and ff.]
When after considering a Thing, a Cause, or a Purpose, one imagines it in the character of another), the figure Utprękshá or Poetical Fancy is used.
(1) An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Thing is :
Her eyes are specially large and luscious, as though they were lotuses.' (2) An example of a Poetioal Fancy depending on a Cause is :Her feet are rosy, as though from walking on a rough court yard.' (3) An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Purpose is :--
The Lotus ever worships the Water(-God), with but one object, (as though) to achieve (a beauty) equal to that of thy feet.'
The subject of the Poetical Fancy, or Utpréksha has been developed at great length by writers on rhetoric ; both by the author of the Sáhitya-darpaņa, and by authors who wrote subse. quently to Jas'want Singh, such as Padmakara and others. A brief account of the various subdivisions may be given, as the numerous technical terms are frequently met with in various works.)
[According to the Sahitya-darpana, & Poetical Fancy is the imagining (sanbhavand, or according to others, tarka) of an object under the character of another. As being Expressed (vichyá) or Understood or Implied (pratiyamána), it is first held to be two-fold. It is expressed when the particles iva, 'as,' and the like are employed, and understood when they are not employed. Since in each of these a Genus (játs), a Quality (guna), an Aotion (kriyd), or
Tbe Expressed Poetical Fancy is also called vyafijika (in Hindi vyafljaka) and the Implied vyangya, gamy, or lupta (the Hindi uses the masculine forms). Thus, Giridhara-dhea's Bharati.bhdshana, 87: Utprekshd vyañjaka manahu
manu janu adika dhil Jahd. nahi ye, janiye
gamytpreksha tahi 11 A Poetical Fanoy is 'Expressed' (uyaljaka), when the words manahu, manu, janu, &o., all meaning 'As though,' are used. When these words are not used it is 'Implied' (gamya).]

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a substance (dravya), may be fancied, the figare becomes eight-fold. In each of these eight sorts, again, the fancy being (1) Positive, or (2) Negative (bhávábhávábhimanatah), and the Occasion (nimitta) of the fancy being in the shape of (3) a Quality, or (4) an Action, they become thirty-two fold.
Of these, the Expressed (vúchya) sorts are, with the exception of that of substance (dravya) each three-fold, as pertaining to (1) a Nature (svartpa), (2) a Purpose or Effect (phala), and a Cause (hétu).
Of these, the sorts pertaining to a Nature (svarúpa) are again two-fold, according as the Occasion (nimitta) of the Fancy is Mentioned (ukta) or Not Mentioned (anukta).
The divisions of the Understood or Implied (pratiyamáná) poetical fancy, may each pertain to a Purpose or Effect (phala) or to a Cause (hétr).
These, again, are two-fold, according as the subject (prastuta) of the Fancy is Mentioned (ukla) or Not Mentioned.]
It will be seen that the Bhúshá-bhiishana gives a different analysis of the figure: and this latter analysis las been much developed by later authors. All authors agree, in following the Sahitya-durpana by defining the figure as the imagining (sambhávaná or tarka) of one thing (the subject) under the character of another. In its simplest form the following may be taken as an example. It is the first one given above, slightly developed :
Her eyes, large and luscious, captivate the heart as though they were lotuses.
Here the subject of the figure, the eyes, is imagined under the character of the object of the figure, that is to say, lotuses.
The same idea expressed under the form of a simile (upamd) wonld be:Her eyes are large and luscious like lotuses.
This is merely an expression of the resemblance of two things, the eyes and the lotuses, expressed in a single sentence. The resemblance is expressed, not suggested as in the Metaphor. Moreover in the Simile, the two objects are said only to resemble the other, while in the Poetical Fancy one is imagined or fancied to act in the character of the other.
The same idea expressed under the form of a Metaphor would be :Her lotus-eyes are large and luscious.
Here the fancied character of the lotus is superimposed upon the object - the eyes. This differs from the Simile because the resemblance is suggested as an embellishment, and is not expressed by any word such as like,' etc. It also differs from the Poetical Fancy because the subject, i.e., the eye, is not imagined as acting in the character of a lotus, but is imagined to be a lotus.
In a Simile, words expressing resemblance, such as, iva, tulya, jaisé, lau', all meaning 'like,' are either expressed, or understood.
In the Poetical Fancy, words such mano, jáno', 'methinks,' 'as though,' nischayapragatuta, 'of a certainty appears as though,' are expressed or understood.]
[All authors subsequent to the Bhasha-bhúshana agree that the Poetical Fancy is of three kinds according as it depends on a Thing (vastu),' a Cause (hétu) or an Effect or Purpose (phala). That is to say, the subject of the Poetical Fancy is imagined to be another Thing, or it may be imagined to be in such a condition as to be caused by some other fancied circumstance, or it may be imagined to be in such a condition as to have some other fancied circumstance for its Effect.
In the Poetical Fancy depending on a Thing (vastútpréksha), the thing may be either simply a concrete noun substantive, or it may be a quality (adjectival), or it may be an action or condition (verbal).
3 The svarapa (nature) of the Sahitya-darpana.

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An example of the thing being a concrete noun substantive is: -
Her eyes, large and luscious, captivate the heart as though they are lotuses.
Here the lady's eyes are the subject of the Poetical Fancy, and are imagined to be acting in the character of a concrete thing, a noun substantive, lotuses.
[OCTOBER, 1894.
An example of the thing being a quality is the following: -
His virtues, occasioning as they did other virtues, were, as it were, generative.
Here the hero's virtues are the subject of the Poetical Fancy, and they are imagined to possess the adjectival quality of generativeness.
An example of the thing being an action:
In my dreams the night passed happily, as though I were sleeping in my beloved's arms.
Here the subject of the Poetical Fancy is the manner of passing the night, and it is magined to be acting in the character of the verbal action of sleeping in the arms of the beloved.
This Poetical Fancy depending on a thing (vastútprékshá) is further divided into two classes, according as the ground or occasion (aspada or vishaya) for the fancy is or is not mentioned. In the first case the Poetical Fancy is called uktáspadavastútprékshá, or uktavishayá vastútprékshá. In the latter case it is called anuktaspadavastút prekshá, or anuktavishaya vartályrékahd
An example of the ground for the Poetical Fancy being mentioned is the verse already given :
Her eyes, large and luscious, captivate the heart as though they were lotuses.
Here the ground for imagining the eyes to be acting in the character of lotuses is that they are large and luscious and captivate the heart. This is mentioned.
Again :
The spots shine beauteous on the moon, as though they were bees upon a lotus in the sky.
Here the spots on the moon are imagined to be acting in the character of bees on a lotus, and the ground for the imagination, viz., that, being spots on a white surface, they are nevertheless still charming, is stated.
Again :
The ornament of Krishna's ear, being shaped like a makara, is beautiful as though it were the standard of the God of Love projecting from the gateway of the castle of Krishna's heart.
Here the ornament is imagined to be acting in the character of the standard of the God of Love. And the ground for the imagination, its being shaped like a makara (the standard of the God of Love is also a makara), is stated.
An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a thing, in which the occasion is not expressed, is the following:
The face of the deer-eyed one gladdens the heart as if it were another full moon.
The grounds for fancying the lady's face to possess the characteristics of a full moon (viz., its peculiar fairness, roundness, etc.), are not mentioned.
Again :
Aloes and incense caused as it were a thick night.
Here the occasion of the Poetical Fancy, the smoke arising from the incense, is not mentioned.
As the Sahitya-darpaṇa remarks, in a Poetical Fancy depending upon a Cause or upon an Effect, the occasion must always, as a matter of course, be mentioned. For if the occasion, for instance, in the example immediately following, viz., 'holding deep silence,' be not mentioned, the sentence would be unconnected, or absurd.

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The following is an example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a cause (hétútpréshá):
I saw an anklet fallen on the ground, holding deep silence, as if from the sorrow of separation from the lotus-foot.
This Fancy in its simplest form is this:
It was silent, as though it were in sorrow.
Here sorrow is fancied as the cause of the silence, and the suggestion (tarka) of this fact forms the Poetical Fancy.
Again :
The lover gave his darling his heart, as though he were at a wedding ceremony.
A wedding ceremony is a cause of giving presents to the Bride, and here it is fancied as the cause for the Bridegroom presenting his heart to the Bride. The suggestion (tarka) of this fact forms the Poetical Fancy.
Again:
The women of the house made as much of the Bridegroom, as if he were about to start on a long journey.
Here the starting on a long journey is imagined as the cause for the affection shewn to the Bridegroom.
Again (the example of the Bháshá-bhúshana) :
Her feet are rosy, as though from walking on a rough courtyard.
Here rosy, instead of brown, feet are an embellishment, but the colour is represented poetically as being caused by her having walked on rough ground.
A Poetical Fancy depending on a cause is of two kinds, according as the occasion of the Fancy is an Actual, Natural thing which exists (siddhavishayá hétútpreksha or siddhúspadahét útprékshá) or an Imaginary thing which does not exist, but is only imagined and invented for the nonce (asiddhavishayá hétútprékshá, or asiddhúspadahét útpreksha). We shall take the latter first.
Examples of a Poetical Fancy depending on a cause with an imaginary occasion are :Krishna is glorious with the moon-like spots on his peacock diadem, as though, out of enmity with Siva, he had crowned his head with a hundred moons.
Here the suggestion (tarka) of the moon in the moon-like spots forms the occasion of the Poetical Fancy. The Fancy consists in imagining that the cause of Krishna wearing such a diadem is his enmity to Siva. But the moon-like spots are only imaginary moons. Hence the occasion is imaginary. The Lála Chandriká (3) states that in this passage it is the enmity which is the imaginary occasion, but in this the author is, I consider, wrong. For the enmity is the cause of the occasion of the Poetical Fancy not the occasion itself. It is the hétu, not the áspada.
Again :
Thy face hath become the enemy of this lotus, as if it were the moon.
Here the emulation with the lotus is imagined to be the cause of the face becoming the moon. The face being the the enemy of the lotus is the occasion (áspada) of the Poetical Fancy and it is of course imaginary.
On the other hand, a Poetical Fancy depending on a cause, with a natural or actual occasion is exemplified in the following: -
She raised the wreath with both her hands, but was too much overcome by emotion to place it round Rama's neck. Her hands and arms became languid in the glory of his moon-like face, as though because they were two lotuses, each with flower and stem, shrinking at the moonlight.

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Here the Poetical Fancy consists in the suggestion that Sîta's arms became languid because they took the character of two lotuses. That is to say, the occasion of the Poetical Fancy is that her arms were languid. It was a natural, actual, circumstance, and not an imaginary one.
Again :Her brows are arched, as though she were in anger at the unfaithfulness of her lover.
Here the occasion of the Poetical Fancy is the beautiful curve of the Heroine's eyebrows. This is a natural and not an imaginary fact. The Fancy suggests that the cause of this characteristic is the auger of the lady.
A Poetical Fancy depending on an Effect or Purpose (phalotprélish) is also divided, like that depending on a cause, into two classes, as the Occasion is Actual or Natural (siddharishayá phalotpréksha or siddhúspada phalotprékshá) or Imaginaryasiddhavishaya phalotprékshú or asiddháspadaphalôturékshá).
An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on Effect in its simplest form is the one given in the Bhasha-bhushana :
The lotus ever worships the water-goil, as though to obtain a beauty equal to that of thy feet."
Here the suggestion is that the abiding of the lotus in the water is an act of worship for the purpose of obtaining more perfect beauty.
The following is an example of the Occasion (aspada) being Actual (siddha) :The Creator made her bosom exuberant, as though to cause her hips to sway by its weight.
Here the graceful swaying of the bips is suggested as possessing the character of being the effect of the weight of the bosom. The occasion (aspada) of the Poetical Fancy is the actual fact of the weight of the bosom. Hence the Poetical Fancy is siddhúspada,
Again :
He abandoned his home anul friends and ran to Rána, as though he were a miser running to loot a treasure.
Here the runner is imagined in the character of a miser, and the running of the miser is the effect of the desire for wealth, just as the running of the other was the effect of his love to Rania. The occasion of the Poetical Fancy is the running to Rama and was an actual, not an imaginary, circumstance.
An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Purpose, with an Imaginary Occasion is the following :
Such was her beauty that her ornaments could not enhance it. They were but as thougle the Crector, to preserve her pure fairness from defilement, hai laid them there as mats on which to wipe the feet of prurient gazes that approachel her.
Here the suggestion is that the ornaments were placed upon her body for the purpose of protecting her from defilement, and not to enhance her beauty. The occasion (aspadu) of the Poetical Fancy is the imaginary supposition that the ornaments do not enhance her beauty. There is also the imaginary circumstance suggested that eyes have feet, and that their gaze cau be wiped on anything. Hence the occasion, indeed the whole basis of the Fancy, is imaginary and the utprékshu is asiddhúspada.]
Text.
Atibayoktyalankara. Atibayokti rapaka jana.
kévala-hi upamana ! Kanaka-latá para chandramá
dharai dhanukha dvai vána il 72 11 sarahnava guna éka kau
qurahi' para thaharái ! Sudhá bharyau yaha vadana tua chanda kahai baurái | 73 11

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Atibayokti bhedaka wahai Aurai ha'sibau dékhibau Sambandhatigayokti jaha Ya pura ké mandira kahai. Atiśnyőkti dúji wahai To kara ágai kalpa-taru Atibayokti akrama jabai To sara lagata sáthahi Chapalatyukti jo hétu sau Kankana-hi bhai anú dlari Atyantatisayokti số Vána na pahuchai anga ló.
jo ati bheda dikhátat 1 aurai ya ki báta | 74 11 déta ayôgahi yoga 1 sasi lô: unchau lóga 11 75 11 yoga ayôga balchúna kyó párai sanamána! 76 11 kárana káraja sanga 1 dhanukhahi aru ari anga 11 77 hôta sighra jô káju péya ga'wana suni dju 11 78 11 púrvápara krama ndhi I ari pahilai giri jaht' 11 79 1
11
Translation.
Hyperbole. [The Sahitya-darpana (693) defines a Hyperbole (atićayókli) as a Poetical Fancy (utprékshi) · in which the introsusception (adhyavasáya) is complete (siddha). That is to say, the intro
susception is incomplete in the Poetical Fancy, where the subjective notion is expressed with uncertainty. Whilst in the Hyperbole, it being conceived with certainty, the introsusception is complete.]
[A Hyperbole is of seven kinds accordingly as it (1) depends on a Metaphor (rípakatiśayókti), or (2) on a Concealment (sápahnavátisayoleti), or (3) on a Distinction (heiluleitisuyoleti), or (4) on Relationship (sanibanthétićayóketi), or (5) on Cause and Effect occurring simultaneously (akramátisayókti), or (6) on Effect immediately following the Cause (chapulátisayékli), or (7) on the Sequence to a Causation being inverted (alyantálisuyokti).]
(1) A Metaphor becomes Hyperbole when the object with which comparison is made (upamána) is alone mentioned, as for example: -
I saw a moon upon a golden creeper, which bore two bows and two arrows.'
Here the subjects with which comparison is made, the face, the body of the lady, the eyebrows, and her arrow-glances are not mentioned. Only the objects with which the comparison is made are mentioned.]
(2) When the qualities of one thing are transferred to, and) established upon another it is called Hyperbole dependent on Concealment (súpahnavátisayúlti, or according to another reading apalnavarúpulatisayókti), as for example:
It is thy face which is filled with nectar. If any say that (thy face) is the moon he is mad.' [Nectar properly speaking is contained in the moon.]
(3) A Hyperbole is said to depend upon a Distinction, when it insists on an extreme difference between two objects). (This figure is properly called bhéilukitisuyilti, but some writers owing to a misreading of the first four syllables, which are frequently used as a contraction for the whole name, incorrectly call it bheila-lunti.] An example is :
Her smile is altogether different (from that of others, that is to say, very excellent), so are her glances, and so her language.'
(4) Hyperbole depending on a Relationship is of two kinds :
(a) In the first kind there is an implication of) connexion where there is no connexion, as in the following example :
People call the temple of this city as high as the moon.'
v. 1. sabai
ihi vidhi varnata játa.

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[Here there is no real connexion between the height of the temple and of the moon, but nevertheless there is an implication of such connexion.]
(6) In the second kind there is a denial of connexion when there is connexion, as for examples:
In the presence of thy generous) hand, how can the kalpa-taru obtain honour'?
[Here the connexion of the kalpa-taru, with the tree of plenty, and the hand of a generoas giver is eminently proper, but it is denied in this special case.]
(5) When Cause and Effect are represented as occurring simultaneously, it is an instance of akrumátisayokti or Hyperbole not in Sequence, as for example: -
Thine arrows reach thy bow and thine enemies' bodies at tho same instant.'
[Here the placing the arrow in the bow is the cause of it reaching the body of the enemy, and the two, the cause and its result, are hyperbolically represented as occurring simultaneously.]
(6) When the Effect is represented as following the Cause very quickly, it is called the Hyperbole of Immediate Sequence (chapalátisayókti), as for example:
Immediately on hearing of the departure of her beloved to-day, her ring became her bracelet (
ie, she became so thin with grief that her ring was able to go round her wrist).' (7) Hyperbole may depend on the sequence to a Causation being inverted and is then called Exaggerated Hyperbole (atyantátisayókti), as for example :
His enemies fall, before his arrows reach their bodies.
Text.
Tulyayogitalankara. Tulyayogita tini &
lakshana krama tê jáni Ēka subda mo. hita ahita
bahu mêcủai bái || 80 || Bahuta su samatá gunana kari
ihi vidhi hota prákára Guna-nidhi nikai déta tú.
tiya kau ari kan hára II 81 11 Navala vadhú ki vadana duti
aru sakuchita aravinda Tú-hí sri-nidhi, dharma-nidhi, • tu-hi indra, aru chanda 11 82 11 .
Translation.
Equal Pairing. [The Sahitya-darpana (695) defines this figure as follows:- When objects in hand or others are associated with one and the same attribute (dharma = quality, guņu, as well as action, kriya) it is Equal Pairing. The Bhasha-bhishana's description is not in accordance with this.]
The following are the three (varieties of) Equal Pairing (tulyayógita). Learn their peculiarities in order - (1) when in the same word both an auspicious and an inauspicious (meaning are suggested); (2) when one attribute (is associated) in several (words); and (3) when many attributes) are detailed in equal co-existence. Such are the three varieties. Examples are :
(1) O thou abode of virtue, thou givest necklaces to thy Lady, and discomfiture to thine enemies.' (Here the same word hára is used in two senses, one auspicious, i. e., '& necklace, and one inauspicious, i, e., discomfiture.']
(2) Faded (at nightfall) are the charms of the bride's countenance, and the lotus. [Here the same attribute, fading, is attributed both to the bride's countenance, and to the lotus (with which it may be compared).]
5 (Some authors, e. g. Bharatl-bhashana, 96, call this asambandhatilayokti.)

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(3) Thou alone art the abode of Good Fortune, thou alone art the abode of virtue, thou alone art (mighty as) Indra, thou alone art glorious as the moon.' [Here a number of different attributes are mentioned one by one as equally co-existent in one person.]
[The Bharati-bhúshana of Giridhara-dâsa (104 and ff.) supplies the connexion between the Bhasha-bhushana and the Sahitya-darpana. It defines what the Bháshá-bhúshana calls the second kind of Equal Pairing (that in which one attribute is associated in several words), as follows:
dharma élatả hội tulya-yogita sôi || 828 ||
Kriyá aura guna kari jahá' Varnyana ko kai itara kô
Prastuta-tulyayogitá-udaharana: -
Aruna-udaya avalôki kai Indu-udaya lakhi svairint
Aprastuta-tulyayogitá-udaharana :
Lakhi téri sukumáratá Kamala gulába kaṭhôra sé
sakuchahi kuvalaya chôra
vadana vanaja chahu ora 11 82b I
é rí, ya jaga mahi |
ká kô bháshata nahi || 820 ||
281
When (a) objects in hand (varnyana, or prastuta), or (b) others, are associated with one and the same attribute which may be either an action or a quality, it is Equal Pairing; examples
are: --
(a) When they see the rising of the dawn, the night-lily and the thief lament. So also when they see the rising of the moon, in all directions, do the countenances of the free woman and the blue lotus.' (Here the description of the rising of the sun and of the moon is in question, and the lily and the thief, the free woman and the blue lotus, which are respectively connected therewith, are associated with the same action of lamenting.)
(6) Fair maid, who in this world that has perceived the softness of thy (body), does not speak of the hardness of the lotus and of the rose.' (This is a translation of the corresponding verse in the Sahitya-darpana. Here the description of the softness of the lady's body is the subject in hand, and the lotus and the rose which are unconnected with it, are associated with the same quality of hardness.)
Sô dipaka nija gunani sau Gaja mada sau nṛipa téja sau
It thus appears that the definition of the Sahitya-darpana corresponds to the second kind of Equal Pairing defined in the Bhasha-bhúshana.]
Text. Dipakalankara.
varani itara eka bhava | sôbha lahata banáva || 83 ||
Translation.
The Illuminator.
"
[Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 696: When a thing-connected-with-the-subject (prastuta) and another unconnected-with-it (aprastuta) (are associated with one and the same attribute); or when the same case is connected with several verbs (cf. karaka-dipaka, v. 150 below); it is called the Illuminator.' Compare the definition of Equal Pairing above, with which the definition of the Illuminator is closely connected.]
When a thing in hand (varani varnya) and something else are each described as possessing the same attribute, each on account of its own peculiar qualities, it is called the Illuminator; for example: -
The elephant and the king each takes enhanced glory, the one from his being in rut, and the other from his valour.'

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[Here two things the subject in hand (the king), and something else (the elephant) are described ench as possessing the same attribute of glory, though in each case from a different cause, the cause in each case being the peculiar nature of the king and the elephant respectively.]
Text.
Dipakavpittyalankara. Dipaka Avriti lini vidhi
auriti pada ki hội | Puni hwai kvriti artha ki
diji kakigai sồi || 84 II Pada aru artha duhiina ki
ávriti tijí lékhi ! Ghana barasai hai, rí sakhi,
nisi barasai hai dekhi 11 85 1 Phúlai vriksha kadamba ké
kétaka bikase ahi 1 Matta bhaé hai môra aru
chátaka matta saráhi 11 86 11
Translation.
The Illuminator with Repetition. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
The Illuminator with Repetition is of three kinds - (a) In the first there is repetition of a word (padavritti) (but not of its meaning). (6) In the second there is a repetition of meaning (artháurittı) (but not of the same word). (c) And in the third there is repetition both of the word and of ira meaning (padárthavritt). Examples are: -
(a) O friend, the clouds rain ; see, it is a night of the rainy season. Here the word * rain' is repeated, but each time in a different sense.
(6) The nauclea tree is in blossom, and the kétaka tree is flowering.' Here the words • is in blossom' and is flowering' are different, but their meaning is the same.
(c) Excited in the pencock, and excited is the chátaka-bird worthy to be praised. Here the word 'excited' is repeated, each time in the same meaning. (It will be observed that all the above are examples of the Illuminator (v. 83, above).) .
Text.
Prativastapamalankara. Prativastupama samajhiyai
dóú vákya samana Abhá súra pratápa té:
sobhá súra ka vána 11 87 11
Translation.
The "ypical Comparison, It is Typical Comparison when the same idea is implied by two different expressions. As for example: -
The sun gaineth its brilliancy from its fierce heat, as the hero gaineth his glory with his arrow.'
[Here the actions of gaining brilliancy' and 'gaining glory,' though the same, are expressed by a difference of words to avoid repetition. Cf. Sahitya-darpaņa, 697, where the definition is Typical Comparison is when, in sentences or descriptions, of which the corre. spondence is implied, the same common attribute is differently expressed.' As its name in the vernacular implies, the figure is closely connected with the upama or simile (vv. 44 and ff., above).]
• Or Avrittidipaka.

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Text.
Drishtantalankara. Alankára dfish tanta sô
lakshara nama pramina Kántimána sasi-hí banyau
to-hi kiratimána II 88 11Translation.
Exemplification. The nature of the figure of Exemplification can be gathered from its name. An example of the figure is :
The moon alone was created a thing of perfect beauty, as thou alone of perfect fame.'
(The Sahitya-darpana, 698, defines the figure as the reflective representation (pratibimbana) of a similar (sadharma) attribute, (not of the same attribute, in which case the figure would be Typical Comparison, v. 87 above).
Giridhara-dasa's definition in the Bhárati-bhúshana (119) is fuller than that of the Bhasha. thishana : - Varnya avarnya duhúna ko
bhinna dharma darasai Jaha bimba pratibimba sô
số drightắta kahái || 888 | When different attributes are shewn as belonging respectively to the subject ander dis. cussion and to something not under discussion, — they bearing the mutual relationship of type and antitype, it is Exemplification.]
Text.
Nidarbanalankára. Kahiyai trividhi nidarsana
tác ga artha 8ama đổi | Eka kié, puni aura guna
aura tastu me• hội | 89 || Kahiyai karaja dékhi kachhu
bhalau burau phala bháu Dátá saumya so anka binu .
párana chanda bandu 11 90 11 Dékhô, sahaja-hi dharata yaha
khanjana-lild naina Tejaswi sau' nibala bala
mahadeva aru maina || 91 II Translation.
Illustration. [Cf. Sáhitya-darpana, 699. When a possible, or, as is sometimes the case, even an impossible connection of things (vastusambandha) implies & relation of type and antitype (bimbanubimbatva), it is Illustration.]
Tlustration (nidarsand) is of three kinds, vie., (a) when the meaning of the two sentonces is the same ; (6) when the quality of one thing exists in another; and (c) when from a consideration of the effect (of a similar action), the good or bad results of an action may be foretold. Examples of the three kinds are: -
(a) This gentle giver is without spot; in the same manner that the full moon is without Rpot.'
[The Bhushana-kaumudi remarks that this must not be taken as an instance of Exemplifi. cation (v. 88); for in the latter there is no superimposition, merely comparison; while here the quality of the spotlessness of the moon is superimposed apon the person compared, - the giver. In fact Exemplification boars much the same relation to this kind of Illustration, that a Simile does to a Metaphor.]
(6) Bebold, her eye naturally contains the sportive play of the (fluttering) khanjana bird.'

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Here the quality of the fluttering motion of the khanjana is used as an illustration of sportive play of her eyes, and is mentioned as existing in them. This form of the figure must be distinguished from Hyperbole dependent on Concealment (Sápahnavátisayôkti, v. 30), in which all the qualities of one thing are taken away from it and established in another, while here there is no denial of the fact that the khanjana still possesses a flattering motion, though the heroine's eye also possesses it.]
(c) When a weak person uses force against a mighty one, it is an instance) of the story of Mahadeva and the God of Love.'
(The fatal result of the attack of the feeble God of Love upon the mighty Mahadeva is well known.]
Text.
Vyatir@kalankara. Viyatirêka upamana tá
upaméyádika dekhi Mukha hai ambuja su, sakhi,
mithi báta višékhi 11 92 11 Translation,
Contrast. When a subject compared with another excels it, it is an instance of Contrast (vyatirêka), as for example :
This face of hers, O friend, is a lotus, but has this superior excellence, that sweet words issue from it.'
[Sahitya-darpaņa, 700, where it is said that the subject compared may either excel or fall sbort of the other. With this figure may be compared the ornament of the Converse (pratipa). vy. 50 and #.]
Text.
Sehoktyalankara. 88 Bahokti saba sátha-hi.
varanai rasa sarasái Kirati ari kula sanga-hí
jala-nidhi pahuchi jái | 08 11 Translation.
Connected Description. This figure occurs when all of several facts are elegantly described as occurring simultaneously, as for example: -
Thy fame, together with the hordes of thy foes, have reached the ocean at the same time (the one in triumphant progress, the other in headlong flight).
The Sahitya-darpana (701) insists that this figure must be founded on a Hyperbole (utisayôkti, vv. 29 and ff.) ; but this is not admitted by others. The Bhasha-bhushana considers that it is sufficient that the coincidence should be elegantly expressed rasa sarasái, rusa hú sarasita kari kai, Comm. So Bhdrati-bhúshaņa, 132, jahá mana-rañjana varaniye.]
Text.
Vinokti. Hai vinokti dwai bhati ki Aru áóbhá adhiki lahai Driga khanjana-se kanja-se Bílá, saba guna sa-rasa tanu?
prastuta kachhu binu kshina prastuta kachku ika hîna | 94 H anjana binu áóbhai' na rancha rukhái hai na II 95 !!
? v. 1. bali saba guna sarasata tua.

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Translation.
The Speech of Absence. [Not in Sahitya-dar paņa.]
The figure of the Speech of Absenoe is of two kinds (a) in one, the subject of description loses by the absence of something; (b) in the other, owing to the same cause, it gains enbanced beauty, but is still wanting in something (necessary). Examples are: -
(a) Thine eyes are (glancing) as the lohahjana bird, and (fall orbed) as the lotus, but without collyrium they have no lustre.
(6) Fair damsel, thy body is luscious and filled with every charm. (Thon displayest) no harshness (which is necessary to bring thy lover to thy feet).
Text.
Samasoktyalankara. Samdsókti prastuta phurai
prastuta varnana májha ! Kumudini-hú praphulita bhai
dé khi kalu-nidhi sá jha ll 90 TL Translation.
The Modal Metaphor. Sahitya-darpana, 703. The Modal Metaphor is when the behaviour (or character) of another is ascribed (vyavaharasamdropa) to the subject of description (prastuta), from a Samonoss of (1) Action, (2) Səx (or Gender), or (3) Attributo.)
The Modal Metaphor is when, in the account of a thing which is not the subject of description (aprastuta), the subject of description is itself manifested, as for example :
The lily also expanded (or became full of joy) when it saw the approach of the moon at, ventide. Here the subject of description is the heroine, and not the lily. The real ineaning (which has been manifested by the Modal Metaphor) is, 'The heroine became full of joy, when she saw the approach of her beloved at eventide.')
This is an example of what the Sáhitya-darpana would call a Modal Metaphor dependent on Community of Attribute. As, however, the word praphulita is equally applicable to a lily or to a woman, the example is not a good one, as there is nothing to point out that it is really the heroine and not the lily that was referred to. Had the word been 'smiled,' there would have been no doubt that the heroine was intended, and it would have been a true Modal Metaphor.
The Bhashana-waumudi insists that the second prastuta must be translated as if it were aprastuta.' Such a violent assumption is certainly necessary for the translation given above. Perhaps a more literal translation might be : "When in the account of (one) subject of description, (another) subject of description is manifested. The word "aprastuta' will not scan. The text is probably corrupt. The Bhárati-bhúshana (137), says: Prastuta mé jaba-hi phurai
aprastuta vșittánta! Samásôkti bhúshana kahai"
tá ks kavi-kula-kánta | 982 | Yatha :Sajani, rajani pdi sasi
viharata rasa-thara-pára! Alingata prachi mudita
kara pasári kai aura li 96b 11 O friend, the moon, when she findeth the night rejoices, full of nectar (or love), and intoxicated with affection, when she appeareth in the east, stretcheth forth her rays (or arms) and embraceth the sun.]
• Literally, Speech of Brevity.

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Text.
Parikaralankara. Hai parikara dsaya liye
jahd. viséshana hdi 11 Sasi-vadani yaha náyiká
tápa harati hai joi 11 07 11 Translation.
The Insinuator. (Sahitya-darpana, 704.] Where there are signifioant epithets it is an instance of this figure.
This heroine reduceth the fever (of love). Rightly is she (called) the moon-face (the moon being a reducer of fever).
Text.
Parikarankurdlankara. Sábhiprdya višéshya jaba
parikara ankura ndma 1 Sádhe-hi piya ké kahai
néku na múrata vdma 11 08 11 Translation.
The Passing Insinuation. [Not in Säkitya-darpana.]
But when special significance is given (not to the qualifying epithet), but to the object qualified itself, it is an instance of this figure, as, for example:
The lady (vama) does not heed a single word of what her lover says, even though he Atand erect before ber. Here the use of the word vama is significant, as it not only means "lady,' but also crooked,' in contradistinction to the erectness of her lover.
[Text.
Punaruktivadabhasalankara. Not in Bhd sha-Bhúshana. I have only met it in Lála-chandrika, 678, which defines the figure as follows:Dikhai artha punarukti sati
punaruktivadabhasa 98a 11 Yathá :Mana-môhana sau môha kari
tí Ghana-syama sa hári 1 Kunj-vihárí san vihari
Giridhárí ura dheri 11 98b 11 Translation.
Apparent Tautology. Where there are a number of names each referring to the same person, but each having special significance, it is Apparent Tautology, as for example:
Shew love to Mano-Möbana (the Heart-entrancer). Bring peace to Ghana-ágâms (or envelope him in thy cloud-dark hair). Sport thou with Kuñja-vihárin (he who sporteth in the hower), and clasp to thy (mountain-like) bosom Giridhârin (the Upholder of the Monntain). Here all these names of Kpishṇa have special significance. The figure is a further development of the Passing Insinuation (98).]
Text.
Eléshalan kera. slesha alarksiti artha bahu
éka sabda té. hóta! Hội na parana nêha bin
aisó vadana udóta 11 90 11

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Translation.
Paronomasia or Coalescence. [Sahitya-darpana, 705.]
When several meanings come from the same word, it is an instance of this figure, as, for example:
Her face would not so shine, if there were not full love (or a full supply of oil),' [the word néha meaning both love' and 'oil').
Text.
A prastutaprabamgalankara. Alankára dwai bhd ti kau
aprestuta parasansa 1 Ika varnana prastuta bina
dijai prastuta ansa | 100 11 Dhani yaha charchú jiúna ki
sakala samai sucha délut Visha rákhata hai kantha siva
ápa dharyau iki hétre 11 101 !! Translation.
Indirect Description. The Sahitya-darpana (706) thus defines this figure, which can hardly be said to be defined at all by the Bhasha-bhúshana. "When (1) a particular (visesha) from a general (sa menya), or (2) a general from a particular, or (3) a cause (nimitta) from an effect (kúrya), or (4) an effect from a cause (hétu), or a thing similar from what resembles it (samát saman, is understood, each of the former being in question (prastuta) and the latter not so, it is Indirect Description. This definition must be borne in mind as understood in the following.)
The figure of Indirect Description (aprastutaprasarisd) is of two kinds, according a (a) description takes place without (mention of) the subject in question, and (1) description takes place with only a partial reference to the subject in question. Examples are: -
(a) Blessed is this pursuit of knowledge, which continually gives happiness. Here the subject in question is divine knowledge. It is not mentioned, but it is inferred that the particular knowledge which is in question can only be divine knowledge, from the effect described, vis., that it gives happiness at all times.]
(6) Siva bear's the (haldhala) poison in his throat, and therefore (to allay the burning) he placed the water (of the Ganges) on his head.' [Here the Ganges, which is the subject in question, is only hinted at by the word 'water.' It is understood that it is that particular river which is in question, from the effect; for no other river could allay the burning of the haláhala poison.]
[This last example is not an instance of Kavya-linga or Poetical Reason (v. 153). In that figure, the reason given is a completive corroboration of a fact intimated, which is not the case here.) [Giridhara-dîsa thus defines this figure in the Bharati-bhúshana :Aprastuta varnana bishai
prastuta varnyő jái 1 Aprastuta-parasansa teki
Hahahi' kavina ké rái | 1018 11 It is Indirect Description when, by the description of a thing which is not in hand, the subject in hand becomes described. So algo Raghu-nátha in the Rasika-mohana (106) :Aprastuti ki hoti jaha
prastuti so. asphtirti 1 Aprastuti-prašansa kahata
alankára kari súrli Il 101b 11 Again Padmakara-bhatta in the Padmábharana (107) says :Aprastuta viritanta maha
jaha: prastuta ko jñána Aprastuta-parasansa sổ
pancha prakára pramana 11 1010 11

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Ika sárvipya-nibandhand
viya sámánya-nibandha Bahuri viséshya-ribundland
kahi luvi rachata prubandha ll 1010 11 Chauthi hétu-uiband hand
kája-nibandhaná ána Yá vidhi pancha pral-cira sau
táhi kuhata matimdnu 11 10le il Indirect description occurs when in the description of a thing not in question, the thing in question is inferred. It is of five kinds, viz. :
(1) When it originates in a rosemblance (between the thing described and the thing inferred).
(2) Wnen it originates in a general statement (from which a particular is inferred). (3) When it originates in a particular statement (from which a general is inferred). (4) When it originates in a cause (from which an effect is inferred). (5) When it originates in an effect (from which a cause is inferred).
This agrees with the Sahitya-darpana, and gives the clue to the connexion between the detinition given in that work, and that of the Bhasha-bhushana.]
Text.
Prastutaink uralankara. Prastuta ankura hai kiyai
prastuta me prastái! Kaha gayuu ali lê'ware
chhadi sukómalatái | 102 H
Translation.
The Passing Allusion. [Not in Súhitya-darpana.)
It is the figure of Passing Allusion, when allusion (prastáimprastáva) (hinting a .connexion with the subject in the mind of the speaker is made to some passing circumstance) as for example: --
Bee, why hast thou deserted the delicacy of other flowers) and gone to the ke wará? Here under the passing allusion to the beo, it is hinted that some person, who has attached himself to the pleasures of this world (the ke'wará flower), and abandoned the sweet flowers of the name of Râma.
Another interpretation of this rerse is as follows:- A heroine has been detected by her friend returning from the embraces of her lover. The friend thus addresses her, alluding to tho scratches, marks of the love-conflict, on her face :
My dear (als), what (thorny) ké'wará flower hast thou been visiting, that thou hast loss the tender smootbness of thy face)'? Here the lover is figuratively alluded to as a keward flower
Text.
ParyAyoktyalankars. Paryayokti prakára dvai
lachhu rachana sau báta 1 Misu kari karaja sádhiyai'
jó hai chitta soháta 11 109 11 Chatura wahai jehi tua gare
binu guna darí mála Tuma dóú baithau iha
játi anháwana túla # 104 10 Translation.
Periphrasis. [8áhitya-darpana, 708. Periphrasis is when the fact to be intimated (gamya) is expressed by a turn of speech.']

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289
Periphrasis is of two kinds: (a) In the first a statement is made by some ingenious tarn of speech. (6) In the other the object which is desired by tbe agent's heart is accomplished by some pretext. Thus, for example: -
(a) Clever is he, who threw a necklace round thy neck - a necklace without a binding. string. According to the Bhúshana-kaumudi, a friend has detected the heroine returning from an assignation, and the necklace without a binding-string represents periphrastically the arms of the lover. The passage is also capable of interpretation like the passage from the Raghuvassa quoted in the Sahitya-darpana. Thas: -- A skilled (conqueror) is he, who placed on thy neck & necklace without a binding-thread (composed of the tears trickling down thy hosom in drops large like pearls, welling forth at the defeat of thy husband, his foe).
(6) You two are seated here (for a flirtation).' 'No friend, we are on our way to bathe in the lake.' Here the hero and heroine have accomplished their desire for an assignation, onder pretext of having accidentally met on their way to the bathing ghai.
Text.
VyAjastutyalankara. Vyajastuti nindá misaki
jabai badai johil Swarga chadhayé patita lai
ganga ká kahau tohi | 106 1 Translation.
Artful Praise. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 707.)
When under pretence of blame, praise is expressed, - it is to be considered as an instance of Artful Praise, as for example: -
O Ganges, what (good) can I say of thee. Thou hast raised sinners to heaven.' (Here under pretence of blaming the Ganges for defiling heaven with sinners, the poet really praises it for its salvation-giving properties.]
The Sahitya-darpana includes under this figure its converse, - the giving blame under pretence of praise. So also Bharati-bhushana, 154, which further includes the expression of praise, under pretence of praising somebody else. E. g., Praising the All-purifying God, under pretence of praising the pure man in whose heart He abides, i. e., the exact, converse of the succeeding.)
Text.
VyAjanindalańkera. VyAja-ninda nindá misahi
inda aurai hối | Sada kshana kinhar na kyo.
chanda manda hai sói 11 106 11 Translation.
Artful Blame. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Artful Blame (vyájanindd) when, under pretext of blaming one person, another person is also blamed; as for example:
Why did not (the Creator) make the moon ever and always emaciated ? It was an evil action of His (not to have done so).'
[Here a heroine, distraught of the absence of her beloved, blames the moon for not being always as emaciated as herself, under cover of blaming the Creator. Cf. the note to the preceding figure.]
So also Rasika-mhina, 110, and Padmabharana, 126.

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Text.
Akshepalackara. Tini bháti Akshepa hai
éka nishédha-abhúsu Pahilahi kahiyai' úpu kachhu
bahuri phériyai tásu || 107 11 Durai nishedha jo vidhi-vachana
lakshana tino. pêkhil Hai nahi dútita agini té.
tiya-tang tápa visékhi ll 108 11 Sita-kiranı dai daría tú
athavá tiya-mikha áki Jai daí mó janma de
chalai désa tuma jáhi 11 109 11 Translation.
The Hint. [The definition of the Sahitya-dar pana (714, 715) differs, though the third example of the lihúshá-bhushana is nearly the same as one given in the former work. It (the definition) is as follows:- When something, really intended to be said, is apparently suppressed or denied (nishédhábhúsé), for the purpose of conveying a particular meaning, it is termed Hint, and is two-fold as pertaining to what is about to be said or what has been said. Another figure (also termed Hint) is held, likuwise (i. e., for the purpose of conveying a particular meaning) to be an apparent permission (vidhyábhása) of something really unwished for.' The first of these two definitions corresponds to the first definition of the Bháshá-bhúshana, and the second definition of that work is really included in it. The second definition of the Sahitya-darpana corresponds to the third of the Bhasha-bhúshana.]
The Hint is of three kinds :-(a) In the first there is an apparent suppression (or denial for the purpose of conveying a particular meaning). (6) In the second, the speaker himself at first commences a statement, and then turns it aside. (c) In the third, a refusal (of permission) is concealed under words signifying permission. Examples are: -
(a) In the lady's body there is a fever more fierce than fire, but no, she has not its brilliancy.'
[Here the pange of separation felt by the friend of the speaker are hinted at in general, but the particular fact that she is pale and about to die is suppressed.]
(6) "O Cool-rayed (Moon) reveal thyself, - or, stay, is it my lady's face (which I see).'
[Here the hero commences to compare his lady's face to the moon, but stops and addresses her directly, after giving a hint of what was in his mind.)
(c) Depart (my love) to a far country (if thou art resolved to go) --- And may God give me again birth there.'
[Here the permission to go is really a prohibition. Moreover the lady hints that if her beloved docs go she will of a certainty die, and will have to be reborn elsewhere.)
Text.
Virodhabhasalankara. Bhásai jabai virodha so
wahai virodhAbhasa 1 Uta rata hau, utarata nahi
mana té prána-nivása 11 110 II Translation.
Apparent contradiction. Not in Sahitya-darpana; cf, however 718, virodha, contradiction.] When an incongruity is (at first sight) apparent (but there is really no incongruity), it is called Apparent Contradiction; as for example :
"Tis there (uta, i. e., with some other lady) that thou art devoted (rata). She, the abode of thy life, departeth (utarata) not from thy heart.'

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[Here the speaker is a jealous heroine. The apparent contradiction dwells in the use of the two expressions uta-rata (devoted there), and utarata nahi (does not depart). It will be seen that this particular example is also an instance of the ornament of Yamaka or Pun (v. 203). In a Pun, however, the incongruity is not a necessary part.]
Text.
Vibhavanalankara.
Hohi chha bhá ti vibhavana Binu yávaka dínai charana Hétu apúrana té• jabai Kusuma-vána kara gahi madana Pratibádhaka-hú hota hai Nisi-dina sruti-samgati taú Jabai akárana vastu té Kokila ki vání abai Káhú kárana té jabai Karata mohi santapa-hi Puni kachhu karaja te jabai Naina-mína té dékhi yaha.
kárana bina-hi kája 1
aruna lakhai hai aju | 111 | káraja púrana hoi
saba jaga jityau joi | 112 || karaja púrana máni naina raga ki khani | 113 karaja prakata-hi hota bolata sunyan kapota 114 karaja hóta viruddha 1 sakhi, sita-kara suddha 11 upajai karana rúpa saritá bahata anupa u 116 11
115 11
Translation.
11
291
11
Peculiar Causation.
[Sahitya-darpana, 716. When an effect is said to arise without a cause (hetu), it is Peculiar Causation (vibhávaná), and is two-fold, according as the occasion (nimitta) is or is not mentioned.' It will be noticed that the Bhúshá-bkúshana (and indeed all other later authors whom I have consulted) gives a much wider definition.]
Peculiar Causation is of six kinds, viz. :
(1) When an effect (is said to arise) without a cause, as for example: -
Without applying red-lac dye, a rosy hue appears upon her feet.' Here the rosy hue of the feet, which is an enhancement of beauty, is shewn as existing without its usual cause.
(2) When a full effect (is said to arise) from a cause which is incomplete, as for example: -
'Behold, although the God of Love has merely grasped his dart of flowers, he has conquered the whole world.'
(3) When, in spite of an obstacle, the effect is nevertheless complete, as for example: — 'Although they are ever near (i. e., long, extending to) her ears (or, by a paronamasia, in the neighbourhood of religious books), still her eyes are full (lit., mines) of anger.'
(4) When an effect appears to arise from a thing which cannot be the cause, as for example:
* Lo, I heard a dove utter just now the call of a cuckoo.' [In this example, a friend of the hero is inviting the heroine to come to the place of assignation, and suggests this apparent miracle as a pretext.]
(5) When a contrary effect is said to arise from a cause, as for example: -
O friend, this pure cooling moon only gives me fever.' [The heroine is lamenting the absence of her beloved.]
[The Lala-chandrika, 436, mentions a figure called Virodha which is closely connected with the fifth variety of Peculiar Causation. Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 718.

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The example given is :Máryau manuhárani bhari
gáryau khari mishahi Wä kau ati anakháhaļau
musaka hata bina náhi 11 11ba 11 Even her bentings of me are full of captivatings of the soul. Even her abase is very *weet. Even her extreme anger is not without a smile.']
(6) When originating from some effect, the appearance of a cause is produced, i.e., when the sequence of cause and effect is inverted, as for example:
See those (clear) darting fishes, her eyes. From them flows a river.' (Here from the eyes metaphorically considered as fishes, taken as an effect, the torrent of tears, farther inetaphorically considered as the cause (or essential of existence) of these fishes, riz., a river, is represented as being produced by them.]
Text.
Viboshoktyalankara. Viboshokti jo hétu sau
káraja upajai náhi! Néha ghafata hai nahi taú
káma-dipa ghaļa máhi 1 117 11 Translation.
Peculiar Allegation. [Sahitya-darpana, 717.]
When, in spite of the existence of a cause, there is an absence of effect, it is Peculiar Allegation, as for example:
Although the lamp of desire (is burning) in her body, still the oil (or her love) diminishes not.' (Here there is a paronomasia on the word néha, which means both oil' and 'love']
This figure is two-fold according as the occasion (guna or nimitta) for the absence of the effect is mentioned (ukta) or is not mentioned (anukta). An example of uktaguna viséshőkti is Bihári-sat'sai, 533 :Tyau tyan pyásé-i rahata
jjau jyau' piyata aghai Saguna salauné rúpa kau
ju na chakha trisha bujhai 11 117 # The more my eyes drink to satiety, the more thirsty they become. Their thirst for his lovely (or salt) form is not extinguished. Here the cause for the absence of the quenching of the thirst, viz., the beauty (or, by a paronomasia, ihe saltness) of her beloved's form is mentioned.]
Text,
Asambhavalankara, Kahata asambhava hôta jaba
binu sambhavana kāju Giri-vara dharihai gópa-suta
kó janai ihi aju 1 118 11 Translation.
The Unlikely. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
They call the figure The Unlikely, when an effect occurs contrary to the usual course of events, as for example: -
Who imagines to-day, that (Krishna) the cowherd's son would hold up (the mountain of) Gôvardhana'?
[So also Bharati-bhúshana, 178, Padmábharana, 145, Rasika-môhana, 123.3

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293
Text.
Asamgatyalankára. Tini asamgati kaja aru
kárana nyáré thama Aura fhaurthi kijiyai
aura (haura kau káma 11 119 11 Aura kája árambhiyai
aurai kariyai' daura Koleila mada mati bhai
lú mata á bahi maura || 120 !! Téré ari ki angana
lilaka lagáyau pani 1 Môha mițáyau náhi prabhu
môha lagayau úni 11 121 11 Translation.
Disconnection. [Sahitya-darpana, 719, where the definition corresponds only with the first of the three given by the Bháshú-bhúshana.]
Disconnection is of three kinds : - (a) When an effect and a cause are represented as) locally separated; (6) When an action occurs in a place other than the usual one; and (c) When a commencement is made towards one effect, but another is proceeded to. Examples are: - • (a) It is the flower clusters on the mangos which destil intoxicating juice, but it is the cuckoo (not the mango) which is drank.'
(6) The wives of thy foes are wearing their forehead ornaments on their hands,' (which also, by a paronomasia, means have placed sesama (tila) and water (ka) in their hands in token of submission.)
(c) O God, thou hast not wiped away my illusion, but has brought and enveloped me in more.' (Here God is represented as huving commenced to wipe away illusion, and then to have ultimately added more instead. Or, according to another explanation, it is not God, but a lover who is addressed. He has just returned from a far country, and is about to start again on his journeys without seeing his beloved. A companion of the latter addresses him :My Lord, thou hast come to relieve her woes, and art departing) without doing so.') So also, Bharati-bhúshana, 180, Padmábharana, 146, Rasika-môhana, 124.]
Text.
Vishamalankara. Vishama alankriti tini vidhi
anamilitahi kau sanga! Kárana kau raga aura kachhu
káraja aurai ranga 11 122 11 Aura bhalau udyama kiye
hóta burau phala di Ati kómala tana tiya kau
kalai kama lí lãi | 123 || Khadga-latá ati syama te
upají kirati séta Sakhi lấyau ghanasára pai
adhika tápa tana déta 1 124 11 Translation.
Incongruity. · [Sahitya-darpana, 720.]
The figure of Incongruity is of three kinds : - (a) In the first there is association of incongruous things; (b) In the second, the qualities (or appearances) of a cause and its effect are opposed to each other; and (c) In the third a good endeavour brings an evil result. Exan.ples are :
(a) Very tender is the form of the lady. How can (it support) the burning flame of love (with which it is filled). Here there is an association of the two incongruous things, -a woman's tender frame, and the fire of love.]

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(6) From the black tree of thy sword, has sprung the white (flower of thy) glory.' (c) O friend, I applied (cooling) camphor, but it only increased the fever of her body.' [The Rasika-mohana, 127 and ff., further developes the figure at great length.]
Text.
Samalankara. dlankára sama tíni vidhi
yathấyogya kau sanga! Káraja mê saba paiyai
kárana-hí ké anga || 125 II Srama binu kúruja siddha jaba
udyama learata-hi hoi ! Hára vása tiya ura karyau
apané láyaka joi 11 126 11 Nicha sanga acharaju nahi
Lachchhi jalajá áhi Yasa-hí-kau uddima kiyar
nikai' payau tahi 1 127 # Translation.
The Equal. Sahityn-darpana, 721. The Equal is the commendation of an object fitly united with another. The Blúshá-bhúshana definition is more developed.]
[The Equal is the converse of the figure of Incongruity (vv. 122 and ff.), that is to say], it is of three kinds:- (a) In the first there is association of congruous things; (b) In the second there is to be found a complete concordance between cause and effect; and (c) In the third without any labour a complete result follows, immediately on making an endeavour. Examples are :
(a) The lady made her bosom the abode of her necklace, considering it worthy of herself. [Here there is a complete correspondence between the beauty of the necklace, and the beauty of the lady.]
(6) It is not wonderful that Lakshmi should associate with the lowly, for she is born of water.' (Here water is represented as naturally seeking a lower level, and hence there is a complete concordance between the cause, - the birth of Lakshmi in the water, and the effect, - her naturally seeking the lowly.]
(e) He made an effort for fame alone, and gained it easily.' [So also Bhúrati-vhúshana, 191, Padmábharana, 153, Rasika-môhana, 134.]
Text.
Vichitralankara. Ichchha phala viparita ki
kijai. yatna vichitra Na'vata uchchatá lahana kau'
jó hai purusha pavitra | 128 1 Translation.
The Strange. [Sahitya-darpana, 722.]
This figure occurs when an effort is made for the purpose of effecting a contrary result, as for example:-- The pure minded man, for the purpose of being elevated, bows down.'
Text.
Adhikalankara. Adhikái ádhéya ki
jaba adhara sau hối 1 Jó adhára ádhéya té
adhika, adhika é doi | 129 Sata dvipa nava khanda mé.
kirati ndhi' samdta Sata dvipa nava khanda jaha
tua guna varané játa || 13011

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[Sahitya-darpaṇa, 723.]
The figure of the Exceeding is of two kinds: (a) In one, the contained is represented as vaster than the container. (6) In the other, the container is represented as vaster than the contained. Examples are:
Alpa alpa ádhéya té A guri ki mu dari huti
Translation.
The Exceeding.
(a) Thy fame cannot be contained within the limits of the seven continents and the nine regions.'
(6) In the seven continents and the nine regions, thy virtues are the theme of praise.'
Text. Alpalankara.
Alpa alpa ádhára té
Ati súchhama jo mana tahá
sikshma hội Ghra I
pahuchani karata vihara 131 ||
Translation.
The Less.
[Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
The Less is when the thing containing is represented as smaller than the thing contained, as for example :
It was a finger ring, and now she wears it on her wrist.' [This is a report of Uddhava to Krishna regarding the sad condition of the herd maidens of Gôkula. They are so wasted away in grief that their finger rings are actually used as wristlets.]
295
[Padmakara-bhaṭṭa in the Padmabharana (160), gives a second variety of this figure, corresponding to the second variety of the Exceeding (v. 129 above).
Ika kau ika ádhára krama Yatha, sôratha:
Tô tana avadhi anupa Mô driga lugê ripa
jaha adheya bakhána
tá-hú té laghu mána 1 131a ||
(A second variety of the figure of) the Less is when the contained is represented as smaller than the container, as for example:
Very little is her heart, but still less is the indignation (contained therein)."]
[Text. Adhara-malalankara.
Not in Bhasha-bhushana. I have only met it in Lala-chandrika, 536, where it is defined as follows:
mála adhára su chahi 131b ||
rúpa lagyau saba jagata kau drigani lagi ati chatapat 131c ||
Translation.
The Serial Container.
When there is a succession of objects each contained in the preceding, it is the figure of the Serial Container (ádhára-málá), as for example:
Thy form is absolutely matchless. In thee is contained all the beauty of the world. In that beauty are immersed my eyes, and in my eyes is excessive agitation' This is really a variety of the Serial Illuminator (v. 140).]

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Text.
Anyonyalankara. Anyonyalankara hai
anyonyahi upakara Sasi té niši niki lagai
risi-hí té sasi-sára || 132 1 Translation,
The Reciprocal. [Sahitya-darpana, 724.]
The Reciprocal (anyónya) is when (two things) matually benefit each other, as for example: - The moon lends lustre to the night, and the night gives glory to the moon.'
(To be continued.)
FOUR CHOLA DATES.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. of the numerous inscriptions of Chola kinge, which are scattered all over the Tamil country, none, as far as we know at present, contains a date in the Saka or any other era ; and even the approximate time of the reigns of Parântaka I. and his successors would have remained unsettled unless the names of some of these kings did occur in dated inscriptions of their Ganga and Chalużya contemporaries. These contemporaneous references, which I have fully discussed on previous occasions, are briefly the following :
I. - According to the Udayêndiram plates of the Ganga-Baņa king Rajasimha alias Hastimalla, 2 - this feudatory of the Chola king Madirai-konda K 6-Parakesarivarman alias Parantaka I. was the grandson of Přithuyabas, who was a contemporary of Amôghavarsha, i. e. the Rashtrakůța king Sarva-Amoghavarsha I. who ruled from A. D. 814-15 to 876-78.3
II. - According to the Atakûr inscription, the Chôļa king Rajaditya, eldest son of Parantaka I., was slain by the Ganga king Batuge, who was a feudatory of the Rashtrakûța king Krishna III., before A. D. 949-50.4
III.- Kandava, the daughter of the Chola king Rajaraja, great-grandson of Parantaka I., was married to the Eastern Châlukya king Vimaladitya (A. D. 1015 to 1022).
IV. - Rajondra-Chola I., son of Rajaraja, fought with the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III. (about A D. 1018 to about 1042); and his daughter Ammangadevi was married to the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. (A. D, 1022 to 1063).
V. - The Chola king Rajendradova fought with the Western Châlukya king Åhavamalla II. (about A. D. 1042 to about 1068); and his daughter MadhurAntaki was married to the Châlukya-Chôa king Rajendra-Chola II. alias Kulottunga-Chola I. who succeeded to the Chola throne, and the year of whose accession (A, D. 1063) as well as that of his two immediate successors, Vikrama-Chola (A. D. 1112) and Kulottunga-Chola II. (A.D. 1127), is known from copper-plate inscriptions. The dates Nos. 2, 3 and 4, which will be published below with Prof. Kielhorn's and Mr. Dikshit's calculations, prove the approximate correctness of the
ante, Vel. XVIII. p. 240 ; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pp. 82, 51 f. and 112, and Vol. II. p. 232; Annual Report for 1891-92, p. 2 ff.
In Mr. Foulkes's edition of this inscription, the meaning of verse 21 is obscured by two misreadings. The original plates, which are in my hands, read :-TEA 549 9844 ar TATTIMENA 4: [1] भाकामतो युधि परान्तकतो नरेन्द्रान् गंगावपा(वा)यसलिलाशयराजासह[*] || • Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 54, Table.
Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 168 f. • South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 32, and ante, Vol. XX. p. 283.

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OCTOBER, 1894.]
FOUR CHOLA DATES.
297
years of accession as recorded in the grante. Nos. 2 and 3 fix the date of the accession of Kulottunga I. within narrower limite, and No. 4 yields the very day of Vikrama-Chôļa's accession. Before publishing these three dates, I shall discuss afresh the only date admitting of calculation, which has hitherto been found in Chola inscriptions previous to Kulottunga I.
A. - RAJARAJA.
No. 1. - Inscription in the Bilvanathesvara temple at Tiruvallam in the
North Aroot District. This inscription mentions a lunar eclipse which occurred on the day of the autumnal equinox in the 7th year of the great Rajaraja. Dr. Fleet bas pointed out that, within the period to which Rajaraja's reign must be allotted, the only two years in which a lunar eclipse took place at or near the autumnal equinox, were A. D. 991 and 1010. In the first of these two years the eclipse occurred on the day after the equinos, while that of the second year was invisible in India. If the first eclipse is meant in the inscription, the year of Rajaraja's accession would be A. D. 084 or 985, and in the second case A. D. 1003 or 1004. If the second alternative is accepted, the conquest of Vèngi, which according to Rajaraja's inscriptions was effected between the 12th and 14th years of his reign,7 must be placed between A.D. 1015 and 1017, i. e, within the reign of his own son-in-law Vimaliditya. Secondly, as Rajaraja's reign probably terminated in the course of his 29th year, the reign of his son and suocessor RajendraChôļa I. would have commenced about A. D. 1033, and the latter's expedition against Jayasimha III., with whom he fought in the 8th or 9th year of his reign, would fall between 1040 and 1041, while Jayasimha III. refers to wars with Rajendra-Chôle in inscriptions of A. D. 1019 and 1024.o Consequently, we are forced to accept the date of the first lunar eclipse, and the year A. D. 984-85 as that of the accession of the great Rajaraja. With this starting-point, the expedition against vangi fell between A. D. 996 and 998, i. e. within the break of thirty years in the succession of the Eastern Chalukya kings; the accession of Rajendra-Chola I. in about A. D. 1014; and the war between Rajendra-Chola I. and Jayasinha III. which is referred to in the inscriptions of the former, in A. D. 1021 or 1022 An earlier encounter between the two is recorded in an inscription of Jayasimha III. which is dated in A. D. 1019, i. e. the 6th year of Rajendra-Chô!a's reign. The Satyasraya whom Rajaraja boasts of having conquered in the 21st year of his reign 10 (A. D. 1005), must be identified with the Western Chalukya king Satyabraya, who ruled from A. D. 997-98 to about 1008.
B. - KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I. No. 2. - Inscription in the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram in the
South Arcot District. 1. I Svasti śri | Tiribavanachchakkaravattiga! éri-Kulottunga2. "Sôļađêvar tira-ttaigaiyár Rajarajan Kundavaiy=Alvår 5. .......... nå-pilattai molud-anda Jaya6. dararku når patta-nâl=åņdil 11 Mina=niga! nkyarru Velli pe7. Tra Urðsagi-nål-Idabam pôdal.
. In the forty-fourth year (of the reign) of Jayadhara, who ruled all the four quarters, - at the time (of the rising of the sign) Rishabha on the day of (the nakshatra) Rohiņi, which corresponded to a Friday in the month during which the sign) Mina was shining, - Kundavai 6 ante, Vol. XIX. p. 71. " See my Annual Report for 1891-92, p. 4.
See ibid. • South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 98, notes 2 and 3, and p. 112 1.
10 See note 7, above. 11 Read Minam.
11 This was a biruda of Kulôttunga-Choļs I.; see South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 290, note 11. The actual name of the king is mentioned in connection with the donor, the princess Kundavai.

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(OCTOBER, 1894.
Âlvar, (the daughter of) Rajarajal (and) the royal younger sister of the emperor of the three worlds sri-Kulottunga-Choladeva, [gave, etc.]" NO. 3. -- Inscription in the A patsa hayébvara temple at Ålanguļi in the Tanjore District.
1. Svasti sri 11 Pu[ga]! śůlndals ..........
30........... köv=15 Arajakesaripatmar=âna Tribhuvanachchakravar]tti sri-Kulot
31. tu[nga]-Soladêvarkı yandu 45åvadu Tala-nåyarro pu[r]vva-pakshattu Viyalakkilamaiyum saptamiyum per[ra]
32. Uttira.[ti]-nâļ.16
“In the 45th year of the reign) of king Bajakosarivarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds sri-Kulottunga-Choladeva,........ on the day of the nakshatra) ..........,17 which corresponded to Thursday, the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tula."
Professor Kielhorn has favoured me with the following calculation of the dates Nos. 2 and 3.
“Kulôttunga I. having ascended the throne in A, D. 1063, I have made the necessary calculations for the years A. D. 1105-1110, and have found that the only year which yields satisfactory results for both the dates (Nos. 2 and 3), is A. D. 1107.
"No. 2. Friday, the 1st March, A. D. 1107; = Chaitra sudi 5. On this day the sun was in Mina, which it had entered on the 22nd February, A. D. 1107; and the moon was in Rohini, according to the Brahma-Siddhanta from 8 h. 32 m., and according to Garga from 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
« No. 3 is Thursday, the 24th October, A. D. 1107, when the 7th tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika commenced 0 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise, and when at sunrise the moon was in Uttarashadha. The sun was in Tula, which it had entered on the 27th September, A. D. 1107."
Mr. Dikshit adds to the above :
The two dates of Kulottunga I. appear to have been regulated by solar reckoning, and the day of his accession falls evident!y between the 2nd March and 24th October (both inclusive) of A. D. 1063."
c.- VIKRAMA-CHOÇA. No. 4.- Inscription in the Tyagaraja temple at Tiruvarur in the Tanjore District. 1. Svasti sri [1] PQ-malai miờaindule ........
13 On a previous occasion I identified this Rajarfjs with the Chola king RAjarkja (South Indian Inscriptions Vol. 1. p. 97) and consequently Kundavai's older brother Kulóttuiga-Chola with the Chola king RAjêndra-Chola I. (ibid. p. 168). As, however, Jayadhara is now known to have been a surname of Kulöttunga-Chola I., it is evident that the present Kundavai was the younger sister of the latter, and hence the daughter of the Eastern ChAlukyn king RAjarAja I. We have thus to distinguish between three princesses of similar names :- 1. Kundavai, the daughter of Parantaka II., elder sister of the Chola king R&jarfja, and queen of Vallavaraiyar Vandyaddvar (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 68); 2. Kandava, the daughter of the Chola king Rajaraja, younger sister of
Ajendra-Chola I., and queen of the Eastern Chalukya king VimalAdityo (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 59), and 3. Kundavai. the daughter of the Eastern ChAlukya king Rajaraja I. and younger sister of Kalôttunga-Chola I.
14 The historical introduction of this inscription resembles that of the Talijayor inscription of KulottungaChola I., which was published in South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 282 ff.
15 Read Irdja. 16 It is not clear if the actual reading is Uttiratiadi-nal or Uttirddatti-ndi (for Uttiradattip na!). 11 The nakshatra was either Uttara-Bhadrapada or UttarlshAdhA.
18 The historical introduction of this inscription resembles that of the Tafijâvûr inscription of Vikrama-Chola. which will be published as No. 68 of South Indian Inscriptions, VOL. II.

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3........... kopura[kesarivarmmar=ana Tribhuva[na chakravarttiga]! sri-Vikrama-Chola[de]varkku [s][]du aiñja[vadu] Mi[thu]na-nayarru půrvva-pakshattu saptamiyum Nasyi]rru-kkilamaiyum Attamum=ana na! munnurruDA!(padispjal.
"In the fifth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds śr-Vikrama-Chbladeva,...... on the three-hundred-andfortieth day, which was (the day of the nakshatru) Hasta and Sunday, the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
To Mr. Dikshit I am obliged for the following calculation of the date No. 4.
"Assuming that Vikrama-Chola began to reign in A. D. 1112, his 5th year would be about A. D. 1116. Having made calculations for 1115, 1116 and 1117, I find that A. D. 1116 is the only year which corresponds with the details of the given date. In that year, Åshadha bukla 7 ended on Sunday, the 18th June, at about 21 hours after sunrise. This was the 25th day of the solar month Mithuna. On this day, at sunrise, the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, which ended at 7 hours 48 minutes after sunrise, when the nakshatra Hasta commenced. As this was the 340th day of the 5th year of Vikrama-Chôļa's reign, the 1st day of the 5th year falls on the 14th July, A.D. 1115, which was the 18th day of the solar month Karkataka. Accordingly, the 1st day of his 1st year, i.e. the day of his accession to the throne, was Sravana sukla 6, Friday, the day of the nakshatra Chitra, which corresponds to the 18th day of the solar month of Karkataka, and to the 14th July, A. D. 1111, and which was, by the rules of astrology, an auspicious day for the accession of a king."
BOOK-NOTICE. AN ORIENTAL BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY by T. W. of about twelve years, had carried out a close
BEALE, edited, revised, and enlarged by H. G. and serious revision of his text. We much regret KEENE, C. I. E. (W. H. Allen & Co., 1844).
! to find, however, that there are still as many Our welcome to a second edition of this work doubtful, and even erroneous, statements as there must not be considered the less sincere, because we were before, and that the little labour required to cannot join in the praise that has been given to diminish the number of imperfectly told biograit for its chronological exactitude. The labourers phics has not been bestowed upon the book. in this field are so few, that we should be sorry to We are glad to observe that at least one reviewer discourage any one, on the ground that his work is holds the opinion, which we have entertained ever imperfect. Least of all do we desire to cast any since we first knew the book, that its usefulness is reproach upon Mr. Keene, to whom all students greatly reduced by the non-quotation of authoriof Indian History are indebted for a series of ties. If these had been added to each notice, as charming works. Would that his zeal and
is generally done in such works, the value of the enthusiasm had found more imitators ! But book to students would have been quadrupled. Mr. Keene, as editor of a work of reference, With regard to the remarks which follow, we must provokes a curious sense of the incongruous. As
begin by pointing out that they are restricted fittingly might we yoke Pegasus to the plough. entirely to one class of entries. The work covers
We have used his Calcutta Edition ever since an immense expanse both in space and time, no it appeared, and we have found it of much help. less than the whole Muhammadan world during The most valuable notices are, no doubt, those of
the thirteen centuries that have passed since the Indian saints, poets, and learned men of all ages,
Flight. As to much of this vast subject we
claim no right to speak. We confine ourselves and those referring to Indian notables of the present century. Of the latter Mr. Beale had
to the Indian notices, and among them to those personal knowledge, and thus recorded many
belonging to the comparatively brief periods facts, which it is impossible to find elsewhere.
between the years 1100 A. H. and 1200 A. H. At the same time, it was quite obvious, even on
For this portion of the Dictionary we have cursory perusal, that much of the matter needed
noted, without having resort to any elaborate reconsideration and revision. We therefore began
research, the statements, which, from our own to look through the new edition in the confident reading, we know to be doubtful or incorret. expectation that Mr. Keene, during an interval Mr. Keene has not, we dare say, much respect

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for the historical school, to which we may be assumed to belong:- those who have been styled, with some truth, but with more than necessary disparagement, "les petits merciers de l' histoire." At any rate, we offer these pedlar's wares, such as they are, in the hope that until Mr. Keene's next edition appears, they may aid those who have bought and are using his book. To whatever school he may belong, no real historian can deem minute attention to detail out of place in a biographical dictionary; and we trust that Mr. Keene will not despise the assistance we wish to give him, so far as in us lies, in his selfimposed task. "Le bonhomme" says truly enough, as he will remember, "on a souvent besoin d'un plus petit que soi."
We come first to 'Abd-us-Samad Khán (p. 14); and as space is precious, we content ourselves, for the most part, with stating results, although we could adduce chapter and verse for each assertion. Here the first edition was nearer the. facts than the second; but the man was never Bahadur Jang, nor have we ever seen such a title as 'Alí Jang. As Mr. Keene rightly notes, we find everywhere else Daler Jang, and not 'Ali Jang. His original name was 'Abd-ur-Raḥím (son of 'Abd-ul-Karím), and it is very doubtful whether he was born in Agra; every one else says he was born in Samarkand. And he certainly never bore the title of Samsám-ud-Daula. The second edition tells us he died in 1739, "during the "invasion of Nádir Sháh." The first edition was better; it gives 1737, "a year before the inva"sion of Nádir Sháh." The exact date is 10th Rabi' II. 1150 A. H. (6th August, 1737 N. S.), his age being then between 70 and 80 lunar years. A worse mistake, however, is confounding him with Khán Daurán on pages 214 and 286. Everybody knows that the Muzaffar Khán on p. 286 was a brother of Samsám-ud-Daula, Khán Daurán (Khwaja Áşim), and not of 'Abd-usSamad Khán. In the confusion the said Khán Daurán (son of Khwaja Kásim), who appears on p. 148 of the first, seems to have dropped out altogether from the second edition. That Khán Daurán, however, did die in 1739; he died on the 19th Zú'l Ka'dh, 1151 (27th February, 1739), of wounds received at Karnál in a fight with Nádir Shál's troops four days before his death.
Then on p. 15 and p. 45 there seem some doubtful statements about the Jodhpur Rajas. Ajit Singh was murdered in Shawwál, 1136 (JuneJuly, 1724) and Abhai Singh, his eldest son, succeeded, as is correctly stated on p. 45. The statement on p. 15 is wrong. Bakht Singh did not succeed his father, but received from his brother, Abhai Singh, the fief of Nágor, to the
[OCTOBER, 1894.
north of Jodhpur. Abhai Singh lived until 1749 A. D., when his son, Rám Singh, followed. Bhakht Singh then defeated this nephew and took possession; in 1752 he was himself poisoned. His (Bakht Singh's) son, Bijai Singh, succeeded. Thus it was not Abhai Singh who was poisoned, nor was Bijai Singh that prince's son. For these facts see, for one place, Colonel Jarrett's translation of the Ain-i-Akbars, II., 271, note 7, which is taken from Prinsep's Useful Tables, and they in turn were founded on the genealogies in Tod's Rajasthan.
On p. 49 we are told that 'Alam-gír's nine children were all by one mother. It is not necessary to go farther than to a popular manual in a popular series, Mr. Stanley Lane Poole's Aurangzib, to discover the contrary. The nine children were by four different wives.
Again under Arárú (p. 77) we are told that he slew Ján Nişár Khán, brother-in-law of the Wazír. The event took place in Ramzán, 1144 (FebruaryMarch, 1732), but the murderer was Bhagwant, Kíchar, and not his father, Arárú (or Udárú). Azímullah Khán, the officer sent against the rebel, was, no doubt, a relation,- a cousin, of the Wazir; but he was the son, not of Ján Nisár Khán, but of Zahir-ud-Daula, Ra'áyat Khán (ob. 1137), son of Mír Bahá-ud-dín. The murdered man, Mhd. Ibráhím, Ján Nigár Khàn, was the son of Abu'l Mukáram, Ján Nigár Khán (ob. 1131 A. H). And, being a stylist himself, what does Mr. Keene think of Mr. Beale's English - "the skin of his body was flayed off?" Foh! a fico for the phrase."
Page 71, column 2, last line but one. Amír Khán, Sindhí, died, not before, but after Mhd.. Shah's accession. The date is 28th Zú'l Ka'dh, 1132 (30th September, 1720), in the 2nd year of Mhd. Sháh. His age was 77 lunar years.
Page 71, col. 2, line 46. Amír Khán, Governor of Kábul. This man's biography might as well be completed by giving the date of his death. Sayyad Mír, entitled Amir Khán, son of Mír Mhd.. Khán, Khwáfí, resigning his government, died at Shahjahánábád on the 27th Rabí II., 1081 (13th September, 1670). He was the brother of the Shekh Mir, q. v., who was killed in 1069, A. H., fighting on Aurangzeb's side in the battle with Dárá Shukoh near Ajmer.
Most authorities tell us that Mhd. Karím (p. 89, line 27) was the eldest, and not the second, son of 'Azim-ush-Shán. Then, on p. 102, we have doubts expressed as to whether Raja Chait Singh of Benares was the brother, or son, of Balwant Singh; while on p. 113, and again on p. 275, the fact is quite correctly stated, namely, that he was the son of Balwant Singh.
Page 115. Chatr Sál should be, by the Hindí

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spelling, Chhatra, or Chhatar, Sál. The father's began 1st Rabí II., 1151 (18th July, 1738) and name was Champat, not Chait, Ráe. Chhatar Sal's ended 30th Rabi' I., 1152 (6th July, 1739). The earlier career is ignored : while the agreement with year 1767 (1181) would be the 7th or 8th year the Marathas took place in 1141 or 1142 A. H. of Shah Alam II. (1728-29-30), not in 1146 (1733-4). Chhatar Sál Page 149, col. 2, Haidar Khán, Mír. The died, not in 1733, but either on the 15th Jamádi correct date of Husain Ali Khan's death is 6th II., 1144 (14th December, 1731 N. S.), or Pús badi Zá'l Hajj, 1132 (8th October, 1720, N. S.) 3, St. 1788 (16th December, 1731 N. S.). He had Page 151. Safdar Jang died 17th Zú'l Hajj. not two only, but some thirteen, ons, most of 1167 (5th October, 1754, N. S.) The year 1753 whom survived him.
is not correct. The date of Dánishmand Khán (A'li's) death Page 159, Hazín. This man died on the 18th (v. u7 was 30th Rabi' 1.. 2192 (28th May, 1710), Jamádí I., 1180 (22nd October, 1767), and thus and not 1120 (1708). His non-completed History 1779 A. D. must be wrong. The year 1779 A.D. went up to the 10th Zú'l Kadh, 1120 (20th corresponds chiefly to 1193 A. H., but includes a January, 1709), that is, nearly to the end of few days of both 1192 and 1194 A. H. Babádur Shah's second year. The author laid part Page 160, Himmat Bahadur. This biography is of it before that emperor, then encamped in the very imperfect, for it entirely ignores the man's Dhár territory, on the 1st Zü'l Kaidh, 1121 (1st earlier history before he went, in 1764 or 1765.
January, 1710). There is an unnecessary repeti- into Bundelkhand. * tion of Dánishmand Khán A'li's life on p. 291, Page 161, Hoshdár Khan. The last sentence where there is also a separate entry of a Nitámat appears disconnected with what goes beforo :
Ali Khan, who is evidently the same person, this is due to a misprint. For that time read the under his previous title.
time, and dele the full stop after "time." Donde Khán (p. 123) was most decidedly not Page 175, 'Ibrat (Mír Ziya-ud-dín). This bio. the son of Ali Muhammad Khán, Rohela. The graphy appears twice on the same page. exact date of his death is the 5th Muharram, 1185 Page 176, Ikhláş Khán is very imperfectly (19th April, 1771).
dealt with. He was a Balli Khatri, originally On p. 143 it is said that the date of 'Imád-ul- named Debí Dás, and was born at Kalánaur in Mulk's death is not known. We give Mr. Keene the Bari Dúáb, about 56 miles N-E of Labor; a choice of several authorities: -(1) Ghulám he died on the 2nd Jamádi II, 1140 (14th January, Husain Khán, author of the Zikr-us-Sair, who was 1728). His first appointment was given him in with Chait Singh near Kálpí at the time, says the the 25th year of Alamgir, 1092-1093 A. H. (1681-2 ex-Wazir died in 1213 A. 11. (14th June, 1798-4th A. D.) It might also have been added that his June, 1799); (2) Mufti Wali-ul-lah, in the Trih-i history of Farrukhsiyar's reign does not appear to Farrukh ibad, gives the 10th Rabi' II., 1215 (lst have come down to us, unless it is identical with September, 1800); (3) in the "Historical Sketch that of Mad, Ia Bán, Ma ní Khán Íjad), Samania wi,
..." (Elinburgh, 1835), p. 84, note, we are of which fragments are extant. The reference told that the Nawab died at Kálpí in 1800. to Kishn Chand is misleading, the only connection
Abd-ul-Kadir Khán, Jáisi, informs ns that when he between the two men being that Kishn Chand was sent up-country on a mission in 1211 AH adopted the nom de guerre of Ikhlás, the Sincere. (1797), be heard that "Imád-ul-Mulk had gone | Page 179. Inayat-ul-lah Khán died on the towards Láhor to visit Zaman Shah, Abdálí. But 21st Rabi' I., 1133 (26th November, 1725), aged the same year the Nawab returned to Kálpi; and 75 years.
Abd-ul-Kadir Khan heard some of his adven-1 Page 186. 'Izzat-ud-Daula. died in Rabi' tures from his own lips, how he landed at Maskat, II., 1162 (March-April, 1749). instead of Jadda, and travelled by land to Mak- Page 187, col. 1. For Jabila every body else ka, and how he returned to India by the port of has Chhabilah. He was hardly a chief, but Bhúj in Kachh. Imád-ul-Mulk was born at an imperial officer without any position apart Narwar, 44 miles south of Gwaliyár, on the 1st from his office. He died in Zú'l Hajj, 1131 Shawwal, 1148 (13th February, 1736); see the work (October November, 1719), on some day before of Mhd. Bakhsh (Ashob), India Office Library, the 25th of that month (7th November, 1719). MS. No. 250, Vol. I. fol. III. b.
Page 188, Ja'far Khán. He died early in Page 145. Girdhar Singh was not a Rájput, zú'l Kadh, 1139 (19th June-18th July, 1727), aged buta Nagar Brahman, and he was killed on the 79 lunar years. His full titles were Mu'taman-ul. 7th Jamádi I, 1141 (8th December, 1728). Mulk, Alá-ud-Daula, J. K., Bahadur, Nasiri,
Page 149, Hafiz-ul-lah. The year 1767 (1181 Násir Jang. It is rather misleading to talk of A, H.) was not the 21st of Mhd. Sháb, who died in his dynasty (if dynasty there were), seeing that 1748 (116) A. H.) That monarch's 21st year the fourth person in the list, 'Alíwirdí Khán,

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[OCTOBER, 1894.
1718).
and died about 1785. He became Colonel in 1765, Major-General and Commander-in-Chief in Page 190. Jahándár Sháh was surely not French India, 1766, Brigadier of Infantry (16th surnamed Mu'izz-ud-dín, seeing that this was April, 1767), Maréchal de Camp, 1st March, 1780, his first name, given him by his grandfather at For Gáya read Gayi. his birth. His mistress should scarcely be Page 227. Lutf-ul-lah Sádik. This is more. styled Lál Kunwar (The Virgin Ruby); the than usually imperfect. Lutf-ul-lah, the second name was Lál Kunwar, or Kúar, an ordinary form son of 'Abd-ur-Razzák, Angárí, was born in 1080 for a woman's name. Jahándár Shah's death A. H. 1669-70) and died in 1165 A. H. (1751-2), see took place on 16th Muharram, 1125 (11th February, the Tárikh-i-Muzaffari, a work which Mr. Keene well knows, under the reign of Ahmad Shah. His first title of Khán, added to his own name, was conferred by Babádur Shah in Safar, 1119 (May, 1707). In that reign he rose rapidly, held several Court offices, and became a Sih hazári (3,000), 2,000 horse. After the struggle between Bahadur Shah's sons, although a partisan of Jahan Shah, he succeeded in buying pardon and office from the victor, Jahándár Sháh. He was equally lucky in maintaining his position on the transfer of power, a few months afterwards, to Farrukhsíyar. But the Sayyad brothers procured his disgrace in Zú'l Hajj, 1126 (December, 1714) and he retired to his home at Pání pat. On the fall of the Sayyads, he returned to Court, and in 1133 (1720-21) Muḥammad Sháh made him Shamsud-Daula, L. K., Bahádur, Sadik, Neknám, Mutahawwir Jang. This position he held until his death. Khushál Chand (in the Nádir-uzZamáni) accuses him of doing nothing in return for his jágirs, never having maintained an ass, much less a horse, or a trooper to ride on a horse.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Mahabat Jang, was a usurper, who overthrew and killed Ja'far Khán's grandson.
Page 200, Jaswant Singh. It is hardly correct to say that Jodhpur was restored to Ajit Singh by Farrukhsiyar, unless you preface this by inentioning that Ajit Singh first took it by force in 1708, after the death of Alamgir, and that Bahadur Shah, after an abortive attempt to recover the country, left Ajit Singh in undisturbed possession.
Page 206. Kalb Husain Khán (takhallus Nádir), died at Fathgarh, N.-W. P., circa 1878, at a great age. The father Kalb 'Ali Khán, a notable man in his time, might have had a place in the book.
Page 211, Khair-ud-din Muhammad. This entry is exceedingly imperfect. He was the author of many other works besides his Jaunpúr Náma, not one of his best by any means. Some of the others are the Gwáliyár Náma, the Tuhfah-i-Túza (a history of the Benares Rajas), And the 'Ibrat Náma. He is also the author of a Tazkira, or Biography of Poets, the name of which we forget. He was born c. 1756 and died at Jaunpur after 1827. His English patrons at various times were David Anderson, Henry Vansittart (the younger) and Abraham Welland, Judge and Magistrate of Jaunpur.
Page 214, Khán Daurán. One man who bore this title is entirely omitted, namely, Khwaja Husain Khán, who received this title from Jahándár Sháh on the 25th Safar, 1124 (2nd April, 1712). Another Khán Daurán was Nizám-ulMulk, Áşaf Jáh, who held the title for a short time in the reign of Bahadur Sháh (1118-1124). As already pointed out, Khán Daurán IV. is erroneously identified with 'Abd-us-Samad Khán, Daler Jang, a man who never held this title.
Page 214 Khán Jahán (Alí Murád) died on the 13th Zú'l Hajj, 1124 (10th December, 1712).
Page 226, Law. The native version, Mushír Lás, is justified by the fact that the French themselves (strange though it may seem) pronounce the name Láss. The date of M. Law's death is not very hard to discover. Turning to the Nouvelle Biographie Générale (Paris, 1859, Firmin-Didot) we find in Vol. 29, p. 945, that Jacques François Law de Lauriston, Count of Tancarville, was born on the 20th January, 1724,
Page 242, Mansá Rám. Here we have a very bad error, for it is a matter of common knowledge that Chait Singh was the son of Balwant Singh, and was, therefore, the grandson, and not the son, of Mansá Rám. The latter died, according to the Tuhfa-i-Táza "in the beginning of 1152 A. H." That year began on the 9th April, 1739, and therefore 1739 would be more correct than 1740.
Page 253. Mirza Naşír. The statement on this page that (Mhd. Amín) Burhán-ul-Mulk, Sa'adat Khán, was once governor of Agra fort conflicts with that on p. 337 under Sa'adat Khán. The latter statement, namely, that he was faujdár of Bayána, is that commonly received, and is correct. He was then for a short time governor of Agra súbah: (not of the fort).
Page 259. Mhd. Akbar was the fourth, but not the youngest, son of Aurangzeb. Kám Bakhshi was the youngest son. Akbar died at Mashhad in Khurásán on the 17th Zú'l Hajj, 1117 (31st March, 1706). He was born on the 12 Zú'l Hajj, 1067 (9th October, 1657).
Page 260, Muḥammad Amín Khán. This man's father, Bahá-ud-dín, was not the brother of Nizamul-Mulk, but his uncle. Thus Mḥd. Amín Khán was Nizám-ul-Mulk's cousin, not his nephew.

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Page 269. Muhammad Khán was first of all ham's tables the day of a solar eclipse. Násir governor of Alla hábád, and after his removal Jang is omitted from the list of Farrukhábad from that province, was sent to Málwa. There | Nawábe on p. 211. are his own letters in existence to prove this, Page 300, Neko Siar. This biography is very besides confirmation from contemporary history scanty and has not a single date. Nekúsiyar, the The error began with the Sair-ul-Mutakharin, third son of Prince Akbar, was born in Sha'ban, which for those years is not a first-hand authority.
1090 (September October, 1679). In 1092 (1681). Muhammad Khan's appointment to Albábád
with his mother and two sisters, he was sent by his was dated the 25th Şafar, 1133 (25th December, grand-father, 'Alamgir, a prisoner to Agra. On 1720); the sanad for Málwa is dated 17th Rabi' I.,
the 25th Jamádí II., 1131 (14th May, 1719), the 1143 (29th September, 1730) His troops crossed the
mutinous soldiery raised him to the throne in the Jamna into Bundelkhand on the 12th Jatádí II.,
fort at Agra, and coin was issued in his name. 1139 (3rd February, 1727). His investment inside The garrison surrendered to Rafit-ud-Daula's Jaitgarh began in March, and ended in May, 1729
Mír Bakhshí, Husain Ali Khán, Bárha, on the He died on the 2nd Zu'l Ka'dh, 1156 (17th Decem
27th Ramzán, 1131(12th August, 1719). Nekúsiyar ber, 1743), aged over 80 years. The succession to was sent to prison at Dihlí, where he died on the the principality of Farrukbábád is incompletely 6th Rajab, 1135 (11th March, 1723), aged a little stated. After Muzaffar Jang came Imdad Husain
under 45 lunar years. His mother, Salima Báno Khán, Nagir Jang, ob. 1st February, 1813. Khádim |
Begam, is mentioned on p. 319. Hugain Khán, Shoukat Jang. ob, 9th July, 1823.
Page 302, Nigám-ul-Mulk. In his father's Tajammul Husain Khán, Zafar Jang, ob. 9th
name insert the word Firúz between Khan and November, 1846. Then should follow the name
| Jung, the whole reading a8 Giázi-uc-din Khán, of Tafazqul Husain Khán, the esiled Nawab, who
Firúz Jang. Nizam-ul-Mulk was born on the died at Mecca on the 20th March, 1882.
14th Rabi II., 1082 (11th August, 1671), his Page 271. Mhd. Şáliḥ appears in three separate
maternal grandfather being Sa'd-ul-lah Khán. notices on this one page, once in the first, and Shahjahan's Wazír. His successive titles were twice in the second, column. The title of his Kamr-gd-din Khán (1096), Chín Kilích Khán, history is correctly 'Aml-i-Şalih, as in the first of Bahadur (101), Khán Daurán, Bahadur (1119 , these notices. His tomb is at Láhor.
Ghazi-gd-din Khán, Bahadur, Fath Jang (112), Page 272, Mhd. Shah. Roshan Akhtar wa Nizam-ul-Mulk (1125), and finally Asaf Jáh added hardly his "surname," for that was the name to the last of these. given to him at birth. His enthronement took
Page 313, Qadir. This is a repetition ; see last place on the 15th Zú'l Ķa'dh, 1131 28th September,
entry on p. 312. 1719, N. S.).
Page 315, col. 2, line 13, Qasim Ali. It war Page 278. Mulla Firoz. Qans is a misprint
Major Hector Monro, and not Major Carnac, who for Qaus. There is no mention here of the
commanded at the battle of Buxar (Baksar); see George-náma, or of the Mulla Firoz Library at
Marshman, 2nd Ed., p. 305; M. Elphinstone's Bombay. On p. 278 there is another notice of
Rise of the British Porer, p. 414, or any other the same man under F, where the George-náma
History of the period. Kasim 'Ali died in Rabi is referred to
II. of the year named (1191 A. H.) Page 285. Muzaffar Jang of Farrukhabad was
Page 330, Ranoji Sindhia. This leader died never named Muzaffar Husain Khán. His name
on the 8th Jamádí II., 1158 (19th July, 1744) was Daler Himmat Khán. He certainly never
at Shahjahanpur in Málwa. ceded his territory to the English in 1802, for he died in October, 1796. Tafazzul Husain Khán,
Page 335. Rukn-ud-Daula, I'tikad Khan who was his great-grandson and not his grandson,
(Mhd. Murád), died on the 12th Ramzán, 1189 did not succeed him; Imdad Husain Khán, Náşir
(2nd May, 1727), aged 72 lunar years. Jang, Khádim Husain Khan, Shaukat Jang, and Page 337. Sa'adat Khán died on the 10th Zú'l Tajammul Husain Khán, Zafar Jang, came | Hajj, 1151 (20th March, 1739), while Nádir Shah between.
was in Dihlí. Nadir Sháb entered the palace at Page 286, Muzaffar Khán. This man's brother Diblí on the 6th Zú'l Hajj, 1161(16th March, 1739, Khán Daurán, was not Abd-us-Samad' Khán and left Diblíon the 7th Şafar,1152 (15th May, 1789 (Khwaja Abd-ur-Rahim), but Şamşám-ud. Therefore Zu'l Hajj, 1162 A. H. must be wrong: Daula, Khán Daurán, Bahadur, Manzúr Jang, and even if it were right, that date corresponds to (Khwaja "áşim).
7th March, 1740, N.S., and not to 9th March, 1739. Page 294, Náşir. The exact date of death was The wife of Şafdar Jang was not " his (i.e. Sa'adat 1st February, 1813, which is by General Cunning- Khán's) only child"; he had a number of other

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1894.
201
daughters. In the list of the Nawabs of Audh it wonderful man indeed, if he was already an khould be noted that Sa'adat 'All' Khán was not author 84 years ago. Page 45, col. 2, 1. 12, why the son of Anaf-ud-Daula, but his younger here and elsewhere, Rathauri instead of Ráthaur brother, and therefore the son of Shujá -ud- or Ráthor ? Daula.
Page 118, col. 2, 1. 8, most authorities have Page 388. col. 1, line 4. The author of the Jajhár instead of Chhajjar. Page 130, col. 2, last Gulistán-i-Rahmat was Mustajab Khán, not line but one, for Aziz-ud-din read A'zz-ud-din. Mustara Khán (Elliot, VIII. 301).
Page 139, col. 2, 1. 43, for Ráughars read Rángars. Page 352, Sarbuland Khán. His appointment Page 151, col. 2, 1.38, for Lakhalus read Takhalles! as governor of Kábul is not mentioned.
Page 159, col 1, fourth line from end, for sals. Page 361, col. 2, line 9. The Hijra year 1185 read skal. Page 160, col. 2, 1. 22, for Bakhigani is wrong, it ought to be 1202 A. H., which began
read Bakhshigars. Id. fifth line from end, for 12th October, 1787, and ended 30th September,
Rekka read pakka ? Page 161, col. 2, 1.47. 1788. We know (see Jonathan Scott, II. Part
for “at that time " read “at the time," and IV. p. 293) that the 10th August, 1788 is right,
dele the comma after time. Page 164, col. 1, and we have worked out the corresponding Hijra
1. 17, for Alahwirdi read 'Aliwirdi. Page 181, date as the 9th Zü'l Ka'dh, 1202 A. H.
col. 2, 1. 45, for political read poetical. Page 186, Page 386, Siraj-ud-din Ali' Khan (Arzú). As col. 1, 1. 10 and 1. 12, for Amír read Amin. he was only born in 1101 A. H., he could hardly Page 189, col. 2, I. 2, for 1225 read 1125. have been "an officer of rank" in Farrukhsiyar's Page 200, col, L. 19, insert throne between the and reign (1124-1131). His period was later.
Raja. Page 407, Udaipuri Begam. She is generally
Page 214, col. 2, 1. 49, for Alghans read Afgháns. styled Bae Udaipurí, or Udaipurí Mahal. She died
Page 219, col. 1, 1. 36, for Bahkhá read Bhiikha. at Gwaliyár in Rabi' I., 1119 (June, 1707), a few Page 223, under Kisbn Chand cancel reference to days after the death of A'zam Shah, which took
Ikhủáy Khán. Page 258, col. 1,1. 45, for Ideaf read place on the 18th of that month (18th June, 'Imat. Page 254, col. 1, 11. 2 and 5, for Karnál 1707). One authority gives her title as Bádsháh
read Karnál. Id. 1. 8, for Kalál rend Kariwal Begam, and it may be inferred from one passage Page 270, col. 1, 11. 28 and 29, for Jalain read that she was once a dancing woman. Catrou
Jalaun, and for Mirat at Urús read Mirit-ulMays she was a Georgian from Dára Shukoh's 'Arús. Page 272, col. 1, 1. 42, for pageants we harem, and remained a Christian. The question
suggest puppets, as easier to elevate or cast down. of her origin remains a puzzle.
Page 280, col. 1, 1. 19, for 1103 read 1193. Page Page 427, Zamir. It might be noted that this 294, col. 2, 1. 45, for Singh resd Sindh. Page 310, gentleman was the father of Ghulám Husain Khán, col. 1, 11. 36 and 46, for Jaudpúr read Jodhpur, and author of the Sair-ul-Mutakharin.
for Dauroji read Damají. Page 332, col. 2, 1. 2, for Page 428, Zinat-un-nissa Begam. The year of Aosat, following the transliteration of the rest of this lady's death is put as 1122 (1710), which is, the book, read Ausat. Page 345, col. 1, 1. 51, for no doubt, justified by the date on her tomb-see
1866 read 1766. Page 319, col. 1, 1. 16, for Rukn Beale's Mifta), p. 297; Agár-18-sanádid, p. 41; read Rafi'. Page 355, col. 2, 1. 30, for was reud is, Francklin's Shah Aulum, p. 206; Thorn's War the gentleman being still alive. Id. l. 32, insert in India, p. 164. She really died eleven years -48-between Agár and Sanádid. Page 362, col. later in 1133 A. H. (22nd Rajab = 18th May, 2, 1. 8, for and read at. Page 364, col. 1, 1. 4, for 1721): but it would take too much space to set out here the evidence for this later date.
fifth line j il instead of j Page 364, col. ), We do not feel sure of having pointed out
1. 25, for Muhúru read Muhám, and the man's every error within the period covered by our remarks, nor have we attempted to supply more
name should be Şadík Husain Khan and not than a few of the omissions. We conclude with
Şádik Hasan Khán. He was a poor scholar from a a list of such misprints as we have notioed.
village near Kanauj. Page 516, col. 1, 1. 23, for Page 9, col. 1, 1. 16. For Saroána read Samána.
Lohari read Lohárú. Page 393, col. 2, 1. 26, for Id. col. 2, 1. 2-4, for Auranzib read Aurangzíb.
buried. read burned. Page 430, col. 2, 1. 42, for Id. 1. 34, for or read of. Page 35, col. 2, 1. 19,
JAJI read Jewel for Ardish rend Aráish, that is, Aráish-i-Malfil. We find that it has taken us at the outside ten Page 37, col. 1, 1. 43, for 1810 read 1840. Not days to put together these remarks. In the period many weeks ago we saw Don Pascual at the British of over ten years between Mr. Keene's first and Museum, old certainly, but still hearty, and a second editions what might not have been done ?
and at the end of the , قران we suggest قربن

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305
THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.L.E.
(Continued from p. 296.)
LECTURE IV. (continued). ORNAMENTS OF SENSE (continued).
Text.
Vibêshalankara. Tini prakára visêeha hai
anádhára ádhéya Thôrð kachler arambha jaba
adhika siddhi kô déya 11 198 11 Vastu éka kô k jiyai
varnana thaura anéka ! Nabha spara nunchana lata
kusuma srachchha hai éka 11 134 11 Kalpa-vrilesha dekhyau sahi
tô kô dékhata naina 1 Antara báhira disi vidisi
wahai tiya sukha-daina 11 135 11 Translation.
The Extraordinary. [Sahitya-darpana, 725.]
The Extraordinary is of three kinds:-(a) When something that depends on another is represented as existing without it. (6) When one in commencing with a thing of small importance, gives it great importance in the conclusion. (c) When one action is spoken of as occurring in many places simultaneously. Examples are :
In the upper sky (I see) a golden creeper with one charming flower.' [Here the lady's face is the charming flower. The creeper is represented as existing in the sky, as an akiba-lusuma in fact, instead of on its natural support, a tree.]
I see thee with mine eyes, but in reality I saw a Tree of Plenty.' (Here a commencement is made with the commonplace statement that the hero saw the lady, but the subject is raised to importance in the conclusion by unexpectedly comparing her to a Tree of Plenty.]
Within and without, in the four cardinel points, and in the intermediate points, that lady is a giver of happiness."
Text.
VyaghatAlankara. Sô vyAghata jo aura té.
kijai: káraja aura Bahuri virôdhi té jabai
kája láiyai' thaura 11 136 11 . Sukha páwata já são jagata
tá sô márata mára Nischai jánati bála tau
karati kahá parahúra II 137 11 Translation.
Frustration. Sáhitya-darpana, 726, 727.]
It is Frustration when, (a) by means (which are employed in bringing a thing to a particular state), a person brings it to an opposite one; and (6) when from an argument to the contrary effect, a course of action is justified. Examples are: -
(a) By those (arts of love), from which the world gains happiness, doth the God of Love kill (mortals).'
(6) The damsel certainly knows (that with a glance of the eye Siva destroyed Love), why now does she use a similar glance (on me, to bring Love to life)'P [The above is the explanation of the Bhishana-kaumudi.]

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Text.
Karanamalalankara. Kahiyai gumpha paramparú
karana-mala hóta! Nitihi dhana, dhana tyága puni, tá ta' yasa uddyóta 11
138
!!
Translation.
The Garland of Causes. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 728.]
When something mentioned first is spoken of as the cause of what follows, and this again of what comes next, and so on, like a necklace, it is the Garland of Causes, as for example:
From virtue cometh wealth, from wealth generosity, and from generosity illustrious glory.'
Text.
Ekavalyalankara. Grahata mukta pada riti jaba
ekávali taha' múni I Driga sruti para, éruti bahu para, báhu jánu 18. júni II 139 H
Translation.
The Necklace. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 730.]
When there is a succession of objects (each qualifying) the last mentioned, it is the Necklace, as for example:
Know that his eyes (are long reaching) to his ears. His ears (are long reaching) to his arms. His arms (are long reaching) to his knees.'
Text. .
Maladipakalankara. Dipaka ékávali milai
mala-dipaka nama! Káma-dháma tiya-hiya bhayan tiya-hiya kau tú dháma # 140 11
Translation.
The Serial Illuminator. [Sahitya-darpana, 729.]
When the Illuminator (v. 83), and the Necklace (v. 139) are united, it becomes the Serial Illuminator, as for example: -
• The Lady's heart is the abode of love, and thou art the abode of the lady's heart.' (Here both the lady's heart and the hero are given the same attribute of being an abode, each on a different account. The reason in each case being the peculiar qualities of each. It is there an example of the Illuminator : and there is a succession of objects each qualifying the one preceding it; therefore it is also an example of the Necklace.]
Text.
Saralan kåra. Eka eka té sarasa jaha'
alankára yaha sara Madhu 86. madhuri hai sudha
kavitá madhura apara 11
141 11

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THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.
307
Translation,
The Olimax. [Sahitya-darpana, 731.]
A succession of objects gradually rising in excellence is termed the Climax, as for example: -
Nectar is sweeter than honey, and poetry is surpassingly sweeter (than nectar).'
rothor writers add (1) #climax of inferiority, and (c) a climax of mixed inferiority and excellence, thus Padmakara-bhatta gives the following examples of these two varieties in the Padmábharana, 182, 183:(6) Bahu ayudha k& ghata ta.
dusaha vajra ko páta 1 Tá ké páta-hu té. dusaha
khala-mukha niknsi bata 11 (c) Kathina katha tế: ati kaẸhina ya jaga mé' pashána!
Pashuna-hu tê kathina yé téré uraja su jánn 11 (6) More unbearable than the wounds of many weapons is the fall of the thunderbolt. More unbearable even than the fall of the thunderbolt, are the words which issue from the mouth of the wicked.'
(c) Much harder than hard wood, in this world, is stone. Know thy bosom to be harder (firmer) even than stone.)
Text.
Yathasankhyalankara. Yathasankhya varnana bikhai
vastu anukrama sanga! Kari ari milta vipatti kau
ganjana ranjana bhanga 11 142 11 Translation.
Relative Order. [Sahitya-darpana, 732.]
Relative Order is when objects are referred to in the order in which they occur, as for example: -
Cause thon of our enemies, our friends and our misfortunud, respectively the crushing, the rejoicing and the breaking.'
[Text.
Kramalankara. Krama tê. káraja kijiye
krama nama tehi sajjill Translation.
Relative Sequence. Not in Sahitya-darpana or this Bhasha-bhúshana. The above definition is taken from the Bhúshá-bhúshana of 'Sri-dhara Ojha.
It is Relative sequence when acts are described) as occurring in order, as for example:Bihári-satsaí, 107 :Toh kau chhuta mdna gau
dékhata-hi Vraja-raja ! i Rahi ghari 'ka lau* mana si
mana kiyê ki lája 11 142 11 When thine eyes fell upon Kộishņa, thy wrath against him at once vanished; bat for & shile thou appearest like one full of wrath, through shame at having been wrathfal.'
On this the Lála-chandrika says, -Kramálankára spashta hai Mána kiyê ki lája sé mana rakkhá li'
1 Called kramid by Ragha-nátha in Ranila-mohana, 151.

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The Hari-prakdsa says that this is an instance of chapalati ayokti (v. 78). The An'war-chandrika
» utpréksha (v. 70). Another example is (ib. 359): Pati ritu avaguna guna badhatu
mána máha kau sita ! Jata kathina hwai ati mrida-u
ramani mana navanita 11 142b 11 Through the faults of her beloved, and through the qualities of the season, increase respectively her indignation, and the cold of the month of Magha. Even though they both are (naturally) very soft, the heart of the Lady and butter become hard under their respective influences.' The Lala-chandrikå says this is an example of krama, and explains as follows: Pati auguna ritu ké gunani
badhata mána uhi sita Hôta mána té mana kathina
hima té: hai navanita || 142c 11 From the faults of her beloved, and the qualities of the season, increase respectively her indignation and the cold. From her indignation becomes her heart hard, and from the frost becomes butter hard.')
Text.
Pary&yalankára. Dvai paryaya anéka kau
krama só dsaya éka 1 Phiri krama té jahaéka kau
ásraya dharai aneka || 143 | H taralatá charaṇa mé
bhai mandata di i Ambuja taji tiya-vadana duti
chandahi rahi banái | 144 11 Translation.
The Sequence. [Sáhitya-darpaņa, 733.]
(a) When many objects are described as being in the same place in succession, or (1) When the same object is described as being in several piaces in succession, it is termed The Sequence. Examples are :
(a) There used to be light activity in this foot, now it is possessed by gentle slowness."
(6) Glory has abandoned the lady's face, and has gone first to the lotus and then to the moon.'
Text.
Parivšittyalankara. Parivșitti lijai adhika
thôro-1 kachhu déi ! Ari indirá-kaļ áksha yaha
eka sara dari lei 11145 11 Translation.
The Return. [Sahitya-darpana, 734.]
The Return (parivritti) is the giving in exchange of something very small for what is greater, as for example : -
This (hero) takes the favourable glances (which) Lakshmi (means) for his enemies, and gives in exchange, a single arrow.'
[Text.
Vinimaya. Not in Bháshá-bhúshaņa or Sahitya-darpana. Thus defined in An'war-chandriká, 430 :Jaha: de kai kachhu lijiyai
yaha vinimaya chita kijiyai 11 1458 II

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THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT. SINGH.
309
Translation.
The Barter. It is the figure of Barter where something is given and taken,
In the figure of Parivšitti (Return) (145), the essential element is that there is disparity between what is given (which is little) and what is taken (which is great). This is not an essential in this figure. Example, Bihári-sat'sai, 240 :Sahita sanéha sa kôcha sukha
sréda kampa musikáni 1 Prána páni kari ápané
pána diyé mô páni || 145b 11 With love, with bashfulness, with thrilling sweats, with quivering, with a smile, my beloved put into my hand a betel roll, and took my soul into her hand instead.]
Text.
Parisankhyalankara. Parisankhya eka thala baraji.
diijé thala (haharái Néha-hani hiya me nahi
bhai dipa mé jái | 146 11
Translation.
Special Mention. [Sáhitya-darpaņa, 735.]
It is the ornament of Special Montion, when it is denied (that an object) is in one place, and affirmed that it is in another, as for example: -
The minishing of love for oil) is not in my heart, but is in the lamp.'
Mere the figure, being founded on a paranomasia is particularly striking, the word néha (snéha) meaning both love and o! The definition of the Sahitya-darpana is a more accorate one than that given above, and my be quoted. When, with or without a query, something is affirmed for the denial, expressed or understood, of something else similar to it, it is Special Mention.' All Hindi authorities, however, which I have seen, closely follow the Bhúshábhúshana.]
[Text and Translation.
Uttaralankara.
The Reply. Not in Bhasha-bhúshara,
Sahitya-darpara, 736. The Reply occurs when a question is inferred from an answer; or, the question being given, there are a number of answers unlooked for. Bihárá-sat'sai, 130, is an instance of the first kind. Ajyau. na dye sahaja rasga
viraha-dabaré gáta Aba-hi kaha chaldiyata,
laluna, chalana ki báta || 1488 !! (Here the Question is put by the Horo, who wishes to go to a far country. “May I go?" It is surmised from the answer of the Heroine, viz.)
The natural colour has not yet refarned to thy form wasted by the woes of our last) separation. Now, darling, why dost thou mention the subject of departure'P The second variety is thus defined in the An'war-chandrika, 164:prati-uttara jaha. hôi !
attara đâjô gối || 148b ||

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When there is a question and an answer, it is the second (variety of the figure of the) Reply; as for example, Bihari-sat'sai, 12:Bála kahá ani thai
loyana koyana má ha Lala tiháré drigani ki
pari drigani md chha ha || 146c II HE (she is angry at his unfaithfulness) : -'My girl, what is this redness in the pupils of thine eyes'?
Sus (his eyes are red after a night of unfaithfulness): - Darling, the red reflection of thy (weary) eyes has fallen into mine.' As the Sahitya-darpaşa requires, this is an unlooked for reply!)
Text.
Vikalpalankara. Hai vikalpa yaha kai waha-i
shi vidhi kau biritanta 1 Karihai dukha kau unta aba
yama kai pyarau kanta II 147 N Translation,
The Alternative. (Sahitya-darpaņa, 738.]
It is the figare of The Alternative when a statement is made in the form of either this or that,' as for examplo:
Either death or (the arrival of) my dearly beloved will put an end to my woes.'
[The Sahitya-darpana makes the ingenuity of the opposition between the two terms an essential of the figure.)
Text.
Samuchchayalankára. Dôi samuchohays, bháva bahu kahu eka upajai sanga Eka kája cháhai karyar
hwai aneka eka unga 1| 148 | Tua ari bhájata girata hai
phiri bhdjata satarái Yauvana vidyd madana dhana
mada upajáwata di I 149 11 Translation.
The Conjunction. [S&hitya-darpana, 739.]
The figure of The Conjunction is of two kinds :-(a) When several conditions are simpl. taneously produced. (6) When several (causes) desire (or are each sufficient) to produce an effect, and in each case the effect is of the same nature. Examples are : -
(a) Thine enemy flees, falls, again flees in blind terror.'
(6) Budding youth, Knowledge, the God of Love, Wealth, each comes and produces the intoxication of love in her.'
(Here each is sufficient to produce the effect.]
Text.
Karakadipakalankara. Karaks-dipaka Eka mé.
kerama tê. bhdva aneka Jati chitai awati ha'satí
púchhata báta vivéka 11
160 ir

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311
Translation.
The Case-Illuminator. [Cf. Sahitya-darpana, 6966. See above v. 83. The Sahitya-darpana defines one kind of Illaminator as occurring when the same case (káraka) is connected with more than one verb. This corresponds to the present figure.]
The Case-Illuminator occurs when several conditions occur in order in the same (subject), as for example: -
She glances and moves forward, she approaches, she smiles, she considers and asks questions.'
(The example in the Sahityu-darpana is she rises up fitfully and lies down and comes to thy dwelling house, goes out and laughs and sighs,' on which the author remarks: Here the same heroine is connected with the many actions of rising up, etc.')
Text.
Samadhyalankara. Så samadhi káraja sugama
aura hétu mili hóta Utkanhd tiya kau bhai
athayau dina-udyota 11 1511 Translation,
The Convenience. [Sáhitya-darpana, 740.]
The Convenience is when what is to be effected becomes easy owing to the aotor having obtained the aid of some other additional agency, as for example : -
The Lady bad a longing (to meet her beloved), (and fortunately her aim was made easy of accomplishment, for) the sun set.'
[Text.
Pratyanikalankara. Lakhi ajita nija satru kaha.
tá pakshi kaha' yatra Karai parákrama sata nija
pralyanika hai tatra | 1518 !! Yatha : - Hári mára Tripurári sô.
mahá köpa vistári 1 Tad-anuhari muni-varana ko
ura bédhata sara mári 11 1516 !! Translation.
The Rivalry. [Sáhitya-darpana, 740-41.]
When some one sees that his enemy cannot be conquered, and, in despite, attacks successfully something which has connection with him, it is the figure of the Rivalry, as for example:
When Love could not conquer Siva, foll of mighty wrath he attacked the great saints who resembled him, and pierced their hearts with his arrows.' (Not in Bháshá-bhúshana. The above is taken from the Bharat-bhdshara, 244-5.)]
Text.
KavyArth&pattyalankara. KavyarthApati kau saba-i
ihi vidhi varanata játa Mukha jítyau wa chanda sau
kahá kamala ki báta 11 152 !!

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312
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NovemBER, 1894.
Translation.
The Necessary Conclusion. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 737.]
The following is an example of the Necessary Conclusion (kávyárthápatts) [the essence of which is that, on the supposition of one fact, another can certainly follow, jó wahi bhayau, tô yaha kauna aścharya hai ki nahi hôi]: -
If her face surpasses the moon in loveliness, what (use is there in suggesting the lotus (as it necessarily follows that it also is surpassed) '?
[So Padmábharana, 200:-waha ju kiyau, tau yaha kaha ? yau kávyárthápatti.'
If he has done that, then what (difficulty) is there in this'? Such is the necessary conclusion.]
Text.
Kavgalingalankara. Kavyalinga jaba yukti sau.
artha-samarthana hồi ! T8 ko jityar, Jalana, jó
mô liga nể: Sita sồi || 158 It
Translation.
Poetical Reason. [Sahitya-darpana, 710.]
When by implication (or by an apt use of words), a speaker corroborates (or gives a resso or ground for) his meaning (or purpose) it is Poetical Reason, as for example: -
I have taken that Siva to my heart, who conquered thee, O God of Love.'
Here the lady, who is tortured by the pangs of love, informs the God of Love that she has taken Śiva into ber heart, and implies that she has done so in order to frighten the former therefrom, Siva being the only deity who has ever conquered Love. She does not, however. state in so many words that this is the reason. She only implies that it is such.
The figure of Poetical Reason must be distinguished from the figures of Transition (arthantaranyasa) (v. 154), and Inference (anumana) (v. 153a). The last figure is not described in the Bhúshá-bhúshana, but is defined in the Sahitya-darpana (711) as follows:
The notion, expressed in a peculiarly striking manner, of a thing established by proof, is termed Inference, as for example: -
Wherever falls the sight of women, there fall sharpened arrows; hence, I infer, Cupid runs before them with his bow furnished with shafts.'
Regarding these three figures the Sahitya-darpaņu (710) points out that, in the province of poetry, reason is of three kinds - Informative, Completive, and Confirmative. Of these three sorts, the Informative Reason is the subject of the figure of Inference, the Justicative of the Transition, and the Completive of the Poetical Reason. In the example above given of Inference, the poet assumes that Cupid armed runs before fair women, a bold conceit, complete in itself, and then informs the reader of the grounds on which he makes this inference, that arrows fall wherever fall a woman's glances. In Transition, the reason is given as a justification for a statement which is otherwise quite complete in itself. Take the example given in v. 154. The speaker says that by Råma's help he has crossed mountains. This is an intelligible statement complete in itself. The circumstance added that Râma is Almighty, only justifies the statement without being needed to be mentioned to complete the sense.
On the other hand, in Poetical Reason, the Reason is Completive. That is, it must be implied in order to complete the sense of the passage.

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Take the example given above:- The Lady states that she has taken Śiva into her heart. She adds that Siva has once before conquered love, and implies that the latter fact is the reason for her action, though she does not say so in so many words. The reason, too, for her having taken 'Siva into her heart is completive, for without that reason her action would be unintelligible. For no one would willingly under ordinary circumstances take so terrible a god to his heart.
Or, again, take an example given in the Sahitya-darpana: The blue lotus, which was like thine eyes in loveliness, is now sunk under the water: The Moon, my love, which imitated the fairness of thy face, is mantled over by clouds:- Alas, the gods would not suffer me to derive a consolation even from thy similitudes.' Here the first two sentences are indispensably wanted for the completion of the sense, inasmuch as, without them, the sentence constituting the last line of the verse, would be incomplete in its signification, and therefore absurd. Moreover, the reason is not stated as a reason, but is only implied, and the inference is left to be drawn by the reader.
Again, 'Siva, afraid of the immense weight, bears not on his head the Ganges, muddy with the heaps of dust raised by the multitude of thy horses.' Here the extraordinary amount of mud in the Ganges is not stated to be the reason for its immense weight, but it is implied that it is the reason. Moreover it is a completive reason. Without it, the statement that 'Siva did not bear the Ganges on his head, being afraid of its immense weight, would be incomplete in its signification, and therefore absurd.
Or take another example, from the Sat'sai (117) of Bihari Lal, Mournfully she gazes, full, very full, of wrath and grief. The deer-eyed one seeth the mark of her co-wife's hair upon the pillow, and refuseth to approach the couch.' Here the reason for her refusing to approach the couch, is her seeing the mark of her co-wife's hair, is implied, not stated directly. Moreover the reason is completive, for without the refusal would lose all its significance and be absurd.
Padmakara Bhaṭṭa (Padmabharana, 200 and ff.) gives a two-fold definition of this figure, His first is
Artha samarthahi yoga jo Kávyalinga tá sau kahata
Hétu padáratha lahi kahú Karai samarthana artha kô
This is the same in substance as that given in the Bhasha-bhúshana. He farther developes the explanation in his alternative definition: -
Padártha-hétu, yatha: -
Vritha virasa bátai karati Yaha na acharaja hai kachhu
313
Vákyartha-hétu, yatha:
Aba na mohi dara vigkana kau Gana-nayaka Gauri-tanaya
karai samarthana túsu |
jinha ke sumati prakásu 1538 ||
kahu vakyáratha pái kávyalinga sé ái || 153b ||
léti na Hari ko náma rasaná térô náma || 153 ||
karata kauna-hú káju bhayau sahayaka aju
153d ||
When by taking a reason implied in (1) a word or (2) a sentence, the meaning of a statement is corroborated (or affirmed), it is poetical reason, as for example: -
(1) O tongue, thou dost use vain and loveless (vi-rasa) words, and dost abstain from uttering Hari's name. This is not astonishing, (for) thy name is rasa-ná (which also means "there is no love"). Here the fact that the tongue is called rasaná implies a reason for the statement that it uses loveless (vi-rasa) words.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
NovemBER, 1894.
(2) Now I have no fear of any impediment, in whatever task I may engage. Ganesa, the son of Gauri, has become my helper.' Here the sentence forming the second line implies a reason for what is affirmed in the first line.
This second definition is that given in the Sahitya-darpana. The following is the definition of this figure, given by Raghunâtha (Rasika-mohana, 163):Jaha' samarthaniya artha k3
hétu varaniye ani ! Kavyalinga saba kavi kahata
alankára sukhadáni || 15881 Giridhara-dása (Bhurati-bhúshana, 218) in his defiuition lays stress on the completive character of the reason: - Ukta artha jó push¢a nahi
bind samarthana hối 1 Táki samarthiya yukti 80
káoyal8ga hai số || 158 I. ]
[Text.
Anumana. Not in Bháskú-bhúshana.
Sahitya-darpana, 711. Cf. 153, ante, for the difference between this figure, and Poetical Reason. The figure is thus defined in the An'war-chandrili, 256 : Eetu pái anuiránı tê
samujhi lijiyai báta ! Alakkára anumuna só.
bháishata mati-audáta 1 168g 11
Translation.
Inference. The clear-minded call that inference, in which, being given a cause, a thing is understood by inference, as for example :Bihari-sat'sai, 141:Mriga-naini driga ki pharaka
ura uchhdha tana phila Bina-hi piya-agama umagi
palaçana lagi dukúla | 153h 11 Whon the fawn-eyed lady felt her (left) eye throb (an omen of good fortune), her heart rejoiced, her form blossomed forth, and fall of rapture, even before the arrival of her beloved, she began to change her vesture.' Here from the cause (her left eye throbbing), slie inferred the approach of her beloved.]
(Text.
Amitalankara. Not in Bhasha-Chishana. This figure is thus defined by Rasa-rûpa Kavi in the Tulasi-bhushana :Jahá. sudhaká bhogawai
súdhana ki suma siddhi Anita nama tá sau kuhai
ja ki amita prasiddhi Il 153i II Yathi Bihárí-sat' sai, 119:Gahyau alblau bola pyatt
ápai pathai basitha D thi churái duhuna ki
Lakhi sakuchau'hi dicha 1 163j 11 Translation.
The Intercepted. Fruit. When (a Principal) allows his Agent to enjoy the successfal result of an object to be accomplished, it is, as is well known, the figure of the Intercepted Fruit, as for example:

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She called for her beloved, and herself sent a message (by & confidante), and yet remained silent (when he came): for she marked the stolen glances of the two i. e., her lover and the messenger), and noted their sligness (which she wed that they had love passages on the way'). The Lula-chandriká says this is amitdlankúra : - Amita sidhané Vhógoiai
silhotka siddha pravima ! Tiya-sadhaka, miya surata sidhi sakhi sidhana tiya lina # 153 11 When a skilled Principal causes his Agent to enjoy the successful result of an object to be accomplished, it is amita. Here the Agent of the Lady, i.e., her confidante, took the result of the object which the Indy desired to obtain, that is to say the caresses of her beloved.
The lari-prakáša says this is an instance of anumana (153g). The An'wur-chandrikú says, it is vishama (third kind) (122).]
Text.
ArthantaranyasalAnkara. Visésha té sámánya dridha
taba arthántaranyásu Raghuvara kê vara giri tara
badé karai na kahá 8u 11 184 !! Translation.
Transition. [Sdhitya-darpana, 709) :
When a general statement is confirmed by a particular, it is called the figure of Transi. tion, ils for example:
By Rama's favour I have crossed mountains. Mighty is he, what can he not do ? [ 1. e. (by the figure of kakakti, emphasis, or change of tone of voice), he can do everything.']
[Here the general statement that Râma can do everything, is confirmed by the particular example of his having aided the speaker to cross the mountain.]
The Sáhitya-darpaņa definition is much wider. It includes not only the confirmation of a general statement by a particular but also the confirmation of a particular by a general, cr the justification of an effect by a cause, or vice versí- either under a correspondence or contrast.
Other Hiudi writers include the confirmation of a particular by a general. Thus, Giridharadåsa in the Bhürati-blúshana says:Jaha višesha sámánya té.
lôi ba martlita kasa | Kai sámánya višesha te
só arthántaranyása | 1648 il It is Transition wheu a particular is specially confirmed by a general, or a general by a particular.]
Kiku or kákůkti (in Hindt sometimes, incorrectly, kdkakti), i. e., emphasis or change of voice, is hardly a rhetorical figure, and is not defined as such in any treatise on Alankára which I have read. It is mentioned in the Sahitya-darpana, trans, as one of the Causes of Suggestion, and not as an Ornament. The definition is, 'an emotional alteration of the sound in the throat is called Emphasis (káku).']
Text.
VikasvarAlankars. Vikasvara hôta visésha jaba
phiri sámánya visha Hari giri dháryak satpurusha Thára siahai jyax: šesha it 106 #

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1894.
Translation.
Expansion. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When a particular is confirmed by a general and that again by a particular, it is Expansion, as for example: -
Did Krishna lift up mount (Govardhana)? Yes, for he is a holy person (and a holy person) can bear all burdens, as, for instance, the serpent of eternity.'
[The particular statement that Krishna raised Govardhana is confirmed by the general statement that he is a holy person, and that a holy person can lift anything, and this general statement is in its turn confirmed by the particular instance of Sèsha who supports the Universe.j.
According to Giridhara-dása (Bharati-bhushana, 254) this figure is two-fold, according as the final particular is an object of simile (upamána) or not. Thus in Thou, O saint, hast ilestroyed the darkness of my heart, for this is the custom of good men, (able) like the sun (to destroy darkness). Here the final particular, the sun, is an object of a simile. On the other hand, Duryodhana will not listen to remonstrances, for there is no medicine to heal the wicked, just as sprinkling a lemon with sugar will not make it sweet. Here the final particular, a lemon, is not an object of a simile.]
[Text.
Ayuktayuktalankara. Not in Bhasha-bhishana. I have only come across this figure in Lála-chandriká, 546, where it is defined as follows:
Sôratká | Asubha subha hwai jái sô wahai ayuktayukta 11 155& II Yathá:
Dóha | Tanaka jhitha nisawadali kauna bata pari jai Tiya-mukha rati-arambha ki
"nahi" jhuthiye mithai | 155b1 Translation.
The Exceptional Result. When the inauspicious becomes inauspicious, it is the figure of the Exceptional Result, as for example:
A falsehood, even if it be a little one, is without flavour. Under what circumstances does this want of flavour disappear? The "no" from the lips of a girl at the first caress is sweet though false.')
Text.
Praudhokti. Praudha-ukti varnana bikhai
adhikai adhikára Késa nila é raini ghana
saghana ti mira ké tára ! 156 11 Translation.
Bold Assertion. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When in a description there is an excess of the peculiar quality of the object described (from some inaginary cause), it is Bold Assertion, as for instance: –
• Thy (dark) locks are all the more) black from the clouds of night, and are all the more dense from the dense) strings (tára-dort) of darkness (which surround thee).'
* 156, v. 1. Praudh8kti utkarsha binu
Keša amavasa raini ghana
hétu varnana kama ! saghana timira saba sama 11 166 #

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[Padmakara-bhatta (Padmábharana, 212) thus defines this figure :Jo na kúrana utkarsha kau
kiyo sô kalpita hétu 1 Padumákara kavi kahata imi
praudhôkati hai chétu 11 1568 11 Yatha:Îsa sisa ké chanda sau
amala athau' yama i Surasari taļa ké barapha té.
dhavala suyasa tua Ráma 11 156b 11 When a thing which is not the cause of excess is stated as an imaginary reason for it, it is the figure of Bold Assertion, as for example: -
By the light of) the moon on Siva's head, is (thy glory) without spot for the whole eight watches of the day; from the (reflection of the snow) on the banks of the Ganges, is thy glory ever fair and white, O Rama.' So also Raghunatha (Rasika-môhana, 167):Jaha varnata utkarsha ké
hétu, hétu kou ani Tahá', su-kavi, praudhokti yaha jaga mé kahata bakháni | 1560 11 And Giridhara-dâsa (Bharati-bhúshana, 257) :Káraja-gata utkarsha kau
jó na hetu, tehi héta 1 Kara varaniya praudhokti kavi mána tásu kahi déta 11 1560 11 ]
Text.
Sambhavanalankara. "Jau* y. ha, tau yê'," kahai
samhbhávaná vichára ! Vaktá hótau sésha jau',
tau lahatau guna pára il 157 11 Translation.
The Supposition. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When 'if' (introducing a protasis) is followed by then' (introducing an apodosis), it is to be considered an instance of the supposition, as for example: -
If the serpent of eternity had been able to speak, then he might have been able to describe fully thy virtues. [No one else could do so.')
Text.
Mithyadhyavasityalankara. Mithyddhyavasiti kahata kachhu
mithya-Kalpana ritil Kara mai- párada jau rahai
karai' navodha príti | 158 Translation.
The False Supposition. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is False Supposition (when the impossibility of a thing is illustrated) by making it depend upon an impossible contingency, as for example: -
When a man can retain quicksilver in his hand, he may expect a newly-wedded bride to shew him affection.'
Text.
Lalitalankara. Lalita kahyau kachhu cháhiyai
táhi kau pratibimbu ! Sétu ba dhi karihai kaha
aba tó utaré ambu 11 159 1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1894.
Translation.
The Graceful. (Not in Sahilya-darpana.]
When it is necessary to make a statement, and it is not made directly, but is made by means of reflecting imagery, it is the ornament of the Graceful. [It differs from the Passing Allusion (Praslulánkura, v. 102), in thut in the latter the reason for the statement is not also mentioned figuratively, while in the Graceful it is (Kavyu-sudhákara).] As for example: -
Why wilt thou build a causeway? Now the sea has become fordable ?
[This is addressed to a heroine who is going out to see her beloved by night. Her confidantu under the above imagery means to say Why are you putting on white clothes, so as to be invisible in the moon-light, for, lo, the moon has set. It will be observed that the reason is also figuratively stated.] This figure is thus definod by Padmakara-bhatta (Padmábharana, 217) :Kahahi-ynga prastuta-vishaya
jo kachhu kahai nahi jái Kahai lásu pratilimba kachhere lalita kahijatu táhi ll 1598 • When a thing in connexion with the matter in hand, which should be said, is not said, but instead something in the way of its reflective image is said, it is the Graceful.' So Raghunatha (Rasiku-mohana, 170) :Prastula ke vákyúrtha le
varnana kau pratibimba Jahá' varaniyé lalita tuha'
lakhi lijau binu limbu | 1505 II When a statement is made of the reflective image of a statement of the literal meaning of the matter in hand, it is to be recognized as the Graceful, without fuult (limbu=dôsha, comum.' So uguin Giridhara-dâsu (Bhúratí-lhushanu, 263):-- l'rastula-juta-vritlánta jo
varnon'ya taji tuuna Aprastuta-puratibimba-rata
kahiya lalila mati-Chauna 11 1590 11 Toxt..
Praharshaņalankara. Tini praharshane yatua linae
tấme hita plala jaba hối 1 Viinchhitu-li te wilhikit phala
śrama binu lahiyai sôi il 160 11 Milhala ji ke yalna kuu
vastu chadhai kara téi! Ji kan chita chihali hular
di uti wéi 11 161 11 Dipaka kan ulama kiyau
ta lô" dat ao bhân | Nidhi-aijana ki aushadhi
sódhata lahyau ridána il 162 Translation.
The Successful. [Not in Sahitya-darpaņa.] The ornament of the Successful is of three kinds, viz. :(1) When a desired result is achieved without effort. (2) When, without effort, something over and above a desired result is achieved.
(3) Whon a thing comes of itself into the hand of a man who is making preparations for making an effort for obtainiag it.
Examples of these three in order are: - (1) She, for whom your soul longeth, came herself to you as (her own) messenger.' (2) He attempted to (light) the lamp, and just then the sun rose.'

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(3) He was searching for the drug from which is made the ointment which when applied to the eyes shews all the riches of the world (literally the richies-ointment), and lo, he found (riches themselves), the first cause of his search).'
Text.
VishadAlankara. så vishada chita-chaha té.
ulaļau lachhu hrai jái 1 Nivi parasata, áruti pari
charunuyulha-dhuni ái 11 163 1 Translation.
The Disappointment. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Disappointment, whicu something the reverse of what is one's desired objoct occurs, as for example: Just as I laid my hand upon her girdle, the sound of u cock's crow fell upon my ear."
Text.
Viparityalankara. Not in Bhasha-bhúshana. I have only met it in Lalu-chunriká, 409, where it is detined 13 follows: Sadhana budhaka siddha kau
su vipariti gunai 11 13 3a 11 Yatha : - Sowata sapané súma-ghana
hili-wili haratu riyoya Taba-hi tari kita-lui gai
nilu-u niluna yoga il 163b 11 Translation.
The Perverse Agent. - When an Agent becomes a hindrance towards the accomplishment of his task it is the figure of the Perverse Agent, as for example:
Sleeping, in my dreams, Ghana-égâma used to join me and take away my woe. Since then sleep also has departed and gone I kuow not where, - and it also must I blame.'
Text.
Ullasalankara. Guņa avaguna jaba é ku kart
aura chahai ullusu Nhai sata patana kurai
ganga dharai' ihi esa | 164 11 Translation.
Sympathetic result. [Not in Sahitya-durpana.]
When one person desires the good or bad qualities of another, it is the figure of Sympathetio Result, as for example:
The Ganges has but one hope, - that the pious may bathe in her and communicate to her their purity.'
[This figure is more usually explained, as occurring, when the good or bad qualities of one person, cause bad or good qualities to arise in another, as for instance the budding beauty of a new bride, causing her co-wives to become ugly, through despair - Aura ké guna té dúsku. Compare Lála-chandrika, 25: - ta kế gụ ta tê• hội jaha
aurahi dósha nlása dulahi ké guna té badhyau
sautina disha prakása | 1848 11 Dalliance after sunrise is prohibited.

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Padmakara-bhatta (Padmábharana, 224), says : - Jo guņa dosha té aura ké
thapai anata guna disha! Táhi kahata ullása kavi
pdi hiyé santosha | 164b 11 When one person gains a good quality or a bad quality from the good or bad quality of another, it is called by poets ullása.' He then gives examples of :
(1) Good qualities begetting good qualities (guna tê guna). (Example - the beauty of Krishna enlarging the eyes of those who behold him, owing to their being unable to cease staring.)
(2) Bad qualities begetting bad qualities (dosha tê' dôsha). (Example - disfiguring marks of dalliance with another woman, on the hero, begetting anger in the heroine.)
(3) Good qualities from bad ones (dôsha té guna). (Example - a crowd thrusts aside a beggar into the dust, and thereby saves his life.)
(4) Bad qualities from good ones (guna té dôsha). (Example - a good man proving (by the fact of his goodness) the folly of those who do not reverence him.) So also Giridhara-dâsa (Bhárat:- húshana): - Jaha eka ke guna dósha té.
hoi aura kau tauna Ullásálankára tehi
varanahi kavi mati-bhauna 11 1640 11 Kahu guna té guna, dosha té
dosha, guna-hu té dosha 1 Dôsha-hue té guna hóta imi
varanata kavi mati-kosha | 1640 II He then gives four similar examples. So also Raghunatha (Rasika-mohana, 175):Só ulása guna sau su-guna
hóta, disha sau dosha Guna sau dúshana, dôsha té
guna, vidhi chári, sa tosha || 1640 11] Text.
Avajñalankara. Hóta avajñá aura kau
na lagai guna aru dôsha Parasi sudha-kara kirana kau
phulai na pankaja-kosha 11 165 11 . Translation.
Indifference. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the ornament of Indifference when one is not affected by another's good or bad qualities (as might have been expected), as for example:
• The lotus-flower does not expand, when it touches the rays of the moon.' [Giridhara-dasa (Bharati-bhúshana, 279) makes this plainer :Gama tế gia mai hồi, are
nahi dôsha té dôsha Kahahi. avajñá dội vidhi
imi kavi kavitá-kosha il 1658 1 There are two kinds of Indifference, when good qualities do not beget good qualities in another, and when bad qualities do not beget bad qualities.' He then gives examples of each, viz. :
(1) Rapture not being begot by beautiful poetry.
(2) The ashes on 'Siva appearing to him as pleasant as sandal paste, and the háláhala poison like nectar.)
Text.
Anujnalankara. Hôta anujñá dôsha kau
jó lijai. guna mani 1 Höhi vipati ya mé sadd
hiyé chadhata Hari ani Il 166

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321
Translation.
Acceptance. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When any disadvantage is desired as an advantage, it is the ornament of Acceptance, as for example : -
May misfortune come to me), that the Lord ever may dwell in my heart.'
[Here misfortune is a disadvantage, but as it is considered to be a necessary concomitant of God dwelling in the heart, it is looked upon as a blessing. So Giridhara-dasa (Bharati-bhúshana, 282) :Jahai abhilashá dôsha ki
tahi mê guna páil Taha anujna ábharana
kahahi. sakala kavi-rái | 166af1 So Padmakara-bhatta (Padmabharana, 232) - Dôsha chahai mana mani guna
80 anujnú !haharái | 1865 And Raghunatha (Rasika-môhana, 176) :Ichchha kijata dôsha ki
jaha barau guna pai 1 1860 t • It will be observed that all these authorities insist that the disadvantage must be desired.)
Text.
.
Lebalankara. Guna mé dôsha 'ru dôsha mé
guna-kalpana 88 léka! Suka yaha madhuri vani sau
bandhana lahyau visésha il
167
II
Translation.
The Unexpected Result. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Unexpected Result when what is usually considered an advantage is represented as a disadvantage, and vice versa; as for example: -
• This parrot owing to its sweet voice has specially been imprisoned (in a cage).' [So all writers.]
Text.
Mudralankara. Mudra prastuta pada bikhai
aurai' artha prakása! Ali jái ki na piwa taha
jahá rasili vása | 168 !! Translation.
Indirect Designation. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Indirect Designation, when a second meaning is made apparent in a word in hand; as for example: -
O bee, why goest thou not to drink there where there is odour full of nectar'?
[Here the second meaning is. Hero, why goest thou not to drink the odorous nectar of the heroine's lips'? The Hero is indirectly designated by the name "bee." So Padmakara-bhatta (Padmábharana, 295) :Prakrita artha para pada jaha
súchya artha k& tahi Súchana karai 80 hota hai
mudra-"bharana tahá hi | 168a 11

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The indication of a (metaphorical) meaning to be indicated by another word used in its literal sense is Indirect Designation.' So Raghunatha (Rasika-môhana, 178): "Suchya 'rtha kau suchibo."
Text.
Ratnavalyalankara.
Ratnávali prastuta artha
Rasika chatura-mukha lakshmi-pati
Translation.
The String of Jewels.
krama té aura-hu náma | sakala jñana kau dhama || 169 ||
[Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When a series of names of other people or things all meaning the subject in hand is given in order, it is an instance of this figure; as for example: -
O Devoted Gallant, Chief of the skilful (or Brahmâ), Lord of Wealth (or Vishnu) Abode of all knowledge (or 'Siva).'
Here the Heroine addresses the Hero, and gives him these names in order. So Padmakara (Padmábharana, 237):
Ratnávali krama sau kahaba
prákrita padartha-vṛinda |
Ravi, sasi, kuja, budha, guru gunani
lai Vidhi rachyau narinda | 169 || The String of Jeweis is the mentioning in order a number of words in the meaning of the subject in hand (indicating a person mentioned, and not, as in the last figure, not mentioned but inferred); as for example:
God created this king after selecting the qualities of the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury and Jupiter.'
Text. Tadguṇalankara.
Tadguna taji guna apanau Bésari môté adhara mili
sangati kau guna léi
padma-rága chhavi déi || 170 ||
Translation.
The Borrower.
Purva-rupa hai sanga guna Dújai jaba guna ná mitai Sésha syama hai biva galé Dipa midyl-há kiyau
[Sahitya-darpana, 746.]
The Borrower is when an object is represented as quitting its own quality, and assuming that of another in proximity to it; as for example: -
Her lower lip, when it touches the pearl of her nose ring, gives it the beauty of a ruby.'
Text, Parvarûpalankara.
taji phiri apanau létu
kiye mitana ké hétu | 171 |
yasa te ujjvala hota
rasana-mani uddyôta || 172 ||
Translation. The Reversion.
[Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Reversion (a) when an object abandons its adventitious qualities and reverts to its original form, and (b) when a thing does not abandon its own qualities, even thongh efforts be made to cause them to disappear. Examples are:

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O Śêsha, by contact with Siva's neck thou hadst become black, but now, by thy glory, thou art returned to thy original pure white colour.'
Although she put out the light, still there was the gleam of her jewelled girdle.'
Text.
Atadguṇalankara. Sói atadguna sanga té
guna jaba lágata nahi i Piya anuragi ná bhayau
vasi rági mana mdhi: 11 173 11 Translation,
The Non-borrower. [Sáhitya-darpana, 747.)
It is the Non-borrower when a thing does not acquire the qualities of what it is connected with (although such a borrowing might be expected); as for example: -
My beloved though dwelling in my heart which glows with ardent affection, doth not glow himself.
Text.
Anuguņalankara. Anuguņa sangati té jabai
purva gunana sarasiii Mukta-mála hiya hásya té.
alhika sveta hwai jái | 174 !
Translation.
The Enhancer. - [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When a thing's original qualities are enhanced by connexion with another, it is the figure called the Enhancer; as for example :
The pearl necklace on her heart becomes still whiter when she smiles (from the reflection of her pearly teeth).'
Text.
Militalankara. Milita só súdpisya tê.
théda jabai na lakhai 1 druna-varna tiya-charana me
yavaka lakhyau na jái | 175 11
Translation.
The Lost. [Sahitya-darpana, 744.]
The Lost is when the difference (between one thing and a similar thing) is not apparent, (and one is lost or merged in the other), through a likeness of properties; as for example:
* The red dye is not visible on the rosy feet of the lady (being lost in their lustre).'
Text.
SamanyAlankara. Samanya jo sádpisya tê.
jáni parai na visésha ! Pharaka nahi érudi-kamala aru
tiya-lóchana animésha il 176
!!

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Translation.
The Sameness. [Sahitya-darpana, 745.]
"The Sameness is when something in question is spoken of as having become indistin. guishable from something else, through a likeness of properties; as for example: -
The intent eye of the lady and the lotus behind her ear were indistinguishable (farq nahi).' Here owing to the resemblance between the lotus and the eye of the lady intently gazing on her beloved, they could not be distinguished.]
Text.
Unmilitalankara. Unmilita sailsiya te
bheda phurai taba máni I Krati ágé. tuhina-giri
chhuai' parata pahicháni Il 177 II Translation.
The Discovered. Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When owing to a likeness of properties, the difference (between one thing and another similar thing, in which it is merged, is not noticed, as in the figure of the Lost, v. 175, but) is subsequently made plain, it is The Discovered ; as for example: -
In (the brightness of) thy fame the snowy Himalaya (was not visible, and its existence could not be known till it was actually touched (and its coldness felt).'
Text.
Vibeshakalankara. Yaha viséshaka vibesha puni
phurai jo samata mdjha Tiya-mukha aru pankaja lakhai kaki darkana tế sajha || 178 ||
Translation.
The Distinguisher. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is The Distinguisher when, after noticing (an apparent) sameness, the distinguishing quality of one) is subsequently made manifest; as for example: -
(The difference between the Lady's face and the lotus is made manifest at even when the moon shews herself (for then the lotus closes, and the lady's face expands at the approach of her beloved).'
Text.
Gadhottaralankara. Gadhottara kachhu bhara te
uttara dné hota Una vētasa-taru må pathika
utarana láyaka söta 11 170 # Translation.
The Hidden Answer. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.)
It is the Hidden Answer, when an answer is given with some under-meaning; as for esample: -
Amidst that reed thicket there is a spring fit for the halting of a traveller.' [Hore the beroine answers a traveller, and her inner meaning is that the place is suitable for a flirtation.]

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Text.
Chitralankara. Chitra prasna uttara duhú
éka rachana mé' sôi Mugdhá tiya ki kéli ruchi
gê ha loa mế, hồi || 180 JI Translation.
The Manifold, (Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When the same words express both a question and its answer, it is the ornament of the Manifold; as for example: -
Question: In what room (géha kóna mé) doth the damsel enjoy amorous dalliance'? [The same words, differently interpreted, give the answer, viz. :-)
Answer: - 'In the corner of the room (géha-kóna mé) the damsel doth enjoy amorous dalliance.
[Padmakara-bhatta in the Padmábharana (249), and Giridhara-dasn in the Bhúrats-bhushana (311), mention another variety of this figure in which one answer is a reply to several questions ; thus Padmábharana (249): - Uttara ika bahri prasna kaw
chitra kahau. Ko syáma? 1 Kauna ju ripre kshatriyana kau ? mosala-dhara ks? Ráma 11 1808 11 When one answer is a reply to many questions it is also an example of this figure; as for example: -
Question :- Who was the Dark One, who was the Enemy of the Kshattriyas, and who was the Clab-bearer ?
Answer: - Råma. I. e., Ráma-chandra, Paralu-rama, and Bala-rama respectively.]
Text.
sukshmelankara. suchhama para ásaya lakhai
stinani mé kachh bhái 1 Mai dekhyar, uhi sisa mani
késani liyan chhupai 11 181 Translation.
The Sabtle. [Sáhitya-darpaņa, 748.}
When some meaning is conveyed to another by hints it is termed the Subtle (sukshma); as for example: -
I saw the Lady, and she concealed her jewel-face under her black hair [thereby intimating that at nightfall she would meet me.').
Text.
Pihitalankara. Vihita chhapi para-báta kau
jani dikhawai. bhdi 1 Pratahi dye séja piya
ha'si dawati tiya pái u 1821 Translation.
The Concealed. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When by some (hidden) meaning a person shews a circumstance connected with another, which is concealed by him, it is the ornament of the Conoosled; as for example: -
Her beloved (did not) approach her couch (till) morning, and smiling the lady shampoos his feet.

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Here the lady ineans to hint that he has been spending the night with some other charmer, and that he must be weary, and will be rested by the shampooing.)
Text.
Vyajoktyalankara. Vyaja-ukti kachhu aura vidhi
kahai durai úkára Sakhi, suka kínhyau karma yaha dantani jáni andra |
183
!!
Translation.
The Dissembler. [Sahitya-darpana, 749.)
When a person conceals (the true cause of) a fact which is apparent, by explaining it in some other way, it is the Dissembler (vyújók/1); as for example: -
My dear, it was a parrot which did this deed, mistaking my teeth for pomegranate seeds.'
[Here the Heroine dissembles and conceals the true reason of the wounds upon her lips, -- caused by the amorous kisses of her beloved.)
Text.
Gadhoktyalankara. Gadha ukti nisu aura ke
kijai" para upadésa! Kálhi, sakhi, haw júugi
prijanu déva mahesa # 184 11
Translation.
The Hidden Speech. [Not in Sahilya-darpana.]
It is the ornament of Hidden Speech (giahõleti), when under pretence of saying something else, a person suggests (to a third) a course of conduct; as for example: -
• Tomorrow, my dear, I shall go to worship (at the temple of) Mahesa.'
[Here the heroine indicates to her lover who is standing by and hears her talking to her friend, that the next place of assignation will be the temple of Mahesa.)
The Lila-chandrika (317) contraste the gudhokti, with another figure which it calls anyokti, or Other Speech, and defines them thus :
Gúdhokti, aur k mis aur kami upadés anyókti, aur ki bat aur par kahai #
Hidden speech is wlien under pretence of (addressing) one person, instruction is given to another. It is Other Speech, when a person attributes a characteristic of one thing or person to another. Bihari lal iu his Sat'sai (317) gives an example of both these figures: - Rahyau môha milanau rahyau
yau kuhi gahai maróra Uta dai sokhihi uráharau
ita chitai mô ổra II 184a || The speaker is the hero,-.Wrathfully said she (as she spoke) in that direction and abused her friond," you have been entangled in love, you have had a meeting with a lover," and then she looked towards me.'
Here it is Hidden Speech, for under pretence of abusing her friend she abused the hero. and it is also Other Speech, for the conduct alleged as that of the friend is really meant to be attributed to the hero.]

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Text.
Vivfitoktyalankara. Slésha chhapyau kinhyau prakata vivfitokti hai aina Pujana dê va mahasu kau
kahati dekhde saina 11 185
11
Translation.
The Open Statement. [Not in Sdhitya-darpana.)
It is an example of the Open Statement when a thing is intimated by a paronomasia in a statement made openly; as for example: -
She made a gesture, as she said that she would go to worship Mahesa.'
Here the word (saindagmijnd) translated gesture,' also means ' several' (sainya), and the lady by making a gesture intimated to her lover that several' companions would accompany her. Hence the intimation to the lover is made by a paranomasia on the word suina, which was said (or rather acted) openly. This figure differs from the Subtle (v. 181), in being founded on a paronomasia.]
Text.
Yuktyalankara. Yahai yukti kinhai-kriya
karma chhapáyuu jäi Piya chalata a'ruú chalé
pó chhata naina jabhai | 186 11 Translation.
The Artifice. [Not in Sahitya-dar pana.] It is the Artifice when one action is concealed by doing another, as for example: -
"Tears flowed from her eyes as her beloved departed, and she yawnod as she wiped her eyes (to conceal the action).'
Text.
Lokoktyalankara. Loka-ukti kachhu vachana sau
línhé lóka-pravdda Naina midi shaļa mása luu.
sahiyai viraha vishada | 187 1.
Translation.
The Idiom. (Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of the Idiom (lóköketi), when words are eraployed which are used in common talk (in an idiomatic or proverbial sense); as for example: -
She must close her eyes for six months in the absence of her beloved), and suffer separation and sorrow.'
[Here the expression to close the eyes' is idiomatically used, in the sense it bears in common talk, to mean to suffer pain.')
Text.
Chhökoktyalankara. Lóka-ukti kachku artha say!
8ô chhokokti pramani Jô gáinu kau phérinai
tähi Dhananjaya jáni # 188 11

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Translation.
Ambiguous Speech.
[Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
When an idiom is used, as in the last figure, and at the same time the words can also be taken more or less in their literal sense, it is an instance of Ambiguous Speech; as for example:
'Know him to be Arjuna, who will bring back the cows.' [This is an idiomatic proverbial saying, and means that it requires a great man to do a great action.]
It also means literally that the hero has attacked the foe, and has released cattle, and is therefore a second Arjuna.
Text.
Vakroktyalankara.
Vakra-ukti kachhu élésha sau Rasika apúraba hau, piya,
Translation.
[NOVEMBER, 1894.
Crooked Speech,
artha phêri jo hội I
burau kahata nahi kôi | 189 ||
[Sahitya-derpaa, 641.]
When the meaning of (the speech of another) is changed to the hearer by a paronomasia it is called Crooked Speech (vakrókti); as for example: -
'My dear, you are a wonderful lover [meaning a very base lover], and no one (I suppose) [that is to say every one] speaks badly of you.'
[The example does not fit the definition. That is, however, the fault of the latter, which is incomplete, and not of the former. According to the Sahitya-darpana, and all other authorities which I have consulted, the definition should run, When the meaning of (the speech of another) is changed (to the hearer) by a paronomasia (élésha), or by a change of voice (kaku), it is, etc.' The example is evidently an instance of Crooked Speech depending on a change of voice. The whole meaning of the sentence is reversed by the satyrical or reproachful tone in which it is uttered.
The Sahitya-darpana classes this figure as a Verbal Ornament (éabdálankára), and not as an Ornament of Sense (arthálankára) under which head it is classed in the Bhasha-bhushana and other modern works.]
[Giridhara-dâsa (Bharati-bhashana, 332) thus defines this figure:
Sunata vakya róshádi vasa
Kahu élésha-hu káku sau
rachai artha jaha aura vakra-ukti tehi haura
When on hearing a sentence, a meaning different (from its natural one) is given to it under the influence of anger and the like, either by a paronomasia or by a change of voice, it is called Vakrókti.
So Padmabharana, 259; Rasika-mohana, 195.]
Text.
Svabhavoktyalankara.
Svabhavokti yaha janiyai Hasi hasi dêkhati phiri jhukati
varnana játi-subhái | mukha morati itardi || 100 |

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Translation.
The Description of Nature. [Sáhitya-darpana, 750.]
The Description of Nature is the narration of actions natural to the actor (the Sahityadarpana says the object must be one that is not easily perceived] ; as for example: -
She smiles as she looks, and again she bends her body away in anger), and again she proudly tards aside her face.'
[This is an account of the characteristic actions of a heroine who is another's (parakiya). Giridhara-dîsa (Bharati-bhúshana, 335, explains játi by sisutva-ddi. Sisutvadi jo játi hai
tadgata jauna svabháva.') [This figure is also called jati or jati-varnana or jati-svabhava-varnana. From what some authors say it might be gathered that svabhárókti and játí are different figures, but they are everywhere defined in identical terms. Thus the An'rcar-chandriká (499) thus defines svablávokti :Já ló jaisô rúpa guna
varanata wahi riti Tá só játi svabháva kavi
bhäsluta hai kari priti 1 1908 !! The same work (579) defines játi in exactly the same words. Again the Lala-chandrika (28) defines svábhávokti as follows - Ja kau jaisau rúpa guna
kahiye tahi riti Subhavokti tá kau su-kavi
thavata hai kari príti | 190b 11 and (2), defines játi thus, - jati su jaisau jasu kau
raipa kahai tihi jásu u 1900 !! [Prêman.
True Love. Not in Bhdshú-bhúshana. Not in Sahitya-darpaņa. Thus defined in the Lala-chandrika (146) :Jaha' nahi kapata piriti, taha
lakhi prêmalankára 11 190d 11 A description of true love is called Prêman. Example, Bihari-sat'sal, 146:Bhetata banata na bháva, tau
chita tarasata ati pyára Dharati, uthái, lugái ura
bhushana vasana hathyára | 190e 11 (The hero has just arrived from a journey.) She cannot find an opportunity of meeting him (in private), and her soul is all atremble with her great love. So she takes up, presses to her bosom, and puts down the ornaments, the clothes, the weapons (which he has just discarded).]
Text.
BhavikAlankara. Bhavika bhuta bhavishya jó
paratichha hoi batai i Vrindávana mé áju waha
lila dékhí jái | 191 11 Translation
Vivid description. When something past or future is represented as if it were present (pratyaksha), it is termed the Vision; as for example:
Those sports (of Krishna) in Vrindávana are (as it were) seen (by me) to-day.'

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[Here a heroine addresses her companion. The sport which she imagines she saw took place long before. She had been sporting with her beloved, and had imagined herself as sporting with Kộishṇa in the olden time. According to some authorities the mention of Krishộa is a reference to the future, she saw, in her mind's eye, the sport which Krisliga would carry out at some future time.]
Text.
Udattalankara. Upalakshana kari sádhiai
adhikai so udatta! Saba já kê vaša kota hai
sunai tanaka-si báta 11 192 11 Translation.
The Exalted. [Sahitya-darpaņa, 752. The definition is, however, quite different.]
When, from a petty sample, greater things are inferred (than would be expected from the words taken explicitly), it is the figure of the Exalted; as for example :
All go and become subject to him, on hearing but a few words.' (Here it is implied that the few words had very great power to produce such an effect and it is left to be inferred how wonderful would be the result of a long oration. Ex pede Heroulem is an example of this figure.]
[The Sdhitya-darpana definition is as follows: – The description of supermundane prosperity (lokátisaya-saripatti), or an action of great persons (represented) collaterally to the subject in hand (prastutasya-anga), is termed the exalted. Other modern writers closely agree. Thus Giridhara-dåsa, Bharati-bhrishana, 340 and ff.:Slághaniya jô charita 86
αλφα αura kό λδει Aru ali sainpati varanibo
hai udátta vidhi dói II 1928 11 Yathá:Muni-jana dhyávahi jásu pada
darsana pávahi rancha Té kubja ke bhavana me
rájata baiļhé mancha II 192b ! Tó ghara tai darahi jani
dhári manina buhári I Tina té bhé naga-naga ghane
lakhahu méru anuhari Il 1920 11 It is the Exalted (a) when a praiseworthy action takes place collaterally with something else, and (6) when excessive prosperity is described ; as for example:
(a) He, whose feet the saints meditate on and see but seldom, is in the hunchbacked girl's house, glorious, seated on her bed.'
(6) From thy house the maid-servants sweep out jewels, which have been laid aside. And so, they have become heaps of previous stones, resembling Mount Meru.' So also Padmábharaṇu, 267.]
Text.
Atyuktyalankara. Alankara atyukti yaha
varanata atisaya rúpa Yachaka térê dúna tê.
bhal kalpa-taru, bhupa | 1931 Translation.
Exaggeration, (Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
Where a description is made in a manner which is excessive, it is Exaggeration; as for example: -
O king, the very beggars (at thy door) through thy generosity have become trees of Plenty (granting every wish).'
• Comm, upalakshana kahai kachhu arhbu kuri kai.
.

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[Other authors insist that the description must be surprising and literally untrue. Thus, Giridhara-dasa (Bharati-bhushana, 343): - Jaha' udáratá súratá
virahadika ki ukti Adbhuta mithya hội taha"
alankára atyukti 11 1932 11 It is Exaggeration, when a description of nobility, heroism, unhappy love or the like contains a statement which is at the same time surprising and untrue.
(Vipse - Repetition. Not in Bhúshá-bhúshana. Not in Sahitya-darpana. Defined in Lala-chandrika (217), as follows:
Sôratha | Thahi sabda bahu bira adhikdi-hita vipasa 11 193b 11 The repetition of one word, for the sake of giving it a superlative force, is called Repetition, thus: - Bihári-sat'sai, 217: - Ha si ha si herati navala tiya
mada ké mada umadati Balaki balaki bólati vachana
lalaki lalaki lapatati | 1930 11 The young bride exults in the drunkenness of joyful love, and laughing, laughing, looks around. Babbling, babbling, does she utter words, and staggering, staggering, she falls upon her beloved's neck.' Compare the 'Red, red rose of English idiom.]
Text.
Niruktgalankara. Sô nirukti jaba yoga tê.
artha kalpaná ana Uddhava kubjá vaša bhal
nirguna wahai nidána 11 194 1 Translation.
Derivative Meaning. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the figure of Derivation when by reverting to the etymological meaning of a word, a secondary meaning can be arrived at; as for example:
O Uddhava, if (Krishņa) is indeed enamoured of Kubjâ, that is the end (to be expected) of one who is worthless.'
[Here if we take the word nirguna in its original meaning of devoid of quality,' hence .the Supreme Deity,' we can translate the verse] : -
* O Uddhava, if (Kțishņa) is enamoured of Kubja, he is indeed The Supreme Deity.' [The example of Padmakara-bhatta (Padmábharana, 273) is better :Rakhata na hita kahu káhu số
vana vana karata vihara Yahai samujhi vidhi nai kiyo
môhana nama tumhara | 104a 11 Thou art faithful to none, but wanderest sporting in the Forest. God knew this when he created thee, and gave thee thy name of Môhana (the bewilderer).']
(Bhránti - Error. Not in Bhasha-bhúshana,
Not in Sahitya-darpana. Bhushana-tripathi (quoted in An'war-chandrika, 266) thus defines this figure : Bhrama chitta hóta di
Bhủ shana 8 barả ti gái || 194b ||
Lit., speaking indistinctly like one drunk. I am afraid that there is no doubt that the poet meant to represent the bride as not only figuratively but also literally drunk, and that he thought all the better of her for being so.

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Bhushaņa sings that it is the figure of Error, when the intellect makes a mistake. This figure is quite distinct from bhrama (62). Example, Bihari-sat'sai, 205: - Rahi pakari pati su risa
bharé bhau ha chita naina Lakhi sapané piya Ana-rati
jagata-hu lagati hiyai na 11 1940 1 She grasped the side of the bedstead, her eyebrows, sonl, and eyes all full of rage. For in a dream she saw her beloved in another's arms: - nay, even when she woke she would not nestle into his heart.')
Text.
Pratishedhalańkara. Só pratishedha prasiddha jó
artha nishédhyan ji Móhana kara murali nahi
hai kachhu badí Valdi 11 105 II Translation.
Negation of Meaning. [Not in Sahitya-darpana.]
It is the ornament of Negation of Meaning, when the ordinary meaning of a word or sentence) is negatived; as for example: -
This is not a fute which is in Krishna's land, it is some great calamity (which drives us frenzied with love).'
[Here the ordinary acceptation of the word murali, viz., 'flute,' is denied. Another example from the Padmabharana, 278, may be given :Rachi na madhu misri hute:
80 puni sudha té náhi Lai adharana të madhuratá
bhari su adharana mahi 11 1952 11 Honey was not made from candy, nor yet from nectar. Its sweetness was taken from thy lips, and then poured full into thy lips again.')
Text.
Vidhyalankara. Alankára vidhi s'ddha jo
artha sadhiyai' phéri Kókila hai kokila, jabai
ritzi mé karihai féri || 196 11 Translation.
Corroboration of Meaning. It is the Corroboration of Meaning when the ordinary meaning (of a word or sentence) is emphasized; as for example: -
• The cuckoo will be indeed a cuckoo, when it utters its notes in the spring) season.' [Here the ordinary meaning of the word 'cuckoo' is emphasized.]
Text.
Hetvalankara. Hetu-alankriti dối, jaba
Ichrana käraja sanga Kdrana käraja éka jaba
vastu éka-hi anga || 197 11 Udita bhayau sasi manini
mana mitawata máni Méri siddhi samriddhi yaha
téri kripa bakháni | 198 11 Iti arthálankára-náma chaturthah prakasah.

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Translation.
The Cause.
[Sahitya-dar pana, 712. Where, however, only the second variety mentioned in the Bhashabhúshana is found.]
The ornament of the Cause is of two kinds : (a) In the first, the cause and its effect are represented as together. (b) In the second, when the cause of any thing is represented in identity with the effect; as for example: -
(a)
Proud Lady, hear my words. The moon is arisen and straightway dissipateth
pride,"
333
[Here the cause of the disappearance of pride, the moon, and the effect, the disappearance, are represented as coincident. Or we may translate:Proud Lady, hear my words, thy pride (is arisen, and with it) the moon which dissipateth it.' Here the occurrence of pride is represented as causing the moon which dissipates it to arise. The pride is the cause, the rising of and the moon is the effect.]
(5) This, my success, my affluence, I declare to be thy favour.'
[Here the cause, the master's favor, is represented as in identity with its effect, the success, etc., of the servant.]
End of the Fourth Lecture, entitled Ornaments of Sense || 4 || (To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.LE., LC.S.
PART I. RELIGION. CHAPTER I.
A. SPIRIT-WORSHIP.
1. Ancestor-worship.
Ancestor-worship, says Mr. Herbert Spencer, is the rudimentary form of religion. The first idea of a spirit was the soul of the dead, and it seems to have been with the souls of the dead that the early man peopled the air, the earth, the water, the underground, and many plants and animals. Among high class Hindus ancestor-worship is one of the most universal faiths. Every orthodox Brâhman daily, after performing his sandhya (adoration) and dévapûjá (worship of household gods) and before taking his meals, offers tarpan (oblations of water) to his ancestors. Again, among the high and middle class Hindus, whenever any auspicious ceremony is performed, it is one of the essential parts of the ceremony that the ancestors should be invited and worshipped along with the gods, and generally a day or two before a wedding, or some other important ceremony, some Brahmans and Brahman women are fed in the name of the ancestors and kuldévatás, or family deities, in order that no evil may befall the family during the ceremony. Among the lower classes and ruder tribes of Hindus the family dead hold the place of the house, or village, god, if not of the chief god. The Dhôr Kathkaris of Thâna worship the spirits of dead relations, which have become bhûts, capable of entering the bodies of men. The Vaitis of Thâna worship a cocoanut in their houses as a representative of their ancestors, and the Konkani Kunbis of Kinara worship an unhusked cocoanut as their ancestor. The Kânara Attê Kunbis worship an unhusked cocoanut on a platform in the Op. cit. Vol. XIII. p. 182. 3 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 217.
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 165.

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cooking-room as an ancestor. Among them the spirit of the man who dies an accidental death is supposed to wander. The spirit is kept to the village boundary by the offering of a cock. The Halvakki Vâkkals, an early tribe of Kanareso husbaudinen, worship balindra, their ancestral cocoanat, by bathing it with water, rubbing it with saudal paste, offering it flowers, and waving a lighted lamp before it. The Buils of Khandesh worship the spirits of their ancestors, and believe in sorcery, witchcraft, and omens. Most of them pay a special reverence to the female spirits called mátás, or the anothers. Among the Bijapur Ambigs, or Kabligers, on the fifth, or other odd, month after a death, if the dead be a mati, & mask, or, if the dead be a woman, a top-like vessel, is brought and laid among the house gods and worshipped. The Suryavamsi Lads of Bijapur, on the eleventh day after a death, get a silver image of the dead made, and, with other ancestral images, carry it to a stream-bank and worship it. The Belgaum Kunlis worship copper pots filled with water as representatives of their ancestors. The Råmosis of Belgaum worship their ancestors.10 In the Gujarat Pånch Maháls the honsehold deity of the Bhis is Meldi Mata, a dead woman of the house, who helps them when they wish to avenge themselves on a rival. The Gujarat Chans often wear round the neck a golden mask of one of their ancestors, and among the Gujarat Bhangiâs the only household god is the image of a woman who has been possessed. 12 The Central Provinces Gonds people the forests, billa, valleys and trees with Gonds.13 They worship Sanalk, or the dead who comes into the office of ministrant, or pujari. The Naikada Gonds worship the family dead on the third day after a death and on every Saturday and feast day ;15 and the Halwas, an early class of Gouds, also worship the ancestora, 16 and the donna, a dead man, and the sam, a dead woman.17 The Sontháls sacrifice fowls and sheep to ancestors.18 In Eastern Bengal the important tribe of Bhúiyas worship virus, or dend ancestors ;19 and ancestor-worship also prevails among the Nageswars and the Karens.20 Further west the Köchs, or Köccbs, of Kûch Bihår worship their ancestors and offer them fruit, 71 and the Kôls bring back the soul of the dead as a household spirit.22 The Khonds of Ganjam in North Madras, thik an ancestor is re-horn in a child.2) The Poliars, formerly a slave class in Malabar, worship the good dead as Erikapeni, and the bad dead as Kuli, and make offerings to both. The Panians, a wild tribe near the Wynand, call good spirits kulis and bad spirits pénés. They lay oat rice, cocoadat and ligoor on the ground, and call on the spirits to receive the offerings.25 The Arrigans, or Malai-arasar, of South Travankor worship ancestors and local spirits who live in peaks, trees and great rocks.36 Sir W. Elliot mentions the case of a woman in Masulipatam, who was believed to have been murdered by her husband coming and entering into women and demanding her husband. The woman afterwards became a goddess, and was worshipped.27 The Malabår fishermen, known as Mukuas, worship the spirits called Paisachis, and respect a class of exorcists called Kanian 29 The Kurubarus, properly shepherds and blanket-Weavers, one of the leading Kanarese tribes, worship vírikus, the spirits of unmarried ancestors. Red cloth, molasses, and rice are offered every year to them. If the feast is omitted, the virikis get angry, send sickness and horrid dreams, kill sheep, and strike people on the back when they walk at night. They are appeased by a feast.20 The worship of unfriendly spirits, or demons, is most typical among the South Indian Shânârs. The spirit is called Pai, or Pê,30 Sir W. Elliot says this demon-worship has infected all the religious systems of India. The Brahmans abhor it, but in sickness conform
• Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 219.
• Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 203.
• Op. cit. Vol. XII. p. 98. Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 117. • Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 173.
Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 124. 19 Op.cit. Vol. XXI. p. 124.
I From MS. notes.
From MS. Dotes 18 Hislop, Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 4.
14 Op. cit. App. I. 16 Op. cit. p. 25.
16 Op. cit. p. 21.
37 Op. cit. App. III. #* Jour. Ethno. Sec. Vol. I. p. 106. 11 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 199. * Op. cit. pp. 117, 182.
91 Op. cit. p. 91. 35 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 152 18 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 56
* Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 492. 28 Op. cit. p. 496.
* Jour. Ethno. Soc. New Series, Vol. I. p. 109. 31 Op.cit. p. 116.
> Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 528. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 397.
* Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 115.

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to it.31 In Maisor the Idigas, a Teluga class of palm-tappers worship virilús, or the spirits of unmarried men.32 The Teluga Bédards of North-East Maisor believe that the spirits of the unmarried dead, or virikás, come back, and tlıreaten evil if they are not worshipped. Images are carved, or rather rude shapeless stones are set up, oiled and kept in a hollow cairn of stones, and offerings of rice and cloth are made to them. The Lali-Gundarus, # class of Maisor husband men, pray to the spirits of the good dead who send dreams.34 The Wakalgarus, another very large class, believe that the good dead warn in dreams.36 In Maisor the Gollarus, a Telugu tribe, sacrifice to the spirits of the good dead.36 The Kunsa Vakaligarus, a class of Karnatak husbaudmen, think that the spirit of the good becomes a kind of god and warn men in dreams. Bad men become devils, but have no power over men.37 The Koramas of Maisor worship a male deity named Muni, and make him presents of fowls, pigs, goats, and sheep.38 In Maisor the ammas, or mothers, are very largely worshipped by the lower classes; and their priests, as a rule, belong to the impure tribes. Lingayats, and even Brahmans in danger, sometimes make (blood) offerings to the mothers.39 The ammas, or mothers, are the great objects of worship among the lower class Hindus of South India.co Whenever a Brahman meets with good fortune he must perform a memorial service to his ancestors."
In Central Asia the Kafira of the Bindu Kush believe that many of their idols were once men and women. They leave an open space in their line of battle, that there may be room for the dead heroes to join the conflict and fight on their side. The Burmans worship spirits named nåts, and make them offerings of water, fruit, oil, lamps, and morsels of food. The chief Burman spirit is called Tagaung. He was formerly a king. Numerous early tribes in Burma scattered among the Buddhist Burmans, such as Karens, Kachins and others, have no worship but nåt or spirit-worship. Ancestor and hero-wership is the basis of the Chinese religion. The Chinese make such prayers to their ancestors as a Christian makes to God - grace to pass safely through life and to prepare for eternal glory. In tiines of trouble they go and consult their ancestors.7 Filial piety, which, after the death of parents, assumes the form of ancestral worship, must be considered the central doctrine of the system of Confucius, and is regarded at present as the national religion of China. The worship of ancestors is one of the chief branches of the religion of the Chinese. The Japanese kamis, or gods in Shinto temples, were dead ancestors, chiefly emperors. The la mis, or guardian spirits of Japan, are (dead) men.51
The Australians have no religion, except the ghosts of the dead and demons. Caves, thickets and pools of water are supposed to be haunted by the spirits of the dead. 52 The dead are worshipped in New Zealand. The Negritos of the Philippine Islands hold the dead in grent reverence. For years they offer tobacco at the tomb, and hang the bow and arrow of the dead over the grave, and think he goes a-shooting 54 Among the people of the Hervey Islands, after a chief died, his head was cut off, and a cocoanut laid in his grave, and the head was set in the bow of a ship, and was prayed to in bad weather.56 The Polynesians, Fijians, Malays and 31 Op. cit., loc. cit.
» Buchanan'e Mysore (1800 A. D.), Vol. I. p. 395. 33 Op. cit. p. 359.
* Op. cit. p. 350.
* Op. cit. p. 350. *6 Op. cit. p. 348.
37 Op. cit. p. 349.
* Op. cit. p. 250 5 Op. cit. pp. 242, 263.
4 Caldwell in Balfour's Hindus. Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Besays, Vol. I. p. 204. It appears that, like the Hindu practice, the dread of the jealousy and ill-will of the dead is at the noot of the Chinese practice of ennobling the father of a man, who deserves well of his country, instead of ennobling the man himself. * Elph. Cabul, Vol. II. p. 877.
43 Op. cit., kc. cit. ** Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. pp. 279, 280., (Nearly all the waits are historical personages, who have become spirits. -Ed.] 15 Op. cit. p. 276.
Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 21. 4T Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 322 ** Op. cit. p. 70.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 118. 60 Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p. 141. 51 Manners and Customs of the Japanu s, p. 337. 63 Wallace's Australasi, p. 100. * Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 174. * Earl's Papuans, p. 132.
* Gill's Polynena, p. 104

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New Caledonians worship dead and more remote ancestors as gods.56 The people of the Marian Group, or Philippine Islands, have an extraordinary veneration for ancestors, not out of love, but out of fear. They keep their skulls in their houses and call on them in time of need.57 The people of the Solomon Islands say all spirits were men. In Melanesia one great class of spirits is the ghosts of men.60
Some tribes in Central South Africa pray to the departed chiefs and relations.co. In Africa the spirits of men are the Zulus' deities.61 In East Africa graves of chiefs strewn with broken earthenware, and also with huts built over them with a centre post of cactus tree, are common.62 The Bongos of the White Nile make images in wood of their dead chiefs and of their wives and children, and adore them. The only god of the Shiliooks of the White Nile is an ancestor who brought them to their present settlement.64 In Madagascar a divinity is ascribed to ancestors. They are said to have gone to be gods, and are invoked in prayers immediately after the Supreme Being.66 The god of the Hottentots is their great chief, 66 and when they are in trouble they pray at their ancestors' graves.67 The worship of ancestors is found both in North and in South America.69 Some tribes eat the ashes of their fathers to whom they pay divine honours.co The Romans worshipped their house-fathers and their tribe-fathers as Lares and Manes, and in their honour held the Parentilia Festival.70
A main ground for the belief in the return of ancestors was the likeness of children to the dead. The Kônkan Kunbis and even Brahmans believe that the dead ancestors sometimes come into children, and so in many cases children are named after their grandfathers or grandmothers. Among Gujarat Musalmûns, if a child is naughty or peevish, its mother or nurse says: "Its kind has come on its head."71 It is the belief of the Khonds that an ancestor comes back in a child.72 Among the American Indians, when a man dies the medium puts his hands on the head of one of the mourners, and the spirit of the dead enters him, ready to appear in his next offspring.7 Among the Laplanders of Europe, an ancestral spirit tells the mother that he has come into the child, and directs her to call the child by his name.7
2. Ancestors become Guardians.
1. Spirits as Guardians. If the first feeling towards the ghostly dead was fear, the war between rival families and rival tribes must have given rise to the idea that the gallant dead were the guardians of the living.75 Visions of warriors, as in later tames, would appear and turn the scale in a fight. From faith in the family head, or in the chief of the clan, flowed the great body of guardian
66 Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 308. 87 Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 463. 88 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 808.
6 Op. cit. Vol. X. pp. 267, 900. 60 Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 605. 61 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. pp. 21, 113, 114 67 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. P. 49.
6 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 286. 6 Op. cit. p. 91.
* Sibree's Madagascar, p. 249. 66 Hahn'e Touni Goam, p. 89.
.67 Op. cit. p. 118. 68 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 517; Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. pp. 118, 114. Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 316. 70 Pliny's Natural History.
H From M8. notes. 71 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 56.
13 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 517. T4 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 4. [Før the spread of belief and in ancestor and spirit worabip among Indian Muhammadans see that admirahle little book, Crooke's Introd, to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, p. 118 ff. : and my Legends of the Panjab, possim, wherever a saint-legend cccurs. - ED.]
76 The idea of guardian spirito sa perhape due to the earliest belief that the dead aght with the living against their enemies. Compare the Portuguese, who, in their Indian fights, often saw crosses in the air, and at different times Moorish persons asked who the beautiful young women and the venerable old men were, who appeared in the front of the Portuguese squadrons. The Portuguese, who saw no such persons, were thus taught to believe tbemselves under the particular care of the Virgin and St. Joseph (Mickle's Lusiad, Vol. I. p. clxiii.). So the guardian God of the Jews, when they went into Canaan, went with them to fight for them against their enemies (Deuter, U.).

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spirits. -- the Vaishnava or protecting element in many faiths, -the origin of family badges, the Hinda dévak, the American totem, the Australian dobong.
One result of the guardian, ordual type, of religion - Zoroastrianism, Vaishnavism, Buddhism, and Christianity – was to increase the power and the fear of unfriendly spirits ; the greater the evil to be warded, the higher the value of the guardian. None of the higher faiths seems so suited to foster magic as Buddhism. Its ascetic morality, its deification of dread, and its want of a controlling guardian, made practical Buddhism a fight between fiends and magic. The Jain gørjis are the only body of priests in Western India, whose chief function is exorcisim.76 Among the Kirántis, or Kirâtis (calling themselves Khombos and Kirâwas) on the Bhutân and Nepal borders are exorcists, who wander dressed as Buddhist priests, dance and cast out devils.77 The Lepchas of East Bengal, who are Buddhists, have priests who are medicine men, exorcists and directors of feasts in honour of evil spirits.78 The Buddhist Bhutiss of Bhutan believe in a countless host of spirits, and make them offerings of flowers and rags.79 In North Bhutan the Buddhist priests are the doctors of the people. Exorcism is the only system of treatment.80 Brahmans have despised this power of exorcism, trusting to 'Siva, the ruler of spirits; and among Lingayats the wearing of the ling frees from the fear of spirits.
The following examples support the view that the family dead were the first guardians. The Koinar pâiks of Kanara believe that the spirits of their ancestors become guardians of their houses. They make offerings of fowls and sheep to these guardian spirits on the last day of Dasara.81 The Havig Brahmans of Kanara, on their marriage and other auspicious occasions, worship the eight mátrikás, or mothers, and the pitris, or ancestral spirits who are considered as guardians.82 The Atto Vakkals offer a cock to the guardian spirits, or nas.* The guardians of the Shenyi Tirs, or Shindas, of Gujarat is Bhildimata, a woman of the house.84 The Central Provinces Kols bring back the souls of the dead to be worshipped as house spirits.85 The guardian of the Kors, or Mussis, of West Bengalis the spirit of a dead chief.86 The Buniyâs of the Central Provinces leave a dish of flour on the tomb, and going back search for the print of a fowl's foot. The print shows that the dead is pleased, and has come as a guardian.87 The Bhuiyas, a Turanian or Dravidian Bengal tribe, worship the sun as a guardian, calling it Virî, or Mahabir, the heroic dead.88 The Orissa Khonds had the country full of guardian spirits.89 The guardian of the Central Provinces Gonds is a dead man. The worship of a dead ancestor as a guardian is recorded from all parts of the world. Among the Hindus the whole dinner has first to be offered to the guardian. They put morsels of food in five places. 02 The Veddas of Ceylon think the dead are guardians.93 In Burma people are buried alive at the gates of cities, in order that they may become guardians and hover about the gates and bring harm on strangers. In Burma certain nåts (spirits) are considered as the guardians of the empire.95 The Bghai Karens of Burma have one or more stones as household gods, to which they offer a cock. They say: "If we do not give them blood, they will eat us."96 The Chinese have a female guardian spirit called Kum Fa, a deified woman, who presides over child birth and diseases. In Japan, in front of Shinto temples, many fowls are offered to guardian gods. The Melanesians of the Pacific have champion stones in the house associated with some dead person. The ancestral guardian is worshipped in Tasmania, New Zealand and Madagascar. The 76 From MS. notes.
11 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 104. 18 Op. cit. p. 101. [Cf. also "Demonolatry in Sikhim Lamaism," ante, p. 197 ff. -ED.) 79 Op. cit. p. 97.
$0 Op. cit., loc. cit. # Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. pp. 289, 201. 63 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 125. Op.cit. Vol. XV. p. 251. # From MS, notes
85 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. p. 152. 56 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 232.
87 Op.cit. p. 148. 85 Op. cit. p. 147.
$9 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 187. 9 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. III. 1 Tylor's Primitive ('rliure, Vol. II. p. 113. 92 Ward's Vier of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 34.
9 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 117. # Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 286.
* Op. cit. p. 197. * Fytche's Burmah, Vol. I. p. 355.
7 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 164. » Reed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 62.
* Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 276.

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belief is strong among the South African Zulus.100 Among all the nations of the Zulu country it is a custom that on starting for a war, or a hunt, the chief sacrifices to the spirit of his immediate ancestor. It is to the humour of this capricious spirit that every degree of success or failure is dae. The Papuans of New Guinea have an idol called Kaiwai. This seems to be the guardian spirit of each person. When a man dies, the guardian is abused, and is set over the grave, and left there to rot.3 In America the Hyperboreans hold that men who die a natural death become guardians. The Dacota Indians take a round stone, paint it red, call it grandfather, and pray to it as a guardian. The Roman Catholics beliove in an angel guardian, who keeps off danger, and warns and stirs to good.
One of the early phases of the guardian theory was that there were guardian animals. Guardian animals were of two kinds : animals whose habits suggested that they hold the spirits of the dead -the cock, the crow, the snake, the monkey, the l'at. Another class of animals seem to owe their position as guardians to the fact that they were man-eaters, whose spirits staying in their living tomb made the eaters kindly disposed to men, or at least spirit
scarers. Thus, in North Kinara the important cultivating class of Halvikki Vakkals, an early and · wide-spread tribe, is divided into eight clans, each of which has a separate clan god, or guardian spirit, and a name-giving article which they do not eat. Thus the Kadan ballis do not eat the same var, or stag, called kadave in Kararese. The Bargalballis do not eat the deer (bárgá), and the Kuntiballis do not eat the woodcock. The reason why they do not eat these animals is probably that they are considered as guardians. The Vây dâs of Kachch worship the monkey god, who is considered as their ancestor, and to please him, in their marriage ceremony, the bridegroom goes to the bride's house dressed as a monkey, and there leaps about in monkey fashion. The guardian spirit of the Kars, or Muậsis, of West Bengal is Gansâm, a Gond chief, who was eaten by a tiger. Among the Central Province Gonds, Baghdev, the tiger-god, is a man, who has been eaten by a tiger.10 The Malays hold that the spirits of dead men go into tigers. 11 In the Hervey Islands one clan held birds sacred, and another the land crab.12 The Africans believed that men went into snakes and monkeys 13 and the American Indians thought men went into the bear, wolf, tortoise and deer.14
Under the head of animal-worship it will be shewn that these animals were all held to be guardians and spirit-scarers. Similarly several of the spirit-scaring or guardian plants and trees, as the betel and cocoanut, are used to represent ancestors. Among the depressed Gujarât Shindas, Bhildi Mata, the family guardian, lives in a cocoanut.15 Guardian spirits need not always be friendly or well-disposed, they may have been neglected, and so be angry, and have to be appeased by offerings. Again, guardians are not always, and they were notat first, satisfied with milk, flowers and fruits - lifeless offerings. They were acenstomed to other food in their life: they were used to worry18 enemies, and, therefore, their strength must be kept up. This seems the reason why Lakshmi was till lately in Bombay, and is still in outlying places, pleased with blood offerings - cocks, goats, and even buffaloes.
(To be continued.)
100 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. pp. 113-115.
1 Gardiner's Zulu Country, p. 311. ? Earl's Papuans, p. 83. Bancroft, Vol. III. pp. 516,576 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. p. 161. • Golden Manual, p. 139. Bombay Gasetteer, Vol. XV. p. 203.
1 Op.cit. Vol. V. p. 50. * Op. cit., loc. cit.
Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 282. 10 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. III. 11 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 233. 12 Gill's Polynesia, p. 9.
13 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 233. 16 Op. cit., loc. cit.
16 From MS, notes. 16 In Melanesia ancestral spirits are often asked to worry a rival (Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 286). Worrying spirits are of two kinds : & neglected guardian and a dead man come back to claim property (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 180). The Khonda believe that sickness is used by an angry guardian (Macpherson's Khonds, p. 75). So among the Romans when the parentilia, or dead festival, was not kept, Rome was heated with funeral fires, & ghastly crowd thronged the streets and howled (Ovid's Fasti, Vol. II. p. 566).

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FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, B. A., M. F. L. S.
No. 38. - The Talisman of Chastity. In the land of Akhandakavori there reigned a king, named Viraddva. He had an only daughter, named Ambika. She was his only hope, and so he brought her up very tenderly. Nor was her education neglected on that account, as is usually the case with spoilt children. She was put to school at a very tender age, and was very carefully educated. Every day she rose up early from her bed and devoted her whole time to her studies. It was a very hard routine that she had to undergo, attending upon various teachers and receiving instruction from them, for they were numerous. Indeed there was a professor employed for each of the sixty-four departments of knowledge - chatus shashthi kalás. So ardent was her desire to acquire knowledge, - so great was her thirst for it, that she drank deep at the fountain, and before she attained to mature age she became a great pandita. Of all the sixty-four teachers presiding over her tuition, there was one whom she specially venerated, for he deserved it. To him she gave the best of her love. He had instructed her the most, and rightly deserved the extreme veneration in which he was held by his royal student.
When Ambika had almost completed her education, it was time for her to retire from the company of her much venerated masters, and shut herself up in the closely guarded rooms of her palace, as became a royal maiden. She therefore proceeded to the house of each of her teachers to take leave of them in person. Everywhere she found a ready welcome. The usual presents were exchanged; advice was freely given ; and the parting was joyous and pleasant. Then, after taking leave of her minor teachers, she reached the house of the great master whom sbe held in such veneration. When the usual presents were placed before him, he said :
"My dear Ambika, it was not for these presents and flimsy nothings that I took so much care of you. My fee is an embrace from you, not now, - but, on the first day of your nuptials with your lawful husband, whoever he may be. On that busy day, when the festivities are over, and when you are ready to enter your lord's rooms, you must take leave of him for a short time and visit me in this house with all your nuptial decorations and allow me to embrace you first. This is the fee I demand for all my trouble on account of your edacation, and no other fee will I accept."
Thns spoke the master, and Ambika nodded essent to his demand, for she was so mad in her veneration for his learning, that she overlooked his moral character. She perceived his meanness and depravity, as in reality she had strong ideas on morality and chastity ;' but her childish veneration for the man made her consent, and she promised to visit him on her wedding day as ordered. Without any ill-will towards him she returned home, and thence remained shut up according to the custom of the country, expecting her wedding.
A princess, so learned and so beautiful, could not have long to wait for marriage. The prince of the Pandiyas soon sought her hand, and, as usual, the marriage was celebrated in the capital of Akhandakârêrî. Great were the preparations. Grand were the ceremonies. The busy day was drawing to a close. The night had set in. The preparations for ushering in the bride and bridegroom were gone through ; but, as Ambikå was just on the point of entering her lord's room, she made some signs to her mother, as if she wanted to retire for five or ten minutes for some urgent reason.
The princess thereupon disappeared in the twinkling of an eye, and vanished like lightning among the clouds. She had already planned a secret way for her escape, and for the faithful execution of her promise to her master. All this she had done for herself. No second soul knew anything about it. With the rapidity of lightning she flew to her master's house and knocked at his door, and he knowing well, that it was the day of the princess's marriage, was all agog to test Ambika's faithfulness. At the first knock he came out suddenly and opened the door,

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and, in reality to his amazement, found the princess standing in all her wedding attire before him. Now, this man was the noblest of human beings and had all along perceived that Ambika had the greatest regard for a promise. His indecent demand was merely a strong test to examine her. He bowed himself at her feet, and, instead of meeting a tutor come to ravish her and make her life a burden to her, she heard a voice from the ground :
"My noble Ambika, never hereafter take me for a vile brate. My demand was only made to test your power of keeping a promise. Return home at once, and repose happily by the side of your husband. Till now you were my daughter by the rules of tutorship. From this night you are my mother."
Thus said the master, and showering his blessings on her, requested her to return in haste to the palace. Ambika, overjoyed and extremely pleased at heart at her adventure and her unsullied reputation, returned as quickly as she had left. But for all that, the time had been longer than she had expected, and her beating heart and profuse perspiration roused the suspicions of her husband. And, as usual, with young princes, he suspected her chastity at once. At their very first meeting there was a quarrel.
“Where did you go for so long?" asked he. “Only to the back of the palace," said Ambika.
“So !" said the husband. "Till I have more confidence in your chastity, I shall not sleep by your side. Sloep in a distant cot. Never approach me," roared the enraged prince.
“My lord! I am as chaste as pure milk. I have never known any one till now. If it is my fate that I should be thus suspected, I shall bear it without any murmur and wait for yonr lordship's pleasure to regain your confidence. I agree to your lordship's hard condition," replied Ambika, and calmly waited upon her husband.
The prince was unbendable. His suspicion was very strong, and it was not easily to be overcome. All Ambika's explanations were in vain. But she did not atter a syllable about her promise to her tutor, dwelling only upon her purity of conduct. There was no other place to go to; so she had to sleep apart from her husband in the same room. Thus the first night passed away; and so the second, and third - & week - A month. Every night the prince and princess retired to their bed-chamber, and slept on different beds. To the outer world they seemed very loving and affectionate to each other; but in their hearts they knew their extreme misery.
When the first month was over the prince requested his father-in-law to permit him to return to Pândiyadéśa with his wife. The lord of Akhandakâveri readily gave his consent, and sent off his son-in-law and Ambikå with suitable presents and other things becoming to the occasion, and himself accompanied the prince and his daughter for three days on their journey to Pandiyadeśa. Then the father-in-law took his leave, and bent his way back to his kingdom. The prince and Ambika, after a journey of a few more days, reached his home, and the old king gave them a suitable welcome, and all the usual festivities were conducted at Madura, the capital of the Pandiyas. Here, too, no one knew of the difference that existed between the prince and his newly married wife. Every one took them to be the happiest of newly married pairs. They slept in the same room, though not on the same cot, regularly for two full months.
During this long interval of three months and more, the prince had been closely watching Ambika. The more he tested her, the more the force of his suspicions began to decline. Her patient conduct, ber close application to her books, her profound learning and deep experience, her most correct behaviour towards himself, notwithstanding his unkindness towards her, the unabated affection she shewed him, and a thousand other little matters came before him to upbraid him for his brutal conduct towards her, till, one night, he spoke to her thus:
"Ambika, will you, now at least, tell me the truth? Tell me plainly that you are not unchaste. Whatever may have been your previous course of life, I shall gladly excuse you. Be true now, and utter no lie."

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Replied Ambika :-"My most roble lord. I have not till now known any person. It is very unkind of you to harbour such suspicions of me. I am as chaste as chastity itself."
Said the princo :-"You are chaste because I watch you so carefully. Who knows what you may be if you are left to yourself P."
Said Ambika :-"If this idea had been lingering in your mind, why did you not, my lord, mention it long ago to me? You may leave me here and disappear for any period of time you like. I shall never think of any being in this world but yourself. I shall ever continue to be your loyal wife, however hardly you may behave to me."
Said the prince :-"What guarantee is there to me that you will always continue chaste ? Give me some proof by which I may know, wherever I may be, that you are chaste.”
"Agreed," said the wife, and took out from her box & garland of lotuses. “This is the teet of my chastity. This was given to me by my mother as soon as I came to understand. The moment the flowers fade, you must know that my chastity is lost, and that as long as these fowers retain their freshness I am chaste. You can take it with you, and roam over the whole world with a calm mind, never harbouring any anxiety as to my conduct; for when you perceive the colour and freshness of these flowers to fade, you will know that I'have lost my reputation."
The husband took the garland, for had his wife told him an untruth and said that she was impure, he would easily have forgiven her. But her denial increased his suspicions and lae intended to try his best to test her : to regain her with increased love if she withstood the trial: tn banish her for all her assumed goodness if she was really bad. With these thoughts in his mind the prince said to her: -
“You seem to be a more and more curious woman every time I examine yon. Do you praetise magic to deceive people? What! These are merely ordinary lotuses, and if they are fresh now, they will fade tomorrow."
"Keep them, my lord, for some days before you judge of them. As for your statement, I swear by every thing that I hold sacred that I know of no magic, except the magic of being chaste and obedient to my husband, and I have confidence that that magic will one day remove all your doubts and make you love me all the more for your doubts now," said Ambika.
The husband knew not what to say; so he took the garland and locked it up in his box. He kept it with him for some days in Madura, and every morning when he left his bed he examined it, and to his surprise, which daily increased, he found it unchanged in color and freshness. He now resolved apon a plan to put his wife under the severest of conditions for testing her fidelity; and thus spoke to her: -
"My Ambika 1 you must leave this roof to-morrow. I intend sending you to the east end of this town to a ruined choultry, with your maid-servants to take care of you. They will bring you every morning from the palace two measures of rice with other necessaries to live apon. You must live there, while I go on a pilgrimage to BÂnÂras to wash away my sins for having married an unchaste wife. With your own money - and I do not know how yon will get it- you must build a 'Saiva temple opposite to the choultry, must become pregnant of a son, through me and unknown to myself, before my return to this city. I shall be absent for two years. Till you perform successfully all these condition, I shall never call you my wife, nor imagine you to be chaste."
"Agreed," said Ambik. “I am sure that my chastity will successfully help me in all these undertakings. With the talisman of my chastity in your hands you can go 1 Cf. Milton's Coin (420-437):
'Tis chastity, my brother, chastity; Sbe that has that is clad in complete steel. No goblin or swart faery of the mine Hath hartful power o'er true virginity,

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wherever you like. I shall contrive to live in the humble house selected, for me by my lord as happily as in this palace. It is the mind that makes the house bappy."
Thus said Ambika, without in the least fearing her change of dwelling. Her husband admired her perseverance, but firmly made up his mind to put her to this most severe test. With his mind thus made up, le approached his father the next morning, and disclosed to him the secret about his wife's conduct, which he had till then kept to himself. He never told the old man a word about the talisman, nor his conditions to his wife, but proposed a pilgrimage to Banams with the double object of forgetting his past miseries and of searching for a better wife. The father tried his best to dissuade tho son from his project.
"Remain at home, and I sball find you a better wife," said he.
But the son was already resolved. He sent Ambika that very morning to the choultry with four maid-servants to attend npon her, and every morning one of them had to come to the palace to ieceive the dole of rice.
Ambika bravely faced her new life, hopeful of successfully performing all her husband's conditions; but for a time she was wholly at a loss as to how to do it. She was now very raiser. Rble, - an out-cast of womaukind, a suspected woman, - living on the charity of the prince. So the outer world took her to be. She had neither money, nor friends, nor influence and she feared that she might be closely watched without in the least knowing it.
As for the priuce, the greater the distance he travelled the more his heart turned back to his wife, for the talisman, whiclı he daily examined, indicated his wife's chastity. Now and then a strong desire came over him to turn back and embrace his loyal and faithful wife; but at other times a hondstrong stupidity to see how his wife would execute his hard conditions impelled liim on his course. Thus he travelled for a month and reached Vijayanagara.
The king of Vijayanagara was a bad man. His pride was in having many wives, and his motto was that no woman in the world was chaste. The Pandiya prince reached the court, and, in a conversation about the chastity of the women of different parts of India, dwelt at length on the fidelity of his wife, and produced the talisman as a proof of it. The king of Viin yanngara called him a great fool for putting so much trust in womankind, and promised to send one of his ministers to Madura to ruin the woman he extolled so much, and whose talisnan he possessed.
Agreed," said the prince; and a minister was at once despatched to Madura. Now he was one of the most depraved of human beings, whose sole object of life was to gain the favour of his master by doing his dirty work for him. He attired himself like a vendor of pearls and precious stones, and with a good quantity of these articles proceeded to Madura, which he reached soon. He took up his abode in tne eastern canrter, and in a small house le opened his shop for rending gems and pearls. Crowds began to collect, and these goods, which were very valuable, were purchased now and then by the few rich people in the place. The news spread throughout the town that a merchant with a fine stock had arrived from the north, and that he was exposing good stuff for sale. Few bought, for the articles were of high valuc, but the whole town congregated there to see the fine goods.
About a month after the arrival of the merchant, the people, ceased to pour into the shop to take a look at the goods, and only those who really wanted to purchase went there. So on a certain day, when there was no one there except Davi, a maid-servant of Ambika, who had come out of curiosity, the pretended merchant thus spoke to her :
"Good woman, may I know who you are ?"
She replied :-"I am a poor woman. Servant to the princess of Akhanda ka vêri, who is undergoing punishment."

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The maid-servant related what little she knew, but all she knew was that Ambika was suspected, and that her husband, the prince, was punishing her for unfaithfulness. When he had heard all she had to say the merchant, as if a new thought had dawned upon his mind, thus replied:
"Then it is already established that her character is bad. If you but aid me in seeing her for a night, I shall in return make over to you, or to her, my whole property. That may also relieve you from your present miseries. Nothing will be lost thereby. The reputation of the princess is already tainted."
The maid-servant did not know what reply to make. But the merchant, by his winning conversation, soon made her agree to talk upon the subject to the princess; and with this mission she went away. At first she did not know what to do. How to open the subject was the great difficulty she felt, but she was somewhat emboldened by the thought that Ambika was already a suspected character. At last she told her everything.
Ambika listened to what the maid-servant had to say very attentively, and, taking her into her confidence, related to her in detail every part of her miserable life - her pure unsullied character, the cruelty of her husband, the vow, and so on.
Ambika then continued: "My kind Dêvî, from to-day you must lend me all your help to enable me to fulfil my vows, for to-day I make you the chief of my maid-servants. To secure us funds for the raising of the Saiva temple, the suggestion of the pearl-merchant has provided us with means. He wants to sleep with a princess. Let him have his wish, and let my character still remain unimpaired. What if we decorate one of the maid-servants in all my ornaments and pass her off for me for a night? I can easily wear her clothes for the night. By doing thus, the pearl-merchant will be duped, the funds required will be secured, and my character will remain unsullied. So run you to the merchant and tell him that he shall have his desire fulfilled this very night."
Dêrî pitied Ambika for all that she had related to her, and, resolving within herself to do her best to assist the poor princess, at once arranged everything with one of her co-servants, and ran to the pearl-merchant. He was delighted to hear that matters were settled so easily, and was full of hope that he would the next day carry the news to Vijayanagara as to how pure a princess Ambika was; so he hastened that very night to Ambika's quarters. He spent the night with a maid-servant in the belief that the woman he slept with was the princess, and the next morning, quite in keeping with his promise, he made over to Dêvî all the wealth he had with him, in return for her assistance, and left Madura. He journeyed for a fortnight, and reaching Vijayanagara, informed his monarch that his mission was successfully accomplished, and that the princess was no better than other women. In proof he shewed one or two ornaments of the princess, which he had carefully brought with him. They were, no doubt, the ornaments of the princess, which the maid-servant had worn on the night on which she slept with the emissary. These proofs were quite enough to convince the Pandiyan prince that his wife was of a bad character. He had all along entertained that kind of doubt about her, though now and then there were circumstances, which made him waver in his opinion. The minister's mission and the supposed successful execution of it, made the husband think that he was all along wrong in having now and then entertained a better and higher idea of the Akhandakârêri princess. He looked at his talisman, and not a petal had faded. The king of Vijayanagara called it magic, and the trophy, which the minister had brought with him, in the shape of the ornaments of the princess, in token of his having spent a night with her, made the enraged husband think that the talisman was magical, that his wife was a bad woman, and that there was no use in testing her conduct any longer.

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"Shall I go back and have her killed for her crime?" thought he within himself. But he did not like to be so very hasty, and as the princess was his wife only in name, he did not much care what life she led.
"She is already proclaimed by me to be a bad woman, and deservingly has been placed in a disgraceful corner of the town. If she had established her conduct to be above suspicion, I would have taken her back to myself; but now she has forfeited all chance of ever returning to me as my wife. Why should I, therefore, care any more for her? Why should I curtail my pleasures in travelling over several countries to visit Bânâras ?"
Thus thought he within himself, and thongh the insinuating taunts of the Vijayanagara monarch and his minister pierced him to his heart, he beard them calmly and started towards the north. The talisman he still kept with him, though he no more cared to look at it and examine it every day. Thus was the husband of the most chaste Ambika poisoned in his judgment, and, after leaving Vijayanagara, he banished from his mind all thoughts of her. The various countries he passed through, and their scenery, peoples, manners and customs engaged his attention. After a seven months' journey, he reached Bânâras, and took up his abode in a fashionable quarter, generally occupied by well-to-do people.
He was still new to the place, and was spending his first month in making the acquaintance of several princes and noblemen's sons, who were staying in that sacred city, like himself. Almost opposite to his lodging there was sojourning the prince of Simhaladvipa, keeping a large establishment of servants and courtezans. The Pandiyan prince contrasted himself with the Sinhala prince and thought he to himself:
"How happy this prince of Simhala spends his stay here! What a large establishment he keeps! What a pity it is that I did not make as pleasant arrangements for myself!"
Thus thought he and wished to cultivate his acquaintance, but the Simhala prince seemed to care for nothing in the world except his own enjoyments. There was feasting. dancing and music in his house every day almost, but he kept it all to himself, and invited none to it,
Now the Pandiyan prince was always unhappy. His wife's conduct since he had married. her, the curious talisman which still preserved its colour notwithstanding the months that had, passed since he first received it from her hands, her goodness, sound learning, and then that she should so easily have received the Vijayanagara minister to her embrace, would come into his mind in his loneliness and make him extremely sad. At other times, he would entirely forget her, and even if he thought of her, would never bestow any thought upon her conduct, or how his reputation would be affected by it, as long as he did not regard her as his wife Bat little by little he entirely gave up all his ideas about his wife, and his great object was to cultivate the friendship of the prince of the Simhaladvipa, and enjoy, in his company, all the festivities to which that prince was so addicted,
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
A TELUGU SUPERSTITION,
The Telugus, as a rule, wear constantly a thread round the waist which they call molatada. It is renewed from time to time. If, however, a Telugu happens to lose his wife he ceases to wear it for a period, and it is thrown away; and if during this period, he happens to receive a
blow on the top of the head with the palm of the hand he is supposed to be afflicted with hydrocele. Repeated instances to the contrary have not yet succeeded in convincing the people of the groundlessness of this time-honored superstition,
M. N. VENKETSWAMY.

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THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.L.E.
(Concluded from p. 333.) ATHA SABDÅLANKÅRA-NAMA PANCHAMAPRAKÅSAŢII
LECTURE V.
Verbal Ornaments. [On the distinction between Ornaments of Sense and Verbal Ornaments, see introductory note to Lecture IV.]
[The only verbal ornaments dealt with in the Bháshá-bhúshana are those depending on anuprása or Alliteration]
Text.
Chhokanuprasalankara. Avriti varna anéki ki
đôi đôi jaba hội | Hai chhokanuprasa svara
camata bia -hú sồi || 199 | Anjana lágyau hai adhara.
pyáré nainani pika 1 Mukuta-mála upali pragaļa
kashina hié para hika !! 200 11 Translation.
Single Alliteration. Sahitya-darpaņa, 634. The name means literally Alliteration of the skilful.')
The repetition (avritti) of several consonants, two of each, even when the vowels are not the some, is called Single Alliteration; as for example: -
Beloved, (what do I see ?). Your lower lip is smeared with collyrium. Red marks of betel juice are on your eyes, and your pearl necklace appears fitly in disarray over your hard heart.
[Here the heroine reproaches the hero, who has been dallying with some other flame. There are several consonants repeated in pairs. For instance, two m in muluta-mála, two ! in upali pragaļa, two fh in kafhina hié para thika.)
Text.
Lafanuprasalankara. Só latanuprasa jaba
pada ki auriti hồi | Sabda artha ke bhéda sau
| bể da bina-ha sổi || 201 II. Piya nikafa jáké, nahi
gháma, cha dani dhi Piya nikaa ja ké nahi,
gháma chd dani áhi 11 202 11 Translation.
Latanuprasa. [Súhitya-darpana, 638. The definition differs slightly. A repetition of sound and sense, when there is a difference in the mere purport is Látánuprása.' The figure is so named from its being liked by the people of the country of Lata.]
A repetition of a phrase, when there is a difference in the purport of the sum of the words (in each case), or even when there is no difference, is called Lafanuprása; as for example: -
She who has her beloved near her, (to her) heat does not exist (gháma nahi'), (nay, fiery heat itself) is cool as) moonbeams. But she who hath not her beloved near her, to her the very moonbeams are (fiery) hoat.'

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Here the difference in meaning is indicated in the text by commas. The above translation makes the example of a repetition of the phrase with the purport of the words different in each case. The same verse, with the punctuation made the same in each case, is an example of Láténuprása when there is no difference in the porport of each phrase. Judging from the definition given in the Sahitya-darpana, this ornament is distinguished from the Yamala (v. 203), by the fact that in the Laţánuprása, the meaning of the separate words in each repetition is the same, though the purport is different. In the Yamaka, the repeated groups of consonants have altogether different meanings.]
Text.
Yamakanuprasalankara. Yamaka sabda kau phiri Sravana artha judai só jánit Sitala [chandana] [chanda na]hi adhika agni té máni H 208 R
Translation.
The Pun. [Sahitya-darpana, 640. That work, however, does not class the Yamaka as an instance of anuprása. The translation gives rhyme'as its English equivalent.]
When one hears the same word (or more accurately, the same collection of vowels and conBonanta) repeated, with a different meaning in each case, it is called a Pun; as for example :
Neither (refreshing) sandal ointment nor the moon is cool to me. Each appears to me hotter than fire.'
The complaint of a disconsolate heroine separated from her beloved, the group of letters ropoated is marked in the text with square brackets.]
Text.
Vfittyanuprasalankara, Prati akshara ávşitli bahu
vritti tini vidhi máni Madhura varna já mê sabai
u panagarika jani 204 Dújai parusha kahata saba
jd mé bahuta samása! Binu samása binu madhurata
kahai komals tása 11 205 ! Ali kárí bhári ghatá
Pyári vári vésa Piya paradéra a desa yaha
dwata nchi' sa désa it 206 # Kókila-chátaka-bhringa-kula
-kelet-kathina-chakóra Sora sunai' dharakyau hiyau
káma-kataka ati jóra H 207 H Ghana barasai damini lasai
dasa disi wra taranga Dampati hiya hulása té.
ati sarasata ananga || 208 Translation.
Multiple Alliteration. [Sahitya-darpana, 635. The Bibl. Ind. translation renders the name of this ornament by the words 'Harmonious Alliteration. It will appear, however, that such a title is not suited for the ornament as described, at much greater length, in the Dhashábhúshana. I have adopted the term Multiple Alliteration, because the fact that the same letter is repeated more than once distinguishes it from Ohhékánuprása, or Single Alliteration (v. 199).]
The multiple repetition (avritti) of (a letter or letters), in several syllables, is called Multiple Alliteration, and is of three kinds, vir: -
(a) That in which all the repeated letters are melodious. In this case it is called Upanagariks vritti. [The origin of this name is obscure.]

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(6) The second kind is that in which there are lengthy compound words, and is called parusha vritti, or Harsh repetition.
(c) The third is that in which there are no compound words, and no repetition of melodious letters. This is called Komala vritti, or Delicate repetition.
Examples are:
Very dark and heavy are the clouds, and the dear lady is of tender age. Her beloved is in a far country, and anxious is she, for no news of him cometh.'
(a)
[Here the vowel á is repeated melodiously several times in the syllables ká(ri), bhá(rí), pyá(ri) and vá(ri), and also the letters désa are melodiously repeated in the words paradésa, a'désa, and sa désa. Hence the couplet is an instance of upanúgariká vṛitti.]
(b) The many cuckoos, chútakas, shrikes, harsh peacocks, and partridges, when I hear the voices of all these, my heart is filled with agitation, and the army of the God of love violently (assails me.')
347
[Here there is a repetition of the letter k in several syllables, and the whole of the first. line is one long dvandva compound. It is therefore an example of parusha vṛitti.]
(c)
The clouds pour forth rain, and amid them flickers the summer lightning. In all directions are wavelets of water (on the swollen rivers). High surges up love, full of joy, in the hearts of the happy pair.'
[Here the letters s and t are repeated each in several syllables. There is no repetition of melodious letters, nor is there any long compound. Hence it is an instance of kômalá vṛitti.]
Text. Grantha-prayojana.
Alankara sabdártha ké Karé prakața bhúshá bikhai Sabdalankriti bahuta hai Anuprása shata vidhi kahe Táhi nara ké hétu yaha Jo pandita bháshá nipuna Lakshana tiya aru purusha ké Alankára samyoga te Bháshá-bhashana grantha kau Vividha artha sahitya rasa
kahé éka sai átha | dékhi samskrita patha || 209 || akshara ke satyoga
jó hai bháshá yoga || 210 || kinhyau grantha navina I kavita bikhai pravina 1 211 | háva bháva rasa dhama bháshá-bhushana náma 1 212 ||
jó dékhai mana lái
tahi sakala darasai 213 ||
Iti Sabdálankára-náma pañchamaḥ prakásaḥ | 5 || Iti Srimanmaharaja-Jasavatasimhal-kritam Bhasha-bhushanam sampurņam.
Translation. Epilogue.
I have described one hundred and eight ornaments, both verbal and of sense, and have explained them in the vernacular, after consulting various Sanskrit works.
There are many verbal ornaments, arising from the conjunction of letters, but I have only described the six kinds of alliteration, which are those suited to (composition in) the vernacular.
I have composed this new work for the man who is a pandit, expert in the vernacular, and skilled in writing poetry.
I have described the distinguishing characteristics of Heroines and of Heroes, the Indications of Emotion, the States or Conditions, the Sentiments, and the [Permanent Conditions (sthays 1 So in all copies.

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bháva) which form the abode of the sentiments). To these I have added (an account of) the Ornaments, and have named my work the Bhashd-bhushana.
He who carefully peruses this work, the Bhásha-Bhishana, will find explained to him in all its various meanings the essence of rhetoric. End of the fifth lecture of the Bhúshá-bhúshana, entitled Verbal Ornaments.
FINIS.
INDEX.
.
11
asid
... 79
AL
... 21
1316
153
ati-il....
...
...
15
(The numbers refer to verses.) akrama-ati ayokti, al.
... 77, asiddha-aspada-phala-utprēksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) ajñata-yauvaná nâyika ...
asiddha-Aspada-hetu-utprêkshâ, al. ... 70 (trans.) a-tad-guna, al...
... 173 asiddha-vishaya-phala-utpreksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) ati-ukti, al. ..
... 193 asiddha-vishaya-hêtu-utprêksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) atiśnya-ukti, al. ... 72 & ff. asdya, vyabbichári bhava ...
41 atyanta-ati ayokti, al.
&kriti-gopana, vyabhichårt bháva
... 42 atyukti, al.
... ... ... 193 Akshêpa, al. ..
... 107 adbhuta rasa ... ... 37 Akshêpa-upama, al.
... 478 adhika, al. ... 129 agamapatikâ nâyika ...
20a adhika rapaka, al.
.. 55 Agatapatikå näyika ... adhira nâyik ...
... 23 ådhåra-mala, al. ... ... ananvaya, al. ... ... ... 48 Artbf upami ... ..
... 44 (trans.) anukala nAyaka ... ... ... ... ... 6 alambana vibhâra ...
... ... 40 anukta-Aspada-vasta-utpróksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) alasya, vyabhichårt bhava ... ... 41 anukta-guna(or nimitta)-viscsha-ukti, al. ... 117a Avritti-dipaka, al. ...
... 84 (note) anukta vishaya-vastu-utpréksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) avêga, vyabhichári bhäva ... anu-guna, al.
... .. 174 ukta-ispada-vastu-utprêkshA, al. ... 70 (trans.) anujna, al.)
... ... 166 ukta-guna(or nimitta)-visésha-ukti, al. ...117a anuprása, al.
... ... 199, 201, 204 ukta-vishaya-vastu-utprêkshd, al. ... 70 (trans.) anubhava... ... ...
.. ... 39 ukti, al. - anumâna, al. ... (trans.), 153g
... 193 anusayînî nayik&
atibaya-u. ...
... 72 anidhi ... ..
... ... 15b anya-u.
... 102 (trans.) anya-ukti, al. ... ... ... 184 (trans.) kAku-u.
... 154 (trans.) anya-bhoga-duhkhità nâyika ... ... ... 22 godha-11. ...
... 187 anya-sambhoga-dulkhitâ nâyika ... 22 (trans.) chhêka-u. ... anyûkti, al. .. *** ***
... 184 (trans.) nir-u. anyünya, al. ...
... ... 132
paryaya-u.... apasmara, vyabhichari bhava ...
... ... 42 praudha-u. ...
... 156 apahnava-rupaka-ati aya-ukti... ... 73 (trans.) lôka-u. apahnuti, al. ... ...
vakra-u. aprastuta-praśnust, al....
vins-u. abhilasha dasi ... ...
vivsita-u. abhisårikå nå yiki
vibesha-u. ...
... 117 abheda rapaka, al.
vykja-u. ... amarsha, vyabhichAri bhAva
sami.sh-u. ..
... 96 amita, al. ... ... ...
... 153 saha-u. ... ayuktayukta, al. ... ...
Byabhêva-u.... arthântars-nyása, al. ...
... 154 ugratá, vyabhichári bhåva arthAlankara ...
...IV. introd. utkantha, vyabhichårt bháva alpa, al. .. ...
utsäha, sthåyi bhåva
... 38 avaja, al.... ...
... 165 utkanthità nâyika avabitthá, vyabhichari bhava (trans.) uttara, a.. ... ...
146a aśru bháva .. ... ... ... ... 25 utprêksha, al. ...
... 70 Asam gati, al. ... 119 ndátta, al.... ...
... 192 asainbandha-atiếayokti, al.
(trans.) addipana vibháva asambhava, al. .. ...
... 118 udrega dash ...
... 189
185
155a
.. 131
18
39

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DECEMBER, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.
349
...
36
...
33
jadatå dags
chari bhara
***
unmada daśa ... un-milita, al. ... apanagarika vșitti upapati nayaka ... upama, al. ..
Åkshêpa-upama ... dushaņa-apama ... mâld-upama... prativastu-upama, al. ...
rasana-upamå .. ... upamåna.... upamâna-upamêya-luptôpama... upamåna-luptopama ... ... upamânôpamêya, al. ... upamêya ... ... ... upameya-upamå ... ... upamêya-luptopama ... unmida, vyabhichari bhava ullaga, al. ... ullekha, al.
odbe ... *** • ekávali, al. ...
ekadésavivarti rupaka... autsukya, vyabhichari bhava aupamyavchin ... kanishth& ... kampa bhAva karunk rasa .. karund ... kalahántarità nâyik& káku-ukti, al. ... kAraka-dipaka, al. kårana-målå, al. ... kávya-artha-&patti, al. ... kavya-linga, al. ... kÂv yårthå patti ... kilakiichita håva kuttamita håva... kulaţå nâyik ... krishnAbhishrikå näyika komnalA vșitti, al.... kaitava-apabnuti, al, ... krama, al.... ... kramika al. ... kriya-utprêksha, al. kriya-vidagdhå nâyika ... krodha, sthêyi bhava ... khandita nâyika ... gamyd-utprêksh6 garva, vyabhiehart bhAva garvità nâyika ... guna-utprêksha, al. guna-kathana dast gupta nåyika ... guna-varnana dass gudha-ukti, al. ... gadba-uttara, al.
gadhôkti, al. . *** ***
... 184 ... ... 177 gudhôttara, al.... ... 204 glani, vyabhichari bhava
chapala-atisayokti, al. ... ff., 87 chapalata, vyabhichårt bhava ... ... 47a chitra, al.... ...
... 47b chitrini niyika ... ... ... 47cchinta daśa ... ... ... 87 chintâ, vyabhichari bhava
... 41 ... 47e chhêka-anuprasa, al. ...
... 199 ... 44chbêka-apahnuti, al. ...
... 68 ... 44 (trans.) chheka-ukti, al. ... ... ... 44 (trans.) chhekôkti, al. ... ... ... 49
36 ... 44 jadatá, vyabhichåri bhava **
... 42 49 (note) jati, al. ... ... ...
... 190 (trans.) 44 (trans.)
jAti-utprêkshå, al. ... ... ... 30 (trans. ... 41 jâti-varnana, and játi-svabhava-var... 164 Dana ... ..
...190 (trans. ... 60 jugups, sthêyi bh&ra ...
... 38 (trans.) ... 15b jnta-yauvaná nâyik ...
... ... 11 .... 139 jyêshtbå... **
... .. 21a ... 55 (trans.) tad-guna, al. ...
... ... 170 ... ... 43 tadrúpa rapaka, al. ...
... 55 ... 44 (trans.) tapana hava ...
... 32 (trans.) ... ... 21a tulya-yögitá, al. ...
... ... 80 .. .. 25 trasa, vyabhichari bhava
... 42 (trans.) ... ... 87 dakshiņa nåyaka
... ... 6 ... 33 (trans.) daya vira ... ..
37 ff. (trans.) ... 16 dasa
... 33 and if ... 154 (trans.) dâna vira ...
37 ff. (trans.) ... 150 divabhisärikå nåyika
17a 138 dipaka, al. ..
83 152 dipaka (k&raka-), al. ...
... 150 dipaka (måli-), al. dipaka-Avşitti, al. ...
84 dashana-upami ... ... drishtanta, al. ... ...
*** .. .. 18 dainya, vyabhichari bhava ...
... 41 dravya-utpreksha, al. ...
... 70 (trans.) ... 205 dharma ... ... ... . 69
dharma-upamâna-upameya-luptôpama, 44 (trans) ... 142a dharma-upamina-luptôpama ... ... 44 (trans.) ... 142 (note) dharma-upamêya-luptôpama ... ... 4+ (trans.) ... 70 (trans.) dharma-luptopama ...
... 4+ (trans.) ... ... 13 dharma vira ...
37 ff. (trans.) ... ... 38 dhiri nayika ... ...
... 23 ... ... 17 dhiradhiri nayikê ... ... 70 (trans.) dhriti, vyabhichâri bhava
dhpishta nåyaka ... ... 22 navôd hê nâyika ... ...
.... . lla ... 70 (trans.) nidarsana, al. ... ...
... ... 89 3-4 nidra, vyabhichari bhåva
... ... 43 14 ninda, sthåyi bhava ...
... ... 38 ... 34 niranga rápaka, al. ..
(trans.) ... 184
nir-nkti, al. nirnlti al
... ...
*** . .. 194 ... 179' nirveda, vyabhichári bhava ...
476
41

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350
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1894.
... 388
...
42
... 17a (trans.)
.... 55
32a 12
...
8
9 ... 55 (trans.)
.... 24
... 36a ... 38 (trans.)
... 470 ...140,
131b (trans.)
97
... 158
... 175
(trans.)
nirveda, sthåyi bhava ... ... nisabbisårikå nâyika ... nishodha-âbhâsa, see akshêpa. nyúna rupaka, al. pati nayaka .. ... padmini nâyikê ... paramparita rûpaka, al. ... parakiyê nåyika ... parikara, al. ... parikara-ankura, al. parivșitti, al. ... parinama, al. ... puri-sankhya, al. parusha vritti, al paryasta-apahnuti, al. paryaya, al. ... ... paryaya-nkti, al. ... ... pihita, al... ... ... punaruktivadábhása, al. pulaka bhava půruopamâ, al. ... pärva-råga ... purva-rapa, al. ... pragalbhå nåyikk prativastu-upama, al. pratishedha, al. ... ...
44 ins.)
... 203 ... 142
186 (trans.)
... 171
...
38
... 169 ... 47€
... 12 (trans.) ... ... 87 ... ... 195 ... 50 and f. ... 70 (trans) ... ...151a
pratipa, al.
mati, vyabhichari bhåva muda, vyabhich årt bhava mada håva madhyâ nâyike ... måna (trividha) ... marana da så ... mâna ... MALA-upama mall-dipaka, al. ... mithya-adhyavasiti, al. milita, al. ... ... mugdha hêva ... mugdbA nâyika ... ... muditâ nâyika ... ... mudra, al. .. .. msitf das mrityu, vyabhicharf bhava môyita háva ... ... moba, vyabhichári bhåva yarnaka-anuprása, al. .. yathA-samkhya, al. yukti, al. ... ... yuddha vira ... rati, sthayi bhAva ratokvali, al. ... rasana-upama ... rusa rapaka, al. ..
adhika abheda êkadêsavivartin tadrapa niranga .. nyuna paramparita blēshagarbhita Bama
... samastavastuvisha ya savishaya ... .. sånga
så vayava ... rupaka-atisa yokti, al. rupa-garvitâ nayika raudra rasa . ômucha bhava ... lakshitâ nâyika ... lalita, al. ... ... lalita hiva... ... láta-anupråsa, al. lila háva ... lupta-utpreksha, al. luptôpama, al. ... leba, al. .. 18ka-ukti, al. ... lokokti, al.. ... vakra-ukti, al. ... vakrôkti, al.
***
...
25 35
... ... 20
... 33 (trans.) In2, 159 (trans.)
... 160 ... 1900
pratiyamanå utpråkshâ, al. pratyanika, al. ... pralaya bhava ... prali pa daśa ... ... pravatsyatpatikà nâyika pravåsen ... ... prastuta-ankura, al. ... praharshana, al. ... preman, al. .. prema-garvitâ nâyika průsbitapatiká nayikê ... praudha-ukti, al. praudhå nâyikå ... ... phala-utprêkshâ, al. ... bibbatas rasa ... büdha, vyabhichari bhåva bodha or bôdhaka hara... bhaya, vyabhichårt bhava bhaya, stbêyi bhâra ... bhayânaka rasa ... ... bhava .. . bhävika, al. ... bhiti, sthêyi bhava bhêdaka atiśayôkti bhêdakonti, al.... bharama, al. .. bhrama-apahnuti, al. bhrinti, al. ... bhránti-apahnuti, al. ... bhrintimân, al....
and ff. ... 55
... 55 ... 55 (trans.) ... ... 55 ... 55 (trans.) ... ... 55 ... 55 (trans.) ... 55 (trans.) ... ... 55 ... 55 (trans.)
55 (trans.) ... 55 (trans.) ... 55 (trans.)
... 72 ... 22
... 37 ... 25 (trans.)
...
16
...
43
32b ... 42 88 (trans.)
... 87 ... 26 (trans.)
... 191
13
... .. ... 159
... 28 ... 201 ... 27
(trans.) 44 and ff. (trans.), 46
... 38
... ... 74 ... 74 (trans.) ... ... 62
... 67 (trans.) 62 (trans.), 194a
... ... 67 ... 62 (trans.)
...

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DECEMBER, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS’WANT SINGH.
351
..
..
... 70
40
...
7
...
.. 174
..
... 37
... 41
vachana-vidagdhå nâyika
... ... .. 13 vaivarnya bhava ... ... .. .
25 varnaniya... ... ... ... ... 44 (trans.) vaibika nkyaka ... ... ... ... ... 8 vachaka .... ...
vyañjika(vyaūjaka)-utprêksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) vastu-utprêkshi, al. ...
vyatirêka, al. ... vachaka-upamâna-upamêya-luptopama. 44 (trans.) vyabhichari bhava vâchaka-upamåna-luptôpamê ... ... 44 (trans.) vyâghâta, al. ... vachaka-upameya-luptôpama ... ... 44 (trans.) vyâja-ukti, al. ... vichaka-dharma-upamâna-luptôpama. 44 (trans.) vyâja-ninda, al. ...
... ... 106 vachaka-dharma-upainêya-luptôpamå ... 44 (trans.) vyfja-stuti, al...
... ... 105 vachaka-dharma-luptôpamê ... ... 44 (trans.) vyajökti, al. .. vâchaka-luptopama ...
... 44 (trans.) vyâdhi dasa vichyå utprekshå, al. ...
... 70 (trans.) vykdbi, vyabhichari bhava våsah asajjå nåyika
... 19 vrida, vyabhichári bhiva vikalpa, al.
... 147 sanka, vyabhichari bhava vikasvara, al.
... ... 155 sankhini nâyika ... vikpita håva ...
... 27, 32a satha nayaka .. .. vikshipti hêva ... ... 32a sabdAlankara ... ...
...IV. introd. vikshópa hêva .. .
sama, sthâyf bhava
38a (trans.) vichitra, al. ... ... 128 sånta rasa
... ... 37 viohchhitti håva ... ... 29, 32a (trans.) suklAbhis&rikå näyika ... vitarka, vyabhichårt bladva
. 43 Suddha-apahnuti, al. ... vidhi, al. ...
... 196 épingåra rasa ... ... vinA-ukti, al. ..
... ... 94 söka, sth&yf bhava vinimaya, al. ...
...1452 srama, vyabhichari bhava vinūkti, al.... ..
... 94 srauti upama ... ...
... 44 (trans.) vipariti, al. ...1638 slesha, al.... .. ...
... ... 99 vipralabdhå nâyika
... 19 sleshagarbhita rupaka ...
... 55 (trans) vipralambha ... ... 33 (trans.) sambaya, al. .
... 62 (trans.) vibôd ha, vyabhichiri bhava ... 43 (trans.) sanchari bháva ... ..
... 40 (trans.) vibhava . .. 39 ff. (trans.) samdéha, al. ...
... .. 62 vibhavana, al. ...
... .. 111 sandhyAbhisârika näyika
... 17a (trans.) vibhrama háva ...
sama, al.... ... viraha ... ..
... 33 (trans.) sama rúpaka, al.... ...
55 viraha-daba ...
33 ff. samasta vastuvishaya rūpaka ... 55 (trans.) virödba, al.
...115a samadhi, al. ... virodha-âbhâsa, al.
... 110 samasa-ukti, al. ... ... vilása hava ...
28 samuchchaya, al.... .. vivrita-ukti, al. ...
185 sambandha-atisayôkti, vivsitõkti, al. ...
185 sambhåvana, al. ...
... ... 157 vivvoka hava ... ...
sanbhôga ... ... .
(trans.) visrabdha-pavôdhå nâyika
savishaya růpaka
... 55 (trans.) visesha, al. ... ...
133 saha-ukti, al. ... visésha-ukti, al. ... ...
Bahokti, al. ... ukta and anukta guņa vi. ... 117a Bånga rūpaka, al.... ...
(trans) vis@shaka, al. ...
sättvika bhava ... ...
... 25 vislama, al. ..
såpahnava-atiśayôkti, al. vishada, al.
... 163 såmânya, al. ...
".. ... ... 176 vishäda, vyabhichári bhava
såmanya dharma
.. .. 44 (trans.) vismaya, sthêyi bhava ...
sâmânya nayika ... ... ...
... 10 vi-sama, al. ... 122 såra, al. .. ... ...
... 141 vibita håva
Båvayava rapaka, al. ... ... ... 55 (trans.) vilpita haya ..
(trans.)
siddha-Aspada-phala-utprêksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) vira
37 ff. (trans.) siddha-Aspada-hêtu-utprêksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) vips& ..
... 193a siddha-vishaya-phala-utprêkshâ, al. ... 70 (trans.) Tira rasa ... ...
... 37 siddha-vishaya-hêtu-utprêksha, al. ... 70 (trans.) vritti-anuprâsa, al. ... 204 sakshma, al. ... ..
... 181 vopathu bhava ...
... 25 (trans.) stambha bhava ... ... ... ... ... 25
... 29
... 125
**
.. ...
93 93
... 117
278
122
41 38
... 32a

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852
sthâyi bhava
smarana, al. smarana dasa smriti, al....
smriti, dasâ
smriti, vyabhichari bhava svakiyê nâyika ... svapna, vyabhichârî bhâva svabhava-ukti, al. svabhâvokti, al. svayamdutika nâyikâ svarapa-utprêksha, al. svara-bhanga bhava
***
...
...
***
...
...
...
...
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
***
...
...
62 (trans.)
... 34 (trans.)
...
...
...
38 Svadhinapatika nâyika 62 svêda bhava
34
...
43
10
43
190 ... 190 15a
...
70 (trans.)
25
harsha, vyabhichari bhava
hastini nâyika hâva
hasa, sthâyî bhava
hasya rasa
hêtu, al....
...
hêtu-apahnuti, al. hêtu-utprêksha, al.
hêla hêla-håva...
[DECEMBER, 1894.
...
...
...
...
...
www
20
៩ ន ឬ ៣ គឺ ៖ គ ន ន
9
38
... 37 .. 197
65
70
26 (trans.)
... 82a
BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS
OF INDIA.
BY M. A. BARTH OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE.
(Translated from the French by Dr. James Morison.)
-
I shall follow in this bulletin the same order as in the preceding ones I shall examine, in succession, the works relating to the Veda and Brahmanism, which forms, in a manner, the continuation of the Veda; in the next place those which bear on Buddhism; and its twin, Jainism; and finally those which treat of that conglomeration of sects, observances and creeds which modern India continues to present to us, a conglomeration which has not yet been, and, in fact, cannot be, defined, and for which I reserve the name of Hinduism. This arrangement cannot be considered organic or chronological, except to a certain extent. The second of these divisions, Buddhism and Jainism may, it is true, be easily detached form the rest,provided, however, that we replace them in our thoughts in the surroundings from which they arose, and which continued, side by side with them, to develop. This is not the case with the other two. Ancient Brahmanism cannot be separated from the Veda on one side, and from modern Brahmanism on the other, and the latter, again, is so intimately connected with all the branches of Hinduism that too sharp a division runs the risk of breaking vital connections. The discrepancies, no doubt, are numerous and sometimes of such importance as to appear, at the first sight, decisive; nevertheless, it is equally difficult to make a sharp division either from a logical point of view, or according to chronology. The latter, in fact, for the ancient periods is often little more than fanciful, and represents the reflection of our own way of looking at the logic of facts.
This is a difficulty which we meet, in fact, almost everywhere, but perhaps nowhere in such a high degree as in India. Here, as far as we go back, we find several traditions, equally rich, full in details, and systematic, but dates of absolute certainty occur only very late, when the periods of genuine growth have been over for a long time. No nation has ever been of so systematic a turn of mind and no nation has shewn more indifference to contradictions, Nothing ever incorporated in their traditions has completely vanished, and even what has the most modern appearance we may look to find again some day or other in their most ancient monuments. In very few cases only are we likewise able to ascertain which of their ideas are ancient or modern, and every attempt at an accurate division in some way lays itself open to objections. This is the reason, why we place, at the end of our first section, the ancient Epic poem and the different éástras, which are connected, or make pretensions to be connected, more or less legitimately, with the Veda. It is clear, however, from several important points of view, for instance from that of the theology of these works and frequently even from that of simple chronological order that these texts cannot be quite separated from, e. g., the Puriņas,
1 From the Revue de l'histoire des Religions, publieé sous la direction de M. Jean Réville [Annales du Musée Guimet].

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DECEMBER, 1894.]
which we place in the third or last section. In this case our excuse must be the English saying, "the line must be drawn somewhere," and also the fact, that this order, with the restrictions just made, remains still the best and, in any case, the most convenient that can be imagined.
BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA.
853
I do not pretend to be any more complete in this Report than I was in the preceding ones. Indian studies extend now over so vast a dominion, India itself has for some years taken so active a part in them, that it is impossible to procure, still less to take notice of, everything that is of any importance. With a few exceptions, where I merely mention the books, I shall only speak of such works as I have been able to personally examine. Even for these I shall try to be brief, whenever I am obliged to recur to matters already treated in this Review, to avoid making too many repetitions.
I. Veda and Brahmanism. Professor Max Müller has quickly carried to a successful completion the 2nd Edition of the text of the Hymns of the Rig Veda with the commentary of Sayana, for which he found in India not only a generous Maecenas, the Maharaja of Vijanagram, but also additional manuscript materials.
After this renewed inquiry and revision, both carried on, as before, with admirable fullness and care, the traditional text of the hymns may be considered as established definitively, and the restoration of the text of the commentary of Sâyana has not much to expect from future discoveries. This edition, however, does not yet render it unnecessary to recur to the old one. The Indices are not included. But this is an omission of secondary importance, which, no doubt, will soon be supplied, and we may now consider as completed this great and noble work, with which the name of Prof. Max Müller will remain connected as long as Oriental studies are held in esteem, and when certain unpleasant differences, to which it has given rise, will long be forgotten. Not many scholars will be found in a single century who have been so lucky.
Almost at the same time a native edition of the Rig Veda and its commentary was published at Bombay. This edition is not, like other publications of the same kind recently made in India, a mere reprint. It is founded on an independent collation of excellent MSS. It has thus a value of its own, which Prof. Max Müller has readily acknowledged, and it does the greatest honour to the Theosophical Society of Bombay, which has borne the expense and which, in this instance, has been working to better account than its sisters of Madras and Calcutta, Dr. P. Peterson, in editing parts of the text and commentary of the Rigveda, had particularly in view educational wants. Nevertheless, he has not considered himself relieved of the responsibility of a serious editor. His texts are his own, as he has taken the trouble to establish them anew on the foundation of MSS. Their contents are as follows: (1) a selection of hymns accompanied by the commentary of Sayana and critical notes; (2) the preface of Sayana and critical notes; (3) Hymus from the Seventh Mandala with extracts from the Pada text with the commentary of Sayana and critical notes. The latest of these different parts is the translation of the Preface of Sayana. It is an excellent introduction to the study of the style of the commentators, by means of an elaborate and extensive specimen. The translation itself is a mixture of literal version and more free paraphrase; it makes us catch the progress of the living thought and the manner of composition peculiar to this sort of writings. Considering the aim of the book, I only regret that Dr. Peterson has not added the exact references to the quotations of Sâyana, and that he has refrained from all comparison with parallel passages from the Preface to the com
2 Four vols., quarto, 1890-92.
Rigveda Samhita, with la Commentary by SAyanAcharya, edited by Rajârâm Shastri Bodas and Shivaram Shastri Gore, 8 vols. octavo, Bombay: 1889-90.
P. Paterson, Hymns from the Rigveda, edited with Sâyana's Commentary, Notes and a Translation, Bombay: 1888. Handbook to the study of the Rig Veda, Part I. Introductory, Bombay: 1890-Part II. The Seventh Mandala with the Commentary of Sayana, Bombay: 1892. These three volumns form Nos. XXXVI., XLI. and XLIII. of the Bombay Sanskrit Series.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBEE, 1894.
mentary of the Taittiriya Sanhita. Likewise, the notes, which bear only on the criticism of the text, would have been far more useful if they also included historical explanations.
The traditional text of these ancient documents being once established, there still remains the more arduous task of interpreting them. We have to mention in this respect a longer series of efforts of different tendency and value, the best of which, we must confess, leave us still far from our goal. I have already explained myself in one of the preceding numbers of this. Review on the translation of the hymns by Prof. Max Mäller resumed in the Sacred Books of the East, and I have done so fully enough to think myself disponsed fron recurring to it here. The translation pablished at Benares, by Mr. Griffith comprehends like that of Prof. Max Müller the whole of the work. With this exception it has a qnite different character. The object of the latter is to give the English and Anglo-Indian public a true representation of this ancient poetry, interpreted according to the method and general results of European criticism. It presents itself without any scientific apparatas, which, however, does not imply that it is not scientific. The author, who was the Principal of the Bepares College for a long time, has a profound knowledge of the Indian languages and customs, and of the Indian mind, and for many passages one would be wrong not to reckon with the translation, though it lays claim to so little outward pretension. But it is written in verse, sometimes in very fine verse. Whatever may be the capability of Mr. Griffith to render the Hindu metres into English, & capability which is no less splendid here than in his translations of the Rámáyana and Kumarasambhava, it is evident that the literal exactness, often the only one that can be attained, had to be sacrificed more than once.
After these versions, more or less complete or intended to be so one day, and before passing to the works which belong to general interpretation, there remains for me only to mention some partial translations.
M. V. Henry has begun to publish the commented translation of forty hymns of the Rig Veda, which the late M. Bergaigne had prepared for his “ Chrestomathie védique" completed and edited, but after his death, through the pions care of his pupil and friend. One finds therein Bergaigne himself with his incomparable masterly knowledge of the Rig Veda, his most scholarly conscience always on guard to control and correct himself, and it appears more than ever regrettable that this keen intellect, at once so audacions and so cautions, has been taken away from us so prematurely in his full strength, before he could give us lis last results. Professor Bollensen? has given a translation of, and full commentary on, one hymn, 1. 88, or rather a new text of this hymn, based upon conjectares. Professor Bartholomae and Professor Aufrecht have discussed single passages. Professer von Bradke has declared himself opposed to an attempt (little justified) of introducing into the vocabulary of the Rig Veda a set of new significations. He did not succeed so well, I think, when taking up again after Prof. Geldner the hymn X. 102. He exaggerates the comic element and makes a simple parody of it.1o Why should it have been impossible to worship Indra seriously in a legend full of improper expressions and containing certain details, which we may be sure excited hearty laughter in the audience P Professor von Roth has tried to reconstruct the arani, an apparatus used in the ritual for the production of fire, 11 and to shew what difference there is between the modern instrument and the more simple often mentioned in the hymns. He has also applied himself to solve with that lucid
Ralph T. H. Griffith, The Hymns of the Rigveda, translated with popular Commentary, 4 vols. in 8vo. Benares: 1889-92.
• In the Mémoires de la Sociéte de linguistique de Paris, Vol. VIII. p. 1, etc., 1892. The published portion comprises the fourteen first hymns of the Chrestomathie.
T Fr. Bollensen, Beiträge zur Kritik der Veda,' Zeitschr. der Deutsh. Morgenland. Gesellschaft, XLV. (1891), p. 204.
. Chr. Bartholomae, Ariaches, ibidem, XLIII. (1889) p. 664, and XLVI. (1891) p. 291.-Th. Aufrecht, Zwr Erklärung des Rig Veda, ibidem, XLV. (1891) p. 305.
. P. von Bradke, Veber Vorredisches im Veda, ibidem, XLV. (1891) p. 884. 10 Ein lustiges Wagen rennen in Altindion, ibidem, XLIII. (1889) p. 445. 11 R. Roth, Indische'. Feuerzeug, ibidem, XLIII. (1889) p. 590.

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simplicity which is the mark of every thing he writes two of the riddles of the hymn I. 164, which consists of nothing but riddles, Bat I fear he has stopped half-way. In both of these verses one body and one soul is spoken of, . e., objects between which the same relation exists as between body and soul, and which came to be designated metaphorically as such.13 When taken literally of the soul and the body, the solution would in fact be very easy.
In India, the interpretation of the Veda goes back to Vedic times ; the Brdhmanas are in great part explanatory of it, and the separation of the words of the sacred text in the padapáfha is a first attempt at grammatical analysis, incorporated directly into the Sahitás. The other branches of exegesis, pronunciation, prosody, gramniar, metre, lexicography, the calendar, the assignment of the hymns to their authors and different divinities, are treated in a special series of works, of uncertain and various dates, frequently of very doubtful authenticity, the majority of which are called Vedangas, "treatises auxiliary to the study of the Veda." Among them, a collection of the treatises known under the name of biksha, is being published in the Benares Sanskrit Series 13 In the same collection the same editor has published a new edition of the Prátsákhya of the White Yajar with the commentary of Uvata and various appendices, among others the Pratijñásutra with the commentary of Anantadeva, the Charanavyúha of Saunaka, with the commentary of Mabidaga, a Jatápatala with the commentary of the editor.14 This last work, which deals with the eight different ways of reciting the Veda by repeating and inverting the words, and which, under its different forms, is said to be a part of the Vikritivalli of the old grammarian Vyadi, differs here from the two texts formerly published by Dr. Thibaut,15 and still more from another text pablished more recently by Satyavrata Samabrainin, in the Usha.16
Less dry than these fragments of the work of Vyâdi, which refer to the strongest complications of the tradition of the Vedic texts, is the Brihaddevata of Saunaka, pablished in the Bibliotheca Indica.17 It is a kind of Anukraman, or index, which gives for every hymn or portion of a hymn of the Rig Vede, the divinity to whom they are addressed, the whole interspersed with short legendary stories in a remarkably unpolished and concise style, which make this collection less monotonous than those which have come down to us under the name of the same author. These latter, those at least which have been recovered up to date, 18 appear to be intended to be included in this edition, for the third part (the fourth has appeared, but I have not yet seen it contains at the end of the Brihaddevata the Arshdnukramani, or index of authors, and the beginning of the Chandonukramani, or index of metres. At an early date the Sarvánukramani of Katyayana seems to have taken the place of the greater number of these treatises, and to sum them up. They are very rare; one of them seems to have been lost
13 Zwei Sprüche über Leib und Seele, Zeitschrift der D. Morg. Ges. XLVI. 1892, p. 759. Compare a similar riddle drawn from a Jaina niryukti, ibidem, p. 612
18 Another short notice of Prof. Roth in reply to certain remarks of Böthlingk (ibidem, XLIII. p. 604) caused by comparison made by Prof. Piechel, also, though indireotly, refers to the Rig Veda. Der Book und das Messer, ibidem, XLIV. p. 871, Böhtlingk's answer is fonnd, ibidem, XLV. p. 493, and Prof. Pischel's, ibidem, p. 407.
18 Sikshdsangrah, a collection of SikahAs by Yajnavalkya and others, edited and annotated by Pandit Yugalasikhara Vyfsa. Benares, faso. I.-III. 1889-91. The Náradiyafikohd has been published in the Ush4, I. fasc. IV. Calcutta, 1890. Mr. Em. Sieg has edited the Bharadvajafikshd, cum' versione latina excerptis ex commentario adnotationibus criticis et exegeticis. Beirolini, 1892.
14 Katy iyana's Prátisakhya of the White Yajur Veia, with the commentary of Uvala, Benares, 1888. The Pratifikhya and the Charanavy dha had already been published by Prof. Weber in Vols. IV. and III. of the Indische Studien.
16 Das Jatipatala, eto., Leipzig, 1870. 16 Usha, 1. No. 2, Calcutta, 1890: The text is accompanied by the commentary of Gangadhara, Compare in
ject by a certain Madhusudana (a modern author, who gives himself out as a disciple and son of Krishna Draiplyana), the Ashtavikstivivsiti where the six last verses correspond to the end of the second text published by Dr. Thibaut.
19 Brihaddevata ; an index to the gods of the Rig Vede, by Saunaka Acharya. Edited by Bljendrala Mitra, fuso. I.-IV. Calcutta, 1889-92.
* One of them, the Anwaldnukramani, has been published by Prof. A. A. Maodonell at the end of the Sarvanukramant of Katy dyana, Oxford, 1886.

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entirely. The edition of Rajendrala Mitra will be welcomed as the last, but not the least, of the many services which the illustrious Hindu has rendered to the study of the antiquities of his native land.
The treatises, which we have hitherto been speaking of, are properly manuals. Their aim is, not to explain the texts, but to catalogue and fix certain facts presented by the texts. Further, this aim is still more specialized. Each treats of a single Veda, more strictly of a single súkhá or recension of a single Veda, and they deal with them from the point of view of a single order of facts, of one discipline. Quite different is the Nirukta of Yaska. Under the guise of a simple commentary on an elementary dictionary, and though its immediate object is the etymological explanation of the words, it is really a treatise on general exegesis, where all the resources of interpretation are employed, and these explanations, though the Rigveda occapies the chief place, cover the whole of the Veda. Of all the works of this kind which India has left us, it is the oldest and, at the same time, the most comprehensive. The admirable edition, too, which Prof. von Roth gave us nearly half a century ago, marks one of the great epochs in the history of Vedic studies. The new edition, enriched with the commentaries and all sorts of matter derived from native tradition, which, Pandit Satyavrata Samabramin undertook in 1881 in the Bibliotheca Indica is now, I suppose, completed. 19 The fifth and sixth parts of the last volume contain the index and further a longer pieoe, Niruktálochana or "reflexions on the Nirukta," which is continued in the seventh, and is completed, I sappose, in the eighth, and in which the editor examines in detail all the qnestions which are connected more or less closely with the Nirukta. Satyavrata Såmasramin is a bhattacharya or doctor, and a sámavedin or follower of the Sámaveda by descent and profession. His training is founded, at least in the first instance, on the native tradition, and among living scholars, he is certainly one of the best specimens that the native system of education has produced. But at the same time he has a very open mind, in no way inaccessible to influences from without. It is hard to say how far he has a direct knowledge of the works of Earopean scholars. He mentions only Wilford, Wilson, Goldstücker, and Böhtlingk; for the edition of the Nirukota he bas used that of Roth. Bat we easily see that, directly or indirectly, he has made himself quite familiar with the chief results of their works. His position with regard to them is remarkably free and untrammelled. He criticizes them, adopts their opinions, or more frequently rejects them with complete independence. There is in him no trace of blind hostility, or of a gloomy and stern orthodoxy, even in face of those solutions which shock his most cherished convictions. He has gained a sufficiently clear notion of history and its requirements, and his evident intention is to use & strictly historical method and in this succeeds, but in his own way, though not without some misunderstandings (such as might happen even to European scholars), Lat with singular skill. His manner of explanation, moreover, though it is native, and on occasion uses the peculiar forms of Hindu logic, comes very near onr own methods. These “Considerations" if translated into some generally understood European language would make a very respectable appearance, and were very likely writter in part at least for Western readers. It would be a great pity if they were to remain unread here. They contain, in fact, a complete view of all the sacred literature of India, in broad ontlines (though abounding in details) from the point of view of Hinda, or rather Vedic, orthodoxy, by a native scholar, who is at once conservative and daring; and this summary, however strange its conclusions may sometimes appear, is so noteworthy, both for what it gives up and what it retains, that at the risk of wandering far from the Rigveda, and returning to it only after a long digression, I think it my daty to give at least a short summary of it bere. To save time, I shall confine myself to stating the views of the author without attempting to discuss them. I shall pass quickly over theories, which when stripped of their details are of importance only to Hindus; and even then the digression will be long enough.
11 The Nirukta with Commentaries, Vol. IV. fasc. 1.-VIII., Caloutta, 1888-1800. The eighth part, the last I suppose of the work, has been published, but has not reached me.

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The author has divided his essay into twelve questions, which taken together with their answers make as many chapters. 1. What is the Nirukta? - By Nirukta, properly "explanation of the meaning of words," we must understand here the second part of a book, whose first part is a dictionary, called Nighantu. The Nirukta is the commentary to the Nighantu. 2. To which of these two parts does the appellation Vedánga belong? To the Nirukta and to the Nirukta alone. The Nighantu is of a still higher authority, and is inferior only to the Mantras and equal to the Brahmanas, from which it differs only in the way it has been handed down to us. 3. Who is the author of the book? The Nighantu is contained in its entirety in the Brahmanas, so to say in a state of diffusion. Like them, it cannot be assigned to a definite author, and if we must name some author, we must go up as far as the prajapati Kasyapa. As to the Nirukta, is it the work of Yâska ? 4. Who was this Yaska? We have no direct evidence as to his personality; he tells us nothing of his name or family. Tradition alone informs us that he was of the gotra of Yâska, a Pâraskara, that is to say, a native of Pâraskara or a descendant of a Paraskara, probably also a descendant of another Yâska named in the Satapatha Brahmana and a follower of the Yajurveda. 5. Was Yâska a rishi, or inspired author? He was not a rishi in the first degree, like those who "saw" (revealed) the Mantras. Further he was not a rishi in the second degree, like those who pablished the Brahmaņas. He was not even a rishi in the third degree, like the authors of the Vedangas, to whom that title is also given; because his book, though rightly regarded as a Vedanga, is not one of the primitive Vedangas, such as the Grammar of Pânini;20 for they are enumerated in it as being six in all, the Nirukta itself included. It is therefore only by an extension of the term that we can give to Yaska the title rishi; properly speaking he was a muni, and áchárya, a sage or teacher. 6. What portion of the Nirukta goes back to Yâska ?- The first twelve books; the two last books are Parisishtas, or later additions. At the time of Sayana the fourteenth book had not been finally incorporated with the work; at the time of Devaraja, the oldest commentator known, the uncertainty extended to the thirteenth book; at Patanjali's time these two books were not yet in existence. 7. What is the date of Yâska? Unfortunately there are no historical works in India, and it is hardly likely that there ever were any. There are many stories in the Veda, but they are only allusions, examples, comparisons brought in without any connexion, sometimes simply allegories. No intelligent man will look on the Mahabharata as historical, still less the Puranas and Upapuranas. It will not do to use, for the ancient period, the commentators, like Shadgurusishya, for example, who has no notion of the gross historical anachronism he commits by confounding the rishi Saunaka of the Rigveda with the Saunaka, who had to do with the transmission of the Mahábhárata and the Harivansa.
One work, and one only, the Rájatarangin, can afford any satisfaction to those who are desirous of learning the truth about ancient India, but unfortunately it deals only with the kings of Kasmir. As to the other works whose supposed authority has been appealed to so rashly, such as the Kathúsaritságara, and its prototype, the Brihatkatha of Gunâdhya, in which Katyayana, though later than Pânini by a thousand years, is yet reckoned as his contemporary, they are a mere tissue of imposture. Books like these deserve no better fate than to be thrown into the fire, now that they have unfortunately escaped the destiny that was properly theirs, suppression at the moment of their origin. Under these conditions, all researches of this kind must be very difficult and uncertain. We must take indirect and unconnected pieces of evidence, bring them face to face with one another, join them together, and proceed, as it were, by feeling our way, at the risk of stumbling at every step. With this method, and with all these reserves before our mind, the following account seems most
20 The Grammar of Panini, newly edited and translated by Geheimrath von Böhtlingk, Leipzig, 1886-7, is at present being translated in India: The Ashtadhyay of Panini, translated into English by Srisa Chandra Vasu (Book I.), Allahabad, Indian Press, 1891. The translator gives most of the varttikas and adds the Kisika vritti. Another English translation by Mr. Goonetilleke (I have only seen the first part) does not seem to have been continued. On Panini and his system, see Bruno Liebich, Panini Ein Beitrag Zur Kenntniss der indischen Literatur und Grammatik, Leipzig, 1891.

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likely. Yaska is clearly anterior to the Mahabharata, where he is mentioned. He is also anterior to Patañjali, the author of the Mahábhúshya, who used his Nirukta, and who is himself older than the Mahabhárata. This Patañjali, the author of the Mahabháshya, quite distinct from his namesake, the very much older author of the Yogasátras, must be placed between the invasion of Alexander and the foundation of Påtaliputra, and as, according to him, this city was still in his time situated on the Sona, while in the time of Chandragupta, according to contemporary evidence, ai the Ganges alone flowed past it, his probable date is about 450 B.C. All the arguments for a later date (and the author discusses nearly every one of them) are to be rejected. Before Patañjali there comes our present Code of Manu, which he quotes without naming it. This Manusarhitá is a recast of much older stras, such as those of the Manavas, and would more correctly be called the Bhrigusamkita, from the name of its real author, a Bhrigo, who must not be confounded with the rishis who bear the same name. It is anterior to the preaching of Buddhism and the rise of the doctrine of ahinsa (respect for everything endowed with life) by not less than two cectaries, since it comes before the Ramayana, which is itself pre-Buddhistic and quotes Manu. Since, further, it ignores the "Saiva worship, which we know by the positive testimony of the Rájatarangin (!) to have flourished from the eighth century B. C., we cannot go far wrong in putting it in the ninth or tenth century. Now Yaska is older than this Janusanhitd, for he agrees with it, without mentioning or quoting it; the Manu, the author of a smriti, whom he does know, is quite different and much older. Yâska is older also than Kâtyâyana, the author of várttikas, who may be the same as the author of the Prátisákhya of the White Yajurveda, but who must at all events be kept separate from the more ancient author of the Srautasútra of the same Veda, and whom we may admit to have lived about 1300 B. C. But Yåska is later than Panini, the author of the famous grammar and father of all grammar (before him there was no vyákarana), who must be placed about a thousand years earlier, about 2300 B. C.22 Between Yaska and Paņini there comes again Vyadi, the author of the Saragraha and the Vikritavalli, and his teacher Saunaka, the author of the pikprátisákhya, quite distinct from the other Saunakas, who are rishis: (all the Prátiśákhyas are later than Pånini). Yaska himself must have been preceded by Påņini by three or four centuries, and perhaps may be placed approximatively about 1900 B. C. Before Påņini there lived the heroes celebrated in the Mahábhírata, and the authors of the original sútras of the six schools of philosophy and of the ritual sútras. Beyond these, there are only the inspired prophets of the Veda. 8. What is the Niruleta ? - The interpretation of the Veda. 9. What is the Veda ? - The Veda is the revealed "science"; it is composed of two parts: mantra and brahmana. As the word veda is met with in all the collections of Mantras, and as these are anterior to the Brahmaņas, it is clear that this word, like most of its synonyms, originally meant only the Mantras, and that it was only at a later time extended to the explanatory portions. The author then discusses the synonyms of the word veda: śruti, ámndya, tray, names which are later, and the second of which, amnaya, has been extended by usage to books, which, strictly speaking, do not form part of the Veda. The third trayi, properly trayi vidya, "the triple science," is applied to the three kinds of Mantras, which are either sich "verse, or yajus "prose," or sdman "melody," and it is a mistake to see in this expression the proof that for ages there were only three Vedas, to which was added, in much later times, a fourth, the Atharvaveda. The two phrases the four Vedas" and trayi vidya denote absolutely the same thing the Vedas in their entirety; the one phrase referring to the arrangement, the other to the form. For the Veda is in reality one, whether in the form of sich, yajus or sáman, and originally formed one whole. It was the rishi Atharvan, the first originator of the
21 Among these our author seems to rockon the Mudrarakshasa! It is well known that Megasthenos places the city at the meeting of the two rivers.
12 To justify this thousand years betweeu Panini and Katyayana, the author appeals, among other arguments, to the differences between the lauguage of the two, and discusses in this connexion the phrase devinimpriya, as M. Sylvain Levi has done more recently (Jour. Asiat. Nov.- Dec. 1891, p. 519), but who arrives, as we see, at quite different results.

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sacrifice, who divided this whole according to the requirements of the sacrifice. He made in this way a first collection for the use of the hotri priest, the Riksarhit ; & second for the use of the adhvaryu priest, the Yajussanhtitá; a third for the udgátri, the Sámasa hita, and a fourth collection containing what the superintending priest the Urahman, had to know in addition to the three first, the Atharvaņasoihita, correctly so called by the name of the originator himself. To each of these collections there corresponds a collection of injunctions and explanations, which is its Brahmaya, Samhita and Brâhmaga together forming the Rigveda, the Yajurveda, the Sâmaveda, and the Atharvaņaveda. Then comes a discussion of the other synonyms of the veda : ckhandas, svedhyâya (properly that portion of the scriptures, varying with each individual, which every orthodox believer must repeat and study),úgama and nigama. The last term denotes. strictly speaking, a passage quoted for explanation, or as an authority. The Brahmaņas are therefore really commentaries on passages taken from the Mantras, which are their nigamas ; later on they, in turn, served as nigamus to still more recent explanations. From the Veda considered as a whole the essayist goes on to treat of its two parts, mantra and brahmana. He discusses the word mantra and mentions the different kinds of mantrus: invocation, prayer, praise, wish, etc. The collection of the mantras of each Veda is its Samhita. It admits three chief modes of recitation (pathu): in a continuous text, sannhitápátha; with division of the words padapátha; with repetition and interlacing of the words, kramapátha; this last mode is in torn sub-divided into eight viksitis, or varieties, as the repetition and interlacing are more or less complicated. In the progress of time and as a result of the accidents inseparable from tradition, there have crept into these samhitas certain minute variations, which form the different sakhas, or “branches." One áákhd of a Veda is not merely a portion of that Veda or a chapter of it; it is the whole of that Veda, and whoever has studied one súkhá of the Rigveda, for example, can be at rest in his mind; he has studied the whole Rigveda. A dog whose tail has been cut off is not the less the same dog. A more deeply reaching distinction exists only in the case of the Yajurveda, where several bakhás make up the White Yajurveda, and the others the Black Yajurveda. In this way the number of Sanhitás is in reality five, not four.23 Among these Sasihitás an attempt has been made to establish a certain succession in time; that of the Rigveda would be the oldest ; those of the Saman and Yajus would seem to have been extracted later on, either in whole or in part; that of the Atharvan would be a parisishļa, or supplement to the rest; in the Riksanlita itself, the second mandala would appear to be a secondary addition; the tenth a still later addition. If a merchant brings to market various kinds of fruits, to sell them more readily, he will divide them into as many heaps as there are kinds of fruit. Must we say that this or that heap has been made earlier or later than any other P No doubt the fruits themselves were not grown all at once, but the division took place at one time. In the same way we may grant that such and such a mantra was "seen" after such and such another; but their distribution between the various sarhitás was the work of one and the same arranger. From the first part of the Veda, the mantras, our anthor passes to the second the brihmaņa. This is either a command and declaration (vidhi) or an explanation and development (arthavada), terms which he examines at great length, both with regard to their use and the subdivisions which they include. The Urdhmanas must not be confused with the anubrahmaņas, which are simply imitations of the brahmanas, and have only a certain likeness to them (bráhmanasail risa).
The anubráhmanas are nearly all lost; the substance of them has passed in the Vedanyas, the Mimáinsd, the Itihasas, and the Purúnas. But parts of the an ubrahmaņas of the Sámaveda have been preserved (not to speak of what has been collected from this source in the Nidarasitra): they are the minor Brahmanas of this Veda. Sayaņa, it is true, took them for real
23 The author does not say anything more on this head, notably he does not explain the mixture of mantra and brahmana, which marks the 4khde of the Black Yajurveda. The state of matters is not absolutely incompatible with his views, but would have interfered with the apparent cogency of his demonstration. This and another which we shall noto further ou, is the only point of importance, which he may be said to have passed over intentionally.

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bráhmaņas. This is because Sayana was not professionally a sámavedin. He did not receive his knowledge of this Veda from the mouth of a gurit. The commentary then, which he coinpiled, as best he could, is not a real sú mavedabháshya in the eyes of the sámuvedins, but a mere piece of of schoolboys' work. The brahmana portion of the Veda has given rise, no less than the mantra portion, to erroneous speculations. Thus, with regard to the branyakas it has been maintained that they cannot have more than a single book (adhyaya), that they are nothing but parisishtas of the brahmanas, that they are later than Pâņini, that they do not form a part of the Veda. All this, unfortunately, shews that the knowledge of the Veda is dying out. If the precepts which enjoin the study of the whole text were still held in reverence, and not in words only, it would he recognised that there is not a single áranyaka which does not possess more than one book, that they are not found solely in the brahmanas, and that one of them is a part of the Sámisarihita. Pâņini, it is true, teaches that the derivative dranyaka is said of a man, to designate him as an inhabitant of the forest, which has called forth the remark of Kåtyîyana that the same derivative may be used also of a road, an elephant, and of certain chapters (of the Veda). All that we may fairly draw from this is, that, at the time of Påņini, the word was not yet used to designate writings of this kind. To infer that these works were not yet in existence, would be the same as to say that in his time there were neither forest-roads, nor wild elephants. And it is just as hasty to exclude the áranyakas from the Veda by means of a false interpretation of a passage of Manu.24 There are, no doubt, aranyakas which are questionable or notoriously spurious, like those of the fifth book of the Aitareya Aranyaka. That only proves that the brahmanas, as well as the mantras, have their khilas, unauthentic supplements, about which in other respects, however, tradition has never been entirely mistaken. No less daring opinions have been expressed with regard to the upanishads, which commonly form part of the aranyakas, but several of which are to be found in the brahmanas and even in the sahitás. The Upanishads would thus be later than Påņini, because he does not teach that this word is used to denote certain parts of the Veda. But Katyayana and Patañjali have not taught this either, nor have many other grammarians, some of whom are quite modern. Shall we be coza pelled to say that for this reason the Upanishads are very recent works? Doubtless, there are ananthentic Upanishads, composed in imitation of the ancient, to give more credit to certain doctrines, as for example, the Rámalápaní. There are also some palpable forgeries like the alla Upanishad, which cannot deceive any one. But those which form an integral part of the Vedic books are quite as authentic as those books themselves. Those PÅņini not only knew, but he knew the imitations of them, since he teaches the formation of a special and compound upanishatkritya, to denote these imitations.. Besides this, Paņini mentions the Bhilshusútras, which, if they are not our present Vedántasútras are at any rate their source, and most like the Vedantasútras have been based on the Upanishads. Lastly, Yâska knew and used the name upanishad, and Yâska is older than Pâņini, according to these same critics. How do they get out of this?
10. What is the age of the Veda P - All tradition teaches that the Veda is apaurusheya, that it is not the work of man. It exists from all eternity in the mind of the divinity: the wise men, who have revealed it to us have seen it, did not make it. That being the case, it is useless to look for its origin. But even if we admit, as the most ancient texts lead us to suppose, that these sages, who must be thought of as living in time, were themselves the real authors of it, its origin would not be more easily determined on that account. We have seen above that Panini must have lived about 2300 B. C., or in the first thousand years of the current yuga. Before him there lived the authors of the Kramapátha, such as Babhravya ; before them, the authors of the Padapatha, such as 'SAkalya; before them again the anthors of treatises like the Riktantra, Sakatayana and others, and still further removed at the beginning of the yuga (3102 B. O.) the editors of the Kalpasútras. Then come, always
* The passage in question is Manu, IV. 123, where we read the well-known prohibition to reciting the rich and yajus verses where the saman vores are being sung. Our author sees in this a prohibition to recite the one immediately after the recitation of the others, and explains it by the desire of Manu to spare the priest the painful effort of altering his voice from the seven accents of the aimons, to the three accents of the other texts.

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going back, the rishis, the authors of the anubrahmanas, such as Kusuruvinda, and, before them, those who composed our actual brahmanas, such as Mahidasa and many others. With these, we are fully into another yuga, perhaps even in another kalpa (at least 4,300,000 B. C.) But before them appeared the authors of the slokas, anuslokas and gáthás, which have been worked up in the brahmaņas. Before these latter again, there was a period in which all that doctrine was in a state of scattered tradition, of simple sayings (pravida, whence the corresponding designation of bruti, which has remained). And that age itself was preceded by another, in which the sacrifice was instituted, and in which Atharvan, once for all, constituted the sannhitás. But these, again, were preceded by smaller collections, the mandalas, suktas, etc., which in turn presupposed the composition of mantras by a long series of fishis. Who would venture, at such remote periods, to dream of a chronology? All chronological research sets out from certain precise data, and here we have none. The very names of the rishis, which have been handed down, are often fictitious, as for example the names of divinities; others, that have the look of being real names, such as Vasishtha and Bhrigu, are, for us, outside of all time; others, again, like Visishtha and Kaśyapa, are family names, which tells us absolutely nothing. In this connexion, the essayist says, I, too, am a Kasyapa, my father was a Kaśyapa, and my son and grandson will also be Kasyapas. And what is true of the mantras is true also of the brahmanas. All we can say is that they are later than the mantras, and that some of their parts are earlier, or later, than some other of their parts. But to wish to assign to a single one of these parts a definite epoch, is to be misled by a will of the wish. In the Aitareya Brahmana, for instance, mention is made of a Janamejaya, son of Parikshit. Some have wished to identify him with the king of the Mahabhárata, the great-grandson of Arjuna, and have made the deduction that the brihmana is several centuries later than the great war. But, in that case, it would be nearly of the same age as Pâqini, which is impossible after what has been said. Similarity of name loes not imply identity of person, or we would need to admit that the mantras of the Rigveda which mention a Bhoja, are later than Uvatta, who wrote a commentary on the Vedas under King Bhoja. You cannot roast a fowl and make it lay eggs at the same time. In the same way a false conclusion has been drawn from a sútra of Påņini, 25 and a corresponding várttika of Katyayana, that the Satapathabráhmana was then quite new, while these texts shew that, in reality, then, as now, certain brahmanas were recognized, not as absolutely recent, but as more recent than other brahmaņas.
11. What are the subjects treated in the Nirukta ? -- Here the seventh part comes to an end. This question, as well as the twelfth and last, to the commentators on the Nirukta and their date will fill the eighth part, which is published, but has not reached me. In the course of this analysis I have refrained from pointing out the many cases in wbich the arguments of the worthy áchdrya seem unsound; it is equally useless to insist upon the extreme demand made on our powers of belief, which he makes on us with respect to a past, which, by his own confession, las no bistory. I shall only add a single remark here. The author does not say a word as to the part that writing must have played in all this; and this is the other noteworthy, if intentional, omission I have found. All that we find on this point is a passing remark that in the "time of the rishis" writing was not used. According to him we are therefore compelled to believe, on the one hand, in the purely oral origin and transmission of this long series of Vedic works without any overlapping, each of them fixed in all its parts, before the composition of the following one, and on the other hand, in the employment of writing in India, some two or three thousand years before our era. Some words of explanation would have been necessary on both heads. To give some idea of the abundance of details presented by the essay which have had to be sacrificed here, I must add that the portion analysed numbers 176 pages and that the acharya writes tersely.
Returning after this long digression to the exegesis of the Veda, I must notice in the
The often discussed rule IV. 8,166; the author always writes yijnavallyani brahmanani in place of the more correct reading yojnutalkini.

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first place, the continuation of the Vedic Stadies of Messrs. Pischel and Geldner.36 In & very careful introduction the authors give & resumé of the history of the interpretation of the Veda, and, while attempting to do justice to everybody, have done their best to define exactly the points in which they disagree with their predecessors. The general spirit of their attempt has been criticized by me on the appearance of the first series of studies. 37 We recognize here, too, the same knowledge of the texts, the same philological attempt to go deeply into things and give back to India, a book which, after all, belongs to India; we recognize also the same daring. As in the first part, each will find something to take and something to leave, among all those fragments which defy analysis by their very richness and variety. I shall take objection to two points only, where the anthors seem to me to go astray on topics which they dwell on at length; sport and hetaerae in the Veda. The reader is com. pelled to cherish doubts as to the constant devotion to equine amusements attributed to the Vedic poets, and still more the ease with which Dr. Geldner detects and explains the language of the turf of those distant times, when we have difficulty enough to understand that of to-day. As to courtesans, it is certain that neither the Dawn nor the Apsaras are represented as chaste wires, but to assume from them the existence of a widely developed system of hetaerae is to judge of a society too much by its nymphs and goddesses.
General and detailed criticisms on these Studies have been written by Profs. Oldenberg 38 and Colinet, 29 and Prof. Ludwig bas devoted to them a long essay, very learned bat very muddled and confused.30 With Messrs. Pischel and Geldner we always know at least what they mean and where they wish to lead us. Another essay of the same anthor directed chiefly against the Prolegomena of Prof. Oldenberg deals chiefly with the reconstruction of the text of the Rigveda.31 Here again the inherent difficulties of the subject do not seem to satisfy Prof. Ludwig, who writes as if with a determination to make his readers do penance.
Want of clearness is not the shortcoming of the work in which M. Hirzel has fallen on the remarkable idea of counting and classifying the comparisons and metaphors of the Rigveda, in order to establish thereby statistics of the occupations and favourite pursuits of the Vedic peoples. To lend greater probability to the investigation he has compared the corresponding results furnished by the Greek poets. Those who know what sort of progress has been made in the interpretation of the Veda, - how questions like that of the knowledge of the sen by the Hindus of that period are still under discussion, - can only look on this laborious attempt as nothing but the whim of a man who has time to lose. We are also in the domain of fancy, but another kind of fancy, with M. Brunnhofer.32 M. Brunnhofer, who combines wide knowledge with a great deal of imagination, starts with a very true conception, namely that differences of race and language have never been, either in the past or now, an unsuperable barrier between nations. But he has let himself be led astray by it, and after several stages, is completely in a dream-world. In his eyes, the Veda was composed by people who came from Afghanistav, Persia, Media, Parthia, the shores of the Caspian, from Ararat, the Caucasus, the Black Sea, from everywhere, perhaps even from India. He discovers in the Veda stanzas in the Zend
> Richard Piacbel and Karl F. Geldner, Vedische Studien. Erster Band, Stuttgart, 1889, Zweiter Band 1 Heft, ibid. 1892. 71 Tome XIX. p. 128.
- In the Götling Gel. Aru. 1890, No. 10. 30 Les principes de l'exegde vedique d'aprda MM. Piachel et K. Geldner. In the Musion, Vol. IX. (1890) pp. 250 and 372.
* Alfred Ludwig, Veber Methode bei Interpretation des Rigveda in the Abhandlungen of the Academy of Prague, 1890.
#1 Ueber die Kritik des Rigvedatertos, ibid. 1889.
89 Hermann Brunnhofer, Irun und Turan., Historische, geographische und ethnologische Unterrichungen über den ältesten Schauplats der Indischen Geschichte, Leipzig, 1889. Vom Pontus bis rum Indus, Historisch-geogra. phische und ethnologische Skizzen, Leipzig, 1890,- Culturwandel und Völkerverkehr, Leipsig, 1890. This last book, a collection of various essays, is of a loss special character. The following I do not know at first hand, but doubt if it is much more valuable : Vom Aral bis xur Ganga. Historisch-geographische und ethnologiache Skissen ur Urgeschichte der Menschheit, Leipzig, 1892.

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language, the key of the legend of Cyrus and Queen Tomyris, and quite recent recollections of the invasion of Semiramis. An Atreya has even preserved for us a tradition of the taking of Babylon by Zoroaster in the year 2458 B. C., at which this Atreya was present, and which is known only through him. We sometimes ask ourselves if the author is talking seriously, as when he asks the Russian Government to send a scientific expedition to the steppes of Turkestan, in order to study the phenomena of the mirage, and confirm his view that the Hindus have hence derived their ideas of the Pitsis, and of Mitra and Varuņa. In spite of the absolute want of sound general views M. Bronnhofer has a remarkable sagacity in dealing with points of detail, some of which are valuable.
The question of the connexion of the Vedic Hindus with the Iranian peoples has always attracted the attention of Prof. Weber, but without leading him into extravagances like those just mentioned. He has taken up the subject again in an essay 33 The essay is not confined to this question nor to the Rig Veda, as he endeavours to follow up the traces of the epic legend in the ritual literature (another series of questions which Prof. Weber was the first ta put), but the problem of the north-west is always present in some form or other. The whole essay is a model of erudition, and is full, thorough and exact, with several daring digressions, which open up long vistas into the past, but in which the use of hypothesis is never pushed beyond its proper limits. As regards the epic legends, the more they agree with what the · Veda has preserved or depart from it, the more we must, it seems, accustom ourselves to regardi
them, not as mere copies of these more ancient traditions but, with all the later systematisation, as a branch of parallel tradition, having in many cases a value of its own. As to these countries on the north-west frontier they seem to have been in the earliest times very much the same as we find them at various historical periods, in the middle ages for example, when the table-land of Iran was India Minor, and to a certain degree down to our own days. In every age the Pathậns have made inroads on India, either as invaders or by a process of slow and more or less peaceful infiltration, and in the early periods the Pathans were not Musalmans.
Other works deal with conceptions peculiar to the Rig Veda. M. Koulikovski has, ir this Review, made a study of a certain number of cpithets of Agni, and has built up, on a very slender basis, a whole pile of very liazardous conclusions as to the social and political organization of the Vedic tribes. M. Colinet has very carefully gathered together all the ideas bearing on the apper world.36 The almost unavoidable defect of an essay like this, is that, after reading it, we are hardly any further on than before. It was known that this upper world was the abode of the devas and the light, and it is easy to understand that it was also the abode of the pitsis and of Yama. But it is also the world of Soma, of the Apas, of Aditi, of the rita, of the asu, and of other beings, which should first of all be carefully determined, and M. Colinet doubtless does not flatter himself that he has always completely succeeded in this task. This would be to make clear the most obscure portion of the Veda. M. Ehni has made a study of Yama, and has endeavoured by comparison with corresponding figures in other mythologies to
23 Alb. Weber, Episcker im Vedischen Ritual in the Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Berlin, 23rd July 1891. In later C Y, Ueber BALI Balika, ib. 17th November 1892, Prof. Weber hins examined ufrush special case of these point of contact between India and Persia. We know that Bali and Bablika are in classical Sanskrit namen of Bactria and the Bactrians, and it is generally admitted that in this for these naines cannot go back further than the first centuries of our ero. Professor Weber enumerates the works which are reckoned old, in which these forms are found, among others the Varitikas of Katyfyana, and the Mahabhishya, which would thus be subsequent to the Christian era. But he agrees that Valhika, which is found in the Atharvathita and in the Sitapathabrahmana is a name of Hindu origin, and has nothing to do with Bactria, and ho citos cases whero the two orthographies have been confused. For another special case, that of the Yavanas, the Greek, see Sylvain Levy, Quid de Graecis veterum Indorum monumenta tradiderint, Paris, 1890, and a third essuy of Prof. Wober, Die Griechen in Indien in the same Sitaingsberichte, 17 July 1890.
4 Tome XX. p. 151, Les trois feux sacrés de Rig Veda.
85 Ph. Colinet, La nature du monde supérierer dans le Rig Veda in the Muséon, 1890. I have not yet seen another essay of M. Colinet on Aditi, which was presented to the Oriental Congress in London, 1892, Transactions, Vol. I. pp. 306-410. A firat sketch appeared in the Muséon, 1893: Etude sur le mot Aditi. M. Colinet holds that in the Rig Veda, the word Aditi is always the proper name of a goddess.

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reduce this conception to its origin in nature.36 Like many others he sees in Yama a solar hero, and we may accept this view, but I doubt if we can equally accept the further ideas which he adds of his own, of the rising sun, the sun in spring-time, the setting sun, the sun at night, ete. In a word, the book hardly marks any real advance.
In this respect the work of Prof. Hillebrandt on the Soma is very different.37 If there ever was a book to give hope to those who desire to see deeply into the Veda, it is this. The position which the author defends is a new one; it is of the very highest importance, since there is scarcely a hymn which it does not touch on more or less, and from which it does not remove some troublesome problem; to put it shortly, the correctness of the position is, in my opinion at least, pruved. In the whole Veda, Soma, not only, as was formerly believed, in a few lateus passages but in numberless places, designates the moon, conceived of as the recipient of the celestial soma, the food of the gouls, of which the terrestrial soma, offered in the sacrifice, is the symbol here on earth. These three meanings are nearly always present at one and the same time; in certain cases it is difficult to say that the text passes from one to the other, so closely are they interwoven, whether intentionally or simply in consequence of the long employment of the same formule. This fundamental proposition of Prof. Hillebrandt's book is laid before the reader with such & wealth of proof, is followed up so patiently in all its consequences and in its smallest details, that it must be received, in our opinion, as one of the most enduring conquests of Vedic philology. Henceforth, whenever the celestial soma and its peculiar attributes are discussed, we shall know where to look for it. The terrestrial soma is treated as carefully as its celestial liomonym. The description of the plant, the preparation of the sacred liquor, the utensils employed, the use made of it in the sacrifice (no doubt in daily lifo too), are examined in detail, and determined as accurately as the texts will permit, which refrain intentionally from definite expressions. If I had any doubts to give utterance to, it would be in regard to the secondary positions taken up in the book, where a whole series of other divine figures are more or less identified with the mnoun. In the case of Visvarðpa, the son of Tvashțri, the sun, who is the moon conceived of as a demon, I think that Prof. Hillebrandt is successful; I am doubtful ns to Brishaspati and Apám, napât, who are rather other forms of Agni, though both names do occasionally mean Soma. To shew too ready an acceptation of syncretism in the Veda, is to bring everything into confusion. Mach less still am I persuaded that Yama, who is also an offspring of the san, was ever the moon. Bat it is difficult to make a discovery and not overstep its limits a little. Among the points where Prof. Hillebrandt goes too far, there is one, however, which I cannot pass over in silence, recurring as it does over and over again. In his view tho Vedie religion, from being solar, became a lunar religion. This, I think, is far from the case, and it became the one, jnst as little as it ever was the other, If the rishis of the Veda had been worshippers of the Sun, the Moon, the Fire, they would have told us so in clearer terme, and Prof. Hillebrandt's discovery would have been made long ago. This discovery throws a new light, not so much on the religious ideas of the rishis, as on the origins, or some of the origins, of these ideas, as well as the origins of the practical part of their worship, and of the forms in which they clad their thoughts. The service which he has done is too great for us to spoil it by pushing it too far,
26 I. Ehni, Der redische Mythur der Yama, verglichen mit den analogen Typen der persischen, griechischen, und germanischen Mythologie, Strassburg, 1890.
Alfred Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie. Erster Band, Soma und verwandte Götter. Breslan, 1891.
Professor Hillebrandt ranke me along with those who defend this view, and I cannot blame him for doing so, Mince it is expressed in my Religions of India, and, up to the present I have nowhere formally withdrawn it. But, in fnet, I have long ceased to hold it, and have arrived at opinions which are fundamentally the same as those of Prof. Hillebrandt, and that partly for the same reasons - the identity of the ambita and of the soma, and the constant helief of the Hindus which places the food of the gods within the moon. If, as I suppose, the second of my book simply repeats on this point the first edition: this second edition is quite unknown to me; ap to this moinent I have not even seen a copy of it. Such a thing could not have bappened in the life of the late Mr. Nicholas Trübner, who had both learning and delicate taste. If the present managers of the firm think that a book on India can be reprinted after six years without additions or alterations, the next French edition will undeeeive thom.

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and trying to find out, for example, in the midst of Vedic surroundings, fully developed moon festivals. For those who composed these songs, Soma and Agni had long ceased to be the moon or the fire and had become aniversal principles of life, just as Indra and Varuņa had ceased to be the sky, and had become celestial kings, to be in turn drawn into and lost in the eddies of mystical speculation. The incoherences of the language of the hymns would have no meaning, if not this.
Here I could close the list of works on the Rigveda, the least pretentious of which serve some purpose. But, however, unwillingly I find myself compelled to return to the works of M. Regnaud and speak of them at some length. M. Regnand, like many others, feels very keenly the imperfection of the state of Vedic studies, and cherishes the very praise worthy desire of finding a remedy. But I must confess that he seems to me to be on a completely wrong track. In the previous Report (T. XIX. p. 127) I mentioned two of these essays, which have appeared in this Review, and tried to say in a few words all the good I could say of them, perhaps a little too much. I also took exception to some things, to which M. Regnaud replied on p. 318. In these criticisms of mine he imagined he saw the effect of advancing age, and from a motive of kindliness, for which I tender him my thanks, he expresses his regret that I have passed the age of fifty. This I regret I feel as keenly, perhaps more even than he, but I do not think that my years have at all affected my criticism of his work. Bat if I had any doubt on this point, M. Regnaud himself. would have removed it. On this same page 348 he has given us again a specimen of his method. He asks how the epithet hotri, the name of a class of priests, could have been given to Agni. The best means of learning this would surely be to investigate the functions of the hotri, to examine, with this end in view, the innumerable passages in which the word is found, to find out also if Agni has not other similar epithets, such as neshtri, potri, adhvaryu, etc. M. Regnand's method is more expeditious; he is content with knowing that the word "rests on two roots originally identical both in sense and form, meaning - (burn, shine, manifest) make to understand, 3 pour ont, scatter, etc.," and the thing is done. Frankly, I do think that even at twenty I should have been too old for a method like this. I am not able to review in detail, in this place, these Vedic studies, which are besides already quite fsiliar to the readers of this Review.co They consist uniformly of a "preface on method," as if there were & pecnliar method for the Rigveda) followed by translations of whole hymns or isolated passages. What this method precisely is would be difficult to say at a first view in a few words. We see chiefly that M. Regnaud claims to continue the work of Bergaigne; that the Rigveda has been little understood because varions bad systems have been applied to its interpretation; that this would be altered with a good system ; that the Rigveda is a primitive book, the most primitive we can imagine, one in which nothing is fixed, but in which everything, both ideas and language is in process of formation; that it also may not be primitive in its entirety, we must always take care to be in the vanguard, and be on the outlook against what perhaps will be the opinion current to-morrow), but that it is absolutely primitive in its materials, (bat where we are to draw these materials from is not said). All this is, at first sight, a little confased ;41 evidently the correct method is as yet only in its beginnings. As to translation, we see that on the other band this is very simple : we have only to depart as much as may be from our predecessors, to frame our etymologies according to linguistic theories which are not approved of, as far as I can see, by the students of language, and without any great care for the rudimentary principles of philology. It is not sound philology, for instance, to translate dakshina, by offering, which is not a ima neyópevov, beca ose it is certainly allied with the root dde-ins to give, make an offering, or in verse 7,4 to make parikshitos a simple adjective, with the meaning,"containing, enclosing," and further in the locative case from the mere desire of change, and contrary to all feeling for the usages of
- Rather "call"; the meanings which I have put within brackets do not exist either in classical Sanskrit nor in the Vedic language.
40 T. XXI. pp. 63, 801 ; XXII. p. 302; XXIII. p. 508 ;-XXV. P 65; XXVI. p. 48. 41 Though very well pat, M. Regnaud's powers as a dialectician are not in question here. +7 Ry. I. 123, 1. T. XXI. p. 70, das does not exist.
. 45 Rv. I 128, 7, ibid. p. 81.

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the language. But this mode of procedure is comparatively harmless when M. Regnaad has to deal with a fully commented text as here, though even then it sometimes plays him a bad trick. Further on, for instance," he takes Hymn III. 1, which has been translated and annotated in the Vedic Studies by Prof. Geldner, to whom, we may mention, he deigns to give a certificate for proficiency in grammar, such as he has given to Bergaigne. Prof. Geldner thinks he sees in this hymn a very clear distinction between the celestial and the terrestrial Agni, and has naturally drawn a little on his imagination, for things like that are never clear in the Veda. M. Regnaud, who, from the first, holds fast by his "system," and will not hear of a celestial Agni at any price, thinks he sees in it only the terrestrial Agni, the fire on the altar, and, as a matter of course, composes another romance. Let us admit that his notion is the better of the two; all that I wish to do is to shew, by an example, at what price he has gained it, and what confidence we can have in its author. In the socond verset gih becomes a masculine, which it certainly is not here, becanse of the formula in which it occurs ; vardhatán, a middle form, is translated like a causative; the division of the pá das is neglected in the most awkward way ;46 at the same time the question whether the priest who recited the hymn also fed the fire is got over very summarily;47 lastly duvasyan, which is a third person plural (it has no accent), is taken as a participle, and, I am very much afraid, a future participle, which would be one barbarism more. All this in nine words, because M. Regnaud has understood Prof. Geldner's German quite as little as the Sanskrit original. As methods go this is one, but not a good one, I shall only mention the strange interpretation of VIII., 102 (91), 4, where Aurva becomes the outpoured butter, metaphorically personified. Bhrigu, the flame also personified, and Apnavana, another metaphorical synonym of fire which M. Regnaud refrains for the moment from explaining, but for which he will certainly have an explanation ready when wanted. And they were not only such in their origin, to be re-discovered now by the clear eyes of M. Regnaud; they were 80 for the fishi too, who could recite without a laugh ; "I invoke the fire, as Butter poured forth, as Flame, as Fire (invoke it)." Daring as this may seem, M. Regnaud affords us plenty more examples ; for, in the meantime, the "system" has been brought to perfection and reduced to a formula; the key of the Veda has been detected and M. Regnaud does not need to take any further precautions. This key is, that there are no deities in the Rigveda, there are only two igneous elements, fire and an inflammable liquid, agri and soma, whose constant union is the sole theme of the rishis; all the rest is delusion and rhetoric. Like most wrong-headed. ideas, it has not sprung up of itself, but has its origin in a grain of truth. It has long been noticed that divine personages are not always taken seriously as such in the Veda, and that the sacrifice is at least as much an opus operans as an opus operatum, and that not in the sense in which every act of witchcraft is, but as a primitive rite, anterior to every thing, and rendering the gods, in a way, superfluous. A whole school of the Mimamså went, in this respect, quite as far as M. Regnaud : for them the gods existed only in the sabda (we would say in the letter) of the Veda. And so in spite of their scrupulous piety in the ritual, they were looked on as atbeists. This, in the rishis, has been called syncretism, and has been regarded as the result of advanced speculation, acting on a religion, which was in process of dissolution, not of formation. In M. Regoaad's view, it is quite the other way; it is neither syncretism, nor mysticism, nor speculation of any sort, the simple union of the fire and the liquid batter is the primitive germ, the key of the Veda, and of all Indo-European mythology. To attain this result, we must first clear the ground a little. If there are no gods, it is clear we cannot speak of believ
* T. XXII. p. 802.
45 T. XXII. p. 311. " Still more so in the second half verae, where nearly every word is taken wrongly, tidatha, among the rest, whose etymology M. Regnaud fancies he has proved, without having been able to convince any one else of its truth.
•T TO M. Regpand this presents no difficulty, but with the standpoint which he occupies, is there anything that presents a difficulty ?
T. XXXIII. p. 318. 41 This tastefal interpretation is only a part of a long proof of how the myth of Aurva took its rise in the misunderstanding of this verse, where the appearance of such-like misapprehensions is exhibited as a discovery. Does M. Regnaud not know this is as old as the beginning of Vedic studies P Can be have forgotten the god Ka?

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ing and having confidence in them. We are next told that the word śruddhú,60 by which this sentiment is expressed in the Veda, has not this meaning, that theological61 faith is too abstract A notion, and savours too much of reflection for so early a book, where everything is simple, material, and tangible; that sraddha here means what it has never meant since the existence of language in India, "gift, offering." This M. Regnaud tries to prove by the Latin credere, "whose primitive meaning is, without doubt, to give, restore, trust;"52 by means of tuo signification of the roots élath, árath and áran, variants of árad..... which mean to send, restore, detach, etc.,53 by “the constant use of the derivative (or the variant)64 óráddha in the ritual and technical sense of a libation made to the manes :"65 in a word, by a succession of translations, which M. Regnaud looks on as "perfectly convincing," but which will be accepted by no Vedic scholar. If there are no gods, there must consequently be no prayers. And, in reality there are none: as he shews us further on, 58 not by a "detailed proof," which would be too long, but by a method of procedure 'which " very happily" leads to the same result av much less cost." Ninety-nine per cent. of the Veda has, it is true, very much the look of being prayers; there is nothing, it would seem, that the gods are not asked to grant or to avert. These are all merely phrases, or passages which have been wrongly understood. The texts are as clear as day, we must only torture them to understand them. The whole of this article is simply topsy-turvy. How can I prove to M. Regpaud, if he will not see it, that tam ma sarh srija varchaså means "(Agội) grant me splendour," and not " (Agni) make me flow on with thee," that is to say, "cause that which I am making flow, to flow," ? that san. má agne varchasi srija sam prajayd sam dyushá, means "Agni, grant me splendour, offspring, a long life" and not "Agni, make me fow on by thy splendour, by thy production, by thy warmth" ! that I. 23, 22, means "O Waters, carry off whatever evil has been done by me whatever violence I have committed, or what I have sworn falsely” and not "O Waters (which I make flow on), carry off all what in me is difficult of approach (let not that flow on which I do not cause to flow) or what I have hemmed in (prevented from flowing on) or what I have closed in, inasmuch as I have not caused it to flow on.57 "The root bap," says M. Regnaad, on this, “is generally taken to mean 'swear, curse. It has this meaning, it is true, in the classical literature, but from a wrong interpretation of its Vedic meaning. Sap, for échap, seems to be a doublet of kshap, which means that which covers, envelops,' or • darkness, night;' compare the Greek Kéras, ckéw, okutátu etc." M. Regnaud often appeals to Bergaigne. Now, if he can shew me, in all Bergaigne's works, a single specimen of sleight of hand like this, I shall consent, from henceforward, to admit that he is right in the whole question.
At this point we have come, for this time at least at the end of this long and doleful journey in the realm of absurdity, and are now in a position to read with advantage the volume in which M. Regnaud bas embodied his most recent researches.58
4 T. XXV. p. 61.
A great deal can be done with words in ical. No body ever took sraddha in the Veda for faith in the sense of Bt. Paul or St. Augustine. But I cannot see that there is anything so subtle in it when reduced to the simple act
non-belief in the power or the existence simply cf such and such a god. The most primitive tribe we may imagine had neighbours who did not believe in their gods (of course if they had some) and the Vedio rishis were in this position, they knew peoples who were anindrah " who did not honour Indra."
63 "To give," of course, but to give of trust; debitum is always the correlative of creditum. As Which assumes for sraddhd somothing like the meacing of "the deposition of the gift," or something similar.
Again an inaccuracy. Sraddha is surely a derivative and nothing but a derivative. But then it is clear that the original and the derivative cannot both mean "gift."
Here, as always, an inncouracy. Braddha means the whole ceremony, which is very complicated, never a libution, a single offering. M. Regnaud woull have made a point by paying attention to this, for this would have let him Iplain fraddha by " the ceremony which has to do with tho offerings." But habit is a second nature. # T. XXVI. p. 48. The bracketted words are added by me, and are taken from the annotations of M. Reguaad.
Rig Veda et les origines de la mythologie indo-européenne. Première partie (forining the first volume of the Bibliothèque d'études in the Annales du Musée Guimet), Paris, 1892.

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Shall I give an analysis of this work, the result of hasty studies, carried on from hand to month, but with a great air of confidence, which we are, nevertheless, tempted sometimes to look on as a prolonged mystification? As to matter or method, we do not learn anything which we did not know before; the fire and a liquid, their union or, rather, mutual transformation, in the flame of the altar, the liquid becoming fire and the fire becoming liquid : the whole horizon of the authors of the Veda is bounded by this; they see and seek for nothing beyond. They sit bept before the fire like alchymists, intent on their magnum opus, but a magnum opus which seems to have no purpose. At least M. Regnaud himself doos not appear to have rightly grasped this purpose, since, here again, he does not tell us what it is, and the explanation of this curious state of mind is put off till later, when no doubt he will have pulverized the gods of Greece, as thoroughly as those of India. For the time being, he is content with establishing the fact, that the foundation, the only real foundation of the Veda, is the act of pouring into the fire, to feed it, an inflammable liquid, oil, or spirituous liquor :facts which are proved by him "according to the meaning of the texts and common sense." Putting aside for a moment the texts, let us look at this common sense. What it tells us is, that if the soma helped to feed the fire, it must have been inflanmable, and must have been an oil or alcohol. But sound sense makes us also see clearly the unlikeness of this conclusion. The plant which yielded the soma (and provisionally, till wo are enlightened by a revelation from above, we must believe that it came from a plant) was probably ground ap in water, and the liquid so obtained was itself mingled, not only with milk and other sabstances, but also with water, all of which scarcely harmonizes with the notion of an inflnm. mable oil. It was drunk and produced excitement and intoxication, which agrees with this. notion still less. On the other hand, can we, without further consideration, attribute to the Hindas of that time the knowledge of distillation ? For every other spirituons liquor obtained by fermentation, wine included, even though very strong and in a perfectly pure state, even without any addition of water, would have extinguished the fire rather than have quickened it. Even the fermentation must have been feeble, for the soma is not described as a liquid which could be kept; it seems that it was prepared when wanted. The texts tell, or seem to tell, us all this, and we have no right to throw their testimony overboard, like M. Regnaud. Further, we cannot call to mind, in other later texts, a soma more or less different from that which, being certainly mixed with water and not fermented (it had not to be more than one night old), did not put the fire out; a fire, that, it must be remembered, consisted of a few small faggots. We may imagine that the Hindas had in time substituted other plants in place of their soma; but how could they have lost the art of distillation, if they ever had it? How could they have given up the use of an oil to feed their fire? Things and ideas may change, but usage is commonly permanent. This conclusion, thet, lands us in serions difficulties, and common sense bids ns, in such a case, re-examine the premises with care ; is the soma really the food of Agni? If, indubitably, the texts answer in the affirmative, then and then only, we must admit it to be true. On this point, there is on the first page of the book, a note which we cannot read without regret, where M. Regnand asserts that Prof. Hillebrandt in his work on the god Soma" has only seen one thing, namely, that the soma was also poured on the fire. Can be have read Prof. Hillebrandt's book, and not destroyed his own! The truth is that, if Prof. Hillebrandt has seen only this, it is because this is the only thing to see. Nowhere, in ro text, are we told clearly that soma is the food of Agni, that the soma is poured into the fire to nourish it, and make it blaze up. Agni is fed on butter and fat, he devours the wood and the raw flesh, if he drinks the soma, it is as a god and companion of other gods. The soma. pás are the devas, chiefly Indra, who drink it and have drunk it from the first in heaven, and in the solemn sacrifices, who get their share of it here on earth, part of which was cast into the fire to make them approach, we know not how or in what quantity. But we must think to what these symbolical acts are commonly rednced. The officiating priests drank the remainder. It is true that in M. Regnaud's eyes these devas are the flames, that Indra is another name for Agni, that the officiants are probably also the flames, that the beaven bas no

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But this is the Veda of
existence, and that consequently no one could drink there the soma. M. Regnaud, and we must not begin by believing in it if we are to criticize it. There remain then for us only the texts, the unfortunate texts, to which we must at last return. Sad to say they exist only to be the victims of the theory. All this is purely à priori construction, though M. Regnaud were to assert the contrary a hundred times. It is not from the texts that he has learned that prithivi... yachha naḥ sarma saprathaḥ means, "libation, make flow on our libation which extends itself," that Indrávaruna.. asmabhyam sarma yuchhatam means "fire alight and fire enveloping, make the libation flow on for us." No, once in possession of his "key," he applies it to every "lock" to see if it will fit. And it fits, but at what a price! This fourth chapter, not to speak of others, is so marvellous that we ask if it is not meant as a refutation of the whole system by a reductio ad absurdum. That the Vedic dictionary is far from perfect, no one will deny. The later literature, from the brahmanas onwards, the next oldest monuments, is an uncertain guide, partly because certain words have gone out of use, or because their meanings have undergone an essential change of meaning; still more, because the writers indulge in trifling speculations with some of them,50 and this again is a point in which every one is agreed. Our task is not to create a system that questions everything, by starting with what is obscure, but to go on continuously from the known to the unknown, from what is certain to what is doubtful, and above all to be content with moderate gains. Has M. Regnaud taken this course? I can only compare his procedure to that of a woodman in a forest which must be cleared. Everything falls before him, not only technical words, terms which are uncommon, or which have early gone out of use, but the best authenticated, the commonest words, which have always remained in the language, and have given rise to derivatives, and passed into the dialects. How can we take seriously oracles like the following, in which prishtha, which is identified at a stroke of the pen with prishta, means no longer "back," but "that which is turned;" in which parvan does not mean "joint," but " that which flows;" in which parvata, adri, giri, sánu do not mean "the rock, the mountain," but "the libation;" in which gravan is not "the stone," but the libation, inasmuch as it is "rapid; " in which barkiss no longer "the grass," but the libation, inasmuch as it is "strengthening;" in which dyaus is no longer "the heaven," prithivi is no longer "the earth," but the libation, inasmuch as it is "set on fire or not set on fire;" in which antariksha "the atmosphere," becomes the libation "enveloped," that is to say, "not lit;" vyoman "space" becomes the libation "which nourishes;" in which manushvant, an adjective which does not exist and for good grammatical reasons, but which is said to mean "provided with soma," is made in the nenter into manushvat which is a synonym of another adjective manurhita, and means like this, "so far as provided with soma;" in which pavitra is what serves not to "purify," but to "light;" in which pur does not mean "town," but the libation as "nourishment; " in which arani is not a piece of wood, but the libation as "moving," and in the dual "the libation which moves, and which does not move;" in which samvatsara is not the year, but the libation, as" having its calf with it?" All these little etymological jokes are brought about by means of Sanskrit of all periods, and one-half of the dictionary is used to destroy the other. We may imagine after this what will become of phrases, combinations of words and whole hymns when reconstructed with the same skill and philological care.
We have an example of this in chapters six and seven, where M. Regnaud examines in order, at the expense of several hymns, "the metaphorical origin of the myth of the Dawn," which is also, to him, merely a form of the ever-recurring libation, and "the alleged myth of the descent of Soma," i. e., its descent from heaven, one of the best ascertained beliefs in the whole Veda. We find other examples in the last part of the book (which is not so much a book as a collection of articles printed together) an appendix which gives an explanatory translation of the thirteenth book of the Atharvaveda, undertaken as a reply to that of M. Henry, and intended to shew M. Henry how it should have been done. It is an occasional essay, only included in
59 Exactly as M. Regnaud does in all seriousness.

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this volume because written in the same spirit and with the same method, and which the author would have made more telling against M. Henry, if he had not added a translation of his own to his criticisms. I shall have to speak further on of the work of M. Henry. Meanwhile I shall only say for the benefit of those readers who are not specialists, that they need not take alarm at all the accusations of "wrong meaning" and "opposite meaning" which are brought against this translation of M. Henry; this only means that M. Henry translates differently from M. Regnaud, on which we must congratulate M. Henry. No one knows better than he that his translation is and could be a simply tentative one, and that it is laid before us only as such in a spirit of genuine modesty.
But we do not mean to say that M. Regnand's work contains nothing of value. Far from it. M. Regnaud is a worker and investigator. If as a student of language he is combated by the students of language, if as a philologist by the philologists, no one will deny him an active and original mind, a vigorous style of argument, and great keenness of observation. A fixed idea is quite compatible with the latter gift, and often sharpens it. In the negative part of his book, where he detects the weak places in his opponents' armour, the want of strength in such and such an argument, the uncertainty of some meaning which has been provisionally accepted in default of a better, and still more, in the few parts of his book which are not directly concerned with his main thesis, we find a good number of just and useful observations. But I was called on to speak of this thesis, or rather system in this place, and I am compelled to pronounce completely against it. Under its spell, he has rid himself gradually of some useful checks possessed by Vedic philology, and in the end bas thrown overboard all philological principles whatever. He has thus given himself free elbow room. But such a method avenges itself, it has led him into a perfect cloud-land, and I fear he will remain there. For if I have spent such time over his works, I scarcely dare hope to convince him. It was because a protest was needful, sinco there may be some simple-minded people on whom these essays will have an influence, and because, in the second place, it was needful, by shewing what the method of M. Regnaud is, to put an end to the belief that he carries on the tradition of Bergaigne, with whom for years he has had nothing in common, and lastly because it seemed necessary, against all hope, to make a final attempt to deal with his speculations. I do not think that, in the future, I shall have the same patience. M. Regnaud imagines that, since Indianists do not discuss his works, this is for the purpose of suppressing them by a conspiracy of silence. By no means. It is simply because there are certain topics which, like the squaring of the circle, do not admit of discussion. How is discussion possible, when there is no kind of agreement ? M. Regnaud then must acquiesce; his writings are now addressed only to a circle of kindred spirits. He tells us of a school which is being formed about him. Frankly speaking, I wish it may be very small; otherwise we might expect to see some strange things.
Prof. Hillebrandt has finished, in the Bibliotheca Indica, his edition of the text of the ritual And liturgical hand-book of the Kaushitakins, one of the sukhús or branches of the Rigveda, the Srauta sútra of Sankhayany, and has begun the commentary of Anartiya.60 M. Sabbathier has given us a good study on the Agnishtoma, the simplest form of the soma sacrifices in the forn of a translation with explanations of the fifth chapter of the erauta siltra of Asvaldyana.61
On the Yajurveda I have few works to mention. The edition of the Taittiriya Samhita continued in the Bibliotheca Indica by Mahebachandra Nyayaratna, has advanced since my last report by two parts only.63 After nine years the fifth book is finished, and there are seven books.
*Alfred Hillebrandt, The Sankhiyana Srauta satra, together with the Commentary of Varaulattauta Anartiyi. Vol. I. Tout of the Sútra, Critical Notes, Indicon, Calcutta, 1888, seven parts. Vol. II. The Commentary of Varadattasuta Anartiya, Parts i.-iv. Calcutta, 1889-1892.
61 P. Sabbathier, Études de liturgie vedique. L'Agnishtoma d' après le Srauta-sdtra d'Asvaldyana (Journal Asiatique, Jan-Feb-Mar. 1890).
The white of the Black Yajurveda, with the Commentary of Madhava Acharya, Parts XXV., XXIV Calcutta, 1890-1892.

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From want of sufficient manuscripts Prof. Garbe has not been able to take up again in the same collection, his edition with commentary of the Srautasútra of that school, that of Âpastamba. But one portion of that immerise collection of sútras, the twenty-fifth book, the Yajnaparibhashashtra, or general rules on the sacrifice, has been published in the Ushá by Satyavrata Samabramin,65 and has been translated into English by Prof. M. Müller in the Sacred Books of the East. Lastly the Upanishad which forms a part of the brahmana of the White Yajurveda, the Brihadarapyaka-upanishad, has been edited according to the text of the school of the Madhyamdinas by Geheimrath v. Böhtlingk. It is both a critical recepsion of the text, and an attempt, frequently happy, to translate it, untrammelled by the interpretation of the commentators. In both respects Prof. Whitney shews still more independence in the learned articles which he has devoted to the pablication of Geh. v. Bõhtlingk and which are an indispensable supplement to them. I have noticed above the edition of the Prátisakhya of the White Yajurveda published in the Benares Sanskrit Series,67
For the Samaveda the material is a little more abundant, thanks to the activity of one man, the acharya Satyavrata Samabramin, the author of the work I have analyzed above the Niruktálochana, In the Ushú (Dawn) founded by him in 1889 and conducted by him alone, he discusses doctrinal questions relative to the Veda, and edits texts and rare Vedic treatises, among which those of the Samaveda have taken till now the chief place.68 Several of these treatises have been mentioned above; the Náradiy asikská, the Ashtavikritividriti of Madhusüdana, what remains of the Vikritivalli attributed to Vyadi, the Yajnaparibháshásátra of Âpastamba. The others are, the Aksharatantra, 6 a treatise on the slobhas (the syllables inserted between the words, or even in the words themselves, when the pichas are chanted as sa mans) attributed to Äpisali, a predecessor of Påộini, the Samupratidlohya,to which also deals with the change of richas into símans. This treatise, better known under the title of Phulla- or Pushpasútra, is here in twelve chapters and, according to a tradition, is attributed to a rishi Pushpa. The editor does not give his opinion on these attributions, in general he seems to admit them; a silmapadasunihita, (i. e., the padapátha of the rickas of the Samaveda, the text of these fichas with the words separated and the phonetic roles in abeyance), made by the editor to replace the pádapátha attributed to Gárgya, which is now lost; three of the short brihmaņas of the Så maveda.
1°. The Mantrabrahmaņa,7 a collection of mantras prescribed for the domestic ritual of the Samaveda, with a commentary by the editor and a preface in which he sets forth the genuine tradition of the Samavedins, at least those of the school of the Kauthamas, with respect to their brahmana. Like the other sikh-is of the other Vedas, they reckon in fact, one brahmana, comprising the Tándya or Pahchavin abrahmana, the Shadvimabráhmani, the Mantrabrahmana, and the Chándogya-upanishad. The other five short brahmanas are supplements, asubrahmaņas. This tradition is not incompatible with the relatively recent date of the Mantra brahmana, which has itself very much the appearance of being a
3 Usha, I. Part viii, Caloutta, 1891.
u Vol. xxx. following the second part of the Grihyaatras of Prof. Oldenberg. Professor M. Müller had before published a German translation of this part of the Apastambasatras in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandiachen Gesellschaft, Vol. IX. 1855. - On the Dharmasutra and Grihyastra of this school seo further on. 65 Brihadaranyakopanishad in der Muhyasiina Recension. St. Petersberg, 1880.
W. D. Whitney, On Böhtlingh'. Upanishads in the Proceedings of the American Oriental Sociaty, October 1890. It is a samming up of the following article: - Böhtlingk's Upanishads in the American Journal of Philology, Vol. XI. No. 4. These articles embrace also the Chandogya-upanishad of Geh. v. Böhtlingk, which will be spokon of further on.
67 According to report which has reached me from India, bat which, I trust, will not provo true the excellent series will be stopped.
#Usha, Vaidikapatriki, Vol. I. Partai. xii. Caloutta, 1899-91; Vol. II. Parta i.-iii. 1802. * Usha, T. 2, 1889. 70 Ushe, 1.8, 1890.
T1 Ush, I. 5, 1890. Vahu, 1.3, 1890. Pablished before for the first time in the Hindu Commentator, 1872. * This question has been treated by the editor in his Nirwedlochana.

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gupplement, and which in its present state, is perhaps not much older than the grikyasútra of the Samaveda, that of Gobhila.74 For even if, generally speaking, a brahmana is anterior to its corresponding sútra, it does not follow that the compilation of the one should have been finished and entirely fixed before the first redaction of the other. But this is not the point of view of the editor; for him, from the moment when his text becomes a brahmana, it changes its character and its antiguity becomes indisputable. Critical as he may be, or at least open to doubt as to other works, when he has to do with the tradition of recognized gurús, be raises no discussions, especially on what touches his own Veda.
29. The Arsheynbrahmana, one of these anubrahmanas, with the commentary of Sayaņa. It is a kind of anukramani, or index of the rishis, wbo are sothors of the simans, published before with extracts from the same commentary by Burnell, in 1876, and, again, according to the text of the Jaiminigas, in 1878.
30. The Vanhabráhmaņa,76 another anubráhmana, which gives the succession of the ancient teachers of the Sâmaveda, with the commentary of Sayaņa, and notes by the editor. This treatise had also been published by Burnell with the same commentary in 1873; the Grihyasa wgraka, 77 parisishța, or supplement of the domestic rites of the Sámaveda, the Grikyasitra of Gobhila; the Upagranthasitra,78 another parisishļa of the Srautasitra of the Samaveda; the Seventeen Nahlsú mans, 70 the Seven Samhitás, the Recitation of the Brahmayajsia, st and the Arishfavarga,82 are also short liturgical collections, lessons which the student of the Samaveda must repeat, either every day or on certain occasions, prayers which are only shortly prescribed in the ritual works, brahmana and siltra, which the editor prints in full, with the traditional mode of reciting them. Besides the part devoted to editions of texts, there is another part of the Usht, in which the editor investigates, either in Sanskrit or Bangali, various points of Vedio doctrine, questions of ritual, custom, morals, or health ; some of which are highly interesting, as burning qoestions and bearing on the interests of the day, soch as the prohibition of travelling beyond the seas, or working in the fields, infant marriages, the marriageable age of girls, etc. They are in fact really fatwas, in which, without breaking at all with the orthodox method of settling everything by an appeal to the texts, the acharya shews great liberality of mind, and giv: 3 his vote as much as may be for the most enlightened and most just decision.
Geh. v. Böhtlingk has edited and translated the Chándogya-Upanishad,83 on the same lines as in his previons issue of the Brihadaranyaka-Upanishail. The critical restoration of the text had to play a greater part here, since this Upanishad is not so well preserved as the other. As in the previous pablication of Geh, v. Böhtlingk we must refer to the remarks of Prof. Whitney, mentioned before. Lastly, Mr. Oertel has inade some additions to our knowledge of the briihimana of the Samavedins of the school of the Jaiminiyas, by publishing afresh, from more abundant manuscript sources, the fragment of the brahmani which Burnell printed in a few copies in 1878, and which Prof. Whitney has also worked at, and by adding to this fragment eight other pieces taken from another section of the bráh mana of which only the KenaUpanishad was previously know11.84
For the Atharvaveda, on the other hand, the harvest has been very rich, not so much from the number of publications, as by the exceptional importance of one of them. M. Henry has
Cf. on this the remarks of Prof. Oldenberg in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXX., p. 4, etc. 76 Ush4, I. 11-12, 1891.
To Usha, II. 2, 1892. 11 Vaha, I. 10, 1891. Published before at the end of the Grihyanatra of Gobhila, in the Bibliotheca Indica, and hy Prof. Bloomfield in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Xxxv. 1881, with a German translation. ** t'shi, II. 1, 1892. 79 Vaha, II. 2, 1892. so Ibid.
1 Usha, II. S.
Ibid. 83 Otto Böhtlingk, Chandogyopanishad. Kritisch herausgegeben und fibersetzt. Leipzig, 1889.
** Hands Oertel, Extracts from the Jaiminiya-Brühmana and Upanishad- Brohmana, parallel to passages of the Balopatha Brahmana and Chandog ya Upanishad. In the Journal of the Americon Oriental Society, Vol. XV. 1892

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given us a translation of two books of the Sanhita, the thirteenth and seventh books.95 I shall speak of it quite as freely, as if one of the papers were not dedicated to me, just the one of the two that pleases me least, the translation of the thirteenth book. The choice was, I think, an unfortunate one. Such hymns do not lend themselves to translation, except for one's own use, when we are compelled to it; we do not voluntarily choose them. For it must be confessed that this whole version is hardly intelligible; and yet M. Henry has done everything in his power, he has struggled boldly with the text before him and no one could have performed such a task better. He has seen of course that the apparent unity of the book is open to doubt, but has let himself be led away by it. He sees in it the glorification of a body of myths under an uncommon and peculiar form. Here, however, I think, we have less to do with myths than usages, and these unhappily are not within our knowledge. Just on this book the ritual treatises of the Atharvave.ly, which are very capricious, do not give us much information. I had been struck with the general likeness of the commencement and the mantras and practices of the "royal rite," the rajasiya, as it is described in the Yajurveda, and had begged M. Henry to investigate this point. If he had followed this track he would perhaps have found himself on firm ground for the beginning at lenst, as Prof. Bloomfield has afterwards shewn in the excellent remarks which he has made on this translation. As a translation to be read from beginning to end, it is not successful. But as a commentary, as an honest and painstaking exposition of the difficulties of the text, as a starting point for other attempts, it is, in my opinion, of great value. And this is how M. Henry seems to have looked on it: it is eminently a work of scientific devotion. In the seventh book, he is on more favourable ground. Here we are in the midst of the usages of exorcism, sorcery, incantation on which this Veda is founded ; information about features of the ritual is abundant, though often concise and obscure, and we know something at least as to what it is all about. M. Henry's labours, which are carried out with care, are therefore welcome; he has added as it were another link to the chain of translations which now includes the first seven books of the Atharvaveda.
Mr. Magoun has edited, with translation and commentary, the Asurikalpa, 97 one of these short treatises subjoined in no regular order to the Atharvaveda under the general heading of parišishļas or appendices. In this, the practices of witchcraft, which are carried out by means of a plant called isuri, and which Mr. Magoun lias studied carefully, are described. The text, which is very corrupt, required many emendations, to which we must add those proposed afterwards by Geh, v. Böhtlingk.89 Professor Bloomfield has published in a completer form one of those detached studies, which I was able to refer to in the last Report90 from the summary report in the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, and he has followed it up by several others of the same kind, in which he shews, with his complete mastery of the subject, the importance of the ritual for the interpretation of the Veda, how many problems as to the arrangement and primitive meaning of the mantras are thereby solved, problems whose very existence would otherwise not even be guessed at. In several of these studies, which are usually confined by him to the Atharva-Vela, he has enlarged his scope and examined
86 Victor Henry, Les Hymnes Rohitas. Livre XIII. de l'Atharva l'eda, truit et commenté, Paris, 1891. Atharra. Veda, traduction et commentaire. Le livre VII. de 'Atharva-Veda trait et commenté, Paris, 1892.
88 In the fourth series of his Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. I do not require to return here to the translation of the thirteenth book which M. Regnand has given; he hay perceived that what is described must go on partly at least on this earth, but he has a knowledge of the usages which we have not, it is his eternal union of the fire and the liquid. To gain auything from his version we would need to adopt his system and use the same language as he does. I do not yet know his most recent publication in which he criticizes the views of Prof. Bloomfeld.
87 H. W. Magoun, The Reurikalpa: a Witchcraft Practice of the Atharva Veda, teith an Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, Baltimore, 1889.
$5 In the leitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XLIV. (1890), p. 489. 89 Tome XIX. p. 14.
Maurice Bloomfield, Contributions to the Interpretation of the Veda, in the American Journal of Philology, Vol. XI. 1890. Third Series in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XV. 1891. Fourth Series in the American Journal of Philology, Vol. XII. 1892.

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certain myths in their totality, such as those of Namuchi and Indra, of Yama and his two dogs, of Manu, and of Saranyu. I think that for each one of these he has been successful in making the story more definite, in telling it to us better, notably in the case of Namuchi1 and Saranyu; where he attempts to guess at their origin, be seems less fortunate. But, as a whole, these studies are written with such care and with such a perfect knowledge of the data, that with regard to this alone any future student of these myths will have always to pay attention to them. Professor Bloomfield is indefatigable. At the head of a company of pupils and colleagues he gives us hopes of a complete Vedic Concordance which will contain all the formule of the older literature. If this work be carried out thoroughly on the orderly and comprehensive plan sketched out by Prof. Bloomfield, it will be an invaluable help in future researches.93 Another announcement which we welcome with pleasure is that of the speedy appearance of the translation of the Atharvaveda by Prof. Whitney, with commentary, notes and references. It is, further, a proof that the health of Prof. Whitney, which has long been far from good, is at last re-established, and that is a second reason for hailing this announcement with joy. (To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 338.)
11
2. Badges or Dévaks...
Zal
A great step towards guardian gods took place when the spirits of the family dead were considered friendly, not hostile. These friendly dead had, as noticed above, taken their abode either in the living tombs of man-eating animals, or in fruit or other food-yielding trees. The choosing a badge was not the cause of tree, or animal, worship; it was the result of the belief that the spirits of ancestors lived in plants or in animals. Mr. McLennan explains the ten incarnations of Vishnu as the adoption into the national religion of ten clan gods.3 It seems simpler to suppose that these were all worshipped as different objects, which gave protection against spirits, before they were chosen as a badge by any clan.
In the Bombay Presidency the practice of choosing guardians, or devaks, is universal among the Marathas of the Deccan, and to a less extent antong the Kunbis, Kôlis, and Mâlis of the Konkan, and some husbandmen, like the Halvakki Vakkals of North Kinara. The usual devaks are animals, like the elephant, stag, deer, or cock, or trees, as the mango, jambul, vaḍ, or bor. The dévak is the ancestor or head of the house, and so families, who have the same guardian badge, or déval, cannot intermarry. If the déral be an animal, its flesh is not eaten. If the dévak be a fruit tree, the use of the fruit is not forbidden, though some families abstain from eating the fruit of the tree which forms their derak, or badge. Among the Nasik
91 See on this a letter of Prof. M. Müller in the Academy, 22nd October 1892.
92 On the myths I shall also mention a pamphlet by M. V. Henry, in which he applies the theory of nature.or Folar " riddles" to some ancient legends and in which the references to the Veda are numerous: Quelques mythes naturalistes méconnus. Les supplices infernaux de l' antiquité, Paris, 1892. In the case of Tantalus the author could have strengthened his position if he had noticed that, in its most ancient form, the punishment of Tantalus takes place not in hell, but in heaven.
93 A Vedic Concordance. Being a Collection of the Hymns and Sacrificial Formulas of the Literature of the Vedas. By Maurice Bloomfield. From the Johns Hopkin's University Circulars, May 1992. Cf. Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, April 1892.
94 Announcement as to a Second volume of the Roth. Whitney edition of the Atharva-Veda, by Prof, W. D. Whitney, in the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, April 1892. [The great Professor died 7th June, 1894. ED.]
1 McLennan (Fort, Rev. Vol. VII. New Series, p. 213) thinks that the worship of animals or plants began in their being badges or protectors. Lubbock thinks it arose from certain ancestors choosing to be called as a memorial after some animal. It seems more likely to have its rise in the experience of men being re-born as animals (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 237). WP!
2 Fort, Rev. Vol. VII. New Series, p. 215.
152

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Mális, rules about dévaks, or guardian badges, are strictly observed. Among their dévaks are such trees, or tree-leaves, as the shami (Mimosa suma), mango, jambul (Calyptranthes jambolana), bor (Zizyphus jujuba), and vad (Ficus Indica). Some have wheat-bread for their or an axe, or kurhad. Among dévak, and some have a conch-shell, an earthen pot, Ratnagiri Kunbis the vad (Ficus Indica) is the badge of those who have the surname of Kadam, and an elephant of those whose surname is Savant. A mango twig is the Sholapur Burad's dévuk, or guardian, and the dévak, or guardian, of the Shôlâpnr Telt, or oil-maker, is an iron bar, or pahár, and a mill, or ghana. The dévak of the Sholapur Agarvals, or scent-makers, is five piles, each of five earthen pots, with a lighted lamp in the middle. The Pâtradavarus, or dancing girls, of Dharwar, when a girl is in her seventh year, worship the musical instruments, which are their guardians. In North Kanara the important cultivating class of Halvakki Vakkals, an early and wide-spread tribe, is divided into eight clans, each of which has a separate badge, which, when it is an animal, they do not eat. Thus the Kadanballis do not eat the kadavé, or stag, the Bargalballis do not eat the bárgá, or deer, the Kuntiballis do not eat the woodcock. The Dhurvê Prabhas of Poona, before the threadgirding ceremony, set up a guardian, or dévak. They take an earthen pot, which they white-wash and mark with yellow, green and red. In it are laid grains of wheat and rice, a betelnut, a piece of turmeric root, and a halfpenny. The lid of the pot is closed, and thread is wound round it. A lighted stone lamp is set before it, and fed with oil.10 The déval of the Poona Rauls consists of leaves of the mango, rut, and saundad trees.11 The dévak, or guardian, of the Bangars of Poona is a conch-shell, and the dévale of the Pardêshi Rajputs is an earthen pot filled with wheat.12 The dévaks, or guardians, of the Alimadnagar Sonars, at their weddings, are their sandás, or pincers, and their blowpipe, or phunkani,13 The dévak, or guardian, of the Jain Shimpis of Ahmadnagar is a pot with a flat lid, white-washed and marked with red and green.14 The Ghisâdis of Ahmadnagar have as a guardian the leaves of the mango, umbar (Ficus glomerata), ru (Calotropis gigantea), and jambul trees.15 The Ahmadnagar Khatris' family guardians at a thread-girding and a marriage are white-washed earthen pots.16 The Chambhars of Ahmadnagar worship an axe as their décak, or guardian, and the Pahadis, a small class of Nagar market gardeners, worship a pair of scales, or taraju, as their dévak.17
212
Several of the early tribes of Bengal shew traces of the worship of clan guardians, or badges. The Hôs and Mundas are divided into clans or kilis. A man is not allowed to marry a girl of his own clan. The Mundaris adopt the name of an animal as the clan badge, and its flesh may not be eaten. Among the animals chosen are the eel and tortoise. The badges of the Larkas and Hôs are not generally animals, 18 The Mânbhûm Kharriâs neither eat mutton, nor use wool. Dalton suggests they may be a sheep tribe, and the flesh of the badge, according to Kolarian rules be forbidden. Several of the Khond clans are named after animals-Muningâ or Fish Tribe, Janinga or Crab Tribe, Pochangia or Owl Tribe, Syalongâ or Spotted Deer, and Orangô or Blue Bull. 19 The Orâons of Chutia Nagpur and the Kasiâs of the North-East frontier are called after
From MS. notes.
From MS. notes. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XX. pp. 98, 143...
8 Op. cit Vol. XXII. p. 191.
10 From MS. notes.
5 From verbal information given by a peon. Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 49.
Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 203. See ante, note 6.
380.
11 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 13 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 136.
12 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. pp. 265, 403.
15 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p 98.
16 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 111. 18 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 189.
14 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 101. 17 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. pp. 167, 91. 19 Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 161. Macpherson's Khonds, p. 34. Other tribal names seem to have an animal origin. The Kods are perhaps the horse tribe, as Koda Pen is the horse god of the Central Province Gonds (Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 18). Lamani is a peacock in Naikadu Gondi (op. cit. p. 27). Konda is a bullock in some Gond dialects (op. cit. p. 7). Koi is a cock or erow in Kaikadi (op. cit. p. 9), and a crow in Muda (op. cit. p. 10). The Marathi Solars do not eat goat's flesh, and seem to take their name from the Telugu sel for a goat. It seems probable that Selar has been, Sanskritized into Silahara, the dynasty who ruled in the Konkan from A.D. 850 to 1300. Similarly it may be suggested that the well-known dynasty of Chalukyas, whose chief capital was Kalyân near Haidari.bâd, are the Chalkis, or goat-herds, of the Deccan, who appear as Chherkyas among the Gonds (op. cit. p. 6).

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animals, a .d are forbidden to use the animal after whom they are called.20 Thus the Tirkis, or Mice, may not eat mice; Ekhars, or Tortoises, may not eat the tortoise; Kirpôts may not eat the stomach of a pig; Lakrars may not eat tiger's flesh; Kujrars may not eat oil from the tree or sit in its slade; Gedhiars may not eat the kite; Khakha's may not eat the crow; Minjars may not eat the cel; Kerketars may not eat the bird of that name; and Barars may not eat from fig leaves.21 The Sauthals have twelve tribes, but only one is called after an animal.22
The clan guardian seems to appear among the tribes of Central Asia, many of whom trace their descent from animals." The Chinese have clan-names and keep the role forbidding the people of the same clan-name marrying. The Japanese of the old Shinto faith have a kami, or guardian saint, in each house.25 In Australia the badge or clan-guardian, which is called kobong, is widespread. It is accompanied with the two rules -- that succession is generally through the mother, and that people with the same crest may not marry.28 They have nlso the rule forbidding the killing, or use, of the clan-guardian.27 The Australian tribes are called after animals, as Murni the kangaroo, Tdhuru the brown-snake, Kuraki the opossum. When they go to war each carries his own animal stuffed as a standard.29 The Australian guardians are both plants and animals. Many of the animals are birds, and one is a fish. They believe that their forefathers were turned from these animals into men.20 The Philippine islanders had many ancestral guardians called anitos, whom they called in time of trouble.30 The Fiji islanders have badges, and follow the rule that the badge may not be eaten. He who worships the eel-god must never eat eel. Some cannot eat men, because their badge is man.31 In Africa tribes have a badge or guardiun, and keep the rule against marriage between people with the same crest.32 The Banyai of Equatorial Africa pray to the dead. The Veddahs think the spirits of ancestors guard them, and the Dakotahs and the New Caledonians call on ancestors to help.33
Many North American tribes have a clan-guardian, generally an animal, bear, wolf, or deer. The guardian is held to be the clan-ancestor, and marriage between families of the same guardian is forbidden. In many cases the child takes its mother's guardian.34 It was an American rule that the guardian was not to be killed.36 Besides the clan-guardian some of the American tribes had & personal guardian. Each youth sees his guardian in a dream. It may be an animal or part of one, the skin or the claws, & feather or u shell; & plant, a stone, a knife, a pipe. This becomes his protector, and is buried with him.36 In other tribes the naked child was laid on a bed of ashes, and the marks which were found next morning became his guardian,37 The Canadians have also guardians or medicines. The red-maise is the oldest : the red deer the strongest,38 The Eskimos have also guardians, but their rules are less strict. If they are unlucky they start a new guardian, and under certain circumstances they may shoot their guardian.3. The idols of the South American Indians are guardian spirits of places.40 They will not kill the animal, from which they believe they are sprung. Among the Amazulus the ancestral spirits of one tribe go to fight the ancestral spirits of the other.43 The Amazulu ancestors are angry when their ritos are neglected. In the Roman camp the eagles and other standards held a first 20 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 57.
21 Op. cit. p. 256.
22 Op. cit. p. 213. 25 Furl, Rer. Vol. VI. New Series, p. 418.
24 Early History of Man, p. 280. 25 Silver's Japan, p. 39.
26 Early History of Man, p. 294. 27 Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 411.
98 Jour. Anthrop. Inat. Vol. VII. p. 219. 20 Fort, Rer. Vol. VI. p. 410.
3 Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 431. 81 Fort, Reu. Vol. VI. p. 421; Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 232. Early History of Man, p. 289. Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 295.
# Early History of Man, p. 284. 85 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 35. Among the animal guardians were (Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. New Series, p. 413) wolf, bear, beaver, turtle, deer, snipe, heron, hawk, crano, duck, turkey, musk-rat, pike, cat fish, sturgeon, carp, buffalo, elk, reindeer, englo, hare, rabbit and anake. Many others were plants (op. cit. p. 411), sand, water and rock were also guardians (op. cit. p. 413); and so were the sun and the moon (op. cit. pp. 419, 420).
> Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 155. ST Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 467. 33 Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. New Series, p. 412.
39 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 128. 4. Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 231.
1 Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 366. 12 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 210.
+ Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 211.

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rank among tutelary deities. Mr. McLellan traces clan-guardians among old tribes in South Europe. He suggests that the animals in the sky, the serpent, scorpion, dragon, horse, bull, dog, swan, ram, goat and fish were originally clan-guardians. But the origin of animal worship seems to have proceded the choice of an animal as a clan-guardian. The Celtic clans of Scotland have their badges, some of which are plants, as the Campbells' bog-myrtle and the Macdonalds' heather. Some of the Scotch borderers had the moon as an armorial bearing, meaning that they were gentlemen of the night, or minions of the moon. The clanguardian would seem to be the origin of the ensign and the crest."
8. Spirits are Mortals. It seems probable, from the examples given under the leading of Ancestor-worship, that all spirits were originally the spirits of men. It is also probable that all spirits were originally mortal.
According to the Vedas, offerings should be given to ancestors for three generations, is and so in Western India the higher class Hindus worship their ancestors for three generations. But among the lower classes uneasy głosts are rarely worshipped for more than a generation or two.
Ghosts are like men, and like men die and pass into powerlessness. The Kunbis of the Kônkan believe that a ghost cannot trouble a man for more than twelve years. In the Deccan there is a belief that ghosts do not live for more than three or four generations." The Midhis of the North-East frontier think spirits are mortal.50 The Kurkûs of the Central Provinces worship the dead for a year after death.51 In Siberia the ordinary spirit lived in a pillar for three years; a sorcerer's spirit was immortal.52 Among the Persians both the paris, or kindly spirits, and the déôs, or unfriendly spirits, were mortal.53 The Burmans believe that the victims, who are baried alive at the foundation of a tower and become guardians, last only for a time.5. Among the Chinese the common people sacrifice to the father and grand-father; the nobles to three generations; the petty kings to five; and the emperors to seven ancestors.55 The Zalus worship no ancestors except the father.56 The figures set up for the dead in Melanesia are either the lately dead or the great dead, People seldom pray to a soal they have not known in life. Most ghosts perish after a time.57 The Greenlanders believe that spirits are mortal.58 The Greeks and Romans held that the life of the tree-nymph was bound up in the life of the tree.5e In Europe the Middle Ages (1000-1500 A. D.) Cabalists believed in mortal sylphs, gnomes and andines.co In Scotland the elfin people were believed to die.ci
4. Spirits cause Disease. In early times the great fear which people entertained of the spirits of the dead was due to the belief that all diseases are caused by spirits; and the belief that spirits are the cause of sickness and misfortune is still entertained by many early tribes in India, as well as in other countries. Thus the Kolis of Thânà ascribe every sickness and death to the agency of the bhrits, or evil spirits, or to witchcraft.62 In the Kônkan, which is locally considered the hot-bed of evil spirits, among the lower classes ninety per cent of the sickness and diseases is ascribed to bhits, or evil spirits. The Mâhåder Kolis of Ahmadpagar believe that every malady or disease, which seizes man, woman, child or cattle, is caused either by an evil spirit or by
** Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. I. p. 169. 15 Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 568. +6 Scott's Dorier Minstrele, p. 28.
47 Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. pp. 418-569. 18 Maurice's Indian Antiguities, Vol. II. p. 189.49 From MS. notes. 10 Daltou's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 21. 61 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. VI. 52 Early History of Man, p. 109.
03 Scott's Boriler Minstrels, p. 442. 4 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 209. Careri (1695) in Churchill, Vol. 1V. p. 361. 56 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 116. 67 Jorr. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. pp. 283, 285, 204, 58 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Yol. II. p. 22. 60 Smith's 62 Eur. Rat. Vol. I. p. 47. 61 Scott's Demonolatry and witchcrat, p. 128. 62 From MS. Dotes.

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an angry god, and the Bijapur Vaddars have a yearly feast to their ancestors to prevent the dead bringing sickness into the house. In the Dabistan it is stated that in Kalinga in East India (1649 A. D.) every village had a spirit called by some particular name, each supposed to be the author of some disease. One was called anambaram. In North Bhután all diseases are believed to be special spirits, and the only treatment is by exorcising. Among the Garos when a man sickens, the priest asks what god has done it.87 The Kûkîs and nearly all. aboriginal tribes hold that disease is caused by evil spirits. The Khonds think disease is sent either by a god, or by an angry ancestor. The Bâstâr Kðis believe that death is generally caused by female spirits, probably at the instigation of an enemy.70 The Katals, or Kurumbals, of Malabar, a higher class slave tribe, believe that the spirits of men after death inflict diseases, and are appeased by the offerings of distilled liquor, which the votary drinks, after calling on the spirit to partake of it.71 The Mogayers, South Kánara fishermen, believe that evil spirits cause disease, and so in cases of sickness they call in Billavars, and even Musalman exorcists.72
The old Persians had, as the Pârst sacred books still have, & spirit-explanation for almost all diseases. Fever was made by the devil.73 Sickness, fever, cold, and shivering gather at the Tower of Silence.74 The Parsi has also a spirit of blindness, 75 of hunger and thirst,76 of bad swelling, 77 and of irregular sickness.78 The Prophet Muhammad, 70 held that all diseases were the work of devils, except fever, which was a foretaste of bell-fire.80
The Chinese believe that all diseases are caused by the spirits of the unfriendly dead.91 The inhabitants of Melanesia believe that all sickness and mischief to the living is the work of the ghosts of the dead, who are always seeking an opportunity to do evil. So, for fear of tamates, no one will go about at night, unless be carries a light, which ghosts are afraid of. If a child is sick, it is thonght that it has wandered within reach of some ghost. When a man goes out of his mind, it is thought that a ghost has possessed him, and wonderful things are thought to be done by one in such a condition. The Australians believe that diseases are caused by evil spirits.83 The Inthlangwains near Natal do not know how long the spirit of a dead person lives. They attribute every untoward occurrence to the influence of the spirit, and if sickness comes, slaughter- & beast to please the spirit.84 Among the Wazaramos of East Africa, whenever any one is ill he is supposed to be possessed by the evil one. In East Africa all disease is believed to be caused by spirits or winds. The spirit doctor drives out the spirit by music and hard exorcism.96 The Tanalas of Madagascar believe that death is caused by spirits, and so at the grave a man shouts: "This is what yes7 get; you must not follow after his children. This is the one you have got."89 The Indians of Arizona believe that death is caused by the devil.80
The next step was that only certain diseases came to be attributed to spirits. Thus the Mängellâs of Thânâ believe that most diseases and misfortunes in life are due to blúts, evil spirits, witchcraft, or to the influence of the nine planets. The palm-tappers of South Kanara, called Billavars, believe that most women are liable to spirit-possession. The Waspaluli
• Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 200.
04 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 212. « Vol. II. p. 160.
* Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 97. 67 Op. cit. p. 60.
65 Op. oit. p. 43. Macpherson's Khonds, p. 76.
To Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 416. T1 1800 A. D., Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 498. 11 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 63. 15 Bleek's Avesta, Vol. I. p. 12.
14 Op. cit. p. 68. 76 Op. at. p. 56; Yaina, Vol. X.
16 Bleek's Avesta, Vol. I. pp. 68-65. 11 Op. ot. p. 69.
T8 Op. cit. p. 12. TA. . 612.
Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 426. * Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 21.
* Codrington in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 284. 85 Wallace's Australasia, p. 100.
* Gardiner's Zuh Country, p. 314. # Thomson's Central Africa, p. 104.
* Barton's Central Africa, VOL. II. p. 353. 87 I. e., spirits of the dead ancestors.
Sibree's Madagascar, p. 237. # First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington. # From MS, notes.
# Buchanan's Mysore, VOL. III. p. 58.

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of East Africa believe that many diseases are caused by evil spirits, or pepo, who get into the body, and must be driven out.93
379
As men advanced in knowledge and power, the assumption that all diseases or most diseases, are caused by spirits was narrowed into the belief that some diseases, or certain diseases, are caused by spirits. The diseases thus attributed to spirits were sudden sicknesses, seizures, fainting, mania, rheumatism, small-pox, barrenness, cholera, and other epidemics. In the Kônkan the lower and middle classes, and to some extent even the higher classes, believe all these diseases to be due to the influence of spirits.
The following examples shew, too, how widely the belief that spirits cause disease is, or has been, entertained. In North Kanara, thirty miles up the Kârwâr river, a place named Kadêrî, when Dr. Buchanan visited it (1792), had for many years been troubled by a curious sickness. The people, who were Brahmans, thought the epidemic was the work of an enraged bhút or spirit.93 The Komarpaiks, a class of North Kanara husbandmen, believe that the spirits of children, whose mothers die in pregnancy, become bhuts or devils, and enter into people and cause sickness. The sufferers attempt to be relieved by prayer and sacrifice, and some villages are supposed to know charms which drive the spirits away. In the Deccan, when a Chitpâvan woman suffers greatly in child-birth, a priest is called who reads the passages from the Veds and Puráns which drive away evil spirits. In Bengal, whenever a woman is seized with a sudden sickness she is supposed to be witch-ridden. The Brinjârts of Mysore in 1792 claimed the right to put witches to death, because all sickness among children was due to witchcraft.97 The Coorgs believe that diseases of men and cattle rarely come in the natural order of things, but are due either to magic or to an enemy.99 In Mysore, an acute conical mound of mud, on a round base, ornamented with wild flowers is set up to keep off cattle-disease. It is called Kâtama Râya. In Mysore men are possessed and bewitched by spirits, who lodge in trees and burial-grounds.100 Among the Kols of the Central Provinces when any one falls ill, the ancestors are propitiated. The early Brahmans in India were always troubled by spirits and demons. In Mysore and North Tulu, if the worship of Bhûtâ is neglected, he is supposed to cause sickness and suffering. If a sacrifice is made to Bhûtâ he takes the spirit or life of the sacrifice, and gives no more trouble. Children get epileptic fits from 'Siva. Sneezing is due to spirit-possession. The Pârsts say a prayer when they
sneeze,
The Circassians believe that diseases are caused by spirits. In Egypt, Mr. Douglas has seen barren women pass under the belly of an elephant, to drive out the haunting spirit of barrenness.7 The Jews held that madness was the work of a spirit, and at the time of Christ spirits were believed to cause madness, fits, and other forms of disease."
The Burmans believe that witches, called sons, kill people and give epileptic fits, and that some diseases are caused by bones and other things being forced into the body by witches.10 Epidemics are specially believed to be due to spirits. In Burma, when cholera appears in a village, the people climb on to the roofs of the houses and beat them with bamboos and billets of wood. Sometimes, when a person is sick, a small coffin and a tiny corpse are buried, and the
92 News East Africa, p. 68.
93 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 188. [See also in this Journal, "Devil Worship of the Tuluvas," passim.-ED.] 24 Op. cit. p. 185.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 112.
96 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. III. p. 210.
97 Wilk's South of India, Vol. III. p. 211.
98 Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 211.
1 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 33.
Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 366. 100 Op. cit., loc. cit. Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. IV. p. 662. 4 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 234. Balfour's Encyc. Vol. V. p. 581.
3 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 107. Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 818.
From MS. notes. Compare:-In Gujarat, when an ascetio of the Dundiâ sect dies, women who seek the blessing of a male child strive to secure it by creeping beneath his litter (Forbes' Rds Mala, Vol. II. p. 332). 8 From MS. notes. Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 126. 11 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 104.
10 Fytche's Burma, Vol. II. p. 80.

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disease disappears.12 The Burmans use the following articles to cure sores or spirit-diseases :the hand of a lizard, sulphur, the bulb of a white lily, roast chillies, and cock's dang.13 A Burman, also when suffering from headache, hangs up pictures of peacocks and hares under the eaves; headache is considered a syn (or a moon.)etroke, and the peacock belongs to the sun and the hare to the moon.14 Spirits are considered one of the chief causes of disease in Barma, 15 and the Buddhist novice is asked if he is free from madness or other ills caused by giants, witches, or the evil spirits of forests and hills.26 In China epidemics are supposed to be devil-caused.17 The Chinese believe that drought is caused by evil spirits, 18 and also any sickness that does not give way to medicine.10 The belief that spirits cause disease, is widespread in China.20 Ancestors are supposed to cause sickness if their tombs are neglected; they are appeased by the present of paper money and paper clothes,21 When a Chinaman has had an ill-omened dream he fills his mouth with water, slashes the air with a sword, and holding a red or yellow scroll in his hand says: “O scroll, avert all evil influences."92 In China, spirits are supposed to raise storms, especially the survier squalls known as "devils" winds,"23 and the stye is exorcised by a priest in order that the pigs may not become diseased.24 The spirits of cows are much feared in China, and must be driven away by exorcists or priests; otherwise the whole berd may die.25 In China, when many people are drowned the belief is that the spirits of the poor have caused the accident. They have had no proper funeral and so are angry.28
The West Australians believe that sickness is caused by evil spirits; doctors go round the sick man, and shout to keep the devil away. They do not believe in natural death,27 but believe that fatal sickness is caused by their medicine-men, called Boglias, who can kill even at a distance from the power of some stones in their stomachs.28 In Australasia, illness and death, especially of the young, is attributed either to sorcery or to evil spirits.29 The Motus of New Guinea connect a sudden attack of illness with an evil spirit, called Vata. He is supposed to live in the bush ; they neither worship nor propitiate him in any way. When a person is taken ill they say Vata has killed him; the patient's life is despaired of, and little or nothing is done to him. In rare cases some leaves and roots are used as an antidote in charming diseases.30 Spirits cause epidemics, and so the Motus after an epidemic drive away the disease-spirit by beating sticks, shouting, making a noise generally, and throwing burning. sticks into the air,31 The Samoans hold that all disease marks the displeasure of some god. In cases of sickness the village priest is consulted, gifts are made, and mouthfuls of water are sprinkled over the sick bed.33
The Tanalas of Madagascar believe that sudden death is caused by witchcraft; and other tribes, especially the Sihanakas, think all death to be due to witchcraft. When the dead is in the tomb the Sihannkas say: "Whoever it is that has bewitched you, break him upon the rock that the children may see it."33 The people of Madagascar believe that any one who is sick is possessed by an evil spirit.34 In East Africa a madman is said to have fiends.35 Barrerness is a spirit disease, and so in South Central Africa a baton of wood covered with grass is rubbed on a woman to cure her of barrenness.36 The people of South Central Africa think that sickness is due either to spirits or to sorcery.37 The inhabitants of the country to
12 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 138. 1. Op. cit. Fol. II. p. 137. 16 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 138. 18 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 113. 20 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 17. 25 Op. cit. p. 286. 20 Op. cit. p. 85. 2 Op. cit. Fol. VII. p. 289. 30 Op. cit. p. 453. 32 Pritchard's Polynesian Remaitis, p. 147. 84 Op. cit. p. 295. * Pinto's How I crossed Africa, Vol. I. p. 357.
19 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 140. 16 Fytche's Burma, Vol. II. p. 79. 11 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 31. 10 Cubbold's China, p. 69. 31 Op. cit. p. 23.
23 Op. cit. p. 13. 24 Op. cit. p. 169.
38 Op. cit, p. 155. 27 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 319. 29 Wallace's Australasia, p. 103. 31 Op. cit., loc. cit. 13 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 291. 35 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. p. 130. 57 Cp. cit. Vol. I. p. 130.

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381
the north of the Zambesi, have a great fear of spirits. They think that spirits cause sickness and wish to take away the living. When one man has killed another, a sacrifice is made to lay the ghost.38 The South-West Africans believe that if the spirits of the departed are appeased, there is no other cause of death except witchcraft.39 Sneezing is supposed to be spirit-caused. Gardiner notes that when Dingaru, a Zulu chief, sneezed, his people said :"May he grow greater."40 The Nubras divide diseases into two classes, wind or spirit diseases and blood diseases.1 The Moors of Morocco, when they stumble or fall, stain their clothes, cat their fingers, break a pot, or hear an ass bray, say: "God damn the devil." 12 The old belief that spirits cause diseases seems to have been modified by the Moors of North Africa, who now consider every sickness a judgment.43
The American Indians almost universally believe that death is caused by witchcraft.44 The Zaparo Indians of South America think illness and death due to sorcery.45 In the West Indies, Columbus (1495) found a sorcerer, who pulled diseases off the patient as one pulls off a pair of trousers ;46 and the Californian Indians spend all their time in shaking off evil
spirits. 47
Homer's 49 Greeks thought that disease was caused by a demon, 49 and this belief was upheld by Pythagoras.50 Madness they thought was due to a spirit.51 The Romans called madmen lymphati, ghost-baunted, and a Temple of Fever stood on the Palatine Hill.52 The Roman matrons were cared of barrenness by being beaten with thongs by the priest of the Lupercalia. The Lupercalia continued to be held in Rome till the middle of the fifth century.53 The Skandinavians believed that Runic letters eased women in labour, kept off poison, dispelled evil thoughts, and cared child-diseases and melancholy:54 In Russia, the ague is called the Female Neighbour or the Female Friend. Ague is a spirit which will worry her patient till she goes, and before she goes she appears in terrible dreams.55 Toothache is cured in Russia by rubbing on the gam the ends of candles, which have been burnt in church.56 Barrenness is supposed to be a spirit-disease, and so in France, even to-day, women are said to sit on dolmens to cure sterility.67 Formerly in England it was held that pestilences and other diseases and sicknesses were due to wicked spirits. In the Episteles and Gospelles, London, imprinted by Richard Bankes, & sermon on "Rogation Dayes" runs: "In these Rogation Days, it is to be asked of God and prayed for, that God of His goodness will defend and save the corn in the field and that He will vouchsafe to purge the air; for this cause be certain Gospels read in the wide fields among the corn and grass, that by the virtue and operation of God's word the power of the wicked spirits, which keep in the air and infect the same (whence come pestilence and other kinds of diseases and sicknesses), may be laid down and the air made pure and clean to the intent the corn may remain unharmed and not infected of the said hurtful spirits,"58 In England a stoppage in the throat was supposed to be due to witchcraft, or spirits, and the following remedy was resorted to as a cnre:- “Hold the diseased by the throat, and say- Blaze, the martyr and servant of Jesus Christ, commands thee to pass up or down.'"*60 In England convulsions were an attack of dwarves.co Pestilences vame in human form.61 Barrenness was a spirit-disease, which was believed to affect trees, as well as men and women. So, till 1790, the Devonshire farmers used to go round their apple
* Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 484. Op. cit. p. 140. Gardiner's Zulu Country, p. 52. 1 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II, p. 825.
13 Rohlf's Morocco, p. 60. 15 Op. cit. p. 76.
44 First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 168. 16 Jour, Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 506.
46 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 129. 47 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 497.
48 B. C. 1000. 49 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 137. 60 B. C. 510. 81 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 138. 62 Pliny's Natural History, Vol. I. p. 3. 69 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. IV. p. 78. 04 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 118.
Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 326. 68 Op. cit. p. 90.
67 Walhouse in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 31. 58 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. pp. 201, 202, 60 Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 52. 60 Taylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 140.
61 Op.cit. Vol. I. pp. 295, 296.

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trees on Twelfth Day in order that they might bear well.63 In Herefordshire, under the name of Wassailing, the following rites were observed :- At the approach of evening, on the vigil of the Twelfth Day, the farmers, with their friends and servants, used to meet together, and at about six o'clock walk to a field of wheat. In the highest part of the ground twelve small fires and one large fire were lighted. The attendants, headed by the master of the faraily, pledged the company in old cider, which circulated freely. A circle was formed round the large fire, and a general shouting and hallooing was raised. Sometimes fifty or sixty of these fires might be seen at once.63 In England, the "falling sickness," like barrenness, was considered to be a spirit-disease. Lupton in his Book of Notable Things (1660), p. 40, says : - «Three nails, made in the vigil of the Midsummer Eve and driven in so deep that they cannot be seen, in the place where the party doth fall that hath the falling sickness, doth drive away the disease quite." Sir T. Browne (1660) thought fits to be natural, but heightened by the power of the devil and of witchcraft.66 Spirits cause certain diseases, and so Prospero66 tells Ariel to charge his goblins, to grind Caliban's joints with dry convulsions, to shorten his sidews with aged cramps, and make him more pinch-spotted than a cat-a-mountain. In Yorkshire, St. Vitus' dance was believed to be caused by an evil eye or a witch.67 The belief in the spirit-theory of disease is still common in rural England. Fits, the falling sickness, ague, cramp and warts are all believed to be caused by a spirit going into the patient's body. These diseases are cured, - that is, the spirit who causes the disease is scared, -by a oharm. In the charm, the disease is addressed as a spirit or being :- thus, in ague the charm runs : "Ague, farewell till we meet in hell;" and cramp is addressed : “Cramp, be thou faultless, as our Lady was sinless when she bore Jesus.''08 In Lancashire, the people think casting out the ague is the same as casting out the devil, for it is the devil in the sick man that makes him shiver and shake. Warts are cured by rubbing them with a green elder stick and burying the stick.70 In certain parts of England, fits and hiccough are still believed to be possessions, and are cured by charms.71 Severe bleeding at the nose is in England thought to be caused by a spirit sucking the blood. In a case recorded in Northumberland a woman's nose bled so dangerously that the husband went to call a wizard. On his way the wizard crossed a stream between him and the woman's house, muttered a spell, and said that the bleeding had stopped. The husband went home, and finding that the bleeding had not stopped, returned to the wizard, who remembered that there was a second stream. He orossed this stream, repeated the charm, and the bleeding was stayed 73 Big neck, or goitre, was cured in England by the touch of a dead hand, especially of that of a suicide, and shoes used to be set cross-wise near a bed to keep off cramp. In Sootland epilepsy is still supposed to be fiend possession. One cure was to put the epileptic in bed with his dead mother, apparently in the belief that the evil.spirit that caused the disease would leave the sufferer and go into the dead.75 In parts of England (1870) erysipelas is thought to be a spirit called Ceronsepel. The charm for erysipelas runs :-" Cerongepel coming in at the town end. By the name of the Lord I medisen thee.'70 The people of Moray in Scotland pare the finger and toe nails of a hectic person, tie them in a rag, and wave the rag thrice round his head sanways, deas soil, and bury the rag. So, according to Pliny, did the Druids.77
1. Effect of the belief that Spirits cause disease. One result of the universal belief that disease is caused by unfriendly spirits is the anxiety to find out articles78 that scare spirits. The early Hindus found that the juice of 62 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 29. a Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 30.
4 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 936. 68 Scott's Demonolatry and Witchcraft, p. 264, 66 Tempest, IV.; 1. 67 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 162.
Dyer's Folk-Lore, pp. 158-164. Op. cit. p. 163. To Op. cit. p. 165. 11 Op. cit. pp. 145-149.11 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 158. 15 Op. cit. p. 159.
Op. cit. p. 155. T5 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 24. 16 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 150.
17 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 150. T8 The names of the principal articles, which were believed to schre spirits, are given under the heading "Articles which scare Spirits."

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the holy basil, or tulsi, restored consciousness, removed pain in the ear, cured scratches, and ringworm, and destroyed krimi, or intestinal worms. They also perceived that the smell of the basil flower was sweet, and that the basil leaf, when eaten, was agreeable to the taste. They, therefore, held that the sweet basil scared spirits, and so was a Guardian. So they made garlands and necklaces of sweet basil leaves and stems; and the necklace was called tulsi-pat, a name still borne by a gold ornament worn by Hindu women. In the same way it was found that the darbha, or durva, grass was healing or spirit-scaring, and so paritris, or purifying rings of this grass, were worn on the fingers. In the Bombay Konkan, where rice is the staple food, it was considered to contain some divine principle. Four deities were supposed to live in rice: :- Brahma the creator, Ravi the sun, Sôma the moon, and the Marudganas the wind-gods. As rice was the abode of gods, it was thought to be a protection against unfriendly spirits. They, therefore, worshipped rice, and, to scare spirits, put into their ears fresh ears of the rice called bugdi, a practice which is preserved in the Hindu female earornament bugdi or mugdi.70
383
In early times, especially in India, the cow was considered the most useful of animals. Its milk gave strength and vigour, its urine and dung were medicinal, and its head gave a yellow substance, called gôrôchan, which was found a valuable cure for child-diseases. Everything that appertained to the cow was taken to be sacred and spirit-scaring. So the word pútala in Sanskrit means "pale-red" or "cow-coloured," and hence the patal, or cow-coloured ornament worn by Hindu females. Again it was believed that the sacred thread of Brahmans kept off spirits, partly because it has several knots called Brahmá granthis: knots, or knotted things, being a spell against evil spirits. Hence the gunthalé, or knotted necklace, and the gantha,90 or knotted earring, worn by the low class Hindus.
Palm-leaves, beads, and certain teeth and bones were supposed to possess the power of dispelling spirits, and so the wearing of ornaments made of palm-leaves, beads and ivory came into fashion. Thus, the Hindu tanmant and kaligáthi ornaments, which are now made of gold or pearls, were formerly made of black beads, the word kaligáthi meaning black beads or black knots, and tanmani meaning beads of life. Similarly the chief neck ornament of married Hindu females, called galaárt or neck-luck, must, as a rule, be of black beads. Pitalis made of ivory are still worn by Hindu women, and are considered to be more auspicious than either gold or pearl ornaments.
With the working of metals came the discovery of the healing value of minerals. The Hindus considered lôhabhasmu, the ashes of iron, támrabhasma, the ashes of copper, and raupyabhasma, the ashes of silver, to be the elixir of life. Again, as branding the patient with an iron or copper rod was found an effective cure for certain diseases, which were supposed to be spirit-caused, the belief spread that metal was a great spirit-scarer. So they exchanged their ornaments of grass, tree-leaves, bones and beads for ornaments of iron, copper, silver and gold.
2. Ornaments scare Spirits.
The meanings of many of the ornaments worn by Hindu women support this view of the general history of personal ornament.
Among Head-ornaments are:- Kétaka, the Sanskrit kétaki,81 the flower of the Pandanus odoratissimus, a golden hair ornament worn by Hindu women. Kamal, the Sanskrit kamala, a lotus, a hair ornament resembling a lotus. Kuluka, the Sanskrit kalittha, Marathi kulita, a bunch of the Glycine tomentosa leaves, is worn on the hair: the word also means a golden hair ornament, which is otherwise called mida, the joy-giver. Chandani, the Sanskrit chandra, moon,
19 Molesworth's Marathi Dictionary. The bugdt resembles an ear of rice. 80 Sk. granthi, a knot. 81 Pandanus odoratissimus.

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a full-moon shaped gold ornament worn on the hair. Chandrakôr, the Sanskrit chandra, moon, and kôra, a part or portion: a half quarter-moon head ornament. Champydchibár, the Sanskțit champaka, the champd tree, 62 and bár a row: a golden hair-ornament resembling a row of chámpá flowers. Gulábáchépkul, the Maratht guláb, rose, and phul, a flower: a golden head ornament like a rose flower. Gönda, the Marathi gôndá, the Globe amaranth : & golden and silken head-ornament like a bunch of Globe amaranth flowers. Nág, the Sanskrit naga, a serpent, a gold snake-shaped ornament.
Among Nose-ornamonts are: - Nath, apparently the Marathi nath, the juice of a plant administered through the nose, a common nose-ornament. Vali, the Marathi vali, Bassella rubra, a pearl nose-ring.
Among Ear-ornaments are: - Bugdi, the Marathi bugdí, a kind of rice, a gold ornament like a rice ear. Báli, the Sanskrit bali, Marathi bal, strength, a gold and pearl ornament supposed to protect or strengthen. Gantha, the Sanskțit granthi, Marathi gántha, a knot: any knotted ear-ornament worn by low class Hindus Lavangé, the Marathi lavning, clove, a golden ear-ornament resembling a clove. Kudén, the Marathî kudên, & root shoot of turmeric, rice, ginger, or garlic, an ear-ornament worn by females.
Among Neck-ornaments are :- Javáchimdi, the Marathi java, barley, and mdl, a garland: a garland of gold beads like barley graias. Ohampekalichimal, the Marathi chámpa, kali, a bud, and mdl, a garland : # golden garland resembling champa flowers. Hár rámnamáchá, the Marathi hár, a garland, and ramanáma, the name of the god Rama : golden garland, on which the name of the god Rama is written. Tulsipatti, the Marathi tulof, sweet basil, and patti, a necklace : & necklace of tulsi leaves or stalks, a golden necklace. Chinchpatti, the Marathi chinch, tamarind, and patti, a necklace : a gold necklace. Vajratika, the Sanskrit vajra, thunderbolt, and Marathi fika, a bit : an ornament worn round the neck, as powerful a guardian as a bit of Indra's thunderbolt.
Among Hand-ornaments are:- Bángdi, probably the Markthi bangda, a kind of fish: said to have been adopted by the Hindus from the Muhammadans: - orthodox Hindu ladies prefer the pátali or cow-colour, which was supposed to avert evil, vald, the Marathi for the sweet-rooted grass, Andropogon muricatum, & round golden hand ornament. Patali, the Sanskțit pale red or cow-coloured, & cow-coloured ornament of gold or ivory.
Among Foot-ornaments are: - Vará, the Marathi name for the Andropogon muricatum, a foot-ornament of silver. Phulen, the Marathi word phui, a tower: silver foot-ornaments, Másólyá, the Sanskrit matsya, Marathi mdsú, a fish: a silver fish-shaped toe-ornament.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. A TELUGU SUPERSTITION.
they say should be split in two before it is thrown The Telugus, as a rule, wear dhots, but ooca- away when done with, or the wearer of the sionally also pdejdmas, extending from the waist pdejamas will become lean. Repeated failure of to the knee, and fastened round the waist by & the superstition has had as yet no effect on its cord, called nada, run through a turned in border prevalence. or selvedge by means of a small stick, which
M. N. VENKETSWAMY.
12 Michelia champaca.

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FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 38.
385
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, B. A., M.F.L.S. No. 38. The Talisman of Chastity.
(Continued from p. 344.)
M
EANWHILE the fair name of Ambika had been spoiled by the minister of Vijayanagara. But she had no idea of how great the mischief was that had been done. All she had wanted were funds for the 'Saiva temple, which her lord had ordered her to acquire for herself. The funds had been acquired in the manner directed. So when the merchant, after giving away all that he had to Devi, left Madura for the north, and when all this property was safely and secretly collected and kept in the choultry, Ambika said to Dêvî:
-
"My dear friend, I mean to entrust the building of the Saiva temple to you, for I must leave this place soon, if I am to execute the last hard condition of my lord. Meanwhile, you must daily go to the palace to receive the dole for our maintenance. Everything must go on, as if I remained here. Not a word, not a syllable, must escape from your lips about my absence. The building of the Saiva temple, opposite to our choultry, must commence from to-morrow, and slowly must the work go on. You must keep a regular account of all the money that you spend upon it, and it must be built strictly from the funds that we have acquired from the merchant."
Dêvi listened eagerly to what all Ambikâ said, and put her a thousand questions, and promised to do all that a maid-servant could do in helping Ambika.
Now, as her lord left her for Banaras, the princess had determined to follow him there in disguise, for successfully accomplishing the last and the most severe of his conditions that But she now saw she should, through him and without his knowledge, give birth to a son. that unless she had strong help the successful execution of her project would be an extremely difficult, nay, an impossible, task. So she wrote to her father secretly about her hard life, and why she had to go to Banâras, and saying that for this journey she wanted a good retinue composed of men and women quite foreign to India, a very confidential man for superintending her affairs at Madura, and ample funds for her journey and stay at Banâras. Her father had the greatest regard for his daughter, and so he at once sent men and money, and, as desired by his daughter, made the whole retinue wait at a day's journey from Madura. The men and women that composed this retinue were all persons from the Simhaladvipa, and the king made two of his confidential ministers assume the guise of common men of that island, and ordered them to obey the princess's orders.
One of these men was to superintend the work that Dêvi was to undertake for the 'Saiva temple; and great was Ambika's delight when she saw him near her, disguised as a beggar. She came to know through him that a retinue of a hundred men and a hundred women, with another person, disguised like himself, was waiting for her at a day's journey from Madura. Her joy knew no bounds when she heard of this. She called Dêvî to her side, recommended her to the confidential friend in disguise, and made arrangements that the 'Saiva temple should be built by him with funds supplied by Dêvi. She then took a box from the hands of the disguised friend, which contained something for her from her father, and went in to her own room. After a ghatika she returned, and the persons found a strange prince standing before them, and no longer the princess Ambikâ, for the box that the princess received from her father contained a complete set of a male dress. The confidential friend accompanied the disguised Ambikâ to the spot where the retinue was waiting, and returned to Madura to attend to his duty. Thus did Ambika, disguised as a prince, begin her long, troublesome and rapid pilgrimage to Banaras. She reached the sacred city a day after her lord's arrival there, and took up her abode opposite to his house, calling herself, in her disguise, the prince of Simhaladvipa.
The several festivities, the music and the nautch parties were purposely held in the house of the Simhaladvipa prince to attract the attention of the Pândiyan prince. But the latter never for a moment had any reason to suspect that these things were wholly done for his sake,

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and he was for several days eagerly waiting for an opportunity to get himself introduced to one whom he considered to be the happiest prince in the world. In about a couple of months after his arrival in Bapáras, he was allowed to become the friend of the prince of Bimbalad vipa, and little by little the friendship between the two princes grew thicker and thicker, till on A certain day the Simhaladvips prince thus questioned his friend :
"O Pandiya, notwithstanding the several festivities, nantches and music that I get op day after day on your account, I now and then find that you are absent-minded. There must be some cause for all this. Though we have become bosom friends now, you have not been free with me. Tell me now, please, what lurks in your mind, and let me try my best to console you."
The prince then related all about his wife, except her banishment to the choultry, and so his listener came to understand who the pearl merchant had been. The Simhaladvipa prince laughed freely over the story, and this want of politeness enraged the vexed husband very much.
"You laugh now, O Simbala! I do not know how you would have liked these things, if your wife had behaved thus towards you," said the Pandiyan prince, to which the listener replied: -
" Thank God, O Pandiya, I have no wife. I shall never marry one."
Now that the topic bad been once mooted, there were several occasions in the next and suc. ceeding days on which they had again to revert to it. Though Ambika, disguised as the Sinhala prince, had laughed over the volley of abuse that her husband, without knowing who his listener was, had showered upon her, there was no sadder soul in the world than herself at the time.
"Thus, thonght she, "has my lord been deceived by the Vijayanagara minister, and believes me to be a bad woman and disbelieves my talisman, and calls it & magic. It is my fate to undergo such hardship. Let things only go on as I wish them now, and I shall soon win over my lord to my side."
One evening, the Sinhala prince thus consoled his friend :
"From all that I can gather from your speech, you seem to envy my happy life in the midst of so many courtezans, while you look upon your stay opposite to me all alone as a great hardship. If you have no objection, I can easily send you one of these courtezans for company."
The Paodiyan prince gladly accepted his friend's suggestion, and from that night, the Simhala prince assumed the disguise of a courtetan of Sinhaladvipa during the nights, and spent them with her lord. The Pandiyan prince never suspected that the prince and the courtezan, who visited him every night, were one and the same person. Thus matters continued till Ambikå became certain of her pregnancy, and the moment she was certain of this, her whole thoughts were fixed on Madura. But before she thought of returning there, she secured the best of his ornaments from her lord- of his finger and ear rings, garlands, and even of the talisman of lotuses which she had given him. Having no more thought of his bad wife, and never suspecting the courtezan to be a princess or his wife, he gave her all that she asked, and more. The object of the pilgrimage of the princess to Banaras was now successfully accomplished, and four full months she had spent happily with her lord.
One day, the following letter was shewn to the Pândiyan prince by the Simhala prince: -
“My dearest son! Your presence is urgently needed here. Start at once and come away. You have spent too long a time at the sacred city."
“Do you see, O Pandiya, this letter from my father P I cannot stay long. I must be off in a day or two. Though we may part now, we shall meet soon, I hope. Before I go, I went to advise you a bit, encouraged to do so by our long friendship. On your return to your country take care first to dive into the whole secret of your wife's conduct, before you think of ponishing her. She may still be chaste, and the minister's story after all a lie. He might have purchased the ornaments easily from some maid-servants."
The Pândiyan thanked the Simhala for his good advice. Now that a kind and good friend suggested it to him, this idea - that the Vijayanagara minister's version of his wife's

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character might after all be a tale, and that the ornaments might have been got by unfair means, occurred to him at once. But the original warmth of his true regard to his singular wife, which he had before he came to Vijayanagara, was gone. He promised to himself secretly that, on his return, he would sift the matter well before taking any harsh steps, and no sooner had this idea entered into his head than he also wanted to return to his country.
The Simhala prince, after intimating to his friend that he would be going down to the south in a few days, resolved within himself that his departure must be sudden, secret and rapid. All arrangements necessary for this were secretly made, and executed the very next day. The third morning after the letter was seen by the Pandiyan prince he saw the mansion opposite to his house vacant, and the inmates all gone. On asking the landlord, he was told of the abrupt departure of the inmates to their country on the previous night.
"What," thought the Pandiya. “Is friendship a mere name without any meaning attached to it, that my friend, the Simhala, should thus quit this place without one word as to the time of his leaving? Bat let me not accase him. I was advised by him only the other day not to be so hasty and foolish in believing the Vijayanagara minister's accusation against my wife."
Thus thought he, and made arrangements for going also to his country,
As soon as the princess Ambika in her male disguise left Banáras, she requested her confidential friends to hasten the journey as much as possible, and reached Madura in four months' time. As might be expected, she sent away to her father all the men and women who had formed her retinue a day's journey from her choultry, and taking only two chosen and trustworthy friends with her, she reached her poor habitation safely in the middle of the night. She met her confidential friend and Dêvi. Great were their rejoicings at this happy meeting, and Ambikå was delighted to find that the temple was almost approaching to completion. The other part of her promise, too, she expected to be fulfilled in a couple of months in the natural course of circumstances. No one ever doubted that the princess had not remained in the choultry, for the morning doles had been regularly received, and now Devi and the other servants were mightily pleased at all the steps Ambikå had taken for successfully retrieving her character. She requested them all to keep everything to themselves till her lord's return.
Six months after her return to Madura, her lord, the prince of the Pandiya country, returned to his palace from his pilgrimage to the north. The first news that he heard, when entering his dominions, was a scandal about his banished wife. Births and deaths cannot be kept secret for long time, and it became known throughout the palace first, then throughout the city, that the banished princess had given birth to a son. Then the whole Pandiyan realm came to know of it. This event took place just four months before the return of the prince, who, after leaving Banaras, travelled in haste for a few days to join the Sinhala prince, but, being unable to catch him up and obtain news of his movements, had taken his own time for his return journey.
The prince's return was welcome to all in the capital, except to himself, for though now and then he consoled himself with the thought that the character of a banished princess should not at all put him out of his usual peace of mind, the scandal, as it appeared to him, was in the mouth of every one, and made him hang his head. His father the old king gave the prince a very kind and hearty welcome, but at their first meeting, it so happened that Dêvi also was waiting to receive ber morning dole. All the anger which the prince was keeping to himself broke out at once at the sight of that maid-servant :
" Has your lady a baby with her P" asked the prince. "Yes, my lord," replied she.
“ Cannot the father of that child feed you all P” roared out the prince, his tone of speech having changed itself by anger to a high pitch.
Coolly the maid-servant replied: -"Your Highness, my lord, is its father, and, in keeping with your Highness's orders, I come daily to the palace gates."

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The prince, who had not the slightest reason to connect himself with its origin, thought himself doubly insulted by the cutting remarks by the maid-servant. He would have rushed at her and plunged his dagger in her body, had not half a dozen friends near him held him back, fearing his attitude. He abused her, and several people had already rushed at her to push her away, when the old king restored order, and severely reprimanded Dêvî.
But she was glad at heart that unwittingly the matters had taken such a course.
"Let me be abused and thrashed," thought she. "I shall be proud of having brought this separation between the prince and his chaste wife the sooner to an end."
With this thought, she bowed very respectfully to the prince, and requested him to turn his mind back to the Simhala prince, and that she was not at all joking, but in earnest, when she said that he was the father of the beautiful baby. She even went out of her way, and remarked that in all the fourteen worlds there could not be found a better lady than the princess of Akhandakâvêri.
The prince's face changed colour when the name of the Simhala prince fell into his ears. "What? Is it possible! What connection is there with that company in Banaras and the baby's birth here? Let me enquire," thought he.
Dêvî was not that day permitted to return to the choultry. Immediately, the princess with her baby and the other maid-servants were sent for. The prince, overcome by extreme anger, had forgotten all his hard conditions, which he had imposed on his wife before he started for the sacred city: the raising of the Saiva temple and the giving birth to a son by his own self without his knowledge.
Ever obedient to orders issued by her lord or his father, Ambika, with her little baby at her bosom, arrived at the court like an ordinary woman without any reference to her position. But what did she, the gem of womankind, care for all the outward formalities? Her face, which bore on every line of it, furrows of deep anxiety and misery, indicated for all that her chaste innate character. Reaching the court she bowed with grace to her father-in-law and then to her lord. When questioned by the former as to who was the father of the baby, she replied:
"Respected father-in-law. Your noble son and my husband is its father. Let him kindly remember the Simhala prince, his friend, at Banâras, and the courtezan that visited him every night there. This is that courtezan, and the cause of all this is the imposition of two severe conditions, which your own son will explain to you, sire. If he is doubtful of the courtezan, let him please examine these ornaments, which he presented to me."
Here she placed before the old king all the jewels that her husband had given her in ber disguise as a courtezan. She then explained her whole story, from the beginning of her wedding night to that moment. All the people concerned in the affair were called and examined. The further the examination went the more the prince began to admire his chaste wife. What hardships, what renunciations she had undergone to please the whims of his own bad self? Even the Vijayanagara minister with his sovereign had to come in to give evidence, and on the former's saying that the princess he slept with for a night, as a pearl merchant, had a mole in her right cheek, the last lingering doubt in the minds of the most suspicious of men assembled there was removed. This on examination was proved to exist on the face of the maid-servant who had put on the disguise of the princess for a night. The examination was thorough and extremely minute, and before it was over there was not a single soul in the court, who did not condemn the prince for his bad treatment of his excellent wife, nor praise Ambikâ for all her successful adventures and noble execution of her undertakings for unsullied fame.
The prince was more than sufficiently pleased. He took back with pleasure his virtuous wife, and many were the occasions when they recounted their Banaras adventures. Once thus closely united by so many pleasant recollections and adventures they never became separated afterwards in their life. Ambika, by her purity of conduct, soundness of learning, and kindness to every one, became an object of respect to every person, and even to her husband. And they now lived together happily for a long time.

Page #401

INDEX.
Legend...
......
19
a Draconis was the pole star circ. 2800 B. C. 158 | Ariyadhajathêra, preceptor of Ramadhipati .. 101 Abhayadeva, his sect in dispute .................. 170 Arramana, the name discussed .................. 100 abhiskéka, as a test Skr. word in Burmese...... 165 "Arya Language," alluded to in a Tuļuva Acharya Manjusri, as & Lamaic god ......... 73 legend ............................***********...*** adhvan, as a test Skr. word in Burmese ...... 165 ashes are spirit-scarers .............................. 383 Adora Dêre Baidya, a hero of the Jumadi Asoka, claimed as a Láma, 74: -- Burmese
views of, discussed ....
...........102ff. Adûra Jumidi, a Bhata..........
.... 20 asurakriyd = Bhata worship ....................... 10 agelu-tambila, a form of Bhúta worship, 6, Asur(kalpa, Mr. Magoun on the, notes on ... 373
7; peculiar to the Beiderlu ..................... 7 Atharvavéda, notes on ancient works on the, Agni, a king of a point of the Compass, 15:
372ff. : - Prof. Bloomfield on the, notes notes on M. Koulikovski's works on ......... 363 on ...................................................... 373. Allard, his service under Rañjit Singh alluded Attåvar Daiyongulu, a Bhūta, the legend of. 190ff. to
............. 64 Auckland, Lord, his doings with Rañjit Singh. 68 alliteration in Indian Rhetoric, 345ff. : - augury among the Karens ........................ 26. defined .............
................. 265 Avitabile, his service under Rafijit Singh Ahmad Shah, his invasion of the Pafijab...... 59 alluded to......... Ajit Singh present at Ranjit Singh's death,
68:--murders Sher Singh, 69f.:- his death 70 Akkaji Mamajt, a celebrated king among
the Tuluvas..................................... 98f. badges, family, origin of ............................ 375 Amadadi Pañjarli, the Bhata, his acts ......... 94. Bakibalatimâra in Pañje, a field famous in Amânta Dates, 122ff. :-of the Saka Era... 129f., 131 the Koti-Channayya Legend ............ 45, 87, 89 Amitabha, Litany of ............ ............... 208 Bâkimar, a field famous in the Koti-Chan. Ammanna Baidya, his share in Deyibaidi's nayya Legend ...........
........ death
............. 29 Baloli, a kingdom' ........... amraik, as a test Skr. deriv. in Burmese ...... 165 Balwant Rani, heroine of a folktale ............. ancestors as guardian spirits, 336ff.; were bandi, a form of Bhata worship.................
the first guardian spirits, 387; gallant, are Bannala, the birthplace of Kinni Daru ........ guardians of the living, 336 : - as friendly Barnas Sahib = Alexander Buines................. 62 spirits, 374:- as hostile spirits, 374 :- wor- basket, index of luck, 80:- magical ............ 80 ship of, the rudimentary form of religion, battle, the great, in the Köţi-Channayya 333; the most universal form of Hindu
Legend ..........
............ 88ff. faith, 333 : -- the return of, belief in the, beads are spirit-scarers...... .............. 383 caused by the likeness of children to the Beiderlu, Bhatas in the form of giants,
.............. 336 5:- of human origin, 5:- are the spirits arvesural goas in Sikhim ................... 1978. of heroes of the Billavars.......................... 5 Auchala-gachchha, list of the surfs of the... 175ff. Berma = Brahmara .................................. 6 Anekarthasangraha, Zachariæ's version of ... 84 Berma-sthana, a temple sacred to Brahmara.. animals, as guardian spirits, two kinds of, bhandara, the five images used in the worship 338:- habits of some, suggest them to be
of Jarandaya ............ spirits of the dead, 338:-- worship of, origin bhanga, a name for hemp in Skr. ............... 260
of, 377: have speech in folktales, a cow... 160 Bhatta, a hero of the Kanapå ditaya Legend... 31. Annappe, a Bhata ..............
................ 16 Bhima (Rakkasa), an image of, as a charm ... 191 Anorata = Anuruddha ......
*****.................. 257 Bhimala Mitra, Pandita, a Lamaic god ..... 73 Anorat'âzò = Anuruddha ........................ 257 Bhimala Bhaskara, a Lamaic god ............... 74 Anuruddha, king of Pagàn, 257f.; his con- Bhuiyas, a note on the ............................... 81
quest of Phatôn, 257: -- was not a barba- bhats are the spirits of dead relations, 333;=
rian .................................................. 258 Bhútas ................................................ 333 A parantaka, the name discussed ............... 103 | Bhdtag, worship of, in South Canara, 11.; forms arant, notes on Prof. von Roth on the ......... 354 of worship of, 5, 6 :- worship of, spread Arie, teachers of Buddhism in old Pagàn ... 258 among the castes, 7; extent of, 7; spread
dead ...............
10

Page #402

390
INDEX.
of, 4-sacred to the Holeya caste, 6:worship described and detailed, 7ff. :-worshippers of, their cosmogony, 15 f.: festivals, 10, 11 ; Burnell's MS. describing a note on, 2:- forms of, 5; represented by stones and planks, 5:- a note on some images of, 11, 12:- the use of the, 16:- images of, for a charm, 95:- Various kinds of, 5; among the Tuļuvas, partly created by God, õ; of superhuman origin, 191; partly sprung from men, 5; as family tutelary demons, 5; a family, mentioned, 187; the family, used to distinguish a person, 43 ; village tutelary demons, 5; a village, mentioned, 92; allusion to a village, 44; connected with certain temples, 6:- a list of 133, 12, 13:-the Five, of Ambadadi, 95:causes sickness out of revenge, 20; spread disease, 184f.:-power of metamorphosis, 186, 189:- a Brahmanical substitute for péyi, a South Indian aboriginal god, 7:- 29 attendants on Siva, a Brahmanical innovation, 7:- origin of the, a legend, 13ft. :- a specimen of an incantation, 7ff. :-a mode of selecting a temple, 95:- Dr. Männer's note on the, 5f. :-worship of, works relating
*.................................. 5 Bhůta-ganas, the 1001 ............................... 16 Bhúta-kotya, the place of residence for a
family Bhata ....................................... 5 Billavar (toddy.drawers), the caste mainly
given to Bhata worship, 7: their share in the Bhata worship, 4: their festivals...... 10 | Birmâna Baidya, a hero of the Jumadi
Legend, 19:- kills Deyibaidi by magic ... 29 Biru of Naddyodi, a heroine of the Kodamaņa.
taya Legend ........................................ 92 blood, hot, of a cow, a folktale remedy......... 161 Bobbaria, the Bhata, origin of ................. 193 Bobbarye, a Bhata .......
.............
16 Bollu, name of a dog in the Koti-Channayya Legend .............
..................... 86€. Bopp, notes on a life of ............................ 109 boundary-stone, a case of ........................... 45f. Brahma, his place in Bhata worship, 15ff.:
Brahma Bhatas, three mentioned at one place ..... ........
................... 184 Brahma of Alake = Bobbaria..................... 193 Brahma of Maribettu, a Bhata .................. 96 Brihman, prophecy of a, 40f.:- 48 priest
of the Bhatas, 8: -- and Brahmara of Kemmule ...........
............ 476. Brahmanism, notes on current works on.......352. Brahmara, the forest Bhota ......................... 6 Brahmara of Kemmule, a Bhata, 29; saluta
tion addressed to him, 34; invoked, 86:his charmed dagger, 89:-held in great
awe, 40 :- his appearance, 47:- his doings with Köti and Channayya, 47£. ; invoked by Köţi and Channayya, 45f. :- the family Bhata of Kinni Daru...............................
43 Bråmarakshasa = Brahmara ..................... 6 Branginoco, the name explained.................. 140 bride, death (Bhata) following the, to injure those amongst whom she goes
93f. Brihaddévata of Saunaka, notes on the......... 355 Brihad-gachchha, a note on the ................... 183 Buddha Gaya, Burmese missions to ............. 102 Buddhas of Medicine in Sikhim .................. 213 Buddhism, notes on current works on,
352ff. :- in old Pagàn ........................... 253 Buddhist Convocation, the Third, notes on,
102f. : -structures, origin of, in Burma... 102 Buddyanta, a hero of the Koti-Channayya
Legend, 29; was part-owner of the field Anilaja, with Kôți and Channayya, 31:his quarrel with Kôţi and Channayya, 30ff. :-his murder by Koți and Channayya, 35:- his children play with Koți and Channayya, 29f.; his children quarrel with
Koţi and Channayya .............................. 30 Buhler, Dr., on the age of the Rig Veda ..... 239ff. Bulandi, a Bhata .................. ................... 96 Burma, Languages of, notes on ...............194f. Burnell, history of his Devil Worship of the
Tuļuvas, lff.; his MSS., contents of, 1f. ; his MSS. of the Devil Worship of the
Tuluvas, description of ............................ lff. Burnes, his dealings with Rañjit Singh, 61f. ; his extraordinary interview with Ralijit Singh ........................
......... 67 Byinnyà To, a title of Shin Sòbů ............... 101
30
cashew-nuts used in gambling ................... caves, Buddhist, in Mergui ........................ 163 Ceylon, Burmese missions to.................... 102 Chait Singh wazir, his doings.................... 69 chakra, as a test Skr. word in Burmese......... challenge, symbol of .................................. 88 Ch&mundu Bernaye, a hero of the Koti-Chan
nayya Legend.......................................... 43f. Chand Kaur, widow of Khark Singh ............ 69 Chandagidi Baidya, a hero of the Koti-Chan
nayya Legend, 43f.; killed by Köţi in the
great battle ............................ Chandrakirtti, as a Lamaic god .................... 74 charikram, as a test Skr. word in Burmese ... 165 Channamangala Chaluvaraya, name of an ox
in the Todakinara Legend ..................... 98f. Channayya, the Bhata, Legend of, 2011.; as
Chennayya Beidya, was the hero Bhata, 6: his birth, 29; named after & god at Badiringa, 29:- murders Buddyanta, 35;
89

Page #403

INDEX.
391
99
197
70
murders a ploughright, 39; murders Dêre Deva Raya of Vijayanagara, four coins of, the toll-man, 39f.:- his suicide ............ 90 described ...............
.................. 24f. Channayya the Young = Channayya of dévakriya - god.worship ........................ 10 Edambar .................
46 dévaks, guardians (spirits or gods), 3744.: Channayya of Edambar, a minor hero of the are ancestors .........................................374f.
Koti-Channayya Legend ....................... 464. Deyibaidi, the Legend of the Bhata heroine, charms, the object of ............................... 16 22ff. : - a great heroine of Bhata Legends, Chart Singh, grandfather of Rañjit Singh, an 22ff.; was a Joti Brahmapf, 22:- deserted account of ..................... ... ... .... .
in the forest at Sankamale, 22:-famed as chiustity, proofs of, in folktales, 341; a test of, a "wise woman," 23; cures a Balla!, 23f.:
in folktales ......................................... 840 is the mother of Koti and Channayya, Chikkaraya, a god ............. ............... 98 29ff. :-- is (or Baidyati) mother of Kinni Chintamani Tripathi, a writer on Rhetoric... 215 Däru, 43 : - her daughter married to Chôļas, four dates of the discussed............2968. Paiyya Baidya, 22:- her death by magic cock, dead, revives... ........... .................. 20
and burial ............................. .. ...
29 cock-fighting as a religious ceremony ......... 19 Dhammachêti = Råmadhipati ................. 102 cow, as a goddess in the subterranean world, Dhammacheti-dhammasattkan, the, noted ... 102
162f. : is a spirit-scarer....................... 383 Dhammadhara = Ramadhipati ................... 101 coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara, 24ff.; of Dhammañana, a pupil of Dhammadhara ...... 101
Jasså Singh (Sikh), alluded to................... 59 Dhammapala Dhammañana ................. 101 Collections, the Three, in Sikhim .............208f. Dhammabókarája = Asoka ........................ 102 Counting-out Rhyme in Burma .................. 84 Dhammavillsa, a Buddhist priest ................ 101 cumulative rhyme in Western India, a ......... 167 Dharma, a 'king' and Bhata, 97; his birth,
97; goes to see the Tulu people ...............93ff.
Dharma-arasu, a Bhuta............ Dab-lha, the enemy god in Sikhim ............ Dharmada-arasu, the Lord of Charity, a Dagón, a name for Rangoon ........................ 102 Bhata .....................
.............. 92 Dalip Singh, his birth, 68 ; his accession...... Dharmakaya Padma Sambhava, a Lamaic Damuda River, origin of the name......... 10+ god ............. Danda, a folktale hero .............
Dharmakhya Samantabhadra, a Lamaic god... darbha = durva .............
Dharmanátha Gard Jo-ber, a Lamaic god ... 74 Dusahra, description of the....................... 69 Dharmarkja, a Lamaic god ........................ dates of the Saka Era, 113ff.; in current years, Dharmasagara, his dispute with Jinachandra127ff.; in expired years, 113ff., 131ff. ; in
suri ....................................................... 170 expired or current years, 130€. :-in solar Dhatupadha, notes on the roots in the, 141ff.: months, 131 ff.; in lunar months, 113ff. :-in
some remarks in defence of the................2511. bright fortnights, 113ff., 127ff.:-in dark dhruva, see pole star ............ fortnights, 122ff., 129f.:- amunta, 122ff., Dhumavati, Bhůta of Mudabidu in the Tulu 129f., 131 :- purnimanta, 122, 1308. -
Country ............... Of the Burmese common era, 1391. - dialects, slang, in South India .................. 49ff. Four Chola, 296ff. - Mnemonic words to disguise, in folktales..................................385f.
express .......................................... 256 diseases, certain, attributed to spirits......... 378€. daughter, only, adventures of, in folktales,
Diwan Dinanath, his share in Sikh affairs ... 71 339:- of a god, her doings on earth.......... 93f. Dôst Muhammad of Kabul, beginnings of dead pig revived.............. ................... 86f. trouble with .............
.............. 66 death ceremonies in Sikhim, detailed, 206ff.: drama, Sanskrit, notes on the history of ...... 110
the funeral, 209; post-funeral ................ 211ff. drawers, superstition concerning the string death-demon in Sikhim, ceremony of exor- of
384 cising .................
.................. 2094. Dugganna Kårer, a hero of the KodamanaDemonolatry in Sikhim, 1978f.:- among
taya Legend............................................... 91 the Kaching............
................ 262 i Durugulaya, a Bhuta..................................... 99 demons, the eight classes of, in Sikhim, durva grass, the, is a spirit-scarer................ 383
202ff.:- of the sky in Sikhim described, doudaba in R. V. VII. 103, 9, a test word in 202 :- personal, in Sikhim, 197 :- their the date of the Rig Veda ...... ...............1541.
colors, in Sikhim ................ ................ 1988. Dêre, the toll-man, murdered by Channayya earth-demons of Sikhim described .............2014. in the Koti-Channayya Legend ................ 39f earth-gods in Sikhim
............... 197
81 383
.
..
16
drama

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INDEX
...............
179
Edambar, a place famous in the Koti-Chan- Grammarians, Hindu, Whitney's views of the, nayya Legend, 42, 45; legend of an inscrip
143: their statements confirmed by tion at ................
................... 45f. modern research ................................. 147f. Edgren, Prof., his views on the Dhatupdtha... 143f. guardians (spirits or gode), 374ff. : can be Ejanagar = Bijanagar.
.............97, 191 changed, 376f.:- personal, 376 :- of the Ekkadka Erryangada, the property of Kôţi clan, is a clan ancestor ........................ 376 and Channayya ...............
gudi, a place set apart for the Bhata guardian Elphinstone, his dealings with Rafijit Singb... 61 of temple............................................... 6 emotions, the, a lecture in the Bhasha- Gujarati, its usefulness to Skr. studies ...... 250
Bhashana, 230ff. : - accessory, 235:- in Gujjara Language = (?) Gujarati............... 192
poetry, analysed ........... ................ 236f. Gul Begam, wife of Rabijit Singh ............... ensuants in Indian Rhetoric described.........235f. Gara, a Lamaic god ................ epic poetry in India ...................................528. Gurús of the Sikhs, a summary of an account eras, in Burma, origin of the, 256 ; Buddhist, of, 57f. :- lives of the Sikh, noted .........
in Burma, reckoned from 544 B. O., 256; Gurudvall of the Jayavijaya-gaņi, a note on Dodôrasa, of Burma = the Saka Era, 256;
the, 179:- of the Dharmasagara-gani, a Kachhapascha,= Sakkaráj, 256; Saka, its note on the .................. counterparts in Burma, 256; the Vulgar, of Guttyamma, a site for Bhata worship ......... 11 Burma = Sakkaráj, 256 : - notes on the Gyába, a Lamaic god .............
............ 74 Sakkarai ............................................. 256 excitants in Indian Rhetoric described ...... 235 exorcism in Sikhim, 199ff.:- a ceremony of, Hamsavati = Pegu ......... .............. 100 in Sikhim, described ........
hells, the Brahmanical, 109 :- the Buddhist,
note on the, 109:- ceremonies for getting
the soul out of, in Sikhim .....................208f. fairy, doings of a, in a folktale, 78:-sleeps
Hemp plant in Indian literature, 260f.:- its for twelve years, 79; has seven guards, 79:
name in Skr., 260:- mentioned in the marries a mortal, 80:- marriage, no cere
Atharvavéda, 260; by Påņini, 260 ; by Varimony necessary, 80 :- food, 81 : fairy
hamihira (504 A. D.), 260; by Susruta (7th clothes, 78, 81; marking her clothes for
Century A. D.), 260; by Chakrapânidatta identification ..........................................
(11th Century A. D.), 260f.; in the Skr. festivals of the Sikhs, described ............... 64, 69
dictionaries (kóshas), 260; in folksongs flavours, the, of rhetoric, in India, 233f. :
of the 12th Century A.D., 262; by Narahari = practically style................
Pandita (1300 A. D.), 261; by Vidyâpati flying couch, 81:- elephant ....................... 88
Thákur (1400 A. D.), 262; in the Dhartaforbidden glance back in folktales............... 79 folklore in Hindustan, 78ff.
samdgama (1520 A. D.), 261; in the Sariga. in Salsette,
dhara (1820 A. D.), 261 ; by Narayanadása. 134ff. :- among the Sgaw-Karens, 26ff. :
kavirajâ (1700 A. D.), 261 ; in the Rasain Western India, 160ff. :- turning on trade slang terms ............
pradipa, 261; in the Rasaratnasamuch
..................... 51f. Fortnights, bright, dates of the Saka Era,
chaya......................................................... 262 in, 113ff., 177ff. : - dark, dates of the
hena, crowing, an omen ........................... 19
hero taske, 81 Saka Era, in..........
and mare born together in ............. 1228., 129f. folktales .................................
............. 81
heroes and heroines, classification of, a lecture garudi = Bhata temple sacred to the
in the Bhdshd-bhishana ........................ 255ff. Beiderlu ........... ...................... 6 heroine sheds pearls for tears and rubies for genius, the, in Sikhim ............................... 197 laughter, in folktales ......... .............. 102 ghosts are mortal, 377 :- are noxious in Hesse, Dr., his notes on Burnell's MS. de.
Sikhim, 214 :- exorcism of, in Sikhim, 214f.; scription of a Bhata festival .............. 2
are got rid of by being burned in Sikhim... 214hgo-wa-lha, the chief personal gods among Giravu, a Bhata..........................
the Lamas ......................... Giridhara-dasa, a writer on rhetoric ............. 216 Hihihri Pipibri, identification of ............... 104 gods, guardian, origin of, 374ff. :-in Sikhim Him&vanta, the name discussed.................. 103
Lamaism, 197ff. :-the Three Upper, in Hinduism, notes on current works on ......352ff. Sikhim .................. . ............... 198 Hira Singh, his death .............
................. 70 Gólamattikanagaram is Taikkula, 255; the Holeya = Holier = Holiya, the Pariah of stone at ........
......... 255 South Canara ...........
197
***..
6

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INDEX.
393
16
....
Suu..
69
Holi festival, Sikh celebration of, 65 : descrip- Jattige, a Bhata ...... tion of the .........
............ 69 Jaw&hir Singh, bis doings ......................... Holiera ( Holiya), a Bhâta worshipping caste. 4 l jayd, a name for hemp in Skr.................... horoscope of death in Sikhim. ..............206f. Jharkhand Forest, the ............................ Hügel, Baron von, his doings with Rañjit, Jirapalli = Jirkulli ............................. Singh ............
............ 64 Jiráuld-sâkhả, the, a note on ................... hydrovele, a folk reason for.......................... 344 Jimmappa, a god ............ hyperbole analysed
..............279f. Jina Lakshmi Sudá, a Lamaie god.
Jina Zhang-tön, a Lamaic god............... *Ibratndma, allusion to the .................... ....... 57 Jinachandra-suri, his dispute with Dharmaidentification by means of personal ornaments
sagara .............
.. .... 170 in folktale ....................... ................. 386f. judgment, unjust, in folktales .................. 135f. illechchida, form of Bhúta worship .......... 7 Jumadi, the legend of the Bhata ................ 17ff. Wechchida-nôma, a Bhata festival................ 10 Jumidi, a Bhůta, 99: Sarala Jumadi ... 184 illustration in rhetoric analysed ................ 283f. Jumadi Banti=Kujumba Kanje, the Beiderlu iinpossible task, variant of the ... ... 78, 136f, 386f. attendant ...........
............... 8. incantation to Saturn, details of, 63f.:-Sikh,
described ............ indrdsana, a name for hemp in Skr. ............ 260 Kadgarávane, a Bhata ............................... 16 Indre, a king of a point of the Compass ...... 15 Kaju, name of a dog in the Kopi.Channayya inexhaustible pot ..................................... 81 Legend.................................................. 86f. Inscription, Alangudi of Kulôtunga-Chola I., Kalabhairava, a Bhuta, Legend of, 186ff. : is a edited, 293:- Bilvanåthêśvara temple at family Bhata, 186 : servant of a god ......... 192 Tiruvallam, date of, discussed, 297: -Chi
Kalliyata, a Bhata festival ......................... 11 dambaram of Kulotunga-Chola I., edited, Kaļu, name of a dog in the Koti-Channayya 297f.:- Sahasråm, note on the, 109 :
Legend .............................................. Tet'nwogyaung at Pagàn, noted, 101:- kambala, an agricultural ceremony, described. 318. Tiruvarur of Vikrama-Obôla, edited, 298f.:- Kanapáditaya, the Bhata, his acts, 9288. : - as note on a Juin, 183:- Skr. in Burma,
a family Bhuta .................................... 92 2584. :- Sanskrit, in Cambodia, notes on, Kafichikadanga, a celebrated building in the
112:- legend of an, at Edambůr ............ 45f- Todakinara Legend ......... Irvail, a god ............................................ 92 ! Kanchinjanga, Mt., lue the mountain-god of Isinye, a king of a point of the Compass....... 15 Sikbim ............. Isara Karibi, the barber, a hero of the Kūţi. Kanta, a pombada who gave Burnell his
Channayya Legend ........ ......... ... 30. Tuluva MSS. ......... Iskandar Barnas = Alexander Burpes ........... 62 Kantakke, a heroine of the Küti-Channayyu Isvara, as a Lamaic god, 76 :- his place in Legend ...................
Bhata worship, 15ff.:- the king and queen Kåntanêtri-jum&di, a Bhuta introduced into of the pigs destroy the garden of, 218.; an incantation, 8ff. ; his image.................. protects the children of the king and queen Kintaņņa, a hero of the Deyibaidi Legend, of the pigs, 211.:- disguised as a Brahman, 22ff.; married to Deyibaidi, 22 : father of in a folktale.............
.............. 162 Kinni Dáru .......... ivory is a spirit-scarer ........ ........... 383 Kanya, a hero of the Jarantâya Legend
Kaptan Sahib Wade............. Jacquemont, his doings in the Paūjáb ......... 64 Karens, casting lots by the, 26. :— their Jainism, notes on current works on.............352ff. legend is to a lost script ............................ 27. Jains, Gachchhas of the, Pattavalis of the...169ff. Kúryainula, Prof. Weber on the .............. 28 Jakman=Jacquemont ............................... 64 Kêmêr Banal of Pañje, a hero of the KöțiJalla, Pandit, his doings ........................... 70 Channayya Legend, 43f.: proceedings of Jarandaya is a Blota in the form of a horse, Koţi and Channayya at his house .............44f8.
5:- his acts, 91:-threx names for him, Kemmule forest, adventures of Köți and 9:- his image, 10:- incantation of, trans
Channayya in .................. .................46f8. lated, 8f.: introduced into an incantation... 8ff. Kêsava-dása, the father of Indian Rhetoric... 215 Jassê Singh, coinage in his name ................ 59 Khask Singh, son of Raüjit Singh, his birth, Jaswant Singh Hulkar, his dealings with
60: his accession.................................... 68 Ranjit Singh, 60f. - Author of the Bhdsha- Khattiya (Kshatriya) mistaken for Khêttiya... 2565 bhúshana, notes on .....
......215. Khen, sign of, in Sikhim, described ........... 202
.
.....

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894
INDEX
-
202
...
..
.
........
................
6
9
52
16
..
.........
90
Khen-pa, Old Father .........
Languages, notes on the Tonic Theory of... 194ff. Khéttiya ==Taungthu, 256 : - Ksh&tra Lanka, the name discussed ..................... 54
not Kshatriys ......................................... 256 Lawrence, Sir Henry, his doings with Ranjit Khön, the sign of ....................................... 201
Singh................ Khonma, Ola Mother .............................. 201 Lekpyingyaung-pôngy Ramadhipati ...... 101f. Khuldatu't-tawarkh, allusion to the
on to the
...... ..... 57
57 life, restoration to, ceremony of, 87; by spells, king as superhuman, faith in the gave rise to 82; dismemberment prevents ..................
................ 336f life-index varied us luck-index .................. Kinni Daru. sister to Koti and Channayya ... 43 | Litanies after death in Sikhim ............... Klatt, Johannes, an account of .................. 1696 Lôni = Colonel Ochterlony knots and knotted things are spirit-scarers... 383 Lönf Akhtar = Colonel Ochterlony ............ 61 Kodamanataya, the Bhata, his acta ............ 914 Lord of Charity, the, a Bhata................ 92 kola, a form of Bhata worship....................... 6 love-song, a Burmese .............................. 262 Koļala, a fort built by Koți and Channayya... 3A luck, folk-methods of gaining, 30:- the Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, identified as Kokandr ... 28 ceremony for gaining, described.............. 30f. Kosambi, as an imported word in Burma ... 168n. Kote Bale, a Brahman, a hero of the Jaran
dâya Legend................ .................. 8., 91 | Mackeson, his doings with Ranjit Singh, 64 : Kotêsvara, a god ...
............ 29 his extraordinary interview with Raðjft Koçi Beidya, the hero Bhata, 5, 6:-Legend of, Singh.................
64. 29ff.; named after the god Kôţêsvara, 29; his magio wand, 81: elephant, 83: needle ......... 163 birth, 29; his share in the great boar-hunt, Mahabharata, Dr. Holtzmann on the ........ 86ff.; wounded by Chandagidi Ballk!, 89; Mahaguru Dharmarija, a Lamaic god ......... 74 his death, 90, goes to Kail&ba and returns MahAkali, a god .................... to the world, 90; promises to fight for the MabAlingêsvara, a god ............................ 21, 190 Balla! as a spirit.............
Mahan Singh, father of Ranjit Singh, an Kõți and Channayya Legend, the, 85ff. :
account of .............
........... 60 version of the Legend of the Bhatas, 29ff.:- Mahanta, a doctrine deified.......................... taken charge of by Skyina Baidya, 29; their Maharashtri, ite usefulness to Skr. studies ... 250 series of murders, 38ff.; murder a washer- Mahisandâya is a Bhata in the shape of an man, 39: story of the great boar-hunt, 85fr.:
OX ........... their interview with Brahms, 90: become Mahis suras, the, as Bhatas...... spirits, 90, 91:- their position in the Mai Chandân gives birth to Dalip Singh ...... pantheon ............................................ 91 | Mai Lach
MAI Lachbmi, arrest of, by the English ....... Krishna Raya of Vijayanagara, a coin of, Maiyya Bermane, a hero of the JArandaya described .............................................
Legend ................. Kubêre, a king of a point of the Compass ... 15 | Mallardye, a Bhata ............. Kujumba Kafije, is a hero Bhata .............. Mallo, the dog fancier, in the Koti-Channayya Kumérája, a Lamaic god .............
74 Legend ..............................
................. 85f. Kumberlu, the tutelary Bhata of the Holeya Mañjagabbe Déva, a Bhita ......................... 187
caste.. ......... .................................. 6 Mafijoļu, the rock, celebrated in the KoţiKumberlu-kotya, the residence of Kumberlu. 6 Channayya Legend ...............
87 Kunya, the ferryman, a hero of the Jarin. Malija Palija, a hero of the Pilichamundi dâya Legend ......... ............ 81. Legend .....................
95f. Kusima = Bassein...
*** ... 100
man-eaters, as spirits of the dead ............. Kutti-Kattan, a form of Will-o'-the-wisp or Mangala-devi, a goddess ............................. 190
Corpse Candle, worship of, 7:- is a Bhuta. Männer, Dr., his aid in publishing Burnell's Kyam-do Rejuge-formule ..................... 73 MSS., 3:- a note by, on Bhatas, 5f.; his
original Bhata tales ............ LAI Singh, seated on the throne by MAI Marang Buru, identification of ................ Chandan ............
Måri, R god ............................ Lama, sorcerer in Sikhim, 211 :- the Refuge. Martohi-devi, a Lamaie goddess ..................
formula of the, 73:- their system of masks, use of, in Bhita incantations............
exorcism, in Sikhim................................199ff. Marlu-jumadi, a Bhata introduced into an Lamaic Demonolatry, 197ff. : - Pantheon, a incantation, 8 ff.; his image...................... description of the, 73f.: Worship, its marriage, of royal brother and sister, allnded analogy to Roman ..............................191, 2011 to, 21:- of a boy, by force .....................
538
21
*****.......

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INDEX.
395
.
.
.......
75
Matirama Tripathi, a writer on Rhetorio...... 215 Nau Nihal Singh, his wedding described ...... 65 Matti Bira Ballâya, a "wise man" in the néma, a form of Bhúta worship, 6:-=
Köti-Channayya Legend ........................ 31f. 1 niyama .................................... medical works, note on editions of Hindu ... 109 Neireitye, a king of a point of the Compass... 15 metals are spirit-scarers ............................ 383 Nirmanakaya Maharajra-dhara, incarnation metaphor defined, 267ff. :- modal, analysed. 285f. of Sakya Muni ( Lamaic )........................... 73 metamorphosis by a Bhůta, 189:-- in folktales, Nirmånaknya Kapala, a Lamaic god ............ 76
heroine into a bird................................. 163 Nirukta of Yiska, notes on the ..................356f. Metcalfe, his dealings with Ranjit Singh ... 60f. Nor-lha, the left-armpit god, in Sikhim ....... 97 metempsychosis, popular Indian belief in, a Nyan, malignant demon of Sikhim ............ 201
case of, 135n. :-- a case of, in folktales ... 135 Mikshan Şahib = Mackeson ....................... 64 Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk, his fight with the Sikhs. 59 offeringa, blood, origin of................ ............ 338 miraculous vehicles ................................... 83 oil, ceremony of bathing in ..........................878. Mitta Mugeriya, a Bhata............................ 99 om, ah, hur, Lamaie sacred words, detail Mögling, Dr., his share in Burnell's Devil
of .......................... Worship of the Tuluvas .........
om-sua-li, the ceremony of, in Sikhim, deMo-lha is the Mother God in Sikhim ........ 197 scribed ........
...............202f. months, dates of the Saka Era in solar, ornaments in Indian Rhetoric, 265ff. : - 131ff.; dates of the Saka Era in lunar, which scare spirits...........
..... 384f. . 113ff.;- intercalary and expunged, for the orphan, career of an, in folktales ................ 78
expired Saka years 1 to 2105. 104ff. :-Bur
mese method of reckoning the days of the. 140 Mudader = Kala Bhairava ............................ 186 Padmakara-bhatta, a writer on Rhetoric...... 206 Mudadêya, the Bhata, mentioned ................ 193 Paiyya Baidya, a hero of the Deyibaidi Mudadãye - Mudadêr ...............................
Legend, 22ff.; of the Koti-Channayya Mudatâya, the Bhata, mentioned .............. Legend. 42:- the husband of Kinni Daru. 43 Mudathêye s Mudadêr ........
189 palm-leaves, method of preparing for writing, Mulatantra Lama, a Lamaic god
76 30f.: -- writing on, described, 85:-mode Malriij, as a prisoner...........
of writing on, 97: - are spirit-scarers ...... 383 Mundipa ditaya, a form of Kalabhairava, 94 : Palaungs, a Burmese tribe, note on ............. the Bhata, his acts..................
Páli, not the old language of Buddhism in Murray, his dealings with Ranjit Singh ...... 62 Burma ................... Mutti Sirda, a hero of the Köţi-Channayya Pal-zang, a Lamaic god ............................. 75 Legend...............
................... 878. Pañchalinga, a god..................................... 98 Muttima > Martaban .................................. 100 Panchavinéa Brahmana, a passage in the Myang-ban, & Lamaic god .......................
used to test the date of the Rig Veda ...... 156. mystic syllables in Sikhim, some, explained... 212 Pañjarli = Pafijurli, the Bhata, 20: - origin
of the Bhata, 22:- Legend of the Bhata...20ff.
Pañje, a plain celebrated in the Köți-ChanN&gapuriya-tap-gachchha=Pårávachandra
nayya Legend, 41ff., 45, 86ff.: Chansūri.gachchha .................................... 181 nayya's quarrel with the people of........... 87 nakshatras, the astronomical position in the Pañiji Gujjare, king of the pige, a Bhúta ....... 21
Vedic period discussed, 240ff.: their arrange- Pañji KAļi, queen of the pigs, a Bhata......... 21 ment with the Ksittikäs as the vernal Pasījurli, a Bhuta in the form of a pig, 5:- a
equinox is an Indian invention ................ 245 god.created Bhata, 5:- introduced into an man-go, ceremony of, described ...
incantation, 8ff. ; his image, 10:- a Legend Nam-tel, the servant of Khen-pa .....
of ............................. ............... 941. Nánaka-gachchha, origin of the ..................... 175 Parakkamabahu of Ceylon, his date now poNang-lha, the House Demon of Sikhim, bably confirmed ...................................
259 described............
..................199ff. Paramesri of Purala, a goddess ................... 19 Narakas, list of all the ninety, noted............ 109 Paramêsvara in a folktale.......................... 78 Narapatijayasra of Pagàn ........................ 257f. parissad, as a test Skr. word in Burmese ....... 166 Narapatisitba = Narapatijayasura............... 259 Parmâle Balla!, a hero of the Deyibaidi Narayana, as Creator............ ................. 15 Legend ............
.................22fF. Narayana Rangôji, a hero of the Köţi.Chan- Parévanátha, note on an inscribed statue of... 183
naya Legend.. ................................. 307., 85 Partáb Singh, son of Sher Singh, murdered.. 70
72
**..
94
202

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396
INDEX.
99
Parvati protects the children of the king and Ramañña, derivation of ........ ...... 100
queen of the pigs ................................ 22 Ramalībadesa, described, 100:- the pestilence pattávalts of the Jains, a list of seventeen, in the 15th Century A. D., 255:- the Seven
170: - Anchala-gachchha described, Kings of ................. .................255f. 174ff. : -of the Gôyaraksha-sakha, a note Ramanya = Ramañña ............ ............... 100 on the, 179:- of the Pårývachandra- Rúmlyana, place of the, in Indian Literature, gachchha described, 181f.:- of the Tapa- 53f.:- Dr. Jacobi on the........................ 53 gachchha described, 179:- of tbe Vijaya- Raðjit Singh, his birth, 60: gets permanent nanda-suri-gachchha described, 179f.:-of
possession of Lahôr, 60: his interview with the Vijayasakhả described, 180:- of the the Governor-General, 62f.: - details of his
Vimala-gachchha described .................. 180f. keeping of the Holi festival, 63: his death, Pattavali-odroddhára, a note on the ............ 179 68 :- his superstition, 63f.; medicines ad. Pathikondaye, a Bhata............................... 16 ministered to .............. .................. 66 pearls for alms ........................................ Ratthasara, the great Burmese epic poet....... 101 Pegu, literature in, in the 15th Century ...... 100. Ravivardhana-gapi, author of the Pattavalt. Pemba = Saturn in Sikhim ..................... 202
sáróddhára .............
................ 179 periphrasis analysed ..........
288 religion, ancestor-worship, the rudimentary Pêsbörå Singh, his doings
... 71 form of .........................
............................. 333 pôyi = bhůta = an aboriginal god of South Rhetoric in India, has no hand-book, 215 :India................. ....
......... 7
index of terms used in Indian, 348ff. :Pho-lha, an ancestral god, in Sikhim ......... 197
figures of, various, analysed, 278ff. :-ornaPho-o, a particular kind of Lâma in
ments of sense in Indian, 305ff. ; verbal Sikhim .............
206
ornaments in Indian .............................3451. pigs, king of the.........
rhyme, Indian, defined ................................ 265 Pilichåmundi, the Blata, the acts of............. 95 rice is a spirit-scarer .................................. 383 Pilichavandi, a Bhata ..............
riddles in folktales................................... 41f plants, as guardian spirits ....................... 338 Rig Veda, Date of the, 154 ff.; placed in the poetical fancy, defined .............................274f. second half of the period 4500-2500 B. O., pole-star, the part played by its position in 157:- part played by the ancient views testing the age of the Rig Veda, 157ff. :
of the position of the heavenly bodies in in the Vedic period was a Draconis (circ. ascertaining the date of the, 155:-- same
2800 B. C.) ............................................ 158 views as to the position of the heavenly pombaila, a priest of the Bhata worshippers, bodies found in other Vedic works, 155:
1f.:- as actor in a Bhata incantation, 8; a note on Prof. Tilak's view of the age of acting as, allusion to, in a legend, 93f.:
the Rig Veda, 158:- age of the, somne notes also the name of a caste .......................... 10 by Prof. Böhler, 239ff. :- notes on M. Portuguese names in India........................ 76f. Brunnhofer's works relating to the, 362.: possession by a demon, described, 8ff. :-by - notes on M. Colinet's works relating
Bhatas, 92, 99:-transferring, 11 ; mode to the, 363 :- notes on M. Hirzel's works
of transferring ........................................ 8 on the, 362:- Hymns of the, notes on Max Poyyedar of Kunnandør, a hero of the Toda
Müller's 2nd Ed., 353 :- notes on Dr. kinara Legend ............
98f. Peterson's Ed. of parts of the, 353f.:Prakrits, their value in testing the roots M. Regnaud on, notes on, 365ff. :-remarks
mentioned in the Dhatupátha................... 251 on Regnaud'e theory of the, 111f. :-notes Praanottara-sata = Samacharf-batakam ...... 169 on Prof. Weber on Vedic Ritual, 363 :Prinsep, his connection with Rafijit Singh ... 63
notes on a native Ed. of the, 353 :- notes puns in Indian Rhetoric .....
on translations of the, 111; notes on purgatory in Sikhim Lamaism .................. 208
Griffith's translation of the Hymns, 354 ; púrnimdnta dates (Saka Era) ............... 122, 130
notes on M. Henry's translation of the
Hymns of the ................. Rishi, as a test Skr, word in Burmese ......... 166
roots, practical suggestions for continuing the Raghunatha-bhatta, a writer on Indian Rhe. search for Skr. ...................................... 254 toric ...........
................. 216 Rukku BallAl, a hero of the boar-hunt in the RAJA Raskla, a version of his story in the Kôți-Channayya Legend, 86f. ; his share in
North-West Provinces ............................ 83n. the great battle, 88ff. :-murders the potter Ramadhipati, a description of his reign ......100f.!
.............. 89
.
.
...
... 346
.......... 354

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INDEX
397
......
. 201
....
26
....
...
........
102
Sab-dak = Sa-dag .................
............. 201
Shânârs, Bhata worship of the ................. 4 Sa-dag, the earth-owner demon, of Sil:him... 199 shaving, a ceremony of, described, 191f.; Sa-dak-po = Sa-dag ............
ceremony of, a king .......... ............... 978. Sadasiva Raya of Vijayanagara, three coins She, the disease-producing demon of Sikhim. 20-4 of, described
Sher Singh, his usurpation of supreme sa-go, the ceremony of, in Sikhim ............... 201 power
......... 69 adhilya =bhandard .................................. 10 Shin Səba of Pegu, a note on...................... 101f Saka Era, dates of the.......... ................... 113ff. Shinsòbůmyô, in Rangoon ......................... 102 Sakkarij Era, notes on the, 256 :-=Sakarij Siddamårda Baidya, son of Sankara Bai= Saka Era of India, 256 :- may be of
dyati ................................................187ff. Chinese origin, 256 :- sometimes reckoned Sikhs, rise of the, 58:— their first appearance from Monday, 14th March 78 A. D.
as a military power, 19:- their rising (Indian), 256 :- dates from 638 A. D....... 256 against Ahmad Shah, 59:- wars of the, Sakra, as a test Skr. word in Burmese......... 166 account of, lost by Sir Herbert Edwardes, Sakya-Muni, as a Lamaic god .................. 73 71:- 2 summary account of their Gards, Samachart-katakan described, 1698. list of 57f.:- medicine among the Sikhs........... 89
authors and dates quoted in .................. 170f. Sili-stone = inscribed stone ..................... 451. Samaveda, notes on current works on the ...371f. Silavamsa, the great Burmese epic poet ...... 101 Samayasundara-gani, author of the Sama- silk, names of various kinds of .................. 98
chärf-Satakam ..................................... 169 simile defined ............ ....................265ff. Sambhôgakaya Santikhrôda-prasaraka, a La S'inbyuyin, a title of Råmadhipati, 102: - naic god ............
............ 73 L = Sêtagajapati ......... samuddard, as a test Skr. word in Burmese... 166 Sinhêśvara, a Lamaic goddess ... sana = sthana = BhQta temple ............... 5,7 Siripavaramahadhammarijadbirija, a title of Sanada-nêma = Illêchchida-nêma .............. 10 Ramadhipati ........................................... Sank, a forest famous in the Koti-Channayya Sittisvari, a Bhůta ..................
Legend ............................................. 42 Sohan Lal Sari, author of the 'Umdatu'lSarka = Sank, the forest........................... 86 tawarikh, 57: - was a vakil at the Court Sankara Baidyati, a heroine of the Kala
of Rasījit Singh, 57 :- his death ........... 72 bhairava Bhata Legend ........................ 187ff. Soma, Prof. Hillebrandt on, notes on ......... 364 Sankêśvara-gachchha, origin of the ............. 175 Sómanátha, a god, 98; a god ..................... 193 Sanskpit, its debt to the vernaculars, son, only, adventures of an, in folktales ......81ff.
110 :-- the old language of Buddhist in soul, extracting the, in Sikhim ................... 206 Burma, 258:- translation into Burmese, spells restore to life ............ .................. 82
101 words in Burmese ............... 163ff., 168 spirits, were first the souls of the dead, 333; Santals, the migration of the ..................... 103f. -= bhúts, 333; were all originally spirits Sarakala Birmåņa, a hero of the Jumadi
of men, 377: - are mortal, 377; were all Legend ....................................
...... 19
originally mortal, 377: - cause disease, Sdra-jumadi, a Bhůta, introduced into an in
377ff. :- fear of, due to belief in their cantation, 8ff. : his image, 10: the Bhata, power to cause disease, 377ff.; have to be Legend of ............
............ 183ff. appeased by offerings, 338:- of the dead, Sa-thel-ngag-po, the attendant of Old Mother man-eaters, as, 338:- guardian, 336ff.; Khönma
............. 201 were at first dead ancestors, 337: - *attvå, as a test Skr. word in Burmese ......... 166 animals as guardian, 338 : - guardian, Sayina Baidya, a hero of the Deyibaidi plants as, 338:- unfriendly, fear of, in
Legend, 22ff. :-rescues Deyibaidi in the creased by belief in guardian ................... 337 forest, 22; reckons Deyibaidi as his sister, spirit-scarers, 382ff.; animals, 338 ; plants ... 338 23; takes charge of Koți and Channayya, áráhe =érdhi ...............
224 29; gives advice to Koți and Channayya, Sri Sinha Pandita, a Lamaic god ............... 73 37; uncle to Kinni Dåru, 43 : - his share Srog-tha, the Life-god, in Sikhim ...............
in the great boar-hunt ............................87f. sthana, a Bhúta temple ............ Sayina Baidyati, mother of Kantanna in the Sthavira Dang-ma, a Lamaic god ............... 74
Koti-Channayya Legend ....................... 31 step-mother, evil doings of a, in folktales ..1600. Selungs, a note on the language of the ......... 195 stone, used to indicate a Bhâta, case of, 47:Shah Shuja'a, the determination taken to set
used to represent Bhatas....................... 5 up .....................................
67€. Subraya, a god...........................................21, 98 Shân Languages, notes on ....................... 194subterranean palace in folktales .............. 162f.
197

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398
INDEX.
55.
93
51
Suchot Singh, his doings on Dalip Singh's vad lavdra= Friday .........
............ 1674 accession, 70: - reviews the Sikh cavalry. 65 Vajra, incarnation of, Lamaic....................... 73 Suniparanta identified as Aparantaka ......... 103 Vajrapâni, as a Lamaic god...................... Suvannabhami, notes on the name, 222ff. :
Vajrasattva, a Lamaic god .......................... in the Kalyani Inscriptions is Ramañfiadêsa, VAlmiki, discussed, 54ff. : date of .............
224 : -is according to the Burmese Thatôn. 224 Varadeśvara, a god ..................................... 185 Svâmi Baidyati = probably Sayina Baidyati, Vardêsvar, a god ..........
36: – is vook to Koți and Channayya ...... 48 Varune, a king of a point of the Compass ... 15 Bymbol, of challenge, 88:- secret trade, in Vậyavaye, a king of a point of the Compass... 15 South India ............................... .... .
Veda, works on the notes on current .........352ff. sympathetic magic in Sikhim shewn in lay Veildigas, notes on current works on the ... 353ff. figure of deceased made after death ......... 212 Vedic Concordance, note on the prospects of
a, 374:-rites, some instituted before 2000 Taikkula, the ruins of, described ............... 255 B. C..............
............... 245 Taittiriya Brahmana, a passage of the, used Venkapati Râya of Vijayanagara, a coin of,
in testing date of the Rig Veda ................ 155f. described .............. Taittiriya Samhita, notes on current works Ventura, his service under Ranjit Singh, on the............ ........................ 370f.
alluded to............. Takkula Taikkula ......
............ 255
Verkadi, a Bhata ...................................... tambila, the family worship of Bhotas ........ 7 Vignes, his doings with Raljit Singh ......... Tandu, name of a dog in the Koti-Channayya Vignêávara, a god .............
Legend ................................................... 86f. vijayá, a name for hemp in Skr. ............... tantri Tuļu Brahman ........................... 1 Virabhadra, a god ..................................... Taungthů, a race in Burma ......................... 256 Vrishabha, de Milloué's theory of the myth teacher, veneration for the, in women ...... 339ff. of .........
...... 112 Têj Singh, Raja, his doings........................ 72 Thatôn, a note on, 100: - conquered by
Andratazo, 257f. -=Suvarnabhami...... 224 Theatre, History of the Indian, noted......... 109ff. Wade, his dealings with Rafijit Singh ......... 614. Thetkayit Sakkaraj .............................. 256 Wagara, his dynasty ................................ 102 Thig-po-ling, a Lamaic god ........................ 74 water-spilling, a superstition about ............ 193 Thihaba, King of Ava, 101: = Sihastra ...... 101 Whitney, his views on the Dhatupatha, thread, the sacred, is a spirit-scarer ............. 383 141: his views of the Hindu GrammarTilak, Prof., a note on his view of the age of ians, 143: his strictures on European the Rig Veda ................. ..................
opponents of his theory of Skr. ruots, Timmântikari of Tibera, a hero of the 141f.: -a memorial notice of the late Kodamanata ya Legend
Prof. Dwight .......................................263. Timmappa, a god ...............
.......... 192 wife, suspected, in folktales, 340ff.: -sub. tiruvayana = the altar of Bhata temple ......
stitution of maid for a, 343 : - folly of Todakinara, the Bhata, his acte, 96ff. :-origin praising a, in folktales ...................... 342 of the name ..................
99 Win = Vignes ......................................... 64 tonsure, the ceremony of, described ............. words, the nature of, a lecture in the Bhú. trade signs in South India
shana-kaumudi, 217ff. : - modes of exTraders' slang in South India .............. 49ff. pressing the meaning of, 219: - the uses tricks of women, a variant of the tale ......... 136ff. of, 219:-functions and powers, 219: -the Tsi-pa, Astrologer-Lâma in Sikhim ............. 206 proper power of, 219; suggested power of, tulasi is a spirit-scarer ............... ............... 383 explained, 221; the metaphorical power of, Tuļuvas, description of the, 3f.:--devil-dancers 219f.; modes of giving, metaphorical power
among the, plates of ....... ............... lff. through simple motive, 220f.; modes of givtwelve years, sleep for, by fairy, case of, in ing metaphorical power to, through quali. folk tales ..........
............. 79
fied motive, 221; power of, through motive,
219f.:- conventional acceptation of ......219. Ullatti, as a Bhata, 99:- of Ammanar, a hero of the Todakinara Legend
..
...... 99 "Umdatu't. Tardrikh, notice of the, 57ff. :
its value for Pañjáb History ................. 57 Yab-dud, Black Father Devil, in Sikhim ...... 198 Upad esi-Marda Baidya=Siddamarda Baidya 188 | Yajñaparibhashdsutra, notes on works on the.. 371
.......
.
.

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INDEX.
Yajurvéda, notes on current works on the... 370ff. Yama, notes on M. Ehni's works relating
to.........
......363f.
15 195
Yâme, a king of a point of the Compass Yaw, a Burmese tribe, note on Yâzâdarit of Pegu, 101:- Rajadhiraja... 101 years, current, dates of the Saka Era in, 127ff.:- expired, dates of Saka Era in
113ff., 131ff.
********************
399
Yona, Shân country about Chiengmai (Zimmè).
Yul-lha, the Birth-place god in Sikhim, 197:the, detailed .....
103
*****....
198f.
Zend Avesta, notes on translations of the..... 111 Zhang-lha is the Uterine god in Sikhim...... 197 198f.
zhi-duk demons of Sikhim, explained

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