Indian Antiquary Vol 10

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032502/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &C., &C. EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. * VOL. X-1881 Swati Publications Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. ... ... .. 143 101. 103. 106. Authors' names arranged alphabetically. PAGE PAGE NARAYANA AIYENGAR, Shimoga: No. 92.-Inscription at Arallkatti, near Bad Ami. 65 SRAVANAS ... .. . of Sad Esivarkya, at TolachRev. S. BEAL, Professor of Chinese, University gud, S. 1466 ... ... 66 College, London: of VijayIditya ($. 618-655) KWAN-YIN ... ... ... ... ... .. at Mah6kuta ... .. 102 The CHONG-LUN SUTRA or PRANYAMOLA-SASTRA of the Mahisamanta Ereve, TIKA of Nagkrjana ... ... .. ... ... 87 at Pattadakal ... ... 105 INDIAN TRAVELS of CHINESE BUDDHISTS from the of the Mahasamanta Bappu| Koiqt-fx-ko-gang-chuam of I-tting ... ... ... 100 varasa, at Pattadakal, INDIAN TRAVELS of CHINESE BUDDHISTS (continued) $. 856 ... ... ... 105 with Chinese Inscriptions from Buddha Gaya . 192, 246 of Smavara II, at Bijapur, Douglas's Catalogue of Chinese books in the British $. 996 ... .. .... 126 Museum ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 378 of Smavara IIT, at HunaCOL. B. R. BRANFILL : sikatti, S. 1052 ... ... 131 ON THE SAVANDURGA RUDE-STONE CEMETERY, Cen of Lokamabadevi queen of tral Maisur ... ... Vikramaditya II, at Pat. OLD SLAB-STONE MONUMENTS in Madras and tada kal ... ... .. 162 Maisur ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... of the same ... ... ... 164 PROF. G. BUHLER, Ph.D., C.1.E., Vienna : of Vijayaditya and Vikram SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS in Western Indis. ... ... ditya II, at Pattadakal... 165 A NEW KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTION ... ... ... 102. of LokamabAdevi ... ... 166 Note on Dohad Inscription of the Chaulukya king on pillar of the temple of Jayasimbadeva. ... ... ... ... ... 161 Virupaksha at Pattadakal (16 Note on the word Siddhart used in Inscriptions ... 278 104. another ... ... ... NO FORGED COPPER-PLATE GRANT of DHARASENA II, of of Vikramaditya II. in the Valabhi, dated Saka 400 ... .. . ... 2771 same te rple ... ... 167 REV. J. CAIN: on a pillar of the same temThe BAADRACHELLAM and REKAPALLI TALUQAS ple ... ... ... 167 (continued)- The Koi Language ... 259 of the Rashtrakuta king W. CROOKE, B.C.S., Awagarh : Dhruva (cir. S. 700) ... 167 On Exorcism of Village Ghosts ... ... ... on another pillar in the The Brahmani Duck ... ... ... ... 293 temple of Virupaksha ... 169 H. H. DRUVA, B.A., Gujarat College - on the south side of the DORAD INSCRIPTION of the CHAULUKYA king JAYA same temple ... ... 168 SISHADEVA, dated Sam. 1202 ... .. . 168 on a pillar in the south side A. M. FERGUSSON, Jr., Ceylon - of the nave of the same. 169 Tamil and Maori ... ... ... ... ... ... 46 of the queen of VikramCrow Language ... ... ... ... ... 183 ditya-Saty&sraya ... '163 J. F. FLEET, M.R.A.S., Bo. C.S. : 112. in the temple of Sargames SANSKRIT and OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS (con vara at Pattadakal ... 160 tinued from vol. 1): in the same ... ... ... 170 No. 81.-Inscription of Mangalisvara at B&dami, 114. in the temple of Papan{tha Saka 500 ... ... .. at Pattadakal ... ... 170 of Mangalisa at Bldimi ..59 115. on the sante ... ... ... 171 of Vijayaditya-Satyasraya 116.-Buddhist inscription at Dambal Saka at Bademi S. 621 ... 60 1017... ... ... ... 185 at Tattukoti near B&d&mi... 61 117.-Inscription from Kargadari, of Vikra. in the temple of Bhutanatha, miditya VI, S. 1030 ... 219 at B&dami ... .. 62 Note in connection with the WESTERN CHALUKTA at Bedami ... ... King VIKRAMADITYA I. ... ... ... ... 132 of Haribara I, at the shrine Anamkond Inscription of Rudradera ... ... ... of Tattakoti-Maruti, Saka New Copperplate grants ... ... ... ... 1261 of Sad Asiyareya, at Badami, GEORGE A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. :$. 1465 ... ... ... 63 An American puzzle ... ... . ... ... 89 Kondarija, at Badami in Cave III at B&d&mi, . Rev. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, Ph.D., Caloutta : READINGS FROM THE BHARAUT SI PA ... 118, 255 91. >> of Sad: siradeva, at B&demi, READINGS from the ARIAN Pili:-1. The Sno S. 1169 ... ... Vihara inscription ... ... .. .. ... 324 113. ... 84 1474 .

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is CONTENTS. PAGE ... ... 36 PAGE H. H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. - T. RAMAKRISHNA, B.A.:CHINGRIZ KHAN and His ANCESTORS (contd. from TIRUKAGUKUNRAM OF PAKSATTIRTHA ... ... ... 198 vol. IX)... 12, 111, 135, 171, 202, 284, 264, 383, 355 LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S., Director of Public Instruc tion, Maisar: BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI PANDIT, Bombay : The MARAVALI DYNASTY INSCRIPTION from KAMA or KAMAVANA ... ... 34 On a Folklore Story ... ... ... ... ... 288 The INSCRIPTIONS of Asoka ... ... ... ... 105 M. EMILE SENART :The KUHAUN INSCRIPTION of Skandagupta ... ... 125 The INSCRIPTIONS of PIYADASI (continued from An INSCRIPTION at GAYA, dated in the year 1818 of vol. IX) Buddha's Nirvana, with two others of the same 4th and 5th Edicts ... ... .. period ... .. .. ... .. .. .. 341 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th Edicts .. ... Prof. F. KEILHORN, Ph.D., Poona : 10th, 11th and 12th >> On the JAINENDRA-VYAKARANA ... 13th and 14th ... ... 75 >> ANCIENT PALM-LEAP MSS. lately acquired by the R. SEWELL, M.R.A.S., M.C.S., Madras : Government of Bombay ... ... ... ... 100 Notes on the SWASTIKA... ... H. LEFANU, M.C.S., Salem : MRS. F. A. STEEL and Lieut. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C.:A MUSALMAN LEGEND of KRISHNAGIRI in Salem ... 191 FOLKLORE in the PANJAB (continued from vol. IX):FAZL LUTFALLAH: 6. Sir Bumble... ... ... 40 The WANNABIS ... ... ... ... ... ... 67 7. Princess Pepperina ... J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., London : 8. The Son of Seven Mothers ... ... ... 147 ANCIENT INDIA AS DESCRIBED by KTEIAS :-Intro 9. Prince Lionheart and his three friends 10. Opprobrious Names .. ... duction ... .. ... ... ... 296 11. The Wonderful Ring ... ... ... ... ... 347 The Indika of Ktesias ... 297 . Lassen's Review of the reports of Pror. C. H. TAWNEY, M.A., Calcutta :Kteeias ... ... ... ... 814 A FOLKLORE PARALLEL ... .. . ... 190 Appendix : On certain Indian Ani. . A Folklore Parallel ... ... ... ... ... 870 mals, from Kosmas Indikopleustes 322 LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., &c.:-(See Mrs. Steel). Note on some Coin Legends ... ... ... .. 90 PROF. H. OLDENBERG, Ph.D., Berlin : Maliku'l-Maut ... ... 289 On the DATES of ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS Muhammadan belief in Hindu superstition ... ... 171 and COINS ... ... ... ... ... ... 213 M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.C.S., London :MAT. P. J. ONDAATJE, London : ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES, No. 27-Scraps of Legends and Folklore ... ... ... .. ... .. 363 The late Rev. P. DeMelho's Summary View of the Castes of the Tamil Nation ... E. W. WEST, Ph.D., Munich :... ... ... 85 SASSANIAN INSCRIPTION of NAQSH-1 RUSTAM ... 29 Rev. G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S., &c., Bengalur:- Notice of Des Origines du Zoroastrisme, par M.O. Notes on the KURRAL of TIRUVALGUVAR, No. IV... 352 de Harlez ... . .. .. .. . 279 K. RAGHUNATHJI: Reply to M. de Harlez ... .. . ... ... 370 BOMBAY BEGGARS and Criers (continued from vol. MAJOR E. W. WEST, Pablanpur : 1A) ... ... ... .. .. 71, 145, 286' THE DIVINE MOTHERS or Local Goddesses of India. 245 ... 228 ... 22 ... 53 SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. Vestiges of Alexander the Great in Central Asin ... 20 Tus, the old capital of the north of Persia ... ... 219 Ghazni... ... ... ... ... 21 New Copperplate grants, by J. F. Fleet, Bo. O. S.... 248 The Thlona Martyrs... ... Aw&ns and Jods ... ... ... ... .... Tamil and Maori, by A. M. Fergusson ... Note on the word Siddharis used in inscriptions, by Marriage Customs in the R&wal Pindi district... Prof. G. Buhler, C.I.E., Vienna ... ... .. 278 The Origin of the Gypsies ... ... ... ... Damba! Buddhist inscription of $. 1017, by the Editor. 278 The India Museum, South Kensington ... ... On a Folklore story, by L. Rice ... ... ... 8 An American Pazzle, by G. A. Grierson, C.S. ... ... 89 On Exorcism of Village Ghosts, by W. Crooke, B.C.S.. 8 Note on some Coin Legends, by Lieut. R. O. Temple, Curious Customs in Kurdistan ... ... ... 23 B.S.O. .. ... ... ... . ... .. 90 Maliku'l-Maat, by Lieut. R. O. Temple, B.S.C. ... 289 Mctrical Translations from the Mahabharata, by J. Coins of Kharibael ... ... Muir, D.C.L., LL.D. ... ... . ..90 Ancient remains in Central Asia.... ... ... Chinese Translations of Sanskrit Texts, by Prof. F. Mar The Myth of the Sirens-Jataka Stories, by W. E. A. Muller ... ... Axon, and Dr. Richard Morris... Buddhist Chronology, by O. Frankfurter ... ... 158 A Chinese inscription found at Buddhasaya ... Buddhagosha and the Milindapanha, by Dr. Richard The Fifth Congress of Orientalists ... ... .. Morris ... .. .. . .. .. . 153 A Folklore Parallel, by Prof. C. H. Tawney, M.A. ... 370 Curious Cave at Kandahar ... ... ... ... ... 153 M. de Harlez and the Origin of Zoroastrism, by Dr. Anamkond Inscription of Rudradeva, by J. F. Fleet, E. W. West ... ... ... .. ... ... Bo. C.S. ... ... ... ... . .. ... 211 Muhammadan belief in Hindu superstitions .. .. *** . ... 290 *** ... 121

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Royal Asiatic Society Journal Asiatique 1. Proper Names, by T. Vanstaveren 2. Guru Gugga, by Lieut. R. C. Temple ... 3. Shekh Faridu'd-din, by Lieut. R. C. Temple, B.S.C., and E. Rehatsek 93, 154 4. Bansa Rani; 5. Chammars, &c., by Lieut. R. C. Temple ... CONTENTS. NOTES AND QUERIES. PAGR 55 93 vaens.... 5, 6. Naqsh-i Rustam inscription (2 pp.) 7. Kama or Kamavana Inscription 1. Dr. Burnell's Classified Index of the Sanskrit MSS. in the Palace at Tanjore 2. Dr. J. Legge's Religions of China 3. Capt. A. H. Markham's Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator, by W. F. S.... 4. Duncan's Geography of India ASIATIC SOCIETIES. ... 55, 94 183 8. Selections from the Calcutta Review 9. The Bombay Gazetteer-Khandesh... 10. E. G. Lyall's Sketch of the Hindustani Language, by R. 94 5. Sewell's Report on the Amaravati Tope 6. Growse's District Memoir on Mathura, by R. H.... 96 7. Dr. E. W. West's Pahlavi Texts: The Bundahish, Bahman Yasht, and Shayast la Shayast, by James Darmesteter... ... BOOK NOTICES. 23 24 16, 17. Slabstone Monuments at Iralabanda-Bapanattam, in N. Arkot 25 56 56 85 1, 2. Kistvaens at Savandurga and excavated pottery, to face pp. 6, 7 3, 4. Pottery and Weapons from Savandurga Kist 128 124 155 155 10, 11 30, 31 34 38, 39 8, 9. Two Inscriptions of Mahavali Banarasa.... 10, 11. Two Inscriptions of Mangallia, from Badami. 58, 59 12, 18. Inscriptions on the rock at Tattukoti near Badami, and on the temple of Bhutanatha 62, 63 14, 15. Inscriptions from the temples of Malegitti and Arallkatti, at Badami 64, 65 98,99 18, 19. Inscriptions on pillars in the temple of Mah. kuta, at Badami 104, 105 20. Facsimiles of the First Edict of Asoka from Girnar, Kalsi, and Kapurdigarhi .... 21. Kahaan Inscription of Skandagupta, dated 141 Gupta ... 125 ... 6. Cinerary Urns, ancient or modern 7. Crow language, by A. M. Fergusson 8. Brahmani Duck, by W. Crooke, B.C.S. 9. The Muhammadan Hajj, by Rev. J. D. Bate Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 107 ILLUSTRATIONS. 11. Benfey's Vedica und Linguistica, by J. E... 12. Talboys Wheeler's History of India: Moghul PAGN 154 183 293 ... 372 Empire 184 www 13. M. de Harlez's Origines du Zoroastrisme, by Dr. E. W. West... 14. Senart's Inscriptions de Piyadasi 15. Redhouse's Mesnavi of Jelalu'd-din Rumi, by Prof. E. B. Cowell, LL.D. 16. Buhler's Hindu Sacred Lawe, by Prof. J. Jolly 17. Prof. Max Muller's Dhammapada, and Fausboll's Sutta Nipata, by R. A. Neil 274 156 ... 274 276 372 18. Douglas's Catalogue of Chinese Books in the British Museum, by Rev. S. Beal.... 19. Hart-Davies's L Sind Ballads, by W. F. S. 293 294 373 874 22. Inscribed pillars in the entrance gate of the temple of Virupaksha at Pattadakal 164 23, 24. Inscriptions in the enclosure and on a pillar of the east porch of the temple of Virupaksha at Pattadakal ... 164, 165 25, 26. Inscriptions on the temples of Virupaksha and Sangameavara at Pattadakal 166, 167 27. Inscription on the front of the temple of Papanatha at Pattadakal... 28. Inscription on the side wall of the temple of Papanatha at Pattadakal... 170 171 29. Chinese Inscription and carving found at Buddhagaya 30. Bharhut Stupa inscriptions 31, 32. Spurious Valabhi Grant of Dharasena II, dated Saka 400 (2 sides) 284, 285 33, 34. The Tower at Sue Vihar, near Bhawalpur, and Inscription 324, 825 35, 36. Inscription from Gays, dated 1813 of Buddha's Nirvana, and an inscription from Buddhagays.342, 343 193 255

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. ON THE SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY, CENTRAL I. AISUR. BY COL. B. R. BRANFILL. 1.-General Remarks. out-is undressed, and projects beyond the CIRCLES of stones, of all sizes up to 30 feet corner of the chamber (see platos, Figs. lu or more in diameter, surrounding buried and 2). or half-buried kistvaens, are to be seen in several The four side-slabs rest upon a single flat places on the west and southern sides of the stone laid deep in the ground, and are covered well-known and conspicuous fortified rock of by the wapstone, a comparatively huge undressed Sa vandurga, 22 miles west of Bengalur, slab, which projects beyond the sides, especially and 4 south-east of Maga di, in Maisar. They on the east and south. are numerous at a spot called Ittige-bailu The sidestones vary from 5 to 10' in length, (Brickfield), a piece of rising ground or spur 4'-6" to 5'-6" in height, and from 2 to 6' in running out west from the centre of the hill thickness. The interiors are from 6 to near the foot of the western entrance, called long, 3 to 6 wide, and about 5' high. The Chandrayan-b a gilu. Grassy slopes and capstones vary from 8 to 14' in length, 7 to shady glades alternate with thickets of trees 10 in width, and are from 6" to 16" thick. and undergrowth, whilst groups of rocky boul- They seem to have been left in the rough, just ders and patches of bare sheet-rock combine to as they were taken from the quarry (i.e. scaled enhance the beauty of the scenery here. But off the surface of the hill), with their edges there is no good drinking water procurable vertical and entirely undressed. near. To have rested and adjusted these huge The kistvaens vary much in size and appear- capstones on the thin side slabs would surely ance. The commonest form being an oblong have broken the latter, and it appears hence that chest projecting a foot or two above the ground, the chamber must have been surrounded by, and surrounded by a circle of stones, whose and probably also filled with, earth before the tops are seen only a little above the surface. capstone was put on. The length, which is usually nearly double T he east side or front is still much banked the breadth, lies more or less east and west, up by earth, but on the other sides the earth but the direction varies considerably. is now scarcely raised at all above the general The sides are composed each of a single thin ground level. A rounded hole has been chipped stone slab, chipped or hammer-dressed along high up in the front or east wall, large enough three edges, so as to fit together and form a for a man to pass through, and an entrance rectangular chamber. The fourth edge--the passage walled off by thin slabs of stone. right-hand end of the stone viewed from with When closed, a rounded shutter-stone has been

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. set up at the inner end of the passage, closing I proceeded along the footpath leading to the entrance hole, after which the passage hasDalva y-kere, which skirts the N. W. foot of also been filled up with earth and so left. I the bill, and after an hour's walk reached the Very many of the capstones have been split, spot called Ittige-baila (Brickfield), where as if by the effect of forest fires, or by their own the stone circles, both with and without the weight in the course of time, from unequal or buried or half-buried stone chambers or kists insufficient support, and large pieces of them and their huge capstones, were scattered over have fallen over, leaving the interior of the the rising ground. chamber partly or wholly uncovered. Many Very few of the capstones remained entire in chambers have no capstone at all, but this may their place and many were gone altogether. well be due to the wandering stone-masons Amongst them on a sheet of bare rock I (Waddar) who are known to make away with noticed a fine dolmen (13ft. long and 84 ft. wide) the stones of these ancient monuments. supported upon three piles of stone raising it to The usual surrounding circle of stones is a height sufficient for people to situnder (Fig. 1). rough, and consists of some 15 to 25 boulder The whole shape and arrangement of this stones more than half buried in a ring from was so irregular that I did not examine it m 12 to 30' iu diameter, round the chamber. A closely, but may remark that very similar few of the circles are double or treble, and dolmens, megalithic slabs, supported on 3 or composed of upright or sloping slabs instead of 4 piles at a little height (2 to 4 feet) above the boulders. A few of the chambers are free sheet-rock on which they stand, are to be seen standing, i.e. almost entirely above ground, with elsewhere : near Chikk & Jala, for instance, a circle of half-buried stones, and one on the 15 miles north of Bengalur. adjacent hill of bare rock is entirely free stand. A free-standing solitary keistvaen or rude ing, and without any circle at all (Fig. 2). stone cubical chamber, conspicuous on the top Many slabs are to be seen at ground level or of the adjacent bare rock, next engrossed my even partially covered by the soil and without attention (Fig. 2). It was composed of four thin any stone circle appearing. From their form vertical slabs of rough stone, arranged with their and appearance these would also seem to be right-hand ends, as seen from without, projectbtried chambers or kistraens. ing beyond one another successively." There is little or no sign of any cairn, tuma- It seemed as if the left-hand lower-side corner lus, or barrow, unless it be where the stone of each stone had been laid on the ground circle is double or treble, when the outer circle, touching the left corner of the space to be usually of 20 to 25 boulders, is only a little enclosed, and then all lifted simultaneously above the general surface, the next higher, and 80 as to fall into their places at once. This the innermost the highest, rising in slight steps. peculiar arrangement of projections appears to The double circle of upright slabs seemed to be a general role in the structure of the Maisur contain the rudiments of an earthen wall or a and Kodaga (Coorg) kistvaens. The capstone of hedge, surrounding the tomb. this, and of the other kists I have seen, seems large out of all proportion to the size of the 2.-Examination of the tombs. chamber it covers, and the thinness of the side Having a holiday on Saturday (5th July 1879) slabs. The dimensions of this free-standing I determined to examine some kistvaens and kistvaen are as follows: stone circles which I had noticed ten years pre- Capstone-12-10' long, 9-6deg wide, and 0-6' viously, in the forest at the west foot of Sa van. to 1-0 thick. durga, and accordingly on Friday evening rode Interior 8-1' long, 5-6' wide, and 4/-2 high. out from 'Bengalur, 23 miles westwards along | The length runs east by north, and w. by the Magadi road, and passed the night in a tent S. (80deg and 260deg Magnetic bearing)." at the little hamlet of Bachen hatti (the In the upper northern corner of the east wall "Ranchainhully" of Indian Altas sheet No. 60). of the chamber is the entrance, a roundish hole Next morning having procured some workmen, roughly chipped, 1-10 to 2-0 in diameter. Compare the plan in Fig. 10, omitting the two short Some of the kistuaons at JAls near Bangaldr have slabs that form the passage on the east side. capstones or covering slabe from 14 to 20 feet in diameter.

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JANUARY, 1881.] SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY. 3 1001.) On the south and east the capstone projects 2 to 3 feet beyond the side and end walls. The projections on the north and west sides of all these kists was considerably less. The plan recalled the svastika symbol, 45 or 2). One of the meanings given in M. Williams's Sanskrit Dictionary for Svastika' is :-"A mansion or palace of a particular shape (described as surrounded by a terrace or portico on the north, west, and south sides, and having the door on the east)." Returning to Ittig e-bail, I searched for the largest and most suitable looking tomb for measurement and excavation, and having no time to lose, soon pitched upon a rather grand looking one in the midst, near the centre of the rising ground or ridge of the spur, the capstone of which was about 3 feet above the ground level, and split, and a large portion of it had fallen over on the north side, so as to uncover a part of the chamber, and allow of its excavation from the top without removing any more of it (Fig. 3). The chamber was full of hard red arth just like that of the surrounding surface soil, only harder and drier. In some places the earth reached the capstone, in others, more particularly towards the front, (the east or entrance end,) there was a space of a few inches, as if it had not been quite filled up there, or very possibly had settled by consolidation in the course of time. Outside, the earth was irregularly banked up against the kistvaen in some places nearly to the capstone. The excavation was begun on the north side and N. E. corner. Little of interest turned up at first, beyond the cast-off skins of snakes, white-ants' nests, and the refuse stores of bygone rats and mice, but at 14 to 2 feet in depth little pieces of pottery, charcoal and charred bones began to raise my hopes of a "find," and at about 2 feet in depth a little greenish lump was observed in a piece of hard red earth dug out of the centre of the chamber and a trifle towards the west end, which proved to be a piece of flattened copper of an irregularly rounded shape 0:6 in diameter, 0.15 to 0.18 thick, and nearly oz. in weight (Fig. 5). At present I can only see a few roundish- looking spaces formed by some triangular and other depressions stamped on one of the surfaces which is rather concave. Besides these there are some dots and corroded blotches, and faults in the manufacture that I need not describe. The opposite side is flat, but rough, and bears no marked resemblance to anything I can recognise." A little piece of corroded iron next turned tip, which on cleaning off the encrusted earth proved to be a modern shaped arrow tip 1':5 long and 04 thick at base, with a deep hollow tube or socket in it, to receive the end of the shaft. In taking it out, the point broke off and a piece of it was lost, but the fracture only served better to display the good workmanship of the maker. The tube is tapering, 3 in diameter at the orifice and 1".1 deep. It weighs about oz. (Plate IV, Fig. 7). Fragments of pottery of various kinds, coarse and fine, polished and plain, red and black, with pieces of charcoal and bone, some apparently human, others of birds, all very small, were met with frequently, scattered throughout the mass. At 3-5" below the capstone and close to the middle of the north wall, the first jar was met with, full of common earth, but broken to pieces by the pressure of the superincumbent weight, and beside it along the base of the north wall were ranged a row of jars of sorts and sizes, all of them broken. On taking out the contents of one of the larger earthen jars, a small vessel was found inside, much the shape of the common modern pot (chatti), except that it was rather pointed at the bottom, instead of being, as now-a-days, globular (Fig. 9). It is 6' in diameter and height, with a neck 3' wide. It contained earth of two sorts and colours; one grey, and the other dark red. The grey seemed to be a fine clay with a large admixture of fine white powder, possibly ashes. Throughout the earth taken out of the kist white-coloured streaks and lumps of grey earth were met with in all directions, especially below; and, (bat that there was more of it inside the jars) one might suppose it to come from the white-ant nests, the colour of the earth around which also seemed white or grey. The grey lamps, and the white powder incrusted on the inside of the jars, were almost tasteless. The outside of the small enclosed vessel, like I have found this symbol roughly scratohed on a small earthenware vessel taken from a kistvaon in Kodaga, now in the Bengalir Museum. This coin or token nearly resembles the Muhammadan paisa with marks punched on it, of no great antiquity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. most of the finer pottery from these kistvaene, mixed with earth, and it was found impracticais black and polished above the bulge, light red ble with the means and time at disposal to prebelow, and ornamented with a few faint hori- serve any. A little to the south-west of the zontal lines ronnd the bulge, and round the neck; centre and near the upper flag stone, some on the splay between these two bands are some larger pieces of bone were found, and plain in. faint scratches, i.e. some crossed lines within a dioations of a human skeleton having been buried curved line, three fainterlines, and three more ver- lying on its right side along the south side of the tical and still fainter (see Fig. 9). chamber, with the head to the east, and looking The similar marks of the pottery from the towards the north. The figure must have been J Ala kistvaens, 30 miles to N. E., are :-M on in a bent posture, for parts of the leg bones one side, and U on the other. were found projected towards the centre, whilst The mouth of this small pot was full of grit the pieces of the feet and rib bones were withor fine gravel, and in the earth outside it were drawn towards the south wall, and the skull lay found two small crystal sharp-edged cutters or about 6 inches distant from the east end and scrapers (Fig. 8), and two little bones, one of the same distance from the south side. them the vertebra of a bird (?), and the other a | The bones were too brittle to take out whole, piece of the (? arm) bone of a fowl, with a hole and came out mostly in small pieces: but the in it; this bone was broken, leaving only one pieces of the greater part of the skull were inch of it, and the rest was lost. large and complete enough to be put together About the centre there was a plain large glo so as fairly to represent its shape and size. bular jar, broken, the earth in which seemed I was nnable personally to superintend the little if at all different from the rest. whole exhumation, being obliged to return to Near it and lying on what seemed to be the Bengalur before nightfall, which put a stop floor, a thin oval plate of iron was found, but to further search, before all the earth along the broken in taking out, and some part of it lost south and west sides was taken out. (Plate IV, Fig. 12). The oval is about 1".1 Being unable to visit the spot again for some in length, and what remains of its width is time, a week or so later I sent out a small 0:6, but if complete would have been 0.8. party of men under an experienced and reliable The edge appears to have been sharp all native head workman to re-examine the earth round. At most it is only 0.08 thick. At a that had been taken out in the twilight, on the depth of 4 10' below the capstone, a flag or last evening, to finish the excavation, and floor stone was reached, but all along the north bring in the remaining portions of the "find," side (and as it eventually proved, along the west which they did, consisting of a few more little end also), ran a trench of depression about a pieces of bone, making up a weight of about cubit in breadth and 6 or 8 inches deep, the 4 lbs. altogether. With these they also brought floor of which was formed of a single slab, and in two hollow horn-shaped vessels with a hole proved to be the real floor of the chamber, on on the convex side of each near the tip (Plate which an upper slab about 6 feet long and 4 feet III, Fig. 29). One was flat enough to stand on wide, had been laid, touching the south side and its base, but the other was pierced with a lateral east end walls only (see plan and sections hole, nearer the tip, apparently for a string to Plate II, Fig. 10). The jars in this trench were hang it up by, the base being too curved for it to full of hard earth, generally free from gravel, stand on (Figs. 29 A and B). but some of them had minute pieces of charcoal The distance from base to tip is : and bone here and there. One of them con A v tained something like grain (possibly the re Chord length ............ 98 and 8":8 inches respectively mains of a small millet), which would not bear Are length ............... 12 0 , 10-8 to be touched without crumbling into an impal Mar. diam. ............... 8.5 28 Hole or orifice ......... 0 5 , 0 3 , pable powder. The colour of this grain was Capacity (fluid oz.) ... 12.5 oz. 75 oz. up to the orifice. grey, but there was little of it that was not Weight (av.) ............ 26502. 160 02. In a so-called Buddhist sculpture in Palnad marble, by means of network. This representation must have been horns or flasks of this shape are to be seen hang at the from one of the Amravati marbles presenting the story of backs of some hunters or bird-catchers who have presented king Sibi, bird to a r&ja seated on his throne. Ono is suspended

Page #11
JANUARY, 1881.] SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY. They are hollow throughout, and hold 12-5 and 7-5 ounces respectively. The larger (A) has five slight horizontal flat grooves round its greatest diameter, and on its side a scratched mark. It is stained black outside and above the hole. It was cracked or very porous, and will not hold water well. It is very slightly polished, and of a brownish doll red colour. The other (B) is less polished, holds water well, and is of a dull light red colour (Fig. 29, B). They were both found in the angle of the jar-trench on the true floor, at the N.W. corner of the chamber. They are pretty smooth, and regularly formed outside, but much rougher within, varying in thickness from 0.17 to 0:5. The workmen now discovered that the trench extended along the west end, as well as the north side of the cell, and they found several more jars placed in it; and in the S. W. corner a ringed, circular, cylindrical pot-stand (Fig. 18), with splay lip at top, and five regular horizontal rings, grooves or corrugations (PL. III, Fig. 18). It is open at bottom, having a rough flat-edged base to stand on, as if it were intended to stand the pointed bowls and pots on. It was not used for that purpose here, for on taking it up, a number of iron points were found to be pro- truding from the bottom touching the floor; indeed two of them had been struck by the excavating tool, and damaged from having slip- ped out through a broken place in the lower part of the pot-stand, and must have been left so by those who put them there, before filling up the kist with earth. The pot-stand was full of earth, and contained ten flat, pointed, arrow-heads, with barbs running back nearly parallel to the shaft socket. These are all of a similar lancet shape, from 24.7 to 5'.6 long, over all. If complete the longest would have been about 5' or rather more in length (Plate IV, Fig. 6). The blades are from 26 to 89.5 long, 0-8 wide, and 0.15 thick. The barbs are from 04 to 1:0 long, and their points in no case more than 100 apart. Between the barbs, the shaft-socket extends from 19.3 to 15.6 in length backwards from the blade, being about 0.18 in diameter at the neck, where smallest, and increasing to 0:4 in one case) at the back end, where largest. The shaft tube or socket by which they were attached to the arrow-shaft is very well made, from 1'.0 to 1'25 deep, and from 0.25 to 0.35 in diameter at the orifice. Besides these, the pot-stand contained a plain modern-shaped arrow-tip of iron, like that previously found, and also a plain taper tang, 2:0 long, 02:08 thick, and from 0.1 to 0.2 wide, with sharp edges, and sides clean, flat, and squared, much like a modern "cut nail," or large brad, apparently of steel. There are indications of this piece of steel having been broken short off from a longer piece, at a point where it had been pierced with a (? rivet) hole. Compared with the arrow heads the tang is remarkably free from corrosion. The small end is broken irregularly, but a slight increase of the rate of tapering looks as if it had not been much longer in that direction. The ten arrow heads had evidently been stuck into the pot-stand vertically with their points downwards, and were all much corroded and some gone to pieces. During the final examination of the earth taken out of the chamber, two small bars of irou were discovered, the larger is 2.5 long, nearly 0deg5 wide and 0"-16 thick, and is bent. The other is 1.2 long, 0:"4 wide, 0.18 thick, and straight. Both these pieces are much rusteaten for nearly half their length, but the thicker end is comparatively smooth, retaining its original shape. 3.-The human remains. As soon as the pieces of the skeleton bones were brought in (to Bengalur), I set to work to put the pieces of the skull together, and with some difficulty succeeded in setting up the major portion of the roof, but none of the base or facial parts were forthcoming. I then shewed it to several medical men from whom I gathered the little there is to say about it. The outside of the bones is covered with a roagh incrustation of indurated matter which is not removed by the application of water and a hard brush, but scales off before a knife. The thickness of the skull is unusually great, being about 07 whero thickest. It is the skull of an adult or old person, the sutures having become completely closed and nearly obliterated, so that they can only be seen with difficulty. It gives the idea of being small, but long and narrow, and of a rather low type. The missing portions of the skull were lost in

Page #12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. bringing in the first instalment. The dimensions are as follows: Measurement of the Skull. External. Extreme length ...7.30 Do. width ...5-35 Least width ...4:1 (?) (Max.) circumference 203 Internal. Maximum length ...6.63 Do. width ...4.87 Minimum do. ...3.5 Dividing the width by the length, the above measures give 0 733 external, and 0-735 internal, as the ratio of width to length, which brings it within the long-shaped class (dolichocephalic). The brow appears to be narrow, low and retreating; the orbital ridge (the right one alone remains) prominent. Six teeth of the right upper, and four of the left lower jaw remain, and though much ground down, are in good order, and of a good white colour. One of the peculiarities of the skull is the existence of a fracture extending for some six inches in length from the base of the occipital bone on the left side obliquely upwards through its centre, and well into the right parietal bone. Where this long crack crosses the sature, on the interior surface there appears to be a cross fracture following the line of the suture to the trijunction at the apex of the occipital bone, and a short distance down its other (left) side; at the point of cross fracture a decided spiculum of bone can be felt and seen slightly projecting inwards from the skull. The fracture appears to have joined partially but firmly, although an open seam is left through- out the greater part, as if death had ensued at a sufficient interval of time after the fracture to admit of a partial junction, but not long enough for a completion of the healing process. A few pieces of the bones of the head have not been set up for want of many missing parts; amongst those to hand are the petrous portions of the temporal bones of both sides, a fragment of the right upper jaw containing six teeth (the 5 molars and 1 canine), and a piece of the left lower jaw containing four teeth (the last incisor, 1 canine, and 2 molars), a loose canine of the right lower, and lastly a large molar, also of the right lower jaw, set alone in a fragment 0:6 thick, and 1" 5 long. The teeth are all much ground, even the canines, as if by an eater of hard grain, and are generally small, to correspond with the small size of the head. The bones of this subject were positively stated to have been taken out from a space extending over 5 ft. 6 inches from top to toe, but the small size of the skull and teeth contradicts the idea of a large body, as also I believe do the other fragments of bones, which seem to belong to a rather undersized individual On the 2nd of Angust I again visited the Ittige-bail kistvaens at Savandurga, with a view first to sift and closely examine all the earth taken out of the kist in my absence, and search for the missing pieces of bone requisite to complete the skull, and also to examine more closely the structure of the kistvaen, especially its floor. The earth had been cleared out down to the true floor along the north and west sides, but only down to the raised flag-stone or bodstone' on the south, east and centre. This bedstone was fairly rectangular, 6 ft. long, 4 ft. wide, and comparatively thin, being only 2 or 3 inches thick. It rested apparently on a bed of hard earth, like that with which the rest of the chamber had been filled, but on clearing away the earth beneath its exposed sides, rough blocks of stone were found under the corners serving the purpose of legs, from 3 to 5 inches in height. Finding how thin the bed-stone was, it was lifted up by 5 or 6 men, and set upright along the south wall, whilst the earth that filled the space between it and the true floor of the chamber was examined. The exact form of the underside of the bedstone was found impressed on the surface, and gave the idea that the earth, which seemed not different from the rest, had been pat down first, and the stone then laid upon it; but the surface was of rather finer mould, and the whole of it a good deal less compact and hard than that above it. This comparative softness however may have arisen from the wet having recently got in, there having been many heavy showers lately, since 5th July, when it was first opened. The great mass of the earth in the chamber from top to bottom was exceedingly dry and hard, as if it had not been moist for a very long while, and I cannot bat attribute the partial moisture of the earth under the bed-stone to the recent rains, which had evidently stood in the bared portions of the floor, especially in the north-east corner under the opening.

Page #13
Indian Antiquary. I. KISTVAENS AT SAVANDURGA, MYSORE. DOLMEN ON SLOPING BARE ROCK PANDUVAR - GUDI; ON TOP OF HILL OF BARE ROCK - - KISTVAEN AT ITTIGE - BAIL UUDETU AU ERSAND A > AD So

Page #14
U. KISTVAENS AT SAVANDURGA, AND EXCAVATED POTTERY. 10. PLAN OF KISTVAEN r w ) j hd 11 SECTION OF KISTVAEN SECTION FROM WEST SHEWING INTERIOR mdl SECTION W. TO E. SHEWING INTERIOR " hlsyynlyylytyy`ytyyyy` mnh>>;

Page #15
SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY. JANUARY, 1881.] Two or three little bowls, the shape and about half the height of a tea-cup, or rather like a high-sided small saucer, were found on the floor, one of them having a two-barbed arrow-blade resting across it; several arrowheads with double-edged barbed and pointed blades were also found on the floor under the bed-stone, together with one or two dagger blades (with a copper fillet on the guard of one), a javelin blade or spear-head, some chisel-like cutters of several sizes, a little piece of flatpointed iron wire, and some thin knife-blades. All these were spread pretty evenly over the surface of the floor under the bed-stone, so that many of them would have been well out of arm's reach when the bed-stone was laid over them, for it lay touching the south and east walls, and could not have been easily moved. The true floor stone was one flag of considerably larger dimensions than the chamber (8'-6" X 5'-6"); it is cracked through the middle from north to south, and the eastern portion has sunk a little. No. 2 Kistvaen. About 20 paces W. N. W. from the first kistvaen examined (No. 1), with only a few smaller or capless cells and stone-circles intervening, was another with a split capstone, which it was found just possible for 8 or 10 men (natives) to raise on one side by means of levers, and slip over to the south, leaving the top of the kist uncovered. The capstone measured 10'-3" long, 6'-0"wide, 4" to 10" thick, and the interior 7'-5" long east and west, by 4'-2" wide N. and S., and, as it turned out, 4'-9" high. Just below this lay a roughly chipped thin flat disc of stone 4" to 4"-5 in diam. and 0deg3 to 0"-4 thick. The earth in this cell was not quite full to the top, a space of from 3 to 6 inches remaining open just under the capstone. It was still dry except in one corner (the north-west), where a piece had fallen from the capstone, and let the rain in, but the earth was generally dry and softer than in the former case (No. 1) throughout. On the centre of the floor lay a flat earthen bowl (Plate III, Fig. 24) 8" in diam. and 3" deep, full of calcined bones, presumably human, and common earth. A smaller bowl, 6.9 in diam. and 2deg-7 deep, lay on the floor near the N. W. corner, in which also might be seen, mixed with grit or fine gravel, traces of bone, principally thin flat 7 pieces, as if the flakes of a human skull after incomplete cremation had been collected, and buried in a small bowl separate from the rest. Nothing else was found in this kistvaen that calls for remark, unless it be the absence of fragments of pottery and charcoal, compared with what was found in the chamber previously opened (No. 1). The entrance hole was high up in the east end slab, and near the north side, as usual, its measurements being 17" wide, 15" high, 2' 6" above the floor, and 1' below the capstone. Its distance from the south wall was 2'-3" and only 9" from the north. The porch or entrance passage was not excavated, but the shutter-stone could be seen from the inside having slightly fallen away outwards, the space thus left vacant, however, had been filled up with earth. No. 3 Kistvaen. The next kist excavated (No. 3) was from 50 to 100 yards to the S. W. of-the first, and was selected because it had no capstone remaining, but the cell was large, and surrounded by a triple circle of stones, 16, 19, and 23' in diameter, the outer circle, of boulders, just appearing above ground-level, and the other two inner circles of upright slabs of stone rising slightly above one another towards the centre, where the earth was about a couple of feet above the general ground-level outside. The earth inside this roofless cell was a little higher still, but not quite up to the level of the 4 upright side slabs forming it, the upper edges of which were nearly 3 feet above the general ground level. From recent rain the earth was moist and difficult to work, so that it took three men nearly a whole day to excavate it. Nothing was found in the earth until near the floor, when 8 or 10 earthen jars and pots, &c. were discovered, of several sorts and sizes, resting on the floor stone. Most of the pottery was spread about towards the west end except a single flat bowl or dish, with a pointed bottom, and a low rim sloping inwards, like that found in centre of No. 2, which was lying by itself in the S. E. corner and full of calcined bones mixed with earth. A smaller one with more bones lay on the south side towards the centre, and another little cup or saucer lay in the north-east corner by itself full of earth. In the centre of the floor lay a long pointed

Page #16
8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. javelin or spear-head 13"-6 long, over all, of which 15 was the tang, the blade being about 1'1 wide at the base, and tapering gradually to the tip (Pl. IV, Fig. 5). At most it is only 0" 16 thick. Eastward of this lay a broken-pointed (? knife) blade 2.5 long, 0-9 wide, and 0"-12 thick. It has a slight bend at the break at each end, and is better preserved than the other iron blades. The pottery was all broken, and contained nothing distinguishable from common earth. The dimensions of this kist (No. 3) were as follows:-Interior 8'-2" long, 4'-9" wide, and 5'-9 high. The entrance hole was nearly circular, 1'-9" in diameter, and more nearly in the centre of the east end wall than usual. The four side stones were 6' to 9' long, 5'-9" high, and from 2" to 5" thick. No. 4 Kistvaen. Whilst No. 3 was being excavated, a fourth kist close to it, also without any capstone, was excavated as being convenient. It was smaller, bat otherwise like No. 3, with only a single circle of stones, 18 ft. in diameter. The recent rain had penetrated but slightly, and the earth being comparatively soft and friable, its examination was completed first. As in the cases of Nos. 2 and 3, nothing was found, except two or three small fragments of pottery, until near the bottom, when a great many jars and pots were found very closely packed, especially towards the west end and the two sides, but more or less spread all over the floor. Four or five high narrow tripod jars were found, one of them standing up, the rest lying down. Some globular pots with rather pointed bottoms and large mouths occurred; and some flat bowls, one of which, a little east of the centre, was full of charred bones, besides which there were two other pots full of bones on the south side. [JANUARY, 1881. The dimensions of this kist (No. 4) were7'-8" long, 4'-6' wide, and 5'-4" high. The entrance hole, 1'-9" in diameter, was as usual high up in the slab forming the east end of the chamber, and within 9" of the north side. The two side slabs were 8' and 9' long, 5'-4" high, and from 3" to 6" thick; the end slabs 5'-5" and 5'-8" long, 5'-4" high, and 2" to 5" thick. Two circular pot-stands were seen and numerous small hemisperical bowls interspersed amongst the rest of the pottery. Everything was already more or less broken or cracked, and could not be taken out whole. The jars, pots, bowls and vase-stands numbered thirty-two in all. Except the bones, nothing could be made out of the contents of the pottery, but that it consisted largely of common gritty soil; no iron implements were found here, nor was anything of any special interest noticed. They all stood about a foot above the ground within the circle of stones, which was very little above the general ground level. The "bearing" or direction of the length of this cell was a point or so to the south of east, whereas by far the most of those observed were rather north of east: but a few differed considerably. The peculiarities of the kistvaen (No. 1) first opened at Savandurga, wherein it differs from those ordinarily found in this part of the country, are as follows: 1. The earth with which it was filled contained fragments of all sorts of pottery, a copper coin or token, a few pieces of wrought iron, and some charred bones, possibly human, as well as of birds (apparently uncharred), all scattered up and down throughout the kist, except near the surface. 2. There is no cinerarium, but the remains of many of the bones of a human skeleton (besides the charred bones above mentioned) as if a body had been buried unburnt. The earth in which they were embedded was very hard and dry, and the bones were so brittle or decayed that few or none of them could be taken out whole. 3. The couch or bed-stone raised a little above the floor, on and beneath which lay a number of iron weapons and implements of the chase, amongst which was a knife or dagger with a copper fillet round the handle-guard. 4. The somewhat large size of the entrance hole (2'-7" wide). Arch-stone Kistvaens. On this occasion I visited a small group of kistvaens amongst the rocks 10 minutes' walk or more to the north of Ittige-bail, having been attracted thither from the foot-path by catching sight of a conspicuous upright arched stone, standing in the inner edge of a double circle of stones in front of a fine half-buried kist, with a capstone 12' long, 9' wide, and 9" thick (Plate I, Fig. 4). The arched stone is formed out of a very

Page #17
JANUARY, 1881.] SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY. even and flat thin slab of dark stone, and is well shaped by rough chipping or hammer-dressing, into a rounded arch form at top with a hole of the same rounded shape as most of the entrance holes to these kistvaens, that is, flatter than the true circle, below, and more pointed above, but without any great difference between the height and the width, which in the few instances I have met has been from 20 to 30". One or two other tombs in this group had broken arch-stones, but much smaller than that here described, which stands over 5' high above the ground on the inside, and more still on the out, and must have been about 8 wide when entire. The only other one I measured stood 3 high above ground, and must have been about 6'-6" wide, with a hole 24" wide and high. General Remarks, Notes and Impressions, &c. The hoge capstones must have been put on after the chambers they cover had been filled with earth, for, in some cases, the kist is full but has no entrance hole at all, or the entrance is too low to admit of the chamber being filled through it. Standing on & spur or plateau of rising ground with deep ravines around, they cannot have been subject to floods, and the rain could not have washed in so much soil through the crevices, from a mound of earth that may have been raised over them originally, without also leaving some portion of it spread around. The "site" may be a cemetery, or place of interment, selected perhaps for its seclusion in the depths of the forest, and for the convenience of the locality for the requisite materials,-stone slabs of all sizes, boulders, and a suitable space of ground near to the quarry. The prominent rounded masses of solid bare rock, cropping up like islands above the general level of the soil, so common in Southern India, offer great facilities and frequent opportunities for the purpose. The gneissic rock is laminated, and peels off, or is easily exfoliated in scales of any size, and may be transported on log rollers down the sloping spurs without difficulty. The rounded boulders are to be found in the adjacent ravines. The form of the kistvaen, a cubical chamber surrounded by a circle of stones, is perhaps only a copy of the dwellings of the people who built them. In many parts of India people still live in houses of a somewhat similar shape, composed of four upright walls of mud, covered by a flat mud roof; but the huts or cabins of the Toda folk of the Nilgiri Hills afford a closer parallel, allowance being made for the difference of material and the structural necessities of the case, for they are surrounded in a similar way by a circular wall or enclosure, and have an entrance hole at one end as small as these. The customs still in vogue amongst the (quasi)aboriginal tribes, Toda, Kota, Gond, Kol, Khasia, &c. would probably, if collated, go far to explain all about these kistvaens, and the rites that attended their use. Occasionally a patriarch or headman may have died under circumstances that forbade the rite of cremation, when he might be buried in a monumental sepulchre built specially for the occasion, and in a manner that would leave all the appearances described above, as found in the case of the first kistvaen (No. 1) opened at Sa vandurga. The raised couch or bed-stone, the number of iron implements and weapons found associated with the remains of a single unburnt skeleton, and possibly also the fractured skull point to an unusual case, and indicate that the person here buried had been a warrior, or a great hunter In the 2nd instance (kist. No. 2) the thin flakes of bone contained in the smaller bowl may be those of a wife who became sati upon the funeral pile of the person whose calcined remains were found in the larger. The 3rd kist opened, that surrounded by a triple circle of stones with its two bowls of ashes (one large and one small), may indicate another case of cromation and sati. The long javelin head and single knife blade was a disappointingly small find in so fine a kistvaen. The last kist excavated (No. 4) with its three (or more) cinerary urns fall of ashes, and its 30 accompanying earthen vessels, and the entire absence of iron weapons, may indicate the sepulchural monument of several minor members of the tribe or family, who had died at the * See Welsh's Military Reminiscences (Smith, Elder and Co., 1830), vol. II, p. 55, where a cromlech or kistvaen with arched entrance stone is figured and described. The stone wall there given recalls the rail round a Buddhist T ope remarkably.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. same time, or within a short period of one an- death of such, his body was perhaps brought other, and whose ashes were all interred together. to the cemetery, and placed under the great The free-standing kistvaens on the adjacent dolmen until the arrangements and preliminary rock may be the lich.gate to the cemetery, or ceremonies for its cremation were complete. the purgatorial abode for the departed, whilst After the cremation, the ashes and the remawaiting their final disposal. nants of bones and relics may have been placed The people who left these monuments were no in an urn or bowl in one of the free-standing wild savages. They treated the ashes of their chambers, of which the cemetery contains sevedead with a respoct that must have bordered on ral, until a fit and separate keistvaen was preworship, and lodged them with much care in pared for their final resting-place and interment. most lasting tombs, furnished apparently with The entrance-holes and shutter-stones of these all the necessaries of life. They had clever iron would then serve their appropriate purpose workers and potters amongst them, and used repeatedly, and not be merely copies of the copper, but sparingly. The good preservation dwellings of the living, as above suggested. of the iron weapons, especially of the points and More than one cremation at a time, or several edges, is remarkable, and may be partly due to at intervals, may have been thus temporarily disthe dryness of the situation and to the closeress posed of, before the final sepulture took place. of the earth in which they have been embedded. From time to time the entrance-holo might The neighbouring town of Maga di is well also be used in making offerings of flowers, known for its iron, which abounds in the vicinity. frait, food, water or incense, &c. to the dead. The stone-masons' work has been done cleverly When the proper season came and the new though roughly, and considerable skill must tomb was ready, the final funeral ceremony have been requisite, and many workmen, to take would take place, and the vessels full of ashes out, transport, knock into shape, and erect such and relics would be removed from their temmasses as the cap-stones, arch-stones, side-walls, porary to their final abode, in presence of the and flags of these kistvaene and dolmens. whole family or clan. This would be an oc The present inhabitants have no traditions casion of feasting and possibly of sacrifice, which beyond the name Pan duvar mane, or may account for the stray pieces of bones, charPandu vargudi, = dwelling, or temple, of coal, and fragments of pottery that are now to the Pandu-folk,' a race of dwarfs that preceded be found scattered through the upper portions their own forefathers as inhabitants of this of the earth with which the chamber (No. 1) country. was then filled. In the present day the Waddar folk (Vod. In three of the cases above described the daru) are the rude stone-masons of the country, charred bones, intimately mixed with earth, and are said to have come originally from had been placed in open, flat, rimmed bowls, Telingana. But the Kotar of the Nilgiri hills surrounded by numerous jars, pots and vessels would be more probably the descendants of the of sorts, originally containing no doubt supplies artizans of the cromlech period in Maisur. or offerings of which scarcely a trace now re The cromlech and kistvaen building people mains. must have lived amongst, or been able to as- In two cases of the four examined, implements somble considerable numbers of able-bodied of iron and weapons of the chase, or of war, workmen; but the paucity of their cemeteries were deposited also; the earth was then filled and tombs (or monuments) does not look like in together with the debris of the feast, a large population all practising these same heaped up' over the whole, and covered by the funeral rites. capstone, the entrance hole was closed by a shutIf they were numerous, it can only have been terstone, and banked up in front, to be left for their great men, princes or patriarchs, warriors the honour of the departed, to remain for ages and priests, who became as gods at their death, and excite the curiosity of races yet to come. and whose remains and relics were honoured The railing round the Buddhist Topes has with these rude but lasting shrines. On the been referred to a common origin with that of 1 Many of the side slabs or walls were bulged or forced outwards as if by the pressure of the capetone on the heaped-up earth, and the uppermost earth seemed most 3ompressed and solid.

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Indian Antiquary II - POTTERY FROM THE KISTVAENS AT SAVANDURGA, "Bu Bu Bu I the | FIG5 29, TO 32. HALF ACTUAL SIZE. 14: HTCH (You Pian Bu Dai

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IV-IRON WEAPONS FROM SAVANDURGA KISTVAENS. HALF ACTUAL SIZE. Als - - - - 1 26 Edge Edge. Edge 10 Edge Bdge. W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH. LONDON. E.

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11 JANUARY, 1881.) SAVANDURGA RUDE STONE CEMETERY. these sepulchral chainbers and their surrounding polished, entire ; found on floor against west wall, circle of stones; may not their arched-stone full of earth. Has no plain artificial marks on it. Very modern looking, and devoid of ornament. entrances correspond to the Buddhist Tope Size 11":8 high, 39" in circumference at biggateways, in a similar manner ? And may not gest, 124 diam. The lip outside 6", and inside the medieval and modern great gateway spires neck 4.8 diam. The neck and lip-rim stand or entrance towers of the south Indian temples, 1":5 high and 5'2 in diam. outside. It is 09:2 called Gopuram, be traced to the same origin thick and weighs 5 lbs. as that of the stopa gateway and the cromlech Fig. 12. A smaller pot with wide neck, polisharchstone, and possibly also that of our own od, black, with some fine grooves or horizontal church steeples ? lines round the deck, which stands 1" high, the The space within the outer circle of stonos oc- entire height being 6", diam. at biggest 775, casionally (but not often) recalls in like manner and of neck 4":4 inside. On the shoulder of it are scratched the marks represented below the figure. the procession path around the Buddhist stupa, Fig. 13. A smaller pot of still ruder make, and and more modern temple. red colour throughout, with little polish. Found In east Maisur kistvaens are found surrounded liko No. 9, inside another bigger pot; size 6" high, or enclosed by four great arch-shaped slabs 9 or of which 1":8 is neck; 5:8 in diam. at the bulge, 10 feet high, set up parallel to, and a little apart 3.6 at lip, 266 at neck outside, and 2"-22 inside ; from, the four walls of the kist. and 02 thick throughout. As mentioned above, certain marks were Fig. 14. A very small rude vase, with a rough noticed on the first entire pot taken out (Fig. 9) surface, of light red colour. It was found full of and on one of the horn-shaped vessels. On grit and earth, inside another. It is only 3.15 washing the soil off the other vessels .many of high, 2.75 in diam, at bulge, 1":7 at lip, and 1" 2 them were observed to have somewhat similar at neck, and from 0.2 to 0.25 thick. Fig. 15. Several high tripod jars were found, marks scratched on them, very rudely done, both standing up and (more commonly) lying but all apparently with a like object (Figs. 12, down, all more or less broken.. They were mostly 19, 20, 25, 27, 28). red throughout and had been polished. The only Many of the small bowls are marked in three ornament noticed was some horizontal lines. places on the bottom, whereas the marks on One stood 18" high and was 6-75 in diam., the other pots now in the Bengalur Museum taken legs being 4" long. from the Jala kistvaens and from Kodagu are Fig. 16. The handle and part of a pipkin of red only in two places on each vessel, nearly pottery. The handle has a slight spiral groove opposite to one another. The commonest mark along it to give a firmer hold, and prevent it slip ping from the band. Its shape would be globular, on those appears to be M on one side, and U and quite plain without lip or rim. In size it on the opposite ; a resemblance to which may be would be a sphere about 6" in diam. ; with the traced in one or two of these. The scratches top cut off for & mouth s' in diam. are frequently faint, and indistinct, but can be Fig. 17. Pieces of a large coarse crock or jar, made out in a snitable light, with the aid of a l in vare in very coarse pottery. Dall greyish light red magnifying glass, on the polished surface quite colour. Diameter outside lip 15", inside neck 11". well enough to trace the figure. From the scattered state of the pieces found in The svastika symbol appears rudely scratched the earth throughout the middle of the chamber, twice on a small vase taken from a kistvaen in this must have been used and broken ontside Kodagu, now in the Bengalur Museum, thus-1' before the earth was filled in. It is nearly ( 5 thick. Pottery found in the Kistvaens at Sdvandurga. Figs. 18, 19, 20. Three circular vase-holder (Ses Plates.) or potstands were found, open at both ends, top Fig. 9. A smaller pot, but very similar to and bottom, and evidently designed to place the No. 13, found inside a bigger ; size, 6" high and 6" pots and vases on, they having generally too in diam, at bulge; 3.8 outside lip rim; 30 outside pointed a base to rest on anless supported by neck; and 2.64 inside. Thickness 018. Neok is some such contrivance, or on sand. They vary 1"-5 high; and it has five horizontal lines just in height from 3" 4 to 5.2, and in diam. from 66 above bulge and on neck for ornament, and some the outside maximum, to 29 interior minimam Boratohed marks, shown in the figure. diam. at the waist. They are somewhat ornaFig. 11. A big earthen globular pot, light red; mental, two of them are contracted in mid-height,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. bell or trumpet fashion. The first is more cylin- 3.15 in diam at lip, and ?' at the neck, which drical, but corrugated by horizontal grooves and is 2" high : the thickness is 0.12. bands. The third has scratched upon it two marks Fig. 31. Part of a large pan or basin with a represented below the figure; those on Fig. 19a hollow horizontal rim, and a vertical edge, someare shown at Fig. 196. what ornamental. It must have been from 8"5 Fig. 21, 22, 23. Many little bowls or cups to 8:9 in diam. (uncommon). were found interspersed amongst the larger vessels. They are mostly of fine thin well-baked pottery of List of iron weapons from Savandurga kistvaens. # black colour, and well polished throughout. Plate IV. They have little if any ornament or marks on them, and vary slightly in shape; most of them Fig. 1. Spear head or javelin blade; flat and have a more or less pointed bottom, but a few are thin; blade 9"-25 long, 2":15 wide, 0"I thick, tang spheroidal. In size they run from 35 to 4"-5 2.-25 long. Weight 41 oz. in diam. and 1" 5 to 25 deep. On the bottom of Fig. 2. Chisel (R) 995 long, 1"-62 wide, 04-25 No. 22 are scratched the marks shown in Fig. 28; thick. Weight 7 oz. This is a good serviceable and on another those in Fig. 27. hand-chopper not in use or known by the country Pig. 24. Wide shallow bowls or dishes were | artizans now. found containing the charred bones, generally go Fig. 3. Dagger knife with guard. The blade to 9" in diam, and 2-5 to 3.0 deep, with a rim is thin and rusted to pieces; 8" or 9" long, 1"-4 varying from 0:5 to 1"Q in height. They are of wide and 0'1 thick. Tang 2.2. fine black polished pottery, and have the favourite Fig. 4. Thin dagger-knife with copper fillet. pointed bottom. The blade when complete would be 8' or 9' long, Fig. 25. An intermediate form and size of 1-2 wide and 0:07 thick. bowl between the small cups and the larger flat Fig. 5. Long flat tapering arrow blade or bowls, which also contained bones. It has a javelin point, 12' long (besides 1"6 of tang), 1"1 deeper side, and is much like Fig. 21. It is wide and 0 16 thick. Weight 2} oz. polished black above and inside, but red polished Fig. 6. Double barbed arrow points, lancetbelow outside. Three marks scratched on the shaped, with hollow shaft socket. From 3 to 6" bottom of it are represented below the figure. In long, 0":8 wide and 0"-15 thick. Weight about oz. size it is 7" in diam, and 2-7 deep. each. Tubes well made and points fine. Fig. 26. A diminutive cup or vessel was also Fig. 7. Modern shaped (English) arrow tip, 1:4 found which looks as if it had been designed for long and 0-4 thick. Shaft socket well made. the cap or stopper of a goblet; in size 2.8 in Weight about 1 oz. diam. and 1"-4 high. Its colour is a dirty grey, Fig. 8. Thin flat chisels or cutters, 5" or more almost as if unbaked. long, chopping edge 1"2 and 195 wide, and 0"-06 - Fig. 29. Two horn-shaped vessels of rade to 010 thick. pottery found lying on the floor of one of the Fig. 9. Double-edged thin flat blades, under kistvaens and described above. 1"-2 wide and 01 thick. Fig. 30. A piece of the top, neck and lip of an Fig. 10. Part of tapering two-edged blade, 0912 earthenware water bottle or vase. It is thin, and thick. well formed on the potter's wheel, of a good Fig. 11. Awl or needle, 4"3 long and 0"15 thick. reddish colour, and polished outside. In size it is Fig. 12. Part of edged oval cutter or scraper. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from vol. IX, p. 278.) with Taghrul, the chief of the Kirais who The position of Temujin at the period we dominated over the Mongolian steppes, and yet have reached is not easy to understand. He he seems reduced to the condition of a mere was the eldest son of Yessugei, the Khakan shepherd having few followers and hardly any of the Mongol race. He was married to the anthority, and was virtually a fagitive from the daughter of the chief of the Kongurut, the great bulk of his people who obeyed the Taijnt most illustrions tribe of the Turks, and, as we chief Terkutai Kiriltak. Terkutai Kiriltuk and shall shew presently, was on friendly terms the Taijuts encamped, as we have seen, on the

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JANUARY, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. Onon. Temujin meanwhile had wandered to the upper valleys of the Kerulon, and lived with his family on the river Sangur.1 It was while living there that Chin ghiz set off down the Kerulon to fetch his wife home. We afterwards read that he removed further up into the higher land of the Kerulon, and settled at the foot of the Birga, where he lived with his wife Burte. When she returned with him, she took with her a kaftan or robe made of black sable, as a present for her mother-in-law. Temujin, who doubtless thought it might be made more useful in another way, recalled the fact that his father had been on good terms with Tughrul Khan, the chief of the Kirais, who was therefore like a father to himself, and he determined to present the kaftan to him. He therefore rode off with his brothers to the river Tula, where Tughrul lived, and told him he had brought him a present which his wife had intended for her mother-in-law. Tughrul was much pleased, and said "I will bring your people together again, and reunite the scattered once more to you, and will treasure this in my heart.""" We must now consider shortly who the Kirais and their chief Tug hrul were. Until recently it has been almost universally considered that they were Mongols. In the first volume of my History of the Mongols I argued that they were Turks, and belonged to the famous section of the Turks called Uighurs. In this view I have been strengthened by further study. The name Kira is is still borne by a well-known stock of Eastern Turks who live in South-Eastern Sungaria, and who are very probably descended from the Kirais we are now describing. This tribe forms the principal section of the Burut or Kirghises proper. Two other tribes belonging respectively to the Middle and the Little Hordes of the Kazaks, are still known as Kirai and Kirait, and it is not improbable that the Ghirais who ruled in the Krim derived their There can be little doubt that this was the Sungher mentioned in the Chinese Geographical work translated by Hyacinthe, where we read the Kerulon rises on the south side of the chain of Kentei, it receives five small rivers, runs 200 li farther north, and turns towards the south-east; passes for a hundred li through a cleft of the Bain-ola, and receives the Sungher. Timkofski, vol. II, p. 234. This mountain is also mentioned in the Chinese Geography just named, where we read-The Birga daba (daba means a mountain the summit of which may be crossed-Id. p. 227) to the south-east of the source of the Kerulon is a branch of the Kentei mountains: from its left side issues the Birga-gol which empties itself into the Onon.-Id. p. 232. name from the same source. These are all Turkish tribes. In contrast with these facts is the ominous one that no modern Mongol tribe bears such a name as Kirai. No ancient author known to me calls the Kirais Mongols. Rashid classes them among the people who afterwards adopted the name of Mongol, while the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi and the Chinese writers nowhere make them Mongols. Khuandemir calls them Turks, and Abu'lfaraj, the Syrian historian, speaks of the Krit as a race of the Southern Turks in the East ("Gens quaedam Turcorum mediterranaorum in Oriente"-are the words in the translation of Bruns and Kirsch), and in another place speaks of their king as ruling over a tribe of barbarian Huns called Cherith." The Uighurs as we know were largely Christians, thus Carpini tells us they were Christians of the sect of the Nestorians.' Rubruquis says that in all their cities there was a mixture of Nestorians and Saracens. The adjoining province of Tang ut was the seat of one of the metropolitan sees of the Nestorians." I have collected several references shewing the prevalence of Christianity in Tangut and its neighbourhood in the times of Marco Polo in my volume already quoted.20 All this exactly conforms with what we know of the religion of the Kirais. Gregorius Bar Hebraeus, surnamed Abu'lfaraj, was a Jacobite Christian of the town of Malatiya in Cappadocia. He was born in 1222 and died in 1286. He tells us that in the year 398 of the Hejira, i.e. in 1007 A.D., a tribe called Krit, was converted to Christianity, and their king was baptised. He gives a number of details which I have quoted elsewhere."1 Rubruquis says the people of Krit and Merkit's were Nestorian Christians. Rashidu'd-din expressly says of the Kerais, whom he calls Kerait: "They have their own Padishahs, and belong to the Christian religion." Again in another place he says of them:-"The fame 14 13 3 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, ed. Pall. pp. 48 and 49. See page 696. The final t or d in this and other tribal names, as usually spelt, is merely the Mongol plural. Abu'lfaraj, Chron. Syriacum, ed. cit. pp. 219 and 447-8. D'Avezac, p. 650. i. e. Musalmans, id. pp. 282 and 288. Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 179. 10 Hist. Mong. vol. I, pp. 542 and 543. 11 Op. cit. p. 548. 13 D'Avezac, p. 261. 13 i. e. the Kerais and Merkis. 1 Erdmann, Vollstandige Uebersicht, etc. p. 180.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. of the Lord Jesus came to them, and they adopted south of the Desert, from Sha-chan to the borders his faith. Von Hammer, in describing Dokuz of the province of Pehchehli, was occupied by Khatun the wife of Khulagu Khan, who was the Uighurs, and among the places specially a grand-daughter of Tughrul, the chief of the mentioned as so oocu pied are Tiente and Ta-tung. Kirais, says, "As the Kerait had for a long So extensive was this occupation that it will time been Christians, Dokuz Kbatun was much be remembered in the famous polemic that took attached to the Christians, who during her life- place between Schmidt and Klaproth about the time were in a flourishing condition. . . nationality of the Uighurs, the former relied At the gate of the Ordu of Dokuz Khatun was a almost entirely for his case on a passage in a chapel where bells were constantly rung. Again, Mongol work on the origin of writing, in which in speaking of Siurkukteni the mother of it is stated that at one time the people of Khulagu, who was a niece of Tughrul's, he says, | Tangut were called Uighurs. " Although she was a Christian yet she favoured The evidence therefore points conclusively the Moslem Imams," etc. to the Kirais having been & section of the The phrase Southern Turks in the East, ap- Uighurs." plied to the Krit or Kerait by Abn'l-faraj, can Tughrul under his title of Wang Khan menn assuredly nothing else than that they was, as we have shewn in the first volume of the were Uighurs. History of the Mongols," the Prester John of Again, the old Uighur country was Kara- medieval romance, and Prester John's country koram and its neighbourhood. It was there is called Tenduc by Marco Polo, whose the Uighurs were attacked and broken to pieces description enables us to fix it with tolerable by the Hakas in the 9th century. When accuracy. He tells us that on leaving Calathis happened a large portion of the race went chan" he proceeded eastward, and entered the southward and settled on the Chinese fron- land of Prester John, wbich be calls tier. Further, we are expressly told by Visdelou Tenduo, whose capital was also named Tenduc. that they attacked the town of Tiente," where He tells us it had been the capital of Prester they were defeated by a Chinese General, and that John, and that his heirs still ruled there." After one section of them submitted to the Emperor. leaving this province he proceeded eastwards for The other section with the Khan asked permission three days, and then arrived at Chaghari Nur." to settle at Chin-vu, which being refused, it Colonel Yule identifies the place thus described attacked the Chinese borders in the following with "the extensive and well cultivated plain year, committed great ravages, and eventually oc- which stretches from the Yellow River past the cupied the country between Tiente and Chin-vu. city of Koko Khotan which still abounds in the A third section encamped south of Ta-tung-fu remains of cities attributed to the Mongol in the mountains Liu-men-shan. Several of the era," and he goes on to suggest that the Uighur grandees submitted to the Emperor, and city of Koko Khotana is on the site of Prester were rewarded with titles, and many of their John's capital." Pauthier identifies Tendue with followers seem to have become Chinese subjects. Ta-tung, the name of a city and fu in Northern The Chinese fought several engagements with Shan-si, south of the wall and not very far their main body, which are detailed by Visdelou." from Koko Khotan. We may take it therefore At this time other hordes of them overran that the country of Prester John as understood severnl provinces of Tangut, and settled there, by Marco Polo included the district now held especially in the districts of Sha-chau and Kua- by the Tumed of Koko Khotan and its neighchaa and as far south as the river Chaidam. It bourhood. Rashidu'd-din in describing the would seem in fact that the whole of the north- country of the Kirais tells us that they lived ern frontier of the present Chinese empire on the borders of Khitai" as well as in outer 15 Von Hammer, Ilkhans, vol. I, p. 11, note 1. plexioned, whence their name from Kara, black, --Erdmann, 10 Quatremere's Rashidu'd-din, pp. 94 and 95. Teinwischin, p. 231. 11 Puuthier, Marco Polo, tom. I, p. 214 note. 39 Pp. 533-515. 15 Tendue. i Alushan, a little west of the Yellow river, Yulo's 19 Op. cit. pp. 153-5. Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 273. 90 Klaproth, Beleuchtung, ete. p. 61. ** Id. vol. I, pp. 275 6. 11 In regard to the name Kirai, Rashidu'd-din derives 25 d. p. 286. it more suo from the fact that once they were ruled by 6 Called Tsingchau in medieval times. chief who had eight sons, all of whom were dark com. 27 Id. p. 277. 15 i.e. China.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JANUARY, 1881.] Mongolia in the country of Onon and Keluron."" The latter part of the sentence is a mere general expression, and we may limit it very considerably by turning to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, where we are told that Tughrul lived on the river Tula and in the Black Forest. 30 This black forest is called Kara un Kipchak by Rashida'd-din. Tughral's camp on the Tula was probably at or near the modern town of Urga. This northern settlement of the Kirais was apparently their summer quarters only, and their principal country when Tughrul's father and grandfather lived was Tenduc. I ought to add that both Abu'l-faraj and Rubruquis tell us that he became a pervert from Christianity. The former says that on marrying a wife belonging to the nation Ka rakhitai, the Cherit King John, whom he a few sentences before calls Unach Khan, forsook the religion of his fathers, and served strange gods." The latter says he had abandoned Christianity and taken to idolatry, keeping about him those priests of the idols who are addicted to sorcery and the invocation of demons. 33 Such was the chief and such his people to whom the young Temujin paid court in his earlier days, and who then were probably the most powerful neighbours of the Mongols. It would seem from a passage in Abu'l-ghazi that Tughrul's wife was the sister of Burte Fujin, 33 which was thus another tie binding the Kirai and Mongol chiefs together. We must now go on with our story. The Yuan-cha'o-pi-shi tells us that on Temujin's return home from visiting Tughrul there went to him an old man called Charchiutai from the mountain Burkhan leading his son Chelmi by the hand, and taking with him some furs as a present. He said to Temujin: "when you were born at Deliun Boldakha I made you a present of a baby's coat lined with sable, and presented you with my son, but as he was still very young, I took him home, and trained him. Now I have brought him, let him look after your horse and open your door." Rashidu'd-din calls the boy Jelmeh and says he belonged to the tribe Uriangkut, and that he was surnamed U heh, i.e. robber, highway 29 Erdmann, Temulschin, etc. pp. 230-1. 30 Op. cit. 49. Black forests still line the banks of the Tula, and south of it is a large wooded district known as the Djao-modo or Dzao-modo. 31 Chron. Syr. pp. 448 and 449. 15 man. He says he was one of Temujin's principal amirs, and commanded the vanguard." I have previously referred to the Uriangkut. Rashidu'd-din says further of them, that they claimed to have had a part in the metal-forging at Irgene Kun, a tradition, as I have said, pointing to their being a Turkish stock. When it thundered they addressed shouts and jeers to the noise, thinking they could thus make it cease. The other Mongols on the contrary were afraid of thunder, and kept inside their yurts. If the lightening killed a four-footed animal among them, they would not eat it, and took care not to touch it. They deemed that the lightning proceeds from a dragon which, flying towards the earth, gets its tail entangled, and in its rage spits out fire. They believed that if kumis, sweet or sour milk, and especially wine, was spilt on the ground, the lightning would strike their four-footed animals, particularly their horses. This also happened when any one put one of his boots out in the sun to dry. Hence when drying their boots they covered the top of their tent, or dried them inside. These strange superstitions like many others that prevail on the steppe, are the heritage of the Shamans, and are the subjects of much minute regulation. Let us again return to Temujin:-It will be remembered that when Yes suge i married Khoilun, he virtually committed a rape, for he carried her off from the Merki Yeke Jilatu, who had in turn carried her off from the Olkhonut. The Merkit now had their revenge. One morning an old woman named Khoakhchin, who was in the service of Khoilun, and who was apparently a concubine of Yessugei and the mother of Belgutei, aroused her saying, "Get up quickly, it would seem as if the earth were quaking. It is probably the Taijut who are again upon us." She also roused Temujin and his brothers. They all rose suddenly, as did Boghorchi and Chelmi, who were with them, and mounted their horses, while Khoilun took her daughter Tumalun in her arms. Temujin showed little gallantry, for he at once rode off with his brothers for the mountain Burkhan, i. e., for the Kentei, and left his 32 D'Avezac, p. 261. 33 Op. cit., ed. Desm. p. 178. 3 Op. cit. p. 49. 35 Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 196. 30 Id. pp. 195 and 196.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. wife Barte to her resources. We are told the old woman Khoakhchin put her into a black kibitka" and putting a brindled cow in the shafts drove it along the river Tunggeli. They met a party of horsemen, whom the old woman tried to pat off the scent, and pretended she knew nothing of Temujin's whereabouts, as she had been away shearing sheep. They rode off, but presently the axle of the kibitka broke. The horsemen again came up. They seized the old woman, and inquired who was inside the cart. She replied that it was loaded with wool, but they quickly dismounted and searched it, and on finding Burte, put her and the old woman on two horses, and rode off with them. They then set off in search of Temujin himself, following his horse's traoks. They rode three times round the mountain Barkhan, but could not penetrate into its recesses on account of the woods and bogs on its flanks. The horsemen were in reality Merki's, led by Tokhtoa from the tribe Udaut, Dair Usun from the tribe Yuvas, and Kha-a-tai Darmala from the tribe Khaat, and had gone, we are told, expressly to revenge themselves for the rape of Khoilun. Meanwhile Temujin hid away in the mountain, and sent Belgutei, Boghorohi and Chelmi to explore, and when they reported all safo be came out from his retreat. He declared that the mountain Burkhan had saved his life, and promised that in future he and his descendants would sacrifice to it, then turning to the sun, putting his scarf about his neck, and holding his cap on his hand, he struck his breast nine times, and nine times bowed his knee, and poured out an offering of lumis. After this Temujin with Khazar and Belgutei went off to the black forest on the river Tula to see Wang Khan and to ask his assistance. The latter promised that he would destroy the Merkis and restore his wife. He told him to go and inform Chamukha, and promised to supply two tumans, i.e. 20,000 to form the right wing of the army, while Chamukha would furnish another two tumans for the left wing. The latter according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi was the chief of the tribe Jajirat or Juriat, and was reported to have been descended from Budantsar by a concubine who was pregnant when he married her. She belonged, we are told, to the tribe Jarjiun Adankhan Uriankhajin. Her son was named Jajiratai, who had a son named Tagu-udai, who had a son Buri Bulchiru, he a son Kara Kadan, and he a son Chamukha. Rashidu'd-din on the other hand makes the Juriat descend from Durbayan, the 7th son of Tameneh Khan." Chamukha afterwards became one of Temujin's most bitter enenties. We are told in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi that he lived at Khorkhon Akhabur, which was probably somewhere in the valley of the Onon. The first name, I believe, is preserved in that of one of the tribataries of the Onon figured in the map in Pallas's atlas, and there called Kirkoun. On his return home Temujin sent Khazar and Belgutei to Chamukha to tell him what had taken place and also to take him Tughrul's message. He said he had heard of the event, and consented to go, saying they would cross the river Kil-ho on a bridge made out of a plant called the pig's bristle, which they would plait together, and thus approach the quarters of Tokhtu, fall upon his yurt through the upper opening and defeat his people. "Tell Tugbrul and Temujin that I have already equipped my army, let the former pass along the front of the mountain Burkhan, and meet me in the place called Botokhan Boorchi (doubtless somewhere on the upper Onon). I have here some people belonging to Temujin. From them I will collecta taman of warriors, and will also take a tuman of my own, and with these two we will go up the river Onon to the place Botokhan Boorchi, where we will unite." After this he began to move. Belgutei and Khazar now returned and renorted the reenlt of their mission to Temujin and the chief of the Kirais. The latter thereupon ordered two tumans of his people to unite and to march over the shoulder of the mountain Barkhan Khalduna towards the river Kerulon, and Temujin's old camping ground at Birga. The latter with his warriors mounted the Tunggelik to the mountain Burkhan, and to where the small river Tana (?) flows. He joined Taghrul and Tughrul's brother Jakhaganboon the banks of the Kimurka in the place Ailkharakhona (?). 31 i.e. a cart with a tent fastened upon it like the Nogais still use. 3 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 49-51. * Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 224. 10 The Kimurka or Tsimurka, according to & note by Palladius, is a tributary of the Onon. I cannot find it how ever on my mape.

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JANUARY, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 17 The three set out together for the appointed this misfortune on my people. It will return on trysting place Botokhan Boorchi at the source my head. To save my life I must hide in some of the Onon. When they arrived Chamukha dark and secret place." Whereupon he fled." had already been there three days, and he said The Mongols captured Khaatai Darmala and angrily: "When we agree to a time of meeting, put the cangue upon him, and then returned then whether it be wind or rain, one ought to to the mountain Burkhan. Meanwhile Belkeep one's appointment. With us Tartars, a gutei searched for his mother, i.e. for Khoakhpromise is as good as an oath. If you don't chin. He entered the yurt she had been living mean to fulfil it, there is no need to ask for in by one door as she fled out of another. "I assistance." Taghrul confessed that he was have heard," she said, "that my children have late, and told Chamukha to reproach him as been made princes, and I am here and have been much as he pleased. The united force of 40,000 given to a vile man, how am I to look them in men now set out, as Palladius quaintly says, the face ?" Whereupon she hid herself in a to rescue the Mongol Helen. They speedily thicket. Belgutei who was beside himself went reached the banks of the Kil-ho.41 about shouting-Restore me my mother. The Having crossed this river by a bridge made as Merkis who had taken part in the raid, 300 in already mentioned, they arrived at the place number, were all put to death. Of their widows Buura, where they seized the wives and people those who were worthy were remarried, while the of Tokhtoa. He would also have been taken, rest were made slaves of. The three allies now but was warned in time by some fishermen, who returned home by way of Talkhini Aral between had observed the crossing of the Kil-ho. With the Orkhon and the Selinga. Temujin and Dair Ussun and a few followers he fled down Chamukha went back to the latter's quarters the river Selanie, (i.e. the Selinga) to Barguchin. at Khorkhon-okhchibir, but Tughrul going As he pursued the fugitives down the Selinga, behind the mountain Burkhan passed the three Temujin shouted out the name of his wife Burte. places Khokor-tu-chirbi, Khajurarta *Sibjit She happened to be there, and noting his voice and Khuli-ya-ta Sibjit.* dismounted from the kibitka, and with the old He occupied himself on the way with a great woman Khoakhchin ran up to his horse and seized hunt, and eventually reached his camp again its bridle. The moon was then shining, and they on the Tula. We are told that in their retreat recognised each other. The same night he the Udunt Merkit abandoned a five year old went to tell his friends what had bappened. boy named Kichu, who was left behind in The pursuit was stopped for a while, and they their camp. He was very handsome, and had encamped there. The fugitive Merkis also beautiful sparkling eyes, and was clothed in the white fur of the river sable. On his head was It seems that Jiladu, from whom Yega sable cap and on his feet boots made from suge i had forcibly carried off his wife Khoilun, reindeer skin. The warriors presented him to was a brother of Tokhtoa. A third and Temujin's mother Khoilun." younger brother was Chilger, to whom when Of this long story Rashida'd-din has preserved the Merkis carried off Barte they had married her. only a very short and distorted account. He He now reproached himself for this misfortune says tbe Merkis captured Temujin when he which had overtaken his people. "I," he said, was very young, and afterwards often plundered "am like the black raven who is fated to feed on his camp, and once carried off Burte Fujin, mere shreds of leather. A desire comes over and took her to Wang Khan, who on her me to taste the wild goose and the draova." husband's request restored her to him. It was Having offended against Burth I have brought when returning home again after this adven stopped." This river is so called in the map attached to De Mailla's History of China. It is otherwise known as the Khilok and Chilok. It falls into the Selinga jast below the town of Selenginsk. Pallas describes it e considerable river. The fords were not passable when he was there, and he had to make a detoar to get on his journey-Voyages, tomo IV, PP: 866 and 807 *Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 54 and 56. * A bird esteemed by the Mongols, but which the com. ** Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 55 and 56. * Probably Ordu. I cannot find these places, unless the first is Ourm kouktui, marked in Timkofski's map as station between Urga and the Selinga. AP The ermine. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 57. "Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 185.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1881. ture that Khoilun gave birth to a boy, who feeders of the Selings. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi was named Juchi, or the unexpected. He was says that Toktoa, the ruler of the Udunt, the eldest son of Chinghiz Khan, and the cir. had his camp at Buurakeher, i.e. the plain of cumstances attending his birth seem to have Buura. This is apparently the district watered thrown some suspicions on his legitimacy, which by the little muddy river Bura, which falls into somewhat affected his later fortunos. We are the Selinga south of the Chikoi. Dair Usun, told the young child was surrounded with dough, the chief of the Yuvas, lived between the Orkhon and was thus carried along safely in the cloak of and the Selinga in the place called Talkhini Aral. a Mongol officer. As Juchi died in 1224 at Aral means island, and the description doubtless the age of 48, it follows that he was born in 1176, applies to "the Entre Rios," limited on the east which was therefore the date of these adventures. and west by the Orkhon and Selinga respectively. Let us now consider the Merkit or Merged Kia-a-tai Darmala lived in Kharachi-keher, i.e. as the name is written by Schmidt. The word is the plain of Kharachi. Rashid tells us that the plural of mergen," whose primary meaning in 1197 Chinghiz Khan marched against the is skilful, dexterous, and a skilful archer Uduyut Merkit, and defeated them near the river or shooter is pre-eminently styled Mergen. Monja in the district of Karas Muran before It is a name therefore which is merely descrip- the Keluran and in the neighbourhood of tive, and answers to the Manchu Solon." The the Selinga." The Yuan-chi calls this river the Merkit are in fact confused with the Solons, Manacha-ula. The Karas Muran of this notice and are called Solongos Merged by Ssanang is probably the district watered by the Kara-gol Setzen, a name of his own which led to a fruitless which falls into the Orkhon, while the Monja is poleroic between Schmidt and Klaproth." The to be recognized in the Manzia, a well-known Merkit with whom Temajin came in contact tributary of the Chikoi, which rises between the lived on the lower Selinga. They were also great and little Kentei, crosses the Siberian according to Rashidu'd-din called U duyutor frontier at Obur Khadain Ussu, and then goes by Udayat Merkit, a name they derived accord- the fort of Manzinskoi. ing to Klaproth from the river Uda," a well- | The next year Wang Khan marched against known eastern tributary of the Selinga, which the Merkit and defeated them at a place called was probably therefore the chief camping ground Bukeh Kehreh." I notice a place called of the race. Rashid also says they were divided Baikara on Ritter's map as situated on the Chikoi into four tribes. The name of the first of these nearly opposite the outfall of the Manzia. reads Uighur in the MSS. followed by Von On another occasion Chin ghiz having purHammer and Erdmann. Klaproth says that sued the Uhuzar Yuvas Merkit, made terms with in one passage where Rashid speaks of the wives them on a river Bar. This may be the Bura of Ogotai Khan he calls this tribe U hat." already named, or perhaps the Boro, a tributary D'Obsson reads it Ohuz, which is doubtless of the Kara-gol. Lastly, when Chinghiz conright, for in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi we find one of quered the tribe of Dair Usun, we are told he the tribes of Merki called Yuvas. The second did so at a fortified place called Kurukohal or tribe Rashid calls Mudan, the third Tuda- Khurukkipchak near the Selinga." kalin, and the fourth Jiyu n." These citations suffice to prove that the The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi names three only of country of the Merkit was in fact that their tribes, which it calls respectively U du ut, watered by the Eastern feeders of the Selinga. Yuvas and Khaat. In one place the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi distinctly calls The domicile of the Merkits is not difficult the country of the Merkit, Selinga. This exactly to fix, all the evidence points to their having fits Marco Polo's description when he tells us occupied the country watered by the Eastern that on leaving Caracoron and the Altai... e. the Kerulon. 50 Howorth, History of the Mongols, vol. II, p. 35. 51 The Mekrin of Rashidu'd-din. 5Ssanang Setzen, p. 381, note 28. * Id., and Nouv. Jour. Asiat. tom. XI, pp. 448-452. 5* Id. p. 452 note. 36 Erdmann, Volstan. etc. p. 53. 56 Now. Jour. Asiat. pp. 553, 454, note 1. 50 Nouv. Joum. Asiat. tom XI, p. 452. 60 Erdmann, Temudschin, note 75. 1 Klaproth, Nouv. Journ. Asiat. tom. XI, p. 458. 62 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 271, and note 76. 05 A name which Klaproth says may also be written Tar, Yar or Nar;-Id. 61 Klaproth, loc. cit. Erdmann, p. 306. $1 id.

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JANUARY, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 19 you go north for 40 duys till you reach a country called the Plain of Bargu. The people there are called Moscript. "They are a very wild race and live by their cattle, the most of which are stage, and these stags, I assure you, they used to ride upon. Their customs are like those of the Tartars, and they are subject to the Great Khan.'' In regard to the nationality of the Merk it our evidence unfortunately is very slight. I believe they were Turks, and like the Kirais a branch of the Uighurs. In Rashid's table they are classed with the various tribes who afterwards called themselves Mongol, but it is clear from the genealogies, etc.etc. that they did not be long to the Mongol nation proper. Their name, & mere appellative, is no guide. Rubraquis links them with the Kirais in speaking of the Crit and Meerit who were Christians and subjects of Unk Khan. In the biography of Su-bu-t'ai in the Yuan-shi, we find them associated in one army corps with the Kinch'a or Kipchaks and the Nai-mans, both Turkish tribes. Lastly we find in Rashid a reference to another tribe of the same name and perhaps origin living in the mountains near Bishbaligh or the Uighur country proper, and who are apparently the Mukritae of Theophylactus. When defeated by Temujin, the Merkit apparently migrated in two directions, one section down the Selinga and the other westward. As to the former I am going to venture upon a suggestion, only at present a tentative one, but as I believe worthy of study. Perhaps the most interesting of all the tribes of Turkish descent which still remain in Northern Asia are the Yakuts of the river Lens. There they occupy an isolated position surrounded by Tungusic and other tribes, and entirely separated from the main body of Turks. They occupy a considerable area extending southwards as far as the Aldan, eastwards as far as the Kolyma, and west as far as the Yenissei. Their physique is very Mongolian, closely resembling that of the Buriats of lake Baikal, while their language is Turkish in the main, but has been considerably sophisticated by an infusion of Mongol words. Every inquirer who has studied the Yakuts is agreed that they have migrated to their present quarters on the Lena from more southern climates Ramusio apparently reads it Meeriti, see Klaproth, 1 Nouv. Journ. Asiat. tom. XI, pp. 450 and 451. within a comparatively recent period. Their traditions all point to this conclusion. Isbrand Ides, the earliest traveller who notices them, goes so far as to say that they migrated in consequence of the Russian extension in Siberia, that is as recently as the 17th century, but this is incredible, unless it means that they have within the last two centuries pushed their northern frontier considerably further. Dobell was told by the Yakuts that they were descended from two tribes, one of them called Batulen. They affirmed that they migrated under their chief called Omogoy Bey to the country of the Buriats, where they stayed for a considerable time. And this is confirmed by another tradition that they formerly lived with the Buriats and formed one people with them. They seem to have lived on bad terms with the latter, by whom they were frequently attacked, and, who at length collecting all their hordes, had determined to exterminate them. Taking advantage of a superstition which prevented the Buriats from fighting between the full moon and the new, they escaped from Irkutsk across the mountains to the Lena, on which they embarked in rafts with their cattle and horses, and soon escaped beyond the reach of pursuit, and we are told the place of their embarkation is still known as Yakutskoi. Voz, or the Yakut transport, to the Russians. After a while we are told their second tribe followed the example of the first, and migrated under & chief named Elliya, and on reaching Yakutsk amalgamated with the former one Wrangel says their leader was a Tartar named Sakhalan, who on arriving at Yakutsk married & Tungusian woman. Strahlenberg, who is followed by Latham, calls their leader Deptzi Tarcban-tegin. He also gives Zacha as the name of one of their ancient princes. However the details may differ, and for a rectification of these we must wait till we have more evidence, the main fact remains that only very recently the Yakuts were neighbours of the Buriats, and have displaced a prior population on the Lena consisting of Tungus, Omoki, Shelagi and Yukahiri, none of whom were Turks. An old Yakut, 82 years old, told Wrangel that his people were formerly more civilized before they separated from the other Tartar Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 261. "Bretschneider, Notices, eto. p. 71.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. races, that they then possessed written charac- it is placed as the original head-quarters of the ters. He said his race had formerly inhabited far Yakats from which they took their name, as distant southern lands, and quoted several popa-| Ides expressly says, and from which they were lar sayings in proof of it in which gold and driven by the encroachment of the Russians. gems, lions and tigers of which they are now This area is close to that of the Bariats on the quite ignorant are mentioned. To this we may one hand and to that of kindred races to the add that the Yakuts use the famous cycle of | Turks on the other, and is placed at the very animals employed by the southern Turks and fountain head from which a migration would the Mongols in calculating their chronology. naturally creep down the Lena. Now it is a Following up this clue, and bearing in mind the very remarkable fact in confirmation of this distinctively Turkish language spoken by the reasoning that the name Baikal itself is not of Yakuts, the evidence we have of a mixture of Mongol origin, but as we are expressly told, is a Buriat blood, and the more distinct characteristic Yakut gloss, the Yakats now living a long way that being Turks they are not Muhammadans from the Baikal. From all these facts I am but Shamanists, it ought not to be difficult to convinced that the Yakuts were once the domidiscover their nearest relations. The emigra- nant race about the Baikal, and have since been tion of such tribes is bounded by certain con- thrust out and moved down the Lena. This ditions. In winter small parties and detached brings us to the gist of our question. The only families of hunters find their way across the tribe which is known to me in early times which snow-covered tundra, but a whole race emigrates can be identified with the ancestors of the generally along some river. The traditional Yakuts is that of the Merkits of the 13th cenmethod in the case of the Yakuts is also the tury. Like the Yakute they were Turks, like most reasonable. Following the mighty river them they occupied the borders of the Baikal, Lena to its head waters, we arrive at the sea of were unsophisticated by Muhammadanism, and Baikal, whose shores are now occupied by the were no doubt coheirs of the old culture of the Buriats, the Bratzki of the Russian writers, Uighurs. an incroaching race, formerly limited to the The Yako ts occupied as we know the region south of the Baikal Lake, and only country just opposite the head stream of the Leda. recently and since the Rassian conquest of Their name, we are told, is not indigenous Siberia pushing further north and west. Close but one given them by the Bariate, while the to the Baikal lake and on the river Angaraname Merkit was doubtless a mere appellative stands the city of Irkutsk. This city is de- also of foreign origin. I believe therefore that scribed by Isbrand Ides, the earliest authority when defeated and dispersed by Ching hiz we have for this region, under the name of Khan the Merkite withdrew across the Baikal, Jekutska, and it is so named on his map. whence they have gradually wandered down the It is placed on a small tributary of the Angara | Lens, and that the Yakuts are descended from called by him the Jekut. I have no hesita- them. This I take to be an important result tion in accepting this form of the name as for the ethnographer and historian of Asia, and one current in the time of Ides, nor have I much enables us to simplify very considerably the hesitation in assigning it and the river on which disintegrated history of the Turks. MISCELLANEA. VESTIGES OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT IN CENTRAL ASIA. The village of Gumuche Tepe itself is remarkable as being the only maritime Turkoman village of any importance on the Caspian coast. The inhabitants are practically independent, paying only a small annual tribute to Persia. The in- terior administration of the place is entirely in the hands of the Turkomans. The main industry of Gumuche Tepe is fish-drying, preparation of the skins of water fowl, manufacture of kibitkas and boats, together with the nets and felt carpets used by the residents. The settlement dates from a remote period. It takes its name from a large earthen mound situated about half a mile to the northward, close to the water's edge. This mound,

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JANUARY, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. entrenchment, and south of the Giurgen, is a second line of hills, but at much greater distances from each other than those of the former. The Turkomans inform one that these hills and walls were made by Iskender Zul Karnein (Alexander with two horns). Some, however, will insist that they are the work of Suleiman ibn Daod (Solomon, the son of David), a person to whom all works of & surprising nature are attributed.-Daily News' Oorrespondent. two hundred yards long by eighty in breadth, is entirely artificial, constituting the western extre- mity of the great line of defence constructed by Alexander the Great as a barrier against Skythian invasion, and which runs eastward as far as Budinurd on the Aterek, ten days' ride from the coast. It is occasionally used as a place of burial by the Turkomans. When excavating graves pieces of silver money, bearing the head of Ales. ander, are frequently found, and hence its name of Guruche Tepe (the Silver Hill). Its base and sides are covered with an immense quantity of darge bricks, formerly constituting the fortifications of the station. Fragments of ancient pottery and glass also abonnd. Close by is a Turkoman village named Khorib, which the inhabitants say is the name of the old town that existed alongside the military station. It was doubtless at the mouth of the Giurgen that reliefs of the garrison and the necessary supplies were formerly disem. barked. From the hill a brick wall formerly rau zig-zag in a sonth-easterly direction. The foundations of this wall are still to be seen. It was about three feet thick, and built of flat bricks nearly twelve inches equare, very heavy and extremely hard. The mortar binding them together is even still harder. This wall must have been deliberately destroyed. Even the long period which has elapsed since its construction would not sufficiently account for the total demolition of a wall constructed so solidly. This wall ran' along the very slightly raiced watershed of the Aterek and Giurgen Rivers, much closer to the latter than to the former. I think it is Vambery who says it was so placed as to be beyond the reach of the inundations caused by the overflow of the Giurgen. This cannot have been the reason; for such a thing as the overflow of the river is absolutely impossible, at so great a depth does its channel, for the greater part of its course, run below the level of the surrounding plain. At intervals of three to four miles, sometimes much closer, are the remains of immense entrenched camps, each having usually a kind of acropolis, consisting of a great earth wound, two to three himdred yards long, one hundred to one hundred and fifty wide, and forty to fifty feet in height. The Turkomans have names for each of these mounds or tepes. Westward of Gumuche Tepe are the entrenchments named respectively Kara and Suli Tepees (Greater and Lesser), Karga Tepe, Sigur Tepe, Attoun Tepe (Gold-hill), and Aser Shyah. Rising abruptly from the midst of the dead level plain, these tepes are conspicuous objects. In many cases portions of the brick roustement which for. merly retained the sides of the mounds at a steep slope still remain. In rear of the main line of GHAZNI. Ghazni lies on the borderland between the powerful clan of the southern Ghizais, whose headquarters is at Khelati Ghilzai and the Wardaks, who extend northwards towards Kabul, but its military importance has always kept it in the hands of the central power. It is distant about 90 miles south-west from Kabul and 230 miles north-east from Kandahar. The existing town has shrunk back to the limits of the old citadel, which stands on a mound, partly natural and partly artificial, rising about 40 feet above the plain. The elevation above the sea is given as 7,726 feet, or more than 1000 feet higher than Kabul, and there. fore proportionately colder. The shape is an irregular square, each side being about a quarter of a mile long, and thus the entire perimeter is not more than one mile. The highest ground is in the north-east, where is situated the Bala Hissar, or Upper Fort. When Ghazni was stormed by General Keane in 1839 the fortifications consisted of a masonry wall, rising about 30 feet sheer from the face of the mound. Below ran a fausse braye and a wet ditch, which could be flooded from the river of Ghazni, that flows round the western angle and ultimately falls into the salt lake of Ab-i. Istada. These fortifications were blown up by General Nott in 1842, when he retired by this route from Kandahar to India. No European has since visited the spot, but it is known that Shir Ali repaired the works, and doubtless they have been reconstructed substantially in their old form. Froin a military point of view, they are commanded by neighbouring heights both north and south, upon which batteries could be erected; but the walls are probably proof against field artillery. The town of Ghazni has a considerable bazar, which constitutes an entrepot for the trade of India which passes by the Gomal route. The houses are thickly built of mud, and the streets are described as even more narrow and dirty than those of Afghan towns generally. In population and in trade Ghazni cannot compare with the three great cities of Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat, but by force of historical traditions and

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881. dynasty founded by Mahmud lasted for more than a century after his death, though with greatly restricted dominions. Finally, it was extinguished in 1152 by one of those awful acts of atrocity which are fortunately recorded only in the East. Alau'd-din, Prince of Ghor, a town in the north-western hills of Afghanistan, marched upon Ghazni to avenge the death of two of his brothers. The King was slain in battle, and the city given up to be sacked. The common orders of the people were all massacred upon the spot; the nobles were taken to Gbor, and there put to death, and their blood used to cement the rising walls of the capital. Henceforth the name of Ghazni scarcely again appears in history, except as a fortress and a place of associations.-Daily News' Correspondent. religious sanctity the name still retains a strong hold upon the Afghan imagination. Here was the capital of Mahmud of Ghazni, or Mahmud the Destroyer, as he is known in Eastern story, the first of the Muhammadan conquerors of India, and the only one who had his home in Afghanistan, though he was himself of Turki or Mongol nation- ality. Seventeen times did he issue forth from his native mountains, spreading fire and sword over the plains of Hindustan, westward as far as the Ganges Valley, and southward to the shore of Gujarat. Seventeen times did he return to Ghazni, laden with the spoil of Rajput Kings, and the shrines of Hindu pilgrimage. In one of these expeditions his goal was the far-famed temple of Somnath or Somnath Patan in Gujarat. Resistance was vain, and equally useless were the tears of the Brahmans, who besought him to take their treasures, but at least spare their idol. With his own hand, and with the mace which is the counterpart of Excalibur iu Oriental legend, he smote the face of the idol, and a torrent of precious stones gushed out. When Keane's army took Ghazni in 1839, this mace was still to be seen hanging up over the sarcophagus of Mahmud, and the tomb was then entered through folding gates, which tradition asserted to be those of the Temple of Somnath, Lord Ellenborough gave instructions to General Nott to bring back with him to India both the mace and the gates. The latter, as is well-known, now lie mouldering in the lumber room of the fort at Agra, for their authenticity is absolutely indefensible; but the mace could nowhere be found by the British plunderer. Mahmud reigned from 997 to 1030 A.D., and in his days Ghazni was probably the first city in Asia. The extensive ruins of his city stretch northwards along the Kabul road for more than two miles from the present town; but all that now remains standing are two lofty pillars or minarets, 400 yards apart, one bearing the name of Mahmud, the other that of his son Masaud Beyond these ruins again is the Roza or Garden which surrounds the mausoleum of Mahmud. The building itself is a poor structure, and can hardly date back for eight centuries. The great conqueror is said to rest beneath a marble slab, which bears an inscription in Cufic characters, thus interpreted by Major (now Sir Henry) Rawlinson :-"May there be forgiveness of God upon him, who is the great lord, the noble Nizam-ud-din (Ruler of the Faith) Abul Kasim Mahmud, the son of Sabaktagin! May God have mercy upon him!" The Ghaznivide THE THANA MARTYRS. CIOCCCXIX. Pope John read in the consistory, with great approval, a letter which he had received, to the effect following. "To wit, that certain brethren of the orders of Minors and Preachers, who had been sent on a mission to Ormus to preach the faith to the infidels, when they found that they could do no good there, thought it well to go over to Columbum in India. And when they arrived at the island called Dyo." the brethren of the order of Minors separated from the rest of the party. both preachers and secular Christians, and set out by land to a place called Thana, that they might there take ship for Columbum. Now there was at that place a certain Saracen of Alexandria Yusufus by name, and he summoned thern to the presence of Melich, the governor of the land, to make inquest how and why they were come. Being thus summoned, he demands, what manner of men are ye called ? They made answer, that they were Franks, devoted to holy poverty, and anxious to visit St. Thomas. "Then, being questioned concerning their faith, they replied that they were true Christians, and uttered many things with holy fervour regarding the faith of Christ. But when Melich let them go, the aforesaid Yusuf a second and third time persuaded him to arrest and detain them. At length Melich and the Cadi and the people of the place were assembled, pagans and idolaters as well as Saracens, and questioned the brethren: How can Christ, whom ye call the Virgin's son, be, the son of God, seeing that God hath not a mate? Then set they forth many instances of divine This is only a tradition and not correct in details.-ED. ! Extract from the Satyrica Gestarum of Jordan's, given in Yule's edition of The Wonders of the East, by Friar Jordanus, pref. p... - This date 1319 must be an error, for Odorious of Friuli who was at Thand in 1322, describes the events as having occurred in the preceding year. * Quilon. . Yusuf. * Diu.

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JANUARY, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. generation, as from the sun's rays, from trees, whither they would. But the Cadi, and the aforefrom germs in the soil; so that the infidels could Baid Yusuf, full of malice, knowing that they had not resist the Spirit who spake in them. But the been entertained in the house of a certain ChrisSaracens kindled a great fire, and said : Ye Bay tian, said to Melich: What dost thou P why slayest that your law is better than the law of Mahomet; thou not these Christ-worshippers P He replied : and it be so, go ye into the fire, and by miracle That I find no cause of death in them. But they prove your words. The brethren replied that, for say: if ye let them go, all will believe in Christ, the honour of Christ, that they would freely do ; and the law of Mahomet will be utterly destroyed. and brother Thomas coming forward would first Melich again ways: What will ye that I should do, go in, but the Saracens suffered him not, for that seeing that I find no cause of death P Bat they he seemed older than the others; then came said: His blood be upon us, for it is said that if forward the youngest of the brethren, James of one cannot go pilgrim to Mecca, let him slay a Padua, a young wrestler for Christ, and inconti- Christian and he shall obtain a full remission of nently went into the fire, and abode in it until it sins, as if he had visited Mecca. Wherefore, the was well nigh spent, rejoicing and uttering praise, night following, the three men aforesaid, Melich, and without any burning of his hair even, or of the Cadi, and Yusuf, sent officers who despatched the cloth of his gown. Now they who stood by the three brethren, Thomas, James, and Demeshouter with a great cry, Verily these be good and trius, to the joys of heaven, bearing the palm of holy men! martyrdom. And after awhile, having made "But the Cadi, willing to deny so glorious a brother Peter, who was in another place, present miracle, said: It is not as ye think, but his himself before them, when he firmly held to the raiment came from the land of Aben......' a great faith of Christ, for two days they vexed him with friend of God, who when cast into the flames in sore afflictions, and on the third day cutting off Caldea, took no hurt; therefore, hath this man his head, accomplished his martyrdom. But their abode scatheless in the fire. comrades, the preachers and the rest, when they "Then stripped they the innocent youth, and heard this, wrote to the West lamenting wofully all naked as he was born was he cast by four men that they had been parted from the company of into the fire. But he bore the flames without the holy martyrs, and saying that they were hurt, and went forth from the fire unscathed and | devoutly engaged in recovering the relics of the rejoicing. Then Melich set them free to go! martyrs." BOOK NOTICES A CLASSIFIED INDEX to the SANSKRIT M98. in the Palace duties continued so heavy, that I could do but At Tanjore. Prepared for the Madrs Government by A. C. Burnell, Ph.D., &c. (London: Trubner and Co. little, and it was only when I was enabled to 1879-80.) devote three months to this work alone at the end In March 1871, Dr. Burnell was deputed to of 1878 and the beginning of 1879, that I could examine the Tanjore Palace library by Lord Napier finally complete this Catalogue. But for these and Ettrick, then Governor of Madras. Then, he numerous and serious obstacles to my progress says, "I found it to be, though with huge masses the work would have been done long ago. of rubbish properly buried in it, of far greater im- The arrangement of the Index is excellent. portance than was suspected, and I suggested a Many works being represented by a number of tolerably complete catalogue, instead of a brief and copies of different ages, the description of eac partial report. To this, Lord Napier at once work is founded on the copy which seemed to assented. I was at Tanjore for nearly eleven Dr. Burnell to be the original, from which in many months, and in this time I drew up the slips for cases the others had been copied; and, in the case the 12,376 MSS. in the library as roughly classified, of the more important, a tolerably full description and I also sorted them roughly to begin the work is given, with extracts to show the state of the of drawing up the Catalogue. I was then re- texts. The other copies are then described simply quired to go to a distance of some hundreds of with reference to age, writing, extent, and general miles to take up very heavy routine work. This condition. By this means the author has conimpeded sadly my progress, and I had often to trived to compress the detailed account of over rely for necessary information on correspondence. 12,000 MSS. into the space of 208 quarto pages. In 1874, I got back to Tanjore, but my official They are divided into three great sections; 1, Bic. perhaps Iba Aser, the Muhammadan name for the son of Terah, i, e. Abraham.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1881. Vedic and Technical Literature; 2, Philosophy and Law; and 3, Drama, Epics, Puranas, and Tantras. In each subdivision the collection contains fairly representative works and recensions peculiar to Southern India. In the introduction Dr. Burnell says :-"One important fact will, at once, be evident from this Catalogue--the great part taken, during later times, in S. India in the development of Sanskrit literature. More has been done, in this way, during the past thousand years in the South than in the North." The complete volume occupies 240 royal 4to pages, double columns, and was printed in England, Dr. Rost (Librarian of the India Office) reading the proof-sheets during the author's absence in India. Dr. Rost has compiled three full indexes which complete this very important volume. THE RELIGIONS of CHINA: Confucianism and Taoism described and compared with Christianity. By James Legge, Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature in the University of Oxford (London: Hodder and Stoughton : 1850). There are few men living better qualified to supply us with correct information on the subject of the religions of China than the Oxford Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature, and this volume presents the reader with a very accurate outline of the two principal. Buddhism, for which some writers ignorantly claim most of the Chinese population, is almost ignored by the author as a minor sect; so that the oft-repeated statement that Buddhism claims a greater number of votaries than any other religion, requires at least re-examination. Of the great and all but over-mastering influence of Buddhism on the development of Taoism, however, there is no doubts and Dr. Legge illustrates this very strikingly. "You go into a Buddhist temple in China," he says, " and what strikes you most at first sight is the three gigantic images in the principal hall, called the San Pa o, or Three Precious Ones.' You know that in the theory of Buddhism the three precious ones' are Intelligence personified as Buddha, the Law, and the Church; but an attendant of the temple will tell you that the images represent Buddha past, present, and to come. The common people, ignorant of the esoteric view of a Trinity, cannot understand the logical abstractions that are thus represented, and blindly worship what they suppose are three divinities; and when you stand, as I have often done, a long time before the great figures, you feel that you are sympathizing with their popular worshippers more than with the philosophers. "You go now into a Taoist temple, and are immediately confronted by three vast images, which you mistake at first for the precious Buddhas. By-and-by you see that they are different, and understand that they are San Ch'ing, the three Pure or Holy Ones': 'the Perfect Holy One'; 'the Highest Holy One'; and the Greatest Holy One. Each of them has the title of Tien Tsun, the Heavenly and Honoured, and also the title of Shang Ti or God, the latter taken from the Confucian or old religion of the country. The second of the three is the Most High Prince L a o,' the usual style in speaking of L & o-tsze; but his full title is the greatest Holy One (the Lord) of Tao and Virtue, the Heavenly and Honoured.' The first of the three, 'the Perfect (literally Gemmeous,Holy One, who was at the first beginning, the Heavenly and Honoured,' is also called Pan-ka,' or Chaos. Pan-kd is spoken of by the common people as 'the first man, who opened up heaven and earth." And "in Taoist picture-books, I have seen him as a shaggy, dwarfish Hercules, developing from a bear rather than an ape, and wielding an immense hammer and chisel with which he is breaking the chaotic rocks." "Next to them is Yu Hwang Shang Ti, 'the gemmeoua sovereign, God, who has in a great measure displaced the others from the public mind, superintending, as he is supposed to do, all human affairs, and also exercising a control over the physical world. He is styled 'the God of mysterious existence. The Taoists contend that he is the same with the Shang Ti of the classics, forgetting that Shang Ti was worshipped by the sage Shon, more than two thousand years before Taoism had assumed the form of a religion. And more than this: the original of this popular idol was a magician of the Chang family that has given so many patriarchs to Taoism whose deification cannot be traced higher than the T'ang dynasty, in our 7th or 8th century" (pp. 166-169). The first two lectures, or half the volume, is devoted to Confucianism, as the national religion of China is usually called. But this religion does not owe its origin to the Chinese sage: he only expounded it." He received it, as did others, from prehistoric time, both in its twofold worship and in its rules of social duty." "He taught morality, but not a morality without referenoe to God. He taught ceremonialism, but not for the sake of the ceremony merely. His formation did not content itself with the outward observance of established rites" (pp. 123, 124). To Confucianism the Chinese owe their best morality. What is called the Science of Comparative Religion-a title to which the new study is hardly as yet entitled-bas of late years drawn forth many books, of which but a few are written with the scientific accuracy of information and correct

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JANUARY, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 25 ness of deduction that ought to entitle them to time, employed in any great enterprise. He gerious attention and a long life. Dr. Legge's brought out, however, two important works; The volume, though written in quite a popular style, is Seaman's Secrets, 1594; and the Worlde's Hydroone of sterling value on account of both these graphical Description, 1595; and had also. features, and is thus a valuable contribution to the apparently, a hand in the construction of the comparative study of religions, which ought to be great globes of the Middle Temple; on one of welcomed by every student. He does not suppose which his name has honourable mention. Salithat the Divine origin of Christianity "imprints derson, at whose expense these globes were conthe brand of falsehood on other religions. They structed (the first ever made in England), was an are to be tested according to what they are in old and staunch friend of Davis's. themselves;" the good is to be approved; the Captain Markham thinks that Davis served as defective to be noted; and the wrong to be disa pilot under the Earl of Essex in his Atlantic approved. "The study of them continues to be Expeditions of 1598-7; but he evidently still haria duty, full of interest and importance." But kered after the Indies; and on the 15th of March this unprejudiced study will dissipate the imagi- 1598, he sailed from Middelburg as Pilot of the nation of some, that "we shall find one truth of Leeuw (Lion) despatched by "Mushrom, Clark. importance here and another there, and that, and Monef, Owners and only Adventurers." Cor. bringing these together, we may, by an electic nelis van Houtman, who had already made the process, frame a universal religion that will super- first Dutch voyage to the East Indies, was general sede Christianity itself." of the Expedition; Pieter Stockman Captain of the Lion; and Frederick Van Houtman of the Lioness. TAE VOYAGES AND WORKS OF JOHN Davis the Navigator. It had been proposed to send four vessels, but only Edited, &c., by Albert Hastings Morkham, Captain, R. N., &c. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, these two sailed. Another Englishman named 1880. Tomkins was on board the Lion, apparently as an Captain John Davis, of Sandridge, Devon, officer, but it does not exactly appear of what rank "stands foremost among the navigators of the or duty. He was certainly inferior to Davis. great Queen as a seaman, combining scientific whose position as pilot was much higher in those knowledge and skilled pilotage with the qualities days than that which landsmen now associate with of a fearless and determined explorer." So for his the title. He was, in fact, the principal navigating biographer; who has well earned the right to use officer of the ship, as well at sea as when nearing such language. port: and owed that position not to mere local Davis's greatest exploits were connected with knowledge but to superior scientific acquirethat fatal and heroic mare's nest the North-West ments. He was the only historian of the expediPassage; whereof he was the inventor. Three tion. On the 9th June the ships made the times he essayed it with courage and (circum- coast of Brazil in 7 south lat., and on the 15t stances considered) success equal to those of any (having bad winds) Fernando Noronha. On the of his followers on that path. When the Court 11th of November they anchored in Saldanha and City had had enough of the North-west Pas- Bay. Here they found a people "blacker than sage for one generation, we find him sailing for the Brasilians, their haire curled and blacke as the already discovered South-west Passage of the the Negroes of Angola, their words are for the Straits of Magellan, with the unfortunate Caven. most part in-articulate ; and in speaking they dish. But neither by this route was he to gain clocke with the Tongue like a brood Hen, which the "Golden Indies." The squadron failed to clocking and the word are both pronounced pass the Straits; and put back, intending to together verie strangely" (p. 135). Davis had harry the Brazilian ports as a pis allor. good ear for language; and had already compiled They were scattered by tempest; some lost; an Eskimo vocabulary which Captain Markham and the few survivors brought nothing back to gives in its place (p. 21), with some interesting England but accusations against each other. comments by Dr. Rink. Davis himself was accused of desertion by Caven- These people had many sheep and oxen, the dish, in his testamentary letter to Sir Tristram latter "large, and under several markes having Gorges. He is, however, acquitted by Captain upon the backe by the fore shoulders a great lumpe Markham; and no one will wish to dispute the of flesh like a Camels backe." Captain Markham verdict. It would appear, however, that his repu- thinks that this is an exaggerated account of tation suffered; for we do not find him, for some domesticated specimens of Bubalus Caffer. It Vide the Hawkins Voyages ; published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1877. The editor of that volume, Mr. Clements Markham, identifies Saldania with Table Bay. Captain Markham thinks it the bay now so called. Vide also Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 235.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1881. sounds a good deal more like one of the Indian, or an allied race of oxen. Such races do exist in North.castern Africa, and that alluded to may have become extinct. Or there may have been some confusion in Davis's notes or memory. The Flemmings offered thon (the natives) Bomo rude wrong," which cost them 13 men killed ; and the rest of the shore party were kept to their tents "being belegred with Canibals and Cowes." The poor Hottentots apparently are only called Cannibals here to turn the phrase; as no overt act of anthropophagy is alleged against them. They had decidedly the better of the Dutch, who, according to Davis, behaved like poltroons from * the Basse" (Van Houtman) downwards, and eventually " went all aboord, only leaving our great Mastive Dogge behind us, who by no meanes would come to us. For I thinke" (says the sarcastic Davis) "he was ashamed of our companie." It is to be hoped that this spirited animal, the first Cape Colonist, throve in the land of his adoption. On the 6th December the Lion doubled "Cape das Agulios" (Agulhas), and on the 6th January saw Madagascar. On the 3rd February they an. chored in St. Augustino's Bay; where the people would have little to say to them, Houtman having used them badly on his last voyage. They were "a strong, well shaped people, and cole blacke, their language sweete and pleasing," says our philological pilot. On the 14th March they left St. Augustine, nicknaming it Hungry Bay. On the 30th they anchored at Mayotta in the Comoro group of islands, where they were well used; and furnished with a letter of introduction to the Queen of Ansuame, now called Johanna, in the same group, where they arrived on the 19th, and an. chored before a city named Demos, which bath beene a strong place, as by the ruines appeare. Their houses are built with free hewed stone and lime." The inhabitants were Musalmans; and had swords, targets, bows and arrows. The king of Mayotta and his nobles had a long silke garments imbrodred, after the Turkish manner." The people were "Negroes, but smooth haired," and "greatly regarded paper." Evidently the Arabian civilization was of old date here. On the 23rd May they made the Maldive Islands, and on the next captured a boat containing & "gentleman and his wife; he was apparelled in very fine white linnen; after the Turkish manner." " His colour was blacke, with smooth haire, a man of middle stature." His modest and noble bearing much affected Davis; and his wife was "parda. nishin." Possibly he may have been a Musalman from India or Ceylon. Davis would have recog. nized an Arab. On the 27th they got a pilot who "spoke a little Portugall," and showed them the "Four degree channel." On the 3rd June they made the land near Cochin; but held on; and on 21st anchored in the bay of Achin. The king was called Sultan Aladin, he was an usurper; and a hundred years old; but still lusty, a great lecher, drunkard, and glutton. He treated the Dutch well at first; endeavourirg to engage them in his wars with "Ior" (Johore) and paying for their services in pepper. He was very solicitous to see the Englishmen Davis and Tomkins, to whom at first Van Houtman refused leave on shore (they don't seem to have got on well with him from first to last). Eventually the king forced Van Houtman to let Davis visit him, whom he treated with much honour and hospitality. But in the end he made a determined attempt to seize the ships. All the men on shore, including Van Houtman, were murdered; except eight, taken prisoners. In the meanwhile the Malay nobles on board the ships had intoxicated the officers with a kind of seed which seems to have been datura, with which "all the meate and drinke which they brought was infected." Upon this advantage they suddenly seized the ships. The Lion was saved after a desperate struggle; mainly, according to Davis, in consequence of some previous precautions taken by his advice, and by the actual conduct of him. self, Tomkins, and a Frenchman not named. The Lioness was taken outright; and "all the chiefest murdered," but the victorious crew of the Lion "cut our cables and drave (drifted) to her, and with our shot made the Indians flie: BO we recovered the ship; the Gallies durst not come near us. In this great miserie it was some pleasure to see how the base Indians did flye, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned" (p. 145). The ships departed and anchored before Pider in Sumatra. On the next, 2nd September, " there came eleven gallies with Portugalls (as wethought) to take our ships. We sunke one and beate the rest." In the afternoon one of the prisoners was sent aboard by the king, with a message laying the blame upon the Dutch; and requiring their best ship in satisfaction and as ransom for his prisoners. This was refused, and the messenger remained on board. Strangely enough this man, Guyan L. fort, the son of a French merchant in London, turned out to be the person appointed to the command of the expedition by sealed letters kept to be opened in case of its falling vacant. Ho was probably the first Frenchman who ever commanded a ship east of the Cape.

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JANUARY, 1881.] In this affair of Achin the Dutch lost altogether 67 men, two pinnaces and the Lion's boat; and much merchandize which was ashore; including all Davis's " Europe commodities with those things which I had provided to show my duty and love to my best friends." He had made good use of his eyes however; and gives a very good account of Achin. He "saw only two pieces of coin, the one of gold; the other of lead; that gold is of the bignesse of a penny, and is named Mas, the other is a little leaden token, called Caxas." Captain Markham in a note refers to the Chinese "Cash" of to-day. BOOK NOTICES. On the 6th December they took a ship of Negapatam, laden with rice for Achin. "There were in her three score persons of Achien, of Java, of Zeilon, of Pegu, Narsinga and Coromandel." Captain Markham says Narsinga is an inland town of Bengal, which sounds queer. Probably it stands for" the country of the Narsinha Raya," a peninsular prince. The prisoners told them that "in Ceylon was a citie named Matecalou, a place of great trade;" presumably Batticaloa; and of "Trinquanamale" (Trinkumali) where was the like trade, i. e. in spices. Captain Lafort had difficulties with his crew; and on the 28th December shaped his course homeward; and arrived at Middelburg on the 29th July 1600. On the 1st August Davis writes to the Earl of Essex by Master Tomkins, forwarding his Journal. On the 13th February O. S. of the same year (1601 N. S.) he was again afloat in Lancaster's famous Red Dragon,' bound eastward on the Company's first voyage. This voyage has been described in a former publication of the Hakluyt Society. Lancaster returned on the 11th September 1603, and on the 5th December 1604 Davis sailed again for the East on his last voyage. " This was the expedition of Sir Edward Michelborne, the first of the "Interlopers." He seems to have designed to do a little trade; and a good deal of what we should now call piracy; but was too much of a gentleman for either business. His ships were the Tiger,' of 240 tons, and a pinnace called the Tiger's Whelp.' They got to Saldanha Bay on the 8th April; and using the natives well, were well supplied by them. On the 7th they passed Cape Agulhas, and parted company with their pinnace in a storm. On the 19th July they sighted Sumatra, and on the 26th anchored at Batu Island, on the West coast; where they built a shallop and named her the 'Bat,' after the abundant flying squirrels (Pteromys petaurista) which are very well described by the anonymous historian of the voyage. On the 11th August they cast anchor at Priaman, where they had a joyful meeting with the 'Tiger's Whelp' which had got so far by herself; a very creditable voyage for a vessel of her class. Her tonnage is not stated; but probably did not exceed 40 tons. Priaman was disturbed by civil war. Our old friend "the king of Achien having two sonnes, he kept the eldest at home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the youngest he made king of Pedir. Whereupon the eldest sonne took his father prisoner, affirming that he was too old to govern any longer" (the reader will remember that at our last meeting he was said to be Vide supra, vol. VIII, p. 235. In another note he. mentions also the Chinese tael; and quotes Taylor the Water poet :"Goods in and out which daily ships doe freight, By guess, by tale, by measure, and by weight." The italics are his; and would seem to imply a supposed connection between tale and tayel-an astounding etymology! The Achinese, says Davis, sell pepper by the Bhar 360 lbs. This can hardly be derived from anything but the Indian Bhar; which varies locally, but is always a heavy weight for raw produce. He saw there besides " many of China," "Portugalls,""Gusarates," Arabians, and "those of Bengala and Pegu each having their particular towne;" so that their trade must have been important and of long standing. He also mentions "people of Coromandel, Java, and Rumos. Rumos is in the Red Sea." The King's secretary was called "Corcoun," which looks uncommonly like the Indian Karkun; but may have been a proper name. It is properly a Marathi word; and he does not mention the Maratha ports as represented at Achin. Probably the Portuguese had already monopolized the trade of that part of the coast of India. On the 12th October the ships returned to Achin to make a last effort for the release of their men in the king's hands, but only succeeded in having a skirmish with his gallies. These are distinguished from the "Prawes," "Prahus," and are described as quite open; and without artillery, but capable, some of them, of bearing 400 men. They were paddled; and must have been mere war-canoes. The Prahus do not seem to have been used for war at this period. The king had about 100 gallies; and a female admiral, "for he will trust no men." 27 On the 18th October the ships sailed for "Tanasserin, for it is a place of great trade," but failed for want of wind; and on the 12th November anchored at the Nicobars, where the people brought them hens (perhaps Megapodes) and fruit. They had no grain crops.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1881 over 100)," and afterwards made war upon his parties of corsairs "interchanged mutuall couryounger brother." tesies, with gifts and feastings;" and sometimes Captain Markham, in a note, says that there 25 or 26 Japanese would be aboard the Tiger; is a great discrepancy between this and Davis' | but not more than six were allowed to bring arms. account in his journal of his voyage with Van The narrator, who seems to have been MichelHoutman; but it is quite plain that the historian borne's second in command, told Davis" to possess of the Tiger's voyage is speaking of what had himself of their weapons and put the companie behappened in the interval of nearly six years. fore mast, and to leave some guard upon their These wars hindered Michelborne's business; Weapons while they (the English) searched in the and on the 21st August he sailed for Bantam, Rice." worrying fishing and coasting craft on the way, Davis, however, appears to have neglected to impressing pilots, and capturing a ship of "Cam- Beize the arms; perhaps thinking that that would baya" of 80 tons. This prize he carried into only precipitate an outbreak; but he did search the Sillibar on the 2nd of September; and "having ship. Whatever the Japanese intended before, they despatched all his business," (meaning probably had now clear proof of the intentions of their new the stripping of her and purchase of provisions) friends, and at sunset they broke out in both ships. he left that port on the 28th. On the 23rd October Those in the Junk regained her in an instant; he came to Pulo Marra, left it on the 28th, and the killing or driving overboard all the English men in same evening anchored 3 leagues from Bantam. her, while six and twenty on board the Tiger, armHere the English Factors came and told him that ing themselves as they best could, sallied out of "the Company of the Hollander's ships that were the cabin, and maintained a desperate fight on in the road had used very slanderous reports of deck for near half an hour, when they were stoned us to the king of Bantam," hinting, amongst back into the cabin with stones from the tops; a other calumnies, that he (Michelborne) was afraid regular mancuvre in deck fighting in those days; to anchor near them, the Hollanders. The knight and that by which Davis himself had saved the in high dudgeon weighed anchor at once," sending Lion in Achin Roads six years before. The valiant the Hollanders word that hee would come and Japanese in the cabin, proving utterly inexpugnride close by their sides; and bad the proudest of able by ordinary meang, two demiculverins (32 lbs. them all that durst to put out a piece of Ordinance guns) were loaded with langrage and turned upon upon him; and with all that if they did go the bulkheads; and but one of them was left about either to brave or to disgrace him or his standing of two and twenty. countrymen hee would either sink them or sink Davis was the first man whom the Japanese by their sides." The Hollanders, according to our met as they sallied out of the cabin. They dragchronicler, mended their manners accordingly. ged him into it, gave him six or seven mortal On the 2nd of November Michelborne sailed wounds, and pushed him out again. He died for Patane, still worrying small craft and almost immediately. Probably, as the active impressing pilots. On the 27th December he agent in searching their ship, he was a mark for met with "a Juncke of the Japons which had special vengeance. been pyrating along the coast of China and Michelborne went on doing much harm to Camboia" much like himself. These fellows other people and very little good to himself, till had lost their own ship on the shoals of Borneo; the 5th February, when he weighed for home and made shift to capture another; which, however, from two little Islands, which they of Java call was old and leaky, and so bad a sailer that they Polo Sumatra ;" and anchored in Portsmouth had little hope of getting home in her. The 19th July 1606. There was another Captain John English determined to search the Juncke; with the Davis, of Limehouse; who made six voyages to the view of course of appropriating whatever they East Indies in the service of the Company. Captain might find there worth taking, and the Japanese Markham is not pleased with former biographers; for their part, though apparently yielding to and especially with Mr. Froude, for mixing the superior force, probably looked upon the Tiger as two Johns up. He even seems to have a grudge sent by Providence to be a spoil unto them upon against poor John of Limehouse himself for the first opportunity. "They were 90 men, most presuming to be mistaken for his betters. What of them in too gallant a habit for saylers, and such is worth knowing about him is that he wrote a an equalitie of behaviour among them that they | Ruter (Routier), i.e. a book of sailing directions seemed all fellows: yet one among them there was for the East Indies. This ill-used forerunner of that they called Capitaine; but gave him little Horsburgh died at Batavia on his last voyage respect" (p. 179). in 1621. Filled with these amiable intentions, the two W.F.S.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF NAQSH-I RUSTAM. SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF NAQSH-I RUSTAM. BY E. W. WEST, PH.D., MUNICH. OF all the Sasanian rock-inscriptions known to exist in Persia the longest are those attached, respectively, to the two groups of scalpture which are now called Naqsh-i Rajab and Naqsh-i Rustam. The former inscription consists of thirty-one lines containing originally about 1,400 letters, and the latter appears to have formerly comprised about seventy-seven lines and nearly 7,000 letters. The late Professor Westergaard, when sending me a tracing of his copy of the remains of the Naqah-i Rusta minscription, in March 1878, remarked that he had "unfortunately missed the Naqsh-i Raj a b inscription when visiting Persepolis" in 1843, but had "tried to make a copy of the large Naqsh-i Rustam inscription, as exact as its mutilated state would allow." That Westergaard did not see the Naqsh-i Rajab inscription must still remain a source of regret to Pahlavi scholars, as there can be no doubt that the whole of that inscription would have been deciphered long ago if a copy of it had been taken and published by Westergaard with his usual care and accuracy. As it is, we have to depend upon the copy taken by the French expedition under M. Flandin,' which is more of an artist's sketch than a rigorously accurate transcript, and, therefore, makes the greater part of the inscription unintelligible, although it is evident that not more than one in forty of its letters is really illegible. The state of the Naqsh-i Rustam inscription is very different; for, although some of the latter words in each of its first thirty-six lines are so distinctly legible as to be accurately given in the copy taken by the French expedition, yet only scattered words and letters can be read over the remaining surface. The mutilated condition of this inscription can be readily seen from the reduced facsimile" of Westergaard's copy, which accompanies this paper; and at first sight there seems little chance of obtaining any connected meaning from these scattered fragments. Further investigation, however, shows that the names and titles of the kings, when restored, fill up several of the blank See Flandin's Voyage en Perse, vol. IV, pl. 190. Ibid., vol. IV, pl. 181. Photographed from the original copy made by Westergaard on 24th and 25th April 1843, for the use of which I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Fausboll and the 29 spaces; also, that two or three phrases, which frequently occur and can be readily recovered, fill up several more; while some missing words can be supplied by guesses, more or less hazardous, so as to obtain a connected meaning for more than one-third of the inscription. Such guesses are, however, only justifiable when there is little hope of obtaining a better copy, and when they are so carefully indicated as not to mislead the reader by assuming any greater certainty than really exists. The following transliteration of as much of the first thirty-four lines as seems recoverable has been prepared by these means; and it may be noted, as a proof of Westergaard's accuracy, that hardly one in a hundred of his letters seems to require emendation, although some of the Sasanian characters can be easily mistaken for others. In this transliteration all the words and letters supplied by guess are printed in italics, and all vowels expressed by Sasanian characters (except initial a) are circumflexed; the rest of the vowels being merely understood in the original. Where the number of letters apparently missing (including spaces between words) is not expressly mentioned, it is indicated by a hyphen for one letter, a dot for two, or a dash for five letters and spaces omitted, or by any combination of such dashes, dots, and hyphens as may be necessary for indicating the probable number of missing letters and spaces. The beginning of each line of the inscription is indicated by its number in parentheses; the letters h and kh, or p and f, represent the same Sasanian character; the letter r is often written like 7 in Sasanian, and the syllable -man represents a single letter which appears to be usually equivalent to a Semitic final, but is written -man in Pahlavi MSS. Transliteration of the first part of the Naqsh-i Rustam Inscription. (1) Amatam kartir* zi magopat va acharpat val Artakhshatar malkan malka Airan va Shahpuhari malkan malka zi hurastai va hukamaki havitun (2) afam afrinakan va sipasi dim-.- va courtesy of the chief librarian of the University Library at Copenhagen, to which the literary papers of the late Professor Westergaard have been presented. Compare the Naqsh-i Rajab inscription. The word is vartir in line 8. For hurastakt apparently.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. Artakhshatar Airan malkan malka va Shah- mazdi malkan malka pavan babe val baba puhari malkan malka karti havitun zakam shatari val shatari zivak val zivak karti valman vabidun pavan hana avagun (3) zi Shahpubari malkan malka pavan Airen (14) madam nipishti yekavimunt aik vartir va Aniran karti pavano baba val baba shatari - magopat va aeharpat Alharmazdi malkan val shatari sivak val rivak hamshatari pavan malka val bagdat gasi vazlunt va Varahran Magostan kimkari malkan (4) va pavan dusharmaki farman zi Artakh- (15) malka hand Shahpuhari ---- Aushatar malkun malka pavan shatari xi Airan harmaadi malkan malka pavan hamshatardari malkan malka shatari val shatari zivak val yekavimunt afam Varahran malkan malka zak zivak kabir kartakan zi hamgunaki" pavan (5) yazdin' afzadihi va kabir uturi va Airin | (16) gadman yetibuni va patakhshatari vabiyetibund. - bara" avlayd aeharpat va magopat duni afam baba val baba va shatari val shatari va kabar aturan atari . - . patakhshatari zivak val zivak hamkartakaran zi yazdan hamhatimun va Allharmazdi va yazdan gunaki lamkari (6) baba suti yehevun - - v-a-raba-V-7 -- (17) afam Atharmazdi magopat shem Varahunt va zenman -.- na.m-.-pavan sha- ran shem kartis hamiki shatarit val shatari tari Shahpahari malkan malka pavan vaspohara zival val zivak kabir kartakan zi yazdan afzadibi kan pakdun vabidun va kabir aturi (7) va yetibuni a --i- chigun. - ki (18) va gehan yetibund -:- bara avlaya A uharmasdi va yazdan val kamaki. - vazir va aeharpat va magopat - va kabir aturan aturi -ou zati patakhshatar va matzadan maman patakhshatari hatimund va zati valman (19) patakhshatari va matzadan maman val(8) vidlana madam Shabpubari malkan malka man vidand madam Varahrun malkan malka pavan baba val babi shatari val shatari zivak karti va valman pavan hand madam mipishti val zivak karti valman pavan hana avaguno (20) yekavimunt aik vartir zi acharpat va mailam nipishti yekavimunt aik vartir zi aehar- magopat Varahran malkan malled val bagdat gasi pat (21) vazlunt (60 letters kartaki pavan.. (9) va magopat Shahpubart malkan malka (22) (60 letters] i ga - tah-yetibunial val bagdat gasilo vazlunt va Auharmaadi malkan (23) afam gad man va patakhshatari vabiduni malka aiti barman pavan shatari yekavim unt" afam baba val baba shatari val shatari zivak val afam Allharmazdi malkan malka kurapi zivak hamshatari pavan (10) malam yetibuni afam gadman va patalch (24) malkan zi yazdan hamgunaki kamkaritari satari validuni afam" baba val baba shatari valva bukht ruban Vurahrano aeharpat shem va shatari zivak val sivak hamshatari pavan mal- magopatam Varahran shem magopat kan zi yazdan hamgunaki kamkaritari (25) va acharpat karti (48 letters] t v.(1) atam Shahpuhari aeharpat shem va hana vabidunt magopat shem karti Aiharmazdi magopat shem (26) (53 letters] shatari val shatari zivik val va adharpat karti d-d..p.k . shatari val (27) Bauak [51 letters] an ta magoi gabra shatari zivak val zivak kabir ben shatari (12) kartakan zi yazdan afzadihi va kabir (28) [27 letters) maya va aturi (24 letters] aturi va gehan' yetibund. -- bara avlaya ihi madam yehamtun alharpat va magopat - va kabir aturan dturi (29) [28 letters) baba [29 letters] shikan patakhshatari min - sheditan (13) hatimund va zati patakhshatari va (30) [32 letters] asl [27 letters] t-1 - matzadan maman valman vidana madam Adhar- yehevund va auzdesi gunakihi See line 8. 15 See line 32 See lines 17 and 81. 10 See lines 7, 18, and 32. . See line 32 11 So in Flandin's copy. . See line 13. 18 A very doubtful sentence; compare lines 11 and 24. 10 See lines 14 and 20. 1o See lines 11-14. 11.See line 15. 20 In Flandin's copy it is kar... 12 See line 16. 31 See lines 10 and 11. 13 See lines 3 and 23. " See line 33, but the sentence is very doubtful; comparo 1. This sentence is very doubtful. Lines 11 and 17.

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tic. 1r 9 tr ter rodu.296216 PTA 15 Warps que arrod rdv adfeydeau: 1 karade i n Irrigat el secrsm demite de 8 T RLSCE STILTE ecim 256016 cucere ce Q417 /us 1619dc.c .29. 92 19'scire << 21s * 18 Suddol 50H ie S re avi mo ceny megler are e 200 4 tuds LtdGz78 zrac. 81 19 o T' lm.se I morm rezut cu scrape sca varr mal genitoreIT54** celola Page #42
NAQSH-I RUSTAM INSCRIPTION. PIT. . 1*1P> pw. p> 46 Jo. Ja aju of alates 1 kk - * -sphort Ini - WU. - 110 196) " PLA1.ID .921183) os.(p4 12.by 37 p. Ap> {1*5.ph Ano:. parlALOR A few scattered letters legible in some of the line 0 41 Po BA) sple Ds 2211 - {1381 - 4.108 136 22 bo -51203 513.7 pa w...at aus O.DA) wy spl. 36 "A95 ldhm Trecu of liner and letters. cla 104 ban spider riudc.et 101. Inso. 18 There are traces of some twelve more lines, but very indistinct. Reduced from a copy taken by Prof. Westergaard in 1843. The dots indicate blank spaces.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] (31) vpuhi23 - va nished shaturi val shatari zivak val zivak kabir kartakan zi yazdan afzadihi (32) va kabir aturi, va gehan yetibund -- - bara avlaya aeharpat va magpat va kabir aturan aturi patakhshatari hatimant va zati patakhshatari m SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF NAQSH-I RUSTAM. (33) maman valman vidand madam Varahran malkan malka va Varahran [30 letters] kar - bakht ruban Varahran aeharpat va magopat (34) [20 letters] uni puth [28 letters] - - t kabir aturan vamduni ben shatari. Translation of the above." (1) When my crown of mobad and herbad existed for Artakhshatar, king of the kings of Iran, and Shahpahari, king of kings (who was well-principled and well-inclined 25 (2) and my benedictions und praise which.. me), and had made Artakhshatar a king of the kings of Iran, and Shahpuhari a king of the kings, that was done by me (3) which Shahpuhari, king of kings, did in Iran and non-Iran through capital to capital, town to town, and place to place of the united country, spontaneously in Magostan (4) and by the loving command of Artakhshatar, king of kings, in the country of the king of kings of Iran. From town to town and place to place the great deeds which (5) are the bounty of the angels and settle in the great fire and Iran.. 20 but the.. of the first herbad and mobad, and of the great fire of fires, ended the sovereign; and Auharmazdi and the angels (6) became the benefit of the capital great.... and this. . . . in the country Shahpuhari, king of kings, inflicted chastisement on the nobles (7) and sat... as.. Auharmazdi and the angels, at will. And smitten was the sovereign and the slain, for that (8) time it was done unto Shahpuhari, king of kings, through capital to capital, town to town, and place to place. In this fashion it is written about, that the crown of the herbad 23 Possibly Shapahari. 2 See lines 11-13. 25 Italics indicate words and portions of words which are either supplied by guess where the inscription is illegible, or are added to complete the sense. The commencement of each line in the original inscription is approximately indicated by its number in parentheses, and the extent of the missing text is only approximately shown by the number of dots. 36 A Mobad is a Parsi priest whose special duty is to 31 (9) and mobad Shahpuhari, king of kings, goes to the divinely-appointed place, and Auharmazdi, king of kings who is the son, remains in the country. And Auharmazdi, king of kings, sat on my kurapi (or kulapi) (10) and was made my glory and sovereign; and from capital to capital, town to town, and place to place of my united country he was more absolute among the kings who were similar to angels.30 (11) and Shahpuhart's title of herbad and title of mobad, appointed by me, was made Auhar-" mazdi's title of mobad and herbad"... From town to town, and place to place, the great (12) deeds which are the bounty of the angels and settle in the great fire and the world... but the of the first herbad and mobad, and the great fire of fires, end the sovereign. (13) And smitten was the sovereign and the slain, for that time it was done unto Auharmazdi, king of kings, through capital to capital, town to town, and place to place. In this fashion it is written about, that the crown.. of the mobad and herbad Auharmazdi, king of kings, goes to the divinely-appointed place, and Varahran, king of kings, this... of Shahpuhari, remains as coadjutor of Aqharmazdi, king of kings. And Varahran, king of kings, in like manner, (16) sat in glory and was made sovereign by me; and from capital to capital, and town to town, and place to place he was absolute, through me, over fellow-performers of exploits who were similar to angels; (17) and Adharmazdi's title of mobad was made the title of Varahran by me. From every town to town, and place to place, the great deeds which are the bounty of the angels and settle in the great fire (18) and the world.., but the.. of the first herbad and mobad and the great fire of fires end the sovereign. And smitten (19) was the sovereign and the slain, for that time it was done unto Varahran, king of kings; and in this way it is written about, (20) that the crown of the herbad and mobad conduct religious ceremonies, and herbad is a general term applied to all ranks of the priesthood. Perhaps "celebrated." 28 Perhaps "propitiated or pleased." Perhaps "he performed" both here and in the similar phases in lines 12, 18, and 32. 30 That is, beings inferior to him who was their supreme lord. 31 This sentence and the corresponding passages in lines. 17 and 24 are the most doubtful parts of this decipherment.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. Varahrun, king of kings, goes to the divinelyappointed place, (21) .... a deed in .. (22) . . . . . sat, (23) and was made my glory and sovereign; and from capital to capital, town to town, and place to place of my united country, among (24) the kings who were similar to angels, he was more absolute; and the title of herbad and mobad of Varahran with the saved souls was made by me Varahran's title of mobad (25) and herbad ..... this he does (26) .... from town to town and place to (27) place ..... and the Magian men in the country (28) ... water and fire ... came on (29) ... capital ... cast the .. from .. (30) . . . . . become, and the habitudes of the idol-temple (31) ... and sits (?) . . From town to town, and place to place, the great deeds which are the bounty of the angels (32) and settle in the great fire and the world .., but the .. of the first herbad and mobad and of the great fire of fires, ends the sovereign. And smitten wus the sovereign, (33) for that is the time unto Varahran, king of kings, and Varahran . . . . Varahran with the saved soul, the herbad and mobad, (34) ..... the great fires arose in the country. In the subsequent lines of the inscription, owing to its mutilated condition, only the following words and phrases are intelligible : (35) Va zatakan, and the smitten;" (36) Shahpuhari malkan malka, Shahpubari, king of kings;' satari aturi, the fire of the country; (37) malkan mal ka, 'king of kings; (38) satari maman, the country, for; (39) vabidun vad, 'did, until;' val, 'to;' baba Shahpuhari malkan (40) malka, the capital of Shahpuhari, king of kings'; mekhitun afam, 'struck, and by me;' Allharmazdi malkan malka mino, Allharmazdi, king of kings, the spirit;' (41) karti yehevun, zak ham bare yansebun, was done, that same took away;' (42) radi, liberal;' (43) mekhitun, afam, strack, and by me;" 31 Equivalent to the deceased Varahran." >> Compare Pern. gang. It cannot be "sinfulness," because that is vindoth in Pahlavi; the change to gunahe (44) kabir, great;' (45) afash, and by him ;' (46) vakhdun, va kabir, took, and great;' yazdan va kabir aturi kamkartari yehevun, he was more absolute than the angels and the great fire;' (47) yehevun homan, afam,'has been, and by me;' aturi, fire ;' (48) va yehevun, and was ;' shatari,' town, or country'; beta, house;' (49) nafshman, own;' zenman min, this from ; (50) afzadihi, 'bounty :' yehevun,' was ;' (52) ben vehtari, among better; (53) homan, 'is ;' (54) debrunt, conveys;' (55) yehevan chigun,' was as;' (56) yazdan, angels ;' (58) vaspoharagan, 'nobles ;' (60) valman roeshman val, that head to, (61) vazlund tamman, they go there;' (62) gufti aik, said thus;' (63) yadman va min,'hand, and from ;' (64) ben zak addioaki, within that sort;' (65) bara, except.' If the first portion of this inscription has been correctly restored it would appear to contain merely an account of the succession of the first six Sasapian monarchs (1.D. 226-283), from Art akhshatar I to Varah ran III, with some general allusion to their chief actions, Whether this sucoession is continued beyond Varah ran III is very doubtful, for though some kings are afterwards mentioned, such as Shah pu hari in lines 36 and 39, A u har. mazdi in line 40, and a king whose name is missing in line 37, yet these names can hardly refer to A a harmazdi II and his successor, Shah pll harf II, because the latter Dame is mentioned first. But they are, most probably, the names of the second and third Sasanian monarchs, already mentioned in the earlier part of the inscription; so that the latter balf of the inscription probably gave a more detailed account of the deeds of the kings mentioned in the former half. As, however, the very short reign of Varahran III is hardly likely to have been commemorated by so long an inscription, it is perhaps most reasonable to suppose that the accession of his succesbeing modern. The verb vandant is unknown in the M88., but is regular formation from the Semitio root Top

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF NAQSH-I RUSTAM. 33 sor, Narsihi (A.D. 283-300), may have or adjectival suflix, as in modern Persian. been mentioned in the missing portion of line Neither can it be merely a sign indicating the 35 or 36, and that the actual date of the end of the word, for in that case it would be inscription was about A.D. 290. used after all words, and not be confined to a Owing to its mutilated state this inscription few of them ; moreover, in this inscription the is of little value as a historical document. words are separated by blank spaces. Like that of Naqsh-i Rajab it is written in With regard to the verbs, the suffix of the the first person, and professes apparently to be past participle in Iranian verbs (which is also dictated by the divine Allharmazd himself; this used for the preterit) is-ii, as has been noticed is clear enough in the first half of the inscription, above; and no other forms of Iranian verbs occur and the occurrence of the word afam,' and by in this inscription. The Semitic verbs not only me,' in lines 40, 43, and 47, shows that the use occur in their crude forms, which appear to be of the first person continued in the latter half. used for both the past participle and preterit, The chief value of the inscription is philo- but also take the suffixes - (or-e), -t, and -il. logical. Even in its present mutilated state it The effect of these suffixes is rather doubtful, supplies one hundred distinct Sasanian words, thought and -d may perhapa form the third of which forty-five have not been found in persons singular and plural of the present tense, other inscriptions, though all but fourteen are respectively, as has been assumed in the transknown to exist in Pahlavi MSS. Allowing for lation, although it is by no means certain that certain peculiarities in orthography, and for they are not used indifferently; and it is possible the existence of about one strange word in that the suffix -1 (or -) may give a conditional seven, its language is practically the same as meaning to the preterit, but this requires conthat of the MSS. still preserved by the Parsis. firmation. One peculiarity of Sasanian orthography is The Semitic verbs which occur in this inthe existence of a final i in several Iranian scription furnish many corrections of the tradiwords, which disappears in MS. Pahlavi, as in tional pronunciation of the Huzvarish verbs used Auhormazdi, auedesa, gasi, kamkari, and sipasi, in Pahlavi MSS., most of which have been in the abstract suffix -ihi of afzadiki and gunu- anticipated by European Orientalists on etymokthi (which has become -i in modern Persian), logical grounds. Thus, we find debrun, 'conand in the comparative suffix -tari of kamkari- veyed,' for the traditional dedron and gabron ; tari and vehtari. In some cases the Sasanian hurtimin, 'ended,'foratimin; mekhitun, astruck,' final has become an optional final o in MS. for maiton; sheditun, cast,' for shakiton; Pahlavi, as in ateri, hamgunaki, hukamaki, vabilan, did,' for vadon ;vakhdan, 'took,' for kartaki, radi, shatari, and suti, in the past vagon; vazlun, went,' for vazrun; yansebin, participial suffix -ti of gufti, karti, nipishti, and seized, for josgon and josbon; yehamtun, zati, and likewise in the Semitic word aiti. arrived,' for jamton; yehevun, was,' for janin; But many Iranian words have no final i in yekavem un, remained,' for jaknimon; and yetiSasanian (even though some of them have bun, sat,' for jatibon. Two of the Semitic freqnently a final o in MS. Pahlavi) such as verbs, havitun, was,' and vamdun, "arose,' are aeharpat, Airan, Aniran, Artakhshatar, avagun, not known to occur in Pahlavi MSS. bagdat, bakht, chigun, farman, gehun, ham, Several other corrections of the traditional magopat, Magostan, mino, ruban, Varahran, pronunciation of Huzvarish words are also vartir, and sivak; also all plurals, such as supplied by the Semitic words in this inscripaturan, kartakan, malkan, matadan, vdspo. tion. Thus, we find afam, and by me,' for the harakan, yazdan, and zatakan; and the pro- traditional avam; bara, except, but,' for bana ; nominal suffixes, as in afam, afash, zakam and ben, within,' for dayen ; hand, this,' for and ; zim. In no case is this final i an izafat, orval, 'to,' for var; valman, that,' for varman; relative particle, which is always either under. zenman, 'this,' for goman; and zivak, place,' stood in Sasanian inscriptions, or expressed by for jinak. The meaning of the last word is not the Semitic relative zi; nor is it an abstract absolutely certain, as zivak must mean living, 35 The Sassnian inscriptions confirm the practice of the ending in -etan, when the t is not radical. Pahlavi MSS. written in Persia, by using a short vowel, 30 The letters must first have been joined and written instead of a long one, in the last syllable of Huzvarish verbs like di, and then mistaken for 4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. or living-place;' bearing the same relation to Any traveller in Persia who would obtain and zivastan (Pers.zistan), to live,' as danak, publish photographs of this inscription and that "knowing, wise,' does to danistan, to know;' . of Naqsh-i Rajab, taken while the sun is and it may be compared with Pers. zay, 'side, shining obliquely on the surface of the rock quarter, shore ;' in this inscription it is, however, (when the letters are most distinctly visible), used exactly as the traditional jinak, place,' would be doing good service to Pahlavi scholarwould be, and it may, therefore, be the same ship, as it is doubtful if Westergaard found time word. to copy all the visible letters in the lower part Some few traditional readings, which are not of the inscription. There are also two shorter easy to explain by etymology, are confirmed by 1 Sasanian inscriptions of the succeeding century, this inscription, such as madam, on, about, on the marbles of an edifice near the south-west unto,' which is used both as a preposition and corner of the platform at Persepolis, and as an adverb in the inscription, exactly as it is south of the Hall of Columns (see Ouseley's in the MSS.; also ad finaki, kind, sort,' if that Travels in Persia, vol. II, p. 237 and plate 42), word has been correctly identified. It likewise of which photographs would be very valuable. proves the conversion of b into d or g, by the When such photographs have been obtained it writers of MSS., in such words as ben, debrun, will, no doubt, be necessary to make several rabidin, and yansebun which have become den, emendations in that portion of the text of the dedrun, vadiun (afterwards vadun), and yanse- Naqsh-i Rustam inscription which has gun in the MSS. been here supplied mainly by conjecture. INSCRIPTION FROM KAMA OR KAMAVANA. BY BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI PANDIT. K a ma or Kamavana is about forty miles The inscription, given in the accompanying west from Mathura in the Bharatpur territory. plate, is found on an old pillar of hard reddish In the middle of the village is a rising ground sandstone 4' 2" by 1 ft., built into the inneron which is an old fort, and in this fort are side of the court wall to the right of the many fragments of Hindu sculpture and a entrance on the east side. This pillar is laid Masjid called Chor a si-Khamba, built of the upon its side. At one end 1' 3" of it is occupied stones of old Hindu temples of various ages, by a chakra or wheel; and the inscription which the pillars being placed, as in many other occupies about 26" of the remainder of the similar cases, in pairs above one another, to sarface is in 37 lines; but a small piece on the give the necessary height to the mosque. On left side, and a strip of irregular breadth down one pillar is carved, in letters resembling the the right, has been chipped away. Some letters Hale Kannada, the words-namah sivaya. The also have been injured over the remaining Masjid stands in a court, the outer measure- surface, but these can be generally made out ments of which are 76 by 102 feet, with a cor- with a little pains. ridor having a double row of pillars inside the The following transcript was made on the front walls and a single row down each side. spot. The language is Sanskrit, and it is in The mosque itself has three rows of pillars from verse. It contains no date, but the alphabet end to end. The mimbar or pulpit in this mos- appears to belong to the 8th century, or someque is locally called Chhathipalna-Krishna's what after the date of the Jalrapatan inscripswing.' tion (Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 180). Transcript. ['] sazaMkhAzcatvAraH sphuradurugadAcakraviSamA ghanazyAmA daityakSaya[ja] [e] [Fara juriffraca: | 37457ETT: CETATOTT0541 [: fata] [] []eaT: TT&TTUI HETIHTTU 5Tll sfracada u [ar] [*] [ ] Hat OT HITTA TSF : DET [99] [S] [a]# aforam a ma TFIT: HT: turgan [HTA:)

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FEBRUARY, 1881] INSCRIPTION FROM KAMA OR KAMAVANA. 35 / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / T0deg] ThakAnpAdoSarahite pakSa / / / / samare / / / / [1] [babhava tasya sA sAdhvI mahiSI mahitA guNaiH draGgiNInAma vikhyAtA tatputro [1] [hya jito jitaH || ajitasya guNotkRSTA jAyAsIdaspara priyA / yAsU ta tanayaM] [9] [zreSThaM zrIdurga[bhaTamUrjitaM / / bhajantI gurubhArabhumazirasazzeSasya -- [1] - - kucadvayAhatipatadyAlolacInAGkakA / udhRtya prasabhaM varAhava[puzA] - [19] - - dvijebhyo mudA pRthvI yena madhudviSeva na punaH kroDena saMrakSitA / / --- [1] - sya tasya nizzeSitadviSaH / vacchuliketyabhUddhAryA viSNorlakSmIri[vAparA] [1] - - vivotpanna ekavIro mahAdyutiH durgadAmA nRpazreSThaH - - [1] mUrdhani // nAnAzastraprahAradrutasabhayacalanmattamAtaGgasaGga - - - [*] caJcatkharakhuradalanAsAditArtInarAtIn / helAkRSTAsi - - - [11] ---zArAnsadezaH sanyasto yo jigAya pratidizamanizaM - [16] yH|| zrIdurgadAmanapateraditirivAsIdatipriyA bhAryA - ["] nI devI yA vacchikA khyAtA / dugdhAbdhervIcicakrakramabharitamahA[18] dAmero rAhimAdrejaladhiparikarAdA suvelAtsuvelAt // - [1] caturudadhicalanmekhalA bhUtadhAtrIM vidvAnsaH zAsanAya pra [20] TakAnpATayanti // samyaksAdhanakalpanApavilasadeto---- [1] dvAdisamastadoSarahite pakSe svasiddha sthite svacchandaprata - [4] prajJAbhimAnAya santuSTo yaH samare jayanpratidizaM vAde ca --- [] zrIdevarAjasya devarAjasamAteH yakSiketyabhavaddhAryA ---- [4] paurANIva kathA khyAtA sattA yAvanI zubhA dharmapravAhA ganeva --- [6] jitA / / mahatojaso devI jananI jananasthiteH / pUrvA sandhyeva -- [7] saH kSayakAriNA // sAjIjananRpazreSThaM putraM ratnasamaprabha / --- [1] - dUtsadAmAnamUjitam // mAdyatkuJjarakuMbhadAraNaraNatkAra ----- [20] stasamastazastravikalaprakhyAtakIrtiSvapi / AkAzAti --- [29] protkhAtakhaGgasthiteryasyAtmaiva raNAgaNeSvabhimukhaM saMdRzya--- [s deg] nyadAmA putrobhUyasyAH, prAjyapratApAM balivandhala -- [1] sthitaH // tayaitatkAritaM citraM citrakarmojvalaM mahat / svaya------ [2] balividviSaH // yAvadgaNAbhirAmasya ------ ["] sthAtu devyA bhavatu nirmalaM // sadattAsma - [*] gaNatanayaH viracitavAnA [gamitra] sa ----- [] mahaTakapautreNa satA satena vai ------ [6] yatnAtprazastireSA samutkIrNA ------- [bha] statiprapaMcaramaNI --------------- This gives us the genealogy of the sara-| 3. Ajita their son, married Apsarapriya. sena dynasty extending over seven kings, if not . 4. Durggabhata their son, married of one more whose name is lost. These are 1 Vachchhullika. __1. Phakka, married Deyika. 5. Durgada man their son, married Vach2. Kulaabhata his son, married Drai- chhiki. gini. 6. Devaraja their son, married Yajnika. / / / / / / / / / / / /

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* 36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. 7. Vatsada man their son. V ach chhik a had also another son whose name is lost. She built a temple to Vishna, which it seems to have been the object of this inscription to record. We have no mention of this dynasty elsewhere; but, from the vicinity of the place both to Amber and Mathura, it was probably only a petty feudatory family subordinate to one or other of these places. THE MAHAVALI DYNASTY. BY LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S. Some time ago, when at Srinivaspara king named Ma ha vali Banarasa, of the in the east of Maisur, I was led to a wild tract Maha vali-kula, who were door-keepers ; called Galgan pode, near which is the re (pratihara) to Paramesvara adored by all three puted site of an ancient city, now known as worlds as the lord over gods (sura) and giants Haralu kote. There are scarcely any traces (asura). It relates how an officer named Vi. left, except mounds and bits of broken potteryyala Vijya dhara was ordered to attack here and there, but small coins are said to be an enemy named Marigara and slew him. washed up after heavy rain. The place is all But being compelled by the difficult ground to jangle and surrounded by the low flat hills dismount and pursue the enemy's force on foot, characteristic of the auriferous tract which runs he was himself killed, and a grant was made of along the right bank of the Palar to beyond the village of Kula Nellor as a means of the limits of Maisur, and which indeed is said livelihood for his family. to commence with a cave at the north-eastern The second inscription is of the reign of angle of the site in question. In a ditch I found Mah & vali Banara s a, who seems on fragments of a pillar with a Pallava inscrip- account of his victories to have been called tion dated Saka 690. Vikramaditya, and to whom other kings But at Gulganpode, seeing what appeared to gave the celebrated name of B & na Vijyi. be the edge of a large slab of stone standing a dhara. It records how Pekkiri Vorafew inches out of the ground, I made an ex- doga R A ja was sent against a force besieging cavation, and was gratified with the discovery Mavindi-uru and compelled it to retreat. of the two massive stones, with inscriptions on But while pursuing the enemy, his eagerness them, of which the accompanying facsimiles was such that his troops could not keep up with were taken by photography. They prove to him; hence, though securing the victory, he be grants in Parvada Hale Kannada, the oldest lost his life. A grant of land for the support form of the Karnataka language, made during of his family was in consequence made, apthe reign of kings of the Mah a vali dynasty. parently by his followers. They are engraved in bold and deep-cut charac- These inscriptions, it seems to me, are not less ters, as if the work of giant hands, and have important in securing from oblivion a line of been weli preserved by accidental burial in the kings that ruled over a part of India historically ground. They bear no religious emblems, but most interesting, than cariously suggestive in one has a sort of ornamental floral device at the resemblances of their proper names, and top. The marks of great antiquity presented in valuable for the study of ancient forms of the the absence of sectarian symbols, the simplicity language. and brevity of the inscriptions, and the ancient Mah a vali is the same as Mahabali, after forms of the letters, are borne out by the obsolete whom Mahabalipur, known as the Seven and obscure expressions used in them. One Pagodas,' situated about thirty miles south of contains a couplet which appears to be a quota- Madras on the Coromandel coast, is said to tion of some proverb or popular maxim, of have been named, as it is called on the spot which the meaning is far from clear, and which Ma valivaram, or as some state MavalaI am inclined to think is about the oldest speci- varam. In the inscriptions at the place it is men of Canarese that has yet come to light. | called Ma mallaiparamor Mamallapuram, The first inscription belongs to the reign of a and Jananathapuram.' Mahabali or Bali, The first in 41 ft. square, the second 6 ft. by 4 ft., and See Carr's Sev. Pag. pp. 111, 66, 118, 132, 141. * Oihana more in thialnace

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KAMA OR KAMVAN INSCRIPTION. ginm!nzvnisoaH:bee nyntph yig?e==EK!-iongc<mthwaankhe-ulpgsshos-p 173 / my%18lsngo'shg-rten- wigmm- ahinwresaamihaai wito ythaarup phrtshungon-gtsumrp'-niceigcig kri ce 21mo sshy ngos1m s m rten 21:kyrHtsaau7 1'dingn kun m ng bhun X/ khrmu / pr'oh' tsnaamhaanttsidzinnnirtskhaau-o:|kyurjes- nnddtsdztaau, ' smennnpsgrehaaudaanMnnnnaasmpnno raamtsAUMshmptttthinM // l~phynytsdzdztaadh maatsaa7 shj yk nnhsth maasg aaaraainnaakssuhyntaainitepaus / monaan phrpaanniAUM syaarmi b' idyM aaashaaimwMsM phg-p shaattHa'H aM:prdh] npak winnepnnraaaaanMwhaanpo'-pnn05 shyi'run-yom / swaaraadaa, tsu tt k auk maaM / / mnnnnnMsi / bnnnza(ttn tt-o(ms-ste mhn-inu00 snrmaane n'e k k ' s maattemmm-l aaaunssdzin-ph Zmug 9 >u HEAD OF STONE. 1tsnytsNdaasogguraatte nwmbw =?p="SattunC/ 4omet baaywaadzdzinne'haangginggsaahaanssaati -----:g BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, FECIT.

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INSCRIPTION OF MAHAVALI BANARASA, No. 1. lug 0,66 Be Red | B138 ( USD STONE 4. FEET SQUARE.

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INSCRIPTION OF MAHAVALI BANARASA, NO. 11. 1 / S 3 1[US .3 miu: 1 lesitistivi - 23 2 1 } STONE 6' BY 4+.

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THE MAHAVALI DYNASTY. FEBRUARY, 1881.] whom Sir William Jones would identify with Belus, it is needless to state plays an important part in Hindu mythology. He was the powerful Asura emperor on account of whom Vishnu assumed the Vamana avatara, the fifth or Dwarf incarnation. The story as related in the Ramayana and the Bhagavata Purana is well known and need not be repeated here. Of the Ma havali-kula I have met with only one single mention. This is in an inscription of the beginning of the 7th century, obtained by Sir Walter Elliot, from which it appears that the Chalukya king Vikramaditya I. conquered the chief of the Maham alla kula, besides by the capture of Kanchi subjecting the Pallava king Jayatesvara Pota Raja. "From these facts it may be inferred," says Sir Walter, "that the rulers of Mamallapura were in a state of independence in the 6th and beginning of the 7th centuries." The present inscriptions not only support this view, but, for reasons to be further stated, make it likely that from the 2nd century the Mahava li line ruled the whole tract of country through which the river Palar flows, from its soarce near Srinivaspura, where these stones were found, past Kanchi to Mahabalipur near its mouth. The inscription just referred to has also been published by Mr. Fleet, but by translating Mahamalla kula as "family of mighty wrestlers," Raja Malla as "Royal Wrestler," and Pota Raja as "sea king (!) or king of ships" he has missed the significance of the allusions, and states that he does not know who are referred to. As regards other names in this inscription which he is unable to identify, I may point out that Sri Vallabha was a Ganga king who gained a great victory over the Pallava king, in which the latter lost his life." This must have been the Narasimha here mentioned, the Narasimha Pota Varmma of the inscription published by me in Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 23. Pota Varmma is a form of Buddha Varmma. And here, as the phrase was first met with in Muir's Or. Sans. Terts, vol. IV, p. 133ff. Carr's Bev. Pag. p. 127. Another form of the name, which also appears in that of the city as M&mallaipuram. [This or Mamalaippuram is doubtless the correct form. Mahabalipuram has been made popular in Southey's Curse of Kehama, but is an English corruption: the natives call their village Mavala 37 the same inscription, I may notice the objection which Mr. Fleet makes to my rendering of avanipati-tritay-antaritam-sva-guro-sriyam-atmasat-krityja by "making his own the wealth his father had won, together with that inherited for three generations," proposing to read "having acquired for himself the regal splendour of his father, which had been interrupted by a confederacy of three kings." The discrepancy between the two translations rests upon the meaning attached to "tritay-antaritam." Does this only signify "interrupted by a confederacy of three (kings)" so as to exclude entirely the rendering "transmitted by a succession of three (kings)"? I believe I am right in saying that, so far as the phrase goes, it may be interpreted in either way. We must be guided therefore by other evidence as to which was intended in the original. The authority for the alleged "confederacy of three kings" is so slight that Mr. Fleet "would suggest the probability of Amara and Adityavarma being really not of the Chaluky a family at all, but two of the three confederate kings." Now, so far as the hypothesis rests upon this supposition, I think it is disproved by the inscription published by me in Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 96, which is a grant by Ambera (i.e. Amara), "the dear son of Saty as raya, of the Chaluky a family." Again, a further reference is made to the three kings in line 17, where the religious endowments are said to have been lost or ruined tasmin-rajya-traye(na), "by those three reigns," which seems to me something different from the (necessarily single and combined) reign of a confederacy of three kings. Nor can the reference be to Trairajya Pallava, unless one king can be said to have three reigns or form a triad in himself. There is thus no evidence for the "confederacy of three kings," and the statements made are inconsistent with the hypothesis; we may also infer from the details which are given that further particulars would certainly have been mentioned had so important a combination of hostile kings been formed and overcome. varam. See Carr's Seven Pagodas, p. 66, Burnell's S. Ind. Palaeog. p. 35.-ED.] * Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 76. 7 See Ganga inscription published by me in Madras Journal for 1878. Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 126.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1881. In the absence therefore of further evidence line more to the north, with capital at RathI think my translation may stand, the reference a nu pura chakra v alapura (? Ratanpar being in the three kings specially mentioned in in the Central Provinces). The Vidyadharas each of the inscriptions as the predecessors from are uniformly described as superior to men in whom Vikramaditya derived the fortune which the possession of certain magical powers, and had been his father's, thus establishing beyond specially in the ability to travel at will through dispute the legitimacy of his right to possess it the air. This mode of locomotion has yet to and to bestow it. be rediscovered. The Sila hara kings of To revert again to the legends of Mahaba-Karah a ta near Kolapur are said to be Vidlipur. "The son of Bali, its reputed founder, yadharas. was Banasura (Banacheren in As. Res.) But we are not, I think, withont a direct who is represented as a giant with a thousand reference to Bana which enables us to place hands. Aniruddha, the son (or grandson) of him with certainty not later than the 7th cenKrishna, came to his court in disguise and tury. For on revising the Nagamangala plates seduced his daughter; which produced a war, in (Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 155) I find the first line of the course of which Aniruddha was taken pri- the 7th side describes Dundu, the king of soner and brought to Mahabalipur: upon which Nirgunda, as Srimad-Bana-kula-kalah (or Krishna came in person from his capital kalakalah). This, it appears to me, must be the Dvara ka and laid siege to the place. Siva Bana of the present inscription, and Bana guarded the gates and fought for B an a sura, kula, if that be the form, would be equivalent who worshipped him with his thousand hands; to Maha vali kula as applied to the kings but Krishna found means to overthrow Siva, of that line who came after Bana. Moreover, and having taken the city, cut off Banas u ra's from another phrase which follows, it may be hands, except two, with which he obliged him surmised that their kingdom was called the to do homage. He continued in subjection to Danda-mandala, which would correspond Krishna till his death, after which a long with Tonda-mandala, a name applied by period ensued, in which no mention is anywhere many writers, following Ellis, to the Palar made of this place till a prince arose whose valley. name was Malecheren, who restored the But even with regard to Bana, assuming kingdom to great splendour, and enlarged and that he is not the same as Bana, I believe I beautified the capital. But in his time the have found a reference which would place him calamity is said to have happened by which much further back than the latter. In the the city was entirely destroyed." 2nd line of the earliest Mallohalli plates (Ind. Whether B anarasa of the present inscrip- Ant. vol. V, p. 133) was an undeciphered tions had anything to do with B & na sura or word which I suggested at the time might be a not, the coincidence of the names is singular. proper name. On close examination of the But it may be noticed that in the second inscrip- doubtful letter I am disposed to make the word tion B ana is called a Vijyadhara, and in the Banaiti. If this should be correct, and Bana first, the officer is a Vijyadhara. This term prove to be contemporary with Kongani I, we is more commonly met with as Vidyadhara. must put him at the end of the 2nd century. The interchange of ja and da is according to And we should thence be justified in inferring rale, and is exemplified in the name of Vijaya- that the Maha vali line of kings ruled for at nagara which was originally Vidyanagara. least five centuries down to the 7th. The old Jain poem in Kannada, the Pampa That the Maha valis did not continue in Ramayana, distinguishes three ruling races in power beyond the 7th century follows from the "he south in Rama's time :-the Rakshasa known fact that the Palla vas were in pos'ine, with capital at Lanka (in Ceylon); the session of Kanch i early in that century, and it Vanara or Kapi-dh vaja line, with capital seems probable also of Mahabalipur, not at Kishkindha (the modern A neg undi only from the inscriptions there, but from its on the Tungabhadra); and the Vidyadhara being impossible that they could have tolerated * Sev. Pag. p. 13; As. Res. vol. I, p. 156. 10 Among the weapons used was juara, fever! For the fall account see Vishnu Purdna.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.) THE MAHAVALI DYNASTY. 39 the existence of an independent kingdom in Thus like a brave man, Viyala Vijyadhara, such close proximity to their capital. Moreover, at the command of the great lord who ruled as we know, and as the inscription found on the him, pursuing that Marigara, pierced him: same site mentioned at the beginning, and other then, there being no footing for the horse, inscriptions prove, that the Pallavas were dismounting from the horse, he went down ruling over the east of the Maisur country from walking, and joining fight, fell. To (or on that time onwards, coupled with the fact of account of him is given for a livelihood Kula there being no mention of the Palla vas in Nellar, free of all (imposts). these two inscriptions, together with the undoubt- Whoso takes away a gift made by himself ed evidences of their antiquity, these consider- or by another shall be born a worm in ordure ations give, I think, strong ground for supposing for sixty thousand years. that the Mahavali or Mah a malla line II. Transcript. immediately preceded the Palla vas, as the rulers of the entire Palar valley or (?) Danda Svasti tasya Sri-Vikramaditya-jaya-Mero mmahibhrit mandala. BAna-Vijyadhara-khyata-nemadheyasya rajabhi Of the existence and importance of Maha Sri Mahavali Banarasar prithuvi-rajya geye ; balipur at the beginning of the 12th century we ani chelvan anuma parakraman vira maha meru have evidence in an inscription of the Hoysala kings (Mysore Inscriptions, p. 331) in Pekkiri Voradoga Rajan tannan alva prabhuwhich, after the capture of Kanchi and Ma meru besase Mavindi-uru! kadu vattiya samasta bala dura, the general of Vishnu Varddhana mu megertare tamma pade gettu bettan adare is said to have burnt Jananathapura. tani= I. Transcript. dirane nadadu nayakarn! talt irid odisi bilda Svasti sakala-jagat-trayabhivandita-suran. tamma pade balikke band uro! galagond attu suradhisa-Paramesvara-pratihari"-krita Mar havali-kulotbhava Sri Mahavali Bana= vange vasotpattiyage daya gottadum: & degurasam prithuvi-rajya-geye | manas-urar-alilam biladeya yo paharate. lobhan mohat prakaype maganan, prabhu kaype tuli geva sa- naadid va sa panchabhi mmahadbhi patakke ntan": ganda padivanda Viyala Vijyadhara yukto bhava= tannan alva prabhu-meru besased a Marigaran a ti i dhammad id avana perund avvange kottodu tti iridu kudurege pahg.illa" age kudure ai guind ilida nadad ilid otti keydu bidan: ava- / la kalani parihara. ge bal-galva kottodu Kula Nellur savva parihara. Translation. syadatam paradatan va yo hareti vasundara shashti= May it be well. While Sri Mahavali m barisha sahasrani prishtaya jayte krami" Banarasa-a great king Vikramaditya who as a mount Meru of victory received from other Translation. kings the celebrated name of Bana VijyaMay it be well. While Sri Mahavali Banarasa, dhara-was ruling the kingdom of the -born in the Mahavali-kula, made door-keepers world :(P) (pratihdra) to Paramesvara the lord over Pokkiri Voradoga Raja, of great beauty, gods (sura) and giants (asura), praised by all of the highest valour, a mount Meru of bravery, three worlds-was rnling the kingdom of the by command of the great lord who ruled him, world : fighting in Mavindi-uru and causing the whole A brave heart dying has merit in & son, his of the besieging force to retreat ; his army lord has merit in the enterprise which showed being weary, he, unshaken as a mountain, his valour.is marched on, and coming up with the chiefs, 11 If this be read pratihartkrita it is difficult to make a reasonable translation. The hd though undoubtedly long in Mahdwall is not, it will be observed, marked so in the second mention of the name in line 3, nor in parihara in line 10. 1 This appears to be a quotation of some popular marim, but the expressions are obscure, and I am not at all sure that I have separated the words correctly either in this or in the succeeding sentence. 13 These words might be names or titles. * or ? ille. I have taken pahgas representing paga given in the Dictionary as "the place where a horse or blephant stands." 15 The errors in spelling of Sanskrit words are evident.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. pierced and drove them off and fell. His army, putting off their arms in the town near which they had come, raised a lamentation and made a gift to yield an annual income for him. Whoso through avarice, covetousness or envy usurps it and lets that waste be uncultivated, shall incur the guilt of the five great sins. To him in whose name this gift stands, to him shall be given five ploughs, with release from fighting. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 304, vol. IX.) No. 6.-FOLE TALE. to this tree, and then when the pain comes I Sir Bumble. will strike the trunk." Once upon a time & soldier died, leaving a "All right," answered the soldier's son. So widow and one son. They were very poor, and he pulled out the thorn, and when the pain at last matters became so bad that they had came, the tigress gave the trunk such a blow nothing to eat. that it split all to pieces. Then the grateful "Mother!" said the son, "give me two rupees, tigress said, " As a reward take this box, only and I will seek my fortune in the world." don't open it till you have travelled nine miles." "Oh ! ho !" said the mother, "and where am So the soldier's son set off to find his fortune I, who haven't a pice wherewith to buy flour, with the box. Now when he had gone about to find two rupees ?" five miles, he felt certain the box was heavier There's that old coat of my father's," an- than it was at first, and every step he took it swered the lad," look in the pocket; perchance seemed to grow heavier and heavier. Still he there might be something there." So she looked, tried to straggle on, but when he had walked and behold! there were three rupees down in eight miles and a quarter, his patience gave way, the very corner of the pocket. "More than I and he cried :-"I believe that tigress was a bargained for," said the lad, laughing." See, witch, and is playing off her tricks on me. I mother! here is one for you, and I'll keep the will stand it no longer. Lie there, you wretched other two for myself to pay my way until I find box; Heaven knows what you contain, and I my fortune." don't care." So he set off to find his fortune. On the way! So saying he threw the box down violently. he saw a tigress, licking her paw and moaning It burst open, and out stepped a little old man. terribly. He was going to run away, but she He was only one span high, but his beard was called to him faintly, saying " Good lad, take a span and a quarter long. this thorn out for me, and I shall be for ever He began to abuse the lad roundly for throwgrateful." But the lad answered, "Not I! ing him down so hard. "Upon my word," why, if I begin to pull it out, and it pains you, said the soldier's son," but you are weighty for you will kill me with one blow." your size, old gentleman. And what may your "No !" said the tigress, "I will turn my face name be?" 10 Or" coming back and putting off their arms in the Muhammadan. It possesses considerable literary merita town." remarkable from their absence in most Panjabt tales. The treatment is humorous and in places poetical, and the tale i litlu Midi Dhunga. Bhungd or blandt is a 88 & whole gives the idea of its having been at some period curious word used in the Panjab for any buzzing insect, committed to writing. The description of "Sir Bumble" and here for the big beetle or bumble bee. Bhunga Panj. as being a mannikin "one span high with a beard one span and Hindi - Prak, bhingo, though used for a bee, is and a quarter long" occurs in The Arabian Nights and in apparently a small insect, and according to Fallon's some German tales. It is possible the Muhammadans Dictionary is the personification of weakness, the very brought the tale in with them during some of their irrupopposite to " Sir Bumble." The ordinary word for the big tions.-F. A. S., R.C.T. beetle or bumble bee is bhaunra panj. and Hindi, also use sherni-a tigress. Though no description of bhaurd or bhanwar. The root is apparently Sanskrit WE bhram to wander, whirl, whence bhramara, a bee, and the remarkable tigress of the story is given, she is usually bhramart, a butterfly Hind. bharibirt and bhariomirt, etc. described as a bhdt - Sansk. bhata, an evil spirit, This root is connected with the Lat. fremo, etc. bhinndnd, demon, any creature possessing demoniacal powers, atten. bhimbinnana, bhinaknd, to buzz e a bee or beetle. dants of Siva.-R.O.T. Bhimbinndna is the word used in this story.-R.C.T. The story is fairly well known in the Panjab and is hath = 18 inchos.-R.C.T.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] "Sir Bumble," snapped the one span mannikin. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. "Upon my word," said the soldier's son, "if you are all the box contained, I'm glad I didn't trouble to carry it further." "That's not polite," returned the mannikin, "perhaps if you had carried it the full nine miles you would have found something better. It doesn't matter, however, for I'm quite good enough for you, and I shall serve you faithfully according to my mistress' orders." "Serve me! Then I wish you would serve me with some dinner, for I'm mighty hungry. Here are two rupees to pay for it." No sooner had the soldier's son said this, than with a boom! bing! Sir Bumble whizzed away through the air to a confectioner's shop in the next town. There he stood, the one span mannikin with the span and a quarter beard, behind the preserving pan, and cried in ever so loud a voice, "Ho! ho! Sir confectioner, bring me sweets." The confectioner looked about but could not see any one. Sir Bumble was so small he was quite hidden by the preserving pan, so he cried still louder: "Ho! ho! Sir confectioner, bring me sweets." Then when the confectioner looked about in vain for his customer, the mannikin got angry, and ran and pinched him on the legs and kicked him on the foot, saying-"Impudent knave, do you mean to say you can't see me? why I was standing close beside the preserving pan." The confectioner apologised humbly, and brought out his best sweets. Sir Bumble chose about a man of them, and said, "Here, tie them up in something, and give them into my hand. I'll carry them home." "They'll be a good weight," smiled the confectioner. "What's that to you ?" snapped Sir Bumble, "do as I bid you, and here is your money." He jingled the two rupees in his pocket. "All right, sir," said the man cheerfully; so he tied up the sweets, and placed the big bundle on Sir Bumble's hand, and lo! with a boom! bing! he whizzed off with the rupees still in his pocket. He alighted at a corn-dealer's shop, and standing behind a basket of flour, cried loudly, "Ho! ho! Sir Baniah, bring me flour." man, 80 lbs. Badshahzadt Phal, Princess bdshh z dy phwl 41 Then the corn-dealer looked about for his noisy customer, but could see no one. Sir Bumble cried again: "Ho! ho! Sir Baniah, bring me flour." And when the man didn't answer, he flew into a violent rage, and ran and bit him in the leg, and pinched and kicked him, exclaiming : "Impudent varlet, do you mean to say you can't see me? why I was standing close beside you behind that basket." The corn-dealer apologised humbly, and asked Sir Bumble how much flour he wanted. "Two mans," ," said the mannikin. "Two mans, neither more nor less. Tie it up in a bundle, and I'll take it home." "Your honour has a cart with you doubtless, or a beast of burden, for it will be heavy." "Do as I bid you," shrieked Sir Bumble stamping his foot, "and here is your money." He once more jingled the two rupees in his pocket. So the corn-dealer tied up the flour in a bundle, and placed it in Sir Bumble's hand, when whizz! buzz! the mannikin flew off with the rupees still in his pocket. The soldier's son was just wondering what had become of the one span mannikin, when with a whirr he alighted, and wiping his face and panting, said: "I hope I've brought enough, but you men have such terrible appetites." "More than enough," laughed the lad when he saw the huge bundle. Then Sir Bumble cooked the bread, and the soldier's son ate three cakes and a handful of sweets; but Sir Bumble gobbled up all the rest, saying at each mouthful, "You men have such terrible appetites." After that the soldier's son and his one span servant travelled ever so far till they came to the king's city. Now the king had a daughter called Princess Blossom, who was so lovely, and tender, and slim, and fair, that she only weighed five flowers. 5 Every morning she was weighed in golden scales, and always the scale turned when the fifth flower was put in, neither less nor more. Now it so happened that the soldier's son caught a glimpse of the lovely, tender, slim, and fair Princess Blossom, and he fell dreadfully in love with her. He would not sleep, or eat his food, and said all day to his faithful man Flower or Blossom; also Phalasddi, i. e, born of a flower! blossom.-R. C. T.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nikin, "Oh dear Sir Bumble! carry me to the Princess Blossom that I may see and speak to her." "Carry you!" snapped the one span mannikin, "that's a likely story, why you're ten times as big as I am. You should carry me." But when the soldier's son begged and prayed, and grew thin and pined away thinking of the Princess Blossom, Sir Bumble, who had a kind heart, was moved, and bid the lad sit on his hand. Then with a tremendous boom! bing! there they were in the palace. It was night time, and the princess was asleep; she woke however with Sir Bumble's booming, and seeing a handsome young man beside her was quite frightened. She began to scream, but stopped when the soldier's son with great politeness begged her not to be alarmed. After this they began to talk together, and Sir Bumble stood at the door, where he stuck a brick upon end so that nobody could see him, and did sentry. Now when morning was breaking, the soldier's son, and the Princess Blossom, tired of talking, had both fallen asleep; Sir Bumble, the faithful servant, thought to himself, "Some one will be coming soon, then he will be killed; and if I wake him he won't go." So without more ado he put his hand underneath the bed, and bing boom! carried it into a large garden outside the town. There he set down the bed in the shade of the biggest tree, and pulling up the next biggest by the roots threw it over his shoulder, and marched up and down keeping guard. Before long the whole town was in a commotion. The Princess Blossom had been carried off, and everybody turned out to look for her. By-and-bye a one-eyed Kotwal came to the garden gate. "What do you want here ?" cried valiant Sir Bumble. "The Princess Blossom," answered the Kotwal. "I'll blossom you! get out of my garden, will you ?" shrieked the one span mannikin with his span and a quarter beard. With that he belaboured the Kotwal's pony so hard with the tree, that it ran away, nearly throwing the rider. The poor Kotwal went straight to the king, and said: "Your Majesty! I am sure the [FEBRUARY, 1881. Princess Blossom is in your Highness' garden outside the town, only there is a terribly valiant little sentry there who fights with a tree." Then the king went with horses and men to the garden, and tried to get in. But Sir Bumble with his tree routed them all; half were killed and the rest ran away. The noise of the fight awoke the young couple, and they determined at once to fly with each other. So when the fight was over, they all three set out to see the world. J Kotwal, Persian, properly the chief police officer of a city; now however only the chief native Executive Officer in Cantonments in India without any strictly police duties.-R. C. T. J Arabic ghul (vulgo Eng. 'ghoul,' or 'ghowl'); Now the soldier's son was so enchanted with his good luck in winning the Princess Blossom that he said to Sir Bumble, "My fortune is made, I shan't want you any more, you can go back to your mistress." "Pooh !" said Sir Bumble, "that's what you all think. There's trouble before you yet. However, have it your own way, only take this hair out of my beard, and if you want my help, burn it in the fire." So Sir Bumble boomed off, and the soldier's son and the Princess Blossom lived and travelled together very happily. At last they lost their way in the jangals one day, and had nothing to eat or to drink. When they were just about as hungry as they could be, a wandering Brahman appeared. Hearing their story, he said, "Oh poor children! come home with me, and I will give you something to eat." If he had said "I will at you," it would have been nearer the mark, for he was no Brahman, but an ogre' dreadfully fond of handsome young men and slender girls. They went home with him, and he said: "Now get ready what you want to eat here are all my keys; you may open all the cupboards except that with the golden key. Meanwhile I will go and gather firewood." Then the Princess Blossom began to prepare the food, and meanwhile the soldier's son opened all the cupboards. He saw such lovely jewels, and dresses, and cups and platters, and bags of gold, that his curiosity got the better of him, and he said "I will see what wonderful thing is in the cupboard with the golden key." So he opened it, and lo! it was full of men's an evil spirit, vampire. It is the bhit and pret of the Hindus (for bhat see above note 2), the prets are ghosts inhabiting graveyards. In Sansk. preta, pre, is a departed spirit.-B. C. T.

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FEBRUARY, 1881. SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN WESTERN INDIA. 43 skulls picked quite clean." Then he flew to the princess and cried: "We are lost ! this is no Brahman, but a horrid ogre." Just then they heard him at the door, and the princess had barely time to thrust the hair into the fire before the ogre appeared. At the same moment a boom, boom, binging noise was heard in the air coming nearer and nearer. Then the ogre (who very well knew Sir Bumble's power) changed into a heavy rain which poured down in torrents, but Sir Bamble turned into the storm wind which beat back the rain. Then the ogre changed to a dove, and Sir Bumble pursued it as a hawk, and pressed it so hard that the ogre had barely time to change into & rose and drop into Raja Indra's lap," who was listening to some dancing girls singing Then Sir Bumble, quick as thought, changed into an old musician, and standing beside the bard who was thrumming the situr," said "Brother, you are tired ; let me play." Then he played so wonderfully and sang with such piercing sweetness that Raja Indra said: "What shall I give you as a reward P Name it, and it shall be yours." Then Sir Bumble said: "Only the rose in your lap." "I had rather you asked for something more, or something less," answered Raja Indra. "'Tis only a rose, but it fell from heaven: nevertheless, take it." He threw the rose towards him, and lo! the petals all scattered on the ground. Sir Bumble throw himself on his knees, and gathered them up; but one petal escaped, and changed into a mouse. Then Sir Bumble changed into a cat and caught the mouse. All this time the soldier's son and the Princess Blossom were waiting to see what would happen in the ogre's hut. Suddenly with a boom! bing ! Sir Bumble arrived, shook his head, and said, "You two had better go home; you can't take care of yourselves." So he gathered together all the jewels and gold in one hand, and placed the Princess and the soldier's son on the other, and flew through the air to their home, where the poor mother, who had been living on one rupee, was delighted to see them. Then with a louder bing! boom! than ever, and without waiting for thanks, Sir Bumble whizzed out of sight, and was never seen any more. Bat the Soldier's Son and Princess Blossom lived happily ever after. SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN WESTERN INDIA. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.L.E. We make the following extracts from Dr. G., obtainable by their great age and correctness. Bubler's interesting Report on Sansksit MSS., Secondly, it is in these libraries only that we find dated Ahinadabad, 8th June 1830 : manuscripts of the more ancient works, which As regards the cataloguing of important libra- have ceased to be generally studied by the learned, ries, I directed my attention exclusively to the but possess the greatest interest for the European ancient BhandArs of Anhilwad.P& than and scholar, who looks on the Sustras from an historical of Cam bay. For while I consider it a mere stand-point. A reference to my earlier reports waste of time and money to publish lists of the will show that I have repeatedly tried to fully exceedingly numerous Brahmanical and Jaina explore these ancient libraries, and that I have manuscripts which are to be found in our Govern- been at least so far successful as to obtain a sight ment collection, as well as in every Bbandar and or copies of some books and of the catalogues in private library throughout India, the ancient possession of the custodians. During the last collections made chiefly in the 12th, 13th and 14th year I tried to complete the information which centuries of our era possess a special interest. I formerly gained and to have prepared by my They contain, firstly, copies mostly written on Native Assistants new and accurate catalogues fit palm-leaves, which surpass all those elsewhere for publication. I sent, therefore, two men to This is Blue-beard' over again. The governing idea is 10 i the evil results of curiosity; from the coincidence there is sitar Persian si + tar, three wires or three no reason to presume any connection between the two strings. It is an instrument with 3, 5, 7, and even 11 tales.-R. C. T. steel strings, but the usual number is three. Lat. cithans; Indra, originally the beneficent god of heaven, giver German sitter, gittern; Eng. guitar, etc. But the of rain, etc., in the later Hindu mythology took only Greek word is kithara, Homerie form kitharis, Lat. fpoi second raak m ruler of the celestial beings who formed the cithora. The European word is therefore very old, and Indar ka akhart or Court of Indra, which was synonymous hardly likely to be in any way connected with tbe Pers. with licentiousness (akhari = gay, assemblage). He is sitar. The Hebrew word fur & similar inatrament in mually known now as the Raja Indra, of whose doings kinnor, v kanar, to make a stridulous sound; whence and court innumerable stories are told and even books another set of words: Gr. Kivupos kinuros, and yuyypos, written. For the purpose of folk tales he appears as in gingros, Lat. gingrina, & pipe, and German schnarren, as a deus ea machind to explain the unexplainable Inarren-R.O.T. Rp the situation.-R.C.T.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. Cambay and one to Pathan. The former were ! was, however, only just finished at the end of ordered to catalogue the Bhandar attached to the the year. The trouble taken with it has been well temple of Santinath, which contains only palm- rewarded by the discovery of a very ancient copy leaf manuscripts of great antiquity, and such palm of the oldest Sanskrit dictionary, the Sdenata leaf manuscripts as might be found in the other Kosha, of which one other copy only (preserved three public libraries of Cambay. Though armed at Oxford) is known, of several copies of Hem& with orders from the Acting Collector, Mr. G. charya's Prdkrita Doydorayakosha together with Wilson, my emissaries were unable to prevail on a commentary thereon, and of a Vikramankabhyuthe Cambay Darbar to bring the exceedingly | daya Kdoya, apparently another historical poem. obstinate Panch to reason, and after spending a The second work is a life of Hemacharya's part of August and September in fruitlees efforts, patron, Kumarapala of Anhilwad, and they had to return without having effected their bears therefore the second title Kumarapaldcharita purpose. Towards the end of the year I made & or history of Kumarapala. Its primary object second attempt, which, owing to the energetic is to illustrate the rules of the author's Prakrit manner in which Mr. Sheppard, the Collector of grammar. It is, therefore, written in six different Khoda, espoused our cause, and to the intelligent dialects, and below each verse the author names and ready co-operation of the Divan, Mr. Shamrao the rules of his grammar, according to which the Narayan, turned out successful. At Mr. Shep- remarkable words employed have been formed. pard's invitation I personally visited Cambay and The work has, therefore, a double importance for inspected Santin&th's Bhandar, the catalogue of Sanskritists, as a source for a portion of the history which had been begun by my men, as well as a of Gujarat and an illustration of Heracharya's smaller collection said to belong to Sripaj Guna- grammar. The Samghavi Bhandar contains noratna Sagara. The former library is fully worthy thing but palm-leaf manuscripts, upwards of 400, of its fame. The manuscripts, about 300 in num- and among them some belonging to the 12th ber, are exceedingly old, six dating from the century. Its contents as well as those of Santibeginning of the 12th century and beautifully and nath's library at Cambay and of the great library correctly written. During my short inspection of of Jesalmir will, I hope, convince those European the collection I discovered at once a new copy of Sansksitists who still doubt the existence of San. the historical Prakrit poem, Gaudavaha, which skrit manuscripts dating from the 12th and earlier Vak pati composed in honour of his patron centuries, that they can fearlessly acknowledge Yasovarman of Kanauj (A.D. 725). The the fact. These revered old hoards of the Jaina copy, the third which has been found, appears to communities do not contain forgeries, but genuine be very correct and somewhat more complete than relios of very ancient times. The condition of the those discovered in Jesalmir and Pathan. Its last manuscripts, the characters in which they are verse gives the name of the author in full as written, the material on which they are written, "Kavirayalamchhana Vappairaya," i. e., Vakpa- furnish strong testimony on the point, and the tireja, who bears the mark or title of a "Prince quantities in which these documents occur (but of Poets." Besides this work I saw a considerable only in so jealously guarded localities to which in number of unknown Jaina works, among which general neither the faithfal nor infidels are adwere also some Prabandhas or "historical tales." mitted), make it also unbelievable that they can A complete account of the contents of the library have been manufactured in modern times. The can be furnished in next year's report only. The genuineness of these documents granted, it will Pandit whom I sent to Pathan, bad orders to be the duty of Sanskrit scholars, who again and catalogue the Sanghaving Pad Bhandar and to again publish the classical Sanskrit books accordattempt, after the completion of that task, the ing to manuscripts dating at the best from the great library of Hemacharya. As I had 15th century, to turn their attention to our old found the custodian of the former collection very Bhandars and to use the copies there deposited, obliging in 1876 and 1877, I hoped that the pre- which are not only older than the earliest paper paration of the catalogae would cause no difficul- copies, but older also than the oldest commenties. In this expectation I was, however, dis- tators on whom usually great reliance is placed. appointed. The Pandit had to sue for many Before that can be done, it will, however, be the months in vain, as the leading Jainas feared that duty of those who conduct the search for mannsome sinister attempt against their books might scripts to publish the list of the contents of the be intended when the new catalogue had been Bhandars. The catalogue of the Sanghaving prepared. At last the Gaikwadi Sar Subb& took Padano Bhandar is at present being prepared for the matter earnestly in hand, and the permission the press. to prepare the catalogue was given. The work! In purchasing original Sanskrit books bori

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN WESTERN INDIA. 45 Government, I have been even more fortunate I heard through Rao Saheb Gopalji Sarbhai Desai than in my attempt to obtain catalogues. The 1 of the existence of Maitra yaniyas in Morvi. whole number of my purchases amounts to 429 But I was informed later that they were extinct. volumes, many of which contain more than one As Dr. L. Von Schroeder undertook last year the work. The number of separate works, great and edition of the sacred books of the Maitrayaniyas, small, surpasses five hundred. Seven of these I resolved, at his request, to instituto another books belong, however, not really to this year's careful search for them in Gujarat and Kathiwad. collection, but to 1877 and 1878. All the other I sent one of my assistants to Morvi and its neighmanuscripts have been actually collected during bourhood, and he found there two families, in the year in the Government and Gaikwadi districts one of which the whole sakha is still recited of Gujarat, in Cambay, Kathiawad, and Southern annually. Not without some difficulty, he bought Marwar. During my two years'absence in Europe, from them nine old manuscripts and procuroda copy a great number of old Pandits, who possessed good of the unique Padapatha of the Mantras. Encourlibraries, have died, owing to the scarcity and the aged by this result, I ordered a further search after epidemic fever which have deprived Western India Maitraya niyas to be made in the whole of considerable proportion of its population. tract north of the Narmada, to which, according to Again a great number of Brahmanical families have the commentary on the Charanavyuha they origin. been reduced to extreme distress by the high prices ally were confined. In consequence a number of for the necessaries of life which prevailed for more families adhering to the school were found in the than two years, and by the inability of their Yaja- northern districts belonging to the Gaikwad, near mins, or spiritual clients, to give them the custom Siddhapurand Vadanagar. They, however, ary support. These special circumstances, regret- possess no books. But in Ahmad a bid two able as they are in other respects, have enabled me Suklas or spiritual heads turned up, who still are to collect this year in 9 months, more Brahmanical able to recite the sevishitd. One of them has manuscripts than I ever obtained before in Gujarat, declared himself willing to part with his mann. and to obtain them at a cheaper rate than usual. scripts, while the other will probably lend them for If the delay which occurred repeatedly in the collation. I have not been able to include the payment of the money advances had not impeded AhmadAbad manuscripts among the purchases of my operations, I should have been able to show 1879-80, as I had no money in my hands at the even better results. end of the year to pay for them. Upwards of fifty As regards the quality of books collected, I am manuscripts refer to the Sdmaveda. They include. happy to state that this year's collection contains besides the Sanhita, the Ganas and the chief much that is rare and important. Vedic literature Brahmanas, some of the rarer Satras and Paribishis represented by 159 numbers. For the Rigveda tas attached to the third Vedu. The most there are, besides copies of the Brdhmana and important among them are the Riktantra and Satras of sankhayana Sakha, the very rare Samatantra Vyakaranas, the Tandalakshana, Pancommentary of Durgacharya on the Nirukta, chavidha and Pushpasutras, as well as the Amritaand some rare treatises, among which I may name harana, Somotpatti and Naigeya-Paribishtas. The a Galitapradipa and a Padagddha. The former Atharvaveda is represented by more than twenty is, I think, new. Among the works referring te manuscripts. Some old, though incomplete manuthe Madhyandina Sakh two large pieces of the scripts of the Samhita, a good manuscript of the Mantrabhushya by U vata, a complete copy of Kausika Grinyasutra, a copy of the last thirtyMahid hara's Vedadipa, and a collection of seven Paribishtas and two Prayogas on domestic the Paribishtas, deserve to be mentioned. One of ceremonies appear to be valuable. In connexion the manuscripts of the first-named book is the with the works belonging to the Atharvaveda a copy mentioned in my Catalogue of MSS. from discovery deserves to be noticed which throws Gujarat, I, No. 36. A special and very great some light on the history of the Paippaladas, interest attaches to a collection of 10 manuscripts one of its ancient schools, the Sanhitd of which is of the Maitrayaniya S&kba, containing the greater hitherto known through a single Kasmir manaportion of the Samhita, a Padapatha of the script. All the Atharva manuscripts which I Mantras, the Manaragrihyasatra partly with a have collected or seen in Gujarat and Rajputang commentary, and six treatises on the sacriticial belong to the Saunaka Sakh. Yet the Mahdrand funeral rites of that Vedic school. All nada, a work quoted in the commentary on the these manuscripts, among which the Padapatha Charanavydha, distinctly states that all Atharvaof the Mantras is unique, come from Mo'rvi and vedis residing north of the Narmada are PaippaL&thi in Kathiawad. Many years ago, when I 1&das, while those living to the south of the river first began the search for Sanskrit manuscripts, are followers of Sauna ka. Partly with the hope

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1881. of finding somewhere a second Paippalada Samhita, Under the head Alatkara or poetics, there is a and partly with the intention of testing the manuscript containing a portion of Bhoja's assertion of the Maharnava, I instituted inquiries Sarasvatikanthabharana, the first which has turned in the chief settlements of the Atharvavedis as to up in Gujarat, and a small novelty entitled Kavithe school to which they considered themselves to kanthabharana composed by the Kasmirian poet belong. In Kathiawad as well as in Gujarat, I Kshemendra-V y Asad&sa. The latter is mostly received the same answer, "we belong to particularly interesting for its quotations from the Paippala da school." Some Brahmans contemporary literature and the author's own who are even able to recite their Sanhitd, asserted numerous compositions. In the collection of in addition that their manuscripts, which manifest- works on Dharma or sacred law, two rare comly belong to the saunaka school, contained mentaries on Manu's code by Govindaraja and the Paippalada recension. Others, e. g. & by Narayana deserve to be mentioned. The collarge colony near Siddhapur-Sristhala, who lection of works on astronomy and astrology have become cultivators, knew nothing about contains several very rare books. The most imtheir Veda beyond the name of the school, and portant is a very old and tolerably correct copy of their Guru or spiritual chief admitted that for the Varabamihira's Panchasiddhantikd, dated Samvat domestic sacrifices and rites he employed the ritual 1673 or 1616-17 A. D. The only other known of the white Yajurveda. From these facts I copy of this work, which was discovered by me in conclude that at some period or other the Athar- 1875-76, is so incorrect as to be almost useless. vavedis of Gujarat must have given up the study The new one is very much better. It comes from of their Veda, and that, when later a revival of Cambay. Next follows a complete manuscript of learning took place among them, they had lost the Vriddhagdrgiya Samhitd, which includes also their own books and procured new ones from the the famous Yugapurana, a short prophetic account south, which, of course, belong to the southern of the early history of India. There is further recension of Saunaka. & very old, but somewhat damaged copy of Among the poetical works collected this year, Prithadakasvamin's commentary on the Brahmathere are many books which will be useful for siddhanta, dated Samvat 1595 or 1538 A. D. It students of the kavyas and dramas. But two is the first copy which has been obtained in only deserve special notice, viz., the Jdmavijaya of Gujarat. Finally, I have obtained a good old V&ninatha and the Mokshopdyasdra of Abhi. copy of Bhoja's Karana, the Rajamriganka, which nanda, the Gauda. The author of the former hitherto was represented in the Government poem was a protege of Jam Sattarsal (J&ma collection by a modern apograph only from JesalSatrursalya), who ruled over Nawanagarin Kathia. mir, and a hitherto unknown Sanhitd by the same wad from 1569 to 1608. He gives short notices royal polyhistor. Its title is just as that of his of thirty-two ancestors of his patron and a rather Yogasastra, Rajamarlanda. The manuscript is distorted account of the adventures of the latter. dated Samvat 1655 or 1598 A. D. The poem possesses, however, considerable interest The Jaina manuscripts collected during the past for the history of Gujarat, which, for the period of year are not very numerous. But I am glad to the Musalman ascendancy, is known from Musal- report that I have obtained some good, though man sources only. The Mokshopdyasara is a incomplete, manuscripts of Hemachandra's Sanphilosophical poem, extracted from Valmski's skrit Duyderayakosha, which is the standard Ramayana. Its author is the same poet who authority for the Solanki period of the history wrote the Kddambarikathasdra and the Ramachari- of Gujarat; the same author's hitherto unknown ta, and lived, as I have shown elsewhere, in the Prakrita Dvyderayakosha, of which I have already ninth century of our era. spoken above; and a new historical poem by Ari. The acquisitions under the heads grammar, simha called Sukritakertana, which was composed lexicography and philosophy require no special for Vastupala (A.D. 1220), and gives, besides remarks, though it may be noted that the books an account of his charitable gifts and buildings, a on Vedanta and especially the Vedanta of the complete review of the history of Gujarat, from Vallabh & charis are very numerous. | the Cha potkat as to the Vaghel s. MISCELLANEA. TAMIL AND MAORI. It is curious, as bearing out a somewhat prevalent In New Zealand and its Inhabitants, the Rev. R. notion that the Maori is related to the Dravidian Taylor mentions that the Maori roots ka, ku, ta, languages, to find that the same roots retain the va, and their derivatives convey respectively the same meanings in Tamil. idea of heat,' crookedness,' striking,' carrying. If we take KA as representing 'heat," pungency,'

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] 'light,' we get kay, to burn; kangei, heat; karam, anything hot; kanal, mirage, heat; kama m, love; k&thal, warm attachment; k & yam, a wound (that burns), pungency; k & di, vinegar; kal, seed (which possesses the fire of life), to be pungent; k & du, a desert, a place for burning the dead; kat chi, sight, (we say "a glance full of fire"); kari, blackness (burnt); k & vi, red ochre; kavu, sacrifice; kali, black woman; kalei, young bullock, young man (possessing the fire of youth); karuppu, black; ka sa, to taste bitter; kasattei, astringency; kadu, to throb; katham, anger; kathir, ray of light; kattu, to cry harshly; kanthi, brimstone; kamaru, to be excessively heated; kayar, astringent matter; kari, to be scorched; karukku, to scorch; ka rei, to dissolve; kala, to flame; kani, to grow ripe, tender, melt; kanru, to be burnt by the sun. From KU, signifying anything 'bent,' 'curved,' 'hollow,' 'round,' we get kun i, to stoop; kanu to curve; kudei, umbrella; kudei. basket; kumili, bubble; kundu, bullet; kudam, pot; kula m, tank; kuthi, heel; ku, the earth; kuhei, cave; kudakkiyan, a bent or crooked person; kudantham, rotundity; k udal, bowels; kudambei kudu, bird's nest; kuda, cavity, bay; kudumi, hair tied in a knot; kudum bam, family circle: kunak k u, crookedness; kut hei, bow, loop: kunthu, squat (to bend the legs); kuppei, a heap (of rubbish); kumal, a sickle; kumuru, to emit a hollow sound, bubble; kumbi, the paunch: kurangu, to bend, stoop; kuruppu, pimple; kuva du, roundness, mound; kuvi, become conical; kulal, tube; kuli, hole; kuleichchu, bow, loop; kura du, tongs, pincers; kurandu, to be crooked; kuravu, to shrink, contract; kunru, a hill. MISCELLANEA. From TA, denoting the action of 'striking,' stroking, we find tattu, to top; tadi, a stick; tagar, fragment; tadavu, stroke; tadam, road; tadangal, tadei, hindrance; tandi, chastise; tattu, hop; tappu, a tomtom (what is struck); ta ri, to stop, take (or strike) root; tava lei, frog; talum bu, bruise from a stroke; talir, germinate, strike; tallu, shove; tari, cut off; tarei, to hammer; tak ku, beating; tangu, ward off; tan du, leap; ta vu, to spring upon, attack. From VA, with the idea of carrying,' we get va, to come (carry oneself near); valu to live, flourish (as the French say "se porter," to carry oneself); vare i, a pole for carrying anything; var, to pour; v a y, mouth (for carrying breath); varttai, a word (to carry a single idea); vakkiyam, a sentence (to carry an assemblage 47 of ideas); val, a train or tail; vandi, a carriage; vali, a road, way. A. M. FERGUSON, Jr. Abbotsford Estate, Lindula, Ceylon. MARRIAGE CUSTOMS IN THE RAWAL PINDI DISTRICT. HINDUS. BETROTHAL. (Sakh or Kurmai.) Among Hindus betrothals are of three kinds, viz.: 1.-Punsakh, where no valuable consideration is received whatever. 2.-Duathi, where an inter change of brides takes place between the two families. 3.-Where money is paid for the bride. The last is a custom much reprobated, and does not usually prevail among very high-caste Hindus. The preliminaries having been settled privately between the two families, the parents or guardians of the girl send their purohita with some sugar, one rupee cash, two pice, two tolas of saffron, and a Brahmanical thread (janeo) to the house of the parents or guardians of the boy. On his arrival the friends and relatives of the boy assemble with their purohita. A drum (dhol) is beaten, and it is publicly notified to the members of the assembly that such a person's son has been bctrothed to such a person's daughter. The boy's purohita draws a figure with saffron or sendur of Ganesa in the vessel containing the janeo, &c., and offers up prayers to Ganesa. The girl's purohita invests the boy with the Brahmanical thread, and affixes a tkd of saffron on his forehead. Some batashas (sugardrops) or raisins are distributed to the friends assembled, and the purohitas are dismissed with a present. There is also for the next two days music and singing in the boy's house. In some instances the above ceremonies are not observed. There is a simple announcement, when the girl's purohita is sent, that a betrothal has taken place between the parties, and in cases where there is relationship or confidence between the parties, there is no ceremony of any kind whatever, the parties are content with a private verbal engagement. The betrothal of a widower takes place without any ceremony. MARRIAGE. (Biyah or Shadi.) When a marriage is to be celebrated, two or three months before the event the friends of the bride, with the assistance of the family purohita or priest, fix upon the auspicious day, which is known as the Sahd. It is taken down in writing, and this document, which is called the Parcha shadi, is sent by the hand of the family purohita or barber to the parents of the bridegroom.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. On receiving the notice, they dismiss the bearer When everything is ready, the bridegroom with a present and commence to make preparations is taken into the house of the bride's father, and for the wedding. made to open the door of a room where the bride Fifteen days before the marriage the bride is is seated with her companions. Here he receives secluded, and is only approached by her female another present from the bride's father. The companions who stay near her, and sing bridal | bride's purohita now gives a paper to the bridesongs. This seclusion of the bride is known as groom's purohita, in which are recorded the names Mdiyan. Seven days before the marriage some of the bride's great grandfather, grandfather, and food is distributed, and money given in charity, father, and he measures the bridegroom with a piece which is called Buzurgan ki roti. of raw cotton thread. Presents of ornaments and On the day the marriage is to take place, a new clothes are made to the bridegroom's father. Four earthen vessel (kumbh) containing water, and a posts are erected at the four angles of a square, lamp (chiragl.) are placed before the bride, and over which is stretched a canopy of red cloth. before sunset of that day she is bathed and anoint- Under this canopy the bridegroom seats himself on ed with oil, and her maternal uncle or her father's a basket turned upside down. To the right, and elder brother encircles her right wrist with ivory by the side of it, a similar seat is prepared for the churd or bracelets. bride, who sits on it, but is separated by a The friends of the bride are summoned, and her cloth screen from the bridegroom. The near purohita announces the edhd, and publishes her and relatives and the purohita approach the enclosure. the bridegroom's gotrachar or the names of their The gotrachar or ancestral list is taken by the great grandfathers, grandfathers, and fathers. bride's purohita together with seven vessels of In the interim, while the above ceremonies are sweet meats and placed before the bridegroom. being enacted in the bride's house, others are tak- An earthen vessel of water (kumbh) and a lamp ing place in the bridegroom's. (chirdgh) are also deposited within the enclosure. Four or five days before the marriage, a wool- Figures of Ganesa and other divinities are made len chaplet (galna) is tied round the wrist of the of wheaten flour and placed in the enclosure, and bridegroom. The Navagraha and Ganesa are prayers to Ganesa and the Navagraha are offered worshipped, and food and money are distributed up. The purohita then places the ancestral list, the to Brahmans and others: music and singing com- jando, and a rupee in the boy's lap, and gives mence from this date. a piece of sweetmeat from each of the seven pots A day before the marriage the bridegroom's to the bridegroom to eat. Some practical jokes, clothes, as well as those of his relations, are colour- such as thumping and pinching by the younger ed yellow with kasumbhd, and in the night his female members of the bride's family, are usually hands and feet are stained with henna. On the carried on, and goodnaturedly submitted to by the next day the friends of his family assemble and bridegroom and his younger relatives up to this are fed, and a contribution of money called Tambol stage of the proceedings, but they cease now, and neundra' is levied from them. Presents are made are no longer practised or attempted. to the family purohita, barber, servants, and men. The ceremony of the Kanyaddna now takes place. dicants. The janj or marriage party then start The bride's father places the right hand of the from the house of the bridegroom, who is de- bride in the right hand of the bridegroom, and corated with a head-dress called the mor. On takes some water in the palm of the right hand, approaching the bride's residence, the members and putting it over their clasped hands, gives the of the party dress themselves, and saffron water girl away. The purohita repeating the words of the is sprinkled over their clothes. sankalpa as follows:A little after dusk the bridegroom's party enter On this day, at such an hour, I give my daughter, the village or town, and are met a short distance Bigbhart, whose great grandfather was Sewak off by a deputation of the bride's father and Ram, whose grandfather was Balak Ram, whose friends, who salute them, and the bridegroom re- father is Atmd Ram, to Balmukand, whose great ceives a small present from the bride's father. grandfather was Nanak Chand, whose grandThis is called milni or peshkara. On reaching the father, &c., &c. The father of the bride responds bride's residence, the bridegroom and his friends Soast--Amen! and enquires from the bridegroom havo sherbet served out to them, and the comfort if he will nourish and cherish the woman. His of the guests is attended to. reply is, "God will do so." If the omen is favourable for the performance of Then a corner of the bridegroom's dopat! the ceremony, it takes place that very night. or scarf is tied to a corner of the bride's sheet, and If not, it will take place on the following night. the bridegroom gets up, followed by the bride be Noundra or Neund, a Panjabi word, signifying a marriage contribution.

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MISCELLANEA. FEBRUARY, 1881.] hind him, and in this manner they both perambulate seven times round the vessel of water (kumbh) and the lamp (chirdgh). This is called Lavanphere. The marriage is now deemed complete and irrevocable. The purohitas and others are then dismissed with presents. The contributions of the friends and relations of the bride are then made under the name of Tambol or Neundra as in the house of the bridegroom. The dowry is given, and after a stay of two days, during which time there is feasting, singing, and music, the assembled guests depart. The servants, mendicants, and others receive presents as remuneration or as charity. On the third day the bride is carried home in a dold or litter preceded by music, and followed by the bridegroom on horseback, and his friends. The bridegroom is shaded by a large round red umbrella called a sirgasht, which is usually carried by the lilart, or dyer of his native town or village. It should be noted here that the Lavanphere is essential to marriage, all other rites or ceremonies can, and are, on rare occasions, dispensed with, except the Lavanphere, but when parties are married by the Lavanphere only, the marriage is called Chori-kd-Biyah, or stolen wedding. MARRIAGE OF WIDOWS. Widows are not permitted to marry by law or custom, but among low caste men, such as Sonars, Aroras, Chhimbis and Jats, an observance called Chadar-dalna commonly occurs. There is no particular ceremony: only a white Chadar or sheet is coloured yellow at the four corners with saffron, and the man throws it over the woman's head, and the rite is complete. Jat-Sikhs do this in a Dharamsala, and also prepare halva (karka), which they distribute among the spectators. MUHAMMADANS. BETROTHAL (Nata.) There are three kinds of betrothals among Muhammadans-1. Iwaz Mu'awaza-where an interchange of brides takes place between the two families. 2. Where money is paid for the bride. 3. Among respectable and well-to-do people, where nothing is given or taken. The boy's father goes to the girl's father, and asks for the girl for his son. If the father be agreeable, the boy's father sends ghi, sugar and rice for a feast, and on a day fixed for the occasion, the father of the boy, with some friends, his family barber and musician, proceed to the house of the girl, where the food is prepared and distributed. The barber and musician of the girl's family are also present. The contract of betrothal is ratified by the boy's 49 father calling out-"Oh God-vouchsafe thy mercies, and may all end well!" The girl's family barber brings a brass dish (thal), and places it before the assembly with ghi and sugar in it. The boy's people throw some jewellery, and the boy's father some clothes into the dish, which the barber and the musician carry to the girl's father, who takes as much as he thinks proper, and returns the rest. Some return all. The barber and musician get one or two rupees each out of it. Sherbet is served out to the boy's friends by the barber, or musician. If the boy's father be rich, he gives a present of a gold mohar to the girl's father. If he be poor, a rupee is usually given. This is called a nishani or token. After the betrothal, on some day not later than the eleventh, the females of the boy's family pay a visit with music and singing to the girl's house, and there get sprinkled with haldi water by the relations of the girl, and the parents of the boy receive as presents some clothes and a ring. The girl conceals herself now from the relations of the boy and from the boy himself, and afterwards at the occurrence of every grand festival, or until the marriage takes place clothes are sent for the use of the girl by the boy's father. But sometimes simultaneously with the betrothal there is a rite performed which is as binding as the nikah or marriage, and which indeed is the nikah only that it is not followed by consummation. This ceremony, which is called the shara' jawab, generally takes place when the boy's father does not implicitly rely on a verbal promise, and fears that a breach of contract is likely to take place hereafter. It is not attended with any festivities, and the bride is not taken away from her parent's home. She is allowed to remain with her parents until she is grown up, or until her husband has the means to bring a janj or bardt with music, and after the usual festivities to take her away to his house according to ancient form and custom. MARRIAGE. (Nikah or Shadi.) It should be observed at the outset that among all Muhammadans, except those of the strictest sort, a great many Hinda customs are followed on occasions of the Shadi. For instance, the bridegroom has the gahnd tied round his waist. His clothes and those of his near relatives are coloured yellow with tan and kasumba, and the bridegroom's hands and feet are stained with henna. A feast is given by his parents, and the Neundra is contributed by their friends. The bride is also secluded in Maiyan, and there is much, singing by the women accompanied by the toin-tom of * A Punjabi term.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1881 the Domni or wife of the family musician. But the parties, but if it is not fixed, or omitted, the these are not essential to the validity of a marriage is still valid. Muhammadan marriage. Indeed they are dis- After the ceremony the bridegroom and all his pensed with in families which follow the Shara' or people receive the congratulations of the assemMuhammadan law strictly. blage, and the Qazi, who officiates, gets a fee acThe Nikdh is performed as follows:-The parents cording to the position in life of the parties, but if of the parties settle beforehand a date for the cere- is never less than a rupee. mony. If the date is eight days hence, they put Among Muhammadan Rajputs and other tribes eight knots on a piece of cotton thread which of Hindu origin, a Brahman, before the Nikdh, they circulate by the hand of the family barber performs the HindQ rite of Ldvanphere, but among their friends and relatives. This is called this is now falling rapidly out of use owing to the Gandi. protests and remonstrances of the Mullahs; neverOn the day fixed, the bridegroom's father goes theless even when the Brahman is not summoned, to the bride's father with a janj or bardt. The his fee is invariably sent to him on the occasion of bridegroom riding on horseback with a sirgasht or every marriage. Music and festivities are only red umbrella carried over his head by the lilar signs of marriage. They are in no wise essential or dyer, and on arrival on that same night, if a to it and are often dispensed with. Shara' jawab have not already taken place, the After the Nikah the girl is taken to the brideNikdh is read, but if a Shara' jawdb has already groom's house in a dold accompanied by the wife been performed between the parties at time of of the barber or musician, who gets a present the betrothal, there is no necessity for a second on arrival of the bride at her husband's house. similar ceremony, but as a rule, and particularly if MARRIAGE OP WIDOWS. the girl have arrived at the age of womanhood A widow is free to marry, but it is usual for since her betrothel, a second Nikdh is usually them first to restrict their choice among the recelebrated by the Qazi of the village or Mullah latives of the deceased husband, failing this, a when a janj or barat comes to fetch the bride. widow may marry whomever she likes, though it Indeed it is held by pious Muhammadans to be is not considered decorous for her to marry out of rather a meritorious act than otherwise if the her tribe." ceremony of Nikah btween man and wife be repeated regularly once a week, or on every Friday, and this is not to be wondered at when we consi. THE ORIGIN OF THE GIPSIES. der that according to their creed there are It has been repeated until the remark has benumberless sins of omission and commission which come a sort of truism that the gipsies are a mysare held to be sufficiently grave to weaken, if not terious race, and that nothing is known of their to destroy, the marriage tie altogether. origin. And a few years ago this was true; but The preliminaries having been arranged, and within those years so much has been discovered the provisions and money for the feast having that at present there is really no more mystery been supplied by the bridegroom's father, if the attached to the beginning of these nomads than bride's father be too poor to incur the expenses of is peculiar to many other peoples. What these a feast, food is cooked, and the guests having been discoveries or grounds of belief are we shall profed, and the menials paid, the Nikah is celebrated. ceed to give briefly, our limits not permitting the If tbe bride is not of age, she is not questioned, detailed citation of authorities. First, then, but her father or guardian says that he has, in the there appears to be every reason for believing name of God, given. her to this man. The bride- with Captain Richard Burton that the Jats of groom answers that he is willing to take her. N.-W. India furnished so large a proportion of Shouid the girl be full-grown, still the parents the emigrants or exiles who, from the tenth usually make the contract, but she has the option century, went out of India westward, that there of refusing, when the Nikah is not performed, is very little risk in assuming it as an hypothesis, but If she remain silent the ceremony proceeds. at least, that they formed the Hauptstamm of the If the woman cannot appear in public, her Gipsies of Europe. What other elements entered consent to marriage is taken by her vakil and into these, with whom we are all familiar, will be witnesses. The bridegroom, whose face is covered considered presently. These gipsies came from by the sehra or veil, is made to repeat the Istighfar, India, where caste is established and callings are the four Qruls, the five Kalimas, the Sifat-i-Imdm, hereditary even among out-castes. It is not asand the Du'd-i-Qand'at. suming too much to suppose that, as they evinced The dower is fixed according to the means of a marked aptitude for certain pursuits and an - From The Roman-Urdd Journal, Sept. 1879.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. inveterate attachment to certain habits, their markedly characteristic of certain different kinds ancestors had in these respects resembled them of wanderers, or gipsies, in India. From this we for ages. These pursuits and habits were, that conclude-hypothetically-that the Jat warriors They were tinkers, smiths, and farriers. were supplemented by other tribes; chief among They dealt in horses, and were naturally fami- these may have been the Doms. liar with them. The Dous are a race of gipsies found from They were without religion. Central India to the far Northern frontier, where They were unscrupulous thieves. a portion of their early ancestry appear as the Their women were fortune-tellers, especially by Domar, and are supposed to be pre-Aryan. In The chiromancy. People of India, edited by J. Forbes Watson and J. They ate without scruple animals which had W. Kayo (India Museum, 1868), we are told that died & natural death, being especially fond of the appearance and modes of life of the Doms the pig, which, when it has thus been" butchered indicate a marked difference from those who sur. by God," is still regarded, even by the most pro- round them (in Behar). The Hindus admit their sperous gipsies in England, as a delicacy. claim to antiquity. Their designation in the They flayed animals, carried corpses, and showed Sastras is Sopak, meaning dog-eater. They are such aptness for these and similar detested wanderers, they make baskets and mats, and callings that in several European countries they are inveterate drinkers of spirits, spending all long monopolized them. their earnings on it. They have almost a monoThey made and sold mats, baskets, and small poly as to burning corpses and handling all dead articles of wood. bodies. They eat all animals which have died a They have shown great skill as dancers, musi natural death, and are particularly fond of pork cians, singers, acrobats; and it is a rule almost of this description." Notwithstanding profligate without exception that there is hardly a travel habits, many of them attain the age of eighty or ling company of such performers, or a theatre in ninety; and it is not till sixty or sixty-five that Europe or America, in which there is not at least their hair begins to get white." The Domar are one person with some Romany blood. a mountain race, nomads, shepherds and robbers. Their hair remains black to advanced age, and Travellers speak of them as "gipsies." A speci men which we have of their language would, with they retain it longer than do Europeans or ordi the exception of one word, which is probably an nary Orientals. They speak an Aryan tongue, which agrees in error of the transcriber, be intelligble to any English gipsy, and be called pure Romany. the main with that of the Jats, but which contains Finally, the ordinary Dom calls himself a Dom, words gathered from other Indian sources. his wife a Domni, and the being a Dom, or the Admitting these as the peculiar pursuits of the collective gipsydom, Domnipana. Din Hindurace, the next step should be to consider what are stani is found as r in English gipsy speech-e.g. the principal nomadic tribes of gipsies in India doi, a wooden spoon, is known in Europe as roi. and Persia, and how far their occupations agree Now in common Romany we have, even in with those of the Romany of Europe. That the London :Jats probably supplied the main stock has been Rom ... ... A gipsy admitted. This was a bold race of North Western Romni ... A gipsy wife India which at one time had such power as to Romnipen ... Gipsydom. obtain important victories over the Khalifs. Of this word rom we shall have more to say. It They were broken and dispersed in the eleventh may be observed that there are in the Indian Dom century by Mahmud, many thousands of them certain distinctly marked and degrading features, wandering to the West. They were without characteristic of the European gipsy, which are religion, "of the horse, horsey" and notorious out of keeping with the habits of warriors, and thieves. In this they agree with the European of the daring Aryan race which withstood the gipsy. But they are not habitual eaters of mullo Khalifs. Grabbing in filth as if by instinct, balor, or "dead pork".; they do not devour every- handling corpses, making baskets, eating carrion, thing like dogs. We cannot ascertain that the living for drunkenness, does not agree with any. Jat is specially a musician, a dancer, a mat and thing we can learn of the Jats. Yet the European basket-maker, a rope-dancer, a bear-leader, or a gipsies are all this, and at the same time "horsey" pedlar. We do not know whether they are pecu- like the Jats. Is it not extremely probable that liar in India among the Indians for keeping their during the "out-wandering" the Dom comhair unchanged to old age, as do pureblood Eng. municated his name and habits to his fellow lish gipsies. All of these things are, however, I emigrants P 0r Svapeka, Manu, X, 38.-ED.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1881. The marked musical talent characteristic of the common with intelligent Muhammadans, written Slavonian and other European gipsies appears to his autobiography, embodying in it a vocabulary link them with the Luri of Persia. These are of the Indian gipsy language. This MS. had distinctly gipsies; that is to say, they are wan- unfortunately been burned by his English wife, derers, thieves, fortune-tellers and minstrels. who informed us that she had done so " because The Shah-Nameh of Firdusi tells us that about she was tired of seeing a book lying about the year 420 A.D., Shankal, the Maharaja of India, which she could not understand." With the sent to Behram Gour, & ruler of the Sassanian assistance of an eminent Oriental scholar who dynasty in Persia, ten thousand minstrels, male is perfectly familiar with both Hindustani and and female, called Luri. Though lands were Romany, this man was carefully examined. He allotted to them, with corn and cattle, they became declared that these were the real gipsies of from the beginning irreclaimable vagabonds. Of India, "like English gipsies here." "People in their descendants, as they now exist, Sir Henry India called them Trablus or Syrians, a misapplied Pottinger says : word, derived from a town in Syria, which in turn "They bear a marked affinity to the gipsies of bears the Arabic name for Tripoli. But they Europe. They speak a dialect peculiar to them- were, as he was certain, pure Hinds, and not selves, have a king to each troup, and are notori- Syrian gipsies. They had a peculiar language, ous for kidnapping and pilfering. Their principal and called both this tongue and themselves Rom. pastimes are drinking, dancing, and music. ... In it bread was called Manro." Manro is all over They are invariably attended by half-a-dozen of Europe the gipsy word for bread. In English bears and monkeys that are broke in to perform Romany it is softened into maro or morro. Captain all manner of grotesque tricks. In each company Burton has since informed us that manro is the there are always two or three members who Afghan word for bread; but this our ex-gipsy did profess. ... modes of divining which procure not know. He merely said that he did not know them a ready admission into every society." it in any Indian dialect except that of the Rom, This account, especially with the mention of and that Rom was the general slang of the road, trained bears and monkeys, identifies them with derived, as he supposed, from the Trablus. the Rioinari, or bear-leading gipsies of Syria These are, then, the very gipsies of gipsies in (also called Nuri), Turkey, and Roumania. A party India. They are thieves, fortune-tellers, and of these lately came to England. We have seen vagrants. But whether they have or had any these Syrian Ricinari in Egypt. They are un- connexion with the migration to the West we canquestionably gipsies, and it is probable that many not establish. Their language and their name of them accompanied the early migration of Jats would seem to indicate it; but then it must be and Doms. borne in mind that the word Rom, like Dom, is The Nats or Nats are Indian Wanderers, who, one of wide dissemination, Dam being a Syrian as Dr. J. Forbes Watson declares, in The People gipsy word for the race. And the very great of India, "correspond to the European gipsy majority of even English gipsy words are Hindi, tribes," and were in their origin probably identical with an admixture of Persian, and not belonging with the Luri. They are musicians, dancers, to a slang of any kind. As in India, churi is a conjurors, acrobats, fortune-tellers, blacksmiths, knife, ndl the nose, balia hairs, and so on, with robbers, and dwellers in tents. They eat every others which would be among the first to be furthing except garlic. There are also in India the nished with slang equivalents. And yet these Banjari, who are spoken of by travellers as very gipsies are Rom, and the wife is a Romni, and "gipsies." They are travelling merchants or they use words which are not Hindu in common pedlars. Among all of these wanderers there is a with European gipsies. It is therefore not imcurrent slang of the roads, as in England. This probable that in these Trablus, so called through slang extends even into Persia. Each tribe has popular ignorance, as they are called Tartars in its own, but the general name for it is Rom. Egypt and Germany, we have a portion at least of It has never been pointed out, however, that the real stock. It is to be desired that some there is in Northern and Central India a distinct resident in India would investigate the Trablus. tribe, which is regarded, even by the Nats and | Next to the word Rone itself, the most interesting Doms and Jets themselves, as peculiarly and in Romany is Zingan, or Tchenkan, which is used distinctly gipay. We have met in London with a in twenty or thirty different forms by the people poor Muhammadan Hindd of Calcutta. This man of every country except England, to indicate the had in his youth lived with these wanderers, and gipsy. An incredible amount of far-fetched erabeen, in fact, one of them. He had also, as is dition has been wasted in pursuing this philologi Travels in Beloochistan and Scinde, p. 153.

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FEBRUARY, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. cal ignis-fatuus. That there are leather-working and saddle-working gipsies in Persia who call themselves Zing an is a fair basis for an origin of the word; but then there are Tchangar gipsies of Jat affinity in the Punjab. Wonderful it is that in this war of words no philologist has paid any attention to what the gipsies themselves say about it. What they do say is sufficiently interesting, es it is told in the form of a legend which is intrinsically curious and probably ancient. It is given as follows in The People of Turkey, by a Consul's Daughter and Wife, edited by Mr. Stanley Lane Poole, London, 1878: "Although the gipsies are not persecuted in Turkey, the antipathy and disdain felt for them evinces itself in many ways, and appears to be founded upon a strange legend current in the country. This legend says that when the gipsy nation were driven out of their country and arrived at Mekran, they constructed a wonderful machine to which a wheel was attached." From the context of this imperfectly-told story, it would appear as if the gipsies could not travel further until this wheel should revolve: "Nobody appeared to be able to turn it, till in the midst of their vain efforts some evil spirit presented himself under the disguise of a sage, and informed the chief, whose name was Chen, that the wheel would be made to turn only when he had married his sister Guin. The chief accepted the advice, the wheel turned round, and the name of the tribe after this incident became that of the combined names of the brother and sister, Chenguin, the appellation of all the gipsies of Turkey at the present day." The legend goes on to state that, in consequence of this unnatural marriage, the gipsies were cursed and condemned bya Muhammadan saint to wander for ever on the face of the earth. The real meaning of the myth-for myth it is-is very apparent. Chen is a Romany word, generally pronounced Chone, meaning the moon, while Guin is almost universally rendered Gan or Kan. Kan is given by George Borrow as meaning sun, and we have ourselves heard English gipsies call it kan, although kam is usually assumed to be right, Chen-kan means, therefore, moon-sun. And it may be remarked in this connexion that the Roumanian gipsies have a wild legend stating that the sun was a youth who, having fallen in love with his own sister, was condemned as the sun to wander for ever in pursuit of her turned into the moon. A similar legend exists in Greenland and On the early costume of the Gipsies' see The Academy, Aug. 15, 1876, p 356. See also Burton's Sindh, pp. 246f, and Academy, Mar. 27, 1875, p. 324; Goeje's Contrib. Hist. Gip. and Acad. Feb. 27, 1875, p. 216; Bataillard 53 the island of Borneo, and it was known to the old Irish. It was very natural that the gipsies, observ. ing that the sun and moon were always apparently wandering, should have identified their own nomadic life with that of these luminaries. It may be objected by those to whom the term "solar myth" is as a red rag, that this story, to prove anything, must first be proved itself. This will probably not be far to seek. If it can be found among any of the wanderers in India, it may well be accepted, until something better turns up, as the possible origin of the greatly disputed Zingan. It is quite as plausible as Dr. Miklosich's derivation from the Acingani-'Arariyavo-"an unclean heretical Christian sect, who dwelt in Phrygia and Lycaonia from the seventh till the eleventh century." The mention of Mekran indicates clearly that the moon-sun story came from India before the Romany could have obtained any Greek name. And, if the Romany call themselves Jengan, or Chenkan, or Zin-gan, in the East, it is extremely unlikely that they ever received such a name from the Gorgios in Europe."-Saturday Review, Dec. 13, 1879. "At Padampur in Orissa when passing through the village of Labanatand, a sort of standing camp of the Labanos or Brinjaras, I was at once struck by the peculiar costumes and brilliant clothing of these Indian gipsies. They immediatoly recalled to my memory the appearance of the Zingari of the Lower Danube and Wallachia, In two minutes I was surrounded by all the women of the place who commenced to chaunt and escort me across the fields. In the evening two parties of them came to the camp, and sang for an hour or so in the peculiarly melancholy minor key which characterises all the music of these people. I was informed by a Russian Prince who travelled in India in 1874, that one of his companions, a Hungarian nobleman, found himself able to converse with the Brinjaras of Central India in consequence of his knowledge of the Zingara language."Jungle Life in India, by V. Ball, Esq., M.A., of the Geological Survey of India, p. 516. THE NEWLY-ARRANGED INDIA MUSEUM, SOUTH KENSINGTON. Visitors who may pass directly from the Architectural court to the upper gallery will find the first part of it devoted to Indian art furniture and household decorations, such as inlays, carvings, lacquered work, and paintings. In the case of in The Acad. June 5, 1875, p. 588. See also Acad. July 25, 1874, p. 100; Mar. 1, 1879, p. 188; Simson's History of the Gypsies (Lond. 1865); Trans. Bomb. Lit. Soc. vol. I, p. 53 -ED.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. hideous Bombay and Madras blackwood furniture, a little lacquered native table from Kashmir must not be overlooked. The construction of the legs and the whole decoration of the lower framework are Chinese. The forms of Chinese construction and art are very common in Eastern Hindustan, but it is startling to find them unmistakably naturalized so far to the westward. This is just one of the surprises, however, for which one must always be prepared in an Indian museum. India is always supposed to have remained comparatively isolated from the rest of the world; but the truth is that no country has been more overrun by the people of other countries, or more exposed to the influences of foreign invasions, conquests, commerce, arts, and probably religions. Among the Kashmir graven parcel-gilt silver-plate will be seen a strange-looking vessel lent by Mr. H. T. Jenkins. It resembles the Indian water-carrier's massak, formed by sewing up the hide of an ox, and leaving its four feet (as prescribed by the code of Manu, B.C. 900-300) intact; and the first thought at seeing it is that it has been designed from a massak. But the classical uter-vini was of the same shape, only made of a goatskin. In the classical askos, modelled from the uter-vini, the handle ends in a pair of couching goats. The handle in this Kashmir vessel ends in a pair of tigers, clearly proving that its designer had no idea of modelling from a massack, or he would have put two oxen at the end of the handle; and that he was really copying from a Greek or Roman askos, or a modern copy of one, simply substituting tigers for goats, as more familiar decorative forms in his art. In the pottery room, among the Madura glazed pots, is a curious-looking object. It is formed of a series of vases united together round a central vase. It is identical with the Greek sepulchral vase known as the kernos. [FEBRUARY, 1881. the shrine of the temple is only empty space. It is enclosed by a superb structure of sandalwood, profusely decorated with gold and silver plates. A thick curtain screens the interior from all human sight, save that of the high priest, who is permitted to enter it but once in every year. When Wolf, the missionary, first came to Bombay, and was taken to witness the service at one of the Hindu temples there, he fell into a fit of passionate weeping at seeing, as he expressed it, the ritual of the Levites desecrated to the service of idols. It is, in short, vain to seek for the origin of the forms of art. Forms pass to and fro, and what alone remains with a people is the expression of their art. . . . There is an obvious correlation between the mind and hand, and the more carefully the natural freshness of the mind is preserved, the stronger will be the impress of the individuality of any people on their art and the greater its vitality and assimilative power; and it is for the very reason. that so much of their work is done instinctively by, as it were, the unconscious celebration of the hand, that the workmanship of the Hindus, from whencesoever they may borrow its designs, generally bears the indelible expression which distinguishes Indian art. Beyond the furniture and pottery are the arms, above which hang the banners of the Hindu guardian deities of the eight quarters of the globe -viz., of Indra, guardian of the east, Agni of the south-east, Yama of the south, Sarya of the southwest, Varuna of the west, Vayu of the north-west, Kuvera of the north, and Soma of the north-east. Nothing could be more simple, practical and picturesque than the arrangement of the arms, or more superb than the armourer's and jeweller's art shown in many of them, particularly in the many splendid specimens so graciously lent by the Queen. Real grandeur of effect has been attained in this room, and one feels it to be worthy of the Louvre itself. . . . Mr. Fergusson has said that if the description given by Josephus of the Temple of Jerusalem, as rebuilt by Herod, be read with the plan of a Hindu temple, such as that of Tinnevelly, it is impossible to escape the conviction that their coincidences are wholly accidental. But the really astounding fact is the obvious resemblance which the sanctuaries of some of these southern Indian temples bear to the Holy of Holies of the Temple of Jerusa lem. In the great Temple of Chidambaram, the object of worship is vacuum (sunydlaya) itself, by which term the Hindus are in the habit also of designating the object of Muhammadan worship. There are numerous images of the gods and goddesses to be found in the subsidiary shrines; but The catalogue of the old India Museum collection of arms, which has been prepared by the Hon. Wilbraham Egerton, M.P., and published by the India Office,' will prove a most interesting and invaluable guide to this section of the Museum. In the jewelry room beyond, the eye scarcely knows where to look, there are so many objects of engrossing attraction. In the centre cases are the specimens of jade, many of them unique examples of the best period of Mogul art in India. The collection was bought from the late Colonel S. Guthrie for about PS6,000. There can be no manner of doubt that its intrinsic worth is not less than PS70,000. The large bowl 1 See vol. IX, p. 230.,

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FEBRUARY, 1881.) ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 55 with a cover has a very interesting history. It was purchased about 30 years ago by Colonel Guthrie without the cover, which had disappeared for generations. Some years ago it turned up at a sale in London, and was purchased by Mr. Arthur Wells, of Nottingham, who possesses the finest collection of Indian agates in existence; and he, on hearing of the transfer of the India Museum, at once offered the cover to the Science and Art Department for the price he gave for it, about PS30. It takes a year or two years to bore a single bole, or cut the smallest portion of ornament in jade, and this bowl, with its cover, occupied three generations of one family of artists in the employment of the Moghul Emperors in its manufacture, and must have cost the Emperors Jahangir, Shah Jaban, and Aurangzib, between them, not less than PS6,000. It would at this moment fetch probably double that price in China or Japan. The weight, dimensions, and photographs of all the older pieces of the Moghul period of this col. lection of jade should be carefully taken and recorded. The whole gallery beyond, which bringe us to the end of the Museum, is allotted to brass, copper, and other metalwork.-The Times, May 15, 1880. means'a hole': the dead child has left one, and the newborn one has filled it up. 2. Pentyd (mas.), Pentama (fem.) - from ponta dung-the same ceremony as at page 229. 3. Sanisi (mas.), SanisiamA (fem.) In the ceremony of bathing the child, ashes are brought from an ash heap, and sprinkled on the infant. 4. Valaki (mas.), Vulakikuna (fem.): the meaning of this word is 'nothing.' In a family where all the children have died after birth, and another is born, there is a great commotion in the house; the neighbours ask what is the matter, and they are answered 'Oh! it is nothing (vulaka), only another child born.' 3. Konia (mas.), Konema (fem.): should his predecessors have died shortly after birth, when the following ceremony is performed :-A hole (koni) is dug under the framework of the entrance door of the house where the birth has taken place; through this hole the newborn child is passed from the outside into the house, and the name is pronounced. The mother never changes her name. These ceremonies are not customary among the Muhammadans now, but they say it is done south; they do not consider them orthodox, and do not intermarry with them. After naming the child the right side of the nostril and by some the right ear also is pierced, and a gold wire with a round knob at the end inserted. This is customary with all, but the money to make the gold ornament must be begged for by rich and poor, as it is contrary to custom for the parents to make it from their own means. There are many more names, mostly near the coast, but these I have not as yet been able to ascertain. Among the Koyas a similar custom prevails, but the only two names used are Konia and Pul.. I cannot ascertain from inquiry what is the origin of this custom; can any of your readers P T. VANSTAVEKEN. Dumaguden, 24th September 1880.. NOTES AND QUERIES. 1. PROPER NAMES.-In the Indian Antiquary vol. IX, page 229, a custom of giving certain names to children is referred to, which also prevails north of Madras among all castes of the Telugu-speaking people, with the exception of the Brahman and Razu castes. The following names are given to children that are born after the death of their predecessors : 1. Palya (mas.), Pullam (fem.)-from pulli akalu, leaves' from which, used as plates, a meal has been eaten. These are thrown out on a heap, and when the infant is born, two or three are brought, and it is placed on them. Another explanation is this: the word pulli ASIATIC SOCIETIES. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.-At the meeting of the Society, 15th November 1880, Prof. Monier Williams, C.I.E., read a paper "On Indian Theis. tic Reformers," in which, after pointing out that Monotheism is not of recent growth in India, he traced the development of the modern form of Theism there from Rammohan Roy,who formulated a system which may be described as Unitarianism based on Brahmanism, through his successor, Debendranath, who improved on Rammohan Roy's work by founding the Adi-Brahma Samaj, to Keshab Chandra Sen, who threw off altogether both Brahmanism and caste, and founded his new progressive Brahma Samaj in 1866. In his present eclectio form of theism, drawn from Hinduism, Muhammadanism, and Christianity, he teaches a worship of God under the character of a Supreme Mother.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. BOOK NOTICES. GEOGRAPHY of INDIA, comprising a descriptive outline of all India, and a detailed geographical, commercial, social and political account of each of its provinces, with historical notes. By Geo. Duncan. (10th ed. 18mo. pp. 182. Madras: Higginbotham & Co. 1830.) This little book is intended for the use of schools, and is very neatly got up by the publishers, and illustrated with 17 woodcuts, of which the one on p. 155 given as " View, Jaipur," is not a view of Jaipur, though it may stand for some other place in that part of India. Considerable attention seems to have been devoted to the insertion of the transliterated vernacular spellings of names, but not always successfully, as in cases like 'Krishna' for Krishna, 'Bhima' for Bhima, and like Marathi Chandarnagar,' ' Amraoti,' 'Daulagiri,' Mhau,'' Bhroch,' 'Bilgaon,' 'Pandhapur,' Jalandhar,' &c. Nor is the information always correct: Girnar is more than 2,500 feet high; Nasik was not anciently called Panchavati, but the suburb opposite is Panchavati still; nor is Chopra one of the two largest towns in Khandesh. A similar little book is published by T. Nelson and Sons, London. REPORT ON THE AMARAVATI TOPE, and Excavations on its site, 1877. By ROBERT SEWELL, M.C.S. Printed by order of the Secretary of State for India in Council. London: 1880. Mr. Sewell's official report on his excavations at the Amaravati Tope in April-May 1877 has been published in Her Majesty's Printers' best style of type and super-royal 4to toned paper. Besides the report of his own operations and a full description of every stone he excavated, with speculations on the subjects of the various sculptures, occupying pages 31-55, the author has collected into this report long extracts (pp. 10-30) from the accounts, published and unpublished, of Col. C. Mackenzie, with descriptions of his excavations and those of Sir W. Elliot, &c.; a detailed description of the twenty-two Amaravati marbles in the Library at Bejwada; and a facsimile, with transliteration and translation by Prof. Eggeling, of a fragment of a large inscription now in the British Museum. Mr. Sewell's account of each of the 89 marbles obtained by him at Amaravati, and of the 22 previously lodged at Bejwada, seems to be drawn up with great care: and it was most desirable they should be described by their finder as soon after they were unearthed as possible; but, since it was found impracticable to illustrate these descriptions so as to make them intelligible to those not otherwise familiar with them; and, moreover, since the whole mound has more recently been dug up by orders of the Duke of Buckingham, and photographs taken, both of the marbles first ex [FEBRUARY, 1881. cavated by Mr. Sewell and of the others found since, it seems unnecessary to have combined with this report so much extraneous matter that would more appropriately have formed part of a complete account of both his own and the more recent excavations, with the illustrations necessary to make the descriptions practically useful. Since the publication of Mr. Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, the Amaravati Tope has become familiar to all interested in Indian anti quities. Col. Mackenzie, in 1816-17, had careful drawings made of 97 separate marble slabs, pillars, &c., and about 18 of the stones are now in England, while 7 others were sent to Calcutta, and some are at Madras and Masulipatam, but probably 60 or 70 of them were left on the spot and broken up or burnt into lime by the villagers. Sir Walter Elliot in 1845 excavated a second large series of slabs, now partly at Madras but the larger portion at the British Museum. Those in the Madras Museum were photographed by Col. Tripe, and those in England are produced in the second portion of Tree and Serpent Worship. The Duke of Buckingham has now dug out all that was left, and, as Mr. Fergusson's work is all but out of print, the new materials will naturally be available for a third edition of it, which we hope will be undertaken soon. Meanwhile the results of the later excavations will be anxiously waited for. Nothing can be more praiseworthy than the effort made by Mr. Sewell to render an accurate account of the exact position in which he found each stone. His descriptions of the sculptures too are well written, though, like some other writers of strong imaginativeness, he is somewhat too fond of tracing resemblances and finding the origin of things where soberer workers would strongly deny any connection: thus he is not satisfied with an indigenous or even a GraecoBaktrian origin for the roll-ornament of leaves and flowers so frequent on architraves and friezes, but must trace it to the serpent symbols on the sarcophagus of Oimenepthah I of Egypt. The fragment of an inscription given, with transliteration and translation by Prof. Eggeling, contains no historical information: it is the same as was given in the Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. VI. pp. 219ff and plate xi. Besides this plate, there are other two to illustrate his excavations; and one-a "Sketch" of Dipaldinne by Col. Mackenzie, made in 1816. Why this latter should have been selected, which is manifestly a mere eye-sketch, incorrect in details as well as in scale, in preference to the surveyed plan published by Fergusson (plate xlvii) is by no means clear, and is apt to mislead.

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MARCH, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from Vol. IX, p. 296.) No. LXXXI. It is unnecessary to repeat my transcription TADAMI, the ancient Vat&pior Vat & pi, and translation here. It is a Chalky a or is the chief town of the Taluka of the Chaluky a inscription of Mangalisvara, same name in the Kaladgi District, and is and is dated Saka 500 (A. D. 578-9), in the situated about four miles from the left bank of twelfth year of his reign; and it records the conthe Malapaharf or Malaprabha river, in Lat. struction, or rather the completion, of the Cave 15deg 55' N. and Long. 75deg 45' E. I have ex. as a temple of the god Vishnu, the installation of plained the origin of its name at Vol. VIII, an image of Vishnu in it, and the grant of the p. 238. village of Lanjisvara. This inscription; In addition to possessing many architec- therefore, fixes Saka 489 as the commencement tural remains, which have been described by of the reign of Mangalisvara. It is also of Mr. Burgess in the First Archeological Report, pp. extreme interest as determining, with a precision 15 et seqq., Badami is fairly rich in inscriptions. not previously attained, the starting point of the I have already published three of them in this Saka era. This era has been supposed to date Series ;--the fragments of a Pallava and of from the birth of Salivahana, & mythological Western Chalukya inscription, No. LXXIII, prince of the Dekkan, who opposed Vikramaat Vol. IX, p. 99, and a Western Chalukya tablet ditya, the Rajd of Ujjayini." It is here said of Jagadokamalla II, dated Saka 1061 (A. D. distinctly to date " from the anointment, or 1139-40), No. XXXIII, at Vol. VI, p. 139. Il coronation, of the Saka king." now give all the remaining inscriptions that are In the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XIV, at present known to exist at this place, with p. 23, among some remarks on the dates of the lithograph facsimiles of the most interesting of early Chalukyas, Professor Bhandarkar has inthem. terpreted the date of this inscription to be the After the Pallava fragment mentioned above, twelfth year of the reign, not of Mangalisvara, the earliest, of known date, is the Sanskrit but of his elder brother Kirttivarma I. I cannot inscription of the Chalukya king Mangalaraja, agree with him in this. His chief object seems Mangalisa, or Mangalisvara, on a pilaster in the to be to explain the date, "the twentieth year verandah of the Vaishnava Cave No. III. Dr. of the angmenting reign of victory, and the year Eggeling's version of this inscription has been five-hundred and thirty-two of the Saka era," given at Vol. III, p. 305, and in the First Archaeol. -of the grant published by Mr. K. T. Telang Report, p. 23; and my own version of it, at Vol. at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. X, p. 348, to VI, p. 363, and in the Second Archaeol. Report, be the twentieth year of the reign of Mangalisp. 237, with some corrections notified in the vara ; in which case, of course, it would follow Third Archeol. Report, p. 119. that Saka 500 cannot have been the twelfth year The original facsimile, published with Dr. of his reign, and that Kirttivarma I. must have Eggeling's paper in this Journal and as Plate died, and Mangalisvara succeeded him, not in XXXII. of the First Archeol. Report, did not Saka 489, but in Saka 513. My own opinion altogether do justice to the original. Accordingly as to Mr. K. T. Telang's grant is that it a fresh lithograph,' from the original estampage is a Chalukya grant, and is of the reign of made by Mr. Burgess, has been prepared under Mangalisvara; but that the "twentieth year of my personal superintendence, and is published the augmenting reign of victory' refers, not to herewith. The original covers a space of 3' 7" the reign of Mangalisvara, but to the governorhigh by 2 l broad. ship of the local viceroy and grantor, and is * No. 44 of Pau, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions. * No. 39 of P., S., and 0-0. Inscriptions. ? Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 154, in Thomss' edition of Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. RAvattavipavasthita..... vishayamandala- chotushlayadhipati. Mr. K. T. Teang reads his name as Satyfaraya-Dhruvarkja-Indravarma. He was inclined at tirst to read 'yuvardja, instead of dhruvaraja; but, as pointed out by him, the letter, as engraved, is certainly not yu, and a further difficulty is raised by the epithet adimahabappuravansakulatilaka, for, if Indravarma was e Chalukya Yuvardja, he could have been only of the Chalukya lineage. I cannot explain bappara, any more

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1881. calculated from the date of the conquest of Reratidvipa by Mangalisvara,' and not from the commencement of his reign. Professor Bhandarkar's line of argument is, - 1st, as an additional reason for holding that Kirttivarma I. must have died in Saka 513 and not in Saka 489, that "since Pulikasi II, bis Ron, had two younger brothers, he must have been, when his father died, at least five years old, so that when Hiwen Thsang saw him, in about A. D. 639 (Saka 560-1), he must" (if Kirttivarma, died in Saka 489] " have been at least seventy-eight years old ; and a man verging on eighty can hardly be a man of vigour, as Palikohi was when the Chinese pilgrim saw him."And, with special regard to the interpretation of the date of the inscription under discussion, 2, that "the grantor of land is not necessarily in every case the reigning sovereign."-3, that "there is nothing in the inscription to show that Mangalisvara was reigning at the time." -4, that "on the contrary, from the manner in which he resigns all the religions merit, arising from the act, in favour of his elder brother Kirttivarma, it appears pretty clear that he was not, but that he was probably his. brother's general or lieutenant, and thus characterises his act as a piece of obedient service." I have to reply,--1, There are certainly some difficulties, still to be explained, in respect of the ages of the early Chalukyas ; especially if we accept as genuine the date of Saka 411 which is attributed to Pulikasi I. But, as to this, I have said all that I have to say at present at Vol. VII, p. 210; except that, in Hiwen Thsang's account of Palikasi II, as given by Mr. Burgess at Vol. VII, p. 290, I can find not.ing to indicate that he was a man of any remarkable physical vigour when Hiwen Thsang saw him, and no. thing opposed to the supposition that he was then of extreme old age.-2, It is certainly true that the grantor of land, when he happens to belong to the royal family at all, is not in every case the reigning sovereign. But the inscriptions always make this point clear one way or the other; and the present inscription certainly does so. The instances selected by Prof. Bhandarkar in illustration of his remark on this point are not altogether happy ones. For, Nagavardhana of the Nirpan plates did not belong to the direct line of the Western Chalukyas of Vatapi, and there is nothing in the wording of his grant to indicate that he was subordinate to them, and, on the contrary, it reads as if he had independent power of his own, though perhaps in an outlying part of dominions which were nominally theirs. And, taking the Nerur' and Kochre plates of Vijayabhattarika both together, there can be no doubt that she did reign after her husband Chandraditya's death, - probably as regent during the childhood of a son whose subsequent death led to the accession of Vikramaditya I. -3, So far from there being nothing in the present inscription to indicate that Mangaliavars W48 reigning at the time, it reads specifically as if he was the reigning sovereign. The Haidardbad grant of Palikesi II is dated atmanah pravarddhamana-rajyabhisheka-samvatsare tritiye in the third year of our own augmenting installation in the sovereignty'; and the Nerar grant of Vijayabhattarika is dated svardjya-panchama-88ax(sain)vatsare, 'in the fifth year of her own reign.' But, in all the other published dated grants of the Western Chalukyas of Vatapi, the expression recording the year of the reign is, though it may differ slightly in the choice of words, exactly analogous to the pravarddhamana-rdjya-saxvoa(va)tsare dvddase of the pregent inscription, aud neither itman nor sva is used. On the analogy of all those inscriptions, as well as by the ordinary rules of construction, -as there is nothing in the text to distinctly refer the twelfth year to the reign of any one else, it can only be referred to the reign of Mangalisvara.-4, In the present inscription Mangalisvara describes himself as being possessed of a desire to obey his elder brother Kirttivarma I, and praye on this ground for a reward than Mr. K. T. Telang can, except that it is just possible that it representa bapparu, i. e. Bappa + ar14, the village of Bappa,' and that Bappa, Bappamah Arija or Bappabhattaraka, Was some king or pontiff of very early times, whoan authority was recognised universally in hisown day and was afterwards preserved in the tradition of several distinct regal races, e.g., the Pulluvas (Vol. V, p. 53; and Vol. VIII, p. 169), the Valabht kings (Vol. VI, p. 16, and see also p. 9; and Vol. VII, p. 80); and the kings of Nepala (Vol. IX, p. 167, and 170 to 176). If this difficulty could be cleared away, I should think it not at all impossible that dhruua. raja, or rather ddhruvaraja, is & mistake by the engraver for yuvardja, and that in daty dyraya-Indravarmi we have the name of the son of Mangalisvara who is mentioned, but is not named, in 1: 7 of the Aihole Meguti inscription (Vol. VIII, p. 941). See the Aihole Megati inscription, 1. 6; and the Miraj plates (Vol. VII, p. 18). o Vol. IX, p. 193. Vol. VII, p. 168. Yol. VIII, p. 44. * Vol. VI, p. 72

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ON A PILASTER IN THE VERANDAH OF THE VAISHNAVA CAVE No. III., AT BADAMI. 38bulaanaakhuun 05, mrraasv # hljhnn)-12 0 crc hspeeree 8 bee s'k (3U ddaislrbnNbrkh03-2 raah |Pa5gg32632gg) buujhhbt66)SS tnnJ8Hhunn t@gh khttn loo k noo-dhaapnaadhaapdg 1 853 nuuN hNt nruulaaspuljhn uh 3 won daa maum dee p vaalii hai / y, 3 33 y: : ddaa . 234bhukhnaathkh kaahn n: raannhr roo roo " | d43 30 auddaa: : ion Ai m ok sz . sm, lo o a ", Mod, toto leones.

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ON THE ROCK NEAR THE VAISHNAVA CAVE No. III, AT BADAMI. 2ie538889-9312 94.33khounyedgaga 2 35 xxdx 4 329 88: 4 ROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. BUNDES..

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MARCH, 1881.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 59 in respect of his actions. The reward desired is, of course, a religious reward. Where a grant is made otherwise than of the original motion of the person who actually makes it, it is always said to be made, either vijnapanayam or bin- napadiin," at the request' of such and such a one, where that person is inferior in authority to the person who makes the grant, or anujnaya," niyamadini,besadini," at the order,' or nir upadinh, by the appointment,' of such and such a one, when that person is superior in authority to the person who makes the grant. None of these expressions is used here, nor any other to indicate in any way that Mangalisvara had to obtain the permission of Kirttivarma before making the grant; and the text is simply Sri-Mangalisvard ... maha-Vishnu-grihan ... kritva ... Lahjitvaran=nama gramam ... dattavan, Sri-Mangalisvara, having made an abode of the great (god) Vishnu, granted the village of Lanjisvara.' Bearing this in mind, and also the fact that the Cave-templo must have taken many years to complete,--and comparing with the expression of this grant the less emphatic but more usual expressions of matapitror=atmanah puny=dvaptaye, 'in order that (Our) parents may acquire Our own religious merit,' made use of by Pulikasi II" at a time when his parents were certainly dead, and matapitror=atmanas=cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye, 'in order to increase the religious merit and the fame of (Our) parents and of Ourself,' made use of by Vijayaraja," it is plain that, in allotting to Kirttivarmi all the religious merit of the completion of the Cave, the setting up of the image, and the grant of the village, and in reserving for himself only the religious reward due on account of obedience to Kirttivarma, Mangaliovara is claiming his reward for carrying out a project which was originated, and perhaps commenced, by Kirttivarma, but which Kirttivarma did not live to complete in person. No. LXXXII. On the rock, to the west of the cave, there are several short inscriptions, such as SriVimala, Sri-Rupasekharah, Sri-Gunapalan, and Sri-Kottalan. And on the rock to the west of the neighbouring Jain Cave, No. IV, there are some similar inscriptions, such as Sri-Vidhi(?): mman, Sri Ru(?)dra()svami, Sri Dhana(1) deva, and Sri Prasa(pa)nnabuddhi. They appear to be the names of visitors to the caves, and are in characters the age of which may vary from that of the large inscription, No. LXXXI, in Cave III, up to the end of the seventh century A. D. But the only historical inscription among them is the following undated Old-Canarese inscription" of Mangalisvara, here called Mangalisa, in four lines of irregular length, on the rock a little to the west of the west end of the verandah of Cave III. The writing covers a space of l' i} high, by 2' 2 long in line 1 and 3 6%" long in line 4. The date of this inscription must be somewhat later than that of the large inscription inside the Cave. For it records a grant to the stone-house of the glorious Mangalisa, i.e. to the Cave-temple,' the completion of which is recorded in the inscription inside the Cave. It is not stated what is granted; but it would seem to be flowers, to make garlands for the god. Lanjigesara' is the Canarese corruption of a name of Vishnu, as a shrine for whom the Cave was made, and to whom, as we are told in 1. 13 of the inscription inside the Cave, the village of Lanjisvara was allotted. Lanjisvara' and Lanjigesara' are one and the same name, and the village is named after the god. Lanja' is a name of Lakshmi, and lunjika must be a second form of lanja in this sense, as it is of lanja in the sense of an adulteress, & harlot'; hence we get Lanjisvara,' which, however, should be Lanjes. vara, and Lanjigesara,' for Laojikesvara, as names of Vishnu. 10 e. g. Vol. VI, p. 82, 1. 11, and p. 80, 1. 27; and Vol. VII, p. 302, 1. 26, and p 804, 1. 25. Also No. 16 of P., S., and 0..C., Inscriptions, 1. 21. Also compare vijfiaptih chakitan nindya, Vol. IV, p. 830, 1. 14, and tidvijna panassi(sri)tena Brf-Krishnabhapana, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII, p. 44, 1. 49. 11. q., Vol. VI, p. 141, 1 28. Also compare binnapangeydu, Vol. IV, p. 209, 1. 28. 11. g., Vol. VII, p. 304, 1. 24. 15 e. g. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX, p. 294, 1.5, and Vol. x, p. 268, 1. 66. 1. e. g., Vol. II, p. 142, plate, 1. 18. 15 e. g., Vol. V, p. 20, 1. 13; and 1. 6 of No. LXXXVII, p. 63 below. 10 Not contrasting, as Prof. Bhandarkar would. 19 Vol. VI, p. 73, 1. 13. Perhaps we ought to correct the text and read matapitroradimanasacha puny-dudptry, 'in order to the acquisition of religious merit by (our) parents and by Oureelf. 16 Vol. VII, p. 243, 1.11. 20 No. 40 of P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions; and First Archool. Report, Pl. Ini, No. 18, and Pl. IIIV, Nos. 14 and 15. 30 No. 41 of P., 8., and 0-0., Inscriptions. 11 No. 40 of P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881 Transcription. [*] Svasti Srimat pri(pri)thivivallabha Manga(li)sa(sa)na ['] kal-manege ittodu Lam"jigesaram-devarke puni-iruva [") mala(la) karargge arddha-visadi ittodan=alivon po pancha-mahapatakan-akun"(kkur) elaneya narakada pala aku(kku)m [ll] Translation. Prakrit inscription. It consists altogether of Hail! May be incur the guilt of the five great fifteen full lines of writing, with the letters sins and be buried" in the seventh hell," who hita in line 16, just below the last four letters injures the gift that has been made at the rate of line 15; and the whole inscription covers & of half a visa" to the garlandmakers who work" space of 20}" broad in lines 1 to 5, l'11f' broad for the god Lazjigesara, which is the gift to the in lines 6 to 15, and 2' 17 broad in line 16, by stone house of the glorious Mangaliba, the 2 89' high. But the inscription has been so favourite of the world! much damaged and abraded that hardly any of it can be read except the first ten lines; and No. LXXXIII. no lithograph can be prepared even of them. Inside the town there is an old temple, which This portion of the inscription is in Sanskrit. has been converted into a dwelling-house, and In the Prakrit portion, the only words deciis now called the 'Kallamatha,' or 'religious pherable are sunka, 1. 10; Badavi, I. 15; and college built of stone.' hita, 1. 16. The characters are those of the On the front face of a pillar on the left side usual Western Chalukya alphabet of the period. as one enters the door of the house, inside the bat, owing in a great measure to the substance verandah, there is a short devotional inscription of the stone, they are very indifferently formed. of four lines, of no importance either historical The inscription is of the time of Vijayaor linguistic; and there is another, of two lines, ditya, and is dated Saka 621 (A. D. on the front pillar in the verandah on the same 699-700), the third year of his reign. It side. records the installation of the gods Brahmi and And on the front face of the corresponding Vishnu and Mabosvars, at the capital of V Apillar on the right side of the same door, there tapi. The illegible Prakrit portion probably is the following Western Chalukya Sanskrit and recorded some grant. Transcription. ('] Svasti Chatarddasa-vidy-palasit-aneka-sahasra-dvija [") var-Opasobhith Satyasraya-prabhritinai mahara[] japam=ati-bahu-manye Vata py-adhishthang Vijayadit[y]a-Satyakraya-sri-prithivivallabha-mahaC) raj-adhiraja-paramavara-paramabhattarakasya prave[] rdha(rddha)mana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsaro tritiye ['] rttamane eka-vims-ottara-shat-chhatesha Saka-varsheshv=ati['] teshu Jy@lyai)shthyah paurppamasyAm Brahma(hma).Vishna-Mahdavara-sth&[') panam vijayavatyam rajadhanya rin kritam [ll] Atah para Pri[deg] krita-bhashaya padyanym@tani dattani (1deg) Sunka" .... 11".. . Va and " The Amusodra in each place is distinct in the original but has not appeared in some copies of the lithok'tary. Pulu may be the old form of hula, hulu, 'innoot." But therb ie also a verb, pulu, hug'bury,' and another, (puhu), hulu, huliyu, rot, decay.' ..,the nethermost hell." >> In the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Nero Series, Vol. XX, p. 56, Plate II, Sir Walter Elliot gives representations of two old iron weights. One is circular, and weighs exactly 3 lbs. 1 02. 4 drs. It has, on the front, the figure of a boar (the Chalakya emblem,) and above its sword, with the sun and moon; and, on the back, the words Pramddicha-sar vi 1, ..., "one visa, (stamped in the Pramadicha salvatsara." The other is octagonal, and weighs 12 os. 2 drs. It has, on the frontonly, a sword, with the sun and moon, and, below them, the words Pramddicha sath w , .. " quarter-viga, (stamped in the Pram Adicha anateana." In the modern dialect, Sanderson gives usas "one-sixteenth," and also vise ne "five seers, or the weight of 190 rupees," (8 lbs. 1 os. 5-84 drs.). The word occurs again with the Towel of the first syllable short-vind, -in l. 4 of No. LVIII, (Vol. VIII, p. 388). But in some of the later OldCanarese inscriptions, it occurs with the vowel long,- ,e. 2. Second Archeol. Report, p. 117, 1. 48-7. ft Panu, nanu, attempt, undertake, engage in.' Either one letter has been quite effaced here, or there in a hole in the stone which was left blauk. * One letter is effaced here, at the end of the line. The rest of the inscription is illegible, except the word Badavi in l. 15, and the syllable hita, in l. 16, just below the last four letters of 1. 15.

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MARCH, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. Translation. 32 Hail! At the city of Vatapi, which was adorned by many thousands of excellent twiceborn who were well versed in the fourteen sciences," and which was worthy to be most highly esteemed by Satyasraya3 and other great kings after him,-in the third year of the augmenting and victorious reign of Vijay aditya-Satyasra y a, the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the most venerable one,-when six hundred and twenty-one of the Saka years had elapsed, on the day of the full-moon of (the month) Jyaishtha,-there was made the establishment of (the gods) Brahma and Vishnu and Maheevara at the victorious capital. (L. 9.)-After that, these verses were given in the Prakrit language:-A tax 35 The inscription is not dated. The meaning of it is here and there not quite clear; but it appears to be a monumental record of some saint of local celebrity. Mr. Venkat Rango Katti, to whom I applied in the hope of geting a better explanation of 11. 7 to 9 than I am able to offer, looks upon the whole inscription as a "birudavali, or epitome of the titles and deeds of some great man," and upon these three lines in particular as "a riddle or pun upon words." Transcription. sishta-jana-priyan [*] Kaliyuga-viparitan mrittyu(tyu)r-na tu man-avakhandanam ['] Kappe-Arabhattan [*]kashta-jana-varjitan [] Varan-tejasvino [*]mrityu(ty)-tatkahanika duhkham-mana-bhamgan-dine-dine [*] [] Sadhuge sidhu madhu(dha)ryyange(age) midhadhu)ryyam badhippa [*] Kalige ['] Ollitta [*] [v]iparit pari-kritam-illi [*] kattida simghaman-kettod=en-emag-endu bittavol-Kalige [10] [pa]ritamgahitarkkal-kettar-mmen-sattar-avicharam No. LXXXIV. The following inscription is cut on the cliff, at a height of ten or twelve feet from the ground on the north-west of the hamlet of Tattukoti, which is at the north-east corner of the tank; it is on the left hand going up from the tank by the rear or east ascent to the Kaliyuga-viparitan-Madhavan-itan-peran-alla Translation. 33 Palikel II. 53 See note 29 above. key vor-k-ppolladum-ndarante ballittu sandhikkum=adu Kappe-Arabhatta was beloved by excellent people and avoided by evil people, and was an exceptional man in the Kaliyuga. Better is a glorious death than the destruction of reputation: death is a pain that lasts only for an instant; but the destruction of reputation abides from day to-day. That which is good (is appropriate) to that which is good, and sweet 61 Bavanbande-kotis or northern fort, and is about half-way up to the shrine of the god Tattukoti-Maruti mentioned in No. LXXXVII. below. The writing covers a space of 3' 4" high by 2' 10" broad. Below the inscription, and covering a space of about 3' 7" in height, there is cut a broad circular band, with a floral device, apparently a ten-leaved lotus, inside it, and with what seems to be a fillet, with a ribbon crossed in a double loop hanging from it, below it. With the exception of lines 3 and 4, and the quotation in line 10, the language is Old-Canarese. The characters have more of the Pallava, than of the Western Chalukya, type about. them; but whichever alphabet they belong to, they are undoubtedly early. so Deija; Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas. 31 The four Vedas, the six Vedangas, the Puranas, the Mimams, the Nyaya, and Dharma or law. 3 No. 42 of P., S., and O.-C., Inscriptions. 38 Vol. V, p. 19. 36 Mr. V. R. Katti considers that a second meaning may [y] Kaligo bandu vi[11] ness to sweetness, and he who is an exceptional man in the Kaliyuga to the distressful Kali (age); he is (a very) Madhava," and nothing less. Who are they that do what is good?; they cannot be likened (to him). Having recognised this, ."", let there be here effected a reconciliation with the Kali (age). And so, when the enemies of him who was an exceptional man in the Kali (age), be given to this passage by taking kali in the Canarese sense of a hero, a valiant man,' and by translating to the hero who distresses the ruler of Madhura.' 37 Krishna or Vishnu, who is not to be met with in the Kaliyuga. 38 Vipartta pura-kritam. This is evidently some familiar quotation; but it is unintelligible, from the context being wanting.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCII, 1881. saying "What is this to us?", came to injure and to me, on one of the columns in the mandupu destroy the eminence that he had achieved, or central ball of this temple. But the only they were worsted, and then they died; as to one of any importance at this temple is the this there can be no doubt. following," which my servants found by scrap ing away a thick coating of whitewash on the No. LXXXV. outside of one of the stones in the north wall of At the east end of the tank, which lies at the the temple. The writing covers a space of back of the town, there is the temple of the 25" broad by 1' 0" high. The language is god Bhutanatha. There are some short inscrip- Old-Canarese. The characters are of abont the tions," a good deal damaged and unintelligible | ninth or tenth century, A. D. Transcription. ['] Svasti Sri-Paingara Sridharabhutesvara-bhatarange [*] sadbhuta-bbuniya keyya entu mattaran [*] kotto ad=rrapatta(ttu) nandiy-aku(kku) daton [*] devasva-doshado! sirkkuvar** [*] Translation. No. LXXXVII. Hail! They gave*s eight mattars of culturable | Leaving the above-mentioned passage on the land, excellent soil, to the venerable Sridhara- left, and going round by the back of the hill up bhutesvara of the lineage of Sri-Painga. Let a footpath that leads on to the top of it near it be (as sacred as the gift of sixty Nandis." the northern fort, there is, on the left hand, Whosoever transgresses against it shall incur the about halfway up, an open shrine of the god guilt of an offence against the property of a god! Hanumanta. It is called "Tattukoti-Maruti,' No. LXXXVI: from the hamlet of Tattukoti, which is just Near the inscription of Kappe-Arabhatta, No. below it. LXXXIV. above, there is a passage through the On the rock at the back of the shrino there rocks, leading by flights of steps directly up into are two inscriptions, of one line each, in Oldthe northern fort. The walls of this passage Canarese characters of the eighth or ninth cenbear numerous short inscriptions, chiefly names tury A. D. The letters are very shallow, but of visitors or devotees, in characters ranging large and well formed. The upper inscription from the sixth or seventh century down to about is SH-vitaragan Siripati, and the lower one, the thirteenth century A. D. The longest, Sri-sutrukalagni Gottu; they seem to record the and one of the latest of them is the following, names of visitors to the shrine. left unfinished, near a figure of the god Hanu- On the rock a little to the south of the shrine manta, cut on the rock on the left hand a short there is the following Old-Canarese inscription, way up the steps :-Transcription :-[1] Subha- covering a space of about 2 10 high by 2' 7" kru(kli)tait-)[2]sam(-sam) vachsatsa)ra [3]Sri- broad. The characters, which are of much the Kalika (ka)devi-Kama[4]thesvaradevara divya- same type as those of No. LXXXVIII. below, [5]sripadmapad-ara[6]dhakar-ada Madu- are very shallow, and the rock is rough and [7]galla. Translation :-"(In) the Subhak rit undulating, so that an impression could not be savatsara, .......... of (the village of) taken. A copy of this inscription is given in Mudugal, who was the worshipper of the holy the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. II, p. 657; feet, which are like lotuses, of the goddess Sri- but it is altogether incorrect, if it is really a Kalika and of the god Sri-Kamathesvara,.. copy of this one, and I could find no other of :....." Among them, I did not find any which it may be a copy. others of any importance, historical or linguistic The inscription is of the time of Harihara or otherwise. I, here called Hariyappavodeya, of Vijaya na 3deg Singha, 1. 9, here seems to be a Tudbhava corruption of Sringa, 'horn, top, summit, height, elevation, dignity, rather than of sinha, 'a lion.' The more usual form of the 7adbhat of both words is singa. 40 First Archeol. Report Pl. xxxv, No. 17. No. 43 of P., S., and 0-C., Inscriptions. 13 The construction is wrong here; dan is the nominative singular, while sirkkuvar is the third person plural. 13 I do not quite know what part of the verb kofto is; probably we ought to correct it into koftor. Or, school. *5 Nandi,--the sacred bull, the vehicle and emblem of Siva.

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ON THE CLIFF AT THE BACK OF THE NORTHERN PORT NEAR THE HAMLET OF TATSAKOTI, AT BADAMI. dii mge , hai tee naa hs Wt dbaa & E 9 FBC ## % # %e84 # # # PER , #aa . 3, 3. RAGAGc, crazy and

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ON THE SIDE WALL OF THE TEMPLE OF BHUTANATHA, AT BADAMI. vN lttii ttaa ne n Ptarow # W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITY, . . , NO A B . . . #

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MARCH, 1881.] gara, and is the only one of his reign at present known to me. It is dated Saka 1261 (A. D. 1339-40), the Vikrama samvatsara.** It records the grant of the villages of Badavi and Mundanur to the Two-thousand Mahajanas of Badavi, and the erection of the fort, presumably the northern fort, and the construction SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [*] bhase(she)ge [] rvva-paschima-samudr-adhipati [*] Hariyappa-vodeyara ['] mahinayak-chiriya [*] gaja-simha [*] Chameyaniyakaru [*]it-alvarige ["] nuranu [] dhari-parvakath [*] [*] tavanu [15] maha-sri-sri-ari Transcription. ['] Svasti Sri-jay-Abhyudayak-cha [11] Saka [] varusha 1261neya Vikrama-samvatsarada Chaitra su(su) 1 Gu [] srima[n]-mahamamdalesva (sva)ram tappura Sri-Bhutanathana Badaviya Chamarija || Translation. Hail! Victory and glory! On Thursday the first day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Chaitra of the Vikrama samvatsara, which was the 1261st year of the Saka era,s-by the appointment of the lord, the brave Sri-Hariyappa, the glorious Mahamandalesvara, the .. of hostile kings, the punisher of kings who break their promises, the supreme lord of (the country which is included between) the eastern and the western oceans; gamda 50... diy-amka-bhima Badaviyanu sarvvamanyav-agi durggavanu (L. 7). The glorious Chameyanayaka,-the Mahanayaka, the Acharya, the hero, he who was a very lion to the elephants. he who was terrible. . . -in the presence of (the god) Sri-Bhutanatha, gave, with libations of water, and as a sarvamanya grant, (the village of) B ada vi and (the village of) Mundanur to the glorious Two-thousand of Badavi; and (L. 13).-Chamaraja constructed the fort and See note 52 below. * sc., Guruvara. The vi is doubtful, and one or two letters more are quite effaced here. One letter seems to be effaced here. so One letter is very doubtful here; it may be da, da, of its parapet wall by one of the Nayakas of Harihara. or pa. 51 This letter is doubtful, and might be va, or sha, as It is worthy of remark that Harihara I is styled only a Mahamandalesvara in this inscription, just as his younger brother Bukka is in Nos. 149 and 150 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions. rayara ari-rayavi (?)** gam da puSri-viramirapadih kasa(?)... ni(?)srimatusrimatu-Badaviya. Mumdasamnidhe(dhi)yalu mudana rachisidana 63 kottu pa31ramamgala the eastern parapets of that same B a da vi. May there be auspicious and great good fortune! No. LXXXVIII. Standing on the flat top of a large rock, a short distance to the north-east of the Dharmisala which is on the north of the town, there is a small temple called 'Malegitti-Sivalaya', i.e. the Saiva shrine of the female garland-maker.' On the right side of the door there is a short inscription" in characters of the eighth, or early in the ninth, century A, D. The transcription is:-[1]Sri-Aryyaminchi upadhyaya [2]prasadanimitta. And the translation is:-"Sri-Aryaminchi, the spiritual teacher; for the sake of (or, on account of) the favour (of the god of the temple.)" And on the east or front face of a pillar in the porch of the same temple there is the following Canarese inscription, covering a space of about 2' 1" broad by 1'2" high. It is an inscription of the time of the Vijayana much as pa. I am inclined, however, to read parata, as a corruption of parate, the coping of a wall.' sa Saka 1261, however, was the Pramadi samvatsara; and the Vikrama samvatsara was Saka 1262. 53 See note 51 above. First Archeol. Report, Pl. xxxv, No. 18. 55 No. 45 of P., S., and O.-C., Inscriptions.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. temple, and some twenty yards or so to the south, there is a large and strong bastion, which is probably the one spoken of in the inscription. Transcription. Sadasivarayara gara king Sadasivaraya; and the Sobhakrit samvatsara referred to is Saka 1465 (A.D. 1543-4). On the crest of the hill, facing the [*] Sibbakra(kri)t-samvatsarada Ashida(dha) a 15[*] la Hadapada[*]lara-Kru(krishnappa-niyakaru katti[*] sida kottalake(kke) subham-astu [*] Sri [*] [] Komdarajagala Sri [1] Translation. addika May prosperity attend the bastion, which was caused to be built by Hadapadalara-"Krishnappanayaka, (the Nayaka) of Sadasivara ya, on the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Ashadha of the Sobhakrit samvatsara! Sri! The superintending officer of Kondaraja. Sri! No. LXXXIX. To return to Cave III,-the following inscription, covering a space of 2' 2" broad by 7 high, is on the north or front face of one of the pillars of the first row in the verandah. Translation. May prosperity attend the bastion which was caused to be built by the great king Kondaraja, on the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Ashadha of the Sobhakrit samvatsara! Sri! Transcription. [*] Sobhakru(kri)ttu(tu)-samvatsarada Asada (Ashadha) su(su) [*] lu Komdaraja maha (ha)-arasugala kota (tta)lakke subham-asu (stu) [*] Sri [*] 15ka [] ti(tti)sida No. XC. On two other pillars in the same cave there are two inscriptions,60-one of eight lines, covering a space of 2' 2" broad by 1' 9" high; and one of six lines, covering a space of 2' 2" broad by 1' 6" high. They are either in Telugu, or in some dialect of Canarese which I do not know. The contents, therefore, are unknown to me, except that the first one of them is dated on the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of the month Ashadha of the Pramadi samvatsara which was the Salivahana-Saka year 1476 se Sc., adhyaksha. 57 This is his family-name or surname. 58 No. 46 of P., S., and O.-C., Inscriptione. se See Vol. V, p. 19. nyvv] [1] Subham=astu [*] [*]y-bhyudays-Saliraha It is a Canarese inscription of the same date as the preceding, being one of Kondaraja, who is mentioned in the preceding. A large bastion with flanking walls, of the Ranamandala or southern fort, on the crest of the hill, almost immediately above the cave, is probably the one spoken of in the inscription. The vowel o, as attached to a consonant, is formed in two different ways in this inscription: in 1. 3, as it is formed in the preceding inscription, No. LXXXVII.; and in 11. 1 and 2, as it is formed in the present day. No. XCI. Inside the town there is a small temple of the god Venkataramana, now used as a house by one Dadesab Hajam. The following Canarese inscription is on a stone-tablet at this temple. The writing covers a space of 2' 11" high by 1' 3" broad; the only emblems at the top of the stone are the sun and the moon. A copy of this inscription is given in the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. II, p. 650. It is another inscription of the time of the Vijayanagara king Sadasivadova, and is dated Salivahana-Saka 1469 (A. D. 1547-8), the Plavamga samvatsara. It records a grant to the guild of barbers. Transcription. Sel-ja (A. D. 1554-5). The second one is not dated; but it is of about the same age. Svasti 60 Nos. 47 and 48 of P., S., and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions. 61 This must be a mistake for Pramadicha, Saka 1475. Saka 1476 was the Ananda samvatsara; and the Pramadi samvatsara was Saka 1441.

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ON A PILLAR IN THE PORCH OF THE TEMPLE CALLED MALEGITTI-SIVALAYA, AT BADAMI. rutNvtsrdlvaaddddN lugudaavrypuddpd FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. P. PLEST, 20. C. B W. Griggs Photouth. Lenzene

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ON THE ROCK AT THE SHRINE CALLED ARALIKATTE, AT BADAMI. sIkolApurAva rakha rya sAmadAlAna ma hAsIta kulasaMpatara vi devati nituSTa ko lApAdevImahAla kAvihANa tAlavI bhamA ta majAlA non Ax OrasION BY J.. VETT, BO. C. W.Enggu.Phoblish, London.

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MARCH, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 65 [deg] na-Saka 1469neya Plavamga-sam[] vatsarada A(a)svayaja sa 15ya[deg] lll . sriman-maharaj-adhiraja[deg] rajaparamesvara-Sri-vi['] rapratapa-Sadisi(si)vadova[] maharayaru pru(pri)thvi-rajyan[deg] geu(vu)tt-iralu Badaviya Tismoja [] Kondoja Bhadriy=ivaru muvara [^] rayara mechi(chchi)si badi-konda samman(bar)dha [""] rayaru Aluva simhva(ha)sanakke saluva si["] mey-onge abiya navidarige [*] te(?)rage ma(ma)nyav-agi & Sadasivarayard [1] Srframgaraja Ramarajayya Ere[deg] marajayya Venkatadrira jayya Sri["]"............................... Translation. thirty or forty well executed images of Vishnu May it be auspicious! On the fifteenth day of and other principal gods, cut on the rock. The the bright fortnight of the month) Aevayuja of inscription is towards the east end of this row the Plavamga samvatsara, which was the 1469th saritateara, which was the 1469th of images. It covers a space of 1'7" high by year of the victorious and clorious Salivahana- 1'1broad. The characters are Nagari, and Saka,--while the great king, the brave and the language is Sanskrit. puissant Sri-Sadasivad eva, the glorious The inscription is not dated; but it is progreat king, the supreme king, the supreme lord bably of the sixteenth or seventeenth century of kings, was governing the world - A.D. It parports to record the advent of the (L. 9.)-These three men, Timmoja and goddess Mahalakshmi from Kolla pura, the Kondoja and Bhadri of the town of Bada vi, modern Kolbapur, where there is a large temple having propitiated the king, that same (king) dedicated to her and of great repute all over Sadasivaraya, in connection with a re this part of the country. quest that they made, [issued his commands to lo And on the rock near this inscription there Srirangaraja and Ramarajayya and Eremaraja. are the following three lines, in Canarese char. yya and Venkatadrirajayya, .......... acters of much the same standard as those of ...... ................, (and No. LXXXVIII, above :--Transcription :-[1] allotted) an impost, as a manya-grant, to the Prabhava-samvatsarada Bhadra sn 5 [2]86ma. barbers of the village of) (?) U labi, which is vara Vardhamanadevaru [3]muktar- daru included in the boundaries of the demesnes) that Translation :-"On Monday the fifth day of the appertain to the throne over which the king bright fortnight of the Prabhava saivatsara, presides, .............. Vardhamanadova obtained liberation." Transcription. No. XCII. [] Sri-Kollapura-var-esvaThe last, and probably the latest, of the 'ryai Sri Mahalakshmyai namah. [ll*]Badami inscriptions is the following, at a small [*] Harita-kula-sambhuta-Rasacred place called Aralikatti, about half a mile [*] videva-tridamdinah tushta to the east of Bada mi, and a little to the right [*] Kollaparad=devi Mahalaoff the pathway over the hills to Mahakuta. [] kshmir=ih=agata LakshmiThere is a pool with a spring; a small masonry ['] mahatmyam mangalam [*] cell; another cell, half of masonry, in front of [*] Maha-Sri-Mahalakshmyai namah [i*) & natural cavity in the rock; and a row of [deg] ..................... 69 This line is entire, but the letters are hopelessly in- copy was made. His copyist, however, did not attempt distinct. The rest of the inscription, eight mure lines, is the rest of the inscription. quite illegible. ** No. 49 of P., s., and 0.-C., Inscriptions. 03 Sir W. Elliot's copy gives a ppaneyanu kodisi in 1. 17; 65 The letters in this line are very cramped and quite the stone may have been a little more legible when his ! unintelligiblo.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. Translation. were found by the lying in the courtyard; and Reverence to the goddess) Sri Mahalakshmi, I placed them for the sake of safety in an open the mistress of Sri-Kollapura, which is the best cell in the eastern wall. One of them, of which of cities. a copy is given in the Elliot MS. Collection, (L. 3.)-Being pleased with Ravideva-tri- Vol. II., p. 639, has already been published by dandi, who was born in the family of Harita, me, from the photograph," at Vol. V., p. 19. the goddess Mahalakshmi came here from It is a Vijayanagara inscription of AchKollapara. Auspicious is the greatness of yutar a y a, and is dated Salivahana-Saka (the goddess) Lakshmi! Reverence to the great.1455 (A.D. 1533-4), the Nandana samvatsara.es (goddess) Sri Mahalakshmi!... It is an exception to the style of most of the No. XCIII. inscriptions of that period, in that it is engraved About three miles to the south-east of Badami in small and well formed letters on a smooth is the village of Tolachgud, in the lands of and polished black-stone tablet. which there is a large temple of the goddess | The present inscription, the second of the two Banasamkari. just mentioned, is engraved in large and coarsely At the village itself, just outside the eastern formed letters on an irregularly shaped red-sandgateway, there is a rough unshapely block of stone tablet; and the lines have an upward slope stone with an inscription on it of either to the right. The emblems at the top of the A chyutaraya or Sadasivade va of tablet, cut in outline only, are a linga, with the Vijayanagara; but I only saw it when sun and moon above it. The writing covers a riding by, and could not note down the contents space of 29' high; the stone is broadest from or make a copy of it. line 9 to line 16, being there 1' 10" broad; In the courtyard of the temple of Banasan- above line 9, and below line 16, it tapers away kari, in front of the temple, there lies a large and is only nine or ten inches broad at the top dhvaja-stambha or kirtti-stambha, with an Old. and bottom. A copy of this inscription is given Canarese inscription of seventeen lines running in the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. II, p. 649. It round the base of it. The pillar, however, is a Canarese inscription of the time of Sadarequires to be raised and cleaned before the sivara ya of Vijayanagara, and is dated inscription can be copied. The visible portions Saliva hana-Saka 1466 (A.D. 1544-5), the Soof the inscription do not contain either the date bhakrit" sa rivalsara. And it records a grant or the name of the dynasty and the king. by the Ndyaka, Hadapada lara-Krishnappa, who Two stone-tablets, with inscriptions on them, is mentioned in No. LXXXVIII. above. Transcription. ['] Svasti [') y-abhyudaya-Saliva. [deg] hana-Saka-varusha [] neya Sdbhakru(kri)t-samvatsara["] da A[svija su]dba(ddha) 0.... [1] erime[deg] n-maharaja-adhiraja-rajapara['] mesva(sva)ra-Sri-virapratapa-Sri-Sadasiva[] rayara Hadapadalara-Kru(kri)shpa['] ppanayakara sriman-maha-chaturda[") en-bhuvan-adhipati-Srl-Vanapura-pati["] Sri-Banada-Mahammiyi(ye)ya amru(mri)ta-pa["'] di a mgaramga-vaibhavake(kke) [bidi]sida [^"] grimavamnu Badaviya simege saluva L"] Mala pahari-tirada Danakasirivura-gra Sri-ja 1466 * Trilapdia, a wandering Brauman mendicant, who has resigned wildly pursuits and carries three long bamboo stares. tied together so as to form one staff, in his right hand. o: No. 72, of P., S, and 0.C., Inscriptions. e The Nandana vatsara, however, was Saks 1454 ; and Saka 1455 was the Vijaya sa isatsara. * See note 74 below. 10 One or two numerals or letters are effaced bere.

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MARCH, 1881.] [] mavathu [2] Yi ["] ra [18] 73 tamma THE WAHHABIS. da(dha)reyan-aredu kottu yiddheve [*] Ar-oba(bba)ra alidava grimake(kke) 8i18 71 Translation. Hail! On the .... day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Asvija of the Sobhakrit samvatsara, which was the 1466th year" of the victorious and glorious SalivahanaSaka, Hadapadalara-Krishnappankyaka,(the Nayaka) of the brave and puissant SriSadasivaraya, the glorious great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord of kings,[thus declares]: (L. 9.) "We have given, with libations of THE WAHHABIS. BY FAZL LUTFULLAH. The founder of the bold schism of the Wahhabis was Abdul Wahh a b,' the son of a petty Sheikh of the pastoral tribe of Temin in Nejd, and of the clan called Abdul Wahhab in the province of Arabia called El Arid, who was born in the year 1691 A.D. He was the hereditary chief of his clan. The mummeries of the Turkish pilgrims, the profligacy that profaned the cities, and the abuses that had crept into the religion of even the conservative children of the Desert, his clansmen, attracted his attention. The excited opposition with which the trines he preached were met on the part of the population and the government, ended in his expulsion from the place of his birth by the order of the Governor of El Hassa, and, escaping the death of a culprit and the poniard of the assassin, he fled and took refuge with the Sheikh of a neighbouring town-Deraiah, who was not unfriendly to him and his doctrines. It was there that, after the partial establishment of this power, he took the scimitar as the means of compulsory conviction. After a life full of peril and success he died at Deraiah in A.D. 1787, at the advanced age of ninety-five. As a reformer he was eminently qualified for the task he had undertaken, possessing, as he did, all the elements essential for success in a country like Arabia and among a people like the 67 water, the village of Dana kasirivar," on the bank of the (river) Malapahari and included within the boundaries (of the village) of Badavi, the said village being set apart for the amritapadi and the angaranga of (the goddess) SriBanada-Mahammaye, who is the glorious great mistress of the fourteen worlds and the mistress of the city of Sri-Vanapura. (L. 16.) Whosoever injures (the grant of this village, .!' About eleven letters are effaced and illegible here. 12 One or two letters are effaced here. 15 About eight letters are effaced here. The Sobhakrit samvatsara, however, was Saka 1465; and Saka 1466 was the Krodhi samvatsara. The work begun by him was not relinquished or neglected by his son Muhammad, during whose tenure of the post of the leadership of the reformers the cause continued steadily to gain strength and flourish. The first sectarian army that is heard of was commanded by Abdul Aziz, the son of Mudoc-hammad, who though repulsed at its head at the siege of Deraiah, achieved exploits with it that permanently strengthened the Wahhabi cause. Among other brilliant advantages gained by this chief was the bringing into obedience the Sheikh Abu Arish and the Mekrami Sheikh of Negran, who were the means of spreading the new doctrines from the coast of Bahrein to the confines of Mokha and 'Aden. As the new party grew more and more powerful, the raids into the country of the neighbouring tribes grew more frequent, and as forfeiture of cattle and flock was the penalty of the refractory, the conversions became more numerous and otherwise unforced, and numbers began to flock to the Wahhabi standard. The clans, otherwise perpetually bickering with one another, having now between them a feeling of common interest Arabs a warm and persuasive eloquence, an intrepidity equalled only by cool and undaunted. courage, and a profound and keen insight into the Arab character. 75 About two miles south of Tolachgud. This is disputed by some writers; if he were 95 years old according to the Arabic Lunar Calendar when he died in 1787, he could only have been born about 1695 A.D.ED.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. and brotherhood, what were previously hostile was, however, honoured by Saud no longer than clanships became now amalgamated into a king- necessary. In 1801 Saud at the head of 20,000 dom 38 peaceful internally as it was formidable to Wahhabis attacked and captured the town and its neighbours. At the close of the eighteenth shrine of Kerbala, in which 5,000 persons were century the Wahhabi power was established massacred. Rich in gold and jewels, the accumuover the whole of the province of Nejd, and the lated votive and devotional offerings of ages of Sherif at the head of the government of the Shikh superstition, the shrine was stripped of holy city of Makka not thinking it politic everything that had even the semblance of preto withhold his amity from a people at once so ciousness. It proved no mean booty to Saud disposed towards opposition and so powerful, and his rapacious hordes. The following year granted the Wahhabis permission to perform saw the Wahhabis at Taif, where the shrine their pilgrimage to the temple of the Kaaba. of Abbas, the uncle of the Prophet, received no This was the first time that the Wahhabis were more honour, though, perhaps, it yielded less acknowledged politically as a nation. booty than that of his grandson. On the 27th Sherif Ghalib was the first that opposed of April of the following year the Wahhabi the Wahhabis. He carried on, with varying axes were operating as lustily on the walls of success, a sort of Badawi warfare with them. the Temple of Makka-the qiblah, on bowing But finding that, alone and unassisted, he was point of the Muhammadan world. not able to cope with a body of men that fought The "thrill of horror that passed through the with a newly-infused religious fervour and zeal orthodox Musalman world" was the parent of a for their very existence, being opposed, on his feeling of intolerant hatred which was soon kinside, as he knew, by men who, at the best, had dled in the breast of the surrounding Musalman no very large interests at stake, he gave up the Powers, and the remaining portion of the life of unequal contest, and began to persuade the Saud was one of unremitting warfare, which, Porte to make common cause with him for the with the variety of chances peculiar to it, somedestruction of a power which ere long would times resembled the career of a victorious general grow too powerful to quail before the joint and sometimes the struggles of a man hanted to efforts of any two Eastern Governments. death. On his death his son Abdullah faced These coupled with the unceasing complaints the enemies of his father and his race with the of the Turkish officers and Pashas of territories same tenacity and courage, but in 1812 "the bordering on the Wahhabi frontier, against strong arm" of Muhammad Ali Pasha of Egypt, Wahhabi encroachment and aggression, at last helped by the stronger arm and energies of sacceeded in drawing the attention of the Porte Britain, helped to complete his ruin and the fall towards this new enemy. The officer then in of the Wahhabi power. Abdullah was led in charge of the Pashalic of Bagdad-Suliman captivity to Constantinople, where he was pubPasha-in consequence of orders from the Porte licly beheaded in 1818 as a heretic and a rebel. to the effect, in 1797 despatched an army from With their Chief no more at their head, and Bagdad consisting of 5,000 Turkish troops and their resources utterly crippled, the Wahhabis, twice that number of allied Arabs. Bat, instead from a flourishing and a powerful people, dwin. of proceeding to Deraiah, the head-quarters dled into a quiet and isolated community. of Wahhabi power, they attacked the fortified They have gradually recovered from the blow citadel of El Hassa and laid siege to it for a that once prostrated them, and though curtailed month, which it was well prepared to resist. in limits and shorn of many possessions, "the Sa ud, the son of Abdul Aziz, however, coming Wahhabi Empire" has not been expunged from to the rescue of the besieged party, compelled the map of Arabia,' with its seat of Government the beleaguering forces to retire, and, their at Riad. motion being considerably retarded by Saud The religion that Abdul-Wahh a b taught having injured the water in the wells on their was in no way opposed or foreign to the spirit route by putting camel-loads of salt into them, of Islam: it was substantially identical with the they withdrew with great loss and privation. At creed of Muhammad. Belief in and absolute length a trace for six years was concluded. It reliance on one God, a less extensive acknow * Vide Palgrave's Arabia, chaps. ix and xiii.

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THE WAHHABIS. MARCH, 1881.] ledgment of mediation, the entire withdrawal of belief in Saints, the right of private interpretation of the Kuran, instead of accepting its meaning in no other manner than that in which it was construed by a learned few, the rejection of all vague forms and idle ceremonies engrafted by an unscrupulous priesthood on the original form of the religion, the return to the old practice of abstinence from everything bordering on luxury, and the obligation to wage religious war;-these were the doctrines which Abdul-Wahhab taught. Especially among the Muhammadans of India-like the Roman Catholics-Saints were and still are numerous, each with his separate office, and, from the lower and less educated orders, they receive a reverence much approaching to that of gods. The example of the Wahhabis-not to say their influence-has done much towards the decrease of this practice. The object of their reform was to bring back the religion to its first purity, which during its encounter with other and more material forms of faith, it had in a great measure lost. Mr. Bosworth Smith defines Wahhabyism as the Puritanism of the Puritanism of Islam, "hated, by the so-called orthodox Musalmans, as the Lutherans were hated by Leo, and the Covenanters by Claverhouse." As known in India, Wahhabyism consists in a rigid observance of the most difficult tenets of Islam, not excluding even the obligation of waging religious war against infidels, and some of the most notorious leaders of the mutiny of 1857 were of this persuasion. This however is the only point of their religion in which, owing to the compactness of British power, rather than any want of religious frenzy or will on their part-the Indian Wahhabis lack zeal, and their opinion is divided as to whether India under the British rule can so far be looked upon in the light of a (1) Daru'l-Harb, or a country of war, and to warrant their going to war with its rulers. This, however, is sufficient to render them politically dangerous subjects, and to draw upon them a sharp and unremitting surveillance from Government, to render impossible their ostensible existence as a body, and to oblige them, however reluctantly, to conceal their religion. In some cases even, a Wahhabi finds his prolonged sojourn in one place impossible. To repudiate the observance of all holidays 69 except the two great ones observed by and during the time of the Prophet, to regulate their dress, and to keep their persons in strict accordance with the austere warlike behests of the Prophet are parts of the religion of a Wahhabi, and considering the indifference with which his example and his command are regarded in the devotional and other parts of the religion, this is a matter of surprise. On occasions of sorrow and joy only those forms are recognized that have the sanction of the Kuran and the most authentic of the vaticinal traditions. The authenticity, in fact, of most of the traditional sayings of the Prophet, forming, as they do, the greater part of the Muslim religious lore, is either totally denied, or only partially acknowledged, by the Wahhabis. As the great bulk of this literature has been made subservient by the doctors of the orthodox faith in India, as elsewhere, to building up that vast fabric of superstition so irrational in a religion like Islam, the Wahhabis are more than justified in withholding their belief in it; more especially, as every now and then, a learned man, more enterprising than the rest, has been found to lay it aside even among the orthodox themselves. Though with the Muhammadans of the orthodox school-a submission to the traditions is not religiously a sine qua non, the belief once voluntarily tendered is now exacted. Neither inhabiting any particular district in British India, nor in any strength of numbers, the Wahhabis are found thinly interspersed throughout the length and breadth of the land. The reform appeared in India in the year 1821 A.D., ten years after its being beaten down in Arabia, in the person of one Sayyid Ahmad, an inhabitant of Central India. It secretly and gradually gained strength till the year 1857, when it made its debut in the disorder and bloodshed that then everywhere reigned supreme. The Mutiny was the first time that Wahhabyism became generally known, but though it got abroad with it, it was far from being of it. The Wahhabis that joined the mutineers of 1857 had no feeling or fellowship in common with the herd of ruffians and assassins, whose one idea was revenge, and whose sole motive was gain. The motive that impelled them to take the sword in India was the same that actuated their brother reformers in Arabia-religion. The culpability in both cases

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. is not to be denied, though, if motives be taken daily life of a Wahhabi priest are all merged in into consideration in forming the standard of his religion, and his followers are, so to speak, in crime, it may be modified. There is no denying, a chrysalis state-progressing with his model however, their having joined the mutiny; and before them from the observance of their halfthat it was the occasion on which the reform Hindu, half-Musalman customs to a decidedly gained publicity in India. Except in some of marked state of Musalman character. With the independent native states of Central India, these circumstances in mind, to say that the the Wahhabis cannot be talked of as a class Wahhabis of Gujarat follow wholly the customs existing by themselves. But the preaching and of their cultivating Bohora ancestors would be influence of these isolated units has in Southern equally as incorrect as to assert the contrary. Gujarat and among the class of cultivating Their home-language, certainly, is Gujarati, bat Bohoras called Birya wi, brought about the dress of their women is no longer the sdri a complete revolution not only in their religious and petticoats (the Hindu woman's costume) of principles but in customs that, even under ten years ago. There has also been no change the press of royal authority, were secretly in their houses and their occupations; these are cherished. Under the Wahhabi influence, the the same as those of their unreformed brethren. customs held most dear by the people, the Their condition has undergone a change, and music on occasions of joy, the celebration of a change for the better-a change which they owe most of these occasions, the dress of their to their conversion. They do not, as Wahhawomen, the ceremonies performed during mar- bis, give the same ruinous dinner parties, do riages, all these and many others have dis- not launch out into extravagant expenses at appeared, and have been succeeded by a strict marriages and deaths, and pregnancies, and attention to all the details of the law in all anniversaries. Thus where formerly there were the minutiae of life. Being peaceful in all their insolvent tenants, there are now affluent landother occupations, there Bohoras have latterly holders. Drinking of spirituous liquors or the shown a bold disregard to the concealment of fermented palm-juice, known as "toddy," were their liewly-adopted doctrines. formerly vices not uncommon among the Sunni In the North some of the leading Sunni Bohoras. They are never heard of now. Bohoras have come to look favourably upon As a community-the reform party of the this mode of belief, and discarding music at Sunni Bohoras had no reason to detach themmarriages, &c. have adopted both the principles selves from their orthodox brethren--for, though and the practices of the Wahhabis. the latter may not sympathise, they still do not The Wahhabis in Gujarat may be divided into meet them with the animosity that the other two sections foreigners and those joining the classes of Muhammadans show towards a Wahreform from the local classes. The former habi. Intermarriages between the old and the element consists of Wahhabi preachers with new parties have not ceased nor is there any their followers from North, East, and Central chance of their ever ceasing, as the old party are India. It may be mentioned parenthetically that not intelligent enough to quarrel for a difference the foreigners are generally the priests under of opinion as they think it. Headed as the new whose influence the local portions have entered party is by some of the most influential of the the reform, and wherever, as in the Bohora Sunni Bohora population, the idea of a breach villages of Gujarat, there is a number of local is a distant probability. Wahhabis, these are the acknowledged religious, If elsewhere-in Central India, in the North and to some extent temporal heads of the body, Western Provinces, in Arabia and the Ottoman held in reverence, and sometimes in affection, Levantine dominions--the prospects of Wahhaby the people. byism are bright and cheering, they are not Difference of manners, in cases of the above the less so or less encouraging to the heads of nature, between the foreigner and his congre- that section in the south of Gojarat. The ingation there certainly is. But the number of difference shown by the orthodox party to the these being so small, it is too insignificant to conversion of their people is, if taken into consideserve or call for special remark. His man. deration, no small ground for self-gratulation to ners, his customs--the veriest details of the the Wahhabi preachers, who have latterly begun

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MARCH, 1881.] BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. to look upon the whole Sunni Bohora population of the south of Gujaret as a rich field for their proselytizing labours. In the north of Gujarat there is no open Wahhabi revolution at work, thongh perhaps its spirit may not be entirely absent among the trading Sunni Bohora classes. In the south of Gujarat the rude Gujaratispeaking cultivating Bohora of former days has, under the course of Wahhabi instruction and guidance, acquired even a taste for the religious literature of Islam. In towns like Rander, colleges have been established where the Bohora youth acquire some proficiency in religious learning. In small villages the masjid serves the purpose of the village academy, where the Miyan Sahib, the village priest, in- structs the young men of the village. The town academy frequently forms the arena of discussion with the learned of the old sect, but the controversy is carried on with coolness and courtesy, never waxing warm enough to come to blows like the ill-regulated meetings of other sects. This is a state of things promising a great deal to the reform, certainly, but to the converts themselves no great advancement in worldly position. Learning English is regarded either as superfluous or decidedly irreligious. A Wahhabi yoath with these ideas, however high he may hope to look religiously, does not aim at any political distinction. As it is the reform has done all it can to remove the people from gross ignorance, the grasp of superstition, and the hold of interested, designing spiritual leaders. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from Vol. IX, p. 280.). INAMDARS. BAHurupis. In amd ars or High-fliers simulate broken-| Bahu rupis, or men of many faces or chardown gentlemen. These beggars come in pairs, acters. These actors are generally Marathas. of sometimes three or four together, men, They carry no clothes or other stage prowomen and children. The women cover perty; but one day come dressed as a god, themselves with a sheet from head to foot to the next as a milkmaid, and again as a Rishi. show that they are ladies and their husbands. The last of the scenes is generally the Murli or gentlemen. The men put iron chains round their female-devotee, who comes provided with a necks, hands, and feet, fastened by a padlock, and vessel for collecting money. The number of say that on account of debt due to the Sarkarthey these representations is not fixed, bat they do have been reduced to this state and their lands, not generally exceed fifteen. When these begcattle, and jewelry confiscated, with everything gars have done with one part of the town, they else they were possessed of; also that they have commence representations in another. In about been deprived of their children, and that in a fortnight they collect in this way, in welltheir present condition they are seeking the to-do localities, from five to ten and twenty means to pay off their debts. They lay their rupees, and receive old clothes also. These grievance before the people in a song, and the beggars are excellent dancers and singers. women and children join them in the same. Some of them are eunuchs. These beggars sometimes hold a half-open roll PANGULS. of paper in their hands written in Modi The Pangul comes very early in the morncharacters with & seal attached to it. Some ing. His clothes consist of a piece of cloth have iron chains round their wrists only, with round his loins, a langoti and a coarso black & padlock attached, the key of which, they say, blanket over his head hanging downwards. lies with the Government (Sarkar). They call Under his arm is a bag in which he stores themselves Desmukhs and Despandes. Others his coin, and in his hand is a long bambu tie & miniature plough to their necks, and say stick with an iron top to which is attached small they were landholders or zamindars; and thus rings which he stamps as he walks. He is they beg to be freed from their bondage. These the earliest beggar that appears, bawling out beggars invoke ill-luck on those who do not at the top of his voice something to the followgive them charity. ing effect':-Oh give alms to a pavia in the

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. early morning, the god Rama's time; in the name of your ancestors, give alms to a pavda; in the name of your family gods, give alms to a pavda; in the name of the goddesses Bhavani of Kolhapur and Tuljapur, give alms to a pavda.' In this way he names one after another about two dozen or more Bhavanis and an equal number of Ganapatis, then Mahadevas, and so on. He is given a pie, and the name of the deceased male ancestor of the family told him, when he repeats aloud the name saying, pavud pavada in Raghoba's name, and invoking a blessing on the deceased ancestor, he cries in the same loud tone, the pavda has visited the goddess Ambabai of Jogai, the goddess Mahalakshmi of Kolhapur, the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur, Khandoba of Jejuri, Vithoba of Pandharpur, Narsoba of Wadi, Ahilyabai of Indur, Tukoba of Dehu, Mhasoba of Rajapur, Satwai of Chambharganw, Dhopesvar of Indapur,' &c. &c. and is off. This person generally frequents the houses of Sudras, and the idea of their ancestor's name being blessed by a pavda and in the god Rama's time, gladdens their hearts. They also climb trees calling out the name of some deity and shouting for alms to passers by. NANDIBAIL. This beggar, who is a Hindu Maratha by caste, goes about with a bullock (Nandibail) behind him, covered all over, not excepting the horns, with clothes of different kinds, shapes, and colours, with bells tinkling round his neck and feet, and an image of Ganapati or Maruti fastened to the animal's forehead. The beggar has a drum hanging from his waist, which he keeps both rubbing and striking as he goes along the streets, and approaching a Hindu house commands the bullock to point out the charitablydisposed person in the crowd, which is done by the bullock going to some one on the verandah of the house and standing with his face towards him. The beggar then tells the animal to show the right hand with which charity is made, which the bullock does by raising his right forefoot. After this is done, the beggar offers his neck to the bullock, which the bullock holds in his mouth, and either walks a few paces or stands keeping it hanging therefrom. Last of all the man spreads a cloth on the ground, and lying down on his back tells the bullock to stand upon it, which the bullock does by placing his four feet on [MARCH, 1881. the man's stomach and dancing upon it for some minutes. This feat closes the beggar's exhibition, and the people throw the man some coin. A few pice satisfies him, and he then goes on beating his dram to the next house. If it happens that a female in the family at whose door he stops is pregnant, and wishes to know what the issue will be, whether male or female, they place before the animal a pound or so of rice in which they have already put a whole betelnut, and if after the animal has eaten the whole of the rice, including the nut, he throws down the nut unbroken, then this is deemed a sign that the issue will be a son, but if he 'drops it broken, then a daughter may be expected. WAREKARI. The Warekari is generally a Maratha by caste. He carries an ochre-coloured flag and a bag containing his goods. He wears a tulsi necklace round his neck and arms, and begs of the passers by to help him on his way to Pandharpur. AVLIAS. These beggars go about on ponies or bullocks that are little better than skeletons, or get themselves taken about from door to door in a small hand-cart. They employ persons to drag them about from place to place, promising them from one to two annas per day. VENTRILOQUISTS. Ventriloquists are either Musalmans or Hindus. They imitate thunder, the sound of runing water, roaring waves, the cries of beasts, the whistling of birds, and the speech of men. The other day one of these beggars put the inmates of a house into much alarm, where there was a woman near her confinement, by imitating the cries of a new-born child. These men make from six to eight annas a day by their profession, and are surrounded by a number both of children and grown-up persons. KAIKADIS. Kaikadis are of two divisions, Gavranis, who make baskets and other articles of 'tar' (cajanus indicus) stalks, and Kunchekaris, who make weavers' starch-brushes. They do not eat together nor intermarry, some are settled, others are wanderers and known to the police as thieves and vagabonds. They sing and beg, receiving remains of food and money. Their women generally go about

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MARCH, 1881.) BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. 73 half-naked, winding a bit of cloth round their waist, and leaving their breasts bare. JABIMARI. Jarimari or Cholera beggars, are a class who take every pains to assume a hideous and uncouth appearance, and the more they succeed in this the more they are pleased. Their hair is all matted and tangled, and in this too the more the confusion the greater the approbation. They paint their foreheads with red-lead, and on their legs, waist and fingers they wear brass rings which jingle when they move. It is a characteristic of these beggars to wear a long coat and trousers, and to their waist and arms are tied clothes and pieces of cloth of different colours and shapes one over the other. As they go along they dance and twirl round, which expands the folds of these loose garments into a round flowing shape. They go about either singly or in groups of two and three, and are accompanied by servants. They make their presence known by a loud and prolonged cry. They take about with them a twisted hemp cord or rope three to four inches in diameter at one end, and terminating in a point, korda. When these beggars strike themselves with this cord, the crack or noise it makes is far from pleasant to hear. It is the belief however of many that although the blows they inflict on themselves are apparently severe, they yet have a knack of doing it so as not to harm themselves. But they assert that it is because the goddess Jarimari, who is in them, that it does not hurt them. They generally frequent places where low caste Hindus reside. They do not always go begging from house to house, but dance and yell in front of people's dwellings. They belong to the Mhar, Mang and other low castes. A few pice or a handful of uncooked rice satisfies them. If the rice be given in a winnowing fan, he dances with it, rolling the contents into another held beside it or holding the winnowing fan upside down without letting a single grain fall on the ground. SANVARES. These are Mang and other low caste females, who beg only on Saturdays during the month of Sra van, crying out-Sanavar vadha. They carry baskets on their heads and earthen pots or glass bottles for oil. Hindus consider it meri- torious to give alms to a MAngin on these days. The oil is given in a cocoanut shell, and it is first waved from the head downwards in the case of each person, and given to the woman, by which is meant that all the ills of the man are given to the Mangin, who only can bear up under them. JOGNIS AND SANKHES. The Navaratras are nine nights sacred to Durga, the wife of Siva, and the Dasar a or tenth follows: during these days married women of the VAdval or oartkeeper caste, with a hollow dried gourd wrapped in cloth hanging. from their right arm, beg in Bhavani's name from house to house. Each day they are given a handful of rice, and in one of the nine days an elderly married woman of each household worships the hollow gourd. A Vid valin and her husband are called, a quartz square traced, and the hollow gourd placed in it on a low wooden stool. The worshipper draws lines on the outside of the gourd with turmeric and red powder and a few grains of rice, fastens a spangle on it, and filling it with rice, waves a lighted lamp before it. The Jogin rubs her own hands with turmeric, and fastens on her brow red powder and a spangle, and before her and her gourd the worshipper waves a lighted lamp. The Sankhya-called so from his carrying a conch shell with him is given some rice and oil, and blessing the worshipper he blows the conch shell. SAKTAS. s Aktas (from sakti, force or power) worship an invisible power or force represented by emblems. They are found among all classes, but can only be traced by keeping a strict watch over the movements of suspected Saktas. If they are Vaishnavas, their worship is offered to Lakshmi; if they are Saivas, the worship is offered to Parvati, Ja gada mba, Bhavani, Kali or Durga. The Kararis, who are also s Aktas, inflict upon themselves bodily tortures, and pierce their flesh with hooks or spits, run sharppointed instruments through their tongues and cheeks, gash themselves with knives, or lie upon beds of sharp-pointed spikes. The SAktas perform initiatory ceremocies on the admission of a new member, or as often as any one of the society succeeds in getting a female to act as a goddess for the worship. Preference, however, is given to a black-complexioned woman. Solitude and secrecy being strictly enjoined,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. they perform the worship at midnight in most the ends of the three fingers of the left hand, unfrequented and private places, and even in viz. :--the thamb, the little finger, and the one the burning grounds in honour of the goddess next to the thumb, closing the two other fingers. Bhavani. A Bruhman is usually the chief | The woman is then liberally rewarded and mover, but sometimes Sadras are the movers or dismissed. accomplices, and are previously initiated in the The other ceremony performed on the admysteries. If the Sakta who knows the formula mission of a new member is nearly the same. belongs to the right hand party (Dakshanachari), On the first night only the worship, by repeating he takes his own wife, but if of the left-hand verses in honour of Bhavani, is performed, and party (Vamachari), the daughter of a Mang or the flesh, fish, and sweetmeats are eaten and Muhammadan prostitute. He asks the other liquor drunk. Bat on the second night, women members to join him at the appointed place. The corresponding to the number of members five makars necessary for the worship are,- present on the previous night, are brought. mamsa, flesh; matiga, fish; madya, liquor; mait- These women may be of any caste, from the huna, cobabitation or rather women; and mudra, Brahman down to the Mang, Dhed, and Musalcertain mystical gesticulations. At the meeting man. But it is necessary that one at least of place, lines are traced with quartz powder on them should be a Brahman. These women are the floor, on which a mat is spread. The Mang seated nude on a mat, within a quartz drawing, woman or prostituteis seated on the mat with side by side, and opposite them the worshippers her hair loose and the whole of her forehead sit each with a cocoannt shell in his hand. The danbed with red powder (lunlu). Then, re- chief among them, who is always well versed in peating verses, she is worshipped by all the the incantations, offers the several goddesses members with flowers, the waving of lights in beef, fish, sweetmeats, and liquor, and then colthe manner they worship their family gods, and lecting the remains of the food and mixing thom liquor sprinkled over ber. Then, placing before with more, he offers the same to the worshippers. her beef, liquor, fish, and sweetmeats, she is Then each worshipper pairs with the woman prayed to partake of the same. After she has before whom he is seated on the spot, and collecta eaten to satisfaction, the remains are collected the seed in his cup of cocoanut shell. He puts and mixed with the remaining food and liquor, it in a human skull. The faid is then well which are freely eaten and drunk by the mem- stirred, and each one, calling on the goddess bers. If she should not drink liquor, however Ai Bhavani! takes a sip of it. Then the whole much pressed, she is seated naked on an earthen | night is spent in debauchery, the men exchangpot with her tongue stretched out, and the ing the women, and the women the men, and worshippers pour liquor over the tongue, so that at the same time eating and drinking to excess. it falls from her body into the pot on which she Dubois says "the least detestable of the sacrisits, and about a tea-spoon is drunk by the fices made to the saktas are those in which the worshippers, and the rest mixed with the other votaries content themselves with eating and liquor in the pot. Dubois says, in the meetings drinking of everything, without regard to the which they bold, all castes are invited, without usage of the country; and where men and excepting even the Parwari. Not only are all women, huddled promiscuously together, shamedistinctions abolished and the Parwari is as wel- lessly violate the sacred laws of decency and come as the Brahman, but they call themselves modesty." Then, again, be adds, "In some virs, heroes, and those that do not join them, varieties of these mysteries of iniquity, the pashus, beasts. This over, each one by turns conspicuous objects of the sacrifice to the Saktis takes and lies with the woman on the spot where are a large vase filled with drak and a young she has been worshipped, and each collecting the girl, quite naked, and placed in the most seed that has dropped puts it in a human shameful attitude. He who sacrifices calls upon skull. When all have done this, the seed is the Sakti, who is supposed, by this avocation, sipped with the utmost joy by all the members. to come and take up her residence in those two They hold the patra, skull, says Dr. Wilson, on objects. After the offering has been made of Dr. Wilson says, they prefer for their worship a female devotee, sharlot, #washer-woman, #barber's wife, Brahman, Chand Alin. Sudra, flower girl, millemaid, and

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MARCE, 1881.] ON THE JAINENDRA-VYAKARANA. all that was prepared for the festival, Brah. certain women of the caste, are the directors mans, Sndras, Pariahs, men and women, swill | of these horrible mysteries of iniquity." the a rak which was the offering to the Saktis, LEPERS. regardless of the same glass being used by Some of these unfortunate sufferers were once them all, which, in ordinary cases, would excite trusted servants and good stewards in respectable abhorrence. Here it is a virtuous act to par- | Hindu and other families. They and other misticipate in the same morsel, and to receive from erable creatures covered with loathsome diseases, each other's mouths the half-gnawed flesh. The whom one feels both pity and repugnance to look fanatical impulse drives them to excesses which at, may be seen perambulating our streets in modesty will not permit to be named. It cannot large numbers, especially in Khetwadi, or standwell be doubted that these enthusiasts endeavour, ing at the doors of houses clamouring for alms. by their infamous sacrifices, to cover with the None of these beggars penetrate the native town, veil of religion the two ruling passions-lust and yet they are not prevented from loitering or the love of intoxicating liquor. It is also wandering about in the public streets or lying certain that the Brahmans, and particularly down by the roadside.---(To be continued.) ON THE JAIN ENDRA-VYAKARANA. BY DR. F. KIELHORN, DECCAN COLLEGE, PUNA. The Government collection of Sanskrit MSS. | syAdhyAyasya caturthaH pAdaH samAptaH / / samAptacAya paJcamo'dhyAdeposited in the Library of the Deccan College | yH|| contains the following works of the so-called 2. (a) A paper MS. consisting of 262 leaves, Jainendra-vyakarana: containing the text of the Satras complete, with 1. (a) A paper MS. consisting of 314 leaves, a succinct commentary, entitled Sabdarnavaentitled Jainendravydkarana-mahavritti.? It chandrika, and composed by Somadeva-yati, or contains the text of the Sutras from I, 1, 1 to -munisvara (Somamara-uratipa). The MS. IV, 3, 30 (jyaH = P. VI, 1, 42) together with a begins : full commentary by Abhayanandi-muni. The zrIpUjyapAdamamalaM guNanandidevaM MS. begins: somAmaravratipapUjitapAdayugmam / devadevaM jinaM natvA sarvasattvAbhayapradam / siddhaM samunnatapadaM vRSabhaM jinendra zabdazAstrasya sUtrANAM mahAvRttiviracyate // 1 // sacchandalakSaNamahaM vinamAmi vIram // 5 // yacchabdalakSaNamasuvrajapAramanyai and it ends : ravyaktamuktamabhidhAnavidhI dridrH| iti jainendre vyAkaraNe zabdArNavacandrikAyAM vRttI paJcamo tatsarvalokahRdayApreyacAruvAkyai adhyAyaH // 5 // vyaktIkarotyabhayanandimuniH samastam // 2 // ziSTAcAraparipAlanArthamAdAviSTadevatAnamaskAralakSaNaM maGga zrIsomadevayatinirmitamAdadhAti lmidmaahaacaaryH| yA nI: pratItagaNananditazabdabA / seyaM satAmamalacetasi visphurantI [MS. nti || lakSmIrAsyantikI yasya niravadyAvabhAsate / vRttiH sadA nutapadA parivartiSISTa // 1 // devananditapUjeze namastasmai svayaMbhuve // 1 // / (6) An old palm-leaf MS. of the same work. (6) A paper MS. consisting of 75 leaves, and | Unfortunately this Ms. has been so much containing the same work from IV, 4, 143 injured that it will take some time to arrange (nakAca:=P.VI, 4, 163) to the end of the Jai- | the existing fragments of about 300 leaves in Dendra-grammar, V, 4, 124. The MS. ende : their proper order. The paper MS. of the Sabddrnavachandrika catuSTayaM samantabhadrasya // 12 // contains (after the last verse above quoted) a jhayo haH (see P. VIII, 4, 62) ityAdi catuSTaya sa- note, according to which the work was commantabhadrAcAryasya matena bhavati nAnyeSAm / tathA caivodAhatam // | posed in A.D. 1205, in the reign of Bhojadeva hatyabhayanandiviracitAyo jainendravyAkaraNamahAvRttI paJcama- (Bhoja II), ata Jinalaya founded by Gandara Description of the People of India, ed. 1817, pp. 171, 172. See also Ward's Mythology, vol. I, p. 217. HAMS. of this work is at Berlin; from it an account of the Jainendra-grammar and of the commentary has been given by Dr. Zachariae (Beitrage z. kunde d. ig. sprachen, vol. 1, pp. 296-811).

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. ditvadeva at Ajurika (the modern P), in which is the basis of Somadeva's commentary. the country of Kollapura' (see Selections from In both the text is divided into 5 Adhyayas the Records of the Bombay Government, No. |(pnycaadhyaayaaH parimANamasya pazcakaM jainendram / paJcakaM vidantyadhIVIII. New Series; pp. 321, 326-329). Taar:), each Adhyaya consisting of 3. A paper MS. consisting of 138 leaves, 4 Padas; but whereas in the shorter recension entitled Panchavastuka. This is a short gram- the total number of Sutras hardly amounts to mar arranged after the fashion of the Kaumudis. 3000, Somadeva's text contains no less than It c'esists of five chapters, Sandhi-vastu, Nama- 3,712 rules. There are also some slight differvastSaudhi-fi.e. Samasavidhi-) vastu, Hridvi. ences in the formation of the Pratya haras, in dhi . Tuddhitavidhi-) vastu, Akhyata-vastu. the employment of technical terms, and in the The Sutias are taken from the text of the arrangement and wording of the rules, but as Jainerdira grammar given by Abhayanandin, all these differences do not materially affect and hos are accompanied by a short commen- the character of the work, it is possible to base tary. Towards the end of the MS. the whole an estimate of it mainly on the shorter and, I is stated to be the work of Devanandy-dcharya may add, original text. ( 970 f 7R). How much . And here I may remark that among the truth there is in this statement, I shall endeavour various grammars which have come under my to show below; here it will suffice to note that notice, there is none more wanting in origiin a verse which occurs on Fol. 8a the author- nality, none more worthless than the Jainendram. ship of the Panchavastuka is distinctly assigned It was indeed difficult for later grammarians to to Srutalcirti. In the MS. before me the actual add to the store of knowledge which had been text of the Panchavastuka commences on Fol. collected by Panini, Katyayana, and Patanjali; 10a, and the first 9 leaves contain a commentary nevertheless there has been no lack of scholars on the introductory portion of it. The work who have endeavoured to improve on the arbegins : rangement of the Ashtadhyayi, and who, each jagacitayanAthAya namo janmapramAthine | in his way, have done useful work. The JainennayapramANavAyazmidhvastadhvAntAya zAntaye || dra-grammar, taken as a whole, is a copy of Panini pure and simple, and the sole principle atha pratyAhArakramo 7 nuvayate / tadyathA | a i uNa | ... on which it was manufactured, appears to be After a discussion on the Pratyahara-Sutras, that the saving of half a short vowel affords as in which it is stated that they are in every much delight as the birth of a son.' respect the same as those given in the works of The Jainendra-grammar omits all those rules former grammarians (meaning Panini), and that of Panini's grammar, which treat of the Vedic the Ayogavahas (Anusvara, Visarjaniya, etc.) idiom. Of the rules relating to the accents it are not put down in them, the author goes on retains only in a somewhat altered form) the to say (Fol. 116): general rules which define the terms Udatta, paJcamI gatimApannaM paJcatattvArthadezinam / Anudatta and Svarita, and the technical rule F T :. Pratyahara-Sutras ure not given, praNamya vacasA vakSye prapaJca paJcavastukam // but the Pratyaharas used are Panini's. For the In now proceeding to give a short account of rest, both the order of the rules and the rules the contents of the Jainendra-grammar, I have themselves are, generally speaking, the same first to state that the MSS. which have been as in Panini's grammar, and the compiler's described in the above, contain two different ingenuity is exclusively exerted in the endeavour recensions of the text of the Sutras, a shorter to economize one or more syllables. To this one which has been followed by Abhayanandin end he transposes the words of a role;" he omits and in the Panchavastuka, and a longer one the particle 7 (see Mahabhashya on P. I, 3, 'svasti zrIkolApuradezAntarvAjurikAmahAsthAnayudhiSThi- mabhaTTArakapazcimacakravartizrIvIrabhojadevavijayarAjye zakarSakarAvatAramahAmaNDalezvaragaNDarAdityadevamirmApitatribhuvanatilaka - sahasrakazatasaptaviMzatitamakodhanasaMvatsare svastisamastAnavadyavijinAlaye zrImatparamaparameSThizrIneminAthazrIpAdapadmArAdhanava- | dyAcakacakavartizrIpUjyapAdapadAnuraktacetasA zrImassomadevamunIlena vAdIbhavajJAGkazazrIvizAlakIrtipaNDitadevayAvRtyataH zrIma-zvareNa viraciteyaM zabdArNavacandrikA nAma vRttiriti / FEUGIK **4urag: TETETTIGETHAY - 1 persa E = P. VII, 1,9 atat e E.

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MARCH, 1881.] ON THE JAINENDRA-VYAKARANA. 77 93); he uses words in me and compound words that may be due to him, I may state that in generally in the singular; he employs a instead order to show the working of the difficult rule of vibhASA or anyatarasyAm ' and in general he sub- | spardhe param (= P. I, 4, 2vipratiSedhe paraM kAryama), he stitutes shorter words for longer ones, vt for employs some terms in the masculine and others aire (P. I, 4, 79), for TFT (TOT = P. III, in the neuter, and lays down the rule that where 3, 138, TEHETS), it for a (P. IV, 2, 4), two terms would seem to be simultaneously nR for manuSya, bha for nakSatra, rauti for byAharAti (P. IV,3, applicable, the neuter term must give way to 51), sakleza for pariktizyamAna (P. III, 4, 55) ete. one of different gender. 6: i.e. guru) in this But the most effective means which he employs manner supersedes fe (i.e. laghu), 4: supersedes to attain his object is the formation or, in some 164, T: (ie. dtmanepada) supersedes 44 (i.e. cases, the adoption, of a large number of short parasmaipada), etc. By means of this device technical terms, which are collected in the fol- the author has been enabled to embody in the lowing list : text of his Satras much of what we are taught in 9 = hrasva, # = dirgha, 9 - plutao ; e = laghu, the Varttikas on P. I, 4, 1. (See Mahabhashya, 5guru; TI = guna, tq - vriddhi, z = vriddha; vol. I, p. 301.) = pragrihya, = anunasika, = savarna, the The Varttikas are the source of another in novation which is of no mean importance to sani yoga, = samprasarana. = pratipadika, 3 = pratyaya, = taddhita, us because it will help us to settle the question of the authorship of the Jainendram. The 4 = keritya, f = tadraja, = nishtha, T = anga, 3rd Ahnika of Adhy. I, Pada 2, of the Maha= sarvanamasthana. bhashya treats of the so-called Ekasesha-rules F = samasa, tatpurusha, 4 - karmadharaya, of Panini's grammar (1, 2, 64-73) and the main r = dvigu, T = bahuvrihi, T = avyayfbhavu, g=ut result of a long and sometimes difficult distarapadt, 7 = u pasarjana. cussion is this that Panini might have saved v dhatu, p = akarmako dhatuh, T-sarvadhd himself the trouble of giving his rules, because tuka, apt - Ardhadhatuka, 4 = parasmaipada, it lies in the nature of words that e.g. the one = atmanepada, 7 = abhydsa, abhyasta, h = bage te should denote two or more Ramas just ekavachana, Rs = dvivachana, as - bahuvachana, as it denotes one Rama (Mahabh, vol. I, p. 242 BTC uttama, yshc=madhyama,aray - prathama, a i...... Fra). This doctrine the author f = bhavakarman. of the Jainendram accepts; he omits all the fe=avyaya, f = nipota, f = upasarga, fa=gati. rules on Ekasesha, and to defend the course =lopa, 34 = luk, =slu, 31 = lup; T = he has adopted he lays down the maximsasijna, =shash, = nadi, alg = upapada, f = am redita, Tq = napunsaka. 1,1, 99 FTIFIC TUTTEFETTAT: To obtain short names for the case-termina- (The rules on) Ekasesha I do not give. tions the compiler ingeniously forms the term fa- because it is the nature of words) to denote for termination' generally and tells us that we (two or more objects as well as one).' must add the vowal a to the several consonants Hence it is that the Jainendra-grammar is of this word, and the consonant to its vowels the 31 AUTE just as Panini's grammar in order to arrive at ar prathama, dvitiyd, is the rest T' T = tritiya, atq=chaturthi; T = panchami, a = The names of the grammatical authorities shashthi, $a = saptami. To complete the list, he mentioned by Panini are invariably omitted in substitutes it for amantrita, and for sam the Jainendram, the role for which an authority buddhi. is quoted by Panini being simply made optional. I have not considered it necessary to indicate To make up for this, the compiler quotes six the gender of the terms enumerated in this authorities of his own, Sridatta, Yasobhadra, list, bat not to deprive the author of any credit Bhutibali, Prabhachandra, Siddhasena, and A. *aag: 914 = P. I, 1, 27 watt art=P. II, 3, 59 14. * ATT SE 614: "See e.g. Klik-vritti on P. II, 4, 21 * T, and Padamanjart qafro - Reneftya, at 44TH. See P. 1, 2, 67. e.g. maat = P. I, 1, 16 fiyat fare. The longer recension omits Yako bhadra, bat adds Eke, Kechit, and Anyesham. fory4 T -

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. Samantabhadra; bat as all these are mentioned | On the last page of the palm-leaf MS. of the in such rules as are optional with Paninio the Sabdarnavachandrika, which 1 have mentioned process adopted in the case of Panini's authori- above, there occurs a verse which, owing to the ties appears here simply to have been inverted. fragmentary state of the leaf, is incomplete, but A commentary on the Dvyasrayamahakavya of of which luckily enough remains to show that Hemachandra tells us that Siddhasena was not a tho personage referred to in Vopadeva's verse grammarian, and the same we may believe of the was designated Pujyapadi. rest until their grammars have been discovered. iMdrazcaMdrazzakaTatanayaH pANiniH pUjyapAdo On the longer recension of the work which Jetaret THT: Tarie ........ has been commented on by Somadeva, little need be said here. Though many rules have been added in it from the Varttikas, rules of the ............ TITTITU SET 1 other recension have, where it appeared possible, Somadeva mentions this Pujyapada also in here been made even shorter, or have been the body of his commentary. For a rule which altogether omitted." The number of Pratyahara corresponds to P. I, 4, 86, he gives the instance sutras has been reduced to 13, and a place has TT Carr o ; for another rule correspondbeen given in them to the Ayogavabas. The ing to P. II, 1, 6, he instances arq9164; and rules defining Udatta, etc., are omitted, and so finally, when for the rule which corresponds to are the terms anudattet and svaritet of the P. IV, 3, 115, he instances 45494194shorter recension. For Sarvanaman and San- T he thereby clearly tells us that the Anekakhya we find 167 and feq; on the other hand sesha-i.e. the Jainendra-grammar is the work there is no Samprasarana, nor any equivalent of Pujyapada. for it. And though in the commentary the That this Pajyapada was not an ordinary work is still called the anekasesham vyakaranam, grammarian, but is the Pujyapada kar' deoxnv, all the Ekasesha-rules have been reintroduced Mahavira, the last of the Jinas, to whom the from Panini. title Jinendra is applied not infrequently, The existence of the Jainendra-grammar we learn from the tradition of the Jainas regardfirst became known through Vopadeva's Dhata ing the origin of the Jainendra-grammar. patha, in the introductory lines of which a When Mahavira-so the story goes, and it is grammarian Jainendra is enumerated with with slight variations repeated over and over Sakatayana, Panini, and other grammarians. again--was about eight years old, his parents thought it time that he should learn to read indrazcandraH kAzakRtsnApizalI shaakttaaynH| and write. With great pomp they accordingly pANinyamarajainendrA jyntyssttaadishaabdikaaH|| took him to school and introduced him to Some European scholars have, I do not know the Guru. Then Indra, by the shaking of his on what authority, transformed the name Jai- throne advised of what was going on here below, nendra into Jinendra, and they have discussed came down from heaven, assumed the form of the question whether this Jinendra is the same an old Brahmin, and asked the child to solve as Jinendrabuddhi, the author of gloss on the grammatical difficulties by which the mind the Kasika-vritti. The commentators on the of the Guru had long been distarbed, and Jainendra-grammar frequently speak of their which nobody had been able to explain before. grammar as the Mal and call its followers Mahavira not only answered all the questions Mart, but they nowhere mention a gram- put to him, but he also propounded the various marian Jinendra or Jainendra as the author of kinds of grammatical roles, and his atterances it, and I fear that the grammarian Jainendra is became the Jainendra-grammar. The Guru, nothing but a fiction of Vopadeva's. delighted with what he had heard, made Maha10 P. 11, 3, 25: III, 1, 113, 120; V, 1, 86; VI, 8, 72; allegorical play composed by Yasabpfla in honour of king VII, 1, 7; and VIII, 4, 62. Kumarapala. In the beginning of the Pancha vastuka it E... P. II, 3, 5 FTUARTatt; Short Rec. is stated that the proper Nangala for the commencement of a work is jinendraguNastotram , and the term jinendra is erA V123; Longer Rec. 6144p plained STAAT . then is equivalent to E.g. P. II, 3, 1 staffta; Shorter Rec. 29; Longer PANT, PT, sra , and so the word is used, e.g. in Rec. om. a commentary on the Upadensmala, at the commencement 13 E.,. in the first verse of the Mohardjapardjaya, an of a MS. of the Gaadavadha and elsewhere.

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MARCH, 1881.] ON THE JAINENDRA-VYAKARANA. 79 %3D viraa Guru too, and saluted by Indra, the child | mar to the Jinendra Mahavira, and that for returned home with his parents. this reason they term it the Jainendram. We In Somayasundarasuri's commentary on the must look for an ordinary human author of the Kalpasutra the Sanskrit text of the main part of work, and we shall, I trust, have little difficulty this legend is as follows: atha bhagavato lekhazAlAkaraNaM | in discovering him. kabhyate / tasya vistArastvayam / .......... upAdhyAyazAlAdvAra I have shown that the Jainendram, to distinbhagavAnAnItaH / ...... anAntara indrasyAsanaM calAcalaM guish it from other grammars, is called the jAtam | ... tata indra...bhAgatya prabhoH paraH prAha | aho Anekusesham vyakaranam, the grammar in which aho mAtrAdInAM mohaH / bhagavantI hi vinApyadhyayana vidvAMso there are no rules on Ekasesha, and I may now state that the author of that grammar bhavanti / ...... para bhavanta mAtApinomanorathAH pUrNAH / tata can be no other than Devanandin, a grammarian indro vRddha brAhmaNarUpaM kRtvA bhagavanta muccayogyAsana upavezyo who is mentioned in the Ganaratnamahodadhi pAdhyAyamanogatAnsaMdehAnbhagavantaM pRcchati sma | bhagavAtha teSAmu and elsewhere. My proofs are these : tarANi dattavAn | upAdhyAyazca bhagavatA kathyamAnAnyuttarANi 1. For the rule Ta of the Jainendram zRNvannevamacintayat | aho ete vyAkaraNasaMdehA mama bAlyAvasthAta ( = P. IV, 3, 115) the commentator AbhayananArabhyAbhUvanparaM na kenApi paNDitena bhagnA anena bAlenApi | din gives the illustration daivanandinamanekazeSaM vyAkaraNam bhagnAH | aho etasya bAlasya jJAnam / ilyAzcarye kriyamANa indra | - the Anekasesha grammar composed by DevaupAdhyAyapaNDitaM prAha | bho enaM bAlamA mA jAnIhi | bhayaM namdin." tribhuvanasvAmI jJAnatrayasahitaH sarvajJapAyI mahAvIradevaH / indreNa 2. On the rule upajJopakramaM tadAdyako ( = P. II, 4, dazadhA sUtrANi pRSTAni saMjJAsUtraM paribhASAsUtra vidhisUtra niyama 21) both Abhayanandin and Somadeva quote the sUrya pratiSedhasUtramadhikArasUtramatidezasUtramanuvAdasUtraM vibhASA instance devopajJamanekazeSavyAkaraNam 'the Anekadesha mUrva nipAtanasUtram | bhagavatA caiteSAM dazAnA vyAkaraNamU- grammar first propounded by Deva (i.e. DevatrANAM pratyuttarANi dattAni / tadA tatra sthAne jainendravyAkaraNaM nandin.) 3. On a rule which corresponds to P. I, 1, jAnam / tata upAdhyAyavipreNApi bhagavAnmahAvIradevo guruH kRtH| 69 and 70, and which in the shorter recension nano viprasya bahudAnAdinA saMtoSaM kRtvA bhagavastiyaiva vicchittyA is worded 'aNaditsvasyAtmanAbhAbyo'tapara:' and in the gRhe gataH / indro'pi bhagavantaM praNamya svasthAnaM gataH || longer recension 'svasyAbhAvyo'tparo'Nudit , the In another commentary on the Kalpasutra, commentator Somadeva quotes the following entitled Kalpadrumakalika, and composed by verse : Lakshmivallabha, we are told that the rules of AdezaH pratyayazcaiva kaTameto hi lakSmaNi | grammar were propounded by Mahavira, and furnished with a gloss and illustrations by Indra. bhAvyazabdena paJcaite kabhyante devanandibhiH / / nadA dazAGgaM vyAkaraNaM kRtam | jinena sUtrANi pratimAditA- By the word 14 in this rule Devanandin nIndreNa vRttirudAharaNAni darzitAni | talloke jainendra vyAkaraNa denotes the following five, viz. a substitute, an jAtam / / affix, that which has , that which has t, and Again, in the UpadesamAla-karnika, by Uda that which .has m for its Anubandha.' (See yaprabhadevasari, Vardhamana Mahavira, the Mahabhashya, vol. I, page 177.) Jinendra, is made to reveal the science of words' 4. The MS. of the Panchavastuka ends with to Indra, and the Guru is reported to have pub the remark that this is the work of the Acharya lished those revelations under the title of Aindra Devanandin. But as the explanatory part of the Panchavastuka is in the body of the MS. grainmar. stated to belong to Srutalirti, I take the truth upopAdhyAyamAnIte pinAtha trijagadgurI / of that remark to be that Devanandin was the hareH pIThamanaucityAcaraNenaiva kampitam / / author of the rules rearranged and commented matvAvadhestamavadhi gatvA natvA ca jiSNunA / on in the Panchavastuka. pRSTo adhyAsya guroH pIThaM zabdavidyA jagI prbhuH|| 5. Finally, I believe that the author of the Jainendram hituself has suggested to us his indrAyedaM jinendreNopadiSTamiti viSTape / name in the very first lines of his work, which aindrAkhyaM tadupAdhyAyo khyApayacchandazAsanam / / have been quoted already, and which run thus: These quotations, to which I might add others, lakSmIrAtyantiko yasya niravadyAvabhAsate / will suffice to prove that the Jainas themselves generally ascribe the composition of their gram devananditapUjeze namastasmai svyNbhusse||

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881 FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 43.) No. 7.-FOLK-TALE. "Some horrid creeping thing from the world Princess Pepperina. outside must have stolen in while I was asleep," A bulbul' and its mate lived in a forest and sang said he to himself, "I will search for it and kill all day. At last the bulbul said "Oh husband, it." So he began to search and found nothing I should like some green chillis." The obedient but the shining glittering green egg. He took it lover flew off at once to find some. He flew and he to the summer-house, wrapped it up in cotflew, and he flew: still not in one single garden ton wool, and laid it in a niche in the wall. could he find a single green chilli. There was Every day he looked at it, and sighed to think either no fruit at all on the bushes, or it was red. of his lost chilli; but one morning when he went At last in a desolate place he came to a magni- to the piche, lo and behold! the egg had disficent garden; the tall mango trees shaded it, appeared, and in its place sat the loveliest and innumerable flowers and fruits were to be fittle maiden. She was dressed from head to seen, but not a single sign of life: no birds, foot in emerald green, and round her throat no beasts, no insects. The bulbul flew down hung a single large emerald, shaped just like a into the middle of the garden, and lo! there green chilli. The Jinn, who was good-bearted grew a single pepper plant, and on it hung one and fond of children, was delighted, and made single large green chilli that shone like an emerald. it the business of his life to tend the Princess So the bulbul flew home to his mate, and said, Pepperina, for that she told him was her name. "Come with me, dear wife, and I will show you | Now when the Princess Pepperina was about the most beautiful green chilli you ever saw." twelve years old, it became time for the Jinn Now the Jinn to whom the garden belonged to go to sleep again, and he puzzled his brains, was asleep in a summer-honse; he generally what was to become of the princess meanwhile. slept for twelve years at a time, and then It so happened that a king and his minister were remained awake for twelve years. So he knew hunting in the forest, and came upon the garden. nothing about it when the bulbul and his wife Curious to see what was inside, they climbed arrived in the garden and began to eat his over the wall, and found the beautiful Princess beautiful green chilli. It so happened, however, Pepperina seated by the pepper plant. The that the time for his awakening was drawing young king fell in love with her at once, saynear, so he was restless and had bad dreams ing, "Come and be my bride." while the bulbul's wife was eating the chilli. At "Not so," said the Princess modestly. "The the end of that time she laid one green glitter- Jinn who owns this garden is as my father, ing egg on the ground beneath the pepper and you must ask him; unfortunately he has plant, and then she and her mate flew away. a habit of eating men sometimes." Bat when Just then the Jinn woke, and, as usual, went she looked at the young king her heart softened ; at once to see how his pet pepper plant was she had never seen any one so handsome and getting on. He found it pecked to pieces. beautiful; so she said " Bide yourselves in Great was his sorrow and dismay; he wondered the garden, and when the Jinn returns I will what had done the damage, knowing well that question him." neither bird, beast or insect lived in the garden. No sooner had the Jinn entered the summer Shahzadt mirchd; the word is shhzdy mrj 1 ki dhon do ap bhag jdegd. Give it pepper-smoke and it will go of itself. The story was told by an old Muhammadan woman from Kasur, and is probably of Afghan or Persian origin.-R.C.T. U!!Bulbul; Arabic, nightingale, now & naturalized word all over India.-R.C.T. S U N Harf mirch-. e. green pepper or green chilli.-R.C.T. JY Lal mirch-red chilli or pepper.-R.C.T. wo Jinn, Arabic, Lat.genius spirit.-R.O.T. properly ) mirch, which also assumes the forms marich, Panj. michch, and HTTi mircha, etc. The proper Persian expression for Princess Pepperina would be jl Jils Pilkt shahzadt. The smoke of pepper, mirch (Capsicum Frutescens), is supposed to drive out evil spirits from those possessed, generally women, if applied to the nose; whence the proverbW S T Wi w . Mirchon T

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MARCH, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. house than he called out "Ho, ho, ho, manush. Now the young king continued passionately in gandh ! manushgandh / love with his new wife, but the other women were Then the Princess said: "Dear Jinn, eat me jealous, especially after she gave birth to the most if you will, for there is no man here, only me." lovely young prince that ever was seen; so they But the Jinn kissed her, and caressed her, say- thought and thought how they might kill her or ing "Dear life! I would sooner eat bricks and lay a snare for her. Every night they came mortar." After that the princess asked him what to the door of the Queen's room and whispered would happen to her when he fell asleep, and the to see if she was awake, saying--"The Princess good Jinn became sad and troubled at the Pepperina is awake, but all the world is fast thought of her loneliness. At last he said: "If asleep." Now the emerald which the Princess I could only marry you to some young man, wore round her neck, was a talisman,' and always but there are none hereabouts : besides your told the truth. So it answered at once, "Not husband must be as beautiful as you are, and it 80! The Princess is asleep; it is the world that will be a hard task to find such an one." Then wakes." Then the wicked women shrunk away, the Princess Pepperina was rejoiced, and said for they knew they had no power to harm the "Do you promise to marry me to anyone, Princess so long as the talisman was round her provided he is as beautiful as I am P" The Jinn promised faithfully; then the princess | At last, one day when the Princess was bathclapped her hands, and out of a thicket came ing she took off the talisman, and left it by the young king. mistake in the bathing place. That night when When he stood beside the princess holding the wicked women came and whispered-" The her hand, even the Jinn was obliged to confess Princess Pepperina is awake, but all the world that never was such a handsome couple seen. is fast asleep," the truthful talisman called out So the marriage was performed hurriedly, for from the bathing place :" Not so! the Princess already the Jinn began to yawn; but when he is asleep, it is the world that wakes." Then said goodbye to the princess, he wept so that it knowing by the direction whence the voice kept him awake, and he followed them in his came, that the talisman was not in its usual thoughts till he longed to see her face once more. place, they stole into the room softly, killed Then he changed himself into a dove, and flew the young prince who was sleeping in his crib, cut after her, and fluttered above her head. When him into little bits, then laid them in his mother's he had had a good look at her, and saw she was bed, and gently stained her lips with his blood. happy, he flew back again to his garden, and Then they called the king, and said "See, yawned; but the green mantle of Princess your beautiful wife is an ogre. She has killed Pepperina floated before his eyes and kept him her child in order to eat his flesh." Then the awake. So he changed himself into a hawk, and king was very wroth, and ordered her to be flew after her circling round her head. When he first whipped out of his dominions, and then had assured himself of her welfare, he flew back to killed. his garden and tried to sleep. But the soft eyes So the beautiful Princess Pepperina was of the Princess seemed to look into his, so that scourged out of the kingdom and slain ; but when he could not close them. At last he cbanged she died her body became a high white wall, himself into an eagle, and soared far ap into her eyes turned into liquid pools of water, her the sky, till with his bright piercing eyes he saw green mantle into stretches of soft grass, her the princess away on the horizon entering a long twining hair into creepers and tendrils, king's palace. Then he was satisfied, yawned, while her scarlet mouth and white teeth and went to sleep. changed to a bed of roses and narcissus. Then .dt, d, , T. Sansk. manushgandh. Lit.: smell of a man. I smell a man. This is a common expression put into the mouth of Jinna, etc. in stories, and is the counterpart apparently of the English " Fee, fa, fum, I smell the blood of an Englishman."-R.C.T. The English word is from the Arabic polb tilis, plural wlowb tilisradt = Byzantine Greek tehera, incantation, charm, enchantment. The old Greek word Telegua from Telew meant a toll or taxes, and had no deri vation in common with the later word, with which it soema to have been confounded.-R.O.T. ger Bhatni, a female # bhat. See note to Sir Bamble.-R.C.T. The same idea occurs in the Princess Aubergine and many other similar stories.-R. C. T.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. her soul took the form of a chakwa anda die before the other, the Princess Pepperina chakwi, and floating on the liquid pools mourned will take her own form again." The king, her sad fate all day long. delighted at the prospect of seeing his love Now after many days, the king, who was full again, called the chakwa and chakwi to him: of distress for the loss of his young wife, went they came quite readily, and stood heart to vut hunting, and found no sport anywhere. heart, while he cut off their heads with one By chance he came to the high white wall, blow of his sword. No sooner were their and being curious to see what it encircled, he heads off than there stood the Princess Peppeclimbed over it, and saw the green grass, and rina smiling and beautiful as ever : but strange twining tendrils, the roses and narcissus, and to say, the liquid pools and grass, the roses and the liquid pools with the chakwa and chakwi narcissus remained as they were. Hoating on them, singing sorrowfully. The Then said the king-"Come home, I will king was hot and tired, so he lay down to rest never mistrust you again, and I will kill the on the grass and listened to the cry of the birds. wicked traitors who belied you." Then the chakwa told his mate the whole But the Princess said " Not so. Let me live story of the wicked women's treachery, and the here always." king listened with a beating heart. Just then the Jinn woke and yawned. He The chakwi wept, saying-" Can she never knew at once by his art where the Princess become alive again? was, so he flew to ber, saying " Just so ! and "If any one will catch us and hold us close here I will live also." together," answered the chakwa, " with heart So he built them a magnificent palace, and to heart, and then sever our heads from our there the Princess remained and was happy bodies at one blow, so that neither of us shall ever after. KWAN-YIN. BY REV. S. BEAL. It is first of all plain from the explanation was actually corrupted into svara in the compound yiven in the Encyclopaedia Yi-tsi-king-yin- word Avalokiteswara--but granting this, it (vi/91), that when the palm-leaf manuscripts remains to inquire whether this corruption was were first introduced into China from India, that accidental or designed. The writer of this article the name of this Deity was written A valo kit has elsewhere given reasons which induce him swara, where the second member of the to think that the change was not accidental title is Iswara-but the notice proceeds: "When (Catena, p. 383); and it seems abundantly evident other Satras were introduced (at a later period) that it originated in the northern veneration from the Snowy Mountains (i.e., probably from paid to the published Scriptures of the PrajnaNepal), then the word iswara was found changed Paramita class. Mr. Hodgson, in his Essays, tells into svari, and hence was translated into the as that these works are known generally as Chinese as yin, or voice." Now, this is an Raksha Bhagavati, i.e., the goddess who delivers important statement, as it agrees with the criti- -which is an especial attribute of Kwan-yin, cism of Klaproth and Stan. Julien that iswara and as a singular corroboration of this the short The words supposed in the Panjab to be used by the birds are chkhw myn arn ;n chkhwy chkhry myn awn ;n chkhw 10 1gsm and s chakwa and chakwi-The raddy goose or sheldrake, the Brahmani duck: Anas casarca or ca sarca rutila. It had several names in Sansk, chakrachakravaka - chakrasdhezya = chakrahva = chakrahvaya. Dr. Fallon, Nere Hind. Dict., says of this bird " It is found all over India in the winter. It breeds on rocks on the borders of the great Him &layan lakes. The bird extends all over central Europe and the greater part of Asia and Northern Africa. The Indians have a legend that two lovers for some indiscretion were turned into Brahmavi ducks, and condemned to pass the night apart from each other on the opposite banks of a river. All night long each asks the other in turn if it sball join ita mate, and the answer is always in the negative. ChakwiShall I come ? No, Chakwi. Chakwi-Shall I come ? No, ChakwA." Chakwl-main Owin? Na, Chakwi. Chakwi-main dwan! Na, Chakwa. ut, main dwn is the Panjabi form of W, 1 main aun-may I come ? shall I come ? The chakwa and chakwi are considered sacred by the multitude, but on what ground it is not clear. There seems to be no distinct story attached to them, but I have heard of songs about them which I have not succeeded in procuring. They are of course the emblem of constancy, like the English turtle dove. The English term Brihmani Duck is & curious one, of which I have no satisfactory derivation to offer.-R.C.T.

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MARCH, 1881.) PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 83 work which introduces the voluminous Prajna. Paramita-sutra in the Chinese version, is drawn up in the shape of a Mantra with Sariputra as the Rishi, and Avalo kit es wara as the Devata, bat in M. Burnouf's Cummentary on the Yagna we are told that the word mantra is equivalent to the Zend methra, and that tanumathrahe, which occurs so frequently in the Vendidad, is only a form signifying "the embodi. ed word or speech,"-we will give the passage : "Il faut reconnaitre que cet adjectif est un compose possessif, et traduire : celui qui a la parole pour corps,' 'celui dont la parole est le corps ;' et (peut-etre par extension) parole faite corps, incarnee. Cette interpretation ne saurait etre douteuse ; car le sens de lanu est bien fixe en Zend, c'est le Sanscrit tanu, et le Persian tan ( corps); et celui de mathra n'est pas moins certain puisque ce mot end ne differe de Sanskrit mantra que par l'adoption de l' e qui aime a preceder th et par l'aspiration du t, laquelle resulte de la rencontre de la dentale et de la liquide r." It seems plain then that the alteration of iswara into svara in the compound we are alluding to, resulted from a designed assignation of the office of Avalokiteswara (the manifested Deity) to the mantra which forms the introduction of the Prajna Paramita Sdtra, and afterwards to all the Sutras of this class. This mantra having the virtue of Bhagavati, became the type of the "manifested word" or "embodied speech," and hence assumed the character Vach as known and adored in the Vedas--or of tanu mathrahe (embodied speech) As named in the Yacna. In general, then, and as sufficient explanation for most purposes, we may regard Kwa n-yin as the manifestation of the mind of Buddha (or the Jnana Buddha Amitabha) in the character of Prajna or sublime wisdom, embodied in the scriptures bearing that name. The reason why this Deity was first regarded as a male and afterwards a female, is to be found in the title fswara, masculine, and Vach a feminine noun.' M. SENART ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY M. EMILE SENART. (Continued from Vol. IX, p. 287.) Fourth Edict. (1) surusa thairasusrusa'C.] esa ane cha ba(1) Atikatam amtaram' bahuni vasasatani vad- huvidhe dhammacharane vadhite vadbayi hitoeva pranarambho vihisa cha bhu- sati cheva devanampriyo tanam patisu (") priyadasi raja dhammacharanam' idam(.] ( asampratipati ba mhanasramananam asam putra cha potra cha prapotra cha' devananpratipati" (.) ta aja devanampriyasa' priya priyasa priyadasino rano dasino rano " vadhayisati idam dhammacharanam' Ava (1) dharmacharanena bherighoso aho dham- savatakapa dhammamhi silamhi tistamto maghoso vimanadasana cha hastidasana cha dhammam anusasisamti[.] () agikhamdhani cha anani cha divyani' rupani (9) esa hi seste kamme ya dhammanusasanam dasayitpa' janam[:] yarise bahuhi vasa- dharmacharane pi na bhavati asilasa[:] satehio va imamhi athamhi () na bhutapuve tarise aja vadhite' devanam- () .dhi cha ahini cha sadhu[.] etaya athaya priyasa priyadasino rano dhammanusastiye idam lekhapitam imasa athasa vadhi yuanaram jamtahini cha ( bho prananamn avihisa' bhutanam natinam () .lochetavyA'[.] dvadasavasabhisitena deva sampatipati bamhanasamananam sampati- nan-priyena' priyadasina rana idam lekhapati matari pitari pitam (.) Conf. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. III, (1834), p. 164; or Prinsep's Essays, (Ed. Thomas), vol. I, p. 135. * From The Oriental, November 6, 1875. 1 From Journal Asiatique, VII. ser. tom. XIV, pp. 215ff. Conf. Prinsep, Jour. 4. 8. Beng. vol. VII (1838), p. 250ff.; Wilson, J. R. As. Soc. vol. XII, p. 174ff.; Kern, Jaartell. d. suidel. Buddh. p. 45ff. Lassen, Ind. Alt. Bd. II,(int ed.) p. 226, n. 2, 3; p. 227, n. 1, 2, 4. It should be stated that these transcriptions of the different edicta represent the readings of the facsimiles in Burgess' Archeological Survey of Kathi and Kachh, the author's corrections, given in his comments, are not reproduced here. These readings differ from those represented in plate V of Cunningham's Corp. Inscriptionum. The priis indistinct in the facsimile B.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. Translation. In the past there has prevailed for many ages the destruction of living things, violence towards the creatures, want of regard for relations, want of regard for Brahmans and Sra- manas. But now king Piyadasi, dear to the gods, being faithful in the practice of religion, has made the noise of drums to resound [in such a way that it is) as the (very) sound of religion, pointing out to the people the processions of reliquaries, elephants, torches, and other heavenly spectacles. Thanks to the instruction in religion spread by king Piyadasi, dear to the gods, there now prevails, as it has not for many ages, respect for living creatures, gentleness towards beings, respect for relatives, respect for Brahmans and Sramans, obedience to father and mother, obedience to seniors (" obedience to seniors" wanting in the Khalsi copy). In this matter, as in many others, the practice of religion prevails, and king Piyadasi, dear to the gods, will continue to make it prevail [Kapurdigiri : and this practice of religion, which king Piyadasi, dear to the gods, observes, shall contipne to prevail]. The sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of king Piyadasi, dear to the I gods, shall make this practice of religion to prevail even to the end of the world; established [K. : living) in religion and virtue, they shall teach religion. For the teaching of religion is the most virtuous work, and there is no [real] practice of religion without virtue. Now the development, the success of that religious] concern is good. It is for this purpose that it has been engraved, in order that they may apply to the greatest good of this concern, and that they may not see in it [G: that there may not be seen in it) any decay (K: and that decay More freely-"Now, says Piyadasi, that I practise the true law, my drum is indeed the drum of the law, for I make it resound in the holy solemnities where I show to my people elephants, sacred cars, the splendour of torch illuminations, spectacles quite divine" (p. 225). Prinsep, a.s. p. 252ff.; Wilson, w. s. p. 182ff.; Lassen, W. 8. p. 237, n. 1, 3; p. 239, n. 3. . The readings in these places differ from those shown in plate V. of Corpus Inscrip. Khalsi reads-kayane dukale e adi kayandsd, &c. Dhauli reads here --dhomwadhiye hitasukhdye cha dharmayatasa yobakambochagadh Alesu lathika pitenikesu, &. Khalsi,-dhonis maradhiye kitesukhdye vi dhamiyutasa tan yobamkambojangathdhalinam, &c.; and Kapurdi. giri, cha durmaradhiya hitsukhnya cha dharmayathaa yakamboyogandharanam rathikana pitinikanat, &e. * Dhaali reads here--bambhaibhisasu ondthesu mahalokesu cha hitasukhiye, &c.; Jangada has only -b hanibhi. Khasi has, -bassbhanithisu anathesu vadhasu hidasuk may not arise in it), king Piyadasi, dear to the gods, has caused this to be engraved in the thirteenth year of his consecration. Fifth Edict." (") Devinampriyo piyadasi raja evam Ahao (7 kalamamo dukaram ye a... 'kalanesa 80 dukaram karoti [.] (") ta maya bahu kalanam katam[.] ta mama puta cha pota cha para cha tena ye me apachain ava samvatakapao anuvatisare tatha (6) 80 sukatam ka sati yo tu eta desam pihapesatio so dukatam kasati(.) sukaram hi papam [.] atikatam amtaram (9) na bhutapurvamo dhammamahamata nama[.] ta maya todasavasabhisitena dhammamahamata kata [.) te savapa sandesa vya pata dhamadhistanaya (0) .......... dharmayutasa cha yona kambojagamdharanam ristikapotenikanario ye vapi amne aparata bhatamayesu va () ........... 'sukhAya dhammaynte nam aparagodhaya vyapata te bamdhana badhasa satividhanaya () ......oja katabhikaresu va thairesu va vya patate patalipute cha bahiresuo cha (")....... "ne vapi ma ane natika savata vya pate te yo ayam dhammanisrito ti va ( .......... "dhammamahamata.] etaya athaya ayam dhammalipi likhita[.] Translation. Thus saith Piyadasi, the king dear to the gods: The practice of ] virtue is difficult; he who (deviates not) from virtue does something difficult. Now I have myself done many virtuous actions. Also those of my sons, of my grandsons, and afterwards those of my descendants, who, till the end of the kalpa, shall haye, &c.; and Kapardigiri,-- brahmanibheshu anathesu vatashu hetasukhaye. 10 Here D. has, -apalibodhaye mokhdye cha iyan am. bardha pajd. 1.. katabhikale ti va maholaketi va viy&pat se hida cha bAhilesu, &c.; Kh-apalibodhdye molhaye cha eyazh an ubasidha pajavati vi pajati vapi) katabhikale ti va mahalake ti ve viyapata te hida b&hilesu che, &c.; and K-panabodhaye mochavo drauaya ... pajati kitabhikari va mahalaka va viyopata ti cha babireshu, &c. 11 Here D. hoa, galeru gavesu sovesu olodhanesse udpi bhatanaris va bhagininorh va amnesu va natita, &c.; Kh,-nagalesu navesu holodhanesu bhatana cha nenh bhaginiya (bhaginina e vapi atana natike [k&] &c.; and K nagareshu sarveshu orodhanesh bhrtuna cha me pasuns cha ye vapi ane natika, &c. 19 D-yath dhasamadhithane w danasdynte o sarapathaviyanis dhani mayutasi vidpate ime dhamma. mahamatAC.); Kb.-va dinasayute ti ud ad majatachha mama dhashmayutasi viyapata te dhatomamshemts; and K-V viviu dharmadhitane ti u danasayuta a athi ? nati thata dharmayatasi. vara siyapata dhar. mamahamatra.

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CASTES OF THE TAMIL NATION. MARCH, 1881.] thus follow my example, these shall do well;18 those who shall abandon that path they shall do evil. In reality evil is easy (K. evil is in human nature; Dh. Kh.: let us strive then against evil!). It is thus that in the past there were no Inspectors of Religion. But I have in the fourteenth year of my consecration created Inspectors of Religion. They are concerned with the adherents of all sects, with respect to the establishment of religion, the progress of religion, the use and the honour of the faithful of the (true) religion; they are concerned with the Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Gandharas, the inhabitants of Surashtra, and the Petenikas (the two last names are omitted at Kh.), and with the other frontier populations, with warriors, with Brahmans, and with rich and poor, with the aged, in order to procure their welfare and In the ancient manuscripts left behind by the Tamils, it is recorded that that nation is divided into four castes, viz., Brahmans, Kshattriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras; and to show their quality and rank, it is said in the aforesaid MSS. that the Brahmans proceeded from the head of Brahma, which they understood to be the element earth; the Kshattriyas from his breast, the Vaisyas out of his thighs, and the Sadras out of his feet; by these emblematical expressions, they represent the distinctions of their castes. The Brahmans are priests, and A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CASTES OF THE TAMIL NATION. By the late Rev. Philip DeMelho, on the Ceylon Establishment of the Hon'ble the Dutch East India Company. COMMUNICATED BY MR. 15 The construction in the Kapurdigiri version differs alightly-"My sons... and the descendants which I shall have till the end of the world [those of them] who shall follow my example. This paper, which was found among the MSS. left by De Melho at his lamented death in 1790, is a translation from the Dutch, in which it was originally written. De Melho, who was by birth a Tamil gentleman, is remarkable as the first native of Ceylon who was ordained a Christian Minister. A brief memoir of him is pub lished in The Tamil Plutarch, by Simon Casin Chitty, C.C.S., author of the Ceylon Gazetteer; and the following extract from Beeton's Dictionary of Universal Information, Geography, History, Biography, and Chronology, shows what manner of man he was:-Melho, (Philip De), an eminent Divine, Biblical translator, and poet, was the first native of Ceylon who was admitted into the Christian Ministry. His learning and labours earned him the title of Rabbi De Melho,' and 'the great labourer.' After education in the only seminary in his native town, and an examination in Hebrew, Greek, and Theology, he was licensed to preach before he attained the age of 21. He was ordained in the island, as an exception to the Dutch rule, 85 happiness, to remove all obstacles before the faithful of the [true] religion; they are concerned to comfort him who is in chains, to remove obstacles for him, to deliver him because he is burdened with a family, because he has been the victim of craft, because he is old; at Patalipata (Dh. Kh. K.: here) and in other towns, they concern themselves with the private life of all my brothers and sisters and of my other relations; over all the land (K. Kh.: in all my empire) the Inspectors of Religion are concerned with the faithful of the (true) religion, with those who are diligent in religion, who are established in (the excellent adds K.) religion, who are given to alms. It is for this end that this edict has been engraved. (Dh. Kh. and K. May it long endure, and may people thus follow my example!) MAT. P. J. ONDAATJE." may be considered similar to the Levites among the Jews, as they exercise themselves only in their Law or Religion, and explain it to the people. These are sub-divided into three classes, viz.-1st. The race of Fire, adoring fire as their idol. 2nd. The race of Kasibar, a prophet among them; they worship Siva; and 3rd. The race of Paratoewaser, who was also a prophet among them; they worship the idol Vishnu. The Kshattriyas are kings, who in former times enjoyed thrones. They are also divided which rendered an university education a sine qua non for the ministry. He officiated in Dutch, Portuguese, and Tamul, and was eloquent in the pulpit. His principal works are Tamul versions of the New Testament from the Greek, the Dutch liturgy and some of the Psalms of David, &c. in metre; a work against Popery, entitled The Triumph of Truth, a Catechism in Portuguese, and a version of the Pentateuch from the Hebrew, published in 1790, also additions to the Tamul Classical Lexicon, and other philological works. At his death, he left translations of the books of Joshua, Judges and Ruth in MS. He also wrote many poems of great merit. Born at Colombo, 1723. Died at Jaffna, North Ceylon, 1790." By whom the footnotes have been added. 3 The ancient Romans had also four divisions; the Flamen, corresponding with the Brahman; the Knight corresponding with the Kshatrya; the Patrician corresponding with the Vaisya; and the Plebeian corresponding with the Sudra. The castes are also described by their virna or colour,Brahmans, white; Kshattriyas, red; Vaisyas, yellow; and Sudras black. Caste is a word of Portuguese origin, meaning breed or descent. Baradwaja.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. into three classes; 1st, the race of fire, whose kings were called by the common appellation of Seran. They reigned over the kingdom of Maleywar, which was corrupted by the Portuguese into Malabar, signifying the mountain; and according to this name of that kingdom, their language Tamil is called Malavy, i.e., Malabar, as also Malen Tamil, i.e. Malabar Tamil. 2nd, the race of the sun, whose kings were called by the common appellation of Solen (Cholan). They governed the kingdom of Solamandalam, which was also corrupted by the Portuguese into Coromandel, signifying the kingdom of Solen, and their language is the Telugu, which is also called Va dagu (Northern). 3rd, the race of the moon, whose kings are called by the common appellation of Pandiyan. They governed the kingdom of Madura, and their language is the pure and elegant Tamil, which is also commonly called, though improperly, Malabar. The Vaisyas are noblemen, and divide themselves also into three classes, viz. : [MARCH, 1881. 12th. Uppu-vaniyar (Uppu-karar,) i.e. salt makers. 13th. Pumalai-karar, i.e. flower sellers (and garland makers). 14th. Illewaleyr, i.e. watchmen of the fortresses. 9th. Pannar, i.e. tailors. 10th. Ennai-vaniyar, i.e. oil-mill workers. 11th. Sunnambu-vaniyar (Cunnambu-karar,) 15th. Vettiyar, i.e. Paraiyar, tom-tom beaters, who likewise are weavers, and bear the corpses of the dead, (and grave-diggers). 16th. Kossevar (Kusavar), potters. 17th. Viraka-diyar, i. e. chank blowers at weddings and deaths. 18th. Vannar, i. e. washermen. The out-door servants among others are 1st. Komattiyar, a low sort of traders. 2nd. Salapar, also a low sort of traders. 3rd. Agambadiyar, a low sort of husband men. 4th. Parawar, 5th. Karaiyar, 6th. Tamilar, 7th. Mukkuvar, 8th. Pattenewar, 9th. Sampade war, 10th. Pallewallar: Fishermen of different kinds. 11th. Sandar, (Sapar), 12th. Pallar, 13th. Nallavar: Toddy-drawers of different kinds. 14th. Tannekanar, 15th. Mavuttar, ("Mahouts"), 16th. Parambar: Elephant-keepers. 1st: the race of Ko-vaisyas or Idaiyar, i.e. pastors, who earn their livelihood by keeping cattle. 2nd: that of Tana-vaisyas, or Chettis, i.e. merchants, who support themselves by trade and merchandise. 3rd, that of Pu-vaisyas or Vellalar, i.e. husbandmen, whose work is husbandry. 17th. Kaykalar, 18th. Seniyar, 19th. Challiar: (Saliyar), Weavers of different kinds. 20th. Elutta-karar, i. e. painters. 21st. Sayekarar, i. e. dyers. The Sudras are servants of the three classes of Vaisyas aforesaid, and are divided into two castes, viz. : 22nd. Eleyvaniyar, i. e. betel vendors. 23rd. Marawar, 24th. Kurawar, 25th. Vedar: Inhabitants of the forest, of different kinds. 26th. Semmar, 27th. Sakkiliyar: Shoemakers 1, House servants, named Kudimakal, and 2, out-door servants. The house servants are eighteen in number, viz. : of different kinds. 1st. Nawidar, (Naviyar). i.e. barbers. 28th. Turumbar, i. e. washermen of the lowest caste. 2nd. Oacher (? Vachar) who announce the weddings and deaths of the Vaisyas. 3rd. Tattar, i.e. goldsmiths. 4th. Kollar, i.e. blacksmiths. 5th. Tachchar, i.e. carpenters. 6th. Kannar, i.e. brass founders. 7th. Katsipper, i.e. bricklayers or masons. These five castes are known by the common appellation of Kamalar, i.e. craftsmen. All the above castes have special virudu, (banner), i. e. arms and rights, different one from another. Those among the Sudras, who of old by the Kshattriyas, or Vaisyas, on account of some reasons and merits were entitled to and favoured with new arms and states above their own, are called Valankaiyar, i. e. those of the right hand; but all the other Sudras, 8th. Valaiyar, i.e. deer and hare catchers Idankaiyar, i. e. those of the left hand. with nets. Besides the above castes, there are, in the province of Jaffnapatam, three regular sorts of castes, viz. : 1st. Madapalle, who are the offspring of the natural children of former kings of Jaffna i.e. limeburners. Some of the names in the list, we have ventured to modify the spelling of, in order to represent them in their usual forms: others have been left as in the MS.-ED.

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THE CHONG-LUN OF NAGARJUNA. MARCH, 1881.] patam by their concubines, and who are called by the common name of Madapallis, which word signifies a kitchen,' as the work of the said concubines was to attend the kitchen, and to serve at the table. The said kings were the offspring of a Brahman from Manravey in Ramanadhapuram, and thus of the race of Aryar. 2nd. Malayalar, a kind of Vellalar, who arrived from the kingdom of Malabar. 3rd. Paredesar, who are partly strangers and partly emancipated, of which castes nothing can be said with certainty. In ancient times when the Island of Ceylon lay waste and uninhabited, there came a certain prince named Sinhakumaran, a son of Solan, king of Solamandalam (Coromandel) of the race of the sun, accompanied with princes and officers in vessels from the said Solomandalam. He being delighted with the beauty, fertility, and salubrity of the climate, and desiring to settle himself here and to establish a kingdom, gave information thereof by a letter to the king of Madura, or Pandiyamandalam, of the race of the moon, requesting him to send from his kingdom different families of all sorts of castes to colonize the island, soliciting at the same time the princess his daughter as a bride; which the said king having voluntarily agreed to, sent his daughter the princess with a great train, together with their families, as requested; and the Prince and Princess were solemnly married and crowned as king and queen of the I shall here give a translation of the 25th section of the Chong-Lun Satra or Pranyamula-eastratika, by Nagarjuna, on Nirvana. (1) If all things are unreal, Then how is it possible to remove From that which does not exist Something, which, being removed, leaves Nirvana P THE CHONG-LUN OR PRANYAMULA-SASTRA-TIKA OF NAGARJUNA. BY REV. S. BEAL, M.A., RECTOR OF WARK. This section argues that if all things are alike empty and unreal, then there is no such thing as Birth and Death; consequently there can be no removal from sorrow, and the destruction of the five elements of existence (limited existence), by removal of which we arrive at Nirvana (what is called Nirvana). 87 land; from this it is that the emperors of Ceylon, who are of the race of the sun, cause the princesses aforesaid of Madura, being of the race of the moon, to be brought from thence for their brides. The Island then having been peopled in ancient times aforesaid, it happened that from the mixture of Telungu or (Telinga,) the mother tongue of the said first prince, and his train, with Tamil, the language of the abovementioned princess, and of all her train, and that of the families of all kinds of castes, a third language was produced; and as the marriage united a Telungu and a Tamil nation, another kind of people there arose called after the name of the aforesaid prince Singakumaran, Singali; and thence arose also the worship of Buddha, which was at that time prevailing in Madura or Pandiyamandalam; and to this the said princess and her attendants adhered, and introduced it into the Island. This short and concise relation of the arrival of the first prince Singakumaran, who was afterwards crowned as Emperor of the Island of Ceylon, of the peopling thereof, the origin of the Singhalese language and nation, the introduction of the worship of Buddha into the Island; is tediously written in the Singali books, Rajaratnakari, Rajaniti, Rajawali, and many others, although with many superstitious and fabulous stories. PHILIP DE MELHO. Jaffna, 25th July, 1788. (2) But if all things are real, Then how can we remove Birth and Death, real existence, And so arrive at Nirvana? This section argues that we cannot destroy that which has in itself real existence, and therefore, if all things have this real being, we cannot remove Birth and Death, and so arrive at Nirvana; therefore, neither by the theory of Bhava, nor by the theory of Sunyata (emptiness), can we arrive at the just idea of Nirvana. (3) That which is not striven for or "obtained," That which is not "for a time" or "eternal," That which is not born, nor dies, This is that which is called Nirvana.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. "Not to be striven for," that is, in the way of religious action (acharya), and its resalt (fruit). "Not obtained" (or "arrived at"), that is, be- cause there is no place or point at which to arrive. "Not for a time" (or not by way of interruption) [per saltum] for the five skandhas having been from the time of complete enlightenment proved to be unreal, and not part of true existence, then on entering final Nirvana (anupaditesha Nirvana). What is there that breaks or interrupts the character of previous existence ? "Not for ever," or "everlasting," for if there were something to be obtained that admitted of distinctions whilst in the possession of it, then we might speak of an eternal nirudna, but 29 in the condition of silent extinction (Nirvdna) there can be no properties to distinguish, how can we speak of it as "everlasting ?" And so with reference to Birth and Death. Now that which is so characterised is what we call Nirvdna. Again, there is a Satra which says, "Nirvang is the opposite of Being' and 'not Being': it is the opposite of these two combined, it is the opposite of the absence of Being', and the absence of not Being'. So, in short, that which admits of no conditions such as are attached to limited existence; that is Nirudna. (4) Nirudna cannot be called Bhava; For if so, then it admits of old age and death, In fact both "being" and "not being" are phenomena, And therefore are capable of being deprived of characteristics (lakshanam). This means that as all things which the eye beholds are seen to begin and to end, and this is what the sloka calls "Life" and "Death" (or birth and death). Now if Nirodna is like this, then it would be possible to speak of removing these things and so arriving at something fixedbut here is a plain contradiction of terms--for Nirvana is supposed to be that which is fixed and unchangeable. (5) If Nirudna is Bhava (existent), Then it is personal; But, in fact, that which cannot be indivi dualized Is spoken of as not "personal." This means that as all phenomenal existence comes from cause and consequent production, there- fore all such things are rightly called "personal." (6) If Nirodna be Bhava, Then it cannot be called "without sensation" (anuvedana); For non-Being comes not from sensation, And by this obtains its distinct name. This means that as the Sutras describe Nirvana as being " without sensation" (anuvedana), it cannot be Bhava; for then Abhava would come from sensation. But now it will be asked, if Nirodna is not Bhava, then that which is "not Bhava" (abhava), surely then is Nirvana. To this we reply(7) If Nirodna be not Bhada, Much less is it nothing (abhava); For if there be no room for "Being," What place can there be for "not Being." This means that "not Being" is the opposite of Being." If, then, "Being" is not admissible, how can we speak of "Not Being"? (its opposite). (8) If again Nirvana is nothing, How is it called without "sensation P" (anuvedana), For it would be wonderful indeed if every thing not capable of sensation, Were forthwith spoken of as nothing. If then Nirodna be neither "Being," nor "nonBeing," what is it? (9) By participation in cause and effect Comes the wheel of continual existence, By non-participation in cause and effect Connes Nirvana. As by knowing a thing to be straight we also know that which is crooked, so by the knowledge of the elements of finite existence comes the knowledge of continual life and death. Do away with those, and you do away also with the other. (10) As Buddha says in the Satra, Separate "Being," separate "not Being," This is Nirvana, The opposite of "Being," the opposite of "not Being." " Being" here alludes to the three worlds of finite existence. The absence of these three worlds is "Not Being." Get rid of both these ideas, this is Nirvana. But it may now be asked, if Nirvana is not "Being," and if it is not "Absence of Being," then perhaps it is the intermixture of the two. (11) If it is said that "Being" and "Not Being," By union, produces Nirodna, The two are then one; But this is impossible. Two unlike things cannot be joined so as to produce one different from either. (12) If it is said "Being" and "Not Being" United make Nirvana, Then Nirodna is not " without sensation;" For these two things involve sensation. (13) If it is said that "Being" and "Not Being." United, produce Nirvana,

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MARCH, 1881.] Then Nirvana is not Impersonal; For these two things are personal. (14) "Being" and "Not Being," joined in one, How can this be Nirvana ? These two things have nothing in common, Can Darkness and Light be joined ? (15) If the opposites of "Being" and "Not Being," Is Nirodna, These opposites How are they distinguished P (16) If they are distinguished, And so, by union, become Nirvana, 1 8 12 13 3 7 2 16 14 11 5 AN AMERICAN PUZZLE. About seven months ago, the Pioneer, in a letter headed "From All About," proposes a problem, called the "American Puzzle," the attempted solution of which is said to have driven several people nearly mad. The problem is to arrange the sixteen consecutive numbers from 1 to 16, in four rows of four each in such a way that the total of every line and group of four will amount to exactly thirty-four. The puzzle admits of several answers, and one is 10 MISCELLANEA. 15 6 9 4 In the above group every line of four, every possible group of four forming a square, and the sum of the four corner numbers amounts to 34. The problem is, however, by no means a modern one, dating, as it does, far back into the history of Indian Astrology. To prove what I say, I append the following extract from the Jyotis tattwa: MISCELLANEA. paMcarekhA samulirUpa tiryagUrdakrameNa hi / padAni SoDazApAdya kamAye munau jayaM // navame sapta dadyAttu vANaM paMcadaze tathA / dvitIyeSTASTame SaT dizi hI poDaze zrutiH // ekAdinA samaM jJeyamicchAMkA trikoNake / tadA dvAtriMzadAdiH syAccatuSkoSTheSu sarvataH / / ' The above instructions are briefly as follows:Draw five lines perpendicularly, and five lines crossing them horizontally. These will form a large square enclosing sixteen smaller squares in four rows of four each. In the first of these The Oriental, October 9, 1875. Then that which completes the idea of "Being" and "Not Being" Also completes the idea of the opposite of both. (17) Tathagata, after his departure, Says nothing of "Being" and " Not Being." He says not that his "Being" is not, or the opposite of this. Tathagata says nothing of these things or their opposites. The conclusion of the whole matter is, that Nirvana is identical with the nature of Tathagata, without bound, and without place or time.1 squares write 1, in the seventh 3, in the ninth 7, and in the fifteenth 5. Now, to the right of each of these write whatever number is sufficient to make the total of each of these pairs up to nine. We thus get: 1 7 8 2 89 3 5 6 4 Now take any even number, which we may call A, and fill up the remaining squares by writing the difference between half A, and the number in the next square but one in a diagonal direction from the square to be filled up. Thus, supposing A = 34,-then, under 3 we must write 34 -1 (which is the number in the next square 2 but one in a diagonal direction upwards and to the 34 left from the square below 3); -1-17-1= 16; and we must therefore write 16 under 3. Again, to fill up the vacant square under 2, we first note that the number in the next square but one in a diagonal direction upwards and to the right from the square below 2, is 6... 176 = 11, which number must be written under 2. Or, as another example, to fill up the square immediately above 6, we must subtract, from 17, 2, which is the number in the next square but one in a diagonal direction downwards and to the left from the square to be filled up, we must therefore write 17-2 15. It must be observed that, as there are only four Raghunandana's Jyotistattwa Prakaranam Garbha dhanam, p. 47, Asiatic Society of Bengal's MS.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881 squares to a row, there can never be more than one, and there always is one, square which will fulfil the condition of being next but one in a diagonal direction from any given square. This direction may be either upwards or downwards, or right or left, as the case may be. In a similar way we can fill up the remaining squares, and we finally get : legends of some coins formerly current in India, as it may prove of some interest and perhaps valuable. I. Coin of Jehangir current in Akbarnaggar (? Agra) in H. 1014 = A.D. 1605- Legend obv. slogspoeling vil gick helse, shh nwr ldyn jhngyr bn khbr bdshh .rev 10 15 II. Coin of Jehangir current in AgraLeg. obv. sloger C SSTU Dj Son 12 13 3 6 shr nwrldyn jh ngyr bn khbr bdsh .rev 7. 2 16 9 III. Coin of Jebangir current in Lahor in H. 1018 = A.D. 1609- Leg. obv. SJ SE! SU U Uly 14 115 .rev skhr lhwr shh jhngyr bnm IV. Coin of Jebangir current in AhmadabadLeg. obv. I obliej! Talo dj ne rev. glasu w Olive wally going to V. Coin of Jehangir current in BurhanparLeg. obv. xlis og slijed ! spur yw dj some shh nwrldyn jhngyr bn khbr bdsh .rev VI. Coin of Jehangir issued in the name of Nar Jahan BegamLeg. obv. dj she will like los pas! .rev bnm nwr jhn bdshh bygm zr VII. Coin of Nadir ShihLeg. obv. s polullesto, puli It will be observed that the Jyotistattwa does not calculate upon only making up a total of 34. By altering the value of A to any figure desired, the total of every line and group of four will always equal A. In each case, however, the numbers used for filling up the half of the squares last filled up will differ: and 34 is the only value of A which uses up the sixteen digits from 1 to 16 and no others. These squares are recommended by the Jyotis. tattwa as charms to be gazed upon and carried about. According to the value of A, the charms are of various efficacy. Thus: When A = 32, the charm is useful to a woman in childbirth. When A = 34, it is to be used when setting out on a journey. When A = 50, it is to be used for casting out devils. When A = 100, it is for women whose children have died. When A = 72, it is for a barren woman. When A = 64, it is to be used in the tumult of battle. When A = 20, it is to be used in cases of poisoning. When A = 28, it is to be used when paddy is attacked by insects. And when A = 84, it is recommended for hushing children when they are crying. GEORGE A. GRIERSON, Madhubanf, Darbhanga. l syf l dhwlfqr .rev lfty l `ly VIII. Coin of Shah Alam Leg. oby. I chas as los gas cien ! dj mimo rev. slash ple glo dato cola IX. Legend on a coin of Jehangfr current in Burhanpar l lh l llh mHmd rswllh R. C. TEMPLE Firozpar. NOTE ON SOME COIN LEGENDS. As reading the legend on a coin so often depends on a knowledge of what the usually almost illegible letters ought to represent, I send the following note (found in a local vernacular work) on the METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LLD., C.I.E. (Continued from vol. IX, p. 142.) PROPER TREATMENT OP MEN AND WOMEN. Mahabharata, v. 1407. To others never malioe bear, But kindly for their welfare care; Nor only by thine acts be friend, But ne'er by angry words offend.

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MARCH, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. 91 Thy spouse with care and kindness treat, Nor ever need their wealth to hide, With honied accents always greet. But, undisturbed, in peace abide. But whilst thou soothest women, ne'er The wise declare this self the root Permit them o'er thee rule to bear. From which all human actions shoot. "Let a man be free from malice, and guard his This self a prince should, therefore, guard, wife; let him speak kindly and pleasantly: and Lest haply it shonld e'er be marred use sweet words to women, but never become By unobserved and veiled assaults subject to them." Of passion, breeding active faults; EULOGY OP WOMEN. Himself should ever strictly askMahabharata, v. 1408. Do I fulfil my kingly task? * Do vices in my nature lurk, All honour to those women bright, Whose presenre fills the house with light, Whose power obstracts my noble work! Who, noble, virtuous, loving, pure, Do all the men my acts who know The fortunes of their homes assure. . Of these their admiration show ? Their lords should love and guard such wives And does my virtue's fome extend The joy and solace of their lives. O'er all my realm, from end to end?' "Those pure and virtuous women who are the I add a prose version of the lines :lights of the house, who are called the goddesses Mahabh. xii. 2079f. "He is the best of kings in of fortune, should be honoured and specially whose dominions men can move about like sons guarded." in their fathers' houses, and whose subjects, dwellPassages to the same effect occur elsewhere, of ing in his country, do not conceal their wealth which I give prose versions : and understand what is wise and unwise action." Manu, v. 26. "In men's houses there is no xii. 3346 ff. "Protecting strangers from those difference whatever between women who are blest within his palace, and these again from strangers, with progeny, worthy of honour, and the lights of strangers from strangers, and your own from your their homes-between such women--and goddesses own, preserve men continually. 3347. The king of fortune" (Sriyah). who in every respect guards himself, can be the Mahabharata, xiii., 2498. "Those goddesses of guardian of the earth. This entire world has its fortune called women should be kindly treated by root in [is dependent upon) the soul or self. So him who seeks to prosper. A woman who is the wise declare. 3348. Let the king constantly cherished and controlled is a goddess of fortune." || consider what flaw is there in me, what attachment From the occurrence of the word "controlled" ( anushangah P) What is there that I have not in the last passage, it would seem to result that the overcome (avinipatitam)? From what quarter can word "guard," also in the first passage, is to be blame attach to me? 3349. He should cause enquiry understood as intimating that women, how highly to be made all over the earth by secret approved soever esteemed, were regarded by the writer as emissaries into this ? Do men applaud or not my requiring supervision on the part of their hus- action of the past day P 3350. If they know it, do bands. they applaud it or not? Shall my renown shine in A GOOD KING, ACCORDING TO THE MAHABHARATA. all parts of the country?'" [In lines xii. 3346ff, the writer gives us a lofty ANCIENT INDIAN IDEAS ABOUT WAR. idea of what & king ought to be. Unless the (1.) CONQUERORS SHOULD KINDLY TREAT THE desire of his subjects' approbation, and the love VANQUISHED. of renown, recommended to him in vv. 3349f, be Mahabharata xii. 3487 ff. considered to lower the ideal conception of disin He who a foe has seized in fightterested virtue, he seeks to place a philosopher, a A foe whose deeds were fair and rightTitus who mourns that he had lost a day, or a That foe with due respect should greet, Marcus Aurelias, on the throne.] And ne'er through hatred harshly treat. Mahabharata xii. 3346ff; 2079f. Who acts not thus is hard in heart, That king rules well whose arm defends, And fails to play a Kshatriya's part. His friends from aliens, these from friends, He who in war has gained success Whose sway o'er every class extends ; Should seek to soothe his foe's distress; O'er all whose realm his subjects roam, Should on him kindly, blandly smile, Like sons within a father's home, And thus his downfall's pain beguile. Securely, whether weak or strong, When thou hast caused another woe, And insult never dread, nor wrong, Thou should'st him more thy kindness show,

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THE. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. Though hated now, if thou begin By friendly acts his heart to win, Ye shall not long remain estranged; The foes shall soon to friends be changed. (2.) KSHATRIYAS (RAJPUTS) SHOULD FIGHT PAIRLY, AND SPARE THE VANQUISHED, &c. Mahabh. xii.,3541 ff., 3557 ff., 3569 6, 3675 ff. A Kshatriya fairly ought to fight, And ne'er disabled foemen emite; His foes on equal terms should meet; Men worse equipped should scorn to beat. Whoe'er unfairly victory wins Destroys himself-he basely sins. "Tis better far to lose thy life, When waging honourable strife, Than live and overcome thy foe By artifices mean and low. A beaten foe who takes to flight, Unfit again to turn and fight, Disheartened, hopeless, faint, oppressed, Should never be too hardly pressed. A warrior brave should hate to slay The man who throws his arms away, And humbly cries, "Great victor, save From death thy vanquished, prostrate slave." Thyself a wounded foeman tend, Or to his home for succour send. Ne'er ask a captive maid to wed, Before a year its course has sped. (3.) NEEDLESS WARPARE CONDEMNED. Yahabh. xii., 2618, 3522, 3681, 3768. A Kshatriya's function is the worst Of all men's tasks--the most accurst. For whether warriors fight or fly, The fate of many is to die; And so a battle-loving king On men must direful misery bring. Hate, prince, thy hands with blood to stain; Seek other means thine ends to gain. Ne'er risk the chance of battle fellOf which the issue none can tellNor e'er, till gentler measures' fail, Thyself of arms and force avail. By offers fair, in accents smooth, Thine angry enemy seek to soothe; And so adjust the cause of strife, Which else would waste full many a life. Ofa quite different and immoral tendency are the following lines, which are enthusiastic in praise of fighting, and promise to warriors slain in battle the forgiveness of all their sins, and the low delights of a sensual paradise. (4.) PRAISE OF A WARRIOR'S LIFE. Mahabh. xii., 3503, 3603, 3657. A king who lists to duty's call In fight should ever seek to fall; Should on a sickbed scorn to lie, And, moaning, slowly pine and die. The men their lives who bravely yield To death upon the battle-field, Their fleeting pangs and sufferings o'er, All straight to heavenly mansions soar. There nymphs divine these heroes meet, With witching smiles and accents sweet, Run up and cry in emulous strife, "Make me," "nay, me,""nay, me," "thy wife." The following prose versions of the passages which the preceding metrical translations freely reproduce should be consulted by those who wish fully to know all the sentiments of the originals; some of them have already appeared in the Ind. Antiquary, and need only be referred to: For xii. 3487ff. see Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 239. For xii. 3541ff.; 3557ff. ; 3677, see Ind. Ant. vol. III. pp. 339, 340. A passage to a similar effect is found in Manu, vii. 90-93. For xii. 3580, see Ind. Ant., as above p. 240. Ibid. s. 187.-"Men do not rightfully approve the slaughter of those who are asleep, or have cast away their weapons, or who have lost their chariots and horses, or those who cry 'I am thine,' or who take refuge with you, or whose hair is loose, or whose chariots are lost" (vimukta). v. 1038.--"Do not abandon, even in time of danger, a man attached to thee, one who flees to thee, and one who cries I am thine' when they take refuge with thee." For xii. 3557, vide ante vol. III. p. 340. 3564.--"Iftwo armies are in conflict, and a Brahman comes between them, and seeks to quellstrife on both sides, then the battle must not be continued." xii. 3659.-"Old men, children, and women are not to be slain; nor is any one to be smitten from behind, nor is any one to be slain whose mouth is filled with grass, or who cries I am thine." xii. 3675.--"Let not routed enemies be too far porsued ....... 3677. for heroes do not like to smite the flying very much." For xii. 3581, see ut sup. p. 340. In the following lines conciliation, or artifice or a show of force is recommended. xii. 2018.-"A wise man who desires royal power should always avoid warfare. Vsibaspati declares that the end desired should be attained by three methods. A wise man should be content adherents), Mahabh. i. 5566, xii. 2619, and Manu, vii. 198. A show of force is also recommended; or a combination of pacific and terrifying measures ; xii. 3775-3779. This is not explained by the commentator. The measures or devices recommended with the view of avoiding war, oot all of them honourable, are santva or sdman (conciliation), dans or pradina (giving gifta), and bheda, seeking to excite tronchery among the enemy's

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MARCE, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. 93 with the success which he can gain, by concilia- that those heroes attain to heaven and conquer tion, by gifts, and by causing dissensions." (for themselves) the world of Brahma." xii. 3522.- A king should extend his conquests xii. 3503.-"Let a king who is devoted to his without fighting, victory gained by fighting is duty die in battle." declared to be the worst." See also xii. 3581, xii. 3591.-" The celestials do not behold on 3768ff., 3775ff. earth anything superior to him who, fearless, On the other hand, we find such passages as the scatters his enemies, and receives their arrows. following: - He attains to as many undecaying worlds, yielding v. 1426.-"An enemy who has fallen into your all objects of enjoyment, as his body is pierced by power and is exposed to death, is not to be let go. weapons in combat, with the blood which flows Let him, lowly bending, serve, or let him who from his body in battle: and occasions suffering, deserves to be slain be smitten. For, unless he be he is delivered from all his sins." slain, he soon becomes a source of apprehension." xii. 3655."Do not lament a hero slain in battle, X. 53.-" The host of an enemy is to be smitten for he enjoys blessedness in heaven. They do not when it is fatigued or torn asunder, or at a meal (P) seek to supply the slain man with (?) food, or water . .. or when it is asleep, at midnight, or or bathing, or (regard him as P) impure: hear of when it has lost its leader," &c. &c. what kind are the realms to which he attains. i. 5564.-"An enemy is not to be let go, though Thousands of fair Apsarasas run up to the hero he speaks much that is piteous: no mercy is to be slain in battle, crying be my husband.'" shewed to him; let the wrong-doer be smitten." xii. 3666.-" The great Janaka, the king of This is repeated in substance in xii. 5298bf. Mithila, who knew all truths, showed his warriors The following passages pronounce encomiums heaven and hell. Behold, these are the shining on those who die in battle : worlds of the fearless, filled with the maidens 2283.-" The ancients do not praise the act of of the Gandharvas, yielding all enjoyments, and that Kshatriya who returns from battle with his undecaying. These are the hells which await body free from wounds." those who flee (in battle),'" &c. &c. xii. 3600.-"Be not the father of those base men The preceding passages, as will have been seen, who abandon their comrades in battle, and go | abound in chivalrous sentiments in regard to the home in safety. The gods headed by Indra work treatment of vanquished and captive enemies, him evil who by forsaking his comrades seeks though some written in a different spirit have been to save his life. Every such Kshatriya should be cited. This difference may be due both to the slain by staves or clods, or burnt in a fire of dry fact that these opposite sentiments are ascribed to grass, or slaughtered like a beast." 3603.-" That different characters, and also to their proceeding Kshatriya acts contrary to his duty who dies in bed from authors of different ages, and different discharging phlegm and urine, and moaning feelings, who contributed the portions of the great piteously. The ancients do not approve the con- epic poem in which they occur, a work which duct of a Kshatriya who dies with his body free must have been repeatedly interpolated with new from wounds. The death of a Kshatriya at additions from the pens of successive writers. home is not commended. It is a poor and timid J. MUIR. violation of duty for proud heroes. Such a man groans, This is suffering, this is great pain, and NOTES AND QUERIES. most miserable,' with dejected look, fetid, lament- 2. Gugga or Gurd Gugga, said to have been ing his kinsmen, he envies those who are free a disciple of Gorakhnath, and apparently a saint of from disease, and again and again longs for death. the Chauhan Rajputs, the principal per or saint A proud haughty hero ought not to die such a of the Chupha (Mehtar, sweeper) castes in the death. A Kshatriya ought to die after fighting in Panjab. Any notice of him in vernacular works battle surrounded by his relations, and wounded or information about him is solicited. by sharp weapons. For a hero, impelled by 3. Notices in vernacular or other works of the desire and anger, fights fiercely and never feels saint Shekh Farida, Farid, Farid Shakar Ganj, that his limbs are smitten by his foes." B&w& Farid or Shekh Faridu'd-din as he is variSimilarly in xii. 2909, A king mentions it as a ously called, are solicited. In the Panjab the merit that there is no space of two fingers in his State of Faridkot is named after him, and there body which has not been pierced by weapons is a tomb and fair in his honour at Pak Pattan. I while be fought from duty. believe there also is a tomb of him somewhere in xii. 2946.-"Reverence and blessing be their Central India. He appears to be popular in Cen. lot who sacrifice their bodies, when restraining tral India and N. W. Provinces as well as in the the enemies of the Brahmans .... Manu declared | Panjab.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. 4. Bansa Rani, Queen of the Fairies, is commonly believed in in the Panjab: she is said to be worshiped in the Kangra district as a god dess. She is apparently a forest or jungle goddess, and the name may represent the Sans. krit form Vand-rajni. Information required. 5. Any information from officers in the Panjab that may throw light on the following points will be most thankfully received :-Origin, history and habits of the Chammars, Bawarias, Gandhelas or Gandhflas, sansis, Harnis and Means. Extracts from any District or Settlement Reports which may contain information relating to these castes and tribes, will be most useful, excepting from the Firozpur District Settlement Report, which I know. B. C. TEMPLE, Firozpur. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIII, these names are also found in the Sutasoma, and part i. (Jan. 1881). The first paper in this part is also in invocations or charms where they are called Prof. Monier Williams's on Indian Theistic Re-| bhadra (bhattara). formers,' already noticed (ante p. 55). The second A few Tamil and Persian words are found even is Notes on the Kawi Language and Literature,' in the earliest Kawi: thus, pane or paney a kind of by Dr. H. N. van der Tunk, of Bali,-a paper com- jar to grow the lotus in, is undoubtedly Tamil: jon municated by Dr. Rost from letters received in lia, taraju sjl, and guld (Javan. jula, throat) 1878 and 1879. The Kawi or Old Javanese , are Persian. manuscripts having been transcribed by Balinese The third paper is by the Rev. Dr. Edkins of Peto whom Javanese is a foreign language, are king on 'The Nirvana of the Northern Buddhists.' disfigured by numerous misspellings. The lan- The Nirvana of the Indian Buddhists is a doc. guage contains both Indian and Malayan words. trine of death suited to a monkish system which deAmong the works in the language is a Tantri, clares all the joy of life to be deception, and looks which must be derived from some Indian collec- with philosophical pity on the grandeur of kings tion of fables, but the greater part of the stories and the glory of heroes. All things are born but are unlike those in the Panchatantra or the to suffer and to die. Even death does not, withHitopadeda. The names of jackals and dogs out the aid of Buddha's wisdom, extricate them occurring in the poem are partly Sanskrit, partly from the wheel of successive births and deaths Malayan. of the Tantri there are three recen- in the wider world of which this world forms a sions.-one in prose called Kamandaka, which is part. From this evil destiny the Nirudna sets the least complete of the three, and two in verse. them free for ever. The Tibetans and Mongols It is hardly possible yet to say whether many exchanged their old religion for Buddhism with Prakrit words have found their way into Kawi. its hope of the Western Paradise Amitabha and its The Brahmanda-purdna introduces at the com- Nirvana. The Lamas accept the Buddhist denial of mencement a king Dasamakreshna or Dilima- the reality of the world, and receive the Nirudna. kresbna, and the two bhagawans Romaharshana The inferior Lamas and the common Tibetans and and Nemisheya, who are interrogated by him about Mongols believe in the metempsychosis and in the the Manubansakrama. Then follows a tedious souls of faithful worshippers being conveyed to the account of Brahma's creation of four Reshis, who Paradise of Amitabha; and this doctrine tends very would not marry; then he created the gods ; next much to keep the Nirvana out of sight. The same the nine divine Reshis were born; and then is true of the Ghorkhas. In China, Buddhism has Brahma created Siva. Of the eighteen parvas of been much kept in check by Confucianism; in Corea, the Mahdbharata only eight have been preserved, Confucianism is strong and Buddhism is despised viz., Adiparva, Viratap., Udyogap., Bhishmaparva, by the educated; in Japan, Buddhisin is stronger and the last four. Among the most important because it was favoured by the Sioguns, in the poems of the Kidung class are the Malat, the time of whose rule the Paradise of the Western Wasio, and the Wanbar Wideya-three voluminous Heaven was much thought of,--and this once acceptcompositions on the exploits of the Prince of ed the belief in Nirvana has become dim. The Koripan after his loss of the Princess of Daha. use of animal food in China and Japan has acted Another popular poem is the Blindswarga relat- against the belief of the soul ever transmigrating ing the liberation of Panda from hell (Kawah) into an animal body. In Cochin-China, Buddhism by Bhima. Nawaruchi relates the treachery of is an offshoot from that of China. The three Drons towards Bhima. One of the Buddhist Southern Buddhist nations in Birma, Siam, and kekawin class of poems is the Arjunawijaya Ceylon have the doctrines of transmigration which mentions Amitabha, Amoghasiddha, Wairo- and Nirvana as articles of faith and universal chana, Akshobbya, and Ratnasambhawa. Some of education. These southern peoples are more readily

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MARCH, 1881.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 95 content with annihilation, with which more sinewywords in the Malay language. The Surat chiri was and vigorous races are not so pleased. The a written charm on the possession of which the author then gives some account of how Nirudna kingdom of Perak was believed to depend. It is is regarded in Chinese books and in modern written in Malay-Arabic character, and runs thus:astic life. The idea of it is that "salvation is Bi-emi-Udhi-r-rahmani-r-rahim. found in extinction": "it is eulayacia: it is the Sastata sastatab pramada parkhara parkharaah triumph of the ascetic life over the body." But parmakab parmakam sojana sojanam buana buathere is a strong realism in the account of the nam bakarma bakarnam sawarna sawarnam bangka entrance on Nirvana of sakyamuni as worked out baichara tongkah tinggi dari darandah dari by the northern school, indicating a belief that in darakata malarakta Mahadea bupala beiram beidaa certain way he is still supposed to be possessed riam nilam pualam murdakam durakam kumalam of consciousness. And among the multitude, sawarna manikam shahara Allah badan badan realism triumphs, and Buddha is regarded as a Allah, tajila jibarat samista parwaban sanam awina mighty living power. "The early compilers of karti nagari nugara Sri Saguntang Maha Miru the Stras and Sastras made Buddhism abstruse dipatikatu izna payanti Aho sawasti maha sawasti and metaphysical. The promoters of popular Maharaja Indra Chandra bupati bahutan anu Buddhism have made it more like what the part it karunia nama anu tawat jiwat pari parnanta legoh was to perform as one of the world's great religions menegohkan setia baqti kaba wah duli paduka Sri required to be. If the first is orthodox Buddhism, Sultan Adil-ullah wazina kayubaki di lanjutkan the second is practical Buddhism." The author Allah ka-raja-an Paduka Sri Sultan Mozafar Shah thus concludes :-"It may be said respecting the Zil-ullah filalam biyyarhamati laya-rahmani-r. views held on the Nirvana by the Northern rahimin." Buddhists, that they comprehend all varieties. This document is looked upon by the Perak They have a popular teaching, and a higher Malays as a solemn form of oath, and is always Gnosis. They teach the metempsychosis, but read when investing any important state officer. do not insist on it. If it suits your state of mind, A similar practice exists at the court of the Malay well. They will show you how by Buddha's raja of Brunei (Borneo), but most of it is in wisdom you may reach the final escape from the Arabic. The Perak Malays say the chiri was indelusion of existence in which you are enthralled, troduced by their first Raja who came down from and leaving the sea of misery arrive at the Indra's heaven on the mountain Sagantang Mahe. Nirudna'peaceful shore." And "if you are Meru and appeared suddenly at Palembang, in sceptical, they have a higher Gnosis, the Mahd- Sumatra, riding on a white bull, and manifested ydna. You must submit to a pitiless argument to himself to two women Pak and Malini. The prove that nothing exists which men think exists, Saraja Malayu says,-"Now there was a certain and that annihilation is desirable. You must cow, the support of Wan Pak and Wan Malini; learn to look on life itself as painful. The moral in colour it was white like silver. By the decree feelings and convictions are founded on an intellec. of God most high this cow vomited forth foam, tual weakness. Love, piety, and benevolence are and out of the foam there came forth a man. but delusive elements in the great delusive whole Bhat was his name. And he stood up and reto which the unenlightened at present belong. peated praises and his praises were after this In proportion as you can recognize this, do you wise . . . . . The RAja received from Bhat the approximate to the Nirvana, for in that there is no title of Sri Tribuana. It is the posterity of the distinction of life and death, or of good and evil. Bhat who have been the readers of the chiri But then comes again the inextinguishable con- from the days of old (even until now)." The hiatus sciousness of future existence. The disciple will containing the formula of praise is filled up in some not be content with this pitiless logio, and the copies thus:--"Aho susanto (or suwasta) paduka Mahayana finds for him a suitable doctrine-that sri maharaja Sara'at (or sari'at) sri sifat buana of the Western Paradise."--"Those who long surana bumi buji pakrama naganlang (or sakafor heaven have a heaven provided for them. lang) krana (or karta) magat rana (or ratna) muka This however is only a means to an end. The tribuans paralasang (or parasang) sakarita bana higher Gnosis knows only annihilation, and tongka darm una besaran (or darma rana sharana) bases it only on what is held by its advocates to katarana singgha sana wan (or rana) wikramawan be metaphysical necessity." (or wadat) runab (or ratna, or ranei) palawa The fourth paper is 'An account of the Malay dika (or palawika) sadila dewa dida prawadi (or Chiri, a Sanskrit formula,' by W. E. Maxwell. prabudi) kala mula mulai (or kala mulai) malik It is known that there are many purely Sanskrit sri darma-raja aldi-raja (or raja-raja) paramisuri." 1 Malay and Arabic words are in italics.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1881. Mr. Maxwell then cites the Ain Akbari, K Forbes, and Wilkes relative to the position of the Bhats in Gujarat and elsewhere. Crawford and Leyden were inclined to think that people from Telinga or Kalinga, the Klings' of the Malays, had introduced Hinduism into the Malay peninsula, but there are very few Tamil or Telugu words in Malay, and no tradition or other notice of connection. In the Sajara Malayu, the earliest incident is the conquest of the Peninsula by Raja Suran of Amdan Nagura, which seems to refer to Gujarat, and Javanese tradition says a large colony went from Gujarat to Java in $. 525 (A.D. 603-4), under a chief called Sawola Chala. They were soon joined by others from the parent country, and "from this time Java was known and celebrated as a king- dom; an extensive commerce was carried on with Gujrat and other countries,' &c. The author points out that the story of the founding of Anahilapattana," bears a remarkable likeness to that of the founding of Malaka by Iskandar Shah; and potes the similarity of the alphabet of the Valabhi plates and Kawi. The subject deserves further investigation. The 5th article is on 'The Invention of the Indian Alphabet' by Mr. Dowson. It combats the theories of Weber, Burnell, and Thomas on the Semitic derivation of the Devanagari alphabet, and argues that it is not of Dravidian origin. The Aryan-Pali came in across the Indus, and it is not to be believed that the Indian-Pali also entered by the same route : it "probably had its origin near the central course of the Ganges, from whence it worked upwards and overwhelmed its rival." Mr. Dowson believes " the Indian alphabet was a Hindu invention," and he concisely offers his reasons for so doing. BOOK NOTICE. MATHURA, A DISTRICT MEMOIR. By F. S. Growse, B.C.S., Muhammadan supremacy, while the other relates M.A. Oxon., C.I.E., Fellow of the Calcutta University. Second Edition. Illustrated, revised and enlarged, what is known of the history of that city and 1880. Printed at the North-Western Provinces and Oudh its famous monasteries and stapas in the early Government Press. centuries of our era, when it was almost wholly Some years ago the Government of the North given up to Buddhism. The extremely interestWestern Provinces resolved to publish a series ing remains of this period, the discovery and of local memoirs of the various districts constitut preservation of which are mainly due to the ining that Province. The Memoir under review defatigable exertions of the author of the Memoir, is one of that series; and it is unquestionably are carefully and minutely described. The the fullest and most valuable of all that have whole work is divided into two parts, and the been hitherto published. Its value is sufficiently second is wholly devoted to statistical informashown by the fact, that this is already the second tion, which, though unreadable to the general edition after the short interval of six years; the public, will, of course, be extremely useful to first edition having been published in 1874. Good Government officials. The requirements of the as the latter was, the value of the second edition former are liberally consulted by the first and much has been much increased by the addition of new ! the larger part, which contains separate chapters and important matter. The best of these addi on probably everything of interest connected with tions undoubtedly is the last chapter of the first Mathura. This may be seen from the following part, which treats of "The Etymology of Local list of subjects: the conformation, extent and Names in Northern India, as exemplified in the divisiong of the district at different periods; the district of Mathura." Mr. Growse has certainly character of the people and their language; the succeeded in proving his general position that history under the Muhammadans; the story of "local names in Upper India are, as a rule, of Krishna; the Holi festival; the Buddhist antino very remote antiquity, and are prima facie quities; the Hindu city; the European institureferable to Sanskrit and Hindi rather than to tions; the Vaishnava reformers; the temples of any other language," though some of his deriva- Brind&ban, Mahaban, Gokul, and Baladeva; tions perhaps will not meet with general accept- Gobardhan, Barsana and Nandganw; the Etyance. Another valuable new chapter is the mology of Local Names. Not the least of the fourth, which gives probably the fullest extant merits of the book consists in the many beautiful description of the Holi festival of the Hindus; photographic and other illustrations of the most and the eighth, which gives a very detailed ac notable persons, buildings and antiquities of count of some of the most important Viashpava Mathura. Altogether it is a model of what a reformers. Of the older portions of the Memoir, District Memoir may be made, and the author is the most interesting are the two historical and to be congratulated on the success which he has archeological chapters; one of which narrates achieved. the fornes of Mathura during the period of R. H. * Gladwin's Ayeen Akbery, vol. II, p. 85, Forbes, Res Raffles's Jaw (2nd ed.), vol. II, p. 87. mala, vol. II, p. 202: Wilkes' Historical Sketches, vol. 5 Gladwin's Ayeen Akbery, vol. II, pp. 80, 90. Jour. A. 8. Beng. vol. IV, p. 479; Burnell's S. Ind. Conf. Asiat. Res. vol. XX, p. 1. Palaeog, p, 182 I, p. 20.

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APRIL, 1881.) OLD SLAB-STONE MONUMENTS. OLD SLAB-STONE MONUMENTS IN MADRAS AND MAISUR. BY LIEUT.-COL. B. R. BRANFILL. THE accompanying plan and sketches shewstructed of six slabs of stone; a flag-stone the 1 peculiar kind of slab-stone monament size of the chamber floor, surrounded by four found in the districts of Madras and Maisur bor- erect slabs successively, each abutting on the one dering on the Eastern Ghats, where disused next behind it, and projecting beyond the rear cemeteries of rude stone circles, with and without edge of the next in front of it, in the order North, enclosed slab-stone kistvaens or cubical vault- West, South, East. Thus, the north side slab tombs, abound, frequently accompanied by jar has its east edge at the N. E. corner of the vault, and sarcophagus interments with old pottery. but its west end projects considerably beyond The peculiarity of these consists in having the north end of the weet slab, which in like several circles of erect thin stone slabs alternately manner has its south end projecting beyond round, - and flat-topped, arranged in concentric the south slab, which again projects to the east rings close round the enclosed kist or cubical beyond the east or front slab, and this last prochamber, as shewn in the plan, section, and view jects to the north beyond the north side stone. accompanying, of some at Irala banda near This plan of successive projection seems to be Palmaneri, N. Arcot (Arkat). The invariably used for these and for all the old usual form is for the central chamber to have kistvaens, whether buried, half-buried, or free four round-headed slabs set up parallel to its standing above ground, which I have met in four sides at a distance of 2 to 4 feet, or the the Madras Presidency. But those described by amount by which the roof-slab or capstone Colonel Meadows Taylor, found further north, in projects beyond the walls of the kist, and some Shorapur, and figured in Fergusson's Rude times so as to fit together neatly. These four Stone Monuments (pp. 468-9,) are not constructed erect slabs vary in height from 10 to 15 feet, in in this way, nor are the numerous little dolmen width from 7 to 10 feet, and from 3 to 6 inches in monuments, clustered about the temples of the thickness. The capstone is thicker, but seldom Kurubar (or Kurumba rs), common in exceeds 8 or 9 inches. The four corners are Maisur. closed by flat-headed slabs chipped to fit the The sixth slab is the roof or capstone, often vacant intervals between the four great round. very large and projecting two or three feet or heads, up to the spring of their semicircular tops. more beyond the sides of the chamber, and some The second row is a more regular ring of times completely and exactly filling up the space some 16 slabs, alternately round-headed and flat- within the inner ring of erect stones. headed, the former 5 or 6 feet high, and the latter The entrance to the vault is a small roundish only as high as the commencement of the round- hole in the middle of the east end slab, varying ed portion of their fellows. The third and from one to two feet in diameter. The tall erect outer tier or ring consists of some 24 small erect slab immediately in front of this is also pierced slabs about 3 feet wide, Lalf of them with semi- by a similar hole, and the space between the circular heads and nearly 3 feet high, with low two slabs, usually covered by the projection of flat-topped slabs between them, forming a circle the roof-slab or capstone, is generally formed nearly 30 feet in diameter. into a small porch by cross side-slabs or cheekThe spaces between the three rings of slabs pieces, as if to preclude all entry except by the are abont a yard wide, and roughly packed with small holes, which are usually just large enough loose pieces of stone to a height of from 2 toto admit a small man or a child by dexterous 4 feet, the highest in the inner space; most of crawling. the monuments have fallen from the settlement A smaller slab or shutter-stone is provided, of this packing, but some of them have little or and in a few examples is found set up closely no packing above the ground level, and have against the innermost front slab so as effecbecome ruined for want of support. tually to close the entrance hole. Occasionally The keistvaen or sepulchral chamber is con- I have found the holes in the outer slabs so At Aneguttahalli in Maisur, the wall-alaba are backed up on the outside with neatly-laid stones so as to forma somewhat rounded or conical mass.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. small that they could not have been intended wide: and the whole place looks very much for the entry or exit of human beings in the like a field of tombstones with many rude flesh, being only 4 or 5 inches in diameter.' stone hats and kennels interspersed. Sometimes there are three or four holes behind Many of the vaults were examined and found one another, one in each row, but not in a line so vacant, but most had a deposit of soil from 1} that the rising sun could shine, or any one to 3 feet in depth, which, on excavation, yielded see, through them all at once. More usually, the usual sepulchral relics found so universally however, the outer row or two rows have no in the stone-circle graves of Southern India, hole, but merely a semicircular depression or except that iron weapons were very scarce or notch in the easternmost slab of each ring. Most entirely absent, whilst the terra-cotta burial of the slabs are very thin, from 2 to 4 inches coffers, or many-legged sarcophagus troughs, thick only, except the capstone which may be were abundant, as in the lowland cemeteries of from 5 to 9 inches. They bear no trace of Madras. Many of the larger chambers have the mason's chisel, but have been very cleverly been and are still, I believe, occasionally occupied split from the bluish-grey gneiss rock which by wild men of the woods, Iralar, I was told, abounds in the neighbourhood, and then neatly (? Irular) during the rainy season. And the chipped into shape. The quarry was appar- place may have received its name from them; ently on the spot, from the great quantities | Irala-banda (Rock of the Iralar). of fragments strewn about or collected in large For convenience they (or others) have broken Heaps. Modern villagers and stone masons away the surrounding slabs and radely enlarged have drawn upon them largely for big slabs, the inner entrance hole, and apparently in some and rathless demolition has, in many cases, cases have cleared out the interior. completed natural dilapidation in the course In the case of fig. 1 all the slabs on the N. E. of time. side had been broken down or removed, the All the slab-surrounded monuments at ira! entrance holo roughly enlarged and a great la banda are not of the semi-round-headed portion of the projecting roof-slab overbanging pattern described above (fig. 1), but differ only the porch broken away. The original deposit from them by having all the erect slabs in each of earth had not been removed apparently, but circle of the same height, as shown in fig. 2; was covered to a depth of several inches by the neither are they all so regular as these exam- ashes of recent fires and the debris of compara. ples, but some have the slabs of the inner and tively recent cookery, &c. The whole of the soil highest circle irregularly placed and the eastern by its looseness and admixture with ashes would slabs considerably higher, as in fig. 3. seem to have been disturbed, for pottery of the The plan, section, and front view or elera- obsolete kind usually found in these graves was tion of one of these slab-monuments restored, only found in broken and scattered fragments, and (rige. 4-6) are drawn from the average of several the remains of an old human interment in the of the least dilapidated. Of the largest round- shape of fragments of human skull and other hended sort above described, there are probably bones. In another sepulchre with only 5 or 6 a score or more still standing, incomplete and inches of soil, little or nothing was found, ruined, and as many more of the flat-topped except in a corner where a piece of the floorpattern. But dividing the tombs in this ceme- slab was gone, and the space filled with a large tery into three classes, 170 were counted of the deposit of the old pottery and bones. But the biggest, 210 of the second, and 200 of the third largest deposits were found in the smaller or or smallest sort, a simple kist made of slabsmiddle-sized kists; several of which were full from 2 feet square and upwards, more or less of interred pottery and human relics, generally buried in the earth and without any circle of accompanied by the many-legged terra-cotta surrounding slabs or stones at all. The necro- coffers, some of which were highly ornamental polis probably contained many tnore than 600 with a chain pattern in festoons, dependent tombs within an area 500 yards long by 300 from projecting loops and hooks. ? One of the ruined kistraons at Anegattahalli has but one very small hole (3in diameter), and that is in the round topped slab still standing on the north side of the chamber. 3 The dimensions of this kistvaen were interior 107" E. to W.,89' N. to S., 85' high. Capstone or roof-slab 15' by 13' entrance hole, in 'he east end, rudely cularged to 36' high by 2 wide.

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I. SLAB-STONE MONUMENTS AT IRALABANDA-BAPANATTAM, N. ARKAT MW WWW CAPT. G. STRAHAN RE DELT FROM COL. BRANFILL'S SKETCHES.

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11. SLAB-STONE MONUMENT AT IRALABANDA-BAPANATTAM, N. ARKAT. (RESTORED) TAST-FRONT ELEVATION. PLAN SECTION CAPT. U. STAHAN RE. DELT.

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APRIL, 1881.] In a small unroofed kist tomb, half-full of solid earth, two of the terra-cotta many-legged troughs were found with pottery and bones as usual, and a few beads of a necklace lying on the floor-slab near the remains of a skull. All or nearly all the pottery was marked with the usual scratches, (the arrow point A, the asterisk or double cross, the two triangles, &c.), and amongst it was the fragment of a little bowl with some writing on it, apparently Tamil (FL)?" Chathut." I found no more writing here, but on some pieces of small pots taken from some stone circles near Old Arkat, a short time since I found some other scraps of writing. From the shape of the Tamil letters it appears that this writing can be of no great antiquity, three to five centuries perhaps. In fig. 2 may be seen a stone slab standing in front (east) of a flat-topped slab-monument at the distance of a few yards. It has a rounded top with a curved notch in it. Several of these tall notched slabs are to be seen standing about, mostly single in front of the tombs, but here and there in groups, as if they had formed an enclosure from 20 to 30 feet in diameter. Two such circular enclosures remained almost complete, in one case of nine or ten flattopped slabs about 6 feet high, 2 or 3 feet wide, and 2 or 3 inches thick, all of them notched in the middle of the top: the other of eight slabs, 7 feet high and 5 feet wide, with double notches on top of each. In both instances the tall slabs alternate with low flat-headed slabs which complete the circle. Another pair of large half-buried slabs shewed a projecting spike, tenon, or pivot point, one on the top of each, out of the centre. The Irala banda-Bapanattam necropolis, or tomb-tield, is on the highlands above the Eastern Ghats, and in the Palma neri taluk of the North Arkat district. The spot is marked Yerlabundah on the Indian Atlas Sheet No. 78. It lies some 6 miles by bridle path, east from Baireddipalle (via Nellipatla), whence there is a road to Palmaneri, 15 miles distant. OLD SLAB-STONE MONUMENTS. This is not the only necropolis of the kind, but perhaps the most interesting one yet brought to notice. Ten or twelve miles to the S.S.W., at or near Nayakaneri (Naickenairy of Ind. Atlas, sh. 78) is a group of two or three score of the Photographs of a few of the Iralabanda Bapanattam monuments may be had from Girthari Lal, Chintadripet, 99 same kind of slab-stone monuments, mentioned, with a sketch by Colonel Welsh in his Military Reminiscences (1830), an extract of which is given at p. 160 vol. V of the Indian Antiquary (May 1876). I sent messengers who had visited fra la banda to examine and report upon the Nayakanori group. They state that the monuments at the latter are much like those at the former, only they are fewer and more ruined: also that the curves of the round-headed slabs were rather flatter than a semicircle. When examining the extensive tomb-field at Sa van durga, 23 miles west of Bengalur, last summer (1879), I first noticed some single half-round slabs pierced with a hole, set up in front of some of the kistvaens there: and they seemed so singular that I enquired diligently for more, and sent messengers in search, having never heard or read any mention of them, or seen a sketch. After some time I heard of an extensivo tomb-field with many of the roundheaded slab-stone monuments still standing, and being very accessible, I visited it. The site is at Aneguttahalli (Elephant-rock-ville), nearly four miles, or about an hour's walk, south from Tyakal or Tekkal on the line of the Madras-Bengalur Railway. I found a very extensive necropolis, but, as usual, most of the monuments have been destroyed by the country stonemasons. I saw no boulder circles, but all the tombs seem to have been of the roundtopped slab-stone kind, only not quite so large as some of those at Iralabanda. Most of the Anegutta halli kistvaens are vacant, but on opening one that seemed intact, it was found to contain an interment of human remains with a little pottery, and two of the many-legged terra-cotta coffers, of precisely the same kind as those found so frequently to the eastward in N. and South Arkat. I have not heard of any further west as yet. One peculiarity was-that a pan of incinerated fragments of human bones was found deposited in the porch immediately outside the entrance hole of the sepulchral chamber. There was the same scarcity of iron in the deposit that I noticed at Irala banda.* The fifth place where I have found this type of slab-stone monuments, is Govind-Reddipalle near Gazula palle, some twelve miles Madras; and of the Aneguttahalli monuments from Messrs. Orr and Barton, Bangalore.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. N. W. from Chittur, N. Arkat. I have not on the Ponniyar or South Pennar River, seen them, but my messengers report from ten discovered and described by Mr. J. H. Garstin, to fifteen of the round-topped slab-monuments C.S.I. (see p. 159, vol. V, Ind. Ant., May 1876); just like those described above. and I have heard of a few others in the wild A sixth place at which they are found is at hill country between Maisur, Selam, and North Dev & nur-Kollur, near Tiruko valur Arkat. ANCIENT PALM-LEAF MSS. LATELY ACQUIRED FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF BOMBAY. BY DR. F. KIELHORN, DECCAN COLLEGE, PUNA. After some months of hard work I am enabled Samvat 1145 and 46 = A.D. 1088 and 89; to give a short account of the collection of during the reign of Karnadeva. ancient palm-leaf MSS., which it has been my Samvat 1179 = A.D. 1122; during the reign good fortune lately to acquire for the Govern- of Jayasingha. ment of Bombay. It has not been an altogether Samvat 119-(?) - between A.D. 1133 and 42. easy task to reduce to something like order Samvat 1218 = A.D. 1161; during the reign of more than 12,000 leaves which for hundreds Kumarapa la. of years have been hidden away upread and Samvat ? = P during the reign of Bhiuncared for, and so to arrange them as to make madeva. the works which they contain generally acces- Samyat 1294 = A.D. 1237. sible and useful to my fellow-workers; but the Samvat 1300 = A.D. 1243. result has amply repaid any little trouble which Samvat 1304 = A.D. 1247. has been undergone. Samvat 1315 = A.D. 1258. The collection will be particularly welcome Samvat 1332 = A.D. 1275. to those who specially devote their energies to Samvat 1340 = A.D. 1283. the elucidation of the history of the Jain Samvat 1342 = A.D. 1285. religion, but it also contains some works which Kaliyuga 4398 = A.D. 1297; during the reign are sure to interest Sanskrit scholars generally of Ramachandradeva. Its acquisition gives rise to the hope that the Samvat 1359 = A.D. 1302. liberality of the Government of India will enable | Reserving for my Report to Government any us to continue the examination of the ancient further remarks I may have to offer and a more libraries of this country which has already accurate description of the MSS., I now proyielded most valuable and unhoped-for results. ceed to give the titles of the works which they There are several works in the collection contain, together with the names of the authors, which hitherto were either unknown or of which where they are mentioned, and the number of only imperfect copies were accessible, but what leaves of each MS:renders these MSS. specially valuable, and the 1. Anekarthasarngraha by Hemachanone point in which they excel all MSS. of the dra; 99 11. principal European Libraries, is their great anti- 2. Acharaniryukti; 32 11. quity. The oldest MS. of the Berlin Library is 3. Uttarddhyayanasutra ; 64 11.; Samvat 1342. dated Samvat 1435 (A.D. 1378), and I cannot be 4. The same; 175 11.; Samvat 1332. far wrong in saying that the London and Oxford 5. The same, incomplete; 134 ll. Libraries contain few MSS. written before the 6. Uttaradhyayanasutravritti subodha ;39411.; 16th century. Those of the palm-leaf MSS. 12,000 Gr.; Samvat 1342. which are dated give the years when they were 7. Upadesakandalivritti by B & lachanwritten as stated below, and there is evidence dra; fragments of 250 11. to prove that those which contain no dates were 8. Upamitabhavaprapancha Katha; 355 11. written about the same time, viz., from six to 9. Rishidattacharita by Guna pa la; 155 11.; eight hundred years ago. The dates actually written doring the reign of Bhimadeva. given are : 10. Ohasamayari ; 110 11.; 1162 Gathas. Samvat 1138 = A.D. 1081. 11. Kandalitippana ; fragments of 150 11.

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APRIL, 1881.] ANCIENT PALM-LEAF MSS. 101 12. Karmastavatika by Govindaga ni; 47 11.; Samyat 1179. 13. Kalpachurni, on the Brihatkalpasutra ; 281 ll. ; 16000 Gr.; Samvat 1218, during the reign of Kumarapala. 14. Kalpasutra ; 130 11. 15. Kavidarparavritti, incomplete; 85 11. 16. Kshetrasamasa of Jinabhadragani. ksha masramana, with commentary by Malayagiri; 283 11. 17. Gaudavaha, Kairayalamchhanassa Vappair & yassa; 111 11. 18. Chaturthopangatritiyapadasarngrahani by Abhaya deva suri; 17 11. 19. Chaityavandanakulavritti by Jinakasala s uri, incomplete; 169 ll. 20. Chaityavandanasutravritti lalitavistara by Haribhadra; leaves 60-143, and fragments. 21. Lalitavistarapanjika by Srimunichandrasuri; 249 11. 22. Chaulukyavamsa Dvyasrayamahakavya, in 20 Sargas, by Hemachandra; with marginal notes ; 189 11. 23. Jitakalpachurni by Siddha sena; 85 11. 24. Jitavyavaharasutra with Vivarana ; 79 11. 25. Jainondravyakarana-sabdarnavachandrika by Somad eva; incomplete; 280 11. 26. Jyotisharatnakosa by Lalla, the son of Bhatta Trivikrama; 200 11. 27. Tatparyaparisuddhi by Udayana; incomplete; 240 11. 28. The same; fragments of 100 II. 29. Damayantikatha by Trivikramabhatta; with marginal notes; 179 11. 30. The same; 76 11.; last leaf missing. 31. Dvatrinsaddvdtrinsika; 90 11. ; 830 Gr. 32. Narapatijayacharya; 111 ll. 33. Namalinganusasana by Amarasimha; 118 11.; Kaliyuga 4398, during the reign of Ramachandradeva. 34. Nisithasutra ; 15 11.; Sarivat 1145. 35. Nifthasitrachurm viseshandmni, Udde- bakas XIV-XX, by Jinada sagani, and Bhashya; 415 ll. ; Samvat 1145 and 46, during the reign of Karnadeva. 36. Nisthasutracharni viseshandmni, Udd. I-X, by Jinadasagani; 326 ll.; Samvat 1359. 37. The same, Udd. XI-XX; 353 11.; Sam. vat 1294. 38. Naishadhacharita by Sriharsha, Sargas I-XII; 179 11. 39. Nydyapravesatika by Haribhadra, incomplete; 51 ll. 40. Panchavastuka; 97 11.; 1700 Gathas; Samvat 1179. 41. Panjikadurgapadaprabodha, a commentary on Trilochanadasa's Katantravrittivivaramapanjika, by Jina prabodhas uri; 232 JI. 42. Pakshikasutravritti by Yasode va suri; 11. 1-157 and 170-189. 43. Pindaniryukti ; 61 ll. 44. Pindaniryuktivritti sishyahita by Viragani; 226 11. 45. Pindavisuddhiprakaranavritti by Yasode va suri; 142 11.; Samvat 1300. 46. Prajnapanapradesavyakhya by Haribhadra; 97 11. 47. Pramananayatattvalokalarnkara; fragments of 100 11. 48. Mohardjapardjayanataka (in honour of Kumarapala) by Y asah pala; 105 11. 49. Yogasustravritti; 150 11. much damaged. 50. The same; 300 11. much damaged. 51. Rudratakavyklankaratippanaka by (Sveta mbara) Nami; 199 11. 52. Varttikatippana (Nyaya); 150 11. damaged. 53. Vicharasara by Jina vallabhagani; 128 ll. 54. Viseshavasyakabhashya; 131 11. 55. Viseshavasyakabhashyatika by Kotya. charya; 341 ll. ; 13700 Gr. ; Samvat 1138. 56. Viseshavasyakavritti sishyahita ; 345 11.; Samvat 119-(?). 57. Satakavritti by Hemachandra; 198 11. 58. Sabdasiddhi, a gloss on Durgasimha's Com. on the Katantra, by Ma ha de va, the son of Dhandhuka; 177 11.; Samvat 1340. 59. Sabdanususana,.with Vritti, by Malayagiri; incomplete; 288 11. Related to the Sakatayana-vyakarana; composed under Kumarapala. 60. Sabdanusasana-laghuvritti, Adhy. I, 1III, 2, by Hemachandra; 137 11.; Samvat 1315. 61 The same; 141 ll. 62. Sabdanusasanavritti, Adhy. I, 1-II, 1, by Hemachandra; 178 11.; much damaged. 63. Santinathacharita, & Mahakavya by Manikyachandra; incomplete; 300 11. 64. Srdvakapratikramaravritti, incomplete ; 32 11. ; Samvat 1179.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. Saptatiku, with commentary by Mal&- ya iri; 205 11. 66. Sarasvatikanthabharana by Sribhoja deva, incomplete; 353 ll. 67. Siddhahemachandra-sabdanususana-rahasyavritti (i, e. laghuvritti), Adhy. III, 3-IV, 4. 62 11. 68. Suryasataka with Commentary; 47 11. 69. Sthanangasutra ; 210 11. 70. A work in Magadhi the proper title of which I have not discovered ; 214 ll. Last leaf missing. 71. A MS. of 186 11. containing 10 Jain works. 72. A MS. of 203 11. containing 7 Jain works. 73. A MS. of 18 11. containing 3 Jain works. 74. A MS. of 190 11. containing about 20 Jain works. 75. A MS. of 189 11. containing about 25 Jain works. * SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. O. S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 67.) No. XCIV. | Hindu conception of those beings, one on each About three miles away over the hills to the jamb of the portal ; they are still known by the east of Badami there is a temple, or rather a names of Vatapi and Ilvala, and are intended as collection of temples, known by the name of statues of those persons. Mahakuta. The presiding god of the locality About ten yards to the east of this gateway is Mahakutekvara, or Siva of the mountain which there lies a large close-grained red-sandstone has a high summit, or perhaps of the temple monolith pillar. It is about 1' 9 in diameter. which has a high pinnacle. The style of the and has sixteen sides or faces. It measures buildings, though they are of no architectural about 14 6' in height, exclusive of the kalasa or beauty, as well as the inscriptions, stamp it capital. The latter lies close by; it is about as a place of considerable antiquity. And the 1'7" high, and is of a circular shape, about local tradition, as recorded in the Muhakuta- 28}" in diameter, with thirty-six deep flutes all Mahatmya, is that this was the scene of the de- round it, and with a square top. For about struction of the demon brothers Vatapi and 32' up from the bottom the pillar is covered Ilvala by the saint Agastya, which myth is with an inscription in Old-Canarese characters ailotted in the Puranas to some unspecified of the sixth or seventh century A. D. There place in the Vindhya mountains. This much are seventeen lines of writing, evidently runis certain, that the name of Vatapi is in some ning all round the pillar; the letters are about way or other most anciently connected with the an inch high, and average four on each face of locality for it was the name of Bidami itself the pillar. The inscription is too much abraded when it was first acquired by the Western to be read on the stone; an ink-impression of Chalukyas, and when it was held by the Pallavas it would probably give good results; but neither before them. And it is possible that in this could I raise the pillar, nor had I the means of legend of Vatapi and Ilvala, neither of which taking an ink-impression at my visit. words has an Aryan appearance or sound, and Inside the courtyard, towards the east end of for neither of which & satisfactory Sanskrit it, there is a large sacred masonry tank called derivation can be found, there are preserved Vishnu-pushkarini, or 'the lotus-pool of the god the names of two aboriginal kings who held Vishnu'; it measures about seventy-three feet this part of the country when Aryan civilisa- long by forty-six feet broad, and has a stream tion first made its way into it from the north. of running water always passing through it. The temples are in a courtyard, the chief Not far from the steps on the west side of the entrance to which is at the north-east corner of pool, there stands in the water a linga-shrine, it. On each side of the gateway there is a with & panchamukhalinga, or five-faced linga, large, almost life-size, figure of a Rakshasa or inside it; there are four rather well executed demon, sculptured in accordance with the usual human faces round the top of the linga, and the The place of which I am writing is on the boundaries of Badmi and Nandikwar. I was told that this is the smaller or later Mahakata, and that, Dearer to Nandikeswar, there is another temple of the same name, which is supposed to be the older and original Mahakata. I was unable. however, to explore any further in that direction.

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APRIL, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 103 fifth face is the flat surface at the top of the however, knew that the tailor was really Siva stone. I could not satisfy myself as to the tra- himself, and, though with reluctance and fear, ditional names of the five faces; the only names consented to what he asked, and laid herself that I could get were those of Brahma, Vishnu, down in the proper posture for it. But Siva Rudra, lavara, and Sadasiva. At the south- then assumed his own real form, and Parvati, west corner of this tank there is a small under- overcome with terror and shame, and unable to ground temple, the only entrance to which is a hide her face, caused her head to sink down into small door under the water. I was told that the ground and so to disappear. there was an inscription in this temple; but The only two temples of any size in the courtthe man who went in to explore for me could yard are those of Mallikarjuna and Mahakute. not find it. svara. The former stands in the south-east Scattered about the courtyard, there are a corner of the courtyard; it is, perhaps, the older number of small linga temples, including two in of the two, but there are no inscriptions about the northern style. And in one of a row of it. The temple of Mahakutesvara, at which the three cells towards the west end, there is a following three inscriptions are, is near the somewhat notorious and very indecent headless west end of the compound; it is built partly of stone figure of the goddess Parvati under the black-stone and partly of red-sandstone, and is name of Lajja-Gauri. It is probably not a very not of any particular architectural pretensions. ancient figure. The story about it is that The first of them is in the porch of the Parvati asked Siva what was the meaning of the temple, on the east side of the door, and on the term 'adultery.' Siva replied that he would west side face of a pillar which is an integral shortly shew her what it meant, and then, lock- part of the building. The writing covers & ing Parvati, richly apparelled, in a room, went space of 2 31 high by 21% broad. away. After a little while Parvati found that it is an undated Old-Canarese inscription all her clothes had been torn by mice, and was of the time of the Western Chaluky & king at a loss to know what to do. Just then a tailor | Vijayaditya. The date of it, therefore, is appeared, and offered to mend them all on the between Saka 618 (A. D. 696-7) and Saka 655 condition, to which Parvati rashly assented, (A.D. 733-4.) It records that one of his concuthat she should grant him whatever reward bebines, the harlot Vina poti, caused & pedestal might ask for. On finishing his task, he de- of rubies and a silver umbrella to be made for manded to have intercourse with her. Parvati, the idol, and granted a field for its support. Transcription. ('') Svasti Vijayaditya-Satyasraya-sriprithivi['] vallabha-maharaj-adhiraja-paramesvara-bhata[') rara prana-vallabhe Vinapotigal=envor=sule['l yar (ll*] Ivara mudatayvir=Revamanchalgal=avara [*] magaldir=Kuchipotigal=avara magalu Vinapo[deg] tigala(!) illiye hiranya-garbham=ildu ell d ana['] mu(ma)m-gottu davana pithaman=kisuvine katti belliya ['] kodeyan=8risie(ye) Mangalul!e ashta-satam kshe. C'] tra[m* )-gotto! [ll] Idan=alidon=panchamahapa takan-akkum (1) Translation (L. 4).-Her grandmother was RevamanHail! The heart's darling of Vijay a- cha!, -whose daughter was Kuchipoti, -whose ditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the daughter, Vinapoti, having at this very place world, the great king, the supreme king, the bestowed the entire gift of a hiranyagarbha, supreme lord, was the harlot named Vinapoti. and having made a pedestal for the god with Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions, No. 50. Probably mutta jja does mean great-grandfather. But in * The mark to the left of the top of this letter, e, which this part of the country, grandfather' ia ujja or mutya, and makes it look like ve, must be either a fault in the stone, grandmother' is ajje or muttivi, i.e. muttavve, muttdyi, or & slip of the engraver's tool. or, as here in its oldest form, mudutdyi. We have tho * Sanderson and O. P. Brown give muttayi and muttavve same root, mudu, in muluka, mudaka, an old mau', a meaning'great-grandmother, together with muttayya, mundi, muduaari, old, ancient'; dc. muttappa, and muttajja, as meaning 'great-grandfather.'

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. rubies, and baving set up its silver umbrella, The writing covers a space of 1' 11' high gave the field called Mangalolle, (of the measure by 1'11' broad. The inscription is cut in the of) eight hundred. May he, who destroys this same bold and deep letters, with the edges (grant), be guilty of the five great sins! rounded off, as the two inscriptions in the eastern gateway of the temple of Virupaksha at PatNo. XCV. tadakal. The language is Old-Canarese ; but The accompanying inscription is on the front I cannot translate the whole inscription, nor or north face of another pillar, which also is an have I been able to obtain & translation of it integral part of the building, on the west side from any one else. It appears, however, that of the door in the same porch. There is very the pillar was a votive offering of a certain possibly & similar inscription on the front face | Puttimaninaga; and the inscription mentions of the corresponding pillar on the east side of & Mahasamanta, or Great Chieftain, named the door; but it is blocked up by a more modern Ereve, who seems to have issned some edict, pillar built up in front of it to support the beam regarding the pillar or the temple, to the guild of and bracket of the roof. the One-thousand-nine-hundred-and-sixty-six. Transcription. (') Puttimaninaga-kambhanga ja['] gatum(ttum)ga neladanti danteyde [deg] addo(P!do)n=a(& P)tamg=ishtana sa ha[] yan-Ereve-mabasamanta[deg] n=uttamagalla goppe puttidobira [deg] graharam(?) tala-vidida kalegado [') kitti sasirad=0[*]beyi-nu(nd)ra [ra]vata(tta) [] aruvara iridoppa (? Ipa) prakatisi[:] dan [*] No. XCVI. 1 of 2' 89' high by 2' 6' broad. It is an OldThe accompanying inscription' is on the east Canarese inscription, recording a grant made to face of a pillar inside the same temple. This the temple by the Mahdsdmanta Bapp - pillar is & later addition, built up in front of varasa in Saka 856 (A. D. 934-5), the Jaya the original pillar to support the bracket and sauvatsara. From the inscription, he seems beam of the roof. Opposite to it there is a to have been the ruler of the country of Kataka, similar double pillar, on which there is a Cana or Cuttack. Who the Gopala mentioned in this rese inscription of one line of eleven letters inscription was, I am not at present able to say. near the top, and another of four lines of The inscription is unfinished. It was pro about eight letters each lower down; neither bably intended to record the name of the enof them is of any historical importance. graver of it; bat, for some reason or other, it The inscription now published covers a space breaks off quite abruptly. Transcription. Svasti Samadhigata-panchamahababda-ma['] hasamanta ratn-avalokam rana-dhara[deg] dhavalam Kataka-divakaran-ujjalijva)la-Chandrama [ ] yyagala mallam vfra-Gopa la-drobara sanni['] pata kiriya-Bhairava pratyanta-martta[]nda brimat(d.) Ba(-ba)ppuvarasa(sar-) Ssa(=sa) kansipaka!-&tita['] s[m]vatsara-satamgal=entu-nu(nu)ra syivatta ['] aranega Jay-sa[a]vatsarada Kartta(rtti)['] ka su(su)ddha panchamiyun Badhavarad-andu[m] ma[) gudake vandu Nandikosa (sva)ra-mu(md)-nella-ge[") yuvam kotta[ru] [ll] Sindara magal=Ni ["'] jabbeya maga P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions, No. 51. * P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions, No. 58. * P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions, No. 58 and 59.

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ON TWO PILLARS IN THE PORCH OF THE TEMPLE OF MAHAKUTA, AT BADAMI. irtimrJU29m93 iddikirjtegg tnkishoop2riNshadiddl gttugHazz7 009itnntinidhigllnnu kujnige pdgrgnnnnnitti 82nisi[bddhtigjaagy fabdrddin liviNnNtisi] 11axhitjlli Ks-2) NC mznammaan B 32 , 4, , & W Grggu. Proto lith, London

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ON A PILLAR INSIDE THE TEMPLE OF MAHAKUTA, AT BADAMI. ythuma 89yataph4 khmanuS Uva BaracterrogdAI va jaat imaan savs hAIku goog re gee savad hAtha 2080 2 2msuTTa at Lrg 46 98070k decago st4Nbt good a rrmh lh FROM AR DEPRESSION BY J... G W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITES, LONDON

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APRIL, 1881.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 105 Translation. Hail! On Wednesday the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month) Karttika of the Jaya samvatsara, which was the eight hundred and fifty-sixth year) of the centuries of years that had expired in the era of the Saka king,-- the glorious Bappu vara sa, -the Mahasd manta, who had attained the five mahasabdas; he whose glances were as bright) as jewels; he who was famous in the van of war; he who was the sun of the country of) Kataka; he who was the hero of the resplendent Chandramayyas (?); he who was a very Bhairava on a minor scale to the assemblage of the enemies of the brave Gop ala; he who was a very sun to the neighbouring countries, --came to the temple and bestowed three rice-fields at (the village of) Nandikesvara. (L. 11).The son of Nijabbe, who was the daughter of Sinda, ... THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. BY PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI. The labours of learned Oriental scholars such splendid condition, from its being deeply enas Prinsep, Wilson, Barnouf, Kern, and others, graved on a fine close-grained and smooth stone. have Wirown considerable light on the rock It is, however, much to be regretted that a portion inscriptions of Asoka. Owing, however, to of it, which contained the very valuable and the very scanty and insufficient means at their long edict No. XIII, has been broken off, and command, the translation of these important nearly three-quarters of the edict carried away. records has been performed in so incomplete a After this inscription, two others, one at Kalsi way that they still afford a field for the investiga- and the other the Bactro-PAli inscription at tion of our best scholars. If these inscriptions Kapure-di-g arhi, should be examined. were carefully re-examined and re-translated in Both of these are also in very good preservation a systematic way, I have no doubt they would and complete, notwithstanding their being slightfurnish interesting and as yet unexpected ly injured by the effect of time and weather on the results bearing upon the language and palmo- shallow cutting and rough surface of the stones graphy of different provinces of India, as well on which they are engraved. They are indeed in as on the history and religion prevailing in the such a condition that any one practised in readtime of Asoka. ing such inscriptions and acquainted with their The necessity of re-examining these ancient language can trace out every letter in them with records arises from the fact that the facsimiles considerable ease and accuracy. The Girnar made hitherto are more or less erroneous, inscription would serve at the same time as and consequently cannot be thoroughly de- an aid in some doubtful parts. After these, the pended on for the purposes of deducing such remaining two inscriptions at Jau ga d a and results as might be gathered from them. Even Dhaulishould be gone through. These inscripthe lithographed copies published with so much tions, although they are much broken, would be care and trouble in the Corpus Inscriptionum of service in assisting the work of investigation, Indicarum by the able and experienced scholar for the portions of them that still remain intact and archaeologist General A. Cunningham are are in excellent preservation. not of a quite satisfactory character, although, It may be mentioned here that the edict in justice to the learned author, it must be No. XIII, which has almost altogether disappear admitted that they are far better than those ed in the Girnar inscription, is fortunately in which preceded them, and that they form the a very satisfactory condition in both the Kalsi first collection of all these records in one volume, and Kapure-di-garhi inscriptions, and thus neatly printed and easy of reference. the most valuable information it contains is left For purposes of re-investigating these in us, which otherwise would have been quite lost. scriptions, I think the Girnar inscription But we are as yet quite in the dark regarding should be taken in hand first, because it is in it, for no translation of any value has been Lit, to the tiara (of the god). Or, perhaps, maguda is heres corruption of mahakata.

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106 attempted with the exception of an incomplete one given by Prinsep. In this edict, King Asoka, in the eighth year of his reign, expressed his mingled feelings of sorrow and joy, sorrow at the bloodshed of a hundred thousand of his warriors and of an equal number of those of his opponents in the battlefield, and of joy at the glorious victory he achieved in religious matters in his newlyconquered kingdom of Kalinga. He valued his achievement of religious success more than his political victory. He mentions with the great est satisfaction that Antioko, the Yavana king, who resided in a far-off country, lying at a distance of 800 yojanas, and his four tributary kings, as well as other kings of surrounding Indian countries, followed the precepts of his religion. The two separate edicts in the Ja ug ad a and Dhauli inscriptions also have not been correctly translated as yet, and the translations of other edicts are incomplete. I give below, as an example, a transcript and translation of the first edict. This transcript was made by me after a careful personal examination of texts on their respective spots. I think it proper here to draw attention to an important fact in Indian Palmography, which we obtain from the Girnar inscription, in regard to the compound letters, more especially those compounded with ra. It must be observed that the Indian alphabet is first presented to us in the Girnar inscription and among the Asoka records. In it the letter ra is always represented with a zigzag or wavy vertical line thus and when any other letter is joined with it, this is done by giving a zigzag tra form to the straight line of the said letter, as we see in the following instances:kra in the word parakrama (edict vi, line 14). sarvatra (ed. ii, lines 3 & 6), and also in other places. prajuhitavyam (edict i, line 3). (edict iv, line 2). pratipati prani (edict i, line 9). priyo,priyadasi &c.,(ed. i, 1. i,&c.) 33 pra " pro pra pri 33 " 11 13 " THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. .. [APRIL, 1881. bra pru in the word pruvam (edict iv, line 4). brahamana (ed. iv, lines 2 &6). vrachha (edict ii, line 8). (edict iv, line 1). ora Bra sraman srd sahasrani From this it will be seen that this system of (edict i, line 9). 33 joining letters together is irregular and quite distinct from that in use in the Western India Cave inscriptions, which are of a period subsequent to this. The system observed in later times was to join the letters according to the order of pronunciation. But this is not the case in the Girnar inscription. The method observed therein seems to be simply that of joining letters in the manner that seemed most convenient for the purpose without regard to the order of their succession in pronunciation. Thus we have rva and vra in the words sarvatra and vrachha written in the same way. M. Senart has already pointed this out, ante vol. IX, p. 285; but the Pandit's discovery is quite independent, as he drew my attention to it some years ago, and had the materials of this paper then ready. Even the English MS. of this was sent to the press early in October last, bat owing to a press of other matter the printing of it has been 33 33 22 33 "1 33 Again, this want of system is not confined to the compound of other letters with ra, but prevails universally in all compound letters; as for instance, in writing vya in vyapta and vyanjanato, it is put together thus, which in the usual way according to the later system would be read yva. This is also the case in respect to sta in the words tistanto and others. From these examples, however, it should not be inferred that the system has always inverted the order of the consonants; in several cases they are correctly combined as pta in the word vyapta, sta in asti, and dva in dvddasa, &c. This extraordinary mode of combining consonants leads us to think of two questions, viz., (1) whether it was owing to the alphabet being only newly introduced when the inscriptions were engraved, or (2) whether it was merely a mistake on the part of the writers. The latter, however, does not seem to be the cause, for we know that so important a task as that of engraving such religious edicts must have been entrusted as usual to some minister of religion, (Dharma Mahamatras,) by King A soka, and so it is highly improbable that such mistakes as these could have escaped his notice. delayed. M. Senart and Pandit Bhagwanlal are thus independent discoverers, but M. Senart has had the priority in Iublication. The Pandit's facsimile of the first edict from Kapure-di-garhi is a most important addition to our know. ledge.-ED.

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APRIL, 1881.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 107 Transcript and comparison of the first Edict of Asoka's rock inscriptions at Girnar, Kalsi, and Kapure-di-garhi. Girnar. Kalsi. Kapure-di-garhi. yaM dhamalIpI devAnaM priyena'] iyaM dhaMmalipi devAnaM piyenA [2] ayaM dhamalipi devAnaM priasa [1] priyadasinA rAjA lekhApitA piyadasinA lekhitA hidA na rajo likhApitA hidAno kidhana kiM. ki[] ci jIvaM ArabhiptA prajahitavyaM chi jive alabhitu pajuhitaviyeci jive [ArabhitA] prayeAtave [] naca samAjo katavyo bahukaM |[*] no pi ca samAje kaTaviye ba- no pi ca samAjA kaTavA bahukA hi hi dosaM | hukA hi dosA | doSA [] samAjahmi pasati devAnaM priyo samAjasi devAnaM piye piyadasi lAja samAyasa devAnaM priyo priyadazi rAyA priyadasi rAjA dekhati dekhati [9] asti pitue kacA samAjA api picAe katiyA samAjA sAdhu- [1] aThi picAsa katiA samAye sAdhumatA devAnaM ___ matA devAnaM sestamate devAnaM ['] priyasa priyadasino rAjo purA piyasA piyadasisA lAjine []pule priyasa priyadazisa rajo pure mahAnamahAnasamhi ___ mahAnasaMsi [sa]si -[] devAnaM priyasA priyadasino rAjo devAnaM piyasA piyadasisA lAjine devAnaM priyasa priadazisa rajo anu___ anudivasaM ba| anudivasaM ba divaso ba[1] hUni prANisatasahasrAni Ara-huni pAnasahasAni alabhiyisu supa- huni prANaza]tasahaMsAni. bhisu sUpAthAya thAya supAtthAya [1] se aja yadA ayaM dhamalIpI se idAni yadA iyaM dhamalipi lekhitA se idAni yadA ayaM [1] bhramanipi likhitA tI eva prA tadA tini yeva pA likhitA tadA tra[ye va prA["] NA Arabhade sUpAthAya do morA nAni Alabhiyati [] duve majule NA haMjate majurA duvi 2 jhugo / __eko mago sopi | eke mige sepi ye sopi [1] mago na dhuvo ete pi tI prANA | mige no dhuve etAni pica tini mugo na dhruva etA pi prANatrayo pachA na ArabhisaMde. / pAnAni no alabhiyisati / pacA na Arabhizati. Sanskrit. Girndr. Kalsi. Kapure-di-garhi. iyaM dharmalIpI devAnAM priyeNa / iyaM dharmalipirdevAnAM priyeNa iyaM dharmalipirdevAnAM priyasya priyadarzinA rAjJA lekhitA iha priyadarzinA lekhitA na na ka- rAjJo lekhitA tra no ka nakaJcit jIvaM Alabhya prahotavyaM zcita jIva Alabhya prahotavyaH zcit jIva Alabhya prahotavyaH naca samAjaH kartavyo bahukaM hi doSaM no api ca samAjaH karttavyaH bahukA no api ca samAjAH kartavyA bahukA | hi doSAH hi doSAH samAje pazyati devAnAM priyaH priya- samAje devAnAM priyaH priyadarzI rAjA samAjasya devAnAM priyaH priyadarzI darzI rAjA | pazyati rAjA pazyati asti pitrA kRtAH samAjAH sAdhu-asti pitrA'kRtAH samAjAH sAdhu- asti pitrA kRtAH samAjA zreSThamatA matA devAnAM matA devAnAM devAnAM According to Sanskrit rule, the verb asti, which is in the * Pitue (Sanskrit Petuhu) is in the 6th case, but in singular number, and governed by the nominativo saindja, Sanskrit it is not in general use; according to the Sanskrit which is in the plural, shonld also be plural, santi; bat rule it ought to be in the third case, as Pitra Kritd. How. when it is taken a veyaya, it does not change ita form in ever in an Prakrita dialects which have taken root from plunl. So in this case it is probably used as such. the Sanskrit, the practice of using 6th caso in such matters is very common. -

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. priyasya priyadarzinI rAtaH purA priyasva priyadarzino rAtaH purA priyasya priyadarzino rAzaH / pura mahAnase mahAnase mahAnase divasaM ba devAnAM farer priyadarzinI rAto dezanAM priyasya priyadarzino rAmro devAnAM priyasya priyadarzinI rAmro 'nudivasaM ba'nudivasaM bahUni prANizatasahasrANyAlapsuH sU- hUni prANizatasahakhANyAlapsuH sU. hUni prANizatasahasrANyAlAH sUpAryAya pArthAya tadadA pade dharmalapI likhitA paya tadidAnIM padeyaM dharmalipililitA tadA pIneva prA eva prA NA nAlabhyante sUpAya ho mathurAve nA nAlaMbhayati ho mayUrAveko mRgaH sopiyo ko mRgaH sopa mRgo na dhruvaH etepi trayaH prANAH mRgo na dhruvaH etepi ca trayaH prANA mRgo na dhruvaH etadapi prANitrayaM pazcAnAlasyante no AlabhaviSyante pazcAnAlapsyate feminine gender, and in the Kapure-di-garhi one it is masculine throughout. The title Devandmpiya or Priya means "beloved of the gods," but it was usually applied to great kings in early times. It was also, it appears, used as a common name for kings, as is the case in Edict VIII of the K&ls i inscription. It occurs in the Girnar inscription thus: Atikantam antaram Rajano viharayatam neydsu, i.e. "from long time ago kings were going out on pleasure trips;" for which in the Kalsi inscription we read Atikantam amtalam devanampiya vihala yatam nikhamisu, meaning "since long ago, Devanampiyas were going out on pleasure trips." In some of the Sutras of the Jainas, we find the title Devdnupiya used for great kings, which is no doubt a corruption of the word Devanampriya. In the Uvdi (Sans. Aupapatika) Sutra this title is applied to the name of king Konika, son of Bimbisara or Srenika, thus: Translation. This edict of religion is caused to be written here by King Piyadasi (Priyadarsi), beloved of the gods. No rite of making burnt offerings is to be performed by putting to death living beings and no convivial meetings should be held. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, certainly perceives much evil in convivial meetings. Convivial meetings held by (the) father of King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, are believed to be unobjectionable (by him). Formerly several hundreds of thousands of animals were slaughtered daily in the kitchens of King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, for the sake of soup, but now, when this edict of religion is written, only three animals are killed for the sake of soup, two peacocks and one deer; the deer, however, not always. These three animals, even, shall not be killed hereafter. Remarks. | In the Girnar inscription the word lipt is written with { long, and the adjective iyam prefixed to it is in the feminine gender, as in the words Iyam dhama-lipi, but further on, in the same edict, this adjective is put in the masculine, in the words yada ayam dhoma-lipi. This circumstance shows that the word lipt was used both in the feminine and in the masculine genders in the Saurashtra dialect, while throughout the Kalsi inscription the word is used only in the * This passage is written differently in the Kapure-digarhi inscription thus:-Ayan dhram-lipidevinam priasa rano likhapita hidd. "This edict of religion of king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, is caused to be written, &c.," which may either mean that it is caused to be written by king Piyadasi himself, or by somebody else as a meritorious deed of the king during his lifetime or subsequently. In the Girnar inscription this phrase is as translated above, while in the Kalsi and Kapure-di-garhi ones it is pAryAya tadidAnIM yadeyaM dharmalapilekhitA tadA traya eva prA NA hanyante mayUrI hI 2 mRgaH 1 sopi caMpAe nayarIe majhaM majheNaM jeNeva koNiyassa raNNo gihe jeNeva bAhiriyA uvaThThANasAlA jeNeva kUNie rAyA bhiMbhasAraputte teNeva uvAgacchittA karayala pariggahiye sirasAvattaM matthae aMjaliM kaTTu jaeNaM vijaeNaM vaddhAveda 2 evaM vayAsi / jassaNaM devANuppiyA daMsaNa kakhaMti, jassaNaM devANuthiyA daMsaNaM pahiti jassaNaM devAnuppiyA desaNaM pattheti jassaNaM devANupiyA dasaNaM abhisaMsaMti seNaM samaNe bhagavaM mahAvIre puoANu pubviM caramANe gAmANugAmi duijyamANe caMpAe nayArIe uvavaNagaraggAmaM uvAgate. In place of "the king beloved of the gods," as changed thus, in Kalsi: Na kichht jive alabhitu pajuhitaviye," and in Kapure-di-garhi: no kichi jive arabhita prayehyatave-"no burnt offerings of living beings should be made by putting them to death." * In the Girnar inscription " evil" is in the singular number, while both in the Kalsi and Kapure-di-garhi ones it is plural; also in the Kalsi and Girnar versions the phrase is "evil in convivial meetings." Supathaya is derived from Sans krit sparthaya, which means " for the sake of soup."

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Bhagwanlal Indraji fecit. 2 obutte 4h 15h Lauchhaussu (4486444 dovdans k idtek 151 bizoH4 669 Cahsusul vd 4251 - 41634 453444444 165X2540 42 LECE&L&SEKSdcek a r dubu S E54646 anhult LLLyz & daude 3. KAPUREDI-GARHI. 70 100+ 2137 ) ? 7 1) 917 31. IZ 192193 S. 437H TO TIPOH 125 a "* Rey E TI TY PATYS UIT X TZ WADY the SYM TIN 72 72.7% PYT2001 tat. 2) 2410 + 99 P2 y 11 TT2.18798.0.1.: 2. KALSI. NO 16 DIMCI USEN, VNI OD 8C 113.80 y un gr.2 OTK & PRRY HT 0..9 J77-7Y YIIT 93 IKUTITET 123T13 TOYJID 112.13 TYRO 13 .YP + OY 33. T&T IRITING 1.35 2. PY+ 32 PT IS 1. GIRNAR FIRST EDICT OF THE ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS.

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APRIL, 1881.) INDIAN TRAVELS OF CHINESE BUDDHISTS. 109 occurs in the Girnar inscription, it is only "the beloved of the gods" in the Kalsi one, the word "king" being omitted in it. Instead of idha, i. e. "here." in the Girnar inscription, the Kalsi and the Kapure-di-garhi ones have hida. Idha seems to be a corruption of the Sanskrit atra, which is corrupted into ru in the modern Maharashtri dialect, and hidd appears to be a corruption of the Sansksit iha, which has become hidd in the modern Kachhi dialect. In the Kapure-di-garhi and Kalsi versions the words " for the sake of soup" are omitted. In the Kalsi copy in place of the phrase so pi mago, i.e. "the deer however" of the Girnar inscription, the phrase se pi ye mige, i.e. "the one which is the deer however" occurs. In the Kapure-di-garht inscription, the numbers of the animals slaughtered daily in the king's kitchen are given in figures also thus :-"Peacocks two, 2, deer 1." It is to be particularly noted that the peacock, a very common bird in India, is excluded from the list of birds to which Asoka has given a promise of safety in his Lat edicts. This circumstance seems probably to have some connection with the surname Maurya of his family, on account of some particular ancestral rite of sacrificing peacocks, a rite which Asoka could not have given up so easily. We see in the above edict that he could do without sacrificing a deer sometimes, but not a single day without killing peacocks. INDIAN TRAVELS OF CHINESE BUDDHISTS. BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A. There is a Chinese book in two parts called . reached the Fragrant Lake; and then pressing K'ir-fa-ko-sang-chuan, which contains brief forward with fixed determination he passed memoirs of Chinese Buddhist priests who visited through Sha-li and the Tukh & ra country, India during the early period of the T'ang dy- and so through Tibet, where Wen-shing-kung nasty (618 A.D.-907 A.D.)-written by I-tsing ruled, he traversed North India, and gradually of the same dynasty. arrived at Jalandhara. But before reaching Altogether there are fifty-six names recorded this place they were threatened by robbers in in the index of the work, and I will proceed to a narrow pass. But by the influence of some give a brief summary of the history of each sacred words, the robbers were put to sleep, name, though not always in the order of the and so they escaped. Passing four years in Chinese record. the Jalandhar a country, the Mung king I. Yuan Chau. (Mongol king) earnestly pressed the pilgrim The Doctor Yuan Chan, a Shaman, was a into his service, and during that period studied native of Sien-chang of Tai-chau. His Indian with him Sanskrit literature. After this, passname was Prakasa mati. He was of distin- ing southward he arrived at the Mah a bodhi guished descent both on his father's side and that district (Magadha), where he spent four years. of his maternal grand-father. Arrived at man- Deeply regretting that he was not permitted to hood he determined to forsake the world, and meet the immediate person of Buddha), he become a priest. He purposed to visit the sacred nevertheless paid reverence to all the vestiges of places existing in India, and for the purpose of his presence, and after studying various books he preparation proceeded to the capital to attend went on to the Nalanda monastery. Passing religious lectures there. And so in the middle three years in this place he met two priests, one of the Cheng-kwan period (638 A.D.) he pro- culled Shing-sien, the other Ratnaof Ceylon, (or it ceeded to the Ta-hing-shing Temple, and there may be " a priest of Ceylon.") After this, ascendin the placu where Huan Ching had taughting the Ganges, the king of the Mung (Shan he gave himself to the study of Sanskrit for Mung in the text) detained him in his capital literature. at the temple called Sin-che, for three years. Then taking his religious staff he wended to Finally, in consequence of the Chinese ambasthe west, purposing to visit the spot where sador Wang-yun urging his return, he went back Buddha taught in the Jetavana Monastery. to Lo-yang by way of Nepal and Tibet, having Leaving Kin-chau (Lan-chow) he crossed traversed more than 10,000 lis. Once again, in the "drifting sands," and passing through the the middle of the Lin-teh period (665 A.D.), he Iron Gates, he ascended the snowy peaks till he set out to Kasmir in company with a Brahman

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1881. Lo-kia-yih-to and others. Narrowly escaping death by robbers, he arrived in North India, and there again met the Chinese ambassador, who commissioned Yuan Chau and his companion Lo-kia-yi h-to to go to Western India, to the country known as Lo-ta. Passing through Balkh they came to the Nava Vihara, where they paid reverence to the water pitcher of Buddha and other relics. Passing thence through the region of Sin-tu and the Dard people, they remained for four years with the Mung king, after which they went to the district of the Vajrasana (Magadha) and also the Nalanda Temple. Thence returning through Nepal and Kapisa, owing to the difficulties of the road during the period of hostilities with the Arabs, they went back and traversing India again Yuan Chan finally died in the country of Amar a vat in Central India, aged 60 and odd years. II. Hwni Lun. Hwui Lun, & master (of the law), was a native of Sin-ko (Corea). His Indian name was Praja varman. He quitted his own country inflamed with a desire to perform a pilgrimage to the sainted spots of his religion. Taking ship he arrived in Fuhkeen, and thence gradually journeying forward came to Loyang. There he was commissioned by the Emperor to follow the steps of Yu an-chau, who had gone to the Western Countries, and, having found him, to attend him as servant. Having undertaken this, he went from place to place, paying homage to the sacred spots of his religion. He dwelt for ten years in the convent called Sin-che, in the country of Amaravat (or A mar a bad?). Thence going eastward he visited the convent called Touho-lo-sse, belonging to North India. This temple was originally built by the Tou-ho-lo peoples (the Tokhari ?) for the accommodation of their fellow countrymen. It is very rich and well supplied with all necessaries for food and convenience, so that no other can surpass it in this respect. The temple is called Gand haraBanda. Here Hwai Lan remained for the purpose of studying the Sanskrit language. All priests who come from the North occupy this temple, as the Superior of it is a man of great learning. They call the Temple Tahsio (i.e. Great learning'). To the west of the temple is another belonging to the country of Kapisa. This temple is also very rich, and celebrated for the learning of its priests, who excel in the Little Vehicle. Buddhist monks of the North also dwell here. This temple is called Gun& charita. To the N. E. of the great Bodhi (the temple just named) about a couple of stages, is another temple called Chalukya. This is the one which was formerly built by a king of the Chalukya kingdom in South India. This temple though poor is remarkable for the religious life of its inmates. In more recent times a king called Jih-k wan (Sunarmy,') built a new temple by the side of the old one, which is now getting finished, and in which many priests from the South take their residence. In short all the different districts (of India and its neighbourhood) have temples erected for the entertainment of priests belonging to the respective countries-all, except China, which has none : and so we pass and return under great difficulties. Forty stages or so to the eastward of this we come to the Nalanda Temple. First taking the Ganges and descending it, we reach the Mriga sikhavana Temple. Not far from this is an old temple, the foundations of which alone remain-it is called the China Temple. The old story goes that this temple was built by Srigupta Maharaja for the use of priests from China. At this time there were some Chinese monks, twenty or so in number, who, having wandered away from Sz'chuen by the road known as Ko-yang (?) came out near the Mahabodhi and there offered their worship. The king, moved with reverence on account of their piety, gave them a village of considerable extent, where they might remain and finally settle-twenty-four places in all. Afterwards the Tang priests having died out, the village and its land attached came into the possession of aliens, and now three persons belonging to the Migava na Temple occupy it. This oocurred about 500 years ago or so. The territory now belongs to the king of Eastern India, whose name is Deva varma. 1 The Larike of Ptolemy, the Lar of the Arab writers, and Latadesa of the Hindus, corresponding to the Northern Konkan.-Eu.

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APRIL, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 111 He has given back the temple and its land to the villagers to avoid the expense of keeping it up, as he would have to do, if many priests of China came there. The Vajra sana Mah & bodhi Temple is the same as the one built by a king of Ceylon, in which priests of that country formerly dwelt. Going seven stages or so to the N. E. of this temple we come to the Nalanda Temple, which was built by an old king, Sri Sakyaditya, for the benefit of a Bhikshu of North India, called Rajabhaga. This temple has been completed by a succession of kings, and is now one of the most splendid in India. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 20.) VI. had obtained among the Merkit about his We have seen how, on the death of Yessu- friend, and also presented him with a mare gei Khan, the Mongols, led by the Taijut which had been sterile for some years. Chamuunder their chief Terkutai Kiriltak, kha gave him in return a similar scarf he had deserted his young son Temujin. Anba- taken from the Merkit Dair Ussun and also a khai the chief of the Taijut had formerly white horse. They had a feast together at been the supreme ruler of Mongolia, and it was Khorkhon Akhjubur under the thick trees, and natural that his descendant should now succeed afterwards slept under the same blanket. The to the broken heritage; but, as we have seen, two friends lived thus together for abont a year none of the Taijut chiefs were anxious for this and a half. One day, as they were sitting honour, and it would seem that a very con- together in front of a kibitka, Chamukha nsed siderable power in consequence passed to an enigmatical expression which it is difficult Chamu kha, the head of the Jajirat or Juriat to understand, and which was not understood tribe, who joined with the chief of the Kirais in by his companion. He said, "If we stop at helping Temujin to recover his wife. He the mountain the horses will get forage, if at seems to have become the most important the ravine the sheep and lambs will get it." chief on the river Onon, and, as we are expressly. Temujin, who was perplexed by the words, rode told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, had control of ap to his mother to ask her to explain them, the proper subjects of Temujin himself. The but before she could answer, his wife Burto latter now went to live with him. They were intervened, and said : In regard to this Chamuapparently both young, and had long been close kha, people have said that he loves the new and friends, so close that Chamukha is constantly hates the old. He is tired of us. His words referred to as Chamukha anda, anda meaning a conceal some illwill against us. It is better life-and-death friendship among the Mongols. we should not stay; we had better get away It is ratified solemnly by an exchange of presents, during the night. The fact was that a natural &c. In this case the friendship had began when jealousy had arisen between the two chiefs who Temujin was eleven years old. The two had were both ambitious. Temujin had doubtless been playing together on the ice on the Onon, designs of his own. He could not forget the when Chamukha gave his friend a stone from position his father had filled, and to which he the musk deer, Temujin returned a ball of was the natural heir, and he had no doubt copper(?). Afterwards when the two boys spent the previous few months in securing amused themselves with archery, Chamukha gave the adhesion of a large number of partizans. his friend an arrow, having a point that would This we gather from what followed. Chamgrattle, made out of cows' horn, while Temujin kha, on the other hand, was naturally of an presented him with one made of cypress wood, envious disposition, and was, in fact, styled and so they became anda. The pact was now Sechen.' Rashida'd-dir has preserved some renewed, and Temujin put golden scarf he Sagas about him. He tells us that Tokhtoa A so-called besoerstone or perhaps merely a lump of musk. * Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 57-59. 91.c., the crafty or far-seeing. Erdmann, Temudsohin, p. 995. Abulghi says it means in Mongol and Usbek one who is witty, and is equivalent to the Arabic akil and the Tajik (i... Persian) ba-khired. In his day, be says, it was applied to a good speaker (op. cit. ed. Desmaisons, pp. 79 and 80).

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Biki of the Merkit once harried his camp. For a while he wandered about with but 30 companions, and at length in his distress sent an appeal to Tokhtoa, offering to acknowledge him as his father. The latter accepted his offer, undertook to protect him, and restored him his followers. He often deceived his amirs by his smooth words, so that they were astonished at his skill. Once having noticed a sparrow sitting on its nest in a willow, he marked the spot. The next day he went as if by chance, and took the amirs with him, and said: Last year I passed this way, and noticed a sparrow building its nest in this very willow, let us look and see if there is a nest there again, and if it contains any young ones. He looked into the bush, when out flew a sparrow, and there assuredly was a nest with young ones in it. The amirs who, we must confess, must have been rather naive, were astounded at his apparently extraordinary memory in recognizing the identical bush. On another occasion he presented himself on a day when, according to custom, no one was seen by Tokhtoa Biki, and when, therefore, the guards were negligent. He entered his tent with 30 men and found him alone. Tokhtoa was very much afraid, and felt he was at his mercy. He therefore asked him why he had come with his men, as his guard knew nothing about it, and were not on the look-out. He replied he only went to see whether the latter were in fact vigilant or not. At these words Tokhtoa was still more disconcerted, and he accordingly administered to Chamukha a solemn oath in which, according to custom, the latter poured kumiz out of a golden bowl on to the ground and promised never to hurt Tokhtoa, who then restored him all his family and property, and he once more returned to his yurt. Such was the person with whom Temujin now commenced a long and bitter feud. We are told in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi that on leaving Chamukha's camp. on his way homewards he passed through that of the Taijut who were afraid, decamped and joined his rival. His people captured a boy Berezine, vol. I, pp. 201 and 202; Erdmann, Temudschin, pp. 225-226. Op cit. p. 59. The name Bargut or Barghut of Rashidu'd-din is also read Terghut or Torgut by Berezine and Von Hammer, and this may be the tribe here meant. The Bayau were no doubt the Bayaut of Rashida'd-din divided by him into the Jida Bayaut, living on the river [APRIL, 1881. named Kokochu, whom they had left behind, and gave him to Temujin's mother Khoilun." Temujin was now joined by a number of chiefs with their followers, who are enumerated in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. They comprised the three brothers Khachiun, Kharak hai and Kharalda i, who belonged to the clan Tokhuraun (the Tukrant of Rashid n'd-din) of the tribe Jelair. Khadaan, Daldur khan and five others of the tribe Tarkhu." From the tribe Kian there went to him Mungetu, with his son Ungur and others, and also people from the Chanshiut and Bayan.' From the tribe Balura there went to him Khubilai and Khudusi. From the tribe Mankhu (the Mankgut of Rashid) he was joined by Jedai and Dokholkhu. Rashid associates the Mankgut with the Nuyakins or Nutakins and Urut. He tells us that in the time of Temujin the two latter were the allies of the Taijut. The chief of the Urut at this time was Udut Berdut, who often fought with Temujin. One of his principal amirs was Jeda Noyan.10 The Mankgut sided with the Taijut, except Khuilidar Seshen, whom Erdmann calls Khubuldan Sajan, and who went over to Temujin with his clients and dependents, and they became anda. Of Jeda Noyan Rashid says it was reported as follows. Among the Urut there were three brothers. Two of them formed the resolution to join the Taijat. The third, however, who did not see that there was any cause of quarrel with Temujin, refused to join them, whereupon his eldest brother fell upon and shot him and his slaves, and appropriated all his property and children. One of his wives of the tribe Bargut, who lived close by, had a suckling whom she managed to secrete and to preserve from damage. When the Taijut were conquered by Temujin, she gave him the name Jeda, and sent him to him. He was well received, and was made the overchief of the Urut and Mankgut, over which tribes his descendants continued to rule till the 14th century. He was one of the great amirs of Jida, and the Kehran Bayaut on the plain. Berezine, vol. I., p. 175; Erdmann, pp. 214-215. No doubt the Berulas of Rashid, who tells us one of these chiefs in the time of Chinghiz was Khubilat noyan, id. p. 224. " So Erdmann (p. 219) reads it; Berezine makes it two names Odot and Bodot (op. cit. vol. I, p. 189). 10 i.e. the Jedai above named.

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APRIL, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 113 the right wing, and was styled Jedan oyan." him his sister Tiemolun i.e. Tumalun in marri. There can be little doubt that the Jeda of this age. Podu was flattered, and he sent his relative notice is the abovenamed Jedai of the Yuan- Yepakiatai with a courteous message, in which ch'ao-pi-shi. Let us now return to the list of he compared Temujin's friendship to the glory Temujin's allies as given in the latter authority of the sun breaking from behind a bank of These comprised a younger brother or relative of clouds or a spring balmy breeze breathing over the Alura (the Arulat of Rashidu'd-din) Boorchu wintry ice. Temujin having learnt that Poda Ogelian. From the Uriankha came the younger had thirty horses, and intended one half of them brothers of Jelmi, Chaurkhan and Subutai. The as a present for himself as an equivalent for his latter became very famous in later days and is favour, said to Yepakiatai: To speak of giving known to the western writers as Subutai Beha- | and taking when we are making an alliance, is dur. From the tribe Besu (the Baisat of Rashid to use the language of traders. Our old folk say u'd-din)" came Digai and Khuchugur. Rashid it is difficult to unite two hearts and souls into calls them Teke or Dega and Kajukur, and says one. It is this which I propose to do. My that their father having been killed by the Taijut purpose is to sabject all the hearts of this their mother Baidu Khatan brought the orphans district and to extend my conquests even furto Temujin. The former was given charge of the ther, and that the tribe of Kieliei, of which stallions and the latter of the mares of the Im- Podu is chief, will help me faithfully. This is all perial stables. The latter was also given the title I ask. He thereupon sent Poda his sister. Some of Terkhan. Their mother superintended the time after Tatsilatai, (? the Jajirats) Tsachua and Imperial kumis. To return to the Yuan-ch'ao- Toyei having marched at the head of 30,000 pi-shi. We read that there came from the tribe men against Podu, their neighbour, he sent to Suldu, Chulgutai, Taki and Dauchiudai. From inform Temujin, bat meanwhile succeeded in the tribe Jelair, Sechidomokh and Arkhai- defeating them himself, and compelled them to khasarbala with his two sons. From the tribe range themselves under his banner. His ally was Khuankhotan (the Khongkhoiot or Kanegkiat about to march to the rescue, when he heard of of Rashidu'd-din) Sueiketo, Sukeke, Jegai, and his victory. To continue our list of Temujin's Khuandakhor, with their children Sukegai, allies from the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. We are told he Jeun, Nendai and Chakhaanboga; Kingiyadai was further joined by Junshai from the tribe came from the tribe Olkhuna, to which Tema- Nayakin, by Jurkhoan from the tribe Orona," by jin's wife Burte belonged ; Sechiur from the Sukhusechan and Kharachar with their families tribe Khorola or Kurula, to which his mother from the tribe Barulas. From the tribe of Barin belonged; Mochibedaun from the tribe Dorbe there joined him Khorchi, the old Usun, and and Buta or Buda from the tribe Ikiresun, Kokososi with the whole clan of Menan Baarin, i.e. the Ikeras or Ankiras of Rashidu'd-din. Rashid says that in the time of Temujin the About Budu we read in the work translated chief of the Barins was Nabaga or Nayaka Noyan, by DeMailla who calls him Podu, that he lived who in his youth was called Naba or Baba Jusur. near the river Ergune," and was renowned as Jusur, he says, means a hypocrite and an a famous archer both on foot and on horseback. insolent barefaced man. He lived to a very Temujin wishing to secare his alliance sent old age, and died over a hundred years old, in him one of his trusted followers named Chur. the days of Ogotai Khakan. He was perhaps the chetan. Poda received this envoy with honour, old Uson just named from the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. killed a sheep to entertain him, and as his horse He was in the service of Temujin with his two was wearied with its journey, he provided him sons, Naya or Baba and Alak. Alak had a son with a fresh one from among his own. Temujin Kukju, who was probably the Kokososi of the was so pleased with this reception that he deter- above notice. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that mined to bind him closer to himself, and offered when Khorchi joined the young Mongol chief, * Berezine, vol. I, pp. 189 and 190 ; Erdmann, pp. 219-220. *** So read by Erdmann; Berezine, vol. I, p. 207, reads the name Esut. 3 Berezine, vol. I, pp. 212 and 213; Erdmann, pp. 229 and 230. 1. the Argun which springs in the Kuilun lake and falls into the Opon. 15 i. e. the Inkirasses. 10 De Mailla, vol. IX. pp. 13-14, Gaubil, p. 3. 11 1. e. the Urnaut of Rashido'a-din. See Berezine, vol. I, pp. 195-6; Erdmann, Temudschin, I p. 229.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. he remarked to him that Buduantsar was the repudiated this expression, however, and urged common ancestor of himself and Chamukha that the whole thing was a joke. In Temujin's by one wife, and that it was therefore perhaps army two brothers, belonging to the Sakant, natural that he should have clang to the latter, named Uker Gulji or Kilji and Gudus or Khudun but he had had a dream in which he saw a Gulji or Kilji, commanded hazaras in the left white cow attack the yurts and kibitkas of wing." Temujin was also joined by SorChamukha with its horns, and break one of khatuchjurki with his two sons, Sacha-biki and them in doing so. It then tore up the ground Daichu, belonging to the clan Jurki; by before Chamukha, and bellowed out to him to re- Khuchar Biki, the son of Nigun Taishi; and store it its horn. Thereupon a strong and horn- by Altan Utjigen, son of Khutala or Khutlugh less bull came along from the road along which Khakan,-all three near relatives of his own. Temujin's kibitka was travelling, and roared out The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us the various allies that heaven had decreed that the latter should be and friends above named joined Temujin the ruler of the empire. This dream had deter- when he was encamped at the little river mined his decision. He then went on to say, Kimurka" in the district of Aitkharakhana. If you make yourself the ruler of the empire, Thence he moved his camp and reached the place what will you do for me? Temujin replied Gurilga near the river Sangur," and finally that if he in fact became the ruler of the empire, halted at Kharajurige close to lake Kokonur. he would make him a temnil, i.e. a governor of This lake I cannot find on the mape, but it was 10,000 houses. Khorchi replied that atem- probably north of the Keralon and near the nik's place was but a poor reward for such an river Sanghir. He now seems to have had a important piece of news as he had given him, very considerable following, and proceeded to and he asked that in addition he might be organize the nation in an elaborate manner. allowed free choice of 30 lovely maidens and According to Rashid he divided it into to have whatever he asked besides. tumans, hazaras, sadehs, and dehas, and altoTo revert again to the list of his friends. gether they formed 13 gurans or brigades. Temujin was also joined by Khunan and Rashid uses the name guran for these divisions, others from the tribe Genigesy and by Daritai and tells us it was equivalent to khalkhah, Utjigen from the tribe Jadar. He was Temujin's which meant a ring, circle, or mass of men uncle, and the tribe Jadar was probably a under a leader. The gurans answered accordclan of the Mongols proper. Rashid tells using to Von Hammer to the rings among he at first joined his nephew, but afterwards, as the Avars. Erdmann compares them to the we shall see, separated from him." From the Greek phalanxes and the solid squares of tribe Sakaut" there joined him Mulkhalkhu. modern tactics. Over each guran was set & The Sakant formed a section of the Barins. gurkhan. The thirteen gurkhans with their When Temujin made Biki the chief of the latter followers are thus enumerated by Rashid tribe, a free ungkun (which was apparently a a'd-dinposition like that of a terkhan, involving special 1. Olun Eke, or Khoilun, Temujin's privileges), he was privileged to sit in the court mother, with her immediate relatives and deabove the rest, and, like the royal princes, pendents. After his father's death Temojin took his position on the right side. His horses married his mother to Menglik Echigeh of the were mingled with those of Temujin. As he tribe Umaut, and appointed him a commander reached a very great age, Temnjin ordered of the Right Wing." that a Sakaut should always stand beside a 2. Temujin with his amirs and following. horse when Biki wished to take a ride, so that 1 3. Rashid-u'd-din assignsthisguran to Burahe might the more easily mount, whence the ja Bakhadur," the descendant of SamSakants were called the Biki's equerries. They Khajiun, brother of Khabul Khan who com >> Palladius muggests that the title is of Khitan or Jarji origin. * Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 252. 91 The Sukayut of Rashid. "Berezine, vol. I, pp. 198-190; Erdmann, op. cit. pp. 223-224. 1 Vide supra. 11 1.e. the Sanghir, vide ante. * Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 261. Douglas, op. cit. p. 11. * Erdmann, op. cit., note 50. Berezine, vol. I, p. 158; Erdmann, pp. 203-204. * Erdmann reads the name Taliaju Bahadur.

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APRIL, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 115 manded the Jirkins, a section of the Kirais. With 13. Kendu Chino and Ulukchin him were Mukhur Khuran and Bukuri with the Chino the children of Jerke-lin-gun. The Adarkins or Hederkins and Charaga or JaurkhahHuang-yuan calls them Nidu-chino and Yuili." with the Khurulas. The Huang-yuan assigns the The people of Temujin were thus organized division to the descendants of Khajalaya, (i.e. in military fashion. It was at this time, as we of Khajuli, brother of Khabul), Bentachu-badu, read in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, that his relatives Tabuge-i-din and Markhu-khao-lan, with the Altan, Khuchar, and Sacha-biki, having consulttribes Atargin, Chakhulan and Kholula. ed with the rest of the nation went to him, and 4. The children of Sorg odo or Surkata said "We wish to proclaim you as our Emperor. Noyan, Derenge and his brother Kuridai who When you become so, we will be the foremost belonged to the Niruns and Kiats. They led in your battles with your numerous enemies, and the Nirun tribe Budat. The Huang-yuan says if we capture any lovely women or horses, they the son of Siantun-kun Nayan Dilian with the shall belong to you. We will surrender to you tribes Kholitai and Butakha. the game we secure in the hunt, and if we dis5 and 6. The children of Surkhata obey you in war, or cause you trouble in peace, Yurkior Burgi, Sacha Biki, and his brother then you may appropriate our wives and possesTaicha, with the Jelairs. The Huang-yuan ap- sions, and leave usoat in the uninhabited waste." parently omits these two gurans, which accounts Having spoken thus, they proclaimed Temujin for its list describing only 1l although it says Emperor, and named him Chinghiz. Palladius there were 13 gurans in all. remarks that it is probable the Mongols had 7. Otojukhu Dorlangi also a Kiat, had no Khakan since the death of Khatlugh. with his people. This name is apparently cor- This custom of giving an Imperial title he rupt. Erdmann reads it Utaju-khuda-Ardengi. thinks they derived from the Chinese, who, in The Huang-yuan says this guran comprised the addition to their proper family name, take an people of Jakhar and Akha. honorary name when they accept the dignity of 8. The children of Menggeta or Mungda Emperor. The name now adopted by Temujin Kian, Jenkshat and his brothers who led Temu- is written Dschinggiz Khan by Erdmann, jin's relatives, among others was Ungur who whence I, in my history of the Mongols, wrote it commanded the Darlegin tribe Bayaut. The Jingis, but my friend Professor Schott asHuang-yuan assigns this guran to the children sures me the proper orthography should be of Khadatu Mannara, Mange and Kejurge. Chinghiz. Visdelou, who writes the name 9. Daritai Utjigin Temujin's uncle, Tchim-khis-khan, says that he had known a Kuchar his cousin the son of Nigun Taishi, and Mongol who was deemed a proficient in his own Dada or Dalu, one of his relatives, with the language, and who reported that on the day when Dogolats a Nirun tribe, and also the Darlegin Chinghiz was proclaimed Emperor of all Tartary, tribes Nukuz, Khorkhan, Sagait and Ujin or a peacock perched on his tent. This was acBijin. The Huang-yuan says Tashintai Khochar, counted a marvellous occurrence in so cold a with the tribes Khudolan, Nigus, Kholukhan climate, and in the midst of the army. In and Sakhai, formed this guran. memory of the prodigy, the people gave him 10. Juchi Khan the son of Khutlugh the style of Tchingkhis, expressing by the Khan and his followers. The Huang-yuan calls words which have no actual meaning, the noise him Jochi the son of Kulantoki Khan. made by a peacock with its wings when flying. 11. Altan called Antan in the Huang-yuan, Gaubil has a similar story, only he identifies also a son of Khatlagh Khan with his people. the bird with the phoenix or king of the birds. 91 12. Dakhu Bakhadur of the Nirun The story travelled a long way and we find it tribe, whose name is spelt Khgegkhoyot by reported in the pages of the Armenian monk Berezine and Kanegkiat by Erdmann. WithMalakia, who tells us the angel of the Divine comhim was the Niran tribe Suken or Sukat. The mand appeared to the Tartars in the form of an Huang-yuan assigns the guran to Khulan and eagle with golden wings, and called out in their Toduan. tongue to their chief Chankz to draw near. He * Berezine, vol. II, pp. 54 and 95; Erdmann, pp. 261 and 262; Huang-yuan, pp. 153 and 154. 30 Op. cit. 334. 31 Op. cit. p. 12, note 1.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. went within a bowshot, whereupon the eagle dictated to him the divine laws, which are called yasa and gave him the title of Chanc Ghaian." A similar story again is told by Ssanang Setzen, who says the proclamation was made by the Aralad on the banks of the Kerulon. Before it took place, a five-coloured bird in the shape of a lark went for three mornings, and sat on a squared stone in front of the Royal yart, and screamed out Chinggis Chinggis ! which Temujin accordingly adopted as his middle name, his full title being Sutu Bogda Chinggis Khaghan, by which he was everywhere known. The stone upon which the bird had alighted thereupon suddenly flew asunder, and disclosed in its midst the famous seal Khas Boo, which was a span in length and breadth, and bore a tortoise on one side and on the other two interlaced dragons, the whole being beautifully wronght." In regard to the etymology of the name Chinghiz there have been mang theories. It has been connected with tenghia, a sea or great lake, and with ghakhai a pig." Rashidu'd-din gives several explanations of it. In his account of the Urnaut he says the word ching is equivalent to the Arabic muste hekem, and that chinggis is the superlative or plural of ching. Again, in his account of the Kuriltai of the year 599 Hej. he says ching" means strong, powerful, and chinghiz is the superlative of the same word. Lastly, in his account of the Kuriltai of 602 he says the title Chinghiz was equivalent to that of Shahin Shah among the Persians. He also says "it was equivalent to Gurkhan,' i.e. strong and mighty Padishah." Khuandemir uses a couplet in these words :"Notice that in the Mongol tongue the name of Chinghiz Khan means king of kings."$8 Schmidt in discussing the name says that ching does not in Mongol mean strong, but is an 50 Brosset, Hist. de la Georgie, add. etc. pp. 440 and 441. 33 Op. cit. p. 71. The Persian writers who date the adoption of the name in 1201-2, tell a different story. Javeni, the author of the Jihan Kushui, tells us that at the kuriltai held in that year a Shaman called Gugju, also named But Tengri or the Image of God, who for several days in the severe winter had been running over the mountains and steppes naked, said that God bad spoken to him and declared he had given the whole earth to Temujin, and had also given him the name of Chinghiz Khan. Juveni reports this on the testimony of a Mongol amir who had told the story to himself (Erdmin, p. 600). Rashid-u'd-din tells us Gagsu or Kuksu was the son of Menglik, to whom Chinghiz gave his own mother in marriage after his father's death. He tells us that Kuksu communicated to Chinghiz himself the message he professed to have received from heaven adverb, meaning 'fast, immovable,' and he ex. plains it by the phrase ching bishirel, 1. e. the immovable faith.50 Erdmann adopts this etymology, and styles his work "The history of Temajin, the immovable or firm," and compares this title with that borne by O no-wei, a chief of the Yea-Yen, whom I have elsewhere identified with the Kalmuks, who was styled SO-liu-teu-ping-ta-fa-khan, i.e. the Khan who has conquered and holds fast." I cannot adopt this etymology. Schmidt, who was a profound Mongol scholar, says distinctly that Chinghiz has no meaning at all in Mongol.** This agrees with the statement of Gaubil, who says "Tchingkisse n'est pas un mot Mongon, ce n'est qu'an son qui exprime le cri dont j'ai parle,"48 and of Visdelou, the profoundest Chinese sobolar among the French Jesuits, who, after mentioning the etymology for the name Chinghiz saggested by his Mongol friend as above mentioned, goes on to say: "Cela me fait croire que ce titre fat emprunte d'une langue etrangere et inconna aux Mongols, dans laquelle il avait le sens que les Chinois lui donnaient." He previously says that the Chinese explained the name as meaning Tien-si, i.e. given by heaven.** These facts make one the more readily accept the suggestion of the late Dorji Bansarof, who was a Mongol by birth and a scholar, and who urges that when Temujin proclaimed himself Emperor he adopted the title used by the former sovereigns of the Hiung Nu, namely Chenyu or Shan-ya, of which Chinghiz was a corruption, in confirmation of which he adds that the Hiung Na also styled their chief Tengri-kubu, 1.e. son of heaven. Erdmann argues against this conclusion of Bansarof, but it is accepted by Palladius, who says that any one who knows how incorrectly the Chinese transcribe foreign names into their own tongue will not be surprised that Shan-yu should become Chinghiz. The as above. It was reported of him that he used to sit naked on the ice in the winter in a place called Uden Keruen or Uhan Garwan, the coldest in those parts. The Mongols believed that he could fly to heaven on & white horse. (Berezine, vol. I, pp. 158-9; Erdmann, p. 204.) 3- Erdmann, op. cit. note 179. 25 i. e. one firmly fixed in his authority. 36 Erdmann, p. 601. 37 Jing, as Erdmann writes it. 3 Id. pp. 602-603. 39 Quatremere Hist. des Mongols de la 'erse, p. 247, note 76. 40 Op. cit. p. 379. +1 Erdmann, Temudschin, etc., p. 606. Seanang Setzen, p. 379. 43 Op. cit. p. 12, note 1. ** D'Herbelot, Suppl. p. 334. 45 Op. cit. pp. 599-609.

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APRIL, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 117 etymology is also remarkably confirmed by a the event in 1189, when he was 28 years old." correspondence of Chinghiz Khan with the This variation shews the uncertainty of the Taouist philosopher Ch'ang-ch'an. In a chronology of the early life of Chinghiz. I am phrase in one of the former's letters we read : disposed to accept the dates given by Marco Polo " It seems to me that since the remote time and Ssanang Setzen as approximately fixing the of our Shanya such a vast empire has not been earlier proclamation of the great Khak a n. seen.*' In a note Palladius adds that the ex- Having been made Khakan, Chinghiz, pression proves that Chinghiz considered the according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, appointancient Hiong Nu as the ancestors of the Mon- ed Ogelai, the younger brother of Boorchu, gols. This view he seems to deprecate on the Khachian, Jedai and Dokholkhu, the four ground that Klaproth shewed the Hiong Na bow bearers. They were styled Khorchi, and to have been Turks, but I believe Klaproth's were attached to his person as his immediate position in this matter is untenable." In bodyguards. Vangara Sueiiketu and Khadasupport of the contention here arged I may add andaldurkhan were appointed superintendents that according to Schmidt the titles Suta of the commissariat. Degai was made chief Bogda given by the author of the Altan Topchi shepherd. Guchagaru was given charge of the and Ssanang Setzen to Chinghiz Khan are the kibitkas or baggage waggons and Dodai of the same in meaning as Tengri Kuba, the title domestics. Khubilai, Chilgutai, Kharkhaito. given to the chiefs of the Hiang Nu, khuraun and his own brother Khazar were Su, or, with the guttural pronunciation, gu or nominated sword-bearers. His other brother ku, signifies the incarnate emanation of the Belgatai with Kharaldaitokharaun were made Deity which is supposed to dwell in great mon- herdsmen over the horses and stud masters. archs, and bogda means divine." Daichiudaikhutu, Morichi and Mutkhalkha were Palladius says that Kha bila i gave the Kin made overseers of the pastures. Arkhaikhazar, emperor Tai Tou in the temple of the ancestors Takhai, Sukigha, and Chaurkhan were appoint. the style of Chinghiz," which again confirms | ed adjatants. The brave Sabutai undertook this contention. to give his services generously to his patron, In regard to the date of the proclamation of he said he would lay up stores for him like an Chinghiz Khan there is apparently great old mouse, fly like a crow, cover like a horsecontradiction among the authorities, and it cloth and shelter like a felt. Boorchu and would seem that he was in fact twice so pro- Jelmi, who had been faithful to him in his claimed, once by his immediate followers, and great distress, he appointed his own deputies. again when he had become master of the greater Chinghiz now addressed the crowd, and told part of the nomades of Mongolia. Rashidu'd- them how he would make fortune shine on din apparently only refers to the second of these them for having left Chamukh a to join him. proclamations, which he dates in 1202 or 1203. He then dismissed them to their houses. He sent The Yuan-shi dates it in 1206," but we there Takhaya and Sukighaya to inform his old friend also find a reference to a previous proclama- the Kirai Tughrul of his elevation, and tion." De la Croix saggests that he became similarly deputed Arkhaikhazar and Chaurkhan emperor or Khakan in 1203 and adopted the title to go and inform Chamakha. The former of Chinghiz in 1205.68 was apparently pleased, and remarked that they Abulfaraj dates the commencement of the could not have got on without a Khakan, and Mongol dynasty in the year 599 of the Hejra, i.e. advised them to be faithful to him. The latter 1202-3. Marco Polo has the words "it came to asked how it was that they had not proclaimed pass in the year of Christ's Incarnation 1187 him when they were together, and bade them that the Tartars made them a king whose name reassure Temujin, who, he suggested, was was Chinghiz Khan."$ Ssanang Setzen dates illdisposed towards him. p. 121. * Bretachneider, Notes on Chinese Medieval Travellers, 17 Id., note. " See article Hun, by Henry H. Howorth, Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. XII. " Ssapang Setsen, p. 379. 40 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 184, 61 Douglas, op. cit. pp. 53-54. 39 P. 37. 53 The History of Genghiscan the Great, pp. 74 and 88. 5* Op. cit. Ed Yule, p. 233. $$ Op. cit. p. 71.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. By Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. PART I. which the inscriptions are intended to explain, are The Bharhut Stupa affords special facilities BO well executed that they, on their part, serve to for study to the philologist and archaeologist; explain, or at least confirm, the meaning of the thanks chiefly to General Cunningham's splendid inscription. Even so, the story, a portion or the work on that ancient monument, with its beauti. substance of which is represented by the sculpture ful photographic illustrations, and his happy and expressed by the inscription, must in some thought of purchasing and dispatching the best cases remain but very imperfectly known or and most valuable of the sculptured remains to understood. In making this remark, I have the Indian Museurn in Calcutta, where, under specially in view those scenes which refer to the direction of Dr. Anderson, the indefatig "Jatakas" or " Chaityas," about which our knowable Superintendent of the Museum, they have ledge at present is exceedingly small and inaccu. been carefully set up in close imitation of their rate. The publication, however, of the Jatakas, original position in the Stapa. Thus, with General which has been commenced by Fauxboll and Rhys Cunningham's unerring photographs to read from, Davids in Trubner's Oriental Series, may be ex. and the original stones close at hand to refer to, in pected to remedy this defect. The legends which cuse of need, the first great desideratum of the occur on the coping-stones, and which I shall philologist is at once supplied,-a trustworthy discuss in this paper, will afford illustrations of text. This is a great point gained in reading the each of the above-mentioned difficulties. ancient inscriptions on the Bharhut sculptures. (1.) The first inscription which I take up, is the But a not inconsiderable difficulty yet remains. second in General Cunningham's arrangement There can be no doubt that we have the exact text of photographs; it is on No. 4 of Plate XLIII, as the masons wrote it on the stone; but that does and No. 10 in the transcriptions on Plate LIII. not necessarily mean that we have got the On p. 94 it is given as-migasamadika chetiya and text exactly as they meant to write it. Masons explained to mean: "Chaitya under which lions were illiterate men in those days no less than and deer ate together." This is hardly correct. they are now; and there is no reason to place The inscription, letter for letter, reads absolute faith in the correctness either of their migasamadakar chelaya. spelling or their grammar. No doubt, in the case Neither consonant d nor t carry any vowel. of most of these inscriptions, especially the longer sign ((); they must accordingly be read da and ones, the mason's work consisted merely in ta. After ka there is a distinct anusvdra ; though copying from manuscripts supplied to them by there is none after ya. The words, I think, others better educated than themselves. But even should be translated : "The deer-crushing chaitya." supposing the original manuscript to have been This is contirmed by the sculptured scene, which correct, where is the security for the accuracy of shows a deer crushed under the platform of the the mason's copy? Where, moreover, is the secu. chaitya, while five other deer and two lions are rity for the accuracy of the original writing? The looking on. The latter may be mere "staffage"; inaccuracy of the natives of India, even among they certainly are not represented in the act of the literate classes, is almost proverbial. It is eating Chetaya is an incorrect spelling for cheti80 now; and there is no reason to assume that it yam. The anusvara is not uncommonly omitted ; was different formerly. though properly this is only allowable when it is But further, supposing this initial difficulty conjoined with a consonant, as in dada, for darila, overcome, and an accurate text supplied or re- chakamd for chavikamd (see No. 7, plate XLVII). stored, there comes, in many cases, the second But the omission of the vowel-sign i on t, is simply great difficulty-to determine what the text of the an error of the mason's. Double consonants, as is inscription means and what the fact or event is well known, are always represented single on which it chronicles or describes. Fortunately, in these ancient inscriptions. Hence the legend, not a few cases, the sculptured figures or scenes written in full and correctly, would run: migasan Two volumes have since been published of the Text, (1877-79), and one of the Eoglish Translation (1880). * Possibly (as suggested to me by the Editor I. 4.) the preceding scene, entitled Isi-migo Jataka, may be connected with this one. It appears to represent a deer being warned by a man against impending danger; in the background is seen a tree, which may be the tree belonging to the chaitys under which the deer was eventually crushed. Whether or not this is so, it is impossible to say, so long as the Jataka has not been identified. The identification suggested by Gen. Cunningham, on p. 75, can hardly be considered quite satisfactory. In passing, it may be noted that this is the only inscription on the copings) in which the word jataka is correctly. spelt; it being jataka in all others.

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APRIL, 1881.) READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. 119 maddakart chetiyan, and be equal to Sanskrit ments, such as the sculptured scene shows. But I mrigasarmardakan chaityam. am not sufficiently acquainted with Indian games (2.) The third inscription, on No. 2 of to say whether there actually exists a game called Plate XLIV, and No. 20 on Plate LIII, is explained by either of these two names. The name of on p. 95, where it is given as Raja Janako Sivali chess, chaturanga, however, is not unlike it. The Depi. The actual letters of the legend are other word may be read as intended for either sili Janako rdja sivala devi. "rock" (Skr. sild) or silam," practice," "habit." The consonant 1 has no vowel-sign (4), and The whole legend, then, would mean, either "the therefore reads la. The name intended is clearly rock with the gaming board" or " devotion to the sivali (Skr. Sivalt), as the Burmese story quoted gaming board," "the practice of gambling." In any by General Cunningham has it. There is, case the word sila is inaccurately spelt. Among therefore, here the same mason's error, as in the the Jatakas, there is one which narrates the birth preceding legend: here la for it, as there ta for ti." of Buddha as a gambler ;' and the sculpture possibly Another error is the omission of the vowel sign (4) refers to this story. in raja which ought to berdja. Further, in sitola (4.) The sixth inscription, on No. 8 of Plate and devi the long vowel is not distinguished; XLVI and No. 15 in Plate LIII, and referred to though, probably, this is not an error, as distinct on p. 76, reads sechha jataka, or, as it would be marks for long and short vowels were not always in full, sechchha-jdtakarit. I would propose to transused; in the Kaithi alphabet they are not used late it, "the probationer-or, norice-Jataka"; takto the present day. The legend, then, spelt cor- ing sechchha to be an alternative form of the more rectly, would run janako rdja sivali devi, and usual sekkha (Skr. Saikshya). The closely-croptranslated "King Janaka (and) Queen Sivali." ped hair on the head of the two men in the sculp (3.) The fourth inscription, on No. 9 of tured scene would seem to indicate novices. Plate XLV, and No. 21 on Plate LIII, is explained (5). The eleventh Inscription, on No. 2 of on p. 94, where it is given as chitu-pada-sila, and Plate XLVIII and No. 2 in Plate LIII, and referred said to mean "split-rock," the word pada being left to on p. 78, reads untranslated, and the word chitu being taken as an maghddeviya[vi], jataka error for chhitu. Even allowing the possibility of or as it would be in full, maghadeviyan jatalar. the mis-spelling, the word ought to be chhitu (not After the ya, the stone shows a very shallow indentchhitu), the past participle chhita "split" of the ation, apparently indicative of the anusvara, too root chho, I suppose, being intended. 'I would sug- slight to be seen in General Cunningham's photogest that chitupada is one word meaning " four- graph, but just recognizable on a squeeze taken sided," and refers to the draught-board depicted by me. The meaning is : "the Jataka referring in the sculpture. Spelt correctly and fully, it to Maghadeva." The latter name has been very would be chatuppada (Skr. chatushpada). Double ingeniously, but probably correctly, identified by pp is, as usual, written singly (p); and the vowell General Cunningham with that of King Makhai, for a, is perhaps not so much an error as a pro de va of Miyula, or rather (according to the vincialism. In modern Hindt we have chiur or Dipavamsa III, 34, 35) of Mithila, one of the early "on all four sides," chilotarsau "one hundred and | fabulous ancestors of Buddha, of whom it is said: four," &c., which seems to show that the vowel a "When he had reigned 252,000 years, he saw the of chatur always had a tendency to be changed to i first grey hair, upon which he resigned the king. by the illiterate. However, as the marks of the dom to his son and became an ascetic." The sculpvowel u and of the subjoined r are much alike, it is ture represents the moment when the first grey hair not impossible that the word intended may be was found. The King Makhadeva is seated on chitrapada, which means, "divided into various a throne, attended by two servants, who assist him parts." In that case, it would also refer to the in his toilet; the usual knot of hair is opened, and playing-board. Either word, chatushpada or the long hair depends, to the shoulders, on both chitrapada, would be a very appropriate name for a sides of his head; one of the servants had been square gaming-board consisting of 36 compart- attending to it; with one hand he holds the royal 3 The words might also be divided migasa maddakam chetiyan (8kr. mrigasya mardakar chaityah). But the reading, given above, and first suggested to me by Mr. Tawney, is much better. * In the Ditpa varsa, however, both forms sivald and sfvalt occur as names of different persons. In Skr. one of the meanings of chitrapada is a metre consisting of four lines of 23 syllables each. And there is the popular chaupat of cha usar. -ED. In Hindt also champar.-R. H. See Spence Hardy's Manual of Budhism, p. 102. Skr. ksh usually becomes kkh in Pali, but sometimes also, chehh, e. K., PAli akkhi or achchht "eye" for Skr. akshi; see E. Kuhn, Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik. Conf. Fausboll's Jataka, Vol. I, 137,--the Makhadevaja. taka, translated in Rhys Davids's Buddhist Birth-Stories, vol. I, pp. 186 ff.; conf. Makhd-deva satta, No. 83 in Majjhima Nikdya.-ED. 10 See Spence Hardy, Manual of Budhism, p. 133. This JAtaks is given in Fausboll's edition, vol. I, p. 187, and in Rhys Davids's translation, pp. 1864f.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. XLVIII and No. 4 on Plate LIII, is referred to on p. 94, where it is read ambode chetiyam, and explained to mean "the chaitya mango tree." The tree in the sculpture may be a mango tree; but the inscription can hardly be so translated, as that wholly omits the syllable de; ambo chetiyan would be "the chaitya mango trce." Letter for letter, the inscription reads abode chatiya>>. The latter word, no doubt, is a mere mason's error for chetiyam, the small horizontal line at the top of ch having been drawn to the right instead of to the left. The word abode I would propose to read abbode, and to take as the locative singular of abboda=abbuda-Skr. arbuda, the name of the famous holy Mount Abu, where, according to Colonel Tod (Forbes' Ras Mdla, vol. I. p. 267)," the mango is abundant." The inscription then would mean "The Chaitya on (Mount) Abd." The change of u too, though not common, has analogies in pordana = Skr. purdna"old;" porisa = Skr. purusha "man," etc. tresses, with the other he shows to the King the first grey hair which he has just discovered and pulled out; the King has also taken hold of it with one hand and slightly turns his head sideways to inspect 10. The other servant stands by, looking on with folded arms, in a respectful attitude. It should be noted, as confirming the interpretation, that the inscription has magha (not magha, as given on p. 78 and in the transcript, No. 2 on Plate LIII), which agrees with the PAli makhd (also with d). The change of th to gh is unusual; but a similar change is dh for th, in Madhurd for Mathura (Dipavansa III, 21). The occasional change of the hard aspirates into the corresponding sonants is especially noticed by Chanda in his grammar of the ancient Prakrit (III, 11, where Madhura is given as one of the examples). This view would be supported by deviya, if it may be taken to stand for devika; for according to Chanda III, 34, the surd k may be occasionally elided, and, according to III, 35, the euphonic y interposed between the hiatus-vowels. Thougb, of course, deviya may be merely an inaccurate spelling for deviya. (6.) The twelfth inscription, on No. 4, of Plate XLVIII and No. 3 on Plate LIII, reads dighatapasisise anusdsati. It is explained on p. 97, where the words are divided dighatapasisise anusdsati, and said to mean "Dirghatapas instructs the female Rishis." This meaning, however, does not agree with the figures on the sculptured scene, which represent, not female, but male disciples. It is also questionable whether female disciples could at all be designated as " female Risbis." Moreover, the words as divided above are ungrammatical. The nominative singular of dighatapas would be either dighatapd or dighatapaso, and the accusative plural of isi or ist would be ist or isiyo, but not isise. The words should clearly be separated dighatapassi sise anusdsati, ie. "Dirghatapas instructs (his male) disciples." In full the words should be spelt dighatapasst or digghatapasst sisse anusdsati. Dighatapassi would represent the Sanskrit form dirghatapasol (nom. sing, of dirghatapasnin). This, no doubt, is a somewhat unusual form of the well-known name. But there is no need to deny its possibility, unless one should prefer to assume a mason's error of incising 'si instead of '80. Grammatically, the form digha-tapassi is analogous to dlghadasal "far-seeing," dighasutt (Skr, dirghasutri) "long-yarned," tedions." (7.) The thirteenth inscription, on No. 6 of Plate " Soe Dipavaihsa, ed. Oldenberg, vol. III. p. 88. In the Mahdu . ad. Tarnonr. . . ia incorrectl Analt Makharleva. (8.) The fifteenth inscription, on No. 9 of Plate XLVIII and No. 18 on Plate LIII, is correctly read on p. 98, as Vaduko katha dohati na lode parate, but not translated. The words, I think, must be divided as above given, and for katha and parate the full spelling should be katha and paratte. Vaduka I take to be the name of the person represented in the sculpture in the ludicrous act of "milking" from a leathern bag (a sort of mashak) which is suspended from some bambu stalks. Under the form vatuka, the same word occurs as the name of a king in the Dipavarisa (XX. 27). Nadode pavatte is an ablative (or rather, locative) absolute. The whole sentence may be translated : "how is Vaduka milking, when there exists lotus-stalk-water;" i.e., what is Vaduka thinking of, that he attempts to "milk" water (from the leathern bag) when there are lotus-stalks by which he might obtain it. The word nadoda, I believe, to be a proverbial expression, which is probably founded on the following story, called the Nalapdnajdtaka. Once on a time Buddha was born as the king of monkeys in a forest, in which there was a pool inhabited by a water-ogre who devoured all that came down to drink of its wavers. Buddha had warned his followers of 80,000 monkey, not to drink of any unknown water in the forest. So, one. day, being thirsty and coming to that pool, they sat down waiting for Buddha's arrival. Buddha, coming up to them, enquired .why they did not drink. They replied that they were waiting for 13 See E. Kuhn, Beitrage sur Pali Grammatik, p. 97. 1 Fausbull's Jataka, vol. I. p. 170. trwaleted in Rhy Davids's Buddhist Birth-Stories, vol. I. p. 389.-ED.

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APRIL, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. 121 him. Buddha, noticing foot-steps descending to is ready to hand," i.e., when he might escape his the pool, but none reascending, concluded that it difficulty by a very simple expedient. What this was haunted, and commended their caution. In expedient is, is represented, I believe, in the the meanwhile the ogre, observing their hesitation, following compartment of the sculpture; viz. showed himself and enquired why they did not (9) The sixteenth inscription, No. 11 on Plate come down to drink. Buddha asked him in XLVIII and No. 19 on Plate LIII, referred to on reply, whether he was the water-ogre who ate up p. 98. This is evidently a continuation of the prethose that came down to drink. The ogre admit- ceding one. It reads ted that he was, and threatened to eat up him and jabu-nadode pavate his whole suite, if they dared to come down to or in full, jambu-nadode pavatte), i.e. "when the drink. Buddha said: "You suppose that unless Jambu-tree-expedient is ready to hand "; and we come down to the water, we cannot drink it; it explains the previous indefinite phrase nadode but we shall each take the hollow stalk of a lotus, pavatte. The Jambu is said to be an enormous tree and by means of it draw up the water to drink, on Mount Meru, in the great forest of Himalaya; without your being able to devour us." Then, it is 100 yojanas high, and has four branches; having, by his miraculous powers, caused a lotus- from the trunk and the four branches large rivers stalk to rise up to him, he tested it with his continually flow; it bears an immortal fruit, as mouth; but as the stalk was full of joints, he large as the water vessel called "mahalala." From failed in getting any water. Thereupon, by his it, Ja mbud vipa or India derives its name.** miraculous powers, he caused all the lotus-stalks The sculpture shows the Jambu tree with its four of the pool to turn into jointless hollow tubes; and branches; and on the companion-sculpture Mount now, by means of these he and all his monkeys Meru (or Himalaya) is represented by four pieces were able to drink the water of the pool, while the of rock. The Jambu tree is represented as supbaffled ogre had to return to his abode. This plying meat and drink to two persone, one of whom story may well have led to the proverbial use of is just receiving it, while the other is carrying the expression nadoda or "water (obtained) by away what he has already received. The man means of a lotus-stalk," to represent any clever ex- Vaduka is asked why he foolishly endeavours to pedient for escaping a difficulty. The word nadodaget his supply from an empty leather bag, when would thus practically come to mean simply "an the Jambu tree is ready to hand, from which he expedient." In the present case a foolish man, might obtain it, like the other two men. There who is represented as trying to draw water from is probably some story of Vaduka, to which the an empty leather bag, (apparently a relative of the sculpture refers; but I have not been able to well-known Indian "mashak," is twitted for find it. doing so, when "water-obtainable-by-a-lotus-stalk (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. CHINESE TRANSLATIONS OF SANSKRIT of the irregular nominal suffixes, Mancha could TEXTS. hardly be anything, one should think, but a treatise In my review of the Kafika Vritti (ante, vol. IX, on the regular nominal suffixes, the so-called p. 305f.), I gave a short extract from the 39th chap- Krit. However, Mr. Beal called my attention to ter of I-tsing's Nan-hai-ki-kwei-chou'en, contain a note of Stanislas Julien's in his Index to Hiouening the titles of several grammatical works which Thsang, where (vol. iii, p. 514) Men-lae-kia is es I-tsing knew and studied during his stay in plained by Mandaka. Hiouen-Theang menIndia 673-95 A.D. Most of these titles are much tions Men-tse-kia (vol. i, p 166) as one of two disfigured in their Chinese transliterations, and, classes of words, the other class being Unddi. with regard to several of them, I was unable to But, though Stanislas Julien tells us that Prof. gire their Sansktit equivalents. I have since Spiegel approved of this interpretation, I cannot received some communications on this subject from find any place where Prof. Spiegel has treated Mr. S. Beal and from Mr. Kasawara which enable of mandaka and traced it back as a technical term me to restore, at all events, one more name with to some corresponding snnina of Sanskrit gramtolerable certainty. On the second of the so-called mariang. Mr. Kasawara's translation was :Khilas, which Mr. Kasawara had rendered by "Mancha treats of the formation of words by means Man-cha, I cannot say that I feel satisfied even now. of combining (a root and suffix, or suffixes). One By the side of Ashtadhatu, explained as declension of many names for tree, for instance, is vriksha in and conjugation, and Unddi, the well-known title Sanskrit (that is to say, the word vriksha is made " See Spence Hardy's Manual of Budhism. From The Academy, Feb. 19, 1881.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1881. up of vriksh and a). Thus a name for a thing is been which the Chinese translators tried to render formed by mixing the parts together, according to into their language, and we may thus succeed in the rules of the book, which consists of more than occasionally correcting the text as handed down twenty sentences (or feet of sloka). Unddi is to us in Sanskrit MSS. nearly the same as the above, with a few differ- But here a very curious phenomenon presents ences, such as what is full in the one is mentioned itself. There are mistakes in the Sanskrit text in brief in the other, and vice versd." of our MSS. which it is easy to correct, parMr. Kasawars now informs me that Mancha ticularly when they occur in metrical passages. may be meant for manda, possibly for mandaka, For instance, in the Lalita-vistara (ed. Calc. p. but I do not see that even this would help us | 543, 1. 8) we read: much. Mand means to adorn, manda is used for Chakshur anityam adhruvan tatha brotaghranan cream on milk, also for gruel, but all this, even if jihvdpi, we admitted the meaning of mixing, would not Kaya-mana-duhkha andma api riktasvabhavayield us a technical name for the formation of bunych. words by means of joining a suffix with a root. Here the metre shows clearly that we must omit At all events, I have never met with mand, or jihrapi in the first, and kdya-mana in the second, any of its derivatives, in that technical sense. line. They are additions, and very natural addiI thought at one time that manda might be meant tions, to the original text. But when we take for Manduka, because the Mandukeyas were famous Divakara's translation, the Fang-kwang-ta-chwangby their grammatical works (see History of Ancient yan-king, which was made about A.D. 685, we find Sanskrit Literature, p. 146), and one of these might both jihvdpi," also the tongue," and kdya-mana possibly have been used by I-tsing when study; "body and mind," reproduced, and we find exactly ing the Kridanta chapter. But I do not think the same in the far later Tibetan version. this likely, even if, as I am told, the Chinese trans- In the same chapter (p. 527), after Upaka had literation should admit of it. asked Bhagavat how he could bear witness of But while we must leave this point unsettled, we himself, and claim for himself the names of Arban are able to identify another title-namely, Juni or and Jina, Buddha answers : Chuni, given as the name of Patafijali's Mahabhd- Jind hi madrid jneya ye prapta doravakshayam shya. Mr. Beal informed me that this might be Jild me pdpaka dharmds tenopajino hy aham. read Charni, and Charni, a general name for com- Here the last pada is clearly wrong in metre and mentary, as in Jitakalpa-churni, a Prakrit commen- matter. There is no such word as upajina, and tary on the Jitakalpastra of the Jainas, &c., is the PAli version of the same verse (Mahdvagga, more especially the name of Patasijali's commentary, vol. I, p. 8) shows that the Sansksit text must Patasijali himself being called Chargiksit. have been tenopaka jino hy aham, the sense being : There is every reason to hope that a more "Those who like me have reached the destruction accurate study of the Buddhist Chinese literature of all frailties are to be known as Jinas; all evil will be of great help in determining the age of a dispositions have been conquered by me, therefore, number of Sanskrit works the dates of which are o Upaka, I am a Jina, & conqueror." at present floating about between several centuries. Here, again, there is no trace of the vocative And there is another advantage likely to accrue Upaka, a Upaka; in Divakara's translation, and, from that study which has not yet been pointed whatever the Chinese translator may have had out, and to which I should like to call the attention before him, it could hardly have been tenopaka both of Chinese and Sansksit scholars. jino hy aham. When we have literal translations of Sanskrit This shows how little assistance we can hope texts, these translations help us, not only to fix for from existing Sansksit MSS. towards a rethe date of the Sansksit originals, but also to storation of corrupt passages in the Lalitavistara. determine the ancient readings of the Sansksit There are few Sansksit MSS. as old as the Tibetan texts. Of course there are translations and trans- translation: none as old as Divakara's Chinese lations, and we know now that the translation of & version. Yet, what seem to be palpable blunders Life of Buddha ascribed to K & 6yapa Matanga must have existed when these translations were and Chu-falan (76 A.D.) does not prove, 88 made. What hope, then, is there of our finding - Stanislas Julien thought, that this was a transla- medela for these wounds from existing Sanskrit tion of our Lalita-vistara (sce Selected Essays, vol. MSS., unless they come from totally different ii, p. 191). But when we have to deal with literal localities, and had branched off from the general translations, some of them so literal or mot-a-mot stream before the seventh century of our era as to defy all rules of Chinese syntax, then we are F. Max MULLER able to find out what the Sanskrit text must have Oxford: Feb. 6,1881.

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APRIL, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 123 BOOK NOTICES. Tas SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST, vol. V. PAHLAVI TEXTS, a list of Mobeds who were contemporary with translated by E. W: WEST. Part I. The Bande hish, Bahman Yasht, and Shayast 16-Shayaat: Oxford, Claren. the author or last revisor, and among the don Press, 1880. names given is that of Zad Siparam, the author The principal efforts of Zoroastrian scholarship of what Dr. West calls a paraphrase of the have been naturally for a long time directed towards Bundahish. Now, according to Dr. West, Zed the Avesta texts, as embodying the older form of Siparam must have had the Bundahish before his Zoroastrism, and being the main source of its eyes, as he deals with the same subject, often in further development. The Pahlavi language was the same words, but generally in a style more only studied so far as it helped directly to a better involved and obscure, which seems to imply intelligence of the Zend books, and the only Pahlavi that the Bundahish was older than Z&d Siparam's texts much sought after in Europe were the treatment of the same matter. Dr. West draws commentaries on the Avesta and the Bundahish, thence the inference that the writer of the which chanced to be translated in the last century text, as found in Mr. Tahmuras' MS., being by Anquetil Duperron. The bulk of the Pahlavi older than Zad Siparam, is likely to have merely literature was left to sleep in the dust of libraries, re-edited an old text, with some addition of his and enrtly condemned as modern, worthless, and own. As Zad Siparam is known to have been unreadable. There is still & school of Avesta living in the year 881, and as the allusions to the scholars whose motto might be: Pahlvi est, non Arabian dominion found in the Bundahish show legitur. It was not until within the last twenty that it is not anterior to the conquest of years that the full value of the Pahlavi literature Iran, it must have been written between the midat large began to be recognised, chiefly owing to dle of the 7th century and the year 881. Dr. West's the exertions of the late Dr. Martin Haug and main reason for making Z&d Siparam posDr. West, and it is now so well acknowledged that terior to the Bundahish lies in his style; which the able editor of the Sacred Books of the East has makes it difficult to give a definite judgment on his thought it necessary to give a place, and that not inferences, until the text itself is published : still, in a small one, in the collection, to those records of any case, whatever may be the true relation between the later periods of Zoroastrism. Zad Siparam and the Bundahish, whether he The book before us contains translations of the borrowed from the Bundanish or the reverse, or Bundahish with extracts from Zdd Siparam, the whether both borrowed from a common source, Bahman Yasht, and the Shdyast 14-Shdyast ;-more the identity between the two works is a proof than two-thirds of which texts are still unedited. that the ground-work of the Bundahish, as far The Bundahish has always been a favourite with as the matter is concerned, is as old as the 9th European scholars, and has already been translat- century. ed thrice, once into French by A. Duperron, and The Bahman Yasht is still unedited, with the twice into German by Windischmann and Justi. exception of a short extract published by Prof. The new translation by Dr. West, though it con- Spiegel. It belongs to that long series of Revelatains not a few improvements on the last, still tions' which were so numerous among the Jews, derives its principal superiority from its represent the Christians and the Persians. Zoroaster is ing a more complete text than the one known in represented in it as receiving from Ormazd an Europe. It appears that the latter is only an account of the future history of Iran from his extract from a much larger work, containing twice own time down to the last days of the world and as many chapters, a copy of which is in the hands the resurrection. It is interesting both as being of Mr. Tahmuras in Bombay. The happy possessor the fullest account yet published of the Parsi of that MS, kindly communicated a few of the theory of the last days of the world and as being extra chapters to Dr. West, and the interest of the a historical work. It alludes to the rule of contents, as here translated, will certainly cause the Turks and Turanians being broken by other all Pahlavi scholars in Europe tojoin with Dr. West fiends, the Kilisidki; as this is a name of the in arging their fellow-scholars in Bombay to have Christians (Neriosengh, Ad Yalna ix, 75; from a lithograph of the whole of the MS. published. KkAnoia), one can hardly help seeing in this an The additional chapters translated by Dr. Westerident allusion to the Crusades, the more so as give us many details of importance on the mytho- the author seems to see in their coming the fulfillogy and legendary history of Iran, and what is ment of an old tradition that the last invaders more, just those data of which the want has made must have red banners, red weapons and red itself most felt up to this time : I mean historical hats; the red cross of the Crusaders may have data on the age of the Bundahish. They contain been an appropriate answer to that expectation.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. As the oldest MS. of the Bahman Yasht was written about five hundred years ago, and this is most certainly not the original one, the composition of the book must have taken place between 1099 and the middle of the fourteenth century, and very likely nearer the former than the later date. I may mention here that the Judaeo-Persian 'revelation' known as The History of Daniel (Qissahi Daniel,) which was written in the year 1099, immediately after the taking of Jerusalem by the Crusaders, offers striking analogies with the Bahman Yasht. We come now to the Shayast la-Shayast," a compilation of miscellaneous laws and customs regarding sin and impurity, with other memoranda about ceremonies and religious subjects in general." It consists of two distinct treatises on the same and similar subjects, of nearly the same age, to which the editor has added a third part consisting of a number of miscellaneous passages of somewhat similar character, which are found in the same MS., but which cannot be attributed to the same writer or the same age. The matter treated of in the Shayast is nearly the same as in the Pahlavi commentary to the Vendidad on the one hand, and in the Persian Ravaets on the other. Its authors borrowed freely from that commentary, and it was not less freely borrowed from by the authors of these Ravaets. Its age is shown by Dr. West with tolerable certitude to belong to the seventh century. Any editor, either of the commentary to the Vendidad, or of the Ravaets, will find in this book the best and an indispensable help for his task. The translation is preceded by an introduction in which Dr. West gives a clear account of the Pahlavi scriptures and language, of the extent and importance of the Pahlavi literature, and in which he sums up the contents of the several treatises translated, and all the facts he has gathered from them as to the date of their composition and their bearing on the Pahlavi literature in general. As to the value of the translation, the name of Dr. West is as good a warrant as can be desired in a matter of such uncertainty as the translation of a Pahlavi text. There are points, of course, in which all translators would not agree with him. For instance, page 63, it may be questioned whether vat staft has anything to do with the Persian shitdftan, to hasten (" the wind rushed"), as it appears from Minokhired 52, 19, compared with Vendidad iii. 42, that vat staft is only a clerical error for vat shikaft (a strong wind); the phrase: "The fire Frobak was established at the appointed "place...which Yim constructed (bra kartnit) for "them; and the glory of Y i m saves the fire Fro"bak from the hand of Dah & k" would, I think, [APRIL, 1881. be better translated "the fire Frobak was established at the appointed place, and when Yim was sawn in two, the fire Fro bak saved the glory of Yim from the hand of Da hak,"-as bra karinit is just the word used (Bund. 77-9) to express that Dahak and Spityura sawed Yim in two (in Zend Yimo-kerenta, Yasht xix, 46); and with regard to the second part of the sentence, in the Sanskrit translation of the Nyayish, an allusion is made to the struggle between the fire Frobak and Dah&k (Adarapra yas samam Dahakena prativadam akarot), a myth corresponding to, although different from, the one in Yasht xix, where it is told how the glory of Yima was saved from Dahak by Mithra. In the same and the following pages, the word hamak translated 'continually' may safely and ought to be left untranslated, as it is nothing more than the exponent of the present and imperfect, and is used in exactly the same way as the Persian hami. But whatever objections may be made to passages here and there, this book as a whole is such a one as I doubt whether any other Pahlavi scholar I would have been able to do as well or to do at all, and it supplies the largest and best digested mass of documents that the student of the Pahlavi literature has ever been presented with at one time. Paris. JAMES DARMESTETER. SELECTIONS FROM THE CALCUTTA REVIEW (No. I). Calcutta: Th. S. Smith, 1881. The first fifty volumes of the Calcutta Review were not only scarce and difficult to obtain, but so bulky, that the idea of reprinting the most important articles ought to be hailed with pleasure by all who know the value of the information imbedded in these early volumes-bearing on the history, religion, science, civil and military administration, &c. of India. The names of writers such as the late Sir John Kaye, Rev. Dr. Duff, Sir H. Lawrence, Sir Herbert Edwardes, Sir Henry Durand, Mr. J. Marshman, Dr. Oldham, &c.-not to mention authors still living,-are a sufficient guarantee for the literary and scientific value of the papers to be reprinted. The first monthly part of these Selections contains, in 152 pages, four articles from vol. I of the original Review; they are-1. Kaye's long and striking article on Lord Teignmouth; 2. The same writer's paper on the Ameers of Sindh; 3. The Rev. Dr. T. Smith's able and interesting account of the Astronomy of the Hindus; and 4. Kaye's on Lord William Bentinck's Administration. If in the succeeding parts the papers are as judiciously selected, the publication will deserve general support.

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INSCRIPTION OF SKANDAGUPTA AT KAHAUN. l unyftsnaaE #gm / pam mnytsmnym deshfpmmntinun nz7mnu5mn nsmonys&mgarts3 mn-naayaak / nm- thoing#wrnmsfmtshon- bcu@16n9r3)orln tshnm'ml Rmmmrsfidarjum*zhin- Bhayanlal Cruiraji

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MAY, 1881.] THE KAHAUN INSCRIPTION OF SKANDAGUPTA. THE KAHAUN INSCRIPTION OF SKANDAGUPTA. BY BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI PANDIT AND THE EDITOR. The village of Kahaun () is in the Selampur Majomli pargana, about 46 miles in a straight line south-east from Gorakhpur, the principal town of the district. The pillar, which stands to the north of the village, is about 24 feet high above ground, and is formed of a compact sandstone, the letters of the inscription being deeply and clearly cut. The base of the pillar, to the height of four and a half feet from the ground, is a square of 1' 10"; at 4' 6" it changes into an octagon for a height of 6' 3", and it is on the three northern faces of this portion of the shaft that the inscription is found. Above this a section 5' 10" in height has sixteen sides, then it is circular for 2' 11", over which is a square member 9" thick, and 18" square, the pillar tapering slightly up to this. On a circular neck, 44" in height, rests the capital which is of the Perepolitan type employed in other Lats, is 2 1" in height, the principal member being bell-shaped and reeded. This is surmounted by a square block with a small niche on each side containing standing figures of naked Tirthankaras. Into a circular head, 6" in height, over this square block, is inserted an iron spike which probably supported some symbol of the Jaina religion. The beautiful monolithic column in the court of the Indra Sabha Jaina Cave-temple at Elura, which may be regarded as analogous to this, supported a Chaumukha or figure of four Jinas. Similarly the Buddhists, we know, placed lions, singly or in groups of four, on their stambhas, and the Saivas a Trisula. On the western side of the base of this pillar is also a naked figure of Paravanatha-the snake being coiled up behind him in the fashion usually represented in Jaina sculptures with its THE THE Kahaun Inscription of Skanda- | saptaphana spread out as a canopy for the head gupta was noticed by Dr. Buchanan,' but of the Jina, while two females kneel at his feet. was first brought to the notice of Mr. J. Prinsep Prinsep was the first to translate the inscription, in 1837, by Mr. D. Liston, who sent him a de- but he made the date out as " 30 and 2 and 1 plus scription of the pillar with a copy, and after- 100" or "133 after the decease of Skandagupta." wards an impression, of the inscription." Gen. Cunningham in 1854 understood it to give the date of the death of Skandagupta in the year 133 of the Guptakal. Dr. FitzEdward Hall in 1855 noted the error in the date, and later (in 1859)' he read "The month of Jyeshtha having arrived in the one hundred and forty-first year; the empire of Skandagupta.... being quiescent, &c." but in the following year, he gave this up, and published, as 'a more tenable version'"The month of Jyeshtha being current, the empire of Skandagupta...being extinct for the hundred and forty-first year," &c. Dr. Bhau Daji (1864) read it correctly-"In the month of Jyeshtha, in the year 141, in the peaceful reign of Skandagupta." Lastly, Rajendralala Mitra after a long discussion decides on taking the troublesome word sante along with varshe, and alters Hall's reading to-" In the empire of Skandagupta,... the year 141 having passed away, and the month of Jaishthya arriving," &c. 10 1 Buchanan's Eastern India, vol. II, pp. 366,367 and pl. v. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII (1888), p. 34. 3 See Fergusson's Ind. and East. Archit. p. 54; there is a small sketch of the pillar in Jour. As. 8. Beng, vol. VII, pl. i, p. 87; and another in Cunningham's Archaeol. Sur. Reports, vol. I, pl. xxix, p. 92. I have availed myself, in these details, of General Canningham's measurements, Archeol. Rep. vol. I, pp. 91 ff. 125 All these differences of rendering turned on the meaning and construction of the word sante, and Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the following version and remarks, which I have rendered into English for him, supports Dr. Hall's first rendering and Dr. Bhau Daji's. The lithograph has been prepared from an impression which he took of the inscription in 1873, when he went to copy the Asoka inscriptions at Ludiya and Araraj.-J. B. Transcript. sima [1] yasyopasthAnabhUmirnRpatitazirA [2] guptAnAM vazajasya ' ' pravisRtayazasastasya savrvottamaddheH [jalt water fuhrmana angrer auch [+] varSe trinza 18 dazaiko tarakazatatameM jyeSThamAsi prapanne [] pArimanyAmarale kama bane Bhilsa Topes, p. 144.. Jour. A. 8. Ben. vol. XXIV (1855), p. 886n. 1 Jour. Amer. Or. Soc. vol. VI, p. 580. Jour. A. S. Ben. vol. XXX (1861), p. 3n., where he gives a long note justificatory of his rendering of sante, &c. J. B. B. R. A. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 246. 10 J. A. 8. Beng. vol. XLIII, p. 371. 11. Rond vaMzaja sya 13 Read

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1881. [1] puco yassomilasya pracuraguNanidherbhaTisomo mahAtmA by Dr. Bhau Daji. Dr. Hall's second rendering of 141 years after the extinction of the empire [7] tatsUnU rudrasoma [:] prathulamatiyazA vyAghra ityanyasaMjJo of Skandagupta is untenable on palaeographic [9] madrastasyAtmajobhUdadvijagaruyatiSa prAyazaH prItimAnyaH grounds alone, as the characters do not belong [1 To HC Handet sirat to a later age than that of the Guptas. Then [19] zreyorthaM bhUtabhUtyai pathi niyamavatAmarhatAmAdikartRn the Girnar inscription of Skandagupta's [1] paJcandrAsthApayitvA dharaNidharamayAnsannikhAtastatoyam governor Parnadatta, is dated in the year [12] STIH: TaffariTGTHTH: f ait 136 calculated from the time of Gupta (Gupta sya kaladganana vidheya),' and it is well known Translation. that the coins and all other dated inscriptions To the perfect one! He-the floor of whose of the Guptas show no other era but this. audience hall is swept by the breeze of the bowing Rajendralala Mitra connects sante with the date heads of hundreds of kings, born of the Gupta which commences in the following pada of the race, whose glory is wide expanded, prosperous sloka, and makes it express that the year' was beyond all others, like to Sakra, and master of "expired,' but such a construction is unusual. hundreds of sovereigns,- in this Skanda The remainder of the inscription has not gupta's peaceful reign, in the year a hundred | been translated since Prinsep's time. and forty one, when the month of Jyeshtha The inscription states that one Madra, was come, in this jewel-like village, known to whose pedigree is given up to his great grandpeople as Kaku bha-purified from being ng father, set up" five principal originators in the father, set up associated with the good : the great-hearted path of the Arhats," and then this pillar. The Bhattisoma, who is the son of Somila, a Jains call their Tirthankaras by the name of store of many good qualities, and whose son Adikartris but five of them, it is well known, Rudrasoma is great in mind and in glory, are special favourites, viz:- Adinatha, Santiand is otherwise called V yaghra, whose son natha, Neminatha, Parava, and Mahavira. These was Madra, kindly disposed, especially to are oftenest represented in their temples, and Brahmans, Gurus, and ascetics. Being afraid addressed at the beginning of Jaina books. These on seeing this world to be evanescent, he made a are doubtless the "five lords" (panchendra) heap of merit, and for his own and other people's spoken of. The pillar we know from the welfare, having established, of stone, five chief sculptures on it to be Jaina, and though there Adikartris (Tirthankaras) in the path of the are no temples near it now, there are traces ascetic Arhats, he set up this fame-conveying of brick foundations in the ground about stone-pillar, which is beautiful and like the 25 feet distant from the pillar on the north, on summit of chief of mountains. which must have stood a Jain temple in former Remarks. times. Besides this, there are ruins of two The differences in previous renderings of temples on the east side of the pillar, at a disthe first sloke of this inscription have all tance of about 200 yards, which were standing turned on the word sunte, which means both in the time of Buchanan. In one of these ruins peaceful' and 'expired ;' but it was correctly there is still a Jaina image of Parsvanath in construed by Dr. Hall in his first version, and Kayotsarga Moodra. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 105.) No. XCVII. guage, is edited from a black-lead impression The accompanying inscription, partly in the taken by Mr. R. B. Joyner, Executive Engineer, Sanskrit, and partly in the Old-Canarese, lan- Kaladgi, from a stone at Bijapur which, with 13 Literally "thirty, ten, and one over a hundred." 10 Adikastri originators' the first who lead in the 1Dharanidharamayan, literally made of a mountain,' path, but usually applied to the Tirthankaras: see Kalpa but employed here to mean simply of stone.' Satra, bakrastava. namotthaNaM samaNassa bhagavI mahAvIrassa 19 panchendra is an adjective to Adikartri,-five chief | ET H IOPTFT.-Sanskrit trans. THEZ - or 'Eve lordly. | NAya bhagavate mahAvIrAyAdikarne caramatIrthakarAya.

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May, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 127 some others, was exposed by some excavations | kamalla or So mes vara II, and is dated made by him in July 1880. The stone, how in Saka 996 (A.D. 1074-5), the Ananda sasivatever, though lost sight of in the interval, had sara, while his Dandanayaka Nakimayya was previously been brought to notice, as there is governing the district called the Taddevadi an incomplete copy of this inscription in the Thousand. Taddevadi is the modern . TuddehElliot MS. Collection, Vol. I, p.232. Mr. Joyner's Warree' of the maps, on the south bank of the description of the stone is :-"It is built into Bhima, about thirty-six miles to the north of a wall on the left hand of a pathway leading Bijapur; I had overlooked it in searching the into the citadel of Bijapur. It was evidently i map, and it was brought to my notice by built in by Musalmans, and does not occupy its Mr. Joyner, who has visited it, and states that, original place. The stone is basalt. It is as far as he remembers, it contains no remains adjacent to other Hindu remains, which were except a few Masalman tombs. As to the built into a gate-house by the Musalmans, other local villages mentioned in the inscripprobably in the early part of their occupation tion, Kannuvuri is the modern Kunoor' of the of Bijapur, -say A. D. 1500." maps, about seventeen miles to the north of The inscription is in well-formed and excel. Bijapur; and Bijjanahalli is probably the lently perserved Old-Canarese characters of the Busnal of the maps, about eight miles to the period. It covers a space of about 3' 3' high by east by north of Kunoor'. 26"broad. The only emblems at the top of the In line 42 there commences a second in. stone appear to be the moon over the commence- scription, undated and apparently unfinished, ment, and the sun over the end, of the first line of the time of Tribhavana malla or The body of the inscription is of the time of Vikramaditya VI. It contains no histhe Western Chalu kya king Bhuvana i torical information. Transcription. 11 Sri 7 Namas-tuga-siras-chumbi-chamdra-chamara-charave trailokya-naxar-arambha mula-stambhaya San(Sam)bhave || Jayaty=udadhi-marthan-Otthita-vish-Agni-durpp-pabah sva-pada-nakha-darppan-Arppita-Surendra-chudamanih CD salad-rudhira budbuda-chchhurita-simba-charmma [] suka-sphurad(d) bris-bri)had-urasthala-sthita-bhujanga-hero Harah | Svasti Samastabhuvanasraya sri-pri(pri)thviva* labha maharaj-adhiraja paramasvara paramabhattaraka Satyasraya-kula-tilaka Chaluky-abharanam srimad-Bhuvanaikama. [] lladovara vijaya-rajyam=uttar-Ottar-abhivridhdhi(ddhi)-pravardhdharddha)manam= A-chamdr-arkka-taram saluttam-ire [1] Tat-pada-padm-opajivi [deg] Samadhigatapamchamahasabda-mahasamamtadhipati mahaprachanda-dam dana yakam vibudha-vara-dayakam vipra-ku!a-kamala[') marttamdam nudid-ante-gamdam saksharika-samudhdha (ddha)rana satya-Yadhish thiram sobh-Amjaneyam karyya-Btihaspati parivara-chintamani [] svami-vamchaka-gaja-pamcha nanam nija-kola-kuvale(la)ya-sudhakaram d harmma ratnakaram Srimad Bhuvanaikamalladova-Ram-Adesa-Ha['] nmam(numar)tam sriman-mahaprachanda-dadanayaka Nakimayyamga! Taddevadi. sasiramumam dushta-nigraha-sishta-pratipalanan-geydu [] sukhadin=anubhavisattam-irdda Salsa)ka-varsham 996neya Anamda-samvatsarada Pusya(shya) su(sa)dhdha (ddha) 5 Brisbri)haspativarad-amdi["] n-uttarayana-samkramti-parvva-nimittamagi Vam(bar)kapurada nele-vilino! Sri Ballavarasargge bimnapam-geydu rajadhani-Vija[**] yaparada Sri-Svayambhu-Sidhdhe(ddhe)svara-devara d egulama madisiy=alliy= Acharyyar Sri-Yogesvarapamditadevara samipadal-kelva ta[*] podhanarggam bhattarggam=asan-achchhadanakk=emda [1] Svasti Samasta-jagaj-jana jegiyamana-sruta-tapah-prabhavah sakshan-Mahad@vah KA!A[] mukha-mukha-tilakah sva-samaya-sampadit-anamda-palakah tat-kala-lakshmi(kahmi) vilasa-nilaya-mula-stambhah paribrita-sakala-dambhah

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. [*] erimad-Bhujangadevacharyy-abhidhanah sa esha vijayate yah khalv=evam guru paramparatau(to) maha-mahima-mahaniyata["') ya sruyate || Yasy=8deti samadbi-saushthava-vasad brahmamda-kham"itparam jyotir= yyasya nirakrit-akhila-ja["] gat-samrajya-lilam manah | san-mukti-pramada vasikarana-mantratpam (tvam) jam (ja)gam= Achala vandyo=sau bhagavan Bhujanga-munipas-chu. [**] damanir=yyogina m || Yogena prati-mamdalam vidadhatam (ta) sadyas=tanuna[m*1 satar pratyashthayi(pi) pa(shuta kshanad=anikatan Jhanjhesvara ["] dvadasa sthaniya-pramukha[lo] prasiddha-vishayeshv=ascharyyatam kurvvata yen=&sau prathate Bhajamga-munipah Kalamu[a] kh-Agresarah Anim-Adi-gon-Opetah karmma-nirmmulana kshamah mukti. lakshmi(kshmi)-priyas-tasya santane muni-pam["] gavah | Tasya sishyah | Samge veda-chatushtaye pravima!a-Sri-Lakul-apt-agame tat-prokt-ava(cha)ran-Opajata-jagad-Aecharyya[*] prabhav-onnatau Tal-abhila-vilochana-prakataka loka vadamt=iti yo Bhaujamgo bhuvanO Trilochana iti khyatah sa vi[*] ta-spri(spri)hah || Tasya sishyah | Prajna-pa tava-patitam hridaya-jam moh-abhidhanan tame vag-nishatatay=0(a)nya-vadi-ja. ["] nata-garvv-amdhakaram hatam unmulik ritam=urjjitais-su-charitair=ddosh-avali dhyamtakam balye yena ["] sa Balasuryya-munipas=Trailochane bhrajate | Tadiyas-tu sishyah | Lok-anugraha hetuna bhagavati Va [*] g-devat=aiv=odita derd v=api Mahesvarodadhad=atha sriman(n-) mal-ma)nushy-akritim eta vat khala sakyate budha-janaih Ka["'] smira-surisvarah stotam ko=pi sahasra-vaktra-rahitah saktah samantat punah || Tasya sishyah | Punah Srl-Vadimaha[*] prale(la)ya kala-Bhairavapazditadevo yasy=eyam samakhya | Mimams-abhila-salah sagata-damaruka-dhvana-vibhramta["'] dhoishyad-vadi-svanto vieesha-Tri(tri)nayana-bhaya-kpit(t) ka (-k)pil-odyat-kapalah nyaya-proddama-ghamta-dhvani-badhirita-dig(8-) [] vy0(-vyo)ma-bhumy-amtarkld dhatte-sau vadinam Tatpurusha-munipatis-chetasa Bhairavatvam || Anud(a) gril-gri)vo balAba la-sada[") si n-adambara-karah kshama-rupas-ch=ayam satatam=atha vidvat(t) pra-pra)bhu sabhe ||(1) abat sul-Abhila-Tri(tri)nayana-karoti-da[?] maruka-sva-chihn-abha[m] vachah prakatayati bha[m*] Bhairava-munih || Tasy Anvaye samaditah Kali-kala-panka-prakshklana-kshama[*] charitra-pavitra-murtti[ho] Yegesvaro bhuvana-visruta-buddha-kirttir=Ggamga pravaha iva bhuri-Himadri-madhye | [*] . Bibhats-akulam=akalayya sakalam samsara-jalam bal-Onmu!-onmusita @pa(sha) yena mahata samkalpa-janma-dramah (i) kant-apanga[*] vilokan-amrita-rasair=avirbhbha(rbbha)vat-pallavah Sri-Yogi(gejsvara-pamoito vijayate so=yam munimdr-ottamah || Nishtha-kalatra-niratah sukri[%] ta-praroha-kshetrikrita-prathi(P)ta(?)-natha-pad-ambujatah | adhdha samri dhdha(ddha)-rasa-vak-tati-kamadhenur-Yogi(g)svard nanu griha["] stha iv=aisha chitram || Svasti Yama-niyam-asana-pranayama-pratyahara-dhyana dharana (ia)-samadhi-sampamnarum vibudha-prasam[*] nna(na)rum | sukti-sudha-samtarppita-samasta-lokarun urjjita-vivekarun | KAlamukha kula-kamala-vana-rajahamsarun Sarasvatipy karnn-avatamsaru srimat-[T]rilochana-deva-labdha-vara-prasadarum sakala-vidya vinddarum ni[b]spri(spri)ha-maha-mahim-Opotaruth [*] charit-Avadatarun bishta-jan-abhishta-phala-dayakarum muni-nayakarum arlmad. Vadiprale(la)ya-Bhairavapamaitadeva-pad-Ard EEEEEEEEE

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MAY, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 129 Ile I II III III - dhakarar makti-kamini-chitta-sadhakaram=appa srimad-Yogesvara pamitadevara kalam karchchi sarvvanamasyam(syam) dhara-purv vakam midi Kamnu[] vuri-pameradara baliya Bijjanahalliya polado! Manikesvarada gadimbadim bitta mattar 300 Svasti Samastabhuvanasra{"] ya sri-pri(pri)thvivallabha maharaj-adhiraja paramesvara paramabhattaraka Satgasraya kula-tilaka Chaluky-abharanam [") srimat-[T*]ribhuvanamalladevar Kalyanada nelevidino!=uttar-ottar-abhivriddhi pravarddhamanama-chamdr-arkka-taram sa7 lattam-ire [ *1 Tat-pada-padmopajivi Tamad-oddimdam karamg-ild-irulan amrita-dhamam kara-stomadimd=atyamalam-marpp-amt-ir=iga! Kri["] tayuga-charitam Tryem(tryam)bakar satya-saujanya-mah-Ambhorasi-doshakara-Kaliyu gamam nirmmalam-madidam dhatri manam-go[*] lv-anta Gamga-salila-suchi-yaso-rasi-piyushadimdam | Arid=app=i Kalikalad=omda bisupimdam noda saujanya-vallari (") mum-pimbana badi pa d-aliyal=emd=ildigal-iga! nayam-bored=ettam-talirvagi chaitra-late vol chelv-age ta! dittu chittaramam ["] Tryem(tryam) baka-sadgun-amrita-payah-samsekadim 10kado! | Saradho!(dol) saradi nigal=ambarado! nakshatra-pamktiga! purnna[] kaladharano! kalega! belap-ant-ire belagidav=akhila-viddega! Tryem(tryam)bakano!. || Translation. which were the class of the Brahmans; he who Sri! Reverence to the god) Sambhn, who is was true to his promises ;' he who was the made beautiful by a chauri which is the moon support of literary men; he who was a very that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who Yudhishthira in truth; he who was a very is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the Anjaneya in distinguished merit; he who was city of the three worlds! Victorious is (the a very Brihaspati in respect of religious duties; god) Hara, who destroyed the pride of the fire he who was the philosopher's stone of his of the poison that arose from the churning of the retinue; he who was a very lion to the elephants ocean; who has the crest-jewel of the god) which were those who deceived his master; he Surendra reflected in the mirror of the nails of who was the moon of the blue waterlilies of his his feet; whose (garment of a) lion's hide is be- own family; he who was a very ocean of piety; sprinkled with drops of trickling blood ; and he who was a very Hanumanta to the Rama whose necklace is a serpent, placed on his mighty who was the glorious Bhuvanaikamalladeva, chest, and glittering like a parrot! (L. 9.)--While happily enjoying the (district (L. 3.)-Hail! While the victorious reign called) the Tadde vaai Thousand, punishing of the glorious Bhuvanai ka malla de va, the wicked and protecting the good, -the asylum of the universe, the favourite of (L. 10.)-On the occasion of the sun's comthe world, the great king, the supreme king, mencing his progress to the north, on Thursday the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the glory of the family of Satyasraya, the ornament | month) Pashya of the Ananda sarnvatsara, which of the Chalu kyas,-was flourishing with was the Saka year 996,perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as (L. 11.)-Preferred a request to Sri-Ballavathe moon and sun and stars might last : rasa at the capital of Bankapura, and caused to (L. 5.)---He, who subsisted, (as if he were a be built a temple of the god Sri-Svayambhu-Sidbee), on the waterlilies which were his feet, viz. dhesvara of the capital of Vijayapura, and, the glorious and most bold Dandandyaka saying that it was to provide food and raiment Nakimayya,-the Mahasdmantadhipati, who for the ascetics and for the bhattas who were the had attained the panchamahasabda; the most pupils of Sri-Yogesvarapanditadeva, the acharya bold Dandandyaka; the giver of boons to of that temple; learned people; the sun of the white waterlilies (L. 13.)-Hail ! Victorious is he who has the Lit., 'one who sees as he speaks. him), A6 & sarvanamasya-grant," &c.; all the intervening 1 The context is in lines 37 and 42," having laved the feet matter is by way of a parenthesis. of the glorious Yogesvarapanditadeva, &c., allotted (to!

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. glorious name of Bhujamgadevacharya, the reported efficacy of whose penances is perpetually sung by the people of the whole world; who is the forehead mark of the face which is the Kalamukha (sect); the hairs of whose body stand erect through the happiness produced by his own religious observances; who is the foundation-pillar of the habitation of the sportive play of the goddess of the fortunes of that family; who has laid aside all hypocrisy; and who is verily said to be worthy to be honoured by the very greatest on account of the lineal succession of his spiritual preceptors. He, the holy saint Bhujamga, the most excellent of those who practise the yoga, and worthy to be praised, -whose lustre rises preeminent to either portion of the brahmanda, which has been brought under subjection by the excellence of his religious coatemplation; and whose mind despises the frivolity of universal sovereignty over the whole world, attained the immoveable condition of being possessed of religious incantations which could make subject to him the lovely woman who is final emancipation. Famous is the saint Bhujamga, the foremost of the Kalamukhas,-who assumed, through the yoga, a hundred forms at once in as many different realms, and caused to be established in an instant, far and wide, twelve (linga) forms (of the god Siva under the name) of Jhanjhesvara, the chief of which was the local one, and who thus caused astonishment in many famous regions. (L. 20.)-In his lineage there were many eminent saints, endowed with the superhuman power of becoming as small as atoms, and with other good qualities; capable of eradicating (the effect of) actions; and dear to the goddess of final emancipation. (L. 21.) His disciple was that man, destitute of covetousness, who was renowned under the names of Bhaujamgabhuvana and Trilochana, and who, people say, displayed (three) eyes, as terrible as those of (the god) Tala, in (his knowledge of) the four Vedas and the Vedangas, in (his acquaintance with) the most pure traditions that he had received from Sri 3A Saiva sect. The yoga is supposed to confer the power of manifesting one's self in different localities at one and the same time. This verse puzzled me, and the emendation and translation of it are due to the kindness of Dr. Kielhorn, except that, where I insert a Visorga after pramukha in line 19, he retains the original reading, and divides the words sthantya. [MAY, 1881. Lakula, and in the eminence of his dignity which evoked the admiration of the world through the religious observances that were preached by him. (L. 23.)-His disciple,-Glorious is that saint, Balasurya-Trailochana, by whom, in his childhood, the intellectual darkness called delusion, born in the heart, was penetrated by his talent, and by whom the darkness of the pride of his opponents in argument was destroyed by his eloquence, and by whom the darkness of faults was eradicated by his excellent good actions. (L. 25.)-His disciple was Kasmira, the chief of wise men, in respect of whom learned people verily argue that (it was as if) the goddess Vach had been born, for the sake of conferring a favour on mankind, and as if the god Maheevara had assumed a human form; who, then, that has not a thousand mouths, is able to praise him properly? (L. 27.)-His disciple, again, was SriVadimahapralayakala-Bhairavapanditadeva, of whom this is the reputation. He, this saint Tatpurusha,-whose terrible trident is the Mimamsa; who disturbs the caverns which are his arrogant opponents with the sound of his double drum which is the Sugata (doctrine); whose forehead is crowned by a mass of matted hair which causes fear even to (the god) Trinayana; and who makes the interstices of the regions and the sky and the earth deaf with his huge bell which is the Nyaya,-assumes, by his intellect, the condition of being a very Bhairava to disputants. Not lifting up his neck and not displaying any arrogance in the assembly of the strong or of the weak, and always capable of toleration in the assembly of learned men and lords, the saint Bhairava makes manifest the glory of the goddess of speech the lustre of which is his own mark, viz. the double dram, which is a skull, of (the god) Trinayana who is terrible by reason of his trident....... (L. 32.)-In his lineage there was born Yogesvara, whose form was purified by actions which were capable of washing away the mud of the Kali age, and whose pure fame was renowned in the world, like the stream of the 5 pramukh-aprasiddha-vishayeshu, and translates "and who thus caused astonishment in unknown regions ruled over by towns," i e. "in unknown regions and in the towns ruling over them." The meaning of abat is not apparent, unless it is for avach, pointing downwards, held downwards.'

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MAY, 1881.] (river) Ganga in the centre of the great (mountain) Himadri. Victorious is he, Sri-Yogesvarapandita, the best of saints, by whom, being so mighty, this tree of love, which displays fresh sprouts through the juice of the nectar of the side-glances of lovely women, was entirely uprooted by his strength, when he took into consideration that the whole mass of worldly existence is pervaded with loathsomeness. Verily this householder Yogesvara is a marvel, -being devoted to his wife who is perfection; having the waterlilies which are the feet of his famous lord made the field for (the growing of) the young sprouts of his good actions; and being possessed of a cow of plenty which is the abundance of his speech which is of perfect quality ; was (L. 37.)-Hail!-Having laved the feet of the glorious Yogesvarapanditadeva,-who conversant with the practice of the yama, niyama, asana, pranajama, pratyahara, dhyana, dharana, and samadhi; who was kindly disposed towards learned people; who gratified all people with the nectar of the Sukti; who was a very rajahamsa among the waterlilies of the Kalamukha family; who was the ear-pendent of (the goddess) Sarasvati; who had acquired the excellent favour of the god Trilochana; who delighted in all learning; who was endowed with the exceeding greatness of being free from envy; who was pure in his actions; who granted the rewards desired by excellent people; who was the foremost of saints; who performed obeisance to the feet of the glorious Vadipralaya-Bhairavapanditadeva, and who captivated the mind of the lovely woman final emancipation,-allotted (to him), as a sarvanamasya-grant, with libations of water, 300 mattars of land, by (the measure of) the staff of the temple of the god Mauikesvara, in the lands of (the village of) Bijjanahalli, which is included in the Kannuvuri Twelve. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. (L. 42.)-Hail! While the glorious Tribhuvanamalla deva,-the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the glory of the family of Satyasraya, the ornament of the Chalukyas, -was continuing with perpetual increase at the capital of (the city of) Kalyana, so as to See note 2 above. 131 endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last : (L. 45.)-He, who subsisted, (as if he were a bee), on the waterlilies which were his feet, viz. Tryambaka, who was possessed of the deeds of Kritayuga, and who was the moon of the great ocean of truth and goodness, made the Kaliyuga pure with the nectar of his fame which was as bright as the waters of the river Ganga in such a way that the earth was pleased,-just as the moon, with its mass of rays makes very pure the night which has been overspread by the mass of the darkness. By being besprinkled with the water of the nectar of the good qualities of Tryambaka, the creeper of excellence,-which, to look at, was as if it had withered and wasted away, before and behind, through the scorching heat of this wicked Kali age, now again recovered and put forth new shoots on high and excellently acquired a variegated beauty in the world like a chitracreeper. As the. . . . . . (shine) in the water, and as the rows of lunar mausions (shine) in the sky, and as the digits shine in the full moon, so all the sciences shone in Tryambaka. No. XCVIII. The accompanying Old-Canarese inscription, in well-formed and fairly well preserved characters of the period, is from a black-stone tablet which was found lying in a field, Survey No. 258, away from any building, in the lands of the village of Hunasikatti, about four miles in a south-easterly direction from MugatkhauHubli in the Sampgaum Taluka of the Belgaum District. The stone is about 4' 0" high by 2' 54" broad, of which the inscription covers a space of only 81" high by 2' 2" broad. The emblems at the top of the stone are:-In the centre, a seated Jinendra, facing fall front, in the usual attitude, with the legs crossed and the hands in the lap; on its left, a cow and calf, with the sun above them, and a crooked sword or dagger beyond them; and on its right, towards the upper part of the stone, the moon, partially effaced. The inscription is of the time of the Western Chalukya king Bhulokamalla, or Someevara III, and is dated in the sixth year of his reign, the Sadharana samvatsara, i. e. Saka 1052 (A. D. 1130-1). It gives us Kodana-Purva davalli, or the ancient Saradinig; some correction is required here, but I do not see what it is.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. hamlet of Koda, or perhaps of the waterpot', 'Hubli', or rather Hubballi,' itself being a as the ancient name of Mugutkhan-Hubli,- corruption of Parvadavalli.' [] Svasti [*] tsarada [*] daleavaram Transcription. Srimad Bhulokamalladevara varsa (rsha) 6neya Sava (dha)rana-samvaPhalguna (na) sa 5 Adivarad-amdu sriman-mama hamamMarasimga(ha) devarasaru agrahirah Kodana-ParvvaManikyadevar sashmambam)dhiy-Ekas [*] davalliya [] leya-Parevanathadevara [*] gaddeya simeya gudde Translation. Hail! On Sunday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Phalguna of the Sadharana samvatsara, which was the sixth year of the glorious Bhalokamallade va, -the Mahamandalesvara Marasimhadevarasa A NOTE IN CONNECTION WITH THE WESTERN CHALUKYA KING VIKRAMADITYA I. BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S. At page 37 above, Mr. Rice has questioned the correctness of my rendering of a Sanskrit passage, as to the meaning of which I differ from him. In several of the Western Chalukya inscriptions, there occur, in the description of Vikramaditya I, the words avanipati-tritayantaritam sva-guroh sriyam atmasat-kritya(tva), which I translate by "having acquired for himself the regal splendour of his father, which had been interrupted by a confederacy of three kings," but which Mr. Rice translates by "making his own the wealth which his father had won, together with that inherited for three generations", or "together with that transmitted by a succession of three kings." I should have thought that there could be no two opinions as to the proper meaning of so simple a passage. But, as Mr. Rice still maintains the correctness of his translation of it, and still refuses to accept mine; and as the proper rendering of the passage is of some importance in connection with the history of the Western Chalukyas, it seems desirable to show clearly once for all which of the two translations is to be accepted as correct. bitta [1] basadiya vividha-puja-vidhanakke [1] Mamgala-sri allotted the block of the boundaries of the riceland for the performance of the various rites of (the god) Ekasaleya-Parsvanathadeva connected with the temple of (the god) Manikyadeva of (the village of) Kodana-Purvadavalli. (May there be) auspicious good fortune! Mr. Rice's translation is at the best inaccur ate; as there is nothing in the original text to represent the words "had won" and "together with that." To justify his full translation, This repetition of the syllable ma is a mistake. Gudde, a heap.' Vol. VI, p. 76, 1. 16; Vol. VII, p. 219, 1. 11 (a spurious grant); Vol. VIII, p. 26, l. 13; and Vol. IX, p. 187, 1. 11, the text ought to run avanipati-tritaya-kramagata-ert-sahitam sva-guruna uparjitam eriyam atmasat-kurvanah. But the real point lies in the words avanipati-tritay-antaritam; and we need only concern ourselves with them. Mr. Rice contends that the meaning of them is "inherited for three generations", or, again, "transmitted by a succession of three kings." Now, antaritam is the accusative singular feminine of antarita, the past participle passive and intransitive of the root i, go', in composition with antar, 'between'. The meanings which Westergaard, in his Radices Lingue Sanskrite, allots to the compound verb antari are 'intermeare' and 'seponere'; and the meanings which Professor Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, allots to the same are 'to come between, to stand in any one's way, to separate, to exclude from, to pass over, to omit, to disappear'. And the meanings which the Professor allots to antarita are 'gone within, concealed; departed, withdrawn, vanished, dead; separated, detached; impeded, hindered'. Another common derivative from the same root is antaraya, antaraya, to which the Professor allots the meanings of 'intervention, obstacle, impediment'. There is nothing whatever in either of these authorities to justify antarita being rendered by inherited' or 'transmitted'. p. 130, 1. 11, and p. 133, 1. 15. 2 Vol. VIII, p. 27; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 299; and p. 37 above. * Page 37 above.

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WESTERN CHALUKYA KING VIKRAMADITYA I. MAY, 1881.] It is, on the contrary, perfectly plain, from the very etymology of the word, that it can mean nothing but-1, that which has gone in between other things, and so has disappeared', or 2, that which has been gone in between by other things, and so has been separated, impeded, or interrupted'. Turning next to the word tritaya,--the meanings given to it by Professor Monier Williams are, as an adjective, consisting of three parts', and, as a substantive, 'a collection of three, a triad.' The more usual word is traya, the meanings allotted to which by the Professor are, as an adjective, threefold, consisting of three, divided into three parts, of three kinds', and, as a substantive, 'a triad, three collectively, a triplet, three. Similarly, from dvi, 'two', we have, with precisely analogous meanings, dvitaya and dvaya; and from chatur, 'four', we have chatushtaya, and, in certain compounds, chatura. As used in composition with words expressing divisions of time, these words do convey the meaning of succession and consecutiveness; thus, masa-dvaya, 'two (consecutive) months', varsha-traya, 'three (consecutive) years', and samvatsara-sata-chatushtaya, 'four (consecutive) centuries of years.' In fact, unless there is a distinct indication that two consecutive months, &c., are not intended, it is impossible to translate such compounds without the idea of consecutiveness and succession. And so, taking rajya in the sense of reign,' which carries with it the idea of the lapse of a division of time, rajya-truya would mean 'three(successive) reigns.' But, in composition with other words, dvaya, dvitaya, &c., convey no such meaning of consecutiveness, but only the meaning of collectiveness, with some bond of similarity or other connection; thus, go-dvaya, a couple of oxen,' veda-traya, 'the three Vedas,' and samudrachatushtaya, the four oceans.' And so, taking rajya in the sense of 'kingdom,' rajya-traya would mean three (synchronous) kingdoms,' or a 'collection of three kingdoms.' And avanipatitritaya, without the use of some additional word or words to indicate explicitly that it means 'three kings in succession,' or 'three generations of kings,' can only mean 'three (contem Vol. VIII, p. 10. By the rules of Sandhi, udvahanna amari may be divided into udvahon-Nadamari, or into udvahannAdamari; but the latter is not likely to be the correct division in this passage. At any rate, the name is not 133 porary) kings,' with the idea of some bond of connection between them, whatever that bond may be, i.e. a collection of three kings', or as I, having regard to the context, translate it in this particular passage, 'a confederacy of three kings.' Mr. Rice further contends that the authority for this alleged confederacy of three kings is altogether too slight for us to accept it as a fact: and that it was this scantiness of evidence which led me to suggest that the Amara and Adityavarma of the Yewur inscription were really not of the Chalukya family at all, but were two of the three confederate kings. A reference to what I wrote at the time will show that I rejected these two names from the Chalukya genealogy from no want of evidence as to who the three confederate kings were, but simply because all the copper-plates of the Western Chalukyas make Vikramaditya I the son, and not the great-grandson, of Pulikesi II, and because the sole authority for foisting these two additional generations into the genealogy, between Pulikest II and Vikramaditya I, is the Yewur inscription, or rather, as I have since shewn,* the Miraj copper plates, which contain a Western Chalukya inscription of the time of Jayasimha III, dated Saka 946, or three and a half centuries after the time of Vikramaditya I. There is probably no one now, except Mr. Rice, who will care to maintain that these two generations are to be foisted into the genealogy. He, however, does maintain it; and, in doing so, is doubly wrong. In the first place, I have shown that the first name is not Amara at all, but Nadamari. And in the second place,whereas he identifies this non-existent Amara with the "Ambera, the dear son of Satyasraya," of a copper-plate grant published by him in Vol. VIII, p. 96, and in Mysore Inscriptions, p. 298,-the text of that grant, after the mention of Satyasraya or Pulikesi II, runs sva-priya-suta sva-bhashaya Amber-eti, &c. This passage is rightly read by Mr. Rice, but is wrongly translated by him; for it gives the name, not of Ambura, the son of Pulikesi II, but of Ambera, his daughter. As to Mr. Rice's contention that there is no evidence of any confederacy of three kings Amara, nor anything like it. Vol. VIII, p. 89; and p. 37 above. 'Page 37 above; Vol. VIII, p. 97; and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 298.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. being forined against, or being overthrown by, were his feet kissed by the diadem of the lord Vikramaditya I, -the first point to be noted of Ka ncbi, who had bowed down before no is that, in the earliest inscription in which the other."24 Again, the inscriptions of Vinayaditya words avanipati-tritay-antaritam &c. occur, record that "at the command of his father --the very inscription which, through Mr. Rice's (Vikram a ditya I), he arrested the exstrictures on my interpretation of it and my tremely exalted power of the Pallavas, remarks on it, has been the cause of this note,- | whose kingdom consisted of three component these words are followed immediately by krit- dominions, as Senani (did arrest) the power of aikadhishthit-dsesha-rajya-bharah, i.e. " having the Daityas (at the command) of (his father) acquired for himself the regal splendour of Balendusekhara."15 And the later inscriptions his father, which had been interrupted by a make the same statement, except that, for trai. confederacy of three kings, he made the burden rajya-Pallava, they read trairajya-Kanchapati.16 of the whole kingdom to be presided over Now, neither is tnzirajya a proper name, as by one (sovereign)." The contrast here is Mr. Rice takes it ; nor does trairdjya-Pallava very marked and peculiar, and speaks for or trairdjya-Kdychapati mean, as he translates itself; he conquered three kings, and then it, "the Pallava king, or the king of Kanchi, made himself sole monarch. Further, the in- who had three reigns, or who formed a triad in scriptions of his son, Vinayaditya, record that himself."18 But it does mean, as I have transVikramaditya I"rent open (like Indra), lated it, "the Pallava, or the lord of Kanchi, with the thunderbolt which was his prowess, (who had three kingdoms, or) whose kingdom the proud summits of the haughtiness of the consisted of three component parts." The exthree mountains which were the three kings of pression points distinctly to there being three Cho!a and Pandya and Kerala." Later well-defined and recognised divisions of the inscriptions, it is true, add "the Kalabhra and Pallava dominions. They may have been each other kings", and record that he "subdued ruled by a separate king of a separate branch (like Indra), with the thunderbolt which was his of the dynasty; or they may have been under prowess, the mighty tumult of the mountains one monarch, with a viceroy in each of the which were the Pandya and the Cho! & three provinces. But, in either case, -having and the Kerala and the Kalabhra and regard to the natural and inveterate enmity other kings. But the earlier inscriptions, as I that existed between the Chalukyas and the have said, mention only three kings- of Chola Pallavas,--the three Pallava kings, or the and Pandya and Kerala. We turn next to the three viceroys of the Pallava monarch, would as Pallava s. It is recorded that Vikram &- | a matter of course combine to resist a Chalukya ditya I " seized the city of Kanchi, after invasion. In a footnote," apparently overlooked the defeat of the leader of the Palla vas, who by Mr. Rice, to the inscription which has been had been the cause of the discomfiture and the de- the origin of this note, I pointed out what I struction of that family," which was as pure as the have now said at length, -that the three conferays of the moon," and, again, that he hadderate kings either were the kings of Chola the waterlilies, which were his feet, besprinkled and Pandya and Kerala, or belonged to the with the waters of the watering-pot. which Pallava dynasty. It must of course remain were the rays of the jewelled diadem of the lord a moot point for the present which of the two of Kanchi, who had bowed down before noviews is the correct one, and, more so, whether other,"18 and, with a slight difference of ex. the introduction by the Miraj plates of N & d &pression, that he had the waterlilies which mari and Aditya varma into the genealogy, Vol. VI, p. 76, 1. 16. * Vol. VI, p. 86, 1. 16, and p. 89, 1. 16; Vol. VII, p. 801, 1. 15; and Pali, Sanskrit, and Old Canarese, Inscriptions, No. 16, 1. 11. The word dharanidhara-traya has here the double meaning of 'three mountains and three kings.' 10 Vol. IX, p. 127, 1. 12, p. 131, 1. 12, and p. 183, 1. 16; Vol. VIII, p. 26, 1. 14; and see Vol. VII, p. 106, 1. 66. 11 The family of the Chalukyas, which was an offshoot of the Somavamia or race of the moon. 11 Vol. VI, p. 88, 1. 15, and p. 89, 1. 14; Vol. VII, p. 301, 1. 18; and P., 8., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 16, 1. 10. 13 The same inscription, 11. 17, 17, 16, and 12, respec. tively. 1. Vol. IX, p. 127, 1. 13, p. 131, 1. 12, and p. 133, 1. 17; Vol. VIII, p. 26, 1. 15; and see Vol. VII, p. 106, 1. 66. 15 Vol. VI, p. 86, 1. 19, and p. 89, 1. 19; Vol. VII, p. 801, 1. 17; and P., S., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 16, 1. 13. 16 Vol. IX, p. 127, 1. 15, p. 131, 1. 14, and p. 133, 1. 201 and Vol. VIII, p. 26, 1. 17. 11 Vol. VIII, pp. 24 and 28; and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 299. 1 Page 37 abore. 19 VOL VI, p. 78, note

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MAY, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 135 between Pulikesi II and his son Vikramaditya I, connects them with those two kings, by tradi tion, in a sufficiently reliable manner to justify us in assuming that they were two of the three confederate kings. But, whatever opinion may be held as to these two points, we have the clearest evidence that there was a confederacy of sore three kings, which interrupted the Chalukya supremacy for a while, at least over part of their dominions, after the death of Pulikesi II," but which at length was broken by Vikramaditya I. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 117.) VII. History of China. It is well to explain why it We have now reached a period of Chinghiz deserves this distinction. Joseph-Anne Marie Khan's career when other authorities begin to de Moyriac de Mailla was a French Jesuit be of value. Of these I would especially refer to attached to the Peking Mission. He translated three, all of them of Chinese origin. The first a famous history of China called Tong-kienof them is entitled Huang-yuan-sheng-wu-ts'in- kang-mu, whose composition he has described at cheng-lu, i. e. "a record of Chinghiz Khan's some length in his preface. It was originally warlike doings." This work has apparently composed by Fan-tsa-yu (president of the Trinever been printed, but the Archimandrite Palla- bunal of History) and Se-ma-kuang,and extended dius to whom we owe it that the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi from the year 208 B.c. to 960 A.D. To it were was made accessible, possessed a MS. copy from afterwards added the histories of the Sung and which he published a translation in the Russian Yuan dynasties. The work was held in Auch high Oriental Record, vol. I, 1872. The work was repute for its accuracy and solidity that in the apparently compiled from Mongol documents last century the emperor Kang-hi had it transin the first half of the 14th century, but its author lated into Manchu, and De Mailla tells us that is unknown. A friend of mine has favonred his text is derived from a collation of both the me with a translation of Palladius' version. I Chinese and Tartar editions. The part relating shall quote it by its two first words as the Huang- to the Lia, Kin and Yuan dynasties in this yian. The work just cited is frequently quoted work was not very satisfactory, these dynasties in a much better known work, namely the Yuan being those of foreigners, and when he came shi-lei-pen, an abridged Chinese history of the down to them De Mailla had recourse to other Mongol dynasty, published in 1699 by Kiai- authorities. Shan-shi, the father of Kang-hi, han in 42 chapters. Bretschneider remarks in had caused the histories of these three dynasties reference to it that although only an extract which had been composed by Charbuhai, from the Yuan-shi, it is a very valuable book for Nanta, Hokiton, Lieou-hong-yu, and others to reference, as the learned author has added a be translated into Tartar. This history was great deal of interesting matter drawn for the drawn up very carefully from anthentio docugreater part from rare works of the Mongol ments, and was of equal authority with the period. The first ten chapters comprising an ex- Tong-kien-kang-mu. De Mailla therefore transtract from the Pen-ki (Annals) of the Yuan-shi lated it in its entirety, and incorporated it in his were translated into French by Gaubil, and work." The whole was edited under the superpublished in 1739 with the title Histoire de intendence of M. Deshautesrayes and the Abbe Gentchiscan et de toute la dynastie des Mongous, Grosier, and was published at Paris in 13 volumes 1739. Gaubil of course lies before me, as in the years 1777-1785. We will now resume does & third and possibly & more important our narrative :work, which I have already frequently quoted We have seen how a rivalry arose between as an independent authority, namely, De Mailla's Chinghiz Khan and his distant relative * This period coincides with the period of anarchy which followed the death of Harshavardhana in Northern India.-See Vol. IX, p. 20. Bretachneider, Notices, &c. p. 15. Id., pp. 13 and 14. 3 Vide vol. I, p. xlii, &c. * Id. p xlvii. * Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 1, note.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Chamakha for supremacy among the Mongols. The former's position now becomes very prominent. As we said, he was the chief of the Jajerat or Juriat, but he did not control the whole tribe. One section had deserted the Taijut, of which larger tribe the Juriat were a subordinate section, and had gone over to Chinghiz Khan. This is not mentioned in the Yuan-ch'an-pi-shi, but is reported in the Yuan-shi, in the Huang-yuan, by De Mailla and by Rashidu'd-din. In the Yuan-shi we read that the Juriat' who were related to the Taijut used frequently to meet Temujin's men on hunting expeditions. On one occasion Chinghiz proposed that they should camp together. Their chief replied that he was willing to do so, but that he had 400 followers, and even if he sent half of them home, he would not have enough to eat for them, so he could not well accept his hospitality, but the Mongol chief pressed his invitation, and gave him and his followers some food. The next day the two parties joined in hunting, and Temujin treated the Juriat like his guests, and ordered the game to be driven towards them so that they captured a large quantity. As they returned to their camp they spoke to one another, saying, although the Taijut are our brothers, they nevertheless seize our carts and horses, and rob us of our food. At present we have no one to rule over us, but if we are to have a ruler, let it be Temujin. The yoke of the Taijut now became very heavy upon them, so that their chiefs Yu-lih and Takhai Dadu rebelled. The rebellion was not successful, was put down with a heavy hand, and the Juriat ceased to be a separate tribe. De Mailla says Temujin offered to cede to the two chiefs whom he calls Yulu and Taheitulu as much land as they could enclose with the traces of their carts, but meanwhile they were hard pressed by the Taijut, and were both killed, and the Juriat (whom he calls Chaoliei) were completely dispersed. Rashid reports the story at considerably greater length. He calls the place where the hunt took place "the hill Ujel Jelmen or Jelmez."10 He says that when the hunters returned home they addressed themselves to their chiefs Ulug Behadur and Makhui Bedaneh (Berezine reads the names Uluk The name is written both Chamukha and Chamukhu in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, but the former is probably more correct. Hyacinthe calls them Choriat, and Douglas, Chowle. Douglas, op. cit., pp. 11-13; Hyacinthe, pp. 8-10. [MAY, 1881. Bakhadur and Baguemi Badaganoi), and proposed that they should go over to Temujin Khan. The latter objected, saying that although the Taijut had used them badly, yet they were their relatives, and what would come to them if they separated from them. He therefore refused to fall in with their plans, but Ulug Behadur (the Yulu of the Chinese notices) and Tughai Talu (the Tugai-i-Ulu of Berezine and the Tahaitulu of De Mailla) went to Temujin with the following words:"We come to you like wives without husbands, like great cattle without a leader, and small cattle without a herdsman. The sons of great ladies have robbed and ill-used us. We wish to draw the sword as your friends and to kill your enemies." Temujin addressing Ulug Behadur replied, "I was like one sleeping when you pulled me by the gagul, (i. e. the topknot or bunch of hair on the crown of the head, the root of the Russian khokhol meaning the same thing11) and awoke me. I sat sorrowfully at home, you have comforted and supported me. I will do all I can for you," and he in fact did them many services, but eventually the Juriat princes became his enemies and harried his people until the Merki Khudun Urjaneg (called Khodon Orjeng by Berezine) killed Tughai Talu and the Juriat were dispersed." In the Huang-yuan we are told that the two parties were hunting in the usual Mongol fashion, i.e. enclosing a large space within an extended ring of beaters, &c. The lines having gradually approached one another, Chinghiz invited his friends to camp together. The chief of the Juriat thereupon sent home one-half of his men to make this possible. The place where the latter was hunting is there called Oojala masi. Ulug Behadur is called Yilyibadu, and we are told that with the other elders of the tribe he addressed another chiefnamed Mar-ya-dana, i.e. the Makhui Bedaneh of Rashida'd-din, and tried to persuade him to desert the Taijut. As he would not, Yilyibadu and Takhai-talu went over to Chinghiz and urged that if their wives were without husbands and their horses without pastures, it was because the Taijut had taken them from them. Chinghiz offered to help them if they rebelled, but eventually Takhai-talu was killed by Khushu Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 12. 10 Berezine, vol. II, p. 96; Erdmann, p. 263. 11 Erdmann, Temudschin, note, p. 56. 13 Erdmann, op. cit., pp. 263 and 264.

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MAY, 1881.] Khurjan and the tribe of Jaoli, i. e. Jariat, was destroyed.1 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. Notwithstanding this defection of the Juriat we find Chamukha who was a Juriat chief, acquiring by his skill and knowledge a great ascendancy among the tribes on the Argun. He now comes forward as an important power, while the Taijutand their chief Terkutai Kiriltuk quite fall into the background. Chamukha soon came into conflict with Chinghiz Khan. On the dispersion of the Jelairs1 many of them became the slaves and herdsmen of the Mongols. Among these we are told was Juchi Darmala (written Jokhi by Hyacinthe, Choki by Douglas, Suki by De Mailla, Juji Termileh by Erdmann, and Juchi Termela by Berezine, who lived with his masters in the district of Saali, 15 In another place the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi refers to this district as Saarikeer.10 Rashid calls it Sarikeher." The Yuan-shi calls it Sali gol, i.e. the river Sali. The Huang-yuan also calls it the river Sali. De Mailla styles it Sa li ho, meaning the same thing. 20 He also calls it Sali hor." Quatremere has given a learned note upon the name in which he quotes a MS. gloss. of Gaubil's who calls the place Salikor or Sali-koure, and adds the Chinese have called the place Sali-chouen. "Koure," he says, " means a place where there are many lakes and springs, and which is surrounded with water. The word is Mongol; chouen in Chinese denotes generally a watered district." The Koure of the above extract is doubtless the well-known Keher meaning a plain in Mongol, and Sari Keher as the name is correctly recorded by Rashidu'd-din means the Yellow Plains, by which name Chinghiz Khan's special home is frequently apostrophized, and notably in the funeral dirge which we shall quote further on. These yellow plains were apparently watered by a river Sari and were situated near the Onon, and Quatremere suggests that the Saritei, a stream which Pallas met with near the Onon, is the Sari of the above extracts. This seems very probable. The Saritei is a tributary of the 137 3125 Aga which falls into the Onon on its western side, and the valley of the Aga like the other early Mongol settlements is described as strewn with ancient tombs, covered with flat roofs, and like them also as affording magnificent pasturage." Dr. Bretschneider says that on the ancient map of Mongolia found in the Yuan-shi-lei-pien Sa-li-k'ie-r is marked south of the river Wa-nan (i.e. the Onon), and close to the name is written the note "Here was the original abode of the Mongols." We may take it therefore as exceedingly probable that the camp of Chinghiz at this time was on the upper waters of the Aga. Chamukha, we are told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, lived at the mountain Ja-la-ma in the district of Olegaibulakha." The Yuan-shi calls the place Irugil," which D'Ohsson makes Iru-gol, i.e. the river Iru. The Huang-yuan calls it the sources of the river Yilyige. Rashid gives the name as Ulagai bulak. Ulagai in Mongol means red and Bulak a spring, stream or canal. There is according to Pallas a vitriolic stream seventeen versts north-westofthe settlement of New Zurukhaitu on the Argun which is still called Ulan Bulak by the Tunguses and Krasnoi Kiyush by the Russians, which, he adds, both mean the same thing, i. e. the Red Spring." The various allies of Cha mukha chiefly came from the Argun, and we shall find him presently proclaimed Gurkhan on that river, whence it seems probable that the stream here mentioned from Pallas is the one referred to in the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi, and not the Ulengui, a tributary of the lower Ingods as suggested by D'Ohsson." We will now revert to our story. We have seen that the Jelair Juchi Darmala was engaged as one of Chingiz Khan's herdsmen on "the yellow plains of the Onon." One day a younger brother of Chamukha, named Taichar or Taguchar, made a raid upon the cattle in his charge. Juchi's comrades did not dare to pursue, but he himself went after them, and overtook them at nightfall, and shot Taichar in the spine with an arrow, killed him, and drove his horses home again."1 The Huang-yuan says that when the raid was made, Shochi Tarmakha, as he calls him, 13 Op. cit., pp. 154 and 155. 1 Vide ante, vol. IX, p. 240. 1 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 64. 16 Id., p. 81. "Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 260; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 41. 18 Hyacinthe, loc. cit., 19 Op. cit., p. 153. 30 Tom. IX, pp. 10 and 22. 21 Id., tom. X, p. 174. "Quatremere's Rashidu'd-din, p. 117 note. 23 Op. cit., p. 117 note. Pallas, Voyages, &c. tom. IV, p. 342. 25 Bretschneider, Notices of Med. Geog., note 389. 20 Yun-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 64. 37 Hyacinthe, p. 9. ss Id., p. 616. 29 Vol. I, p. 41, note. 30 So the Fun-ch'ao-pi-shi calls him. Rashid styles him a relative, and names him Tegujar.-Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 260. The Yun-shi calls him To-tai-kher-Hyacinthe, p. 9. The Huang-yuin styles him Tataichar, and calls him a subject of Chamukha of the tribe Si-ta-lan, op. cit., p. 153, a tribe I cannot trace. De Mailla calls him Tudaisal, vol. IX, p. 10. 31 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 64.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [MAY, 1881. having hidden among the horses, furtively shot the intruder. The death of his brother or relative aroused the bitter animosity of Cha- mukha, who marched at the head of his people, altogether 13 tribes, fornuing three tumans or 30,000 men, and crossed the mountain ridge of Alaut-turkhauo with the intention of attacking Chinghiz Khan, who was encamped at a place called Gulyalgu.* The Huang-yuan says Chamukha entered into negociations with the tribes Daichiu, i.e. the Taijut, Ikilasi (ie the Inkirasses), Yuluu (i.e. the Urut), the Naili (i.e. the Nayakins), the Balulasi (? a section of the Tartars), and the Balin (i.e. the Barins), and went against Temujin with an army of 30,000 men. The latter was then with his people in the district of Talan-ban-chusi.* The Yuan-shi tells us Chamukha on this occasion was at the head of the Taijnt, and that Chinghiz Khan was encamped at a place called Durben Chosu." Rashidu'd-din says that Chamukh a' was at the head of the Inkirasses, the Kurulasses (both of them branches of the Turkish Kongurut) and also of the Udut or Urat and the Nayakins or Bukakins. He also tells us that Chinghiz was encamped at Talan Baljus. Talan is the Mongol word tala, & plain or stretch of pasture, and D'Ohsson and Erdmann are both agreed that by the phrase is meant the plain of Baljuna already named, and which was close to the head waters of the Aga above assigned as his quarters. Although the Inkirasses were in alliance with Chama kha, one of their chiefs named Botu, who, as we have seen, was Chingliz Khan's brother-in-law, when he heard of his rival's intentions, sent off Boluandai and Molitutu to warn his relative, and himself attacked Toa, who was in alliance with Chamukha, slew his people, and seized his wealth. This we are told in the biography of Botu in the Yuan-s/.** The Toa of this notice is probably the Toghai above named, some confusion having arisen as to the account of his death. The Yuan-ch'aopi-shi calls the two messengers who warned Chinghiz, Mulkitotakh and Bololdai." The Huang-yuan calls Botu the son of Nikyuni, >> Op. cit., p. 153. 32 Probably the ridge dividing the drainage of the Argun and the Onon. 33 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, loc. cit. 34 Op. cit., p. 153. >> Hyacinthe, p. 9; Douglas, p. ll, writes it Turpunchowsu. and says he lived in the hills of Kyuilingui. His messengers it calls Buntaya and Muge, and it says that after crossing the hills Alau and Tulau they met Chinghiz. De Mailla makes out that Botu, or Podu as he calls him, was attacked by the three allies Tatsilatai, Tsachua, and Toyai, at the head of 30,000 men, and that it was Chinghiz who was marching to his aid when he succeeded in defeating the allies alone." Rashidu'd-din tells the story somewhat differently. According to him there lived at this time an Inkiras named Negan, who although he had intercourse with the Taijut, i.e. the Nikyuni of the Huang-yuan, yet because of his son Butun, i.e. Botu, who was in the service of Temujin, and to whom he was therefore attached, he informed the latter of his enemy's plan through the medium of two Berulasses named Mulke and Totak, who had gone to him on business, and who found him on a road between two hills called Alaut Turaut, or as Von Hammer reads it in the MS. of Rashid at Vienna in a pass between the hills Alaut and Turaut," and informed him of his danger. This story is clearly the same as that related above from the Yuan-claw.pi. shi, the Yuan-shi and Huany-yuan. When Chinghiz Khan heard of Chamukha's intention be also collected his people, consisting of 13 tribes, also divided into 3 tuinans, with whom he rode out to meet him. They met one another at Dalanbaljat, i.e. the plain of Baljuna already named. At this point the authorities vary, the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz, pressed by the forces of Chamukha, retired! towards the Onon and encamped in a defile in the district of Cherin. Thereupon Chamukha returned and seized some of the princes in Chinasi, which Palladius (note p. 199) says was the name of several places, in one of which, according to a poet of the Yuan period, was the Daordo or Great Horde. There it is also said it was the name of a mountain. It probably refers to the ordinary camping place of Chinghiz Khan. Chamukh a ordered his prisoners to be boiled in 70 cauldrons, and he decapitated Neudaichakhan and fastened his head to his horse's tail, after which he rode home. The >> Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 260; D'Obsson, vol. I, p. 49. 37 See Erdmann, op. cit., p. 48, note. 39 Yuan-ch'an-pi-shi, p. 198, note. >> Op. cit., p. 64. "" Op. cit. tom. IX, p. 14. " Gesch, der gold. Horde, p. 59, note 6. " Berezine, vol. II, p. 93 ; Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 201. 13 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 64.

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MAY, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 189 Yuan-shi declares on the contrary that Chamukha he first filled a cap or leathern bag of mare's was completely overthrown." De Mailla tells us milk for Khoilun (i.e. for his own mother), for that in the fight Parchi (i.e. Boghorji) dismount- Khazar (i.e. his brother), and for Sachabiki," ed, and having made a girdle of the balter of then another for Ebegai, the young wife of his horse, almost emptied his quiver, and re- Sachabiki. Thereupon the grand ladies Khoceived a shower of weapons from the enemy lichin and Khuurchin (evidently piqued at what without abandoning the foremost post which they considered some slight) remarked, Why had been assigned to him. Temujin praised his was not milk sent to us before? They therevalour after he had gained the battle. Rashidu'd. fore set upon Shikiur (who was the manager din also says the victory was won by Chin- of the feast), and beat him till he bled. The latghiz Khan, and assigns to him the boiling of ter said " Yessugei Baatur and Nikuntaishi (i.e. the prisoners. So does the Huang-yuan, which the father and uncle of Chinghiz Khin) are dead. makes the Mongols eat as well as boil the captives. This is why they beat me." To understand It is not easy to decide between these varying this it must be remembered that the two ladies authorities, but in this case it would appear who felt themselves aggrieved were apparently as if the copy of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi con- the step-mothers of Chinghiz Khan, and sulted by Palladius was a faulty one. At all that Khuurchin was the widow of Khatuktuevents it is strange that directly after the strug- Jurki, the only son of Ukin Barkhakh, eldest gle we find several tribes detaching themselves son of Kabul Khakan. By hin she had had from Chamukha and joining his rival. two sons Sachabiki and Taichu, who were the Von Hammer compares the boiling of the pri- leaders of the tribe Jurki, and represented a soners on this occasion with the similar boiling senior branch of the house than Chinghiz himself, of the followers of the robber Shaitan Oghli (i.e. to whom, in fact, as we have seen, they surthe Devil's son) by Shah Ismail three hun. rendered the office of Khakan when he adopted dred years later." Mirkhawend, whose authority the title of Chinghiz. Khuurchin was therefore at this period is really of no value, and who has senior to Khoilun. Chinghiz Khan's mother, and a very jejune account of the early period of of course claimed precedence over her own Chinghiz Khan's career, here inserts one of his daughter-in-law Ebegai. favourite sagas :-He tells us that when he In the Yuan-shi only one of the old ladies defeated the Taijut on this occasion Chinghiz hadis mentioned, and she is called Hoo-urh-cha." a wonderful dreain, in which it seemed as if his The Huang-yuan calls her Khurjin Khadun. hands became very long, and that he held a De Mailla calls her Kuactsin, and Rashidu'd-din sword in each of them, the two points of which Khahurjin Khatun." Ebegai is called Ibogil by reached out to the farthest East and West. At Hyacinthe, and E-pik-kih-lih by Mr. Douglas, daybreak he told his mother this dream, who said both founded on the Yuan-shi. She is named he would rule over the East and the West, Yebegai in the Huang-yuan; Yepiekai by De and that the traces of his sword would be visible Mailla and Nemugai by Rashidu'd-din. The in both directions. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says Yuan-shi, the Huang-yuan, De Mailla's authority that on the departure of Chamukha, Chur- and Rashid all call her a step-mother of Chinchudai of the tribe Uruut, and Khuyuildar of the ghiz Khan and not the wife of Sacha Biki. The tribe Mankha, each with his people left him and first of these in describing the feast says Chinjoined Chinghiz. There also went over Muilik ghiz gave it to his kindred, including Sihchin from the tribe Khuankhotan with his seven sons. Taichu and Sih-chin Pih-kiss who came with Chinghiz, greatly rejoicing that he had been banners flying and carts bearing kumis to the joined by so many supporters, gave a feast on the river Onon." De Mailla calls the two Sechinbanks of the river Onon to his relatives. At this puco and Sechin taicheou, and says they were * Douglas, p. 11. Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 11. . Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 262; D'Ohsaon, rol. I, p. 45. "Gesch. der Gold. Horde, p. 60. . Erdmann, Temudechin, p. 52, note. " .. the grandson of Ukin Barkhakh. Bigui according to Romuaat is like the Turkish titlo Beg or Beh derived from the Chinese pi a prince. -D'Ohsson I, p. 54, note. 50 Yumn-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 64 and 65. 51 This is the transcript of Mr. Dougins (Op. cit., p. 13). Hyacinthe rends it Kholichi (Op. cit., p. 12). 5 Berezine, vol. II, p. 101; Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 266. 53 The latter is written Sechen bozia by Hyacinthe. * Douglas, p. 13.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. Chinghiz Khan's half brothers on the father's ladies Khurrehin and Kholichin prisoners, and side, which is of course a mistake, their father's took them before Chingbiz." In the Yuan-shi it were first cousins. He says the cause of the is similarly said that it was Belgutei's folquarrel was that the portion sent to Kuactsin lowers who fell upon the rival shepherds when was for herself and all her family, while that they saw how their master had been attacked, sent to her rival was for herself alone. Shikiur and that afterwards Sihchin Pihki sued for he calls Siguti." Rashidu'd-din says the feast peace." De Mailla tells the story in a similar was attended among others by Chinghiz Khan's way." Rashidu'd din calls the thief Khataka mother Olan Ekhe by his brothers Juchi Khazar Bai of the tribe Khatakia, and says he was and Utjigin Noyan by his step-mothers, and by page to the Taijut Buru, a friend of Sacha the descendants of Ukin Barkhakh, the eldest son Biki, and that he stole a chestnut stallion." De of Kabul Khakan, and he assigns as the cause Mailla has & paragraph about the Jurki chief of Khahurjin's jealousy that Nemagai was pre- Taichu, Sacha -Biki's brother, which contains sented with a second helping of kumis, while she some statements not mentioned elsewhere. He had only had one offered her. The quarrel jast says he was one of the most powerful princes of described was soon inflamed by another incident. his family on account of the number of his We read in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that during the vassals. Inter alios he was joined by a dependent feast Chinghiz Khan ordered his brother of Chinghiz Khan's, called Wei, who went over Belgutei to go and catch some horses, which, to him with his people. Wetar, Wei's younger it seems, were in charge of Bari-boko, the son of brother, tried to dissando him, and when he Khutuktu-Mungur, the son of Kabul Khakan. failed informed Chinghiz. The latter did not He was a chief of the Jarkis, i.e., of the tribe of seem surprised, and merely said "Why bave you Sachabiki. A map belonging to this tribe, not followed the example of your elder brother P" Khadiun, had stolen a bridle, and was arrested Afraid that he was suspected, Wetar took an by Belgatei. Buri-boko, who took his man's arrow, and broke it, expressing a wish that he part, struck the latter, and wounded him on the might be treated the same way if he should shoulder. Belgate i took little notice of the prove faithless. Chinghiz Khan was much blow, but when Chinghiz Khan saw the blood pleased at this changed his name to Sechin, flowing, he asked him how he could allow him- and treated him thenceforward as his friend.** self to be thus ill-used. He replied that he was This Sechin is apparently the Sacha Biki not much hurt, and that it was not worth while of the above accounts. that they should discuss such a trifling matter. | We now reach a notable event in the life of (In the biography of Belgatei in the Yuan-shi Chinghiz Khan. The emperor of the Kin it is said that he was seriously wounded.) He dynasty who ruled over Northern China sent persuaded Chinghiz not to punish the offender, his Ching-sang or minister Wanian Siang to but the latter, not listening to him, took out a repress a revolt among the Tartars (i.e. the wooden pestlo with which mare's milk was beaten Tartars properly so called, who lived near lake and fell upon the Jurkis (i.e. the people of Boyar). The chief of the Tartars was called Sacha-biki) and overcame them. He also seized Megujin Sealta." The Huang-yuan calls him Kholichin and Khuurchin. Afterwards the Jurkis Megjin Saolat (op. cit., p. 157). Hyacinthe went to sue for peace, and the two ladies were gives it as Mogazin Sorita," De Mailla as restored to them. The Huang-yuin says Bel. Mekuchin sekul, and Rashidu'd-din as Majin gutei was the superintendent of Chinghiz Khan's Saltu. According to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi the horses, and Boli (i e. Bori) similarly had charge Tartars had refused to submit in the same way of Sacha Biki's. According to this authority in which the Mongols had already submitted. it was the followers of each who came to blows Palladius says that the war measures adopted with the pestles used in making kumis, and by the Kin and the building of another wall or Belgatei's party being successful took the two rampart beyond the Great Wall at the end of P. 268. * Op. cit., tom. IX, pp. 14 and 15. - Berezine, vol. II, p. 101; Erdmann, Temudschin, Op. cit., p. 65. " Op. cit., p. 157. # Douglas, pp. 14 and 15. I p. 266. 0 Op. cit., pp. 15 and 16. 1 Berezine, vol. II, p. 102; Erdmann, Temudschin, 01 Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 16. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 66. * Op. cit., p. 18. es Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 17.

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MAT, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 141 the 12th century must be explained by this outbreak. When Chinghiz Khan heard of the march of the Kin troops he remarked: "We owe the Tartars revenge for the bloody affront they committed in that they destroyed our relatives and killed my father. This is a convenient opportunity, and it will be well to attack the Tartars on two sides." He thereapon sent a messenger to Taghral, the chief of the Kirais, saying "The Kin have sent Wanian, who is pursuing Megajin and other Tartars along the river Ulja.07 They are hostile to us and killed my ancestor and my father. Father help me to make war on them," a request which, as Palladius says, shews the strength of the Tartars. Tugbrul agreed to assist his friend, collected his men, and in three days set out to join Chinghiz. The latter had also sent a messenger to Sacha Biki and Daicha his relatives, who ruled over the Jurkis, and with whom, as we have seen, he was not on the best terms, explaining to them his wish to avenge his wrong, and asking them for help. He waited six days for them, but they did not arrive. Thereapon, in company with Taghrul, he led bis army along the river Ulja, and in conjunction with Wanian attacked the Tartars. The Tartars, we are told, had built a fortress in the place called Khusnta Sailtayan, which was captured and demolished by Chinghiz and his friend Tughral, and they also killed the Tartar leader Megajin Suulta and others. The Huang-yuan says the fight took place at Silatushita and Khulatushitu. The Chinese commander Wanian was much pleased with the conduct of his allies. He gave Chinghiz the title of Jankhuri. Palladius explains this by Chao-tao-shu, meaning "the supreme war commissary on the frontier." He adds that Chinghiz was merely given the title without any real authority. Hyacinthe gives the name as Cha-u-tu-lu, and says it means "General leader against the rebels."** At the same time Taghrul was given the title of Wang, i.e. prince. (Palladius says "prince in a limited sense," Khao and Tzio in the sense of a prince of the Kirr Empire.") Thenceforward he was styled 68 Op. cit., note, p. 213. 07 1.e. the Uldes, which flows into lake Tarei, chewing that as Rasbidu'd-din says the Tartars had withdrawn with their flocks on the approach of the Kin troope, and had retired towards the Mongol country. w Op. cit., pp. 66 and 216, note. Op. cit., p. 89. 10 Op.cit., note, p. 217. 2 Yuan-shi, by Douglas, p. 16. Wang Khan." Wanian told Chinghiz he should report to his master what he had done, and try and persuade him to confer on him the still grander title of Jaotaoguan. Palladius says that now this title is equivalent to that of Chaukhari, but formerly it may have been different in meaning." Wanian and his friends now returned home. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells as that the followers of Chinghiz found in the camp of the Tartars a boy who had a gold ring in his nose and a stomacher lined with sable and with golden tassels, whom the Mongols handed over to their chief's mother Khoilun. She said " he is probably of some family of consequence," and gave him the name Shigikan Khudukha. She adopted him as her sixth son." Rashidu'd-din says that it was a silver cradle with a coveriet of cloth of gold which the Mongols captured, and with which they were mach astonished, for they had never seen such precious objects before, and they made a great noise about it." The Huangyuan describes the prize as a pearl embroidered corslet and a cradle with a silver canopy. While Chinghiz was on this expedition, it would seem the Jurkis made an attack on his people who were encamped on the banks of the lake Khalil, called Khaleanto in the Huang-yuan (Plake Kulun). They stripped 50 of them of their clothing, and killed 10." The Yuan-shi and the Huang-yuan, and the authorities translated by De Mailla, say that during Chinghiz Khan's absence the Naimans plundered some of his tributaries, whereupon he sent 60 of his people to Sacha-biki to demand his help against them, but the latter, to revenge himself for his recent wrongs, set upon them, killed 10 of them, and sent the rest back naked." Rashidu'd-din says that it was the messengers whom Chinghiz was sending with present of a portion of the Tartar booty who were waylaid by a party of Jurkis, in alliance with some enemies." The Mongol chief was naturally enraged when he heard of this act of treachery, and recalled their other acts of hostility in the attack upon Belgatei and the refusal to assist him in his war with the Tartars. He accordingly led his troops against them. He came up with ** Op. cit., note, p. 218. 13 Op. cit., p. 67. ** Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 267; D'Ohsson, op. cit., vol. I, p. 46, note 1. 15 Yuan-ch'ao-pishi, p. 67. 16 Douglas, p. 15; De Mailla, tom. IX, p. 17. " Berezine, vol. II, p. 104; Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 268.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. them at Doloan Boldai near the Kerulon, and overcame them. Sacha-biki and Taichu fled to the gorge De-le-tu, called Ta-li-tu in the Yuan-shi, and Tie-lie-to by De Mailla, but Chinghiz overtook and captured them. He asked them what they had promised him formerly (i. e. when he was elected Khakan). They both replied, we have not kept our promise, and thereupon extended their necks, and Chinghiz killed them. He then went to the camp of the Jurkis, and carried them off." De Mailla says that Chinghiz crossed the river Saki, and instead of pursuing the Naimans fell upon Sachabiki and Sacha-taichu, who fled; a month later he captured them at Tielieto, and put them to death." Rashidu'd-din calls the place where the two chiefs were put to death Tulan Buldak," As Quatremere long ago suggested, this is doubtless the birthplace of Chinghiz-Deligun Buldak. In the camp of the Jurkis the Mongols captured a boy named Boroil, whom they made over to Chinghiz Khan's mother. This was the fourth boy he had adopted, the other three being Guchu, Kokochu, and Shigikankhutukhu. In the quaint words of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi she put them on the same footing as her other sons, supervised them with her eyes by day, and with her ears by night, and educated them."" The same work tells us that the Jurkis originated in a corps of the boldest and strongest and most skilled of his men whom Kabul Khakan had selected, and made over to his eldest son Ukin Barkhakh, and gave them special privileges. From Ukin Barkhakh they passed to his son Khatukhta Jurki, who perhaps gave them their name, and from him to Sacha-biki and Taichu. The tribe was now completely disintegrated. Chinghiz Khan had a double motive doubtless in crashing its two chiefs. Not only had they been uncivil and behaved badly to himself, but they stood somewhat in his light, for as representing the eldest son of Kabul Khakan they had better claims to the Khanate than he had. Their followers are called Jurkis in the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi, Yurkin by Berezine and Von Hammer, and Yorkin by De Mailla." D'Ohsson Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 67. Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 17. Berezine, p. 104; Erdmann, p. 268. Quatremere, Rashidu'd-din, p. 116, note. Op. cit., p. 68. 3 Gesch. der Gold. Horde, p. 60. [MAY, 1881. and Erdmann have followed a false reading in giving the name as Burkin or Bargin."" The Jurkis were clearly a mere sub-clan of the Kiat Mongols, i. e. the Mongols specially subject to Kabul Khan and his family. At this time, according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pishi, a man belonging to the tribe Jelair, called Telegetu Boyan, having three sons, ordered the eldest Guunua with his two sons Mukhali and Bukha to go to Chinghiz Khan with the message "Let them always be thy slaves, if they separate from thy doors, draw out the veins from their legs, and cut out their hearts and livers." He also told his second son Chilaun Khaiichi, the Shiligen Buyan of the Huang-yuan, with his two sons Tungi and Khashi the Khuashibadu and Tarkutaya of the Huang-yuan, to go to him with the message "Let them take charge of thy golden doors. If they do not cling to thee, put them to death." Lastly, his third son Chebke he gave to Khazar, the brother of Chinghiz." Of the supporters who now joined the Mongol chief, one occurs frequently in his subsequent history, and became very famous. This was Mukali or Mukuliwho was decorated some time after with the Chinese title of Guiwang or Kiwang. He commanded the left wing of the Mongol army, and when Chinghiz Khan marched on his famous expedition into the West, as we shall see, he was left behind to conduct the campaign against China. According to Rashid he belonged to the section Jait of the Jelairs:7 The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi now introduces one of those anecdotes which have much local colour. We read that "Chinghiz Khan ordered Buri-Boko, the son of Khutukhtu Mungur, the third son of Kabul Khan, whom we have already mentioned, to wrestle with his brother Belgatei. Generally speaking, when the two wrestled, Belgatei managed to throw his opponent, and made him lie motionless. On this occasion Bari-Boko, pretending he was yielding to the strength of Belgatei, fell to the earth, Belgatei pressing upon him turned to Chinghiz, who bit his lower lip. Understanding the signal he pressed his knees into Bari Boko's Op. cit., vol. IX, p. 10. 85 D.'Obsson vol. I, p. 54; Erdmann, Temudschin, pp. 265-269. se Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 68; Huang-yuan, p. 158. 7 Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 173.

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MAY, 1881.] GRAMANAS. 143 back. Thereupon the latter seized him by the neck with both hands, but in pulling back with all his strength he broke his own back. He then explained that he could have won if he had liked, but that he feared Chinghiz, and bad purposely lost, but now his life was sacrificed." We are further told that Boko had separated himself from the descendants of Bartan Baghatur, i.e. Chinghiz Khan's grandfather, and had associated himself with the descendants of Barkha, i.e. as Palladius argues (note p. 224) of Ukin Barkhakb. He was, as we have seen, & protege of Sacha. biki, and it is hinted that his death was brought about purposely as a punishment for his support of the rebellious Jurkis.** : SRAMANAS. BY NARAYANA AIYENGAR, SHIMOGA. I have read the Rev. S. Beal's remarks on the godlike and venerated by all creatures, she will word Sramana published in the Indian Antiquary, go to Svarga." The brothers accordingly went vol. IX p. 122 for May 1880. In support of the there. She fellat their feet and offered them padya conclusion arrived at by him from a survey of and hchamana. Rama asked her if she fared Greek and Buddhist works that Sramanas well in her tapas. She said: "By seeing you I were not exclusively Buddhist priests, I attempt have this day secured the fruit of my tapas to show here that the ancient Brahmans them- --svarga." She then shewed them the different selves have used the word in such a sense as parts of the asrama, and having kindled a fire, would preclude the idea of a Buddhist being threw herself into it, went to Svarga, and obthereby meant. The word occurs in several tained that happiness which Rishis obtain. places in the Ramayana. Here also the commentator has construed the In the Balakanda in describing the feeding word Sramani to mean Tapasi. at the sacrifice performed by Dasaratha, this VAlmiki condemns Charvak&s in no sloka occurs : measured terms, and if Sramanas were BudBrahmana bhunjate nityam nathavantascha dhists, who rejected the Vedas and ridicaled dhunjate. the Vedic rites, it is improbable that he would Tapasa bhunjate chapi sramana bhunjate tatha. have honoured them with a dinner at a Vedio Every day Brahmans eat, the well-to-do also sacrifice, and would have considered a female eat, Tapasas eat, and sramana s also eat. Buddhist to be worthy of Svarga and of that The commentator says Sramanah digambardh bliss which Rishis there obtain. Sabari burns yadva chaturthasraminah. herself to death,-a practice which is often alIo sarga 38 of the Ayodhyakanda Dasaratha luded to in the literature of the Brahmans as plaintively asks Kaikeyi : having been observed by them. It does not Iyam hi kasy apakaroti kinchit tapasvini raja- appear that the Buddhists ever observed the sarasya kanya. practice. Mata nga, whose disciples Sabari Ya chiram usadya janasya madhye sthita served, was a great Rishi. It is to be noted that visamjhid Sramaniva kachit. Rama was saluted by Sabari although she was "What harm has this Tapasvini (Sita) done, a Tapasi; but the reason seems to be that she who now stands sadly amidst the poople wearing was a servant and of inferior caste. Amara & bark cloth like a Sramani?" classes the Sabaras among Mlechchas. It Commentator :-"Sramarai tapasvint eramu therefore appears that at the time when the tapasi khede cheti dhdtuh." Ramayana was written, other than Brahman In sarga 73 of the Aranyakanda, Kabandha females were also members of the gramana tells Rama and Lakshmana to go to Matangas- form of asceticism. rama, "where," he said, "lived pious Rishis, the In sarga 18 of the Kishkindha Kanda, in disciples of Matange, and although they went which Rama justifies his killing Vali, the folaway (died), their long-lived female servant lowing sloka is addressed by Ramato Vali :(paricharint), a sramani named Sabart, is still Aryena mama Mandhatrd vyasanam ghoram seen there. On seeing you, Rama, who art (psitam! Yuan-ch'40-pi-shi, pp. 69 and 69. P. and 69.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1881. Sramanena ksite pape yatha papam kitam honour you?' The Rishis replied to themtvaya | * Tell us of some means of purification whereby "My ancestor Mandhata has ordained terri- we may become sinless. They (the Sramanas) ble punishment if a Sramana commits sin, saw those hymns (suktas) : Yad deve ...., as you have done." Yad adivyan..... Ayush te ..... With Here the commentator makes the sramana these (mantras) do ye offer ghi and with the a Ksha panaka, i.e. a Buddhist; for as an mantra-Vaisvanaraya . . . . worship (the fire) orthodox Brahman he cannot see anything and free yourselves from all sin short of faetusimproper in his adversary taking the blows, killing! They (the Rishis) sacrificed with while, when the same name is mentioned in these, and became sinless. In the beginning of connection with Brahmans, sacrifices and sacrificial acts (karma) one should sacrifice with Svarga, it should mean a different person. It these, and, purified, he obtains the worlds of the is true that in the Dharmasastras Brahmans Devas." enjoy immunity from the more rigorous punish- The mantras quoted are to the present day ments; but if the Sramanas were & kind used in a ceremony called Kishmanda homa, of ascetics other than the Brahmans, it is not and the sarikalpa, or the object of it, is repeated inappropriate in Rama showing Vali how even in the following words being the same as set ascetics were liable to punishment for their forth in the Aranyaka :-Bhrinahatyaya arvanoffences, and how & Vanara king should not | chi ydranty enamsi mayi sambhavanti tavatam grumble at his punishment. enasain nivsittyarthani Kushmandair hoshyami. The word occurs in the Yajurveda Aranyaka, It is not necessary here to quote the mantras Brahmayajna prasna,' 7th anuvaka, and as this themselves in fall as they are in praise of Agni old work should command great attention in and other Vedic deities. It will be seen that connection with this subject, I quote it fully in the Arana Sramanas are held in high esteem, vAtarazanA havA RSayaH zramaNA urvamaMthino and recommend to Rishis the performance of a Vedio ceremony. Sarely Sramana here babhUvustAnRSayoya'mAyastenilAyamacaraste'nupavizuH cannot mean a Buddhist. kUSmANDAni tA~sleSvanvavindaJcchraddhayA ca tapasA ca The word also occurs in the Bhagavata Purana 11th skandha 2nd adhyaya and 20th sloka - Navabhavan mahabhagamunayo hy arthavostu bhagavantosmindhAni kena vaH saparyAmeti tAnuSayo samsinah Sramana vatarasand atmavidyuvibruvanpavitranno brUta yenArepasa syAmeti ta etAni saradah. sUktAyapazyan "yaddevA devahelanaM" "yadIvyan naNamahaM The next sloka names the nine Monis: Havis, Hari, Antariksha, Prabuddha, PipbabhUvA" "yuSTe vizvato dadhadi" yetairAjyaM juhuta palayata, Avirhotra, Dramila, Chamasa, and "vaizvAnarAya prativedayAma" ityupatiSThata yadarvAcI. Karabhijana. nameno bhrUNahatyAyAstasmAnmokSyadhva iti ta etairaju Commentator: arthasamsinah paramartha mirupakah, Sramanah Sramavantah Atmabhydse haste' repaso'bhavankarmAdiSvetarjuhuyAtpUto devalo kritasramdityarthah, vatarasandh digambarah. tha 11 Although in the 7th act of the Msichchh"Now there were Rishis (named) wind- | akatika nitaka simply Sramanaka is mentioned girt, (being) Sramanas (and) celibates. (Other) (as an ill omen, if met in the road), still in Rishis solicited them. They (the Sramanas) the 2nd act in which the character is first observed anilaya (living houseless) and they spoken of, the word Sakyasramanaka occurs, entered into the Kushmanda (mantras). In -aham etena dytakaravamanena bdkyasramathese they (the Rishis) found them by means nako bhavishyami. The qualifying word Sakya of devotion and penance. The Rishis asked is rather noteworthy, and would be superfluous them, "Why do you observe anilaya ?" They if Sramana was exclusively Buddhist. said to the Rishis Salutation to you, O From the uncertainty about the date of the Bhagavats ! in this abode wherewith can we | Ramayana, it cannot of course be presumed that Taittireya Aranyaka, 2nd prap. 7th Aguv. Bibloth. The above is copied from a manuscript here. It is Indica, vol. I, p. 228.-ED. recited by the Yajurvedins. tAnRSayo'bruvankrayA nilAyaMcarayotita RSInabruvannamo |

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MAY, 1881.] BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. 145 sAkyasrama pa s did not then exist. But, named in Bhagavata X. 2, 20, are stated the prima facie antiquity of the Yajurveda Aran. in V. 4 of the same, to have been nine of the one yaka and the circumstances noticed by the hundred sons of Rishabha, and also thus: Rev. Mr. Beal, render it almost certain that long . These are the nine ma habh aga vatas, before Buddhism, the religious zeal of the mis- the expounders of the Bhagavata dharma, whose cellaneous classes of ancient India had developed history (charitam) illustrative of the greatness itself into Sramanism, if I may use the expreg. of god and occurring in the dialogue between sion, and it is natural that the name of this Vasudeva and Narada will be described by us by form of asceticism was found appropriate to be and bye.'-The charita occurs as far down as adopted by or applied to Buddhist Bhiksbus, the 10th skandha, which is in poetry, while the and in course of time, exclusively,--the other story of Rishabha is in prose, and it may perhaps classes probably discarding it owing to the be suspected that the story was added afterwards, notoriety it had in the palmy days of Buddhism. but no conclusive inference can be drawn that Perbaps the present Bairagis, who are hull its author was different from that of the other naked and wander from place to place from the portions of the Purana. We have therefore in Himalayas to Cape Kumari, are the survivals of this work the Jainas denounced as heretics, the pre-Buddhist Sramanas. and the Sramanas spoken of as holy men. The Since writing the above, I have read Prof. different slokas which Narada puts into the H. Jacobi's article on "Mahavira and his | mouth of each of the nine Sramanas in the 10th Predecessors" (Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 158) and also skandha teach bhakti. On the theory that that portion of the Bhagavata Purana (V. 4) in Sramanism gradually developed itself into which the story of Rishabha is narrated. In the Jainism and Buddhism, it is not improbable Vishnu Purana, Rishabh a is not mentioned as that before the development took place, it was the incarnation of Vishnu, but is said to not decidedly antagonistic to the Vedas; that have been a great king, who performed various on account of the pious life it taught, even sacrifices, installed his eldest son Bharata, Brahmans counted its leaders as great men and went to the Asrama of Pula ha, performed tapas accepted their teachings, and that the author and sacrifices according to the Vanaprastha of the Bhagavata had a tradition of that period, Vidhana, and went the Mahaprasthana journey, though the particular bhakti doctrines attributed naked, gagging his mouth with vida-stone (Kand. to the nine Sramanas inay have been the work ukasadpisamasmakabalam, commentator) Tapard of imagination. karshito'tyarthari kriso dhamanisantatah | Nagno The word sramana occurs also in the vitam mukhe kritvi viradhvanan ito gatah Arjunavanardsaparva of the Mahabharata Vishmi Purana, II, 1, 32. (adiparva, adhyaya 214). The following classes of The Bhagavata says that king Arhan and men followed Arjuna : Brahmand vedaparagah(1) others fell into bad ways, by presuming to Vedaredangavidvarias tathaivadhyatmachinimitate Rishabha, an incarnation of Vishnu. takah Bhaikshas cha bhagavadbhaktah sutah The word Arhan is evidently Jaina, and it is paurdnikas cha ye (2) Kathakus chapare, Rajan, evident, as observed by Prof. Jacobi, that Sramands cha vanaukasah Divyakhyan&ni ye Jainas are meant. But it is said in the chapi pathanti madhuram dvijah (3). Here latter part of Bhagavata V. 3, that Rishabha Sramanas are made to honour a Brahmanical was born to teach duties to vatarasandnam hero with their company in his journey to holy Sramandnam sishinam urdhvamanthinam; the places, along with Brahmans. It is also to be very names by which Sramanas are called noted that they, the Sramanas, are stated to in the Aranyala. And the nine Sramanas be dwellers of forests, uanaukasah. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from p. 75.) WIGHARI DANCERS. long red flowing coat and a cap of the same Waghari dancing beggars are either boys colour, and to their ancles are tied strings of or girls from Gujarat, both dressed alike in a bells. These youngsters are accompanied by

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. their parents, who play upon a musical one. stringed instrument. These small beggars both dance and sing after the fashion of dancing girls. The person standing behind them may be either a man or a woman; sometimes both attend; they both play and sing along with the dancer, A pice or a handful of grain or old clothes satisfies them. ROPE-DANCERS. Men, women and children exhibit their skill in balancing on the rope. It is hardly possible for one who has not seen them to form any conception of the agility, distortion of limb and pliability of body of these people. They represent almost all kinds of animals, in doing which several bodies are so interlaced that the different individuals can scarcely be distinguished. They all perform feats of strength, and one man will bear on his shoulders six others standing two and two above each other. GosAvis, Varthema makes mention of Jogi fights. The Jogi king (1450-1510) went about every three or four years with three or four thousand of his followers carrying a little horn suspended from their necks, and which they blew when demanding alms. They also carried an iron ring, chakra, which they hurled from a string at any person they wished to hurt, and hence whenever they arrived at a city every one tried to give them more than his neighbour. When Varthema came across the Jogi the second time he had with him three thousand followers. They slew two Portagaese with the chakra, and are said to have ran upon them and cut open the veins of their throats, and with their hands they drank their blood.' Niebuhr says the Gosavis travel about armed and in troops of several thousands. Forbes, in his Memoirs, says the Gosavis march in large bodies and levy heavy contributions. They are sometimes hired as auxiliaries, being an athletic race, brave, and hardy, seldom encumbered with drapery, and often entirely naked. In 1789' MAhadji Sindia, among other changes in the constitution of his army, enlisted large numbers of Gosavis, formed them into a distinct body, and placed them under the charge of Himat Bahadur, who was both their commander and priest. Some of the Gosavis carry & mendicant's staff in their hands, and at their initiation are said to inflict a small incision on the inner part of their knee, and present the blood as an offering to Siva. They call themselves Brahmans and are notorious as sturdy beggars. The K A np hAtes, so called from having their ears bored and huge rings inserted in them, worship Siva and carry a linga in their head-dress. They smear themselves with ashes, and dress in a red ochre-coloured frock. They pretend to tell fortunes and cure diseases. They play upon fiddles and sing both Hindustani and Marathi songs in praise of the gods. They teach animals tricks and carry about a monkey or snakes. Then there are Urda bahus, distinguished by disgusting deformities. They extend one or both arms above their heads so long that the muscles get rigid and they remain of themselves thus elevated, and they allow their nails to grow till they completely perforate the hand. They tie round their waist a thick hemp or coir rope, or a thick iron chain, and partially cover their privities with an oblong copper covering tucked behind. Not very long ago a Gosavi, seating himself on a post in the Mumbadevi tank, refused to come down unless PS500 was given him to feed a number of Brahmans in Banaras. Only very recently a nearly naked Gosavi stood on his head with one leg upright in the air and the other doubled back at the knee. These people are said to remain in the same position for days together. In Bombay Gosavis and Bairagis are usually without any fixed habitation, living in dharmasalis, or on the banks of tanks attached to Hindu temples. At particular seasons there is a great influx of wandering beggars, who doubtless find it profitable to take Bombay on their way to Haridwar, Rameswar, Dwarka, Jagannath, and other places of pilgrimage." Many of these have entered the British army. They make excellent hamals or palanquinbearers, a considerable number of them being in the service of Europeans. They are degraded idolators, being regarded as outside the pale of 1 Travels, pp. 111 and 374. It is doubtful whom he means by "Ioghe" and " Gioghi." - ED. Grant Duff's History, vol. III, pp 33, 84. * The Bom. Quar. Rev., vol. IV, p. 258.

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May, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 147 Hinduism, and are not allowed to pass the seldom that one leaves a Hindu house without threshold of the temples. These beggars, even receiving alms. at this moment, are greatly feared, and it is! (To be continued.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE. B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 82.) No. 8.-FOLK-TALE. afraid: but just as they thought to lay hands on The Son of Seven Mothers. her, she leapt right over the king's bead and Once upon a time lived a king who had fled to the mountains. soven wives but no children. At last one day, The king set spurs to his horse and followed, an old fagir came and said "Your desire soon leaving his suite far behind him. shall be fulfilled, and each of your seven wives On, on, he rode till be came to a ravine in the shall bear a son." At this promise the king bills where there was nothing to be seen but a was greatly rejoiced, and made great prepara- small hovel : he was tired with his long ride, so tions for appropriate festivities throughout the he stopped, entered the hut, and asked for a length and breadth of his kingdom. drink of water. An old woman, ever so old, The seven queens lived in a splendid palace, who was sitting spinning, bid her daughter bring and were attended by hundreds of servants and a drink, and when the girl came and held the feasted on sweetmeats and confectionery. Now vessel of water to the king's lips, he looked into one day the king went out hunting, and before her eyes, and knew instantly that she was nono he left the palace the Seven Queens said to him : other than the white hind with the golden "Dear lord ! do not hunt towards the north horns and the silver feet. to-day, or evil will befall you, for we have Then he said to her, -" Come home with me, dreamt bad dreams."'S and be my wife :" but she laughed, saying, "You The king to allay their fears promised faith- have seven wives already." Then when he fully not to hunt towards the north, but when begged and prayed her to be his, she said, " You he found no sport in the south, the east, and the talk bravely of your love. Give me the eyes west, he forgot all about the warning, and set of your seven wives, then I will believe you." off towards the north. He was just going home So the king went home and had the eyes of in despair of finding any game, when a white his seven wives taken out, and then threw the hind with golden horns and silver hoofs flashed seven poor blind crcatures into a strong tower by him into a thicket. whence they could not escape. After that he He scarcely saw it, so quickly did it pass, took the fourteen eyes to the White Hind, who but he was instantly filled with a desire to strung them as a necklace, and threw it round follow and capture it. He therefore ordered her mother's neck, saying, "Wear that, little his attendants to place themselves in a ring nother, as a keepsake when I am gone." round the thicket, so as to encircle the hind. So the king took the White Hind home as his This they did, and as the circle narrowed and bride, and gave her the Seven Queens' clothes narrowed there stood the white bind panting and and the Seven Queens' jewels, and the Seven Told by a Purbid boy. The ending is not, I think, correct. The narrator hesitated a good deal and seemed to forget. It is certainly lame.-F. A. S. Fugir properly a Musalman devotee, from Arabic poverty+abstinence, but used in the Panjab for any devotee, Musalman or Hindu. The Hindu synonyms would be properly sw Sadhu (Sansk. ETY) a religious devotee or in sant (Sansk. ) a saint, devotee. A variation of this portion of the story is as follows: A jogt (see below note) was sitting under a mango treo when the king happened to pass. The king kuelt down in great morrow before him, and told him he had 7 wirca and no child, and beyod for an heir to the throne. Wincreupon the jogi throw up a stick to knock down some mangos and told the king he would have many sons as mangos fell. Seven mangos fell which the jogi told the king to give to his wives ;-one each. The king did so, and saven sous were born, one from each wife. Sic of the sous dird, only one survived, who becarge the Son of the Seven Mothers. Jogis are supposed popularly to have the power of granting offspring to childless persons, as have in fact all the saints or holy personages, according to the pupular traditions.-R.C.T. 3 See vol. IX, p. 302-Story of Princess Aubergine.R.C.T.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. Queens' palace; so she had everything that bow and shot one dead. It came tumbling even a witch could desire. down past the very window where the White Now soon after their imprisonment, the Hind was sitting. She got up to see what was first Queen's baby was born and the six other the matter, and looked out. There she saw a Queens were so hungry that they killed it, handsome young lad, and the moment she set divided it into seven portions, and each ate eyes on him, she knew by her arts that he was their share the king's son--for she was a witch. The next day the second Queen's baby was She became furions at the sight, and at once born, and they did the same with it, and so on determined to destroy the lad. She therefore every day till the last Queen's baby was born sent a servant to fetch him, and asked him to on the seventh day. Now when the other sell her the pigeon he had shot. Queens came to the young mother, and said, But the lad answered "Not so. This pigeon "Give us your baby to eat as we gave you is for my seven blind mothers, who live in the ours," she answered, "Not so! See here are dark tower, and would starve unless I brought the six pieces you gave me as my share un them food, touched, eat them, but leave me my child, you Then the white witch said, "Oh poor souls ! cannot complain." if they could only get their eyes again! Give The other Queens were displeased, but could me that pigeon, my dear, and I promise to say nothing. They were jealous nevertheless give you back your blind mothers' eyes." At that the young Queen should have preserved this the Son of Seven Mothers was delighted. her baby's life by her self-denial and fore The White Hind then said: "My mother will thought. give you the eyes, for she wears them as a At first, too, they disliked the handsome little necklace. Take this message from me and she boy, but they soon found out what a treasure will give them without fail." he was : before he even began to walk he Then she gave him a bit of broken potsherd used to sit in one corner of the prison on which was written "Kill the bearer at once, courtyard and scrape away at the wall. In an and sprinkle his blood like water." incredibly short space of time he had scraped Now as the boy could not read he took the a hole large enough for him to creep through. potsherd cheerfully, and set off to find the White Out he went, and soon returned laden with Hind's mother. On the way he passed through sweetmeats and comfits, which he divided equal a king's city, where every one looked very sad. ly amongst the Seven Queens. "What ails you all ?" asked he. Then the As he grew older he made the hole bigger people answered, "The king's beautiful young and slipped out two or three times a day to daughter will not marry, so there will be no play with the little nobles in the town; and he heir to the throne when the king dies. Every was so funny, so full of tricks and antics that young man in the kingdom has been shown to he was sure to be rewarded by some present or her, but she will have none but the Son of other, and whatever he received, he took home Seven Mothers. Who ever heard of such a to his "seven mothers" as he called the Seven thing? However the king has ordered that Queens. every stranger who comes to the town shall be At last one day, when he was quite a big lad, brought before the Princess; so come now with he took his bow and arrow, and went to | us." Accordingly they led him into the presence, the palace where the White Hind lived in splen- and no sooner had the Princess caught sight of dour and magnificence. him than she blushed saying, "Dear father, this Pigeons were fluttering round the white is my choice." marble turrets, so taking good aim he drew his Everyone rejoiced immensely at these wel* 3149 Dayan-awitch. In the Panjab a woman with of Swayamvara or self-choice of a husband by Hindu princesses-the most popular form of marriage among Vedic Aryans. In the Mahabharata there is an account of the mantar for destroying life by taking out the heart. Dain, Swayamvara of Draupadi.-Griffith in his Idylls from the Sanskrit gives an admirable metrical account of the dakni and dakin are synonyms of this word, which re. Swayamvars of Indumati and Aja from the Raghuvausa. presents the Sansk. 1 dakini, female demon The refusal of a princess to choose & husband till & certain attendant on Kali, Goddess of Destruction.-R. C.T. man comes is a very common feature in German Folklore. . Appears to be an allusion to the long obsolete custom F.A.S. and R.C.T. | dafn ka dy'n kh mntr the evil eye who known a charm

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MAY, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 149 come words, but the Son of Seven Mothers said, "I cannot stay now. First I must fetch my mothers' eyes, and then I will return for the wedding." Now the princess was very learned and clever, 80 when she heard his story she said, "Shew me the message." When she saw the treacherous words written on the potsherd she said nothing to any one, but quietly took another potsherd, and wrote on it, "Take care of this lad, and give him all he desires." Then she gave this to the Son of Seven Mothers, and kept the other potsherd herself. So the Son of Seven Mothers set off to find the White Hind's mother. She was a hideous old creature, and grumbled a good deal when she read the potsherd, but at last she took off the necklace of eyes, and gave it to him, saying "I'm sorry, there are only thirteen of them, but I was hungry last week and ate one." The lad was only too delighted to get any at all, so he hurried home as fast as he could, and gave the eyes to his seven mothers. Two a piece to the six elder Queens, but only one to the youngest, saying, "Dear little mother, I will be your other eye always." Then he set off to join his princess, but as he was passing the White Hind's palace he saw some pigeons on the roof. He drew his bow, and shot one; it came fluttering past the window, and the White Queen looked out, and lo! there was the handsome lad alive and well! She was furious, and sent for him to tell her what had happened. When she heard how he had brought back the thirteen eyes, and given them to the seven blind Queens, she nearly died of rage and spite. However, she said she was charmed to hear of his success, and told him that if he would give her this pigeon also, she would reward him with * There seems to be a mixture of mythology here. The narrator of the tale could tell no story connected with this cow, and evidently used it in a general sense like the nine1Akh necklace, etc. The modern jogi is properly a Hindu devotee, the representative of the classical Yogi, the devotee seeking yoga, the union of the living with the sublime soul. There are jogis, however, who are accompanied by snakes, and are popularly supposed to have supernatural powers, like the jogi of this tale, who is explained to be a supernatural being much in the same way as the jinn. This jogi is said in the tale to be subject to Raja Indra, and his wonderful cow that gave a tank full of milk every day is probably U S B Kamdhain, the ancient Kamdhenu, Indra's cow, who grants all desires. Kamdhain or Kamdhenu is now commonly applied to any cow giving an unusual quantity of milk. It is possible that the supernatural character of the jogi here may represent the yoginis, the eight sorcer. the Jogi's Wonderful Cow, whose milk flows all day long, and makes a tank as big as a kingdom. The lad, nothing loth, gave her the pigeon, while she in return bid him go and ask her mother for the cow, giving him as before a potsherd on which was written, "Kill this lad without fail and sprinkle his blood like water." So the Son of Seven Mothers set off on his errand, bat first he went to see his dear Princess. She read the potsherd, and gave him another as before. Now when the lad reached the old witch's' hut, shewed her the potsberd, and asked for the Jogi's cow, she grumbled dreadfully, saying "My daughter must be mad to give all her treasures away." However she told the boy how he was to get the cow, bidding him above all things not be afraid of the eighteen thousand demons that kept watch and ward over the treasure." So the boy set off boldly. By and bye he saw a milk-white tank guarded by the eighteen thousand demons. They were frightful to behold, but he plucked up courage and whistled a tune as he walked through them looking neither to the right nor to the left. At last he came to where the Jogi's cow stood, white, beautiful and tall, while the Jogi himself, who was king of all the demons, sat milking her day and night, and as he milked the milk streamed from her udder and filled the milk-white tank. Then the Jogi scowled and said "What do you want here?" The lad answered as he had been told to do by the old witch: "I want your skin, for Raja Indra wants a new kettledrum, and says your skin is nice and tough." Then the Jogi began to shiver and shake, for no jogi or jinn or witch or demon dares disobey Raja Indra's command. So he fell esses or female demons attendant on Durg&.-R.C.T. siis **Panj. Phaphe-kutni-an old hag : one versed in all kinds of tricks to entice the young to their deaths Kulnt, Sansk. Hindi and Panj. a procureus : an old hag.--R.C.T. There is no direct explanation of these 18,000 demons as far as I know-Kamdhenu was guarded by Indra's guard or attendants, who were in the older mythology the Maruts or winds and in the latter his innumerable court.-R.O.T. See story of " Sir Bumble," ante, p. 40.-R.C.T. 10 This is against mythology. Indra was king of beaven, a ruler of gods, angels or fairies but not of demons: of beneficent and not of malevolent spirits. Among the Bud|dhista Indra as Sakra became the chief of the angels. R..T.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. at the lad's feet, saying "Spare me, and I will give you anything you desire, even my beautiful cow." At first the boy pretended he would not listen, but after a while he said, "Well! give me the cow, and I daresay I shall find some other tough old skin that will answer my pur. pose as well as yours." Then the Jogi overwhelmed him with gratitude, and the Son of Seven Mothers drove off the cow. He marched home as fast as he could, and gave the cow to the Seven Queens, who were delighted to possess so marvellous an animal. They toiled from morning till night making curds and whey, and selling it to the confectioners, and still they could not use all the milk, So they became richer and richer day by day. Then the prince set off once more to join his dear princess, but as he passed by the White Hind's palace, he saw some pigeons cooing on the turrets, and could not resist sending a bolt after them, and one fell dead just beneath the window where the White Hind was sitting. She looked out, and lo ! there was the lad alive and well. She grew whiter than ever with rage and spite. She sent for him, and when he told her how kindly he had been received by her mother she nearly had a fit, she was so angry and furious. However she only smiled sweetly, saying, " I kept my promise, did I not? Give me but this pigeon, and you shall have everything the world contains, for I will give you the million-fold rice that ripens in a night." The young lad was delighted at the very idea, gave her the pigeon, and received in return a potsherd on which was written--"He has escaped you twice. Kill him this time without fail, and sprinkle his blood like water." The Son of Seven Mothers set off to find the old witch, but on the way he went to sco his dear Princess. She as usual read the potsherd, and gave the lad another in its place, on which was written, "Once again care for the lad, for his blood shall be your blood." The old hag burst out into a rage when she saw this, and heard what the lad was to get However, she dared not disobey her daughter, so she bid the lad go towards the north till he came to a rice-field full of golden rice guarded by eighteon millions of demons. "Do not be afraid of them," she said, "look neither to the right nor to the left, but go straight to the very middle of the field, and pluck the tall ear of rice which grows in the centre. Do not take more or less, and above all do not look round."12 The lad did as he was bidden, and soon found the field of golden rice guarded by the eighteen millions of demons. He looked neither to the right nor to the left, but walked straight to the middle of the field, plucked the high golden ear which grew in the centre, but as he was returning soft voices called to him saying " Take one more; oh please take one more !" and one voice was so sweet that he turned round to see whence it came. No sooner had he turned than he became a little heap of ashes. The old hag was terribly frightened when the lad did not return, and dreading her daughter's anger, set out to search for him. She very soon came upon the heap of ashes, and knowing by witchcraft what had bappened, she gathered the ashes together, moistened them with water, and shaped the paste into the image of the lad. Then she put a drop of blood from her little finger into the month of the image, and immediately the lad stood before her alive and well. She scolded him soundly for disobeying her orders, adding " I save you this time to please my daughter, but don't try these tricks any more if you please." Then the Prince went home with the millionfold rice that ripens in a night, and gave it to the Seven Queens, who became so rich that their wealth was noised abroad all through the city. Then the Prince went back to his dear Princess, and married her. When the bridal ceremonies were over, she said, "Take me to your own house, and I will restore you to your father's favour." So he took her home to the Seven Queens. Then she bid him build a palace exactly the same as the King's palace, and when it was finished she bade him ask the King to a feast. The King, who had heard much about the mysterious Son of Seven Mothers, came determined to find out the truth of the matter. What was his astonishment when he found himself in a palace exactly like his own. It was only to be 11 I have been unable to trace the allazion here. This rice is spoken of in the DC way un the nine-alb neck. lace. As something evury one knows.-R.C.T. 11 I have been unable to ascertain the origin of this kolden rice also.-R.O.T.

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MAY, 1881.] equalled by his wonder when he was received by the young Prince as a revered father, and conducted at once into the presence of the Seven Queens. He was dumb with amazement till the young Princess, his daughter-in-law, stepped forth, and with much grace related to him the whole story. The King's heart was moved, and what with the sight of his Queens' sorrowful faces, and his handsome young son with his beautiful bride, his anger rose against the wicked witch who had wrought all this mischief, and he ordered her to be put to death. So they buried the witch and ploughed up the ground and the Seven Queens walked over her grave into the palace, where they lived ever after. The Mother of Seven Sons. Another similar story current in the Punjab is the following: FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. There was a Raja who had no children. A faqir came and sat down in his garden, where on the same day the Raja in great grief was lying on a dirty and dilapidated old bed. The faqir asked him why such a great Raja as he was lying on such a dirty old bed. The Raja answered "What are you asking, reverend Sir ?" The faqir said "Explain." The Raja again asked "What are you asking ?" Again the faqir said, "For the third time, Raja, tell me the truth." Then the Raja said, "I have no children." The faqir said "Take this stick, and knock down the fruit of that mango tree. The first time five mangos will fall, and the second time two." The Raja threw the stick, and the first time five mangos fell, and the second time two. The Raja, being very covetous of children, threw the stick yet a third time, when the stick remained in the tree and all the fallen mangos went back. The Raja then went to the faqir, who asked him where the stick was, and the Raja said, "It is in the tree." Then the faqir said "You must have been throwing the stick more than twice to get a lot of children. But go back, and you will find the stick on the ground." The Raja went and found the stick on the ground. He took up the stick, and then threw it at the mangos-the first time five fell, and the second. time two. He took the mangos and stick, and .shikkht manit utte paint chhghy mnjy ty pyn Panj. expression "to lie on an old and dirty bed." This, like scratching the ground with the forefinger, is one of the signs of great grief in the Panjab. The object is to attract 151 went with them to his home. At that time six of his Queens were at home, but the seventh had gone out. He gave each of the six Queens a mango apiece. The seventh mango he put away into a recess, and a mouse bit it. A few moments afterwards the seventh Queen came home, and asked the other Queens what they were eating. They answered "We have been eating a mango each." Then the seventh Queen asked "Where is my mango ?" They said "It is in the recess," and she took it out, and ate it. After nine months each of the six Queens had a son, but the seventh Queen had only half a son, who was therefore called Adhia or The Half.1 One day the six brothers went out shooting together, and Adhia asked his mother's leave to go out shooting too. But his mother said "You are only half a boy-how can you go out shooting ?" Adhia answered, "I'll go and play at shooting." The mothers of the six sons made them some sweets to take out shooting, but Adhia's mother said she didn't know how to make them, and told her son to go to the other Queens for his sweets. So the other Queens made sweets for Adhia too, but. they put ashes inside and covered them with sugar, and gave them to Adhia. The six brothers and Adhia went off to the jangals, and on the road they felt hungry and began to open their sweets and eat. When Adhia began to break his sweets he found nothing but ashes inside, and so he went to his brothers, and asked for some of theirs, but they would not give him anything. Poor Adhia said nothing, but went on. They at last reached a field of melons. Adhia broke down the fence and went inside, but the others could not get inside. Adhia began to eat the melons, and when his brothers asked him for some, he said, "Remember the sweets, and when you would give me none." But they entreated him very much, and he threw them the unripe and sour ones. So the brothers shouted and called the owner of the field, who came and caught Adhia, and tied him up to a tree. The brothers left him and went on. Then Adhia said to the rope: Break, rope, for my companions have gone on." The rope broke at once, and Adhia came up to his brothers. Next the pity of passing fuqirs, who are supposed to be able to help the sufferer. La adhia from last adhd-half. The narrator explained this "half a son" by his having but one eye, one ear, one arm, etc.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. they came to a plum tree. Aahia climbed up, watchmen stopped him, and asked him, "Who but the others could not. They asked Adhia are you? Whence have you come ? Where are you for the fruit, but he would not give any, saying going ?" Adhia said, " I am a physician, "Remember the time of the sweets." Again come to cure the Princess." The watchmen they shouted and called the owner of the plum said, "Be off! A great many doctors like you tree, who seized Adhia, and the six brothers went have come here to lose their heads." And on. Then Adhia called to the rope, "Break, they showed him a string of their heads, but rope, my companions have gone on." The rope Adhil was not at all frightened, and said, "If broke and Adhia joined his brothers. Next they I cannot cure the Princess, then take my came to a well. Adhia said "I am thirsty," head. If I cure her, then marry me to her and began to draw water, but the brothers and give me half the kingdom, as the King has pashed him from behind, and he fell in. They proclaimed." Adhii gave her the medicine, but left him there, and went on. In the well there first made his conditions sure. In a few days was a one-eyed demon,'' a pigeon, and a serpent. the Princess got well and was married to Adhi, In the night the three began to talk and Adhia and he got half the kingdom. The six brothers listened. The demon asked the serpent "What heard of this, and came to the Raja and told him is your power ?" The serpent said " I have the a wicked story about Adhia, and said "Adhia treasure of seven kings underneath me." And is of low caste."The Raja, hearing this, ordered the serpent asked the demon "What is your him to be turned out of the kingdom. But power ?" The demon said "A certain Raja's Adhia said "I am a king's son, and have the daughter is possessed of me. She is always ill." treasure of seven kings. Come with me and The demon then asked the pigeon "What is I'll show you." The Raja gave Adhia mules to your power ?" The pigeon said " Whosoever eats fetch the treasure, and Adhill went and fetched my dung will be cured of his disease whatever it the treasure. The King was very pleased, and is." Meanwhile the day broke and each of them gave him back his share of the kingdom. The went off to his own haunt. During the day a six brothers then began to say to each other, camel-driver came and sat down by the well, and 1 "Adhia got the treasure by falling into the went to get water from it. Adhia caught hold well, so let us throw ourselves in too." So of the rope, and the camel-driver looked into the they threw themselves in, and in the night the well. Adhill called out, "I am not an evil spirit, serpent, the pigeon, and the demon came tobuta mortal man : take me out if you are kind." gether. The pigeon saw its dung was not there, The camel-driver took him out. Adhia took and said " Feel round and see if any one is the pigeon's dang out with him, and went off to here." The six brothers were found inside, and the Raja's city, where the princess was lying ill, the demons said, "These are the thieves !" and and proclaimed that he was a physician. The ate them ap.us R.C.T. 15 The word used for demon here is carious. It is de Panj form. There are two words of similar form, but different sense, current in India, which have probably really become mixed among the illiterate :-(1) dev or deo also daf and dafv, Hindi from Sanskrit deva and daiva, a god, deity. Prak. devam, daivam and dafum, Lat deus and divus, Gr. Beos tbeos; and (2) dov (valgo deo), Persian, & giant, monster, demon. The latter is obviously the sense here. Regarding the evil spirita in the well; this is common belief in tbe Panjab about wells in the jangal or country. Town and village wells are not supposed to be thus possessed, eceept those haunted by churdle, a particular kind of ghost, of which more anon. 10 The word sed in the original tale for "watchman" is very remarkable, as showing the gradual incorporation of certain English terms into the common parlance of the country folk, it is w santri, our "sentry with a regularly formed plural o ils santrian. In this connection I may mention another peculiar word baruk with plu, barakhai, barracks, used in most Cantonment Courts. 19 When the brothers traduced Adhia by saying he was of " low caste," the word used is chumyar (Hindt Jl chammdr-any worker or dealer in leather), a leather-dealer, but frequently in the Panjab a sweeper, scavenger, lowcaste creature. 16 As before remarked, the narrator of this tale, too, seemed to forget towards the end, and said there was something about a witch which he could not remember. The fact is, I think, that there are current several tales with incidents like those in the present one, which have either become mixed up or have been fastened on to this "Seventh Son." The title "The Mother of Seven Sons" is that given by the narrator, who insisted on the title of the tale being in his vernacular "sat Bachydin dyan Minin." A more appropriate title would be "Adhil or the Seventh Son." with fact is, I thinz Witch which had, and said thale, too,

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MAY, 1881.] MISCELLANEA 153 572 B.C. MISCELLANEA. BUDDHIST CHRONOLOGY. much from the Milindapanha to call attention It is generally assumed that the chronology of to a conversation between Nagasena and the Southern Buddhists, according to which the Milinda, quoted by Buddhagosha in his oomNirvana of Gotama Buddha fell in the year 543 B. C., mentary on the Brahmdya-sutta (Majjhima-nickedyn is sixty or sixty-six years at fault, and that ii, 5, i) and which I identify with the substance of Nirvdna is an equivalent for death. the conversation recorded on pp. 168, 169, of the The earliest Buddhist texts, however, show that Milindapanha :Nirudna does not mean death,' but the "cessa "No maharaja Bhagava guyham dasseti, ch&tion of lust, delusion, and ignorance." We learn yam Bhagav& dassets ti" Commentary-(Turnoar from the Buddhavamsa and other books, that MS. fol. ni, line 6a). "Na maharaja Bhagava Gotama led a householder's life for 29 years, then guyham dassesi, iddhiya pana chayam dassesi ti" Het out and attained Nirvana under the sacred (Milindapanha, p. 169). Two other similar pastree. The Buddhavansa further states that sages on p. 169 might be quoted, but the Gotama did not live to a hundred years. identification is complete without them. It is The difference of 60 years in these two chrono noteworthy that no mention is here made of a logies may be therefore explained in this way work called the Milindapanha; all that Buddhathat in the rock inscriptions the date given is gosha says is "vuttam etam Nagasena-leren'era that of Gotama's death, the date of the Southern Milindarana putthena" (fol. ni, line 4a). chronology being that of his attaining to Nirvana. The Brahmdya-sutta deals with the thirty-two We have thus three dates fixed in the history superior characteristics of a great man. (See of Buddhism-viz., Hardy's Manual, pp. 334-87.) Gotama's birth in The qnotation from the Milindapanha treats His Nirvana in 343 , only of one of these characteristics. (See Hardy, And his death according to p. 382; Burnouf's Lotus, p. 572.) the inscriptions in 483, The subject is one that does not admit of any Orford: March 14, 1881. OSCAR FRANKPURTER, fuller discussion in the pages of the Academy." RICHARD MORRIS. BUDDHAGOSHA AND THE MILINDAPANHA. Lordship Lodge, Wood Green, London N., In the preface to the Milindapanha, the learned Dec. 28, 1880. editor makes the following remarks respecting the CURIOUS CAVE NEAR KANDAHAR. date of his author :- It (the Milindapanha) is It is called the Garh Semshed, and is situated older than the beginning of the fifth century, for about sixteen miles to the south-west, in the it is quoted by Buddha gosha, who, besides Panch-bhai range of hills, close to the left bank of it, mentions no writings but those of commen- the Argandab river. The entrance is about 300 tators, and to have acquired sufficient authority feet above the water. Near to the entrance the it cannot then have been of recent production." cave gets narrow, but after passing this it widens Doubtless Dr. Trenckner is in a position to be out into an ample space. In places there are deep able to furnish chapter and verse in support of chasms, where a stone, if thrown down, sounds as his interesting statement; but it seems a pity that it falls from side to side in its descent. In some he did not give, in a foot-note, the exact passage places the roof is fretted as if carved by the human in which Buddhagosha quotes the Milindapanha. hand; in other parts there are masses of stone In the absence of any such reference, it may which, although described as natural, are so like indeed be open to doubt whether Buddhagosha figures, that the natives call them "bats," or ever makes mention of any writing or composi. idols. Streams of water run through parts of this tion by the name of Milindapanha. That acute far-extending cave. The tradition connected with commentator may merely refer to some traditional this cave will be of interest to those who study the conversations between the sage Na gasena and subject of Serpent Worship. The people of Kanking Milinda, much in the same way as the dahar believe that in former times a great serpent Proverbs of Alfred were once quoted, long before, lived in the hills, and devoured the people. perhaps, there was any written collection of say. Hazrat Ali, whose name the Muhammadans have inge bearing his name. connected with everything wonderful in Afghani. Dr. Trenckner promises us a supplement to his stan-and that too in spite of its being impossible edition, which will, no doubt, supply the lacking he ever was in that part of the world-having reference. In the meantime it may not be deemed heard of this scourge, came to destroy him. As presumptuous on the part of one who has learnt soon as the serpent saw Hazrat Ali, he desired to From The Academy, March 19, 1891, p. 209. . From The Academy, Jan. 15, 1881.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. hide himself from the godlike gaze of the holy finding of some urns at the foot of the Bairat rock man, and forced his body into the hill, making a (p. 100) :passage through to the other side, at which he "I have now to mention a curious discovery I came out. Here Ali was ready, it seems, with his made in the ground immediately in front of the eye, and the serpent gave up the contest, and rock on which the inscriptions are, and close under became stone, his body in this form still remaining the larger inscription. There were two large on the top of the rock. Hazrat Ali then went over boulder stones half-buried in the ground, directly to the Khaibar district, and on his return he con under the larger inscription; and as the lowest verted all the people of Kandahar to the faith of line of this inscription was at the height of only one Islam. The name of "Garh Semshed" attached foot from the ground, I found the boulder stones to this shows that it had a legendary character very much in my way in standing to take an before the time of the Mubammadans, and the impression of the inscription. I consequently name of the hills, "Panch-bhai,"-that is, the Five ordered my men to dig the earth away from the Pandu Brothers, which the Hindus associate with boulder stones, and then to roll them out of the all natural wonders-is in itself clear evidence way..... I found a layer of smaller boulder that they also had traditions connected with this stones underneath them, amounting to perhaps very remarkable cave. The celebrated Begging half a dozen or more altogether. After removing Bowl of Buddha is said to be preserved at Kan these smaller stones I came to earth; and finding dahar. This sacred vessel became a kind of San- a small fragment of old pottery, I dug still deeper orail to the Buddhist, and was kept at one time in into the earth, and at a depth of about 2 feet below Peshawar. The reputed bowl at Kandahar might I the original position of the bottom of the larger require the eye of faith to accept it as the veritable boulder stones, or about 2-9' to below the dish, for it is made of porphyry, and is four feet surface of the ground, I discovered four earthen wide, and two feet deep. Bellew, in his work, vessels, which, on examination, I found to be From the Indus to the Tigris (p. 143), describes it, cinerary urns containing human bones. These and says that under the rim there is an indistinct vessels were placed regalarly in a line, all on the inscription of two lines, in Persian, in which can same level. Two of these earthen vessels were large be made out the words Shahryar (or Prince) and wide-mouthed; another was smaller or middleJalalu'd-din, also the word tarikh or "date." That sized, and had a narrow neck; and the fourth was is on the inside; the outside is covered with very sinall, and very narrow-mouthed. Could it be Arabic letters in four lines. It is kept in the possible that these cinerary urns and human bones shrine of the Sultan Wais. Kandahar is supposed might be in some way connected with the purpose by some to have been derived from Sekandar, the of the inscriptions immediately above them P" name by which Alexander the Great is known in Mr. Carlleyle then states his reasons for thinkIndia, and that he built the city, and that it was ing the boulder stones could not have been placed called after him; bat Gandhara is a name we find there by human agency, but by some flood, "and on the Indus in the Buddhist period. The dis consequently that the cinerary urns and bones trict round the present Peshawar has this name, may be of very great and unknown antiquity." and it is more probable that Kandahar comes from It is to be feared that antiquaries are occasionthis word than any other.-Correspondent, Daily ally led by a lively imagination into mistakes News, August 2, 1880. similar to Jonathan Oldbuck's. The placing of NOTES AND QUERIES. cinerary remains in earthen vessels and burying 3. SHEIKH FARID SHAKAR GANJ (ante, p. 93). them in some well marked spot until they can be In vol. II. p. 418 seq. of the Akbar-namah taken to the Ganges, is a well known practice (Lucknow lithogr. Ed. printed by order of the among Hindus. They may remain so buried for Maharaja of Patiala) there is a notice of Sheikh 1 two, three or even more years, but it is a solemn Farid Shakar Ganj, to whose tomb at Pak duty of their surviving relatives to carry these Pattan the emperor Akbar himself also paid a remains at length to the sacred river. Were visit in the 15th year of his reign. The heading not these urns, dug up at the Bairat rock, then, of the notice is this: the temporary burials of the preceding 3 or 4 yearsP Probably they each bore rudely scratched writing indicating whose son, brother, or wife cach contained the remains of. That they were E. REHATSEK. such is borne out by the testimony of the neigh6. CINERARY URNS, ANCIENT OR MODxRN.-Inbouring villagers who complained shortly after of Gen. Cunningham's Archeological Report, vol. VI, the sacrilege committed by the white visitor who Mr. Carlleyle gives the following account of the dug up the relics of their dead. dhkr mjhly z Hwl drt shykh fryd shkhr gny qds srh

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MAY, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 155 BOOK NOTICES. THE BOMBAY Gazetteer: Vol. XII. Khandesh. Bombay | Khandesh still remain to be explored in an archaeoGovernment Central Press, 1880. logical sense. The Gazetteer volume under review is certainly Bat the present volume is welcome as showing the worthiest of notice in these columns which how much has been done in the interval alluded has yet appeared in Bombay. Of the previous to; and above all, for the great improvement in volumes, only that on Ahmadabad has dealt with the manner of treating such subjects in official so interesting a region or been nearly so well papers visible by a comparison of it with, for compiled. And contributors and editor have instance, the Bombay Census Report for 1872. in this instance had advantages denied even to those who described the Queen of Gujarat. The opening passages on Physical Geography are weak. Take, for instance, the unscientific treat A SKETCH of the HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. By E. G. LYALL, M.A., C.I.E., of the Bengal Civil Service. (Edinment of the basin of the Tapti, as a part of the burgh, A. and C. Black : 1890.) Deccan plateau and the curious description of the This pamphlet was written as an article for the south-eastern (Berar and Nimar) frontier as not new edition of the Encyclopaedia Brittanica, but having any marked natural boundary; whereas the treatment of the subject being too minute and the greater part of it is defined by the deep and detailed for the purpose of that work, the article wide Purna River and the bluff face of the Hatti has been issued in a separate form. The author Hills. does not profess to have advanced much that is The paragraphs upon the Flora and Fauna which new or original; but if he has not contributed follow are also meagre, and in places inaccurate, new matter, he at least deserves the credit of which is the more to be regretted, as the field is having written a careful and accurate digest of the very rich. results which have been reached in a department But when we come to the ethnology we find a of philology which has only quite recently engaged great deal of careful compilation, and some very the attention of scholars such as Trumpp, Hoernle, valuable and original remarks, especially those Beames, and Kellog, and in which very much yet relating to the Ahir basis of the population, now remains to be done. for the first time published. The relation of the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars to In Archaeology and History the writers of this the Sanskrit and the Prakrit, and the influence volume have been fortunate, not only in their pro- which non-Aryan languages have had on their vince, but in the fact that part of it has been development, are interesting subjects of study to recently worked over by the Archaeological Survey Indian philologists. It is the historical developand Mr. Griffiths of the School of Art. They are ment of one of these vernaculars, viz. Hindustani, much to be congratulated on having overleapt which Mr. Lyall discusses in his sketch, and we their official boundary so far as to include Ajanta, can heartily recommend the perusal of it to all Ghatotkach and Asirgarh in the scope of their students of this very important and widely spoken work ; and it is only to be regretted that they have Indian language. Hindustani. as the term is ne not extended the trespass to the caves of the Pital. by Mr. Lyall, includes both Hindi, or, as it is khora; to which they were equally entitled upon called in its literary form by the natives of India, geographical grounds; and because, until the Bhasha, and also Urdd, which is substantially the arrival of the Archaeological Survey, all our know. same as Hindt in its grammatical structure, but ledge of these remains was due to Khandesh derives a large number of its vocables from the officers. These caves are only incidentally men- Persian, and through the Persian from the Arabic. tioned; and the detailed account of the caves of Taken in this wide sense, Hindustani is the Bhamer is poor, and it is only from a casual re- mother tongue of no fewer than one hundred mark that we learn their true value as Jaina millions of the people of India, while no other remains. language spoken in that country can claim more Caves are mentioned at Balsene in Nizampur, than one-third of that number. but not described. When the present writer was Of Hindi there are twelve typical dialects all there nine years ago, he found none. But there spoken at the present day, while there are others ought to be some in the neighbourhood, as there no longer spoken, but preserved to us in the are two villages called Vehargaum ; a name which poetical works of Chand, Kabir, Sar Das, and in many cases indicates the former existi.ce of Talsi Das. Many of these spoken dialects have a Vihara. no literature, and it is mainly to the literary The truth is that the more remote paits of Hindi, or the high Hindi as it is called, and to

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1881. Urda, that reference is made in this sketch in discussing the formation and development of the Hindustani. It is not consistent with the limits and purpose of this notice to enter into details. For this we must refer our readers to the sketch itself. We may, however, remark that in the first half of his pamphlet, Mr. Lyall discusses the numerous and important phonetic changes which have taken place in the organic structure of Hindi words, derived from the Sanskrit and Prakrit. The comparative philologist will find much that is interesting here, and also in the latter half of the sketch, in which the author discusses the changes which the grammatical forms, chiefly as seen in the inflexion of nouns and conjugation of verbs, have undergone. We warmly commend the pamphlet to all interested in the vernaculars of India. R. VEDICA UND LINGUISTICA. Von THEODOR BENFEY, Strassburg and London : 1880. In this little volume the veteran philologist preBents us with fourteen papers on various subjects connected with Vedic and linguistic studies, which were originally published in the Gottinger Nachrichten during the last four years, and all of which will no doubt prove more or less interesting and instructive to Sanskritists and comparative philologists. Though some few of our readers may have seen the papers, as they originally appeared, scholars generally will be glad to get them in their present collected form, and will pro- bably concur in our wish that the example set by the author and a few other scholars, in throwing together, from time to time, papers contributed by them to different journals, were more generally followed. This would no doubt enable a consider. able number of students who rarely have an op- portunity of seeing foreign journals, to keep up to some extent with the progress of philological and comparative research. Thus, we have often wondered why Professor Roth and Dr. A. Kuhn have never thought of reprinting, in a collected form, their important essays on mythological and philological subjects which have so materially contributed to our knowledge of Indian and IndoEuropean antiquity, and most of which can scarcely be said to be accessible, except to comparatively few scholars. How many students had ever seen any of the late Professor Goldstucker's papers, before they were republished after the author's death, that is, in the case of most of them, some fifteen or twenty years after they originally appeared in periodicals and encyclopaedias ? In one of his papers, Professor Benfey deals with the problem of the origin of language from what may be called the naturalist point of view. To him--and in this a good many linguistic scholars will probably go with him-the difference between articulate human speech and inarticulate animal language generally is merely one of degree, and not one of kind; and is much the same, as for instance, that between the upright gait of man and the horizontal gait of animals. Hence, in regard to the origin of language, we should not have to deal at all with a special human problem, but the solution should be sought for much further back, and the question becomes rather one of a higher or lower development of organism. As to the first beginnings of articulate speech, Professor Benfey seems to be inclined to assign to it an interjectional, or emotional, origin. Another paper deals with the interesting question as to the original accentuation of the present indicative of the verbs as (io, cipi) to be, and bhd (pa, onui) to shine or speak. Professor Benfey's opinion is that these, as other yerbs, had originally the accent on the radical syllable; and not, as in Sanskrit, on the radical syllable in the singular (or gunated), and on the personal terminations in the dual and plural (or weak) forms. We very much doubt, however, whether his argumentation will convince many linguistic students, and whether they will not rather adhere to the prevalent opinion that in this respect, as in many others, the Sanskrit has preserved the original state of IndoEuropean accentuation. Professor Benfey seems to us to lay far too great stress on the accentuations of the third person plural in Greek, where the original termination anti has practically been reduced to syllable oi; and to the second person singular imperative (which in Greek has irregularly the accent on the penultimate), since this form. like the vocative of nouns, might easily be assumed to be liable to an exceptional treatment on account of its quasi-interjectional nature. Like Professor Benfey, we consider the personal terminations as enclitics; but we further believe that the dunl and plural, as well as the middle, terminations containing (at least) two pronominal elements, an accentual law similar to that applying to Greek enclitics, asserted itself, and the first of the two pronominal elements received the word accent. Professor Benfey's suggestions in regard to single passages and words of the Rigveda will, most of them, probably meet with general approval; but we must forbear at present to enter on any other of the questions raised by the author. J. E.

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June, 1881.] A NEW KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTION. 157 A NEW KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTION BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. THE new Kshatrapa inscription which I difference observable lies in the spelling of 1 publish below, was discovered last year by Rudrasimha's name. The form sihn is, Major J. Watson, President of the Rajasthanik however, a very common substitute for siniha. Court of Kathiavad, whose services to ancient The date Sam 102 is not a new one, as it history I have had to acknowledge so frequent- occurs on several of Rudrasimha's coins. Is. The stone on which it is incised, was It must be noted that no earlier year has hitherto found at Gunda in Kathiavad, at the bottom been found on the coins of this king, while the of an old unused well. Major Watson caused latest is Sam 117. It is, therefore, very probable it to be taken to Rajkot, and an eye-copy as that our inscription was incised soon after well as a transcript into Devanagari to be prepar. Rudrasimha's accession to the throne. cd by his able assistant, Pandit Vallabhacharya. Provisionally the date may be referred with The Pandit had done his work so well that Mr. Bhau Daji and others to the Saka ern and when Major Watson sent the inscription to me be taken to be equivalent to 180 A.D. for consideration, I could find but one important The fact that the person who caused the inmistake, which occurred both in the copy and scription to be incised, Senapati (general) the transcript of the passage containing the date. Rudrabhuti, son of Sena pati Baha kit, This he had rendered as .. yuttarasatetarah was an Abhira by caste, possesses some vairakha, etc. I at once informed Major interest, as it shows that the Abhiras, though Watson that varshe doyuttarasate san Y: (102) belonging to a tribe which the Brahmanas had to be read. On comparing the passage pretend to despise, rose under the Kshatra again with the original, the Pandit admitted to high offices, and that they assumed distinctly the correctness of my conjecture, and later, when I received a paper impression of the first Transcript. three lines of the inscription, I personally (1) FAZ TTT AK ATTITRI satisfied myself that the signs following .... sate are really a y: i. e. Sa(vi) 102, while T R T ATTETHETET the first portion of the combination deyu[ttara] | (1) rAjJo mahAkSatrapasya sAmirudradAmaputrasya rAjJo is very indistinct. I have now no hesitation in publishing the document, though I am not able kSatrapasya svAmirudrato furnish a facsimile, and thereby to settle the (1) sIhasya varSe jhuttarazatesa: vaizAkhazuddhapaMcamI exact spelling of a few words, and to show dhanyatithau zravaNanakSaexactly the stage which the Kshatrapa alphabet (') tramuharte AbhAraNa senApatibAhakasya putreNa had reached in the year 102. As far as I can jndge from the eye-copy, the letters resemble senApatirudrabhUtinA gramarasothose of the Jasdan pillar inscription much (3) padre hRdArthe khanita baMndhApitazca sarvasatvAnA more closely than those of the Junagadh edict. The preamble of the new inscription confirms hitamukhArthamiti || the information given by the three already Translation. published Sasanas regarding the first four Hail! In the year one hundred and two, Kshatrapa rulers. We have again the same Samvat 102, of the king Kshatrapa Svami order, Rndrasiha (Rudrasimha), son of the king 1. Chashtana, Mahakshatrapa Svami Rudra di man, grand2. Ja ya da man, son of the king Kshatrapa Svami Jaya da man, 3. Rudrada man, and great-grandson of the king Mahakshatrapa 14. Rudrasimha, Svimi Chashtana, on the fifth day of the and the assertion that each of the three last light half of the month Vaisakha, on the lunar kings was the son of his predecessor. The only day (called) Dhanya, in the Sravana-nakshatraL. 1,read : 9474. L. 2, read TIT: TEL. 5, read wat a rt. 16. L. 8, read HEFT . L. 4 read the

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. muhurta, Senapati (general) Rudrabhuti, son of Senapati Bahaka, an Abhira, caused an excavation to be made and an embankment SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS OF GUJARAT KINGS. No. I. THE DOHAD INSCRIPTION OF THE CHAULUKYA KING JAYASIMHA-DEVA. BY H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., DAKSHINA FELLOW, GUJARAT COLLEGE; WITH NOTE BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. During the late famine in the Panch Mahals, when relief works were carried on at Dohad and other places, some small Jaina images were turned up at the Chhabua tank with two or three lines of inscription at their feet, bearing date Samvat 1231 (A. D. 1175). Thus No. 1 reads :- // saMvat 1231 adyeha .... desI neminAthasya karApitaH mahaMta ...... [JUNE, 1881. to be thrown up for a tank in the village Raso padra, for the welfare and comfort of all living beings. 2:- pratimAM paramAcArya ..... 3:- AnaMdasurI [ sUri] pratiSThitaH harSasura [ sUri] baMzodbhava navA.....) They were fixed on the bank of the tank in a prominent position, and the discovery of these led to that of an inscription, lying unnoticed, and almost buried in a heap of rubbish, by a nephew of the Mamlatdar's, Mr. D. P. Derasari, who prepared copies of it for me. I also personally visited the place and made rubbings and tracings of the same. The inscription is lying close to the Avana, or sluice of the tank. It is about a foot and a half or so high, and carved on a stone-pillar, buried in the embankment, among a mass of cattle dung. But, protected as it is almost on all sides by the high banks from exposure to the effacing action of the rains, it has suffered but little. The only effacements we find are about the close of the line 3, and the middle of lines 5 and 6, but they are not at all serious. It is in plain Sanskrit, with no touch of the grandiloquence so usual in such cases. About a half of it is in metre, the verses being all unushtubh except the third, which is an ary measure; and the rest is in prose. The characters are clear, bold, Kayastha-Nagari. The language is correct, with some few irregularities in grammar in lines 3 and 6. The first I am inclined to read as proposed by Dr. Buhler, sesheva meant for seshamiva. Sesha (Gujarati sesha f.) is the remnant of the offerings to a deity, distributed among the worship. pers as a Prasadi-a special gift of favour, which they touch their foreheads with, and treasure up as sacred. Then ujnu means commands, behests,' Gujarati ana, which Col. Tod in his Rajasthan translates, by the phrase, oath of allegiance, indicative of the suzerainty of the King whose an it is a mark of his supremacy, "the Northern Kings are made to bear on their heads like the sacred Sesha (ajnam sirasi sesheva vahita uttare uripah), with which it is compared." The second irregularity is in 1. 6. Prof. Kathvate is inclined to read it senapatiteamaprapi, where the form aprupi is used in the active sense,of prapat, which it cannot have, being the passive form of the aorist of ap with pra; and it has the sign of the aorist a before the preposition pra of the verb a-p, which is not grammatical. The writer may have taken prapthough wrongly-as one word. But the mark over ma-probably an anusvara disfigured, inclined me to read ff. And the reading pra instead of tva is perhaps countenanced by a like form of which is very frequently a mislection for observable in Dr. Buhler's Mularaja grant. And with this reading the second irregularity disappears, though the grammar of the verbal form prupi is faulty in sense. In the latter part of the line 9 there occurs godrahakety-a-mahamandalesvara, &c. The tya is an affix indicative of place. The whole may be considered a compound-Godrahaketya, formed like manasija, &c., or it may be taken as a derivative like amatya, dakshinatya, paurastya, paschatya, formed by tya with Godrahake.1 In that case Godrahaketya may stand as an attributive to Mahamandalesvara, &c., meaning the great Mandales vara, or Viceroy of Jayasimhadeva, stationed at God rahaka (Godhra). I was inclined to read it as Godrahaketra, &c."at Godhra, this day, Samvat 1202, Rana Compare Lundava sunetya vatika and Rapapuretya vatika in Visaladiva's Grant, p. II, 1. 8-Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 211.

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JUNE, 1881.J with the favour of the Viceroy, &c. " But I am not positive about it. It may be read so, or the other reading be preferred. The inscription purports to be a grant of landthree halas, (ploughs,) a measure frequently met with in the Chaulukya grants,-by a Rana towards the religious services of a temple of the god Goga Narayana, instituted six years previously by a Governor resident at Dadhipadra (Dohad) for the well-being of his mother. This Narayana may be placed in the same category with Ballala and Rupa Narayana of Visaldeva's Inscription, No 11 of Dr. Buhler's Chaulukya grants. The site of the temple is reported to have been at Govalio-chotro, at the confluence of the Khar wo and the river Dehmai, at a short distance from the Chhabua Tank. Such Chotras may be seen scattered all over the country. The Chotra in question marks, as the people report, the remains of a temple of Lakshmi-Narayana, and it corresponds with the indications in the inscription. Godraha ka is obviously Godhra written in Gujarati, Godhara, the drahaku of it having for its vernacular dhura. This town is mentioned also in & Valabhi grant noticed by Dr. Buhler, and DOHAD INSCRIPTION OF KING JAYASIMHA-DEVA. The Dohad Inscription of Jayasimha-deva. // 2 3 [+] U~ namo bhagavate vAsudevAya zrIjayasiMhadevasta bhU[] po gUrjaramaMDale / / yena yena kArAgRhe vimo surASTrAmavezvarI // 15 // [] anyeyutsAditA yena siMdhurAjAdayo nRpAH / AtAM zirasi zeva (sic) bA [+] hitA uttare nRpAH ||2|| ahilapATakanagaraM suramaMdirarudvataraNihaya[5] mArga / yasyAsti rAjadhAnI rAjoyodhyeva rAmasya || 3 || etasyAM pRthivInA[]thAt kezavo vAhinIpatiH / senApatikramaM (?) vApi (sic) dadhipadrAdimaMDale || 4 || [2] anena dadhipasthibhiyukto maMcidIkSitaH / goganArAyaNaM cakre jana[0] nyA: zreyase kRtI // 5 // [zrInRparikramasaMvat 1196 zrIgoganArAyaNa[] devaH pratiSThitaH / asya devasya pUjArtha saM0 1202 godrahakevyamahAmaMDa [10] lezvarazrIvapanadevaprasAdAdavAptaprabhvA0 rANa0 sAMkarasIhena kuMbha[] loDapathakamadhye AzviliyA koDAsA me halatrayasya bhUmi- pra dadhimatI nAma nadI uttarasyAM di [["] dattA | aspAghATAH pUrvasyAM dizi [13] zi kSAravahaH // * Line 3 ought to read zetra. bhiva. (a) mUddhizeSA-khAmivanyAsthanijAmAjJAM mahIpatiH Marddhni Sesh-Kh&-miva nyfathannijamfjnam mahipatih. (Verse 520, Canto III of Kumarapila bhupala Charita Mahakavya of Sri Jayasimhadeva Suri); and also (b) tadAgatya tadAjJAtvaM zArSavazeSAtvamApaya Tadagatya tndajin 159 in the Kirttikaumudi recording the history of Viradhaval, and his ministers. Dadhipadra is our modern Doha d-Dohad not being a derivative of the Sanskrit form, though it means "Of the two frontiers," situated as it is on the skirts of Gujarat and Malwa, the vernacular representative of Dadhipad ra being Deh vada-Dahoda. The name has a parallel in Sathoda near Dabhoi which Sastri Vrijlal Kalidas traces to Sanskrit Shat-padra, and which gives its name to the community of Sa thodra Nagars. Dohad is also called D ad hipura in the inscriptions of the last two centuries found there. The town is like Ahmadabad, rich in traditions about the Rishi Dad hichi of mythic celebrity. Its Pauranik topography may be gathered from the Harishchandra Purana, which I chanced to see there. The district of Ubhlod takes its name from the modern A bhlod, about twelve miles from Dohad. As viliya is perhaps represented by the modern Nimanalia Rabdal, and Koda-gra ma by the present Ga doi,-a kos or so to the south of Dohad. Ksharavaha is the stream Khar wo, and the Dadhimati the river Deh ma i. (sic) tvam Siihe Seshitvamanaya. V. 80, Canto VIJI, of the same. The above can be rendered thus : (u)"The King planted, placed, or deposited his ja ana on the head like the Sesha or Sekh." (b) " Do thou cause his ains to be borne on the head, having then come up to him." The poem is an old poem by a Jaina writer. I have lately laid my hands upon it. I hope to give some day analysis of it.-H. H. D.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. Translation. Viceroy at Godrahaka (P) SrivapanaOm! Om! Salutation to the worshipful Visu- | deva, Sam. 1202 (A. D. 1146). Fendatories like deva! (1) The Illustrious Ja ya simha deva Rana Sam karasi ha are also on the best is the ruler in the land of Gurjara, who threw terms with his agents and representatives in into prison the Lords of Surashtra and M&- the conquered provinces. There is general lava. (2) He who destroyed other kings as peace about this time. The version of the Sindhu ra ja and others, (and) made the Kings inscription may be read in the light of the of the North bear his comm.ands (respectfully) on | account of the reign of the king by Somesvaratheir heads, like the Sesha--the remnants of offer- deva, the author of Kirttikaumudi which Prof. ings.* (8) He, whose metropolis is the city Kathvate of the Gujarat College is now editing Anahila pataka, in which city the temples of -- from which the following verses (sarga ii) the gods are so high as to obstract the path of are here transcribed :the horse of the Sun, as Ayodhya is that of Rama! abhirAmaguNagrAmo rAmo dazarathAdiva (4)ThereVahini pati Kesava obtained from the King the commission (?) of a Senipati over | sUnuHzrIjayasiMhosmAjjAyatesma jagajjayI // 23 // the provinces of Dad hipad ra, &c. (5) The zizanApi sanAsIravIravRttimatIyuSA wise and good Mantri, appointed by him at this Dadhipa dra established (the temple of) ruSA bhujiSyatAM nItAH pizunA yena bhuubhujH|| 24 // Goga-Narayana for the good of his mother. | apArapauruSodgAraM khaMgAraM gurumatsaram The divine Goga-Narayana was instituted saurASTra piSTavAnAjI kariNaM kesarIva yaH // 25 // in the year Samvat 1196 of King Vikrama's era (A. D. 1140). In Samvat 1202 (A. D. 1146) asaMkhyaharisainyena prakSiptAnekabhUbhRtA Rina Sankara siha, who attained to baddhaH sindhupatiyena vaidehIdayitena vA // 26 // grentness under the good graces of the Mahimandalesvara Sri Vapana-devar amarSaNaM manaH kurvan vipakSobhRidunnatI residing at Godraha ka, gave three plonghs agastya iva yastUrNamarNorAjamazoSayat / / 27 / / of land in the village of Asviliya-Koda, in the district of Ubhlod, for (the expenses of) gRhItA duhitA tUrNamarNorAjasya viSNunA the worship of this god. The land is bounded | dattAnena punastasmai bhedobhUdubhayorayaM // 28 // on the east by the River Dadhimati and on dviSAM zIrSANi lanAni dRSTA tatpAdayoH puraH the north by the Kshara v a ha. Again there is a prasasti on the Arjuna-bari | cakre zAkaMbharIzopi zaMkitaHpraNataM ziraH / / 29 // of the Samela Tank at Warnagadh (Vadnagar) mAlavasvAmina prauDhalakSmIparivaDha: svayaM said to be dated in Sam. 1208, by the court poet samityaparamAro yaH paramArAnamArayat // 30 // Sripala, who styles himself kSiptvA dhArApati rAjazukavatkASThapaMjare zrIsiddharAjapratipannabandhuH yaH kASThapaMjare kIrtirAjahaMsInyavIvizat / / 32 / / zrIpAlanAmA kavicakravartI ekaiva jagRhe dhArAnagarI naravarmaNaH But of this inscription anon. The present dattA yenAzrudhArAstu tadvadhUnAM sahasrazaH // 32 // one furnishes us with a contemporary record of the extent of the conquests of Sri Jayasi- Verse 23.-"From him (king Karna) was born a li ad dva. He has already cast into prison the son, the glorious Jayasimha, the conqueror of rulers of Surashtra and M Alwa: destroy- the world, a world of the most excellent qualities, ed the kings of Sindhu-desa-and others, | like Rama from Dasaratha."* v. 24.-"He, who aad has for his feutrl vassals the king of the out of anger reduced to vassalage the slanderNorth! Kesava his commissioner for Dad hi- ous kings, excelling even when young the heropadra and other districts is in military com- ism of Sunasira." 25.-"He, who reduced to mand at Dohad, San, 1196 (A. D. 1140),-and atoms in war the very imperious King of appoints a Mantri uuder hiroself. There is a Sorath, Khangara, of abundant valour, us * Offered to a god and distributed among his devotees, that cannot be refused and tout are received with great respect. Here mark the parallel simile of Rama and Jayasia baders as in the inscription, verse 3.

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JUNE, 1881.] DOHAD INSCRIPTION OF KING JAYASIMHA DEVA. 161 the lion does the elephant." 26.-"Either | obligation to Dr. Bubler for his valuable suggeshe or the Lord of Vaidehi bound the Lord of tions and assistance, and also to R. S. Ochbavthe Sindhus or rivers, or the lord of ram Madha vram, late Mamlatdar of Dohad. Sindhu-desa, with a coumtless host of Haris? In Goga Narayana, Goga appears to be a name (i. e. cavalry,) casting down many bhubhrits,' or of some one of the ancestors of the Mantri, the kings." 27.-"Not relenting in his mind in founder of the temple; as Goga is a name very the matter of the hostile king's rise_he like common with the Rajputs of the times, such the sage Agastya instantaneously dried up or as that of the Goga who with his forty-seven sons destroyed Arno Raja." 28.-" This was fell fighting bravely in defending the passage the only difference between him and Vishnu. of the Satlej against Mahmud's invasion, a The daughter of Arnoraja-(the ocean)- short notice and a representation of whose Lakshmi was taken to wife by Vishna, and statue we have in Tod's Rajasthana, vol. I, p. 720. Arnoraja the king gave her in marriage to And giving names to gods or temples of gods him." 29.-" Seeing the decapitated heads newly instituted by the founder from his own of enemies lying at his feet the lord of name or from that of his ancestor is a practice Sakambhari (Sambhar) too, out of fear, not uncommon in this country. bowed down his head to him." 30.-"He beat down in battle the Parama ras, another NOTE ON THE DOHAD INSCRIPTION. Mara, A para mara, as he was, the betrothed BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. of tho regal fortune of the ruler of Mala v 4." Mr. Dhruva has rendered an important 31.-"He threw the Lord of Dhar a into a service to those interested in the history of wooden cage like a royal parrot, and at Gujarat by the pnblication of the Dohad inthe same time he made the royal swan of his scription given above. The inscription not fame enter the cage of the universe-all the only reveals the ancient name of the western directions." 32.--"He took but a single frontier town of the Panch Mahals, but Dhar a, the city of Naravarman-but he throws some light on the connexion of the gave thousands of dharus (streams) of tears by it Chaulu kya rulers with the whole Zilla. to his wives." We learn that in the twelfth century, just as We thus see how closely the two accounts now Godhra (Godrahaka) was the chief of the acts of Jayasinha deva agree with town of the district and the seat of a Mahathat of the contemporaneous inscription and the mandalesvara, a great feudatory or baron, poem of a century later or more. under whom Thakors, like Rana SankaraSo this Inscription notes that in Sam. 1202 siha of u bhlod, held smaller districts. (A. D. 1146) "king Jayasinha deva was We, farther, hear that the Cbaulukya lord alive." The date of the death of the same king paramount appointed a Senapati or military according to the Rasa Mald is Sam. 1199, while commander to the district, including in that Tod mentions Sid Rae as ruling over cbarge the town of Dadhi padra (DehGujarat from Samvat 1150 to 1201. In the vad-Dohad). This fact indicates that the Kumarapala Inscription that Tod quotes in an Malamandalesvara of Godhra was not left alappendix the year is read as Sam. 1207, while together free, and that, very probably, Thanas, it is mentioned in the work itself as bearing held by Chaalukya soldiers, existed all date Sam. 1206. through the district. The object of this arSo far as the present inscription goes, we may rangement is not doubtful, if it is borne in mind safely hold that King Jayasinha de va was that one of the great routes from Gujarat the ruler of Gujarat and other countries in Sam. into Malva passes through the Panch 1202 or A. D. 1145-6. Mahals, that Dohad lies just on the frontier I have only to add here the expression of my of Malva, and that the relations between Malva 6 4. e. the ocean in the case of Rama. 14. e. monkeys forming the army of R&ma. . i. e. mountains in the case of Rama. . Cf. verse 2 of our inscription. 10 In the rise of the mountain Vindhya, that had made obeisance to the age and was told by the latter to remain go till he returned, bereft as Vindya was of his Pakshas or Lord of the waters in the case of Agastya, a king of that name in that of Jayasinha. 13 Vide Annals of Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 98, note. 13 Ibid. pp. 266 and 808.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. and Gujarat were during the whole period of to connect the sentence The illustrious the Chaalukya rule exceedingly hostile. Jayasimha is the ruler of Gujarat,' with From the reign of Cha manda down to this date only. This can be done without the times of Visala de va, the chronicles and imputing to the author of the inscription any inscriptions speak of constant wars and inroads laxity in the use of the tenses, by assuming of the Pramaras into Gujarat and of the that the first part of the inscription down to Chaulukyas into Malva. During the pratishthitah (1. 10), was originally a separat : reigns of Bhimadeval, Karnadeva I, document, written in 1196, to which the Jayasimha and Kumarap a la the Chau- second part was added in 1202 when Rana lukyas had the best of it in this contest, and Sankarasih a made his donation. Similar succeeded almost in destroying the Pramara instances of additions to older documents are not power and annexing their country to Gujarat. uncommon, and they are made either by simply If we now hear that Jayasimha appointed adding a few lines to the older inscription or a senapati for the province of Dadhipa dra by copying the latter afresh together with the and other districts, it is clear that he did it in addition containing the new facts. A careful order to protect the highroad to Mandu and examination of the stone and of the letters Dhar, to keep it clear for his own troops and would be necessary in order to decide if the to guard against incursions from this side. pillar on which the Dohad inscription is This is, in my opinion, the chief value of the engraved belonged to the temple of Gogainscription. I do not agree with Mr. Dhruva nar a yana or not, and if the letters of the in thinking that it throws a new light on the last lines show any little differences from length of Jayasinha's reign, and proves those of the first ten. Bat, however this may him to have been living in Samvat 1202. be, I feel no hesitation in giving it as my Merutunga states in the Prabhandhachin- decided opinion that we have here an inscriptamani that Jayasimha died in Samvat tion consisting of two parts composed or 1199. In the Vicharasreni the same author written in different years, and that the inscripgives the date of Jayasimba's death as tion asserts nothing more about JayaSamyat 1199, Karttika sudi 3, and that of his simh a's reign, but that he ruled over Gujarat successor's coronation as Samvat 1199 Mar- in 1196 Vikrama, a statement which quite gasira sudi 4. These detailed statements of agrees with Merutunga. a writer who drew his information from the In conclusion I must state that I differ from writings of Ramachandra and other con- Mr. Dhruva in the interpretation of v. 5, and temporaries of Siddharaja and Kumarapala can, that I translate it as follows, The virtuous in my opinion, be discredited only by much (man) who was appointed to this town of) stronger evidence than that furnished by the Dadhipadra and made a Mantri by him Dohad inscription. The latter contains two (ie. Jayasinha ) built for the good of his distinct parts, a metrical and a prose one, and mother (the temple of) Goga-N & ra ya na. two different dates, Samvat 1196 and Samvat In my opinion senapati Kesava was the builder 1202. The statement that the illustrious of the temple, not some underling of his. Jayasimha d & va is king of Gujarat,' Mantridikshitah means either mantri asau diloccurs in the metrical portion which treats shitascha, who was a Mantri and a Dikshita only of the dedication of the temple of Goga- (Soma-sacrificer or a descendant of a Soma sacrinara yana in Samvat 1196. Considering ficer)' or mantritre dikshitah, who was initiated the repeated statements of Merutunga regard- as i.e. made a Mantri (by the king).'Mr. Dhrava's ing Jayasimha's death, it seems to me advisable rendering does not seem to me admissible. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 182.) No. XCIX. Pattad a-Kisu volal, was, though not a Pattadakal, the ancient Kisa volal or capital city, a place of considerable importance * The rubbing shows no marked difference; but it is apparently made with a pencil, and is not quite satisfactory. - Er

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June, 1881.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS 163 in the time of the Western Chalukyas. It is broad. A facsimile, from the estampage taken situated in Lat. 15deg 57' N. and Long. 75deg 52' E., by myself, is published herewith. From the on the left bank of the Malaprabha, in the type of the characters, the engraying of the Badami Taluku of the Kaladgi District, about inscription was evidently synchronous with eight miles to the east by north from Badami. the building of the temple. Dr. Burnell has As regards its ancient name,-patada means stated that " a feature common to all the later of the (regal) fillet or turban,' i, e., as we inscriptions of the Western Chalukyas, but which should say, 'of the crown,' or of the antinting does not occur in any others, is a marked slope of (of the king),' i. e., as we should say, "of the the letters to the right. The Eastern Chaluky& coronation.' Holal or holalu means '& city character is, on tho other hand, remarkably square And, in Kisu volal, the first two syllables may and upright; this distinction is quite sufficient, perhaps be kisu, 'a ruby. In the Bili Talnka after A. D. 650" ( Saka 572)" to show the origin of the Belgaum District, there is a village called of an inscription." This slope of the letters to Manikwad, i.e. Manikyavada, the town of the right is certainly & characteristic of the rubies'; and, according to inscriptions, the Western Chalukyacopper-plategrants after about ancient name of Managalli, the Mongolee' of the the above date. Bat the facsimiles which I am maps, in the Indi or the Bagewadi Taluka of the now publishing show that, as regards the inscripKaladgi District, was Manigavalli in Canarese tions on stone, it depends entirely upon the and Manikyavalli in Sanskrit,' both meaning idiosyncracy of the individual engraver, and that, the hamlet of rubies'; and probably many therefore, even in the copper-plate grants, it is similar names might be found by searching the not to be taken as indicating any radical change maps. In the modern name, Pattadakal, kal is in the type of the Western Chalukya alphabet. probably, not an abbreviation of Kisuvolal, but In stone-tablets, for instance, it is discernible in kallu, 'a stone', which enters into the names of No. Cl. below, an inscription of Vijayaditya BO many villages in the Canarese country, and and Vikramaditya II., and in Nos. CII. and CV. the word then means the stone of the anointing below, other inscriptions of Vikramaditya II. or coronation.' But it is not discernible at all in the present The architectural remains at Pattadakal have and the next inscription, or in No. LVIII. at already been described by Mr. Burgess in the Vol. VIII., p. 285, which are inscriptions of the First Archosological Report, pp. 28 &c. In the same king; or in No. XCIV. at p. 102 above, present paper I shall give an account of all the and in No. LVII. at Vol. VIII, p. 284, which inscriptions known to be extant here, nearly all are other inscriptions of Vijayaditya; in these of which were examined by me in person in the instances the characters are of the square and season of 1876-7. apright type which Dr. Barnell.considers to The largest, though not the oldest, temple is have become, at that period, the distinctive that of the god Virupaksha, or, as we learn from characteristic of the Eastern Chalukya alphathe inscriptions, originally of Lokesvara. And bet. the present inscription and the next tell us that In addition to recording the name of Gunda it was built by the Sutradhari Gunda for as the builder of the temple, this inscription, as Lokamah & devi, the queen-consort of the also the next, seems to be intended to record the Western Chalu kya king Vikramaditya readmission into caste of the artisans of the II. in commemoration of her husband having locality, who had been outcasted for some act three times conquered Kanchi, or the Pallava which is not stated. The purport of this king whose capital was at Kanchi. portion hinges entirely upon the meaning to be The present Old-Canarese inscription is in given to the word balligavarte, or perhaps, as the eastern gateway of the courtyard of the it is written in line 6 of No. C., balligavarte. temple, on the front face of a pilaster on the It is not a dictionary word, and I cannot find right or north side of the doorway. The anything approaching to it in the dictionaries writing covers a space of 3' 3' high by 2' 13' Therefore, -thongh Mr. Venkat Rang) Katti Elliot, MS. Collection, vol. I., p. 746. the master-carpenter, or master-mason; the architect.' * Id., vol. II, p. 870. * Pari, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions, No. 58. * The sutradhdry or Satragrant, the holder of the South Indian Palaeography, p. 20. thread; the measurer, was the assistant of the Sthapati,

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (Jung, 1881. says that it sounds to him like the Dravidian though this meaning suits the context, -yet equivalent of the Sanskrit bahishkdra, and this interpretation must not be accepted as conveys to him the meaning of that word; and altogether certain. Transcription. ['] Svasti Vikramaditya-sri[') pri(pri)thivivallabha-mahadevi[') yara degulamin ma(ma)aida stradhari L"] Sri-Gandan anivarit-ichari['] ge mume-perjjerepu-pattamu Tribhuvanachari. [deg] y=endu pesar=ittu prasadan-geyda pri(pri)dhi(thi)viya ['] binnaniga!a balligavartte illa dosiga [") na kavardd=ulidorge pariba[ra]m [*] Idan ali["] von=Varanasiya sasira kvilegum sasirvva[") r=pparvvaruman kondona(ra) lokakke sandon=akku[m] [I] Translation. concealed by a rubble masonry wall built up in Hail! There is no excommunication from front of it as an additional support to the roof. caste of the skilful people' of the world who The writing covers a space of about 2' 81' high have attained the favour of the god), baving by 2 4 broad. A facsimile," from the estamgiven the patta(r) called mume-perjerepu (and) page taken by myself, is published herewith. the name of Tribhuvanacharya to Sri-Gunda, In addition to recording that the temple was whose (observance of the established rules of built for Lokama hade vi in celebration of conduct was unimpeded, the Sutradhan who her husband Vikramaditya II. having made the temple of the queen of Vikram &- three times conquered Kanchi, and to reditya, the favourite of the world ; (and there cording the rtadmission into caste of the artisans is) immunity to the others who united them- of the locality, this inscription gives several selves with the guilty man.' titles of the builder of the temple. Among (L. 8.)-May he, who destroys this, be on an them is that of Sarvasiddhi-Acharya. The equality with people who kill a thousand tawny. Sarvasiddhi-Acharyas are mentioned again in coloured cows and a thousand Brahmans of No. CXIV. below, and seem to have been some Varanasi ! . celebrated guild of architects or builders. The No. C. characters of this inscription are of the same The following Old-Canarese inscription is in standard as those of the preceding; and, in the corresponding position to the preceding, both cases, they are of the same bold and deep viz. on the front face of a pilaster on the left or type, with the edges rounded off, as those of south side of the doorway in the eastern gate- the inscription, No. XCV. at page 104 above, way. It was uncovered by me for the first in the porch of the temple of Mahakata near time, baving been previously almost entirely Badami, Transcription. [?] Svasti Sri-Vikramaditya[] bhatarar=mmme Ka(k) mchiyan-mume para[*]jisidora Sri-Lokamabadeviyare [] Lokesvara madida sutradharige [deg] mume-perijerepu geyda-balikke i visha[] yada vinnaniga!a balligavartteyan=uli * Balligavarte. 1 Sanderson gives binndna ag an Old.Canarese word meaning 'care, affection, skill,' and binnani (the secon! syllable short) as an Old Canarese word meaning, clever man; cleverness, skill, ability,'-and also vinnuna 48 Cans ese word meaning, 'worthy; worth.' And C. P. Brown gives vinnina or binnana, marking the word properly Ma corruption of the Sanskrit vijnana, as meaning capacity, dexterity, art, skill, craft, cunring; grace, beauty; groeful, handsome. Vinnani or bintani is from the Sanskrit vijnanin, 'possessed of vijnm, or knowledge, science, wisdom, business, employment, &c. Sanderson gives to vijnana the special meaning of conversand with paintiu or architecture, but I do not know what Authority there is for this; it is not borne out by Prof. Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. . Pita, ' patent, royal grant or order, fillet or turban of honour. Parihara. 10 D1siga ; 8c., dislike. " P., S., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 59.

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SCALE OF ORIGINALS wbom later thavn?FBI weupe Popranog uzPE ZIPP podlago po ropre rozboletiniz Gold agree 3726700. obal P138; Brnogoro BIZERBA Geco BE VIRUIKSHA AT PITTALAR!. INSCRIBED PILLARS IN THE ENTRANCE GATE. ( TIE TEMILE OF

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IN THE ENCLOSURE OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA, AT PATTADAKAL. n laa, SU shvaasisthiti akr vilkss shriikr tiriciugaaN j ttNtoo mNt rikss uNdi 3302 J I L S Y H shriireedeemn gdaa? @ 50rlli d Z J da 8 'di 1250 uggutnni maajii maa mridi (uttrN eed and Jeklog Bipa a 3degUJG ni as PROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. F. FLEET, BO. 0. a. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITHO, LONDON,

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ON A PILLAR IN THE EAST PORCH OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA, AT PATTADAKAL. Copeps&ffrobufalz cosebati %E0 02p020 r3488 Due des Puerg zur refpill Roa Tere topib yup y Peop pro 24 828 ] 0 080 50 2 2 FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. BURGESS.

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JUNE, 1881.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 165 ['] pida chiriya pesar-ivan=arimi" (1*] [deg] Svasti Sri-Sarvasidhi-achari sakala-gan-Araya (') anoka-rapa(sc. para)-vasta-Pitamahan sakala-nishkala-su[*] kshm-&tibhashitan va(va)stu-prasada-yan-asana-sa(sa)ya 11] na-manimakuta-ratnachu damani te[m]kana di["'] sey& sutradhari [:)] Translation. simile, from the estampage taken by myself, is Hail ! Let it be known that these are the published herewith. The only emblem at the names of the Acharya who averted the ex- top of the stone is a figure of Nandi, couchant communication of the skilful people of this to the proper left; this is the earliest stonedistrict, after that they had given the mume- tablet known to me that has this emblem on perjerepu to the Sutradhari who made this it. And it is, in fact, the earliest stone-tablet temple of Lekeavara of Loka ma ha de vi, but one, known to me, that has any emblem at (the queen) of Vikramaditya, the worship- all; the exception is the stone-tablet of the .ful one, who three times conquered Kanchi :- Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya and the (L. 8.)-Hail! :-Sri-Sarvasiddhi-acharya ; Sendraka king Pogilli, which has at the top an the asylum of all virtuous qualities; the Pita- elephant, standing to the proper left. 16 maha" of many cities and houses; he whose The inscription is in the Old-Canarese lanconversation is entirely perfect and refined; he Iguage, and is of the time of the Western who has for a jewelled diadem and crest-jewel Chalukya king Vijayaditya and his the houses and palaces and vehicles and seats son Vikramaditya II.; it is therefore not and couches that he has constructed); the later than Saka 655 (A.D. 733-4), and is of a (most eminent) Sutradhdrt of the southern somewhat earlier date than the preceding two. country. It records the grant of apparently & stone No. CI. throne or pedestal and of a bracelet or bangle In an open cell in the back or western wall to the idol of the temple of the god Lokaof the courtyard of the same temple, I have palesvara, which had been built by Anantaguna. had placed, for safety, a rather roughly-shaped If any traces of this temple now remain, they red-sandstone tablet that was found in the fields cannot be identified. Lokapa lesvara is probably about half a mile away to the west of the the same god as Lekesvara, ander & slightly village. The tablet is 4 10' high, of which the different name. They are both names or writing covers 2' 9', by 1' 8' broad. A fac forms of Siva. Transcription. ['] Svasti Sri-Vijayaditya Vikramaditya l'j srsprithu(thi)vivallabha maharaj-adhiraja [deg] paramesvara b batarare kotta datti A[na][*] ntagunara degulakke kottada datti [] Anjanacharya-bhagavantara [deg] naman-Devacharya-bhagavantargge kottu ['] Sri-Lokapaldavarakam=pare balli [1] [Sva]['] datta(tta) [] para-datta (ttahi ve y8 hareti(ta) vasundha[ramn] [deg] shashtir varisha(sc. varsha)-sahasrani vi(shta][19] yen ayato krimi[ho] [/l*] [ Charmmakko a[hitara][*] bevvon Vara[na]siya sasi[r]vva[ro]-parvva[rura) [""] sasir& kavileyu k onda ' lokakke 88[*]n[do]n-akkum [1] I dharmmakke ahitam-bevvon-pancha(ma)[] hapatakan-akkum llo cthi 1This letter mi, is on the countersunk surface of the pilaster, not on the shaped part of it that stands out in relief and contains the body of the inscription. 15 Balligavarte. Brahma; i... " the creator, the maker." 15 P., 8., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 58 16 Id., No. 152.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Translation. Hail! The grant that was given of SriVijay aditya and Vikramaditya, the favourites of the world, the great kings, the supreme kings, the supreme lords, the worshipful ones, the grant that was given to the temple of (the architect) Anantaguna,-(was) a stone seat (?) and a bracelet (?) to the temple of (the god) Sri-Lokapalesvara, after having given the office of the holy Anjanacharya to the holy Devacharya. No. CII. The majority of the inscriptions at the temple of Lokesvara or Virupaksha are in the east porch. The present is on the front face of the front pillar in the right or north side of the porch. The writing covers a space of 1'8" high by 2' 2" broad. A facsimile, prepared under my own supervision from the estampage taken by Mr. Burgess, is published herewith. It is another Old.Canarese inscription of Vikramaditya II., and records that his queen-consort, Lok amahadevi, confirmed the singers of the locality in the enjoyment of the grants and privileges that had been conferred on them by Vijayaditya. Transcription. (L. 7.)-He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who takes away land that has been given, whether by himself or by another! May he, who does harm to this (act of) religion, be on an equality with people who kill a thousand Brahmans and a thousand tawny-coloured cows of Varanasi! [Santi St-VijayAditya-Satyaraya-selprithe(thi)vivallabha-mahi [] raj-adhiraja-paramesvara-bhatarara gindharvargge niri[*] sida parrra-maryyldegalla Sri. Vikri(kra)maditya-bhat[] rara Lokamaha (ha)deviyar gandharvvargge nittar [""] [*] Idan=alivon Baranasiya kavile[] yum sasirvvar parvvaruman konda lokakke 88L'jndon-akkush [] Breyadi Sri-Guppaduggadi Daggamaen idd[n] [] padedar [*] sasira Translation. Hail! Loka mahadevi, (the queen) of Sri-Vikramaditya, the worshipful one, confirmed to the singers the covenants" of former times, which had been granted to the singers by Sri-Vijay aditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the worshipful one. (L. 5.)-May he, who destroys this, be on an equality with people who kill a thousand tawnycoloured cows and a thousand Brahmans of Baranasi! (L 7.)-Daggamira, of Sri-Guppadagga in (the country of) Ereya, obtained this (concession)." No. CIII. On the same pillar, below the preceding inscription there is the following short inscription" in characters of about the ninth or tenth [JUNE, 1881. May he, who does harm to this (act of) religion, incur the guilt of the five great sins! 11 Pare; see Sanderson's Canarese Dictionary, under paru and pare. 15 Sthana may mean either the 'office' of the priest of the temple, or the 'locality,' i. e. 'allotment of land', belonging to the holder of that office. 1 P., S., and O-C., Inscriptions, No. 54. 20 Nittar, Mr. V. R. Katti considers, must be the irregular past tense of nirisu, 'set up, establish, fix, determine, give', which occurs in the present inscription, and also in century A.D. The language appears to be Old-Canarese; but the meaning is not apparent, except that it seems to record the name of a certain Dhuliprabhu, who may have been a visitor to the temple. The writing covers a space of 10" high by 1' 8" broad. Transcription. [18-Kejava-Dhuliprabba [] deva gomtha(?)deranitti e [*] doshon [||* No. CIV. On the corresponding back face of the pillar, on the front face of which is No. CII. above, there is the following inscription," consisting of two Sanskrit verses in praise of AchaladaBharata, the author of a work on dramatic composition. The characters are of the eighth or ninth century A.D. the Sinda inscriptions in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XI., p. 224, 11. 51, 53, 55, and 57, and p. 239, 1. 41. "Maryade, marydd4, 'bounds of morality or propriety: established rule or custom; covenant. agreement, contract." This translation of the last two lines is not altogether satisfactory; but it is the best that I can offer. 13 P., 8., and O.-C., Inscriptions, No. 55. " Id., No. 56.

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ON A PILLAR IN THE EAST PORCH OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA, AT PATTADAKAL 38qo1 18a9dfdjz d) ] kngdhnuu. 11 ythaa : tb +ai k1laan n| thmoo839782 28 221 qvii+]a8d2008 71 $ FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. BURGESS. W. ORIGES, PHOTO-LITHO, LONDON.

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ON A PILLAR IN THE TEMPLE OF SAMGAMESVARA, AT PATTADAKAL. 26 &Qti i071 ddp 23 a rr 238.0 381 FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. F. FLEET, 30. c. S. ON A PILLAR IN THE TEMPLE OF SAMGAMESVARA, AT PATTADAKAL shibi# eerid anu PROM AN INIRE SION BY J. 2. TLEET, BO. C. *, onioQS, PHOTOLITHc, Lobo,

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JUNE, 1881.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS 167. Transcription. ['] Bharata-nata-vachana-rachana-virachita-natu(ta)-sevya[*] simgha(ha)-nadena para-nata-madandha-hasti parihina-mado C/ bhavatyva 1* Nata-sevya-Bharata-mata-yuta-patuta[*] ra-vachan-asani-prapatena kutil-Onnata-nata-saila[1] (') spu(sphu)tit-anata-mastakah-patati 1* Achalada [ll] Translation. position to No. CII., above, viz. on the front face The elephant, blind with rat, which is an of the front pillar in the left or south side of actor of another school, is deprived of his frenzy the east porch. The writing covers a space of hy the lion's roar of the rules) that are to be 1' 10' high by 2 3' broad. A facsimile," preobserved of actors, framed in accordance with pared under my own superintendence from the the arrangement of the celebrated sentences of | estampage made by Mr. Burgess, is published Bharata. The mountain, which is an insincere herewith. or proud actor, falls down, having its summit | It is another Old-Canarese inscription of (which is the astor's head) broken open and Vikramaditya II., and records the grant, bowed down by the thunderbolt, which is a most to the temple of Lokesvara, of the district called skilful composition imbued with the opinions of the Nareyatigal Fifty, and of a contribution of Bharata, which are worthy to be followed by grain. This Nareyatgal is in all probability actors. Achalada. the modern Naregal in the Dharwad District, No. cv. about twenty-five miles almost due south of This inscription is in the corresponding Pattadakal. Transcription. 1'] Svasti Vikkra(kra)maditya-prithu(thi)vivallabha-Lokamahidevi["] yara Lokesvarada Naregamalla pannasa[*] galan=itta samayam=or-mmattarge ir-kkula [] jolain kuduvudu [ll] Tagapp=illa gosane illa ('] raja-purusharge pugil-illa [ll] Ida(da)n=alido[no] paLo] rvvan=akke mada-vadi akke Barana (na)sivada" sasira kavileyam kondon=akkum [HR] Translation. pillars on the south side in the same porch Hail! At the time of giving the Nareyangal there is the following short inscription," in the Fifty, (which was the grant) of the temple of Old-Canarese language, and in characters of the Lokesvara of Loka mah & devi (the queen) eighth or ninth century A.D. It seems to of Vikramaditya, the favourite of the record the names of two visitors to the temple. world,-(it was settled that) people will give Transcription. two kulas" of millet on (each) one mattar (of ('] Svasti Sri-Sakarusivadiga. land). There is no peremptory demand ;** Il la pada Dhuli Lokosvarada there is no obligation of) presenting cattle ;30 r'] mel-gandu geydon (11) Aditya there is no right of perquisites (allowed) to [*] Sri-Hadadeya-patran (18] the king's servants. Translation. (L. 5.)-May he, who destroys this, --whe- Hail! Dhuli, (the disciple at) the foot of Srtther he be a Brahman, or whether he be a Sakaresivadi, saw the excellence of the temple heretic,-be as one who kills a thousand tawny of Lokosvara. Aditya, the son of Sri Hadadova. coloured cows of Baranasi. No. CVII. No. CVI. On one of the front pillars in the north porch On the north or inver face of one of the of the same temple of Lokisvara or Virupaksba, * Id., No. 57. 10 The occurrence of this Prekrit word pannas, fifty, in an Old-Cana rese inscription of this dute, i. worthy of note. We have had it in a still earlier inscription,-No. XXVIII., 1. 39. at vol. VI., p. 77. >> These two letters, vadu, are a mistako of the engraver for ya. * Kui is the same as kolaga. 6. e. sixteen pailis or sixty-four seers. * Togruppu is evidently the old forin of tirguvu, 'per. emptory demand for payment.' 30 Gosene scems to be a corruption of the Vedic gosland gasani, 'acquirieg or prescuting with cattle.' 3. Pugilu is the equivalent of the Ilindustini phaski, 'a claim to perquisites. 32 P., S., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 61.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. there is an undated Old-Canarese inscription of the reign of the Rashtrakuta king Dharavarsha, Kalivallabha, or Dhruv a, whose date was about Saka 700 (A.D. 778-9). This will be published in detail by me in a separate paper on the Rashtrakuta dynasty. Over a figure of the god Siva, near the west end of the north face of the temple, there is one line of writing in the Old-Canarese and Sanskrit languages, and in characters of the seventh or eighth century A.D. It was not shown to me at my visit; but a lithographic copy of it has been published elsewhere." The lithograph is not a good one; but it suffices, two syllables only being doubtful, to show that the original runs, Sri-Pullappan Sri(?)-Ma(?)nadeva-hka (ka)tita-pratima;-Sri-Pallappa; the image made by (P) Sri-Manadeva. The reference is evidently to some sculpture on the temple, and Pullappa is probably for Pulaha, the name of an ancient sage, one of the mindborn sons of Brahma, and also a name of Siva. No. CVIII. On the south or front face of a pillar in the west side of the south porch of the same temple, there is an Old-Canarese inscription of three lines, in characters of the eighth or early in the ninth century A. D., over the sculptured figure of [JUNE, 1881. some god. It was late when I saw this inscription, and I had no time to copy it, and the photographs does not enable it to be read with any accuracy; but it contains nothing of historical purport. No. CIX. On the south face of the same temple, there is an Old-Canarese inscription in two lines, in characters of about the same age, under a figure of Siva, who is represented with very bushy hair and with his left foot on the back of a dwarf figure. Finally, inside the same temple of Lokesvara or Virupaksha, on the south side of the nave, there is a pillar with four compartments of sculptures representing scenes from the Ramayana. Each compartment has a line of writing above it, in characters of about the period of the building of the temple, giving the names, usually in corrupt or Prakrit forms, of the figures represented in the sculptures. Transcription. [1] Kara-Dushanam Suppanagi Lakkana Suppanagi Lakkanan Raman Site1 [*] Ravanan Suppanagi Kara-Dushanan Raman Lakkanan Site [] Pochchari Rama Pochchari Rama Pochchari Lakkana Rama Site Marichchan ** Marichchan Ravanan [*] Supariava Ravana Jatayu No. CXI. On the north side of the enclosure of the temple there is the house of Parappa Pujari, in which there stands a monolith pillar, apparently of red-sandstone. The pillar is called Lakshmikambha, or "the pillar of the goddess Lakshmi," and is worshipped as a god. The result of this delicate attention is that it is very much smeared with oil, and the two inscriptions on it have been rendered very difficult to decipher. I had the pillar cleaned to a certain 33 Id., No. 60. First Archaeological Report, Plate xliv., No. 27. 3 P., S., and O-C., Inscriptions, No. 62. 30 Id., No. 63. 3 Id., No. 64. 3 Khara-a brother of Ravana. Dushana was one of the generals of Ravana. 30 Surpanakha, or Surpanakhi,-the sister of Ravana. 40 Lakshmana. Sita. Trascription. [] Sri-Chem(? vem)gamina i pratime[*] yam kattidon [*] Translation. Sri-Chengamma made this image. No. CX. Ravana Site Ravanan Site Lakkana Site extent; but chemical means, with which to clean it sufficiently to make the inscriptions legible enough for editing, or even for estampages to be successfully taken, were wanting. The upper part of the pillar is octagonal. The north-west, west, south-west, and south faces, have on them a Sanskrit inscription in the early Old-Canarese characters. It consists of twenty-five lines of writing, each line commencing on the north-west face, and running round to the south face; each face of the pillar Equivalent not known; perhaps it is connected with the Canarese pochcharu, to shine, struggle,' and is an epithet of Rama and Lakshmana. The reading is quite clear, and as I have given it; though Dr. Bhau Daji (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. IX., p. 320) read Pollathi, and conjectured it to mean Paulastya, or Ravana. 3 Maricha,-one of the demons. Suparava, a minister of Ravana.

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INSCRIPTION ON THE FRONT FACE OF THE TEMPLE OF PAPANATHA AT PATTADAKAL 8 9 ttN = f/ m u FROM IMPRESSIONS BY J. F. FLEST, BOCS, SCALE OF ORIGINAL

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hm khy ON THE SIDE WALL OF THE TEMPLE OF PAPANATHA, AT PATTADAKAL. illi tNgiddri aNk 30 jay cm 9999 9d38119 Hii Sar FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. 7. FLEET, 30. c. 3. W. Griggs Photo lith London.

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JUNE, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 169 has about eight letters in the line. Enough of the south side of the door leading into the the inscription was made legible to show that shrine. Col. Biggs had it brought outside, for it records that a large stone temple of the god the purpose of photographing it; but I had it Lokesvara was built by the queen-consorts of taken inside the building again and placed Vikramaditya.Satyasraya or Vi-against one of the pillars. The tablet is kramaditya de va, the son of Vijayadi. 86%" high, of which the body of the inscription tys. Saty asraya,--that she was of the covers 4 6%, by 2' 6' broad. The stone is Haiha ya family,--that the temple so built then blank for about two inches. Then comes was placed on the south of a temple of the god another short inscription, which is very illegible, Vijayesvara, which had been built by Vija- in the original as well as in the photograph; yadityaSatyasraya,--and that certain it seems, indeed, to have suffered a good deal lands, measured by nivartanas, were granted from exposure to the weather since the time to it. when the photograph was taken. The emblems The south-east face of the pillar is blank. at the top of the tablet are:- In the centre, & On the east, north-east, and north faces there is linga and priest; on their right, a figare of another Sanskrit inscription, of twenty-eight Nandi or Basava, with the sun above it; and lines, of eight or nine letters in the line on each on their left, a cow and calf, with the moon face. The characters are an early form of above them. I have edited the body of the Dovanagari, somewhat like No. 7 of Plate inscription elsewhere." It is a Sind a inscripXXXIX. of Thomas' Edition of Prinsep's Anti- tion, of the time of Chavanda II., the quities, Vol. II. This inscription has been still feudatory of the Western Chaluk ya king more injured than the other, and so little light Taila III. It is dated Saka 1084 for 1085 falls on it that I could not decipher much of it. (A. D. 1163-4), the Sabhanu saivatsara, and But I made out the same names as in the other records grants made to the temple of the god inscriptions, and the general purport of it Vijayesvara of Kisavolal or Pattada-Kisuvolal, seems to be the same. by Chavanda's chief wife, Demaladevi, and his Below the octagonal part of the pillar there is eldest son Achi II., who were governing at the a square four-sided division. On the west face capital of Pattada-Kisa volal. are remains of twelve lines of about twenty-one On a stone in the west wall of the centre hall letters each, apparently in continuation of the of the temple, on the right or north side of the inscription in Old-Canarese characters above. door leading into the shrine, there is an inscripAnd on the east face are traces of eight lines of tion of seven lines of about twenty letters each, about twenty-une letters each, apparently in in characters of about the period to which the continuation of the Devanagari inscription construction of the temple belongs; but the above. stone was so besmeared with grease and dirt No. CXII. that I found it impossible at my visit to clean We learn from the preceding inscription'that it sufficiently to read the inscription, or to take the temple of Lokesvara or Virupaksha was an estampage successfully built on the south of a temple of the god On the corresponding stone in the wall on the Vijayesvara, which had been previously built left or south side of the same door, there are by the Western Chalak ya king Vijaya- the traces of another inscription of six lines of ditya. This latter temple still exists, and is about thirty-five letters each, in characters identified by the inscriptions inside it, as well of the same period. Bat this inscription has FL9 by its position, though it is now known as at some time or other been intentionally defaced the temple of Sangamesvara. with the chisel and mallet, so that it is now At this temple there is a large stone-tablet, almost entirely illegible. with an Old-Canarese inscription on it, which on the north face of a pillar on the south sido stood originally in a dark corner against the of the nave in the centre hall, there are tho west wall of the centre hall of the temple, on words Svasti Sri Vidyasivara kasabha, in char *5 I could not find her name in either of these two inscriptions : she is only spoken of me the mahudhuf. or * queen-consort.' 40 It is the temple mentioned by Mr. Barges in the First Archool. Report. . 33. par. 4. - Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XI., p. 259.

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170 acters of the same standard as those of the inscription now published, but rather better engraved, marking it as the votive pillar of a certain man named Vidyasiva. On the east face of a pillar on the north side of the nave in the centre hall, there is the following Old-Canarese inscription, of which a facsimile is now given from the estampage taken by myself. The pillar is an original one, an integral part of the building. The writing covers a space of 4" high by 2' 0" broad. The inscription speaks of this and some other pillar as the votive offering of a certain Matibhodamma. Transcription. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ['] Svasti Bel-Bhi(vi)jaylava(ava)rada mane [*] Matibhodamma [*] n=1 yeradu ka(ka)mbhada alamkara-nivva(rmma) pa-kara Paka [*] Translation. Hail! The house of the temple of (the god) Sri-Vijayesvara. Paka (was) the fashioner of the ornamentation of these two pillars of Matibhodamma. On the face of one of the pilasters in the north wall of the centre hall of the temple, there are a few letters in Old-Canarese characters, but I could not make anything out of them; they at any rate contain nothing of his torical import. High up on the front or east face of the temple, on the south side of the door, is the following short Old-Canarese inscription, of which a facsimile," from the estampage taken by myself, is published herewith. The writing covers a space of 10" high by 9" broad. The characters seem to me to be not much, if at all, earlier than the seventh century A.D. The inscription is in praise of a certain ChattaraRevadi-Ovajja, who, it is said, 'made the southern country', i. e. who was the builder of the most celebrated temples in the southern country. It is hardly to be doubted that it is implied that he was the builder of this particular temple. We find, also, that he was of Transcription. [] Svasti Sri (sri)-Bijesvarada(sc. Vijayeeva- the guild of the Sarvasiddhi-Acharyas, to which, rada) sule Chalabbeya as we learn from No. C. above, the builder of the temple of Lokesvara or Virupaksha belonged. Transcription. No. CXIII. On the north face of another pillar on the south side of the nave in the centre hall of the same temple, there is the following OldCanarese inscription, of which a facsimile** is given from the estampage taken by myself. This pillar also is one of the original pillars of the building. The writing covers a space of 8" high by 2' 1" broad. The inscription speaks of this and some other two pillars as the votive offering of Chalabbe, a harlot of the temple. [] kamba mu(mu)ru [*] Translation. Hail! The three pillars of Chalabbe, the harlot of the temple of (the god) Sri-Vijaye svara. No. CXIV. At the south-east corner of the village is an P., S., and O-C., Inscriptions, No. 65. Id., No. 66. Ravana. [JUNE, 1881. elaborately sculptured temple of the god Papanatha, which Mr. Burgess considers to be one of the oldest structural temples yet examined, and which he seems inclined to attribute to the fifth century A.D. Many of the sculptures on the north and south faces of the temple represent scenes from the Ramayana, and have the names of the characters engraved over or against them, usually in a corrupt or Prakrit form,-such as Raman, Site, Site, Lakkana, Jatayu,50 Sugrivan, Bali, Angajan, Ravanan," Suppanaki," KaraDusanan, Bhimasena, Sri-Baladeva, Nalan, Vibhishanan, and Kumbharnnan.55 The characters do not seem to me to be as early, by at least a century, as Mr. Burgess considers. 53 so Jatayuh. ss Surpanakhi. 54 [1] Svasti Sri-Silemuddara [*] marmman Sarvvasiddhi-A[] charjya(ryya)ra Chattara-Reva[*] di-Ovajjar temka[*] na dise madidor [*] 53 Khara-Dushana. "Kumbhakarna. P., S., O-C., Inscriptions, No. 68. Vibhishapa.

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JUNE, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 171 Translation. north face of the same temple of Pa panatha. Hail! Chattara-Revadi-Ovajjal of the Sar- A facsimiles' is published herewith, from the oasiddhi- Acharyas, who was acquainted with estampage taken by myself. The characters the secrets of the Sri-Silemuddas, made the are of much the same age as those of the preced. southern country. ing inscription. The writing covers altogether No. cxv. a space of 1' 3' high by 1' l' broad. I could The last of the Pattadakal inscriptions is the not find any sculpture to indicate what the following one, in Sanskrit, on three stones in the inscription refers to. Transcription. (') Bho bho purasha-sirddha(rdda)larho] parvvat gandha-ma[!] matalam . ... gatrani kona mo suzaram mu[khan"] [*] deg] Maya dattani dhi(d)[*] nani bahuni vivida (dha)[] ni cha a dattam=aduramt-akhya[m] [] tena me sukaram mukham [*] ('] Gandhamitan [ll] Translation. given by me, but that which is called the gift Ho!, ye tigers of men !, on the mountain .. to commemorate) a time which is not one of . . . . . . . . bodies . . . . . . . . .; why have I the misery was not given; therefore have I the face face of a hog? Many and various gifts were of a nog. Gandhamata. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 143.) VIII locality of these proceedings. The Alkhuibulaa We have seen the rivalry between of the above notice is called Arabulak in the Chinghiz Kha& and Chamukha arose, Yuan-shi, as translated by Hyacinthe, and "The and how the former controlled the tribes living Alai Springs" in Mr. Douglas's translation. upon the Onon, the kernel of the Mongol race, It is clear it was near the Argan, and I am diswhile the latter's influence was apparently chiefly posed to identify it with the Uro-bulak, which confined to the tribes living on the Argun. falls into the Argun near New Zurukhaitn. We must now turn to the results of this rivalry, Palladius quotes a suggestion of Sin Sun that which eventually led to Chinghiz being ac- it is a feeder of the Argun called Imu, which at copted as their master by all the tribes of its outfall is called Jou, i.e. island, but I would Northern Mongolia. remark that a river falling into the Argun on We are told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that in its right bank near New Zarakhaitu, almost the year of the Hen, i. e. in the year 1201 A. D., opposite the Uro-bulak is called Gan or Han. the Ulusses Khatagin and others, to the number of In the Yuan-shi this river is said to be in oleven altogether, assembled at Alkhuibulan, and the district of Kbulan-ergi, i.e. the Red Cliffs. after consultation agreed to ask Chamukha Hyacinthe reads this last name Tula-biri, i.e. to be their head. Having killed a horse and the river Tula, while Gaubil gives it from the sworn a pact, they set off down the river Argun, Yuan-shi-lei-pien as Tulu-pir, and identifies it and at the island of the river Kan Muran they with the Toropira, a tributary of the Nonni in proclaimed Chamukha as their ruler, and Northern Manchuria. I prefer to follow Paldetermined to make war upon Chinghiz and ladius's reading. Wang Khan.' First, let us consider the Having fixed the locality, let us now try and " Ovajja is perhaps the Canarese ojja, 's priest, pro. ceptor.' 55 sile is the Canareso form of the Sanskrit sila. '& stone,' and mudd'r is a Jargam or Linghyat name. Sile. mudda must be the name of some particular guild of stone. masons. " P., 8., and O-C., Inscriptions, No. 69. Op. cit., pp. 69 and 70. * The river Kan of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi is called Kern by Rashidu'd-diu. The Yum-shi calls it Keon; Douglas, p. 28. Op. cit., note. p. 230. Pallas, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 627; Petermann, Mittheilungen, 1861, map 16. Palladius, 230, note. * Op. cit., p. 20.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. discriminate who the confederates were who sided with Chamukha. In the Chinese translation of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi these are given as "the Khatagin with others, 11 Ulusses altogether," but in the original Mongol text, according to Palladius, the names are set out as follows :-The Kbatagin, Sajia,' Dorbian-Tatar, Tatalun, Ikilesun, Ungila, Kholola, Naima," Merki, Oila" and Daiichiu." Palladius says very truly that only some of these tribes, namely, the Khataging, Saljint, Taijat, aud Virat were of Mongol blood. The Tatalun of this notice are probably to be identified with & section of the Tartars named Tutukeliat by Rashidu'd-din, who are said by him to have been the most important section of the race, whence & male Tartar was styled sometimes Tutukultai, or Tutukhelina, anti a female one Tutukuljin. We are farther told that they took part with the various enemies of Chinghiz Khan, and that the race was nearly exterminated." In the Yuan-shi the tribes mentioned as supporting Chamukha were the Ha-ta-kin, Sa-lichoo-tih, Too-urh-pun Ta-ta-urh, E-ke-la-sze, Hung-kei-le, and Ho-ar-la-eze, . e. the Katagin, Saljiut, Durban-Tartar, Inkirasses, Kongurut and Khurulas, which comprise merely the tribes on the Argun. Rashidn'd-din also only names the Katakins, Saljiut, DurbanTartar and Kongurut as the supporters of Chamukha. The Yuan-shi-lei-pien, however, expressly says that the league formed by Chamukha was much fortified by the adhesion of Pulu yu," king of the Naimans," while the mention of Buiruk by name in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi as assisting Chamukha,'' makes it tolerably certain that the Naimans formed part of the confederacy. The Naimans were a very important race at this time in Central Asia, and we must make a digression to describe them. Rashidu'd. din tells us they were divided into several tribes, some of whom living in the plains or steppes, and others in the mountains. He says they occupied the districts Eke or Yeke Altai, i. e. Great Altai; Karakorum, where Ogotai afterwards fixed his capital; the mountains Alui Serasa and Kuk Irtish or Gul Irtish," where the Kankalis also lived, the Irtish Muran, i.e. the river Irtish ;) the districts between it and the country of the Kirghises, (where they were often at strife with Wang Khan,) and as far as the steppes which border on the land of the Uighurs; that is, they occupied Northern Sungaria, from the upper waters of the Irtish to Karakorum. They were powerful and their army was well appointed. Their customs and mode of living were similar to those of the Mongols." I have argued in the first volume of my History of the Mongols that they were Tarks, a view which is now generally held. The Naimans form to this day the most important section of the middle horde of the Kirghiz Kazaks, and an important branch of the Uzbegs, and I believe that these Naimans are directly descended from the Naimans, who occupied Northern Sungaria in the days of Chinghiz. Abu'lghazi tells us, I don't know on what authority, that they once had a ruler named Karkish, who left his throne to his son Inat." Rashidu'd-din says their rulerin former times was called Kushluk, i.e. powerful and mighty, and also Buiruk, i.e. commander.28 They acquired thislatter title from the fact that their Padishah or rulerruled equally over Jins" and men, and acquired such power that he could milk the Jins, and used to make thick and sour milk and lumiz from what he got from them, which he drank. Besides these titles, their princes had also personal names. The earliest of their princes, whose name is recorded by Rashidu'd-din, was Inanj Belgeh Buku Khan, or as Berezine reads it, Inanj Eke Tuka Khan.'' Inanj, according to Rashidu'd-din, means a believer. Belgeh is probably a corrupt reading ; if Eke be right it means merely great, and Buku Khan was a title borne in early times by the rulers of the Uighurs and other peoples. Inanj's eldest son was called Baibuka, bat bore the Chinese title of Tai Wang, i. e. Great King, which was corrupted by the Mongols into Tayang. His second son was called Buiruk. On their father's death they quarrelled and Tie. Saljint. * i.e. Inkirasses. Kongurut. 20 i. e. Khorlad or Khoralns. 11. 6. Naiman. 1 .e. Uirst. 13 1. e. Taijat; op. cit., note 227. 1. Berezine, vol. I, p. 51; Erdmann, pp. 179 and 180. * Douglas, op. cit., pp. 26 and 28. 16 Berezine, op. cit., vol. II, p. 120. 11 6. e. the Buiruk of other authors. 15 Ganbil, p. 8. 10 Vide infra. to 1. e. lake Irtish, the modern Lake Saissan. u Berezine, vol. I, p. 109; Erdmann, p. 239; D'Obsson, tom. I. p. 56 notes. * Op. cit., p. 47. * Berexine, vol. I, p. 109; Erdmann, p. 238. 3. Or spirits. Erdmann, p. 239; Berezine, vol. I, p. 111.

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JUNE, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 178 separated. The former occupied the steppe country, and the latter the mountains. They had a long strife. Their father described Buruk as "a lion which does not bestir itself until a wolf has torn out half its loins."'26 It was this Buiruk who was now in alliance with Chamukha. With the Naimans are nientioned the Merkis and also the Uirat. The last of these were led by their chief Khutukha or Khotuka Biki, who was a dependent of Buiruk, the Naiman chief. Rashidu'd-din tells us the Uirat formed several tribes, cach with a separate name. Although he says their language was Mongol, it was slightly different from that of the other Mongol peoples. Thus they called a knife, which in standard Mongol was called kutuga, khrudga, etc. etc. The Uirat still survive as a powerful community. Schmidt says the favourite name the * Kalmuks of the Volga give themselves is Uirat or Mongol-Uirat." Durban Uirat, or the Four Uirat, is the name by which the Kalmuks were known to Ssanang Setzen, in whose pages they occur very frequently. He also speaks of the Uirat Buriat and the Gol Minggan of the Uirat." The Chinese writers of the Ming period call the Kalmuks, Wala, which is their transcription of Uirat, the Chinese having no letter ". Rashidu'd-din says they lived on the Sekiz Muran. Sekiz, in Turkish, means eight, and muran in Mongol ineans river. The name, therefore, as Abu'lghazi says, means the eight rivers. These eight rivers, he says, fall into the Angara, which is the head stream of the Kom or Yenissei. This is confrmed by the names of the eight rivers as given by Rashidu'd-din and Abu'lghazi." Thus the Ukhut Muran is doubt- less the Irkut, the Uk Muran is no doubt the Oka. The Chaghan Muran, or white river, doubtless survives in the Biela, which is a new name given to one of the tributaries of the Oka by the Russians, and which means white. The Jurja or Khorkha Muran is probably the upper Tunguska, the Mongols call the Tungus of Man churia Jurji. Of the other four rivers the Kara Ussun is still the name of a tributary of the Oka. The On Muran is probably the modern Unga. The Kok Muran or blue river and the Ibei Usun Sijitun or Sanbikun, I cannot identify, but these will suflice to fix the district called Sekiz Murun by Rashidu'd-din. This author says the Tumat, by whom, as I shall shew further on, he probably meant the Buriats, formerly occupied this area, but had moved further on, and it is not improbable that the Uirat, who were clients of the Naimans, lived at this time about Lake Kosso Gol. Their name is interesting. Pallas and Remusat both say it means allies, Durban Uirat meaning the four allies." Bansarof explains the name as derived from Ouarat, meaning forest people or woodlanders." Vambery would give it a Turkishi etymology, and says oyurat means a grey borse, which has a plausible support from a statement of Marco Polo, who says that the Kaan, i.e. Khu bilai, kept an immense stud of echite horses and mares, more than 10,000 in all, and all pure white and withont a speck. The milk of these mares was drunk by himself and his family, and by none else, except by those of one great tribe that had also the privilege of drinking it. This privilege was granted them by Chinghiz Khan on account of a certain victory that they helped him to win long ago. The name of the tribe was Horial." Abulfaraj calls them Averathaei, and says they excelled the rest of Chinghiz Khan's subjects in valour. He accordingly honoured them, and made a law that the daughters of their chiefs should marry into his family. and vice versa, which he says was the role when he wrote." This is confirmed when we find that Turalji, the son of Khataka Bigi, their chief, married a daughtor of Chinghiz Klan, while Turalji's sister married Mangu Khakan. The form of the name as given by Abulfaraj reminds us of another etymology, to which I in fact lean. Thau t in Uirat, I believe, is merely the form of the plural. The rest of the word is then similar in form to Avar or Var, as the name occurs in the Byzantine authors. There are many other considerations which favour the identification of the Kalmuks with the Avars, which we cannot enter into here. This will suffice at least * Erdmann, P. 240. 11 Berezine, vol. I, p. 79 ; Erdmann, p. 188. >> Vorsch. in Geb. der alt. rel. etc., der Volk. Mitt. Asien, p. 48 note. >> Op. cit. pp. 87, 189, 143, 146, 147, 158, 156, 167, 167, 100, eto. * Berezine, p. 79; Erdmann, p. 187, Abu'lghha, p. 45. "Pallas, Nam'. Hist. Nach. vol. I, p. 6; Remusat, Lcs Langues Tartares p. 238. >> Berezine, vol. 1, noto 128. 33 Yole's Marco Folo, vol. I, p. 291. " Chron. Syr: p. 148. !

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. to point the way. It is not our suggestion, but Chinghiz Khan, that Kuridai, who belonged one made long ago by Fischer, the historian of to the tribe Khurulas, went to the latter's camp Siberia. Let us now revert again. The only at Galyalgu, and informed him. He in turn important Mongol tribes in the confederacy sent to inform Wang Khan, who collected controlled by Chamukha were the Khataan army and joined his friend. They went gins and the Saljint, who would seem to down the Kerulon together to meet Chamukha. have had an independent organization from early Chinghiz Khan sent on his relatives Altan, times, pointed out in the genealogies, by their Khuchar and Daritai to reconnoitre, and Wang being made to descend from two several sons of Khan similarly despatched his son, Sankun, with Alun-Goa, and not from her eldest son, Budan- two companions. They went forward as vitsar. Rashidu'd-din has a curious statement dettes, and explored the districts of Yenegianabout them, viz. that, some years before this, gailitu, Cheksales and Chukhurkhu. When Chinghiz Khan had sent an envoy to them Altan reached Ukitia or Utkia, those who had asking for their alliance. It was the fashion, gone out to reconnoitre at Chukharkhu returned he says, among the Mongols on these occasions with the news that the enemy was advancing, to send enigmatical messages framed in artisti. and it was speedily discovered it was Chamukha, cally arranged phrases. Such was the message Anchubaatur the chief of the Taijut, and Chinghiz Khan now sent them. They could others. It was then late. The following day the not understand it, but a young man volun- two armies approached one another at a place teered to explain it as meaning that as Mongol called Koitian. Thereupon Buiruk, (ie. the tribes who were strangers had united themselves chief of the Naimans) and Khudakba, (i.e. the with him, it was the more reason why they, who chief of the Uirat), two of Chamukha's allies, prowere relatives, should also be his friends. They ceeded with their incantations to cause wind and did not heed these advances, treated the messen- rain, but contrary to their expectations the eleger with contumely, and having boiled a sheep's ments went against their own people. The air intestine filled with blood into a sausage, struck became dark, and Chamukha's soldiers, not being him with it over the face and ears. Chinghiz able to see, fell into holes. He thereupon remarked Khan was naturally enraged at this treatment that the heavens were unpropitious and his army of his envoy, but he postponed his revenge. scattered. The Naimans and other tribes, eleven Let us now revert to our narrative. Rashid- in all, went home to their own ulusses. The u'd-din and the Yuan-shi make the confederates Yuan-shi makes two campaigns out of this first swear a common purpose and then swear one, in one of which Dain, a Kongurat chief, allegiance to Chamukha. The former tells us i. e. Dai Setzen, his father-in-law, informed that in the former instance they killed a stallion, Chinghiz Khan of the impending danger, who a bull, a ram, a dog and a he-goat, and striking thereupon attacked the enemy at Baili-gol, with their swords said: "Heaven and earth, listen and completely defeated him.40 Rashidu'd-din to our oaths, we swear by the blood of these also speaks of two fights. He tells us that animals, which are the heads of their kinds, that Chinghiz Khan was warned of the plot by his we wish to die like them if we break our oath." father-in-law, Dai Setzen, the chief of the The Yuan-shi tells us they gave Chamukha Kongurut." He also speaks of the two allies the title of Gurkha n, and in swearing allegi- setting out from Khutan Nor or Lake Khutan, ance to him on the banks of the river Keen said, near the Onon, and says the fight took place " Whoso betrays our plans, may he be broken at Boir Nur," no doubt the Baili-gol of the like the banks of this river and cut down like Yuon-shi and the well known Lake Buyur, into these trees," and as they repeated the words, they which the river Khalka falls. The Khutun stamped down the banks and cut down the trees lake is perhaps lake Tarei. According to the with their hatchats. Let us now turn again to Yuan-shi, after this fight Dain Noyan set out the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. When the confederacy with his people to juin Chinghiz Khan, was formed against Wang Khan and when the latter's brother, Khazar, unaware of 38 Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 276; D'Ohsson, tom. I, p. 33 ? Chekser. 61 note. 30 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 70 and 71. 38 Erdmann, op. cit., p. 277 ; D'Ohason, tom. I, p. 61. # Douglas, p. 28; Hyacinthe, p. 19. 31 Douglas, p. 28. 41 Berezine, vol. I, p. 120. - Id.

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JUNE, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 175 his purpose, attacked him, and plundered his tribe, whereupon he joined Chamukha.*It was after these events that, according to the Yuan-shi, Chamukha was elected Gurkhan, whereapon he meditated a fresh attack, of which Chinghiz was warned by one whose wife was a relative of his, named Chor or Chau-urh. Another fight took place--this time at Khaliartai Kbarog, in which he was again victorious. Whereupon the Kongorat definitely joined him." The Yuan-shi mentions a third struggle at Khoitan or Choitan in which Chamukha had the Merkis and Naimans for allies, and in which a magician, who was with the Naimans, made snow and rain, as above described." This struggle is also mentioned by Rashidu'd-din. On this occasion he calls the man who warned Chinghiz Khan of his danger Khuridai. He having overheard the plans of the confederates, reported them to his brother-in-law Merkita, of the tribe Kharula, who was there on his own business, and who persuaded him to go and report the matter to Chinghiz Khan. He also gave him his white horse with cropped ears, on which to ride. On the way he hit upon a Guran, which was moving in the form of a square, under the command of Khulan Bakhadur. A scout attached to this army, named Kara Mergitai, who was a Khurula, captured him. He recognised him and proved very friendly towards Chinghiz, supplying him with a beautiful stallion to continue his journey upon, and telling him that when mounted on it, if he was pursued, the enemy would not be able to overtake him, while if he wished to overtake any one, he could easily do so. He went on again, and presently came across a party who were escorting the white tent belonging to Chamu kha. They tried to capture him, but he gallopped on and reached his goal in safety. When Chinghiz had been warned of his danger, he marched against the confederates, and fought a battle with and defeated them in the place Ede Korgan or Yedi Kurgan. One result of the battle was the subjection of the Kongurut." The Yuan-ch'ac-pi-shi tells us that after his defeat Chamukha, baving collected the people who bad elected him their ruler, set off on his return down the river Argan Wang Khan went in pursuit of him, while Chinghiz Khan followed Anchubaatar, the chief of the Taijut, who, having reached his ulus, crossed the Onon, and drew up his army in expectation of an attack from Ching his. The latter at once joined issue and made several prisoners. Towards evening, both sides rested for the night close to one another and in the place where the battle had been fought. Chinghiz himself was wounded in the neck in the struggle, and from the loss of blood fell into a deep swoon. We are told that thereupon Jelmi sucked out the clotted blood from the wound, and when at midnight he felt thirsty, he went off naked into the enemy's camp, and searching about for kumiz found a bucket full of cream or curds, which he carried off. Having mixed some water with it, he gave it to Chinghiz to drink. After taking three draughts, the latter said "I begin to see again and feel in vigorated." Ho now asked his faithful friend various questions, inter alia how he could dare to trust himself naked in the enemy's camp, where, if he had been captured, he would have had to confess that he was wounded, when they would have gone and seized him. Jelmi said: "I should have told them that the reason for my strange appearance was that I meditated deserting to them, but had been caught and stripped of my clothes, and that while preparations were being made to kill me I had torn myself away and run to them. They would certainly have believed my words, would have clothed me and put me to work, and when once seated on one of their horses, I should easily have escaped." Chinghiz recalled Jelmi's other services to him in the Merkit campaign, and he promised not to forget him." De Mailla seems to refer to this adventure, but with other names. He tells us that being now master of several hordes, Chinghiz endeavoured also to subdue the Kieliei, by whom he means the Inkirasses, but he was defeated. Having lost his horse during the fight, he would have been captured had not Porchi, i.e. Boorchu, given him his own. It snowed very much, and our hero, who was a fagitive, found himself without provisions or a tent to cover him. Therenpon Muholi, i.e. Mukuli and Douglas, p. 27. ** Hyacinthe, Pp. 20 and 21; Douglas, p. 28. + Hyacintbe, p. 22; Douglas, p. 30. c i.e. a division of the enemy's army. ** Berezine, vol. II, pp. 124 and 125; Erdmann, pp. 279. and 280; D'Ohsson, tom. I, pp. 63 and 64. The Yedi Kurgan has been explained as meaning the place of the grave mounds.Wolff, Gesch. der Mong. od. Tataren, P. 41, note 54. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 71 and 72.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. Porchi looked out a spot where the grass was thick where he lay down, while they covered him with their felts. They lay beside him, and in the morning they were covered with more than a foot of snow. As they were returning home with only a few companions, there appeared a band of robbers who threatened to attack them. Chinghiz Khan was accompanied by a famous archer named Soo,"' to whom he was much attached, and had given the sobriquet of Mergen. When the robbers drew near enough to hear, Chinghiz called Mergen's attention to two ducks which were flying overhead, and bade him kill one. Mergen asked-which, the male or the female ? " The male," said Chinghiz. Hardly had he said this when Mergen let fly his arrow and brought down the duck. The robbers were thereupon frightened and withdrew. On another day when crossing some very rugged moun- tains with but 30 or 40 horsemen, he asked his officers what they should do in case they met bands of robbers there. "I should not donbt be- ing able to resist them," said Mukali. Where upon there proceeded a shower of arrows from the forests, with which these mountains were covered. Mukuli at once advanced and killed three of the robbers with three successive arrows. He was so famous that when they learnt who it was, they withdrew.so Mr. Douglas has translated another version of this Saga. It is apparently taken from the She Wei, or Woof of History by Cain-Yun-seih, as it is not contained in either of the other two authorities on which his work is founded. It describes how on one occasion Temujin was defeated by thr Kelais." He was accompanied, it says, in his flight by Muhuli, the son of Kung wunkuhwa. We are told that the latter was in constant attendance on Temujin. One day when on a cam- paign against the Naimans he with five others formed his body-guard, and when he had ridden hard and was faint and hungry, Kungwun. kuhwa killed a camel by the river side, and having dressed and cooked some of its flesh, he gave it to Temujin to eat. Presently the latter's horse broke down, whereupon he dismounted and ran beside his master, until he dropped down dead. On his death he left five sons, of whom Muhuli was the third. It was reported that when the latter was born, a white vapour filled the tent, which was accepted as an augury that he was no common child. He became distinguished for his intelligence and skill in archery, and was one of Chinghiz Khan's four famous champions. It was he who accompanied Chinghiz when he fled before the Kelais. Asthey journeyed, a storm of snow and wind came on, and when night drew nigh, there being no shelter at hand, he stretched a mat on the ground, and while Chinghiz slept on it, he with another officer placed himself to the windward of him, so as to protect him from the snow. In the morning they went on, and their road took them through a narrow defile shut in between high hills, covered with trees, whence there came a flight of arrows. The robbers dispersed, as I have mentioned." Rashida'd-din reports the same events, and assigns them to Boorchi," and Burgul or Bura ghul Noyan, 2. e. the chief of the tribe Uishin or Hushin." He does not say who the struggle was against, but that Ching hiz was wounded in the mouth and throat, and very weak; that Burgul led his horse with his hand, and having heated a stone, put it in water so as to make steam with which to get the clotted blood out of his throat, and make him breathe more easily. He also held his mantle with both hands over his head so as to ward off the snow. He stood by him till the snow reached to his own girdle, and eventually saw him safely to his ordu." Rashid reports how on another occasion Chinghiz, having been separated from his people, and being pursued in the mountains by the enemy, had only Bugurji and Burgul for companions. These two went out to forage, but found nothing. They had a fishhook with them which they put into the river, and caught a great fish. Burgul tried in vain to drag it out. Hunger and weakness paralysed him, and he fell into the stream." These stories are interesting. They prove to us by what hardships Chinghiz and his nearest companions, who answered to Napoleon's bevy of marshals, were trained to face all kinds of + I identified him in ny History of the Mongols with Sabutai Bohadur, but he was perhaps Chepe Noyan. 60 De Mailla, tom. IX, pp. 19 and 19. 81 P The Inkirasses; but the account may refer to some later incidents, and by the Kelais he in fact meant the Kirais. 52 Douglas, pp. 19-21. 53 Bugurji or Bughurjin as he calls him. 5. Berezine, vol. I, pp. 166, 167; Erdmann, p. 209. #5 Berezine, vol. I, pp. 161 and 162; Erdmann, pp. 205 and 206; D'Ohason, tom. I, pp. 43 and 44. 50 Berezine, vol. I, p. 162; Erdmann, p. 206.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JUNE, 1881.] difficulty and danger with the imperturbable courage and endurance which characterized them. They illustrate further how Chinghiz acquired that knowledge of detail and of the minor tactics of war which is the main feature of a great commander, namely, by adventures in which personal courage, tact and presence of mind had to be shewn under critical circumstances of various kinds on a small scale. It was this training which prepared the great leader for those feats of masterly strategy which we shall describe later on. Chinghiz had another characteristic of great commanders, namely, the power of uniting his dependents close to himself and securing their unswerving loyalty. Bugurji is reported to have said to his master in his later days of prosperity, "When the raven's cry is at fault I am not misled. When the kite becomes confused I do not lose my head. When the dust covers the roads I lose not my way. This is why men have deemed me infallible.""" Let us now revert to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. Although we are there told that Chinghiz Khan was wounded, it does not appear that he was actually defeated: on the contrary we read, that on the day after the battle with the Taijut, Chinghiz noticed that the enemy's army had scattered during the night and went in pursuit. On his way he saw a woman on a hill who kept shouting out Temujin. Chinghiz sent a man to inquire what was the matter. She said she was Khadaan, the daughter of Sorkhanshir; that the soldiers wanted to kill her husband, and that she was shouting to Temujin to go and rescue him. Chinghiz on hearing this, rode on to try and save him, but he had already been killed. Having pitched his camp there, he summoned Khadaan, and gave her a seat by his side. On the following day Sorkhanshir and Jebe or Chepe presented themselves before him. They had both been in the service of Todogai of the Taijut tribe. Chinghiz recalled to the former how he and his children had once befriended him when in great peril, and asked him why he had not gone to join him before. He replied "In my heart I was disposed towards you, but if I had come sooner it is probable the Taijut would have killed my 57 Erdmann, p. 207. 5 Surghan Shireh of Rashidu'd-din. se Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 73 and 74. so Id., p. 74. 177 wives. Chinghiz then turned to Jebe and asked him who it was that in the battle at Kiutan had shot an arrow from a hill which had pierced his horse's neck. Jebe confessed that he had done so, and went on to say, "If you order me to be killed, you will soil a piece of earth not larger than my palm, but if you spare me I will prove my devotion to you. I will stem the deep water and break in pieces the hard stone." Chinghiz enlisted him among his people. Hitherto he had been styled Churkhoadai, but inasmuch as he had shot his horse, Chinghiz called him Jebe, "and he used him as a war horse." Jebe is also the name of a military weapon." He became one of his most famous commanders, and we shall have more to say about him further on. Chinghiz having destroyed all the family of Auchubaatur of the Taijut, with all his people, moved to the district of Khubakhaya, where he passed the winter. By this place Kubukhai, on the right bank of the Onon, not far from Tarei Nor, is probably meant."1 The Taijut chief, Tarkhutai Kiriltuk, had taken refuge in the woods. His old dependent, Shirguetu, with his two sons, Alakh and Nayaa, determined to surrender him to Chinghiz, and as he was stout and could not sit on a horse, they therefore took him in a kibitka or cart. His brothers and sons, having heard of this, went in pursuit and overtook them. Thereupon the old man Shirguetu pulled out his knife, saying, "Whether I kill you or no, I shall die; it is better therefore to kill you and then die." Tarkhutai then shouted out to his relatives to stop as Shirguetu wanted to kill him. "My corpse," he said, "will not be of any value to you. Let them take me to Temujin: he will not kill me, for I in former years did him service." When the party reached the district of Khutukhu, Nayaa said to his father, "If we take him to Temujin, the latter will certainly accuse us of having laid hands on our lawful master, and will put us to death. It would be better to set Tarkhutai free and to tell Temujin that we had seized him, but as he was our lawful master, we had repented and therefore gave him his liberty." They thereupon released him. When they report 61 See the Map in Petermann's Mittheilungen for 1861, already cited. 62 Palladius says this was probably an invention to frighten his conductors, so that they should not injure him. Op. cit., note 239.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1881. ed what they had done to Chinghiz, he said to We read in the Yuan ch'ao-pi-shi that in the them, "If you had brought him to me, I would year of the dog," in the autumn, Chinghiz certainly have killed you. You have done well Kha n fought in the district of Dalannimorgesi in setting him free;" and he thereupon rewarded against the four hordes of Tartars, that is, the Nayaa.. This incident is a curious proof of the Chaan Tartars and others. Before the battle rigid loyalty which was inculcated by the Mongol he issued an order to his army, instructing polity. It does not stand alone, but other cases them in case of victory not to run after the are known in which traitors to their masters, plunder, which should be divided fairly, and instead of being rewarded, were immediately that, if driven back to their old quarters, they punished even when the treachery was incited must take fresh heart and make a new attack. by the Mongol chief himself. This feature was in Those who shrank behind and did not again marked contrast with the easy allegiance of the advance were to be decapitated. The Tartars tribes of Central Asia and Persia generally, were duly beaten, and Chinghiz and his among whom treachery was an every-day form peoplo advanced to the river Ulkhui to the place of tactics. Shilugiljit, and took all the auls, i.e. the camps The campaign against the Taijnt, described of the Four Hordes. In the beginning of the in such detail in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi as above, battle Altan and others in defiance of the is only referred to in a very short paragraph orders of Chinghiz began to plunder, whereof the Yuan-shi, where we read that Chinghiz upon Chinghiz ordered Jebe and Khu bilai Kha n, in alliance with Wang Khan, defeated to take the booty they had secured from them." Hang-hu or Khankhu, as the name is written by | In the Yuan-shi the opponents of Chinghiz are Hyacinthe, on the river Onon, and captured a called Angtsi and Chagan Tartars, Chagan great number of men." Rashido'd-din has more meaning white. Hyacinthe gives the name of details. He tells us that Chinghiz and his the place where the struggle took place as friend and patron, Wang Khan, met together Urkhu Saltsa gol. Palladius, who is a much in a kuriltai at Sari Keber in the year of the better authority, reads it from the same authority monkey (596 A.H., 1200 A.D.) and concerted as the springs of the river Khalkha, which & campaign against the Taijut. The latter, he falls into Lake Bayar," which was as we know says, were assembled on the Onon, with their in the Tartar country. chiefs Angkhu Uguju, (meaning, according to The two Tartar tribes attacked on this occaRashid, the very hot-tempered) Koril, Tarkhutai sion were called Anchi, (or as Erdmann reads Kiriltuk and Khudadar, together with a con- it Alji,) and Chagan by Rashidu'd-din, who says tingent of Merkis, who had been sent by their there were four other divisions of the race called chief, Tuktai, under the command of his brothers respectively Tatukalait Kiuin," Nereit," and Khudu and Orchinga. The two allies allowed Bargui." There was another section of Tartars them short respite. They marched against them in the Inshan mountains, who were otherwise ind defeated them. They pursued Tarkhutai known as Ongut, to whom we shall refer preKiriltuk and Khududar as far as Engut Turas, sently. where they killed them both. Angkha and the Let us now return to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. #wo brothers of Tuktai found shelter in Bar We there read that having subdued the four yujin. Koril perished among the Naimans." Tartar hordes, Chinghiz secretly consulted with This campaign was an importantone. It virtual his people, and urged that since the Tartars had ly settled the allegiance of the various tribes of learned his revence he trachannel earned his revenge by treacherously betraying purely Mongol race. In future the struggles of his ancestors, it was a suitable occasion on Chinghiz Khan were almost entirely with which to kill all their males who were foreign tribes. We must now go on with our story. higher than an axle tree," and to divide and as wm-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 74 and 75. Gi Douglas. p. 25; Hyacinthe, p. 18. 6 Called Khadua ard Rejaneg by Erdmann. * Called Elenkut Turash by D'Obsson and Lengat Nuranen by Erdmann. G: Bereziao, rp. 118 and 119; Erdmans, p. 375; D'Obsaon, tom. 1, pp. 59 and 60.. or i.e. in 1202. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-54, p. 77. 10 Op. cit., p. 21. " Op. cit., note 250. 18 Written Kugin by D'Ohsson ; Guisin by Erdmann. 13 Written Terat by D'Ohsson and Nezait by Erdmann. ** Written Berkui by D'Ohsson ; Yerkhui by Erdmann. Berezide, vol. I. p. 51; Erdmann, p. 179; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 494. Palladius illustrates this by a corresponding order issued by the Kin general, who at the siege of Sunchai in 1140 |

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JUNE, 1881.] make slaves of the remainder. After the consultation Belgutei, who had been present, was accosted by a Tartar named Yekejeryan, who asked him what their business had been. Upon which either in bravado or thoughtlessness be frankly told him. The news was speedily conveyed to the Tartars, who took possession of their mountain stronghold. Chinghiz ordered it to be destroyed-a work which cost his people much trouble, but when it was captured they duly put to death all the men not less than an axle wheel, but as each of the Tartars had armed himself with a knife, in the process the Mongols lost a considerable number of lives. Chinghiz was naturally much irritated with Bel gutei, whose rash disclosures had caused the death of so many people, and he ordered that in future he was not to be admitted to council meetings when important business was being discussed, but to remain outside and decide in brawls and quarrels and in matters of stealing. He and Chinghiz Khan's uncle Daritai (who had perhaps shared in the indiscretion) were only to be admitted after the other councillors had drunk a skin of kumiz. At this time Chinghiz married Yesugan, the daughter of Yekejeryan, who obtained considerable influence over him. She told him she had an elder sister called Yesui, who was worthy to be a king's wife. She said. further that the latter had been recently married, and that she did not know her whereabouts. Chinghiz replied, "If she be really a beauty I will order her to be found; but when she is found, will you surrender to her your place ?" She said she would. Chinghiz thereupon ordered Yesui to be searched for. She was found in a wood, where she had hidden herself with her husband. The latter fled, and she became one of Chinghiz Khan's wives." On one occasion Chinghiz was drinking outside his tent with Yesui and Yesugan, when he heard a deep sigh. He became suspicious that one of his wives was love-making, and ordered Mukuli and his other companions to their tents. After they had gone, there remained behind a young man. Chinghiz asked him who he was. "I am the husband of Yesui, who escaped when she was captured." He said ordered that in the event of the town being captured all the inhabitants higher than an axle tree should be killed; or as another version has it, all the males above 3 years old. Op. cit., note 252. i. e. as to an elder sister. "Pailadius says that according to usage Yesui is called 179 "I thought I should not have been noticed in the crowd." Chinghiz said "Yonare a descendant of my enemies, and have come here to spy," and he chopped off his head. Neither the Yuan-shi nor the Kang-mu give any additional facts about this Tartar campaign. Rashida'd-din dates it in the same year, i.e. 598 A. H., 1202 A. D. He puts the battle on the river 01k hui Seljieljut, on which site D'Ohsson has a valuable note. He says the river Ulkui takes its rise in lat. 47 on Mount Soyolki or Soyolji, which is a branch of the Khinghan range separating Mongolia and Manchuria. Before losing itself in a small lake of the Gobi, the Ulkui receives a tributary called the Soyolji." This small lake is the Chantu Nor' of the maps. In his special article on the Tartars, Rashida'd-din would have us believe that Chinghiz Khan made a general slaughter of the hated tribe, and even ordered pregnant women to be cut open. He calls the Tartar wives of Chinghiz respectively Mesulun and Mesuketor Bisulan and Besakat.50 Ssanang Setzen calls them Jissu and Jissuken and says they were daughters of the Tartar Yeke Tsoro. Many of Chinghiz Khan's followers also married Tartar maidens and adopted Tartar children. Chinghiz gave his brother 1,000 Tartars to put to death. He only killed 500, and at the request of his wife spared the rest. Among those who escaped the general massacre many became famous afterwards. One of these was called Khutukhu Noyan, also known as Shiki Khutukhu. He was adopted by Chinghiz Khan's favourite wife Burte and used to call her Terigun-eke or Beriganegeh and Sain-egeh, while he called Chinghiz Echige or Ijeh. Chinghiz called him Arik beki or Akha, and gave him a rank co-ordinate with that of his sons. As we shall see, he caused the Mongols a severe defeat near Bamian, but he survived this many years and lived to the age of 82. His favourite motto was "Fear not, and speak the truth;" and his reputation for justice was quoted by judges even down to the 14th century. When he was only a boy of 11 or 12, or as others said of 15, he secured the special favour of Chinghiz by a Khanshi of the third IIorde; and Yesugan, Khanshi of the fourth or last. Yun-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 79 and 80. 10 Op. cit., vol. I, p. 64 note. so Berezine, vol. 1, p. 57; Erdmann, p. 180. 1 Op. cit., p. 83.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. bold action. Chinghiz was moving to his winter quarters and the snow was thick on the ground, and he saw some stage in the distance. These the boy went after, and succeeded in killing 27 out of 30, which greatly delighted his patron. On another occasion he helped to rescue Chinghiz Khan's youngest son Tului, who was then only four or six years, from a Taijut robber, who was carrying him off. Two brothers named Khulu and Kbara Menggetu Ukha were saved by Chinghiz Khan's Tartar wives. They joined their household. They and their descendants afterwards became famous. We are told that at the instance of histwowives just named, Chinghiz ordered the two brothers Khulu and Menggetu, to collect the Tartar families who survived. Of these he got together 30, out of whom was formed a hazara. Another Tartar named Khutukut became a great amir and commander of a hazara in the left wing of the army. Chingiz also had a Tartar concubine, whose name has not reached us, who was the mother of Shaganor, who died young. Other more or less famous men in the Mongol army of Tartar origin are mentioned by Rashidu'd-din." There can be small doubt that he greatly exaggerated the number of Tartars who were destroyed. This was assuredly so it the modern Daurians are, as we have argued, the descendants of the Tartars. M. SENART ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. Translated from the French. (Continued from p. 85.) Sixth Edict. i (") savalokahitatpa [.]ya' cha kimchi parakraTranscription of Gimnar version. mami' aham kimi bhutanam anamnamo () ........ si raja eva aha(.) atikatam gachhegam am... (1) idba cha nani" sukhapayami paratra cha (") na bhutapuva sava .. la athakamme va svagan aradhayamtu[.] ta etaya' athaya pativedana vas.] ta maya evam katari ("") ayam dhammalipi' lekhapita kimti chiram () save kale bhumjamanasa me orodhanamhi tisteya iti tatha cha me putra' pota cha gabhagarambi vachamhi va prapota cha (*) vinitamhicha uyanesu cha savatra pativedaka (**) anuvataram" savalokahitaya[.] dukaran' tu stita athe me janasa idam agata agena parakrainena'[.] (") pativedetha iti sarvatra' cha janasa athe Translation. karomi ya cha kimchi mukhata? Thus saith king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods: (9) anapayami svayam dipakam va sravapakam? In the past [they have not (given heed] at all va ya va puna mahimatesu? times to the despatch of business and hearing (') achayika' aropitam bhavati[.) taya athaya reports (K. : at all times hearing reports on: vivado nikati va samto' parisayam business). For myself, this is what I have done. (1) anamtaram pativedetayam' me sarvata? At all times whether I am eating, (whether sarve kale evam maya anapitam [.] nasti hi I am) in the harem, in the inner apartments, me tosa? even in the secret retreat and in the place of () ustanamhi' athasamtiranaya' va [.] katavya religious retirement (??) and in the garden, matehi me sarvalokahitam everywhere the officers may enter charged with (19) tasa? cha puna esa mule ustanam' cha reports, with the command to report to me the athasamtfrana cha nasti hi kammataram concerns of the people, and every way I des 89 Berezine, vol. I, pp. 58 and 59; Erdmann, pp. 180-182. $3 Berezine, vol. I, p. 61; Erdmann, pp. 182 and 183. ** Berezine, vol. I, p. 64; Erdmann, pp. 184 and 185. 1 Jour. Asiatique, Vilieme Ser. t. XVI, pp. 280ff. . Prinsep, J. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII, p. 254F.; Wilson, J. R. A. S. vol. XII, p. 190f. Lassen, Ind. Alt. II. p. 255 n. 1, 2; p. 256, n. 1, has translated nearly the whole edict, not without serious mistakes. M. Kern, Jaartell. d. zuydel. Buddh. p. 71f. has examined only the part of the Girnar and Dhauli versions, which correspond, for five lines from the beginning. Burnouf, Lotus, p. 654, has only dealt in detail with the last phrase. * The words obliterated are Devananpiye piyadasi. Read amtaram; C. has antarain na'. 5 Read savakala. * O. reads echan kata ra sao; evari katar is indistinct on facsimile B. and perhaps not quite beyond doubt. * In these places the readings of Gen. Canningham's plate differ from facsimile B. For athars, as elsewhere; e.g. mdgadhe for magadharit in the first line of the Bhabra inscription. C. has "nijhati; in the facsimile kao is indistinct. 10 For Anarisvarh. 11 To be corrected into cha kani, the reading of Dhauli Jaugada and Khalsi, equivalent to cha khu or chu kho. 13 Read anuvaterum.

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JUNE, 1881.] PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 181 patch the concerns of the people (K.(6): the concerns of the people, the concerns of the faithful) quite as much, in that I myself, with my own mouth, direct to give or to make known, as by the opportunities which the Superintendents of Religion afford (K.: to the people). Thus it is that I have commanded that, everywhere, and always, a division, a quarrel (K. (b): every quarrel ?) being raised in the assembly of the clergy, it be reported to me immediately. For I am never satisfied to have shewn sufficient activity in the administration of justice. It is my duty by my counsels to procure the public good : now the source of it is in activity and in the administration of justice; for there is nothing more effective for the public welfare. All my efforts have only one object : to discharge that debt [of duty) with respect to the creatures; I make them as happy as possible here below; may they be able to attain heaven in the other world! It is with this idea that I have caused this edict to be engraved, may it long endure! and may my sons, my grandsons, and my greatgrandsons (Dh. and J.: my sons and my greatgrandsons; Kh.: my sons and my wives; K. : say sons, my grandsons) follow my example (Dh., J., Kb., K. : make all the efforts they can) for the public welfare. But that is difficult without much effort (K.: but this wise conduct could not be attained but by much effort). Seventh Edict.13 Transcription. ( Devanampiyo piyadasi raja sarvata" ichhati save pasanda vaseyu[.] savo te samya mama cha () bhavasudhim cha ichhati jano tu nchava chach hamdo uchavacharago [.) te sarvam va! kasamti ekadesam va kasamti" () vipole tu pi dane yasa nasti sayame bhava Budhita va katamiata va dadhabhatita cha nicht badham . Translation. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, wishes that all sects may be able to live [at freedom] in all places. All, indeed, propose [alike) the subjugation of the senses and parity of the mind; but man is inconstant in his wishes, inconstant in his attachments. Thus they put in practice either entirely or [only] in part [the ideal which they have in view); but even such as do not give large alms, practise the control over the senses, the purity of the mind, gratitude, constancy in the affections, which is nevertheless good. Eighth Edict.10 Transcription. (1) Atikatar antara rajano viharayatain " nayasu (.) eta magavya* ananicha etarisania (c)) abhiramakani ahumsu (.] so devanampriyo priyadasi raja dasavasabhisito santo amyaya" sambodhi [.] () tenesa dhammayata eta 20 yam hoti bamhana samananam dasane cha dape cha thairanar dasane cha () hiramnapratividhano* cha janapadasa cha" janasa darsanam dhammanusasti cha dha maparipuchha cha [.] (*) tadopaga esa bhuyao rati bharati devanam piyasa priyadasino rano bhage amie C.] The following translation differs less than any of the others yet examined from that of my predecessors : Translation. ** * In the past, kings went out for (Dh. K. : for what is called) courses of enjoyment. The chase and other [amusements] of that sort formed their pleasures in this world. I [who speak] king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, in the thirteenth year of my consecration, have attained (true) knowledge. So, too, [my courses in this world are such as are] religious courses; that is to say: visiting and giving alms to Brahmans and Sramanas, visiting the old (wanting in Dh. and J.), distribution of money, visiting the people of the empire, their religious instruction, conversations about the things of religion. It is thus, that, in exchange (for past pleasures], king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, since then enjoys the pleasures which procure these [virtuous) actions. 13 Jour. Asiatique, u. r. p. 319f. ; Prinsep, W. 8. p. 255f. Wilson, J. R. As. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 308f., and XII, p. 1984. Lassen, p. 264, n. 2, 5; p. 265, n. 1; Burnouf, p. 764. 2. Cunningham's plate reads sawatao. 16 C. saya.. The reading sariyamam of the facsimile B. pata an end to the doubt of Burnouf, who, reading sayama, wished to alter it to svayama; samyama is a familiar word for dominion over the senses.' 26 C. sava ta. 11. kasam". The other tests have kachanti. 15 For wichan. four. As. w. s. p. 327f.; Prinsep, p. 256; Wilson p. 199f.; Lassen, p. 227, n. 3; Burnouf, p. 757f. Kern, P. 55f. 20 In these places the readings of Cunningham's plate differ frora those of the facaimile B. * C. has ayaya; the facsimile B. appears distinctly to have anliydya. 52 Read pratividhi ne. * For bhayo.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1881. Ninth Edict." of corruption) and vain. It is necessary, howTranscription. ever, to observe these practices. But such (') Devinathpriyo priyadasi raja erakha [.] practices (Kh. K. : those) produce only small aati jano uchvachath mangalam - karote" fruits; the practice of religion, on the contrary Abadhesu vA produces very great ones. That is to say: (1) Avabavivahesa va patralAbhesu" vA pravi: regard for slaves and servants, respect for samhmhi VA"(.) etamht cha anamhi cha relatives and masters, are good (these two words jano nchavacham mangalam karote (.] omitted in Dh., J., Kh., K.), good this word ) eta ta mabAdayo" bahukam cha bahuvidham wanting in Dh., J., Kh.), gentleness towards cbs ohhudan" cha niratham cha man- living creatures, good (this word omitted in Dh., galem" karote[.] ta katavyam eva tu" J., Kh., K.), alms to Sramanas and to Brahmana. mangalan (.) apapbalan tu kho These (virtues] and others similar are what (*) etariaa mangalam ayam tu mahaphale" I call the practice of religion. A father ought, mamgale ya dhammamangale[.] tata or a son, or a brother, or a master (Kh., K.: disabhatakambi samyapratipati gujunam or a friend, a comrade, or even a neighbour) apachiti" sadhu to say :- This is good, this is the practice (") paposu sayamo" sadhu bamhanasamaninam which should be observed that the object may sidhu danan (.) eta " cha" ane cha etarisam be attained (K.: which is necessary for the dhammamangalam nama [.] ta vatavyam" faithful to observe so that it may lead to their pita va substantial advantage). It has been said: alms (*) putrena" ve bhata va svamikena" vA idam is a good thing; but there is no such alms, no Bidha idam katavya mamgalam ava tasa such charity, like the almsgiving of religion, the athasa nistankya (.) asti cha pi vutam charitable gift of religion. Therefore it is that (") sidhu dana iti na tu etarisan asti danam vas a friend, a relative, a comrade should give these Anagaho va yarisan dhammadanan va counsels: In such or such a case, thus it dhamanugaho va [.] ta tu kho mitrena" va should be done: this is good. Convinced that suhadayena it is by this conduct that it is possible to merit (1) batikona va saba yana va ovaditavyam" heaven, one ought to follow it with zeal as the tamhi tamhi pakarane" idam kacham idam means of meriting heaven (Dh., J.: one ought to sadha iti [.) imini saka practise with zeal the means of meriting heaven). (") svagam aradhetu iti kicha" imine katavya- Kh. and K. replace all this passage from : It has taram yathan svagkradhi" (.] been said' &o., by the following. The ordinary Translation. (practices) of this kind (Kh. : practices without Thus saith king Piyadasi, beloved of the solidity) are of doubtful effect. Thus, either gods: Men observe various practices (according they produce or they do not produce the result to circumstances) in sickness, at the marriage [which wus in view]; and (in every case] their of a son or a daughter [G. and Dh. have the power is limited to the present life. The plural), at the birth of a son (Dh., Kb., K.: practice of the law on the contrary is not limit. of a child), at the time of starting on a journey. | ed to time. If it does not produce the result In these circumstances and other similar ones, intended-the earthly result, it assures for the men observe various practices. But these other world an infinite harvest of merit ; but if ceremonies, which great numbers observes (Dh., it produces that result (K. : immediately perKh., K.: which they observe), (Dh., K. : like ceivable in this world ?) then it has a double women (such as they appeared to Buddha); Kh.: efficacy. In this world (we obtain) that result, are like the juice of the mango fruit), at once and in the other world is prepared a harvest numerous and varied (these two epithets are of infinite merit, (all) thanks to the practice a wanting in 'Dh.), are useless (Dh., K.: a heap of religion). (To be continued.) * Jour. As. #. #. p. 849f.; Prinsep, p. 2576.; Wilson, p. 203f. ; Lassen, p. 303, n. 1; Burnouf, pp. 666, 722, 735; Kero, p. 829. 1 c. differs in the readings in these words. 9. Rendevan '; karote is a variant spelling of karoti. 11 Read mahdkdyo. 98 For tani, tad mathgalanh. * C. bas "tateta dd; the facsimile B. appears to present the additional marks which account for this reading, but do not, I think, justify it. Read tateta, i. e. tatra etad. .30 Ela-etan. 51 For svagarddhi.

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JUNE, 1881.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. MISCELLANEA. NOTES AND QUERIES. 8. CROW LANGUAGE.-There is among European children born in India a quasi-secret dialect called the "Crow Language," which consists in dividing the vowel sound of each syllable by a "p." For example: " How do you do?" would in Crow language be pronounced How-p-ow do-p-o you-p-ou do-p-o? and "Quite well" as Qui-p-ite we-p-ell. I have hitherto regarded it merely as a childish trick of speech, and was therefore much astonished and amused to find the following sentence in a paper "On the Non-Aryan Languages of India," by E. L. Brandreth, Esq. (Journal R. A. S., N. S., vol. X, p. 8):"Kolarian Grammar apparently recognizes none of the root changes of the Dravidian, but derivative forms are not always indicated by affixed ASIATIC SOCIETIES. M. Leon Rodet has a paper on the correct meaning of the Numeral Notation devised by Aryabhata. The principle of this notation is expressed in the mnemonical eloka,Varga-aksharani varge, 'varge 'varga-aksharani. Kiet so mau-gala | Kha-dvi-navake svara nava, varge 'varge nava. antya-varge va || . M. Rodet corrects kha-dvinavake into khadvi navakam, and explains the whole thus: The consonants classified are used to express, and take for their numerical values the order which they hold in the alphabet,' thus, -1, -2, . 5, 10, 11,.. = 20, = 21, ma = 25. The unclassed consonants are used for tens"; but as we have already = 10, 20, must be 30, which the author expresses when he says: n-m-au yas, y=n+m=5+25=30; and we continue making = 40.... 70, 80, sa = 90 ha = 100. "The nine vowels give birth to nine couples of zeros added to the numbers expressed by the consonants." 183 particles only, but occasionally by infixes-thas in Santali a noun may be formed by infixing t, p, or n with the same vowel as that of the root; for instance: ra-pa-j, a collection of kings, from raj, a king, u-nu-m, immersion, from um to bathe. The reciprocal active voice is formed in a similar manner by the insertion of p: thus da-pa-l, strike together, from dal, to strike." Can the interjected p of the so-called "Crow language" have been borrowed as a disguise to ordinary English from any of the Indian languages? Do any of the Indian peoples use "secret" languages formed in this manner? A. M. FERGUSON, JR. Abbotsford Estate, Lindula, Ceylon, 14th March 1881. The vowels are-a, i, u, r, 1, e, ai, o, au,-the long not being distinguished from the short; and these vowels attached to the consonants multiply them: The Journal Asiatique, Oct.-Dec. 1880, contains the continuation of M. Senart's study of the Piyadasi inscriptions from the sixth to the twelfth edict inclusive. The last two of these are not found at Dhauli and Jaugada, and of ther by 1,000,000: tr 16,000,000. . . pr=21,000,000 twelfth only a few letters are preserved in the Kapur-di-giri version. M. Cl. Huart follows with a paper on Ottoman Bibliography, containing a list of the books, in Turkish, Arabic and Persian, printed at Constanti nople in A. H. 1294-1296 (A.D. 1877-79). = by 100: gi stands for 300, chi 600,.. mi = 2500, yi=3000, &c. u by 10,000: ghu=40,000, chhu 70,000 .. ru 400,000, &c. &c. And they are added, Aryabhata says: varge, avarge, nava-antyavarge va,-"To the varga and to the avarga (to units and tens, separately) or to a group terminated by a varga." Thus 43 may be written Tor; 4300 may be written = gi +ri, or ; 430,000 as Tor, &c. It is to be noted that a is the maltiplier by 1000 = 1; and thus au= 100=1016; however as the numeral letters permit us to write numbers of two figures we have, in fact, by means of the consonants and au, the numbers up to eighteen figures and as h = 100,= 100 x 100 = 1018. Aryabhata uses this notation for his astronomical tables thus, Yuga-Ravi-bhagands khyu-ghr; Sasi chayagiyinu suchhlr; ku nisibunlkhshr prak; Sani dunvighva; Guru khrichyubha; Kuja bhadlijhnukhr; Bhrigu-Budha saura. Chandrochcha jrushkhidha; Budha sugusithrna; Bhrigu jashabikhuchhr besharkde; Buphinacha pata-viloma, budhdhny-ajarkodayach cha Lankayam. "In a Yuga the number of sidereal revolutions of the Sun is 4,320,000; of the Moon, 57,753,336; of the earth, 1,582,237,500; of Saturn, 146,561; of Jupiter, 364,224; of Mars, 2,296,824; of Venus and Mercury, the same as the Sun; of the Moon's apogee, 488,219; Mercury's, 17,937,020; of Venus, 7,022,383; and of the Moon's node, 232,236." But it is only in the tables in his first chapter that Aryabhata has used this notation. M. Rodet

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1 84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1881. further notes in proof that Bhatta-Utpala (cir. is on the poetess Fadhl, who holds a prominent 1000 A.D.) in dating his commentary on the Brihat place in the Book of Songs of Abu'l-Faraj elSamhita of Varahamihira (+ 585) uses the Isfahani. She was originally of Yemama, & prosymbolic expression: vasv-ashta-ashta-mite kake, vince of Central Arabia, but found her way to "in the Saka year having for its measure 888." | Bagdad, where by her vivacity and talents she On a similar occasion Aryabhata wishing to tell us became courted by the friends of the Khalif and he was 23 years old in the year 3600 of the Kaliyaga, especially by Saeid ben Hamid, a writer and poet uses the expression shashty-abdanam shashlis for at the court. Many specimens are given of her 3600, and try-adhikd vineatir-abdds for 23. verses on particular occasions, with notices throwAryabhata then quite understood the value of ing much light on the social life of the times. She the position (sthana) of the figures and the use died in obscurity in A. H. 260 (A. D. 873-874). of zero which he calls kcha. M. Rodet then pro- The second paper is a continuation of M.J. ceeds to compare the system of numeration found | Halevy's Essay on the Himyaritic inscriptions in the early inscriptions and Valabhi plates from Safa. These inscriptions are short memorial with that used in the Rhind's hieratic papyrus. ones, and contain very little, if any, information M. Feer has a Bauddha essay on becoming a that can be used for historical purposes, but are Buddha, being an explication of the Avaddna- only of interest philologically. Sataka and Karma-Sataka. To the Miscellanea M. M. Sioufti of Mosul conM. Imbault-Huart contributes miscellaneous tributes a translation from the Arabic of a notice notes on Chinese matters and translations of short of Yabalaha III, Patriarch of the Nestorians, sayings; and the volume is concluded by several 1282-1318 A. D. Under the patriarchate were book notices, the first being a pretty lengthy review twenty-seven archbishops, extending over a very of Darmesteter's Vendidad by C. de Harlez. large area in the east from Jerusalem to Kashgar, The Journal Asiatique for January 1881 con India, and China, each with from six to twelve tains only two atticles,--the first, by M. Cl. Huart,' bishops subordinate to him. * BOOK NOTICES. The HISTORY of INDIA from the earliest ages. By J. volumes neither rare nor of much historical value, Talboys Wheeler, vol. IV-part ii. Moghul empire but the first being in English, and the second in Aurangzeb. London: Trubner and Co, 1881. French, and we suppose translated for our author, Mr. Talboys Wheeler has completed his fourth are his principal authorities. In the third of the volume by now publishing pages 321 to 600, four chapters in this part, the reader is treated to chiefly devoted to the reign of Aurangzeb, which, condensed abstracts of the works of the principal he tells us, "is not generally familiar to English European travellers in India in the 17th and 18th readers." But though we might expect, after this centuries, from Terry to Carsten Niebuhr--whose statement, that he was about to enlighten us with Christian name Mr. Wheeler has found a new Christian name Mr. Wheeler h the fruits of fresh research, we find not a word of spelling for. But whilst the author affects additional information that is correct. He indeed certain degree of accuracy and tells us on the first states that "the consequences" of Aurangzeb's page that "the name of Aurangzeb' has been edict forbidding any one to write the record of his altered to Aurangzeb' and that of Rajpoot' to times" has been that the materials furnished by 'Rajput'," he is not alike precise everywhere, Muhammadan writers for dealing with the reign hence such names as "Garsopa," " Venk-tapa of Aurangzeb are meagre and unsatisfactory. Mr. Naik," and "Onore," which are not in accordance Wheeler, not being able to read any of the Persian with "modern orthograpby." Geography is as histories himself, might at least have consulted little a matter of precision as orthography: hence Elliot's Bibliographical Index, Morley's Catalogue, 'Garsopa' is 'three leagues south of Onore'or Dr. N. Lees's valuable paper on Materials for instead of east; "the Raj of Kanara extended the History of India, before he made such a state- from Onore to Mangalore, and included the Raj of ment. Elliot enumerates no less than fifteen Karnata"; and "Kalyan in the Dekban" where special works on this reign alone, and several of Vijala Raja reigned "is now a railway station to these are works of no small merit or extent, some the eastward of Bombay"! of which are easily accessible, being published in The English reader who desires & more trustthe Bibliotheca Indica. This would not have suited worthy account than Mr. Wheeler's will still use Mr. Wheeler's method however: Catrou's History Elphinstone's valuable History, and supplement it of the Mogul Dynasty (London, 1826; 324 pp. 8vo) from Dow's or Dowson's and Elliot's. We are and History of the Reign of Aurangzebe, founded on surprised that so unscholarly and inaccurate a the memoirs of Manouchi a Venetian physician,- writer finds pablishers for his works.

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July, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 185 SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. 8., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 171.) No. CXVI. |dated in the Yuva sarvatsara, the nineteenth THE present inscription is from a stone-tablet year of the Chalukya-Vikramavarsha established 1 lying near a small ruined Jain temple in by him and dating from the commencement the fort at Dambal, in the Gadag Taluka of the of his reign,' i.e. in Saka 1017 (A. D. 1095-6). Dharwad District. A transcription is given in It gives us the name of one of his queens, the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I, p. 356; but my Lakshma de vi, who at this time was text is edited from an ink-impression made by governing the district called the Eighteen Mr. H. Cousens, of the Government Archaeo- Agraharas and the city of Dharm Apnra. logical Survey. She is called here the piriy-arasi, or senior The emblems at the top of the stone are,-in queen'; but this title, corresponding to the the centre, a female figure, evidently the Tara Sanskrit agra-mahishi, was borne also by one or Taradevi of the inscription, seated in a or two others of his consorts. The Eighteen shrine, and facing full front, and holding in her Agrahdras appear to have been a group of left hand & water-lily just expanding, and in towns somewhere in the north of Maisur or in her right hand something which I cannot the south of the Dharwad District; but I think identify from the drawing; on her right hand, that they have not yet been actually identified. a cow and calf, with the sun above them; and Dharmapura, or, as it is also called in this on her left hand, a standing figure with his inscription, Dharma volal, meaning, in hands joined and held to his face in the act of either form, 'the city of religion', is evidently salutation, the flower of an eight-leaved water- Dambal itself. In connection with the Jain lily in front of his hands, two lamp-stands, religion, this inscription is of interest as recordwith burning flames, behind him, and the moon ing the existence at Dambal of a vihara or above him. The body of the inscription, which temple of Buddha, which had been built by the is in the Old-Canarese language and in finely sixteen Settis' of that place, and of another engraved and excellently preserved characters vihara of Taradevi, which had been built by the of the period to which it refers itself, covers Setti Sangavayya of Lokkigundi or the modern a space of about 3' 1' high by 2' 1' broad. But Lakkundi. The object of the inscription is to there are also two long lines of writing, in the record certain grants to these two viharas. It same characters and containing three verses in is worthy of note that these Settis, who built and the Sanskrit language, round the top of the endowed a Bauddha vihdra, and who were tablet. therefore Jains, belonged to the Pira-Balanja The body of the inscription is of the time of Bect, or the class of merchants and traders, by the Western Chaluky a king Tribhuvane- which principally the Lingayat religion of malla or Vikramaditya VI.; and it is Basava was subsequently adopted. Transcription. [] Namo Buddhaya | Hari-kari-Sikhi-phani-taskara-nigala-ja!-arnnava-shi(pi)sacha bhaya-sa (sa)mani(nl) sa (sa)si(si)-kirana-kanti['] dharini bhagavati Tare namasutubhyan ll* YA joan-arnnava-mamthanat=samudita Praja-eti ya kathyate ya Buddhasya ['] vibhati-da tri-bhuvane bodhi-svarupa para ya hri(hri)d-byo(vy)mni Tathagatasya Vasati hphitiva chandrikala sa [] Tara bhava-tapa-duhkba-sa(sa)mani prasi(a)shtu(sta) Vas=sarvvada ||* Svasti Samastabhavanasraya sri-pri(pri)thvivallabha mahd 1 See Vol. VIII., p. 187. * Setti, or sell, is corruption of the Sanskrit Sreshthin, a head merchant; the head or chief of a company following the same trade; the president or forean of a guild or Other forms, in inscriptions are Balanju, Banasija, and Bamanju. The modern form is Banajiga and Banijiga. There is still a division of the Banajigas which is called Jaina-Banajiga. * Some correction is necessary here; probably sphitelva is what was intended. corpore some chant

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. [') raj-adhiraja paramesvaram paramabhattarakan Satyaeraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-abharanah srimat-Tribhuva[ ] namalladevara vijaya-rajyam=attarottar-abhivri(vri)ddhi-pravarddhamanam=a-chandr arkka-taram baram -sallattam-irel ['] Svasty-Anavarata-parama-kallya(lya)-abhyudaya-sahasra(sra)-phala-bhoga-bhagini dvitiya Lakshmi-samane parivara-ni. ['] dhan dana-chintamani samast-antahpara-mukhamandani srimat [T ribhuvanamalladeva-visala-vaksha[h*]sthala-niva[') siniyar=appa Srimat piriy-arasi Lakshmadeviyaru Padinemt-agraharamum(muman) Dharmmapuramuman=aldu sukba-sam[*] katha-vinodadim rajyam geyyuttam-ire ll Svasty-Aneka-guna-gan-&lamkriskri)ta-satya sauch[chara ]-charucharitra-naya-vine(na)[") ya-sila-sampannarum vibudha-prasannarum deva-brahmang-pad8daka-pavitraru sujan aika-mitraru sisht-eshta-jan-adhara["] rum ekamga-viraram aneka-ratna-mandali-ratna-mandanarum kadana-prachandanarum nana-desi(siya)-samuddharanarum Sarasvati-karnna-ka[*] nda!abharanarum sa(fa)panugraha-samarttharum samasta-dharmma-purovri(vri)ddhi kara-kri(kri) tarttharum sa (sa)ranagata-vajra-pamja["] rarum vairi-dikkumjararum grama-nam-ottamara(rum) Evvai(vai)sya-kula-kamala divakararum satya-ratna kararum chatussamaya-samuddha [) ranarun srimaj-Jagadekamalladeva-prasad-Asadita-chchhatra-chamara-sa(ea)san-adi-mahim Onnatar=appa srimad-Dharmma["'] volala padinaruvaru(var=) 85e(=sse)ttigalu mahanagaramum(mu)m=irddu tamma ma disida bauddha-viharakke Sri-Lokkigandiya va ["'] dda(dda)-bya(vya)vahari Samgavayya-settiyaru madisida Sri-bhagavati Aryya Taradevi-vihari-pratibaddhav=agi Svasti Sri[] Chalukya-Vikramavarshada 19neye Yuva-samvatsarada Magha-su (6)ddha-panchami Adityavarad-anda uttarayana ("] sankranti vyaotipatad-amdu srimat-Taradeviga Buddhadevarigam puje-satkarakkari gandha-puhpa-dhupa-dipa-mallya(lya)-naivedy-Adi[*] ka[kka*] pujariga alliya bhikshugalge gras-achchhadanakkam nava-karmm-. adikakkam urim mudalu Ponnakuruvada poladaL"] l-omdu mattaru tomtamumam sarbba(rvva)namasya(sya)v=agi varsha-prati aruvanan muru gadyana ponna tettu suk badal=umb-ant-&["] gi kottaru (11*] Int=i dharmmamam sva-dharmmadim pratipalisavaru [lo] i dharmmamam pratipalisidavargge Banarasi KuruksheL"] tra Prayage Argghyatirttham modal-agi punya-kshetramgalolu sasira kavileya koduin kolagumam ponnu-be[] lliyalum kattisi sasirbba(rvva)r=chchaturvveda-paragar-appa brahmanargge suryya grahanad-amdu danam-gotta phalam-akku [1] ["] i dharmmaman=upekshisiy=alidavargge int=i punya-tirtthamgalolu sasira kavile yumam sasira' chaturvvoda-para[*] gar=appa brahmanaran=alida parchamahapatakan(m)=akku II" Svasti Samasta bhuvana-vikhyata-pamchasa(sa)ta-vira-sa (6A) sa[") na-labdh-aneka-guna-gan-alamkri(kri)ta-satya- saucha[chara(r) ]-charucharitra-naya- vinaya vijnana Vira-Balamja-dharmma-pratipalana ["] visu(su)ddha-guddadhvaja-virajaman=Anuna-sa hasa-vira-lakshmi(kshmi)-lingita-vaksha[h*] sthala bhavana-parakram-onnata Vasude[] va-Khandali-mula-bhadra-vas-8dbhavarun Bhagavatidevi-labdha-vara-prasadam=age dvatrimsa (sad) ve -v@)!&va(pu)ram=ashtAdasa * Some other letter, probably tf, was engraved here, and then was corrected into vya.

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JULY, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 187 80] pattanamum chaushashti-yoga-pithamum chatur-ddesey=&sri(sru)mamum nand-des(6) abhyantaradavargge patta(tte)yum Kri(kri)tayuga[m*1 Tre17 te Dvaparam Kaliyuga modal-Age Brahua (hma)-Vishnu-Mahosvarara mamthadinda Ada Balamja-dharmma-bya(vya)vahara-varttana prava[] rttanarum Ayvole-puravar-eevarar=appa srimad-abhebha)ya-nan-desi(siya)-samubam= irddu Dharmmavolala padinaruvarum [*] mahanaka(ga)ramum maaisida Buddha-viharakkam Sri-Lokkigundiya Sangavayya settiyaru samasta-desi(sl)ya-dha["] rmmav=agi madisida Sri-bhagavati Aryya-Taradeviga samasta-puj-artthav=agi temkanim banda pasumbeyalu pa [*] ga teka popa kasata binige malave pasumbege bele vam eradu sthanakkav= & chandr-arkka-sthayi varam naedev-ant-agi ko. [*] ttarsi dharmmaman pratipalisidavargge Banarasi Kurukshetra Prayage Argghyatirtthadalu sasira kavileya ["] kodum kolagumam savarnadala kattisisahasra chnturvvoda-paragar=appa brahmanarige suryya-grahana["] dalu danam.gotta phalam-akku [1*) i dharmmaman-apeksbisi kitisida'vam sthana-garddabha chandalam same(ma)ya-bahiram Balam[") jigam golalu panai.gomdava pamchamahapa takan-akku 1* Ba(ba)hubbir=vvasudha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih [*] yasya yasya yada bhumi[h*] tasya tasya tada phala L Samanyo=yam dharmma-setu(tare) nri(=nri) pa nam kald ka["] le palaniyo bhavadbhis-sarbba(rvva)=et&n=bhagi(vi)nah-partthivemdra [no] bhuyo bhuye yachate Ramabhadra[ho] || Sva-da["] ttam para-dattar ba(va) yo haretista) vasundhara[m*) shashti-rvva(va)rsha sahasrani vishthayam jayata krimi[h*] || [*] Svalpa-matram pradasyanti ye danan Buddha-sa (sk)sane alitio-kalpa-sahasrani mahabhoga mahadhana[1] ["] Yatra yatr=opapadyante nityam danam smaranti te evam mahaphala hy=esha gambhira Buddha-dakshina ICID {"] Krita cha yan=maya punya karshye(rishye) yach=cha kimchana tena me jagatas-ch=&sya pada siddhyadhya)tu saugatam || The verses round the top of the stone. [*] Asarbba (rvva)-bhavena yadri(dpi)chchhe(chchha)ya va par-anuvri(vri)ttya vichikitsaya va ye tvan=namasyam(syam)ti Munindra-bhadram te shyarnmariin sampadam=apno[vanti || Sarbbe(rvve) satvas=sarbbe(rvve) prana[h*) sarbbe(rv ve) bhutas-cha keva!A[b") sarbbe(ryve) vai sokhina[1] santu sarbbe(rvve) Bantu niramaya[h*] || [*] Pathas(thah)-partthiva-vahnisha (pu)ga-pavana-prakhyata-bhity-Aku!(!a)-prana-trana-vidha na-labdha-karana-vyApara-chint-atura prodyat-tashka(ska)ra-sindhu-sindhura-harivya!-adi-sam(samo)k-apah& Tara turna-vitirnna-vamchhita-phala payat=sada Samgamam Translation. | like that of the rays of the moon! May that Reverence to Buddha! Reverence to thee, Tara always bless you, who allays the misery O holy Tara, who dost allay the fear of lions of the affliction of existence, who sprang from and elephants and fire and hooded snakes and the churning of the ocean of knowledge; who thieves and fetters and water and the ocean is called Prajna ;" who is the giver of the and demons, and who dost bear a splendour power of Buddha; who is the supreme form of * Sc., vardu, for ondu. * This letter, da, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. The metre is wrong here. Some correction is needed here. I can only suggest that lasisbartin was intended. 10 One of the Jain Saktis, or 'female energies.' n Wisdom,-the sukti of the Adi-Buddha.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. perfect wisdom in the three worlds; and who dwells in the heart of Tathagata," just as the full digit of the moon dwells in the sky! (L. 4.)-Hail! While the victorious reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalla deva, the asylum of the universe; the favourite of the world; the great king; the supreme king; the supreme lord; the most worshipful one; the glory of the family of Satyaeraya; the ornament of the Chalukyas,-was continuing with perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last: (L. 7.)-Hail! And while the glorious chief queen Lakshma devi,-who shared the enjoyment of the thousand results of unceasing and supreme good fortune and prosperity; who was like a second (goddess) Lakshmi; who was the treasure-house of her retinue; who was a very philosopher's stone in charity; who was the chief ornament of all the women's apartments; and who dwelt upon the mighty breast of the glorious Tribhuvanamalladeva,-was governing the Eighteen Agraharas and the city of Dharmapura, and was ruling with the delight of pleasing conversations : (L. 10.)-Hail! The sixteen Settis of the glorious (city of) Dharmavolal,-who were endowed with truth and purificatory observances and pleasing conduct and morality and modesty and good character, adorned by innumerable good qualities; who were kindly disposed to learned men; who were purified by the water. (which had been sanctified by the washing) of the feet of gods and Brahmans; who were the chief friends of good people; who were the supporters of excellent people and friends; who were brave even by themselves; who were the jewelled ornaments of many assemblages of jewels; who were bold in war; who were the supporters of the people of many countries; who were the earrings of the ears of (the goddess) Sarasvati; who were capable of conferring favours in return for curses; who were successful in increasing all religion; who were a very cage of thunderbolts to those who took refuge with them; who were very elephants of the regions to their enemies; who were of the highest rank by the villages (of their birth) and by their names (?); who were the suns of the white 13 A Buddha or Jina. 13 The Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III. 1 Vyavaharin is one whose occupation or trade is (so and so). The meaning of vadda has not been settled yet, [JULY, 1881. waterlilies of the caste of Vaisyas; who were jewel-mines of truth; who were the sustainers of the four observances; and who were ennobled by the greatness of the umbrellas and the chauris and the charters that they had acquired through the favour of the glorious J ag a de kamalla deva, constituting the large (assembly of the) town, gave, to the Bauddha vihara which they themselves had caused to be made, and in connection with the large vihara of the holy Sri-Arya-Taradevi which the Setti Samgavayya, the radda-syanaldri of (the city of) Sri-Lokkigundi had caused to be made: (L. 17.)-Hail! At the time of the sun's commencement of his progress to the north, on Sunday the fifth day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Magha of the Yuva samvatsara, which was the nineteenth year of the Sri-Chalukya-Vikramavarsha: (L. 19.) To (the goddess) the holy Taradevi, and to the god Buddha, one mattar of gardenland, as a sarvanamasya grant, in the field of Ponnakuruva to the east of the village, and one aruvana and three gadyanas of gold every year, to be levied as a tax and enjoyed in happiness, for the proper performance of the worship, for the purpose of providing perfumes and flowers and incense and lamps and garlands and the perpetual oblation and other things, for the (support of the) Pujari, to provide food and clothes for the religious mendicants of that place, and (to pay) for restorations. (L. 22.) They shall preserve this act of religion according to their own religion! May those who preserve this act of religion obtain the reward of fashioning the horns and hoofs of a thousand tawny-coloured cows from gold and silver, and giving them at the time of an eclipse of the sun to a thousand Brahmans, well versed in the four Vedas, at Banarasi and Kurukshetra and Prayaga and Arghyatirtha and other holy places! May those who neglect and destroy this act of religion incur the guilt of the five. great sins of having slain a thousand tawnycoloured cows or a thousand Brahmans, well versed in the four Vedas, at those same holy tirthas! (L. 26.)-Hail! To the vihara of Buddha which but it is probably another form of vatta, 'the difference in the exchange of money. If so, vadda-vyavahari means a money-changer.' 1 Half a hana or pana.

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JULY, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 189 was caused to be built by the sixteen (Settis) of (L. 36.)-May those who preserve this act (the city of) Dharmavolal, constituting of religion obtain the reward of fashioning the the large (assembly of the) town, and being the hords and hoofs of a thousand tawny-coloured Assembly of people living in many countries on cows from gold and giving them at the timo both sides of it,--who were endowed with truth of an eclipse of the sun to a thousand Brahmans, and parificatory observances and pleasing con. well versed in the four Vedas, at Banarasi, and duct and morality and modesty, adorned by innu- Kurukshetra, and Prayaga, and Arghyatirtba! morable good qualities acquired by five-hundred May he who neglects and destroys this act of strict edicts oelebrated over the whole world; religion,-(whether he be) an ass of the place, or who were the protectors of the Vira-Balanja reli- a Chandala, or an outcaste, or a Balanjiga, .. gion; who were decorated with the pure banner of a hill ;whose breasts were embraced by the ..,"-incur the guilt of the five great sins! goddess of perfect impetuosity and bravery ; (L. 39.-Land has been given by many kings, who were ennobled by their prowess throughout commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time the world; who were born in the original and aus being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of it! picious Khandali vamsa, (the lineage) of Vasudeva; "This general bridge of piety of kings should who, having acquired the excellent favour of the at all times be preserved by you,"-thus does goddess Bhagavati, constituted thirty-two ges- Ramabhadra again and again make his request side towns (P), and eighteen cities, and sixty- to all future princes! He is born for the duration four seats of the Yoga, and colleges of the four of sixty thousand years as a worm in ordare, points of the compass; who were born to those who takes away land that has been given, who belonged to many different countries; who whether by himself or by another! Those who were energetic in disseminating the practice of may give even a small gift in a charter of the Balanja religion which included the Kritayuga Buddha, they shall have great enjoyment and and the Tretayuga and the Dva parayaga and the shall be very rich for eighty thousand ages! Kaliyuga and sprang from the churning of (the Wheresoever they find a perpetual gift, there religions of the gods) Brahma and Vishnu and they remember it; thus their offering to Buddha Mahesvara ; and who were the lords of Ayvole, brings a great reward! Whatever religious which is the best of cities, and to the vihdra merit I have acquired, and whatever I may of) the holy Sri-Arya-Taradeyi which had acquire, -by that may the condition of myself been caused to be built, as an act of religion for and of this world be perfected as a condition the people of all countries, by the Setti Sanga-l of the Sugata religion ! vayya of Sri-Lokkigundi, -to these two esta- The verses round the top of the stone. blishments, there was given, to be continued as (L. 46.)-Those who do reverence to thee, who long as the moon and sun might last, a paga" on are propitious to Manindras, 4(even though it be) (oach) bag coming from the south, and one bele with imperfect faith, or spasmodically, or from on (each) bag of ........... or..... imitation of others, or through mistake, ...... ...... ....." going to obtain the good fortune of becoming Sambaras." the south. May all sentient beings, and all who have) 10 Gudda-dhwaja; the meaning, however, is not quite certain. Gwda is explained by Sanderson, and guila by Sanderson and C. P. Brown, as meaning 'shill. o. P. Brown also gives gudda as meaning "cloth. Bat neither of these meauings seems quite satisfactory here. On the pedestal of a standing image of Buddha in small and balf-rained Jain temple at Nesargi in the Sampgaam Taluka of the Belgaum District there is the following Old.Canarese inscription, in characters of the eleventh or twelfth century A. D.: Transcription. ["] Srt-Olasatnghads BalAtk Araganada St. (1) Paravanithaddvara Srt-Kumadachandrabhatuk devara M gadda Badigasatti-settiyaru mukhyar-A. [ gi nakhalga Prangal madinida nakha(gn P). (4) no-Jin Alayal Translation. The Jin Alaya of the town (?), which we canned to be made by the people on the town (?), headed by the Setki Badigasetti who was the gudda of Srl-Kumudachandrabhattarskadeva, (the priest) of (the god) Sri-P&rina nathadeva, of the BelAtkaragana of the $rt-M Alasamghs. It is plain that here gudda cannot mean a hill'; and it seems to mean'a disciple, follower, or adherent.' >> Paga or haga, a quarter of s para or hana. 15 The meanings of kasata, binige or perhaps benige, and malave, are not known. * The meaning of golala pananh-gordana is not apparent. 10 6.6., Buddhas. See note 9 above. Bambers or Sambara is the name of one of the Jain Arhats of the fatare period.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1881. souls, and all who are mere existing beings,- verily may all of them be happy, and all be free from illness ! May (the goddess) Tara, --who is anxiously busied with her exercise of tender ness entailed by preserving (persons possessed of) souls who are distressed by the notorious fear of water and kings and volumes of fire and wind; who takes away the dread of bold thieves and oceans and elephants and lions and snakes, &c.; and who quickly confers the rewards that are desired, -always preserve Samgama !" A FOLKLORE PARALLEL. BY PROF. C. H. TAWXEY, M.A., CALCUTTA. Professor Nilmani Mukhopadhyaya, M.A., of The lady immediately concluded that she the Presidency College, Calcutta, has, in a Sans- herself (Visha) was to be given to the handsome krit Chrestomathy, recently published by him, youth, and that her father had in his hurry given two tales from the Kathakosa, "a collection made a slight mistake in orthography. She of stories, written by Jaina authors in a propa- accordingly, by the help of some anjana, makes gandist spirit," the MS. of which was lent to the necessary correction and replaces the letter. him by Babu Umesa Chandra Gupta, the Samudradatta carries out his father's orders, Librarian of the Sanskrit College. One of and Sagarapota returns to Rajagriha to find the these tales, entitled by him in his translation hated Damannaka' married to his daughter "A Story of Tenderness to Animals," contains Visha. a remarkable parallel to an incident in the In the Norse story Peter the Rich Pedlar story of "Rich Peter the Pedlar" in Dasent's corresponds to the merchant Sagarapota, and Norse Talus. The incident in the Jaina story Damannaka is represented by a miller's son. runs as follows: Peter the Pedlar hears from "the Stargazers" A merchant named Sagarapota, of the town that this miller's son is to marry his daughter. of Rajagriha, hears it prophesied that a young He accordingly buys him from his parents, puts beggar, named Damaunaka, would inherit all his him in a box, and throws him into the river. property. Accordingly he makes Damannaka But the boy is found and adopted by a miller, over to a Chandala to be killed. The Chandala, who lives lower down the river. Peter finds instead of killing him, cuts off his little finger, this out from the Stargazers and procures the and Damannaka, having thus escaped death, is youth as his apprentice by giving the second adopted by Sagarapota's cowherd. In course miller six hundred dollars. of time the merchant Sagarapota comes to in- "Then the two travelled about far and wide, spect his farm, and recognizes Damannaka. with their packs and wares, till they came to In order to ensure his being put out of the way, an inn, which lay by the edge of a great wood. he sends him with a letter to his son Samudra- From this Peter the Pedlar sent the lad home datta. But when Damannaka reaches the out- with a letter to his wife, for the way was not so skirts of the town of Rajagriha, he feels fatigued long if you took the short cut across the wood, and falls asleep in a temple. and told him to tell her she was to be sure to do Meanwhile the daughter of that very merchant, | what was written in the letter as quickly as she named Visha, came to the temple to worship the could. But it was written in the letter that she divinity. "She beheld Damannaka with the was to have a great pile made then and there, fire large eyes and the broad chest." Her father's it, and cast the miller's son into it. If she didn't handwriting then caught her eye, and she do that, he'd burn her alive himself when he proceeded to read the letter. In it she found the came back. So the lad set off with the letter following distich: across the wood, and when evening came on, Before this man has washed his feet, do thou he reached a house far, far away in the wood, with speed into which he went; but inside he found no Give him poison (visham) and free my heart one. In one of the rooms was a bed ready from anxiety. made, so he flung himself across it and fell >> See Rep. Arch. Sur. W. India, vol. III, pp. 75, 76. Literature, with notes and an English translation. 15 i. e., the Setti Samgavayya of the body of the It is only fair to mention that Dimanaka we really inscription. the son of a merchant who had died of the plague. sahityaparichaya, Part I, an Introduction to Sanskrit

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JULY, 1881.] A LEGEND OF KRISHNAGIRI. 191 asleep. The letter he had stuck into his hat- he said he was to greet her kindly from Peter band, and the hat he pulled over his face. So the Pedlar, and to say that she was to carry out when the robbers came back--for in that what was written in the letter as soon as ever house twelve robbers had their abode-and she could." saw the lad lying on the bed, they began to This was accordingly done, to the no small wonder who he could be, and one of them took dissatisfaction of Peter the Podlar. the letter, and broke it open, and read it. The termination of the story of Damannaka "Ho! Ho!' said he; this comes from resembles that of Phalabhuti in the XXth Peter the Pedlar, does it ? Now we'll play him Taranga of the Katha Sarit Sagara, and its a trick. It would be a pity if the old niggard European parallels, the tales of Fridolin, made an end of such a pretty lad.' Fulgentins, &c. " So the robbers wrote another letter to Peter Sagarapota arranges a second time with the the Pedlar's wife, and fastened it under his | Chandala Khadgila, that he is to kill Damanhat-band while he slept; and in that they wrote, naka, whom he will send to the temple of the that, as soon as ever she got it, she was to make a goddess of the city. But as the bridegroom and wedding for her daughter and the miller's boy, bride are going to the temple of the goddess, and give them horses and cattle and house- Samudradatta the son of Sagarapota meets hold staff, and set them up for themselves in them, and insists on performing the worship in the farm, which he had under the hill; and if their stead. "Having taken the articles for he didn't find all this done, by the time he offering, Samudradatta went off, and as he was came back, she'd smart for it ;-that was all entering the temple of the goddess, he was "Next day the robbers let the lad go, and despatched by Khadgila who had gone there when he came home and delivered the letter, before." A MUSALMAN LEGEND OF KRISHNAGIRI IN SALEM. BY . LEFANU, M.C.S., SUB-COLLECTOR, SALEM. Two tombs on a hill at Krishnagiri, regarded ever, continued the fight, driving the enemy in by Musalmans with much veneration, are waited confusion before them, until they reached the on by a faqir who levies fees from visitors. summit, when the mother of Krishna Raja, seeing The legend is that one Akbar Pasha came from the portent, exclaimed, "What! do headless the north, oncamping west of Krishnagiri, and bodies fight P" at which sound the trunks fell besieged the fort which was defended by and were buried in the solid rock by supernatural Krishna Raja. The siege was prolonged for six agency. Tipu Sultan visited the spot, and months, daring which Akbar suffered heavy loss, granted a tajir which is now held by the faqir. and began to despair of success, for which he The heads are buried below the hill, and when an prayed to Allah, who appeared to him in a dream, epidemic breaks out, a collection of sugar is made and told him that in his camp were two religious from people of all castes and offered over the men who were the only persons capable of leading grave, which has never been covered by a proper a successful attack on the fort. As a sign where- tomb, as all who attempted to do so were warned by the truth of the dream would be demon- in a dream to desist from their attempts. In a strated, Akbar was warned that a heavy storm field just outside Krishnagiri is the tomb of would come, in which every tent would be level Akbar Singh and Avan Singh, two famous Rajled and every light in camp extinguished except puts reputed to have formerly been rulers of those belonging to the persons indicated. This Krishnagiri. accordingly came to pass, and after the storm By a strange coincidence, in the number of two faqirs, Sayyid Pasha and Sayyid Akbar, were the Indian Antiquary for June 1879 is given a found reading the Koran in their tent by the translation, by Major J. W. Watson, Kathiawad, light of a lamp. They undertook to lead the of an old poem on the fall of Somanath, in forlorn hope, and battle was given on a Friday, which is embodied a myth closely following that the leaders, at an early stage of the fight, both above parrated in its main particulars. In it losing their heads. The headless tranks, how. ! the place of Akbar Pasha is taken by Saltan

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Mahmud, Kunwar Pal represents Krishna Raja, and the city of Patan is Krishnagiri. The tale of the siege and storm and the pious Musalmans studying the Koran by lamplight is given, but Jafar and Muzafar are read for Sayyid Pasha and Sayyid Akbar. The Somanath myth is more merciful to its heroes than that of Krishnagiri as only one of them fell in the conflict, and the decapitation incident is absent, not unnaturally, as the idea of mutilation is abhorrent to a Musalman. Two heroes named Hamir and Vegad fighting on the side of Kunwar Pal may be the prototypes of Akbar and Avan Singh, while the faqir now at Krishnagiri may be indebted for his existence to the descendants of the Kalifah Abu-Bakr, who were nominated to the Kaziship of Patan by Sultan Mahmud. Whether the Krishnagiri myth is a case of clear BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A. (Continued from p. 111.) The Nalanda temple built by Sri Sakraditya is four square like a city. There are four large gateways of three storeys each. Each storey is some 10 feet in height; the whole covered on the outside with tiles. Outside the western gate of the Great Hall of the temple is a large stupa and various Chaityas, each erected over different sacred vestiges, and adorned with every kind of precious substance. [JULY, 1881. pilfering, or whether history has repeated itself, is a question which must be left to experts to decide. It is not impossible that truth lies between the two. Friday is a favourite day for fighting with Musalmans, and the tradition of Somanath may have been current at the time, and suggested to Akbar Pasha a way out of his difficulties. Storms are not unusual in the Barahmahal, nor is it anything extraordinary for Musalmans to read the Koran by night; that their tents should be left standing may be due to their being better tents and better pitched than those of their neighbours, and the leaders of a forlorn hope stand a fair chance of losing their lives even by decapitation. Some portentous vitality on the part of the trunks may not need the miraculous to account for it, but has no doubt been magnified by tradition. The Superior is a very old man. The Karmadana or Viharaswami or Viharapala is the chief officer after the Superior, and to him the utmost deference is paid. This is the only temple in which by Imperial order a waterclock is kept to determine the right time. The night is divided into three watches, during the first and last of which there are religions services; in the middle watch, as the priests may desire, they can watch or repose. The method in which this clock determines the time is fully described in the K'hi-kwei-ch'uen. The temple is called Sri Nalanda Vihara, after the name of Nagananda. The great temple opens to the west: going about 20 paces from the gate there is a stupa about 100 feet high. This is where the Lord of the world (Lokanatha) kept Wass But here I-taing is in error. (the season of the rains) for three months. The Sanskrit name is Malagandhakoti. Northwards, 50 paces, is a great stupa, even higher than the other; this was built by Baladitya,-very much reverenced-in it is a figure of Buddha tarning the Wheel of the Law, S. W. is a little chaitya, about 10 feet high. This commemorates the place where the Brahman with the bird in his hand asked questions. The Chinese expression Su-li-fau-to means just the same as this.1 To the west of the Mulagandha Hall is the Toothbrush tree of Buddha. This is not the willow tree. On a raised space is the ground where Buddha walked it is about 2 cubits wide, 14 or 15 long, and 2 high. There are lotus flowers carved out of the stone, a foot high, 14 or 15 in number to denote his steps. Going from the temple south to Rajagriha is 30 li. The Vulture Peak and the Bambu Garden are close to this city. Going south-west to the Mahabodhiis seven stages (yojanas): the same due south to the "Honoured Footprint." To Vaisallis 25 stages north. To the Deer Park 20 or so stages west. East to Tamralipti is 60 or 70 stages. This is the place for embarking for China from Eastern Note by Ch. Ed. :-A stage is equal to a yojana.

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BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. JULY, 1881.] India and close to the sea. There are about 3,500 priests in the temple at Nalanda, which is supported by revenues derived from land (villages) given by a succession of kings to the monastery." Discovery of two Chinese Inscriptions ut Buddha Gaya. Here I make a digression from I-tsing's narrative to notice a recent discovery. Among the rubbish left round the temple at Buddha Gaya after the completion of the works undertaken there during 1878 and the following year at the expense of the Burmese Government, Mr. Beglar of the Archeological Survey found two stones bearing inscriptions in Chinese. From a letter attached to a rubbing of the larger inscription, I gather that the stone was found under 12 feet of rubbish. The supposition that these inscriptions, or at least the longer one, might be in some way connected with Fa-hian, led me to think that it might be desirable to direct attention to the fact, that there are records in China of other pilgrims besides Fa-hian and Hiwen Thsang, who visited India during the early centuries of our sera, and that the notices we have of them, in the work of I-tsing, though not by any means so minute or exact as those of the two just named, are yet interesting and in some respects useful for the student. I purpose therefore, after briefly alluding to the inscriptions themselves, to continue the notices of the names and journeyings of the pilgrims referred to. The first and shorter inscription gives us the name of Chi-I, a priest of the Great Han country, presumably the writer of it. It states that Chi-I having first vowed to exhort or encourage thirty thousand men to prepare themselves by their conduct for a birth in heaven, to distribute in charity 30,000 books relating to a heavenly birth, himself to recite as many books, then, in company with others, 3 With reference to Jih-kwan mentioned by Hwai Lan (ante p. 110), it may be noted that the name is the exact Chinese equivalent of Aditya-sena. And from the inscription of Jayadeva of Nepal, A.D. 760 (vol. IX, p. 181), we learn that Adityasena king of Magadha was the grandfather of Jayadeva's mother, and if we allow 80 years to three generations, this would place Adityasena about A.D. 680-say 670-690, in perfect accordance with I-taing's allusion to him.-ED. The head of the larger inscription stone is triangular and sculptured in three compartments. In the centre is Buddha in the Bhumisparsa mudra-that in which he at tained to Buddhahood. In each side compartment is a three 193 travelled through India, and arrived at M a gadha, where he gazed upon the Diamond throne and other sacred vestiges of his religion. After this, in company with some other priests he further vowed to continue his travels through India, apparently for the same purpose. Amongst the Priests referred to, there are three named, the first Kwei-Tse ih, the second Chi-I, the third Kwang-Fung. Beyond this I am unable to find any sense in the inscription. The forms of the characters may possibly be as ancient as the Han dynasty. But as the inscription has nothing to do with the figures of the seven mortal Buddhas, and the Bodhisattwa Maitreya sculptured above it, I am inclined to think that the figures must have been executed after the inscription was placed in situ, and possibly much of the inscription itself erased.* The second inscription dates from the Tienhi year of the reign of Chen Tsung of the Sung dynasty, i. e. 1022 A. D., and is to the effect that a priest H o-Yun went to Buddha Gaya with a view to worship the sacred relics of the place, and that whilst there, he carved a stone pagoda with a sarmounting pinnacle and a square base 30 paces to the north of the Bodhi Tree in honour of the 1,000 Buddhas. He would have also inscribed an entire Sutra if his fands had been sufficient, but in place of that he left behind him the record before us, which is a hymn in praise of (Udanam,) the three bodies of Buddha and the three thrones they occupy. The three bodies are first the Nirmanakaya (fa-shin), secondly the Sambhogakaya (po-shin), and thirdly the Dharmakaya fa-shin.) In relation to the first which represents the human body,-it is described as compassionate, ready and able to deliver men from the midst of the fire. The second is the body which has appeared in various forms through countless ages, ever aiming to prepare itself for the final faced figure, probably female, with six arms holding, perhaps, vajra, sword, bow, &c. Underneath each is a human head, with three indistinctly formed objects, apparently animal heads, on one side of it, and four on the. other, seven in each case. There can be no doubt the larger ones are figures of VasudharA, the same as those drawn (though badly) in Rajendralala Mitra's Buddha Gaya, pl. xxxi. figs. 1 and 2 (see Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 115). The first slab is represented in the accompanying plate, which will also appear in the Jour. R. Asiat. Soc.-ED. Dr. Bushel thinks the inscription is complete, but owing to the broken state of the characters he fails to read it.-ED.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1881. manifestation as Buddha, when its aim would be accomplished. Praising the third body, or the Dharmakaya, he says: "Co-extensive with the universe and inbabiting all time with excellences as innumerable as the sand or grains of dust-it is beyond all human character and transcending all human language." The three seats or thrones are, first, that at Gaya, which is the centre (navel) of the earth, springing from the depth of the golden circle, on which all the Buddhas have overcome the armies of Mara, with their lion voice. The second is co-extensive with the three worlds, reaching above the heavens-renewed ever after the destruction of the world. The third is without beginning or end-unaffected by time or circumstance, imperishable as the body of the Law) itself. The inscription continues in the same lauda- tory terms, and ends with the statement that in the year above named, viz., A. D. 1022, two men called I-tsing and I-lin were sent from the Eastern Capital with a kashaya garment in a golden case which they hung above the Bodhi Tree-and which fact is recorded as supplementary to the hymn of praise of HoYun. These inscriptions are not of much value for any critical purposes, but are worth consideration because they shew the strength of the religious impulse that urged so many pilgrims from China to visit this sacred spot, and the sincerity of their belief in the virtue of their pilgrimage. III. I-tsing and other Pilgrims by the Southern Sea route. Now to continue in brief outline our account of the Chinese visitors to India : 1. I-tsing (the author of the work from which we quote) left China towards the end of the year 671 A. D., and sailing from Canton proceeded to the islands of the Southern Sea, that is the distriot about Java and Malaka, and after two years' sojourn in different parts of this neighbourhood, he arrived at Tamralipti in 673 A. D. He remained here five months, and afterwards following his companion went on to Nalanda, and thence proceeded to Buddha Gay & to . Jul. Methode, p. 103. K. I. p. 7, 1. Compare Bretachneider, "The Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs, &c." p. 16 n. K. I. p. 11, 1. . 10 Perhape Palo Lingam off the coast of Sumatra. adore the sacred vestiges of his religion. After this he returned to Fo-s hai (Sribhoja), where he was able to draw up and entrust to his friend the account of what he had seen, and the information he had gleaned, respecting Buddhism. He returned to China in 693 A. D. 2. I-tsing next' refers to two priests of Corea, their names unknown, who, starting from Chang'an, and taking ship on the coast, proceeded to the Southern Sea. Having arrived at Shi-lifo-shai (Sribhoja) they proceeded westward to the country of Po-lu-s se, and there died. We know with some certainty that the country of Po-la-sse is Sumatra. We may therefore place Fo-shai (Sribhoja) to the eastward of Sumatra. 3. Hai Ning, a priest of Yih-chau (in Chi-li), left China by sea for the South in the year 665 A. D. and passed three years in the country called Ho-ling. This is generally the equivalent of the Kalinga country, but it seems also to be used for the country along the coast of Pegu as well as to an island in the Southern Seas.10 4. Wan-K'i of Kjau-Chau (in Chi-li?) spent ten years in the Southern Seas, and was very learned in the language of Kunlun and partly acquainted with Sansksit. He afterwards retired to a lay life, and resided at Shi-li-f 0-8 hi (Sribhoja). Kunlun, we know," represents the islands of Condore." The negroes of this island, or rather these islands, were generally sold as slaves, and their language and habits were much studied by Chinese travellers. 5. Mochadeva, a Cochin Chinese, (or, of Kian-Chan) went to India by the Southern Sea route, and having visited all the countries of that part, arrived at the Mahabodhi Temple, where he adored the sacred relics, and died aet. 24. 6. Kwei-chang, another priest of Cochin China, went by the Southern Seas to Ceylon, afterwards in company with a priest called Hun-chiu he proceeded to the Bodhi Tree and afterwards to Rajagriha, and being taken sick in the Bambu Garden (Veluvana), he died there aged 30 years. 11 Klaproth, Now. Journal Asiat., tom. XII, p. 332. 11 It is also so marked in the map illustrating Fah-hisn's travels in the Fo.koue-ki. Bretechneider also refers to it, and confirms Klaproth's conclusion: he is mistaken, however, in saying that the name Kun-lun, 88 applied to Palo Condore, is first to be met with in the history of the Sung dynasty A. D. 960 (op. cit. p. 14 n.)

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JULY, 1881.] BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. 195 7. A priest of the Mahayana school called Tang, or "the lamp" (dipa), went with his parents when young, to the land of D varapati, and there became a priest. He afterwards retired with the Chinese envoy to the capital, and lived in the temple of Tse- yan, where Hiwen Thsang had resided. After- wards he went by the Southern Sea route to Ceylon, where he worshipped the tooth- and then proceeding through South India and cross- ing into Eastern India, arrived at Tamralipti. Being attacked by robbers at the mouth of the river, he barely escaped with his life; he resided at Tamralipti for 12 years; having perfected himself in the Sansklit he then proceeded to Nalanda and Buddha Gaya, then to Vaisali and the Kusi country, and finally died at Kusinagara, in the Pari-Nirvana Temple. 8. Two priests of Kao-chang (Tarfan) going in company with a Chinese envoy through the Southern Seas, died on board ship. Their books (the Yoga Sastra and others) I-tsing remarks are still at Shi-li-fo-s hai. 9. Taoulin, a priest of King-chau (in Hu. peh) and the district Kiang-ling, whose Sanskrit name was Silaprabha, embarked in a foreign ship (Hajik - Tajik), and passing through the copper-pillars" stretched away to Lanka (Kama-lanka), and then keeping along the Kalinga coast i.e. the coast of Pegu) they came to the country of the naked men. The king of this country behaved well to the pilgrim, and he remained there several years. He then proceeded to Tamralipti where he passed three years learning the Sanskrit language. After visiting the Vajrabana and worshipping the Bodhi Tree, he passed to Naland a where hestudied the Kosha, and after a year or two went to the Vulture Peak near Rajag riba, and finally proceeded to South India, and going through the Maratha Country in Western India he studied a work called the Ta-ming-chau, in Sanskrit the Vedidharapitaka. The current tradition is that this work was in 100,000 slokas, which, in a Chinese translation, would represent 300 chapters (kiuen), but that a great portion is lost--and that after the death of the great Holy One the spirit of the verges was preserved by Arya Nagarjuna. Taou-lin after this proceeded to Kasmir and the country of U dy ana, and dwelt in Kapisa, where he adored the skull bone of Buddha---he then returned by seals to Quedah (Kie-c'ha). He was here informed by some Northern Tartars (hu) that there were two priests in their country agreeing in description with some friends of his, he returned therefore to North India, where he died, aged 50 years or so. 10. Another priest called Tan-Kwong of the same district in China, went to India by the Southern Sea route, and having arrived at A-li-ki-l o (Arakan ) he was reported to have found much favour with the king of that country, and to have got a temple built, and books and images; finally he was said to have died there. 11. Hwui-ming, a priest from the same district, set out to go to India by the Southern Sea route, but the ship being baffled by contrary winds put in at Tung-chu (copper pillars) in Ma-yoen, and after stopping at Shang-king returned to China. 12. Hwui Ta, a priest of Kang.chow and the district of Kiang Ning, was a man of high family. He appears to have accompanied an envoy in a Persian ship to the Southern Seas. Having arrived at Fo-shai (Sribhoja) he remained there six months studying the Sabdavidya. The king was highly courteous, and on the occasion of his sending a present to the country of Mo-lo-yu (Malaya), Hwui-ta proceeded there and remained two months. He then went on to Quedah, and then at the end of winter went in the royal ship towards Eastern India. Going north from Qucdah, after 10 days or so, they came to the country of the naked men. For two or three lis along the eastern shore there were nothing but cocoanut trees and forests of betel vines. The people, when they saw the ship, came alongside in little boats with the greatest clamour; there were upwards of 100 such boats filled with cocoanuts and plantains, they had also baskets, &c. made of rattan; they desired to exchange these things for whatever we had that they fancied, but they liked nothing so much as bits of iron. A piece of this metal two fingers length in size would buy as many as 5 or 10 cocoanuts. The men here are all naked, the women wear a girdle of leaves; the sailors in joke offered them clothes, but they made 15 Straits of Banca ? Lo-td, it was by mistake suggested above (note, p. uo), that this might be the Ldr of the Arabs and Lata of the Hindus.-ED. * The Southern Sea route.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. - WHAT signs that they did not want any such articles. This country according to report is south-west of the district of Sze-ch'uan. The country produces no iron, and very little gold or silver; the people live on cocoanuts and some esculent roots, bat have very little rice or cereals. Iron is very valuable, they call it Lu-a. The men are not quite black, of middling height, they use poisoned arrows, one of which is fatal. Going for half a month in a N. W. direction we come to Tamralipti, which is the southern district of East India. This place is sone 60 stages or more from Nalanda and the Bodhi Tree. Meeting the priest called "Lamp of the Great Vehicle" (Mahayana-dipa)" in this place they remained together there one year, learning the Sanskrit and practising them- selves in the Sabdasastra. They then went on with some hundred or so merchantmen towards Central India. When about ten days' journey from the Mahabodhi, when in a narrow pass, the road being bad and slippery, he was left behind and attacked by robbers, who stripped him and left him half dead in a ditch. At sundown some villagers rescued him and gave him a garment. Going on north he came to Nalanda, and after visiting all the sacred spots in the neighbourhood, he remained at Nalanda ten years, and then going back to Tamralipti he returned to Quedah, and with all his books and translations, amounting in all to 500,000 slokas, enough to fill 1,000 volumes, he remained at Sribhoja. 13. Shen-hung, a priest of Sin-chow, also went to Sribhoja, where he died. 14. The priest Ling-wan having gone through Annam came to India and erected under the Bodhi tree a figure of Maitreya Bodhi. Battwa, one cubit in height and of exquisite character. 15. Seng.chi, a priest and companion of the former, went to India by the Southern Sea route. Having arrived at Sainatata the king of that country, named Harsha vardhana, an upasaka, greatly reverenced the three objects of worship, and devoted himself to his religious duties; he had made day by day above 100,000 figures of Jemma, had read through the great Prajna consisting of 100,000 slokas, and was most punctual in his acts of worship, &c. 16. A priest Chi's ze went to the south and resided at Shang-king near Cochin China; he then went south to Sribhoja, and afterwards proceeded to India. 17. A priest Won-hing, in company with the last, left Hainan with an easterly wind and after a month arrived at Sribhoja. He then went in the Royal ship for 15 days to Malaya, in another 15 days to Quedah, then waiting till the end of winter, going west for 30 days they arrived at Naga vadana (Nagapatam ?), whence after two days' sea voyage they came to Sinhapura (Ceylon). He there worshipped the sacred tooth, and then, going N. E. for a month, arrived at the country of O-li-ki-lo? (Arakan). This is the eastern limit of East India. It is a part of the country of Champa (Siam). Staying here one year, he moved towards Eastern India with his companion Chi-'s ze. This place is about 100 stages from Nalanda. After this he proceeded to the Mahabodhi Temple in the Mung country (ie the temple of Khardah). Having rested here, he again returned to NAlanda, and studied the Yoga, Kosha, and other works. Moved with a desire to find copies of the Vinaya, he again repaired to the Khardah (Kie-lo-c'ha) temple. About two stages from this he speaks of a saintly artizan, who by practising the rules of the Bodhisattwa Channa, expected to obtain the power of entering the dim caverns of varth. In the end he died at Nalanda. 18. Fa-chin also started by the southern route, and after passing Shang-king (Saigon) Ka-long, Kaling, and Quodah, he died. 19. Ta-tsing (I-tsing ?) of Laichow (of Hunan) returned to the Southern Seas in 682 A.D., and after sending his books and images to China, resided at Sribhoja, where he acted as interpreter of the Kiu-lun language. He returned to Chang'an in 693 A. D. There is a note in I-tsing's other work (Nan-hae-k'hi-kwai-niu-fu-chu'en, K. I. p. 3) which throws some light on the geographical terms used in his former book. The note is to this effect." Going east from Nalanda 500 stages, i.e. 500 yojanas, all this country is called the Eastern frontier. At the extremity of this frontier country are the great black mountains, the southern boundary of Tu-fan. The 16 Loha in most of the Sanskritic languages. 1 This must be the priest Tang referred to above.

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VE videos CA A 5 2 VECTRA Ci W. Griggs, Photo-lith. London, CHINESE INSCRIPTION FOUND AT BUDDHA GAYA.

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BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. JULY, 1881.] record says that this is S. W. of Sze-chu'an. Going S. W. one month's journey or so, we come to Sz'ling; south of this is the border of the sea and the country called Srikshetra; S. E. of this is Langkava (Kamalanka); E. of this is D vara pati; eastward of this at the extreme frontier is the country of Lin-i (Champa), this country excessively honours the three objects of worship, and has many religious people." With respect to the countries of the Southern Seas, I-tsing has, on the same page, the following note:-"Counting from the west there is first of all the P o-l u-sse country (Sumatra), next the Malaya country, which is the same as that now called Shi-l i-fo-y a ou country, next (or this is) the Mahas in country (Sinhapura ?), next is the Kalinga (Linga ?) country, then the Tan-tan country (Natuna according to Bretschneider, Arabs, &c. p. 19, vide also H. Thsang, tom. I, p. 451), after this is the Pan-pan country (Banka ?), after this is Po-li (Biliton), after this Kiu-lun(?), then Fo-shai-pa-lo (Sribhoja and Bali ?), then A-s hen and Mokia-man; and other islands not worth mentioning." All these countries, I-t s i n g remarks, "reverence the law of Buddha-they follow principally the Little Vehicle, but in Malaya the Great Vehicle is also slightly observed. These islands are some of them 100 li round, others several hundred, and others perhaps a hundred stages (yojanas)." The southern point of Champa (Cochin China) is Shang-king (Saigon ?), this is the same as Lin-i, the people of this country belong to the Sammatiya School, and also to the Sarvastivadins. S. W. of this one month (by land ?) is Fu-nan (Camboja). The people of this country were formerly naked savages, and sacriticed to the gods, but afterwards were converted to Buddhism. But a wicked king has now driven the priests away and destroyed them, so that none but heretics are found here. This is the extreme southern corner of Jambudwipa. We observe that I-tsing frequently speaks of the ten countries or islands of the Southern Seas.1 These are probably the ten islands spoken of above. And so (on p. 8, K. II.) 15 N. H. K. 1. 25, &c. and also K. I. Y. 19 In Bretschneider (Arabs, &c. p. 8) we read that the king of the Ta-shi by name Han-mi-mo-mo-ni in the year 197 he says there are twenty and odd countries between the Mahabodhi and Lin-i (i.e. Cochin China), whilst in the Southern Sea there are ten countries besides Ceylon; on the west, beyond the Great Sea, are the countries of Po-lisse (Persia) and Ta-s hi (Arabia). The situation of Shi-l i-f o-s ha i (Sribhoja) appears to be settled by a notice (in the 3rd book and 24th p.,) where I-tsing says that in this place in the middle of the 8th month there is no shadow, and in the middle of spring the same. If the Chinese months are here referred to, this statement would place Sribhoja as nearly as possible on the Equator-perhaps on the east coast of Sumatra, opposite Banka. But as the months in China are uncertain, we may still be at liberty either to place Sribhoja on the Malayan Peninsula -or as far south as Surabaya in Java. Putting together the notices to be found in I-tsing's works, we may conclude that the sea route between China and India in the early years of the Tang dynasty was by way of Java, Sumatra, the Straits of Malaka, the coast of Burma and Arakan, to Tamralipti, or else by the more adventurous way of Ceylon from Qaedah. It seems that the Condore Islands were a centre of trade, and that the language of the natives of these islands was used generally through the Southern Seas-at least I-t sing speaks of himself as interpreting this language at Sribhoja. We have one or two points of some certainty in the itinerary of these pilgrims. For instance in the Si-yu-ki (tom. II, p. 82) we read that to the N. E. of Sa matata is the country called Srikshetra, to the S. E. of this is Kamalanka; to the east of this is D a apati (read Dvarapati). This country has been identified by Capt. St. John (Phenix, May 1872) with old Tung-u and Sandoway in Burma, lat. 18deg 20' N. long. 94deg 20' E.; it is in fact the "door land" between Burma and Siam; this latter being called Champa or Lin-i. Hiwan Thsang remarks that to the S. W. of Lin-i or Siam is the country of the Yavanas, or as they are called in his text the Yen-mo-na. We do not read of this country in I-tsing; it may probably represent Camboja. (To be continued.) 651 sent for the first time an envoy with presents to the Chinese court, and at the same time anuounced in a letter that the house Ta-shi had reigned 34 years and had three kings.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. TIRUKALUKUNRAM OR PAKSHITIRTHA. BY T. RAMAKRISHNA, B.A., OF MADRAS. Thirty-five miles to the south of Madras, on the coast, lies the old Dutch settlement of Sadras with its ruined fort, and the same distance to the south-west on the Great Trunk Road lies Chingalput, famous as the scene of one of Clive's exploits and the capital of an old dynasty of kings. The distance between these two places is eighteen miles, and exactly midway is Tirukalukunram or the hill of Sacred Kites' (the Brahmins call it Pakshitirtha). The early history of the place is unknown. Legend says that once upon a time all the four Vedas went together to Siva, and requested him to give them a permanent habitation where they might for ever worship him. Siva accordingly transformed them into four hills connected with one another, and himself took his abode on the top of one of the chain. On this account the Siva image of the place is called Vadagiriswarar, or the god of the hill of the Vedas.' It is also said that at a place a few furlongs from this chain of hills, Siva fought with 10,000,000 Rudras and gained a victory over them. At the place where this battle was fought, a temple in honour of Siva was built and called Rudrangoil or the Rudra Temple.' The village of Rudrangoil is a very small one, containing about a score of meanly-built houses; but the temple is a large one and old. Besides these there is a third temple at the foot of the chain-the largest of the threehaving four large Gopurams. In this temple is the wife of Siva. There is nothing important here, except that the stone idol is much worn from age, so much so that it is anointed only once a year, sometimes in March, when thousands flock to the town to witness the anointing. Tirukalukun ram was comparatively an unimportant place till the 15th century, after which it gradually rose in popularity through the exertions of a devotee named Perambila Tambiran, who went about the country begging and preaching in the name of Siva, who, it was said, appeared to him in a vision while asleep one night at Acharava (now a South Indian Railway Station), and requested him to dedicate himself to this work. Perambila Tambiran was eminently successful, and made Tirukalu [JULY, 1881. kunram what it is now, the most popular place in this part of Southern India, excepting perhaps Conjeveram. Once upon a time, it is said, Indra worshipped the Siva idol of this place, and the exact spot where he offered his devotions is still shown by the natives of the town, and is called Indra Tirtha m or Indra's Tank. In commemoration of this event Indra is said to anoint the idol once in twelve years by a thunderbolt which falls exactly on the top of the conical-shaped building on the hill, and without injuring the building or any one in it, goes round the idol thrice, and then descends the hill unperceived. The anointing of the idol, then, once in twelve years, is considered as one of the wonderful things connected with the place. There is a tank at the foot of the hills called Sangu Tirtham or Chank-shell Tank. This tank, which is the biggest in the town, produces a chank-shell once in twelve years. Two or three days previously, the water of the tank assumes a frothy appearance, and makes continually a roaring noise. The people of the place watch carefully, and then with due ceremony and pomp take up the shell, when it comes floating to the shore, and, place it on a silver vessel. Then a festival takes place in honour of the event, when the shell is taken round the town in procession with tomtoms, and afterwards deposited with the other shells in the temple at the foot of the hills. But they say that the shells diminish in size every time owing to the sins of the Kaliyugam. The writer of this article was assured by an old man at the place that this event had happened regularly some four or five times during his lifetime. Then every day between twelve and one o'clock, two large white birds of the kite species come to the temple on the hill for the purpose of being fed by a Pandaram specially appointed for that purpose. It is said that these kites, which were originally two Rishis transformed into birds for some sins they had committed, bathe every morning in the Ganges at Banaras, take their meals in Tirukalukunram, and sleep in Ramesvaram; but however false this may seem, the wonderful regularity of attendance strikes every one. The Pandaram, long before the time, ascends the hill, which is nearly five hun

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JULY, 1881.] NOTES ON THE SWASTIKA. 199 dred feet in height, and cooks with his own hands It is also said the sick get cured of their the meal for the birds, which consists of rice, diseases. Lepers, lunatics, persons attacked with sugar and ghi; he takes this to the place called paralysis and other diseases may be seen by the Eagle's Rock, and with some slokas scores in the town every day. invokes the holy birds; the two come at the They are enjoined to bathe twice every day, usual hour to the hill, go round the temple as if morning and evening, in the waters of the to do homage to Siva, and alighting on the Chank-shell tank, go round the hills after bathing, rock walk straight to the Pandaram to be fed take moderate meals and always meditate upon by him like domesticated animals. The Panda- Siva. By this process continued for twenty or ram with due reverence gives the food to be thirty days, marvellous cures are effected, which eaten and the ghi to be drunk. When the birds the people attribute to Vedigirisvarar. are satisfied they go away. The Pandaram then A healthy climate, bathing twice in cold water turns round to the people who have witnessed the daily, a morning and evening walk of three scene, and makes a speech which is delivered miles, pure air from the hills, moderate meals, with much fluency in three languages, Tamil, Te. absence from all fretting desires, and the prelugu and Hindustani (for Hindus from all parts sence of the one fixed idea that by believing in of India go to the place daily), "Righteous men," Vedigirisvarar all sins will be purged, operate he says, "the holy birds have come sooner to-day, no doubt a good deal on the sick, and work upon and have partaken very heartily of the meal set them remarkable cures. before them. Yesterday they came late as there Sach is a brief account of Tirukaluk unwere some sinners here. But as you are righte- ram. Every tank, every rock, every spot has its ous men-(no doubt these will become sinners own legend. There is the IndraThirtham, the next day)--they have come to-day sooner, and Rudrangoil; the tree under which and have taken very freely the meal given them. Nandi offered his devotions to Vedigiri varar Hasten therefore, and take each of you a handful and the place on the hill where Siva took alive. of the holy food which will purge away all your a Chetti girl by name Chokammal while she was sing." All the people go to him, and after going round the hills with her parents, and paying him get the much-coveted holy food from granted her a place by his side. Such is a brief his hands. In this way, the Pandaram makes account of this curious place, which attracted a very good income, and gets on an average even Dutch foreigners from Sadras. On the Rs. 500 a year. I have seen the above with my walls of a porch cut in a rock on the hill are own eyes. It is on account of this that the town inscribed the names of the Dutch visitors and is called Tiruka!ukunram, or 'the hill the dates of their visits; the earliest date being of the Sacred Kites.' the year 1663. NOTES ON THE SWASTIKA. BY R. SEWELL, M.R.A.S., MADRAS CIVIL SERVICE. The attention of readers of the Indian learned, I think no harm can be caused by Antiquary bas lately been drawn to the gathering together a few notes on the many question of the origin of that mysterious Aryan heterogeneous theories that have been put symbol, the Swastika, in a paper last year by forward to account for the symbol and explain the celebrated Orientalist, Mr. Edward Thomas; its meaning. I only pretend to have collected in another article on the subject written by the a very few of these extremely diverse elucidaRev. S. Beal;' and by Mr. Thomas's enlarged tions. Others may be able to furnish us with essay on the subject in the Numismatic Chronicle further examples of the ingenuity displayed by (N.S. Vol. XX. pp. 18-48). writers in presence of the Swastika; and the Whether Mr. Thomas's sun-theory be really exhibition may be amusing if it does not prove the right one or not, I leave to each student instructive. of such matters to decide for himself. But | In 1854 General Cunningham, writing in his while any doubt whatever remains among the Bhilsa Topes, goes into the question of this symbol Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 65ff. Id., p. 674. Soo also continuation of the paper, p. 1864.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1881. very early in the work. After remarking on the by means of a cord made of cow's hair and religion of the Aryans he takes up the doctrine hemp, till the fire was generated by friction." of the Swastikas as opposed to that of the...... "The pramantha was afterwards Brahmans, and states that "the Swastikas transformed by the Greeks into Prometheus,' derived their name from their peculiar symbol who, they imagined, stole fire from heaven, so the swastika, or mystic cross, which was a as to instil into earth-born man the bright symbol of their belief in Swasti. This term is a spark of the soul." Dr. Schliemann further compound of su' well,' and asti, 'it is'; meaning states that M. E. Burnonf "adds that the 'it is well', or, as Wilson expresses it, so be Greeks for a long time generated fire by friction, it'; and implying complete resignation under all and that the two lower pieces of wood that lay circumstances." In anote hesays "The Swasti at right angles across one another were called of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; and the mystic ordupos, which word is either derived from the cross or Swastika is only & monogrammatic root stri, which signifies lying upon the earth, symbol formed by the combination of the two and is then identical with the Latin sternere, syllables su + tirsuti." Without entering on or is derived from the Sanskrit word statara, a lengthy discussion on the theory that the which means 'firm, solid, immoveable. Since symbol had its origin in a combination of letters the Greeks had other means of producing fire, of an alphabet dating from perhaps not very the word oraupos passed into simply in the long before the third centary B.C., it will be quite sense of cross.'" He concludes with the resufficient to point to the Hissarlik discoveries of mark that from the remotest times the different Schliemann for a proof that the symbol existed, forms of the Swastika "were the most sacred perfect and complete, ages before the alphabet of symbols of our Aryan forefathers." Asoka was in use in India, so far as we know. In January 1870 there appeared an interesting The earliest of the settlers on that historical spot, articlo in the Edinburgh Review summarising whose remains are found in strata of debris 40 some of the opinions which had found favour to 46 feet below the ruins of the Hellenic in- regarding this" Pre-Christian Cross," and giving habitants of the seventh century B.C., used the the writer's own view in the matter very strongly Swastika in its most modern form as their expressed. After pointing out the universality favourite sacred symbol. Further comment on of the cruciform emblem amongst the earliest the monogrammatic theory would seem to be known races of the world, and stating, someneedless. what boldly, that "the marvellous rock-hewn In the sixth chapter of his Troy and its Remains caves of Elephanta and Elara, and the stately Schliemann devotes considerable space to the temples of Mathura and Tirupati in the East, subject of the Swastika, shewing how apparently may be cited as characteristical examples of one universal was its use amongst several of the laborious method of exhibiting it; and the earliest races of Asia and Europe "at a time megalithic structures of Callernish and Newwhen Germans, Indians, Pelasgians, Celts, grange in the West, of another, "-(rather a Persians, Slavonians and Iranians still formed confusion here, surely !)-the reviewer goes on one nation and spoke one language," (p. 102), to give his very decided opinion as to the And he quotes at length from the work of origin of the symbol: "The aureole or disc M. Emile Burnouf, La Science des Religions, encircling the heads of gods and saints, and on the question of its origin. "The repre- signifying perfection, was primarily intended to sents the two pieces of wood which were laid represent the solar orb; but in the course of crosswise upon one another before the sacrificial time, as Sabean worship travelled beyond the altars, in order to produce the holy fire agni, region of its source, and extraneous influences and whose ends were bent round at right were brought to bear upon it, the same symbol reangles and fastened by means of four nails, appears with an infinitude of scarcely distin so that this wooden scaffolding might not guishable additions internally and externally. be moved. At the point where the two pieces .... When divided into four equal segments, of wood were joined, there was a small hole, ... it was the symbol of the primeval abode in which a third piece of wood, in the form of man, the traditional Paradise of Eden." of lance (called Pramantha), was rotated The Rev. W. Haslam (The Cross and the

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JULY, 1881.) NOTES ON THE SWASTIKA. 201 Serpent, 1849) held that the cross symbol was, from the beginning of things, given directly from Heaven to man as a perpetual type or prophecy of the death of Christ. "The cross was con- ceived when the redemption of man was designed or ever the tempter was changed into the form of the gliding serpent .... It was revealed with the prophecies and transmitted with them as a part of the prediction, in its more material form, from generation to generation. .... The cross was known to Noah before the Dispersion, and even before the Flood; and I will venture yet farther, and say, the cross was known to Adam; and that the knowledge of it as a sacred sign, was imparted to him by the Almighty." How pale seems the sun-theory of Mr. Ed. Thomas, and how absolutely contemptible the practical and mundane Greek-coin-punch-marks origin suggested by Mr. Westropp, before the magnificence of such a notion as this ! Mr. Brinton (Myths of the New World) holds that "the arms of the cross were designed to point to the cardinal points, and represent the four winds, the rain-bringers. ... As the emblem of the winds who dispense the fertiliging showers, it is emphatically the tree of our life, our subsistence, and our health. It never had any other meaning in America, and if, as has been said, the tombs of the Mexicans were cruciform, it was perhaps with reference to a resurrection and a future life as portrayed under this symbol, indicating that the buried body would rise by the action of the four spirits of the world, as the buried seed takes on a new existence when watered by the vernal showers." Many writers have ascribed the origin of the Swastika symbol to a modification of the crud ansata of the Egyptians, or the mystio and ubiquitous tau; while Mr. Haslam's prophetic hypothesis has received support from its being imagined that the cruz ansata itself typified the victory of the cross over the world. Dr. Inman, as with everything else, supposes that the Egyptian tau is a phallic symbol, and that the Swastika is simply a conjunction of four such symbols pointing to one centre. Every varied form of the cross, and every junction of cross and circle, however diversified, is ex plained by him to havea mystical signification implying union of the two great powers of Nature, Dr. J. G. Muller (Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, p. 497), speaking of the cross venerated amongst the Indians of America as a god of rain, writes :-"It is just the simpleness of its form which renders an interpretation difficult, because it admits of too many possibilities. All attempts thus far made . . . . unite in the conception of the fructifying energy of Nature. Hence it appears in connection with sun-gods and the Ephesian goddess, and it is also the fitting symbol of the rain-god of tropical lands, whom it represents, as stated by the natives." He appears to lean towards the phallic origin of the pre-Christian cross as the theory most reasonable to be accepted. And to this view also Professor Max Muller seems to incline. Mr. Baldwin, in his Ancient America (New York, 1879, p. 186), alludes to the symbol as a proof of a former union between the old world and the new. "Religions symbols are found in American rains which remind us of those of the Phoenicians, such as figures of the serpent, which appear constantly, and the cross, sopposed by some to represent the mounting of the magnetic needle, which was among the emblems peculiar to the goddess Astarte. Mr. Hodder M. Westropp gives in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, 1878, p. 119, his views on the origin of the Greek archaic cross, stating that it appears to him "to be evidently derived from the punch-marks on early Greek coins," and that it is different from the swastika in the fact that the arms are turned to the left instead of to the right. The swastika, he thinks, cannot possibly be older than the sixth century B.C., as Buddha died about 540 B.C." Bat Schliemann's description of the finding the whorls, and the illustrations appended to his Troy and its Remains, show that many of these whorls were found more than 40 feet below the earliest Greek remains, and that both forms, turning left and turning right, were in common ase. The above are only a few of the theories on the origin of this symbol which appear to have been entertained amongst recent writers. It No work more unscientific and erroneous in method and results than Dr. Inman's has perhaps been printed, but Buddha probably died about 482 B. C. But the swastika was no invention of Buddha's, as it was looked upon as a lucky sign at the time of his birth, and long before it.-ED. may be gathered even from the quotations in this paper, and seem to be popular with scioliste.-E.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. would be interesting to collect others. For the present, let students of Archaeology choose for themselves. By and by, no doubt, further light will be thrown on the origin of archaic Indian symbolism till inuch that is now dark enough becomes plain. For myself, I boldly range my- self under Mr. Thomas's son-standard ; and I cherish the conviction that many of the signs and symbols venerated amongst the Indian races, both Buddhistic and Brahmanical, will hereafter be traced to an origin in a (80-called) "primaeval" sun-worship, existent in Central or Western Asia prior to the migration of the Aryans, and possibly drawing much of its ceremonial from Chaldea, Assyria, and even Egypt. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 180.) whose jealousy we are told was thus kindled.' The rising fortunes of Chinghiz Khan This story appears in none of the older authoriand the ambitions which success naturally ties. De la Croix quotes part of it from creates began to affect his intercourse with his Abulfaraj, but I can nowhere find it in his quondam patron Wang Khan, and we have works, either in the Syriac or Arabic chronicle. now to relate the story of the jealousies and In the latter there is merely the bare statement quarrels which ended in the destruction of the that Chinghiz married & daughter of Wang latter. Khan.* He quotes the rest from the Turkish The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that when but author Abu'l-k hair, who died in 1554, and who seven years old Wang Khan was captured was the main authority followed by him. Von by the Merkit and made to grind grain, and Hammer, who treats the whole account as a fable, that when 18 years old he, with his mother, were says, however, that it is met with earlier than seized by the Tartars and made to tend cattle.' in the pages of Abu'l-khair, namely, in the We have seen how on his father's death he put Mokademmei Zafar Nameh of Sherifa'd-dinah two of his brothers to death, and then had to of Yezd, 1424 A. D., in Khuandemir's Habiles tly, and how he was reinstated by Yessagei, Siyer, and in the Tarikhi Haidari." Chinghiz Khan's father. Wang Khan was clearly of a turbulent Petis de la Croix relates a saga of how when disposition, and we next find him trying to kill Temujin was 20 years old, he fled from his his brother, Erkhe Khara, who fled to Inanj, the enemies and sought shelter with Wang Khan chief of the Naimans, who collected an army who was living at Karakorum, and who and drove him away. He thereupon sought received him well, having heard from Khara- shelter with the Gurkhs of Kara Khitai, char Noyan, who filled the office of Chinghiz of whom we shall have more to say further Khan's tutor, the story of his persecution by his on. He sought him on the river Chui. In less premies. Wang Khan promised to support than a year he quarrelled with the Gurkhan him and to bring the recalcitrant tribes which and returned once more to Mongolia through the would not obey him to their duty. We are told country of the Uighurs and Tangut. On this further that he called his young friend, son, journey, according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, he placed him above the princes of the blood, lived on the milk of five ewes, and also drank the committed to him the conduct of his armies in blood of a cainel, which he obtained by piercing the war he had against the Khan of Tendu c!" its body. The Huang-yuan says he tied the and undertook nothing without his counsel. He ewes with a cord; and he also says he boiled the also gave him his daughter Wisu lajin in blood he got from the camel for food.' He made marriage. She had been loved by Chamukha his way to the camp of Chinghiz Khan at whom she rejected in favour of his rival, and Guser. This place is no doubt the same as the Op. cit., p. 76. * Gesch. der gold. Horde, pp. 61, 62. The introduction * Tenduch was Wang Khan's own country, probably to the Zafar Nameh mentioned above, is the work trans. Tangut is meant. lated by Colonel Miles, in 1838, with the title Shajrat ul History of Genghiscan the Great, pp. 27-29. See Atrak, and for the whole story just told see that work, p. 87. also Erdmann's Temudschin, pp. 268 and 269 * Op. cit., p. 76. * Op. cit., p. 285. Op. cit., p. 159.

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JULY, 1881.1 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 203 Koshei naur or lake Koshei where Ogotai fixed his spring quarters, and which, we are told, was four days' journey from Karakorum. In the Huang-yuan the name is written Kuisior. D'Obsson in one place calls it Keusche, and in another Guenca. It is perhaps to be identified with the Kursagol, one of the upper feeders of the Onon flowing into it from the south. Another of these streams flowing into it from the north is called the Aguza. Chinghiz Khan in consequence of the old attachment which bound him to his friend sent the brave Sukiga to meet him. The Huang-yuan says he sent his relatives Takhaya and Synegaya. He presently set out himself to the heights above the Keralon. Having met Wang Khan, he conducted him to his camp and ordered his people to supply him with food. They spent the winter together at the place called Khubakha already mentioned. The same story is told pretty nearly in the same way in the Yuan-shi." There we read that after Chinghiz Khan had entertained his friend he took him to the banks of the Tula, or as Hyacinthe has it, the Tora." The Huangyuan also says they went to the Black Forest on the Tula, where they formed an alliance as father and son." It would seem that Wang Kha n was now reinstated in power, doubtless by the influence of Chinghiz Khan. His truculent disposition presently broke ont again however, and we are told that his brothers and nobles concerted together and recalled his various acts of tyranny, and that he still had evil designs against them. Their conversation was reported to him by one named Altan Ashukh. He thereupon seized his three brothers, Elkhutura," Khulbar and Arin-taishi. Only one of his brothers, namely, Jakhaganta," escaped and found shelter with the Naimans. Elkkutura with his comrades were tied together, and had two cangues fastened about their shoulders. Wang Khan reproached them, saying, "When we were passing through the country of Uighur and . Tangut, what did you promise ?' He then ordered those present to spit in their faces, and afterwards set them at liberty." The Yuan-shi which reports this story makes Cha-si-gam-bu, as Hyacinthe reads the name, the chief conspirator, and tells us that Wang Khin reproached Ekertor, and reminded him of the oath of friendship they had made in returning from Ho-si. It also says that Ekertor accompanied him to the Naimans." The story here related is also told in the Huangyuan and by Rashidu'd-din, which authorities so frequently agree. They state that it was in winter or at the approach of winter when Wang Khan was moving with his army from the Kerulon towards the mountain Khubakhaiya , that his brother Jakhanbo concerted a revolt with four Kirai Generals--the Huangyuan calls them Khun-bali, Andan-ashu, Yankhotor and Yankhuan-khorom;" Rashidu'd-din calls them Altun-Ashuk, Il-Khutur, Il-Khunk. gur and Kulburu." He said to them that his brother was of an intolerable character; unfortunate in his undertakings, ficklo in his plans, and that he had so tyrannized over his relatives that the greater part of them had already sought refuge in Kara Khitai, and there was no ulus which he had not trampled upon. Why should we stay with him? Altun-Ashok repeated these words to Wang Khan, who ordered Yan-k hotor or Il-Khutar or Il-Khunkgar" to be brought before him in chains. He reminded the former of the oath he had sworn as they were travelling together from Tangut, and then, says the Huang-yuan, he spat in his face and all got up and spat too. He also bitterly reproached Jakhanbo, who escaped to the Naimans accompanied by Yan or Il-Khutur, Yan or Il-Khaankhor, Narin Tughrul called Nalin in the Huang-yuan, and Alin-Taishi called. Tolin-taishi in the same work. Jakhanbo in * Von Hammer, Ilkhans, vol. I, p. 52. * Vol. II, p. 83. 10 Id. Vol. II, p. 195. u Yuan-chao-pi-shi, p. 76. 1- Douglas, pp. 17 and 18: Hyacinthe, pp. 15 and 16. 13 See Douglas, p. 18; Hyacinthe, p. 16; De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 18. 1 * Op. cit., p. 159. >> Ywon-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 77. 16 The Erkhe-khan already named but curiously called Ekih-to-urh in the Yuan-shi, Dougla, p. 26 note ; Hya- cinthe calls him Eke-tor (20). De Mailla calls him Yenhotor, op. cit. p. 23. Altan Ashukh is called Abtan-gai-shih in Douglas' reading of the Yuan-shi (op. cit. p. 26), and Adun Aishi in Hyacinthe, op. cit., p. 19, made into two names Anton and Asu by De Mailla, tom. IX p. 93. These authors make him inform Wang Khan. In the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi two persons are clearly distinguished in the names Altun Ashokh and Arin-Taishi. 11. e. Ilka Sangan surnamed Jakhanbo. 1 Yuan-ch'ao-pishi, p. 77. 10 Douglas, pp. 26 and 27 ; Hyacinthe, p. 19; De Maills, tom. IX, pp. 23 and 24. Huang-yuan, p. 162; Beresine, p. 121; Erdmann reads it Khuta Khine, op. cit., p. 977; and D'Ohason, Karta 11 Op. cit., p. 163. Berezine, p. 121. 13 The Huang-yuan saya Nalin, i.e. Narin.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. formed Tayang Khan of the Naimans how he had been treacherously treated by Altun-Ashuk, and asked permission to enter his service." After this Wang Khan wintered at Khubakha and Chinghiz Khan in the mountains Checher or Chagachar. The latter soon after attacked the Merkit Olan Udur, the Taijat Khirkhan-Taishi, and the Tartars Jakur and Kelbek, as Rashidn'd-din calls them. The Huang-yuan speaks of them as the Tartars Alandurkha-taishi and Chakhugintimur, while the Yuan-shi only mentions one of them called Ola Undur by Hyacinthe. We are told they were attacked and defeated at Dalan or TalanNimurges, i.e. the plain of Nimurges. One section of them scattered and the rest collected again for another fight." Much to the chagrin of Chinghiz Khan the Kongurut who had set out to submit to him were attacked while on their way by his brother Juchi Khasar who was living apart from him, and at the instigation of Gebe, and they accordingly went and joined Chamukha." It must be remembered that the arrangement of the events of the early life of Chinghiz which I have followed, namely, that related in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, is different in its order to that of the other authorities which now, and not at an earlier stage as we have done, describe the struggle with Chamukha on the river Argun. Rashidu'd-din at this point also mentions the submission of the aged Bayant chief Surkhan. He makes him relate how Sachabiki, of the race Kiat Yurkin, had endeavoured to become overchief but without success. Chamukha had fared the same, although rich in warriors, horses and craft. Juchi Khasar with similar in- tentions, though he was endowed with strength, courage and prudence, had equally failed. Temujin alone united in his person all the necessary attributes, and in his surroundings all the requisites needed for supremacy," and accordingly submitted to him as his suzerain. Some time after this we find Ja khan bo, Wang Khan's brother, joining Chin ghiz * Huang-yuan, p. 163; Berezine, vol. II, pp. 121 and 122: Erdmann, pp. 277 and 278. 45 Op. cit., p. 20. 16 Erdmann rends it Timurges, and D'Ohnson Temour. kin, but Berenino's rending is confirmed by the Huang yuan which has Talan-niamur. * Huang-yuan, p. 103; Berezine, vol. II, pp. 122 and 123; Erdmann, pp. 278, 279; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 62. 49 Huang-yuan, p. 163; Berezine, vol. II, p. 123; Erdmann, p. 279. Khan while the latter was encamped at Tersu.* This alliance became very important and led to some curions historical results. Jakhanbo was a Kirait and a Christian. Three of his daughters were married to three powerful Mongol chiefs and became very influential historical characters. We can hardly overrate the influence which they exercised upon the religious side of the later Mongol polity. One of these daughters named A baka or A bika Bigi married Chinghiz Khin himself; a second named Bigtute mish or Biktomish Fujin, married Chinghiz Khan's eldest son Jachi, while the third and most important, Siurkuteni or Siukukiti-bigi, was married to his youngest son Tulni and became the mother of the Kha kans Mangu and Khu bila i and of the Il-khan Khulago.81 Let us now revert again to Wang Khan. In the year of the dog, i.e. 1202, when Chinghiz Khan marched against the Tartars, as we described, Wang Khan had an expedition against the Merkit and purgued their chief Tokhta to Barguchin Tokum. He killed Tokhtu's eldest son, Togusi-beki, captured his wife, two daughters, two infant sons and many of his people. On this occasion we are told Wang Khan did not reciprocate Chinghiz Khan's former generosity, nor did he send his friend any portion of the plunder." The same events are told, but in less detail, in the Yuan-shi, and the Kang-mu." The Huang-yuan says that Wang Khan pursued the Merkit as far as the river Ula," that he killed Toto's son Tungyusibigi, captured his two Khatus, Khudu tai and Chalikhun, and also made his two other sons Khuda and Chilaun surrender with their tribes." In this account the Huang-yuan as in several other places approaches very nearly to the story as told by Rashidu'd-din. The latter says that the Merkit were defeated at a place called Bokir Keger. Erdmann calls it Bukher Gereh and D'Ohsson Tukar Kehre, while Klaproth reads it Nuker kehreh. Berezine reads the name of the son who was killed Tukusi bika, while Erdmann reads it Tugun " Berezine, vol. II, pp. 122 and 123; Erdmann, pp. 278 and 279. 30 Y an-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 75. 31 See Qantremere's Hist. des Mongols de la Perse, pp. 85-91, and notes. 3? Palladius suggests that by Tokum, a wide fissure on the lower Selinga is meant, vide his note to the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi, p. 269. 3 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 80. 3. Douglas, pp. 21 and 22; Hyacinthe, p. 16; De Mailla, tom. IX, p. 20. * () The Uda. > Op. cit., p. 160.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JULY, 1881.] and D'Ohsson Tekun-bey. The two sons who were captured with their families and flocks Berezine reads Khutuktai and Jilaun. Erdmann and D'Ohsson read them Khudu and Jilaun."7 After this campaign against the Merkit in which the several authorities agree that Wang Khan failed to reciprocate his friend's generosity towards him, the two had a joint campaign against the Naimans, and their chief Guchugudun-buirukh, who, as we have seen, was one of the joint rulers of the tribe at this time, Buirukh was in the district of Ulukhtakh, (a name meaning 'great mountain,' and here perhaps referring to the mountains about Uliassutai, or to the Kuku Daban range further east) and on the river Siaokhokh (?). When the two allies drew near, he did not feel strong enough to oppose them. He accordingly struck his camp and went over the Altai, i.e. no doubt the eastern branch of the Altai chain known as Ektag Altai. He was followed to the place Khumshingir on the river Urungu. We are told that Chinghiz's men captured one of Buiruk's leaders named Yeditublukh, whose saddle-girths broke, and that Buirukh himself was pursued to lake Kizilbash when he died. The Huangyuan calls Buiru k h, Beilukikhan. The Yuanshi calls him Boro Khan." The chief who was captured calls it Oshu-boro and the place where he withdrew to Keshek-bakshi, i. e. Kizilbashi. DeMailla calls Buirukh, Pu-lu-yuhan. He says that when the allies arrived in the plain of Hesinpasi, a patrol of 100 Naimans under Yeti-tobu who had gone to reconnoitre fled in all haste to a scarped mountain. Being pursued Yeti-tobu's saddle turned round with him, and he was captured Rashidu'd-din tells us the allies severely defeated Bairakh at Kizilbashi, near the Altai, killed many of his warriors, and captured many prisoners and booty. Buirukh according to him fled to the country of the Kemkemjut and Kirghises. He further calls the unfortunate officer who was captured 43 37 Berezine, vol. II, p. 111; Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 271 and notes 76 and 77; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 55. 38 Urangu is a synonym for Kiziibash, the well-known lake in Eastern Sungaria, and this river is doubtless the Ulyangar which flows into that lake from the southeast. See the map of Western Mongolia in Petermann's Mittheilungen for 1872. 3 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 80. 40 Op. cit., p. 160. Douglas reads it Polo. Hyacinthe, p. 16; Douglas, p. 23. 43 i. e. Kizilbashi. He is called Yeditobolu in the Huang-yuan, p. 160. 205 because of his saddle turning round Ede Tukluk, which he says means one knowing seven sciences. Von Hammer explains this name as meaning one who has seven banners or seven squadrons.*" The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that as Chinghiz Khan and Wang Khan were returning from this campaign, a Naiman general named Keksiusabrakh who was a valiant warrior assembled an army in the district of Baidarakhbelchur," with the intention of opposing them. When the two allies drew near it was late, and they encamped for the night opposite the enemy. During the night Wang Khan lit a number of fires and marched with his men along the river Nakharasiul (?). Chamukha, who also took part in the campaign, did the same. Still harbouring revenge against Chinghiz Khan he suggested that the former had beforetimes frequently sent envoys to the Naimans, and he suggested that as he was not then to be seen he had in fact given himself up to them. Then saluting Wang Khan as emperor** he said, I am like the ever present lark, but Temujin is like the migratory swallow which returns in the summer towards south twittering through the air. That is he urged that while he was a constant firm friend, Chingh iz was a fickle one. For this he was rebuked by Gurin-baatur from Ubchukhtai (?) who upbraided him for thus calumniating his good brother. Meanwhile Chinghiz Khan, when he rose at daybreak noticing that Wang Khan's people had withdrawn said "He has forsaken me, deceiving me by lighting these fires as if he were going to cook some food." He in turn withdrew and marching by the defile of Yetir Altai (?) reached his quarters at Sari-kiber in safety." The Yuan-shi makes out that the Naimans on this occasion were commanded by the two chiefs Tsesu and Shebar, and that it was Chamukha who persuaded Wang Khan to Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 21. Berezine, vol. II, pp. 112 and 113; Erdmann, pp. 271 and 272 note 81. Gesch. der Golden. Horde, p. 62 note 8. A place Baidarik situated on a river Baidarik occurs in Petermann's map of Western Mongolia. The latter rises in the Kuku Daban range a little west of the present residence of the Jassaktu Khan, and falls into a steppe lake called Chaghan, or white. Petermann's Mittheilungen, 1872. Before this he had called him brother. so Palladius says the larks which abound in the Mongo. lian steppes are not migratory. s1 Op. cit., pp. 80 and 81.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1881 withdraw. It also says that Chinghiz Khan ra. This is probably a legend only. The pursued him. He found he had gone to his place is no doubt the same as the Baidarakhquarters on the river Tula and himself went belchir above mentioned. Rashidu'd-din calls to Saligol. It also makes Chamukh a contrast the man who reproved Chamakha for speakthe birds with white wings, i.e. the snow birds, ing ill of Chinghiz Khan Ujir-Kurin-Baghadur, which are constant inhabitants of the steppe or as Erdmann reads it, Bahriti-Garin Behader with the wild geese that fly away in the winter." Baghadur." We also read that Khudu and De Mailla" tells the same story. In the Yuan- Jilaun, the two sons of Tokhta, chief of the shi-lei-pen we are told this defection happened Merkit, who had submitted to Wang Khan, at the mountain Kao, which according to the now abandoned him and rejoined their father. geographical work entitled I-tong-chi was 500 li This is said both by Rashidu'd-din and in the to the west of the ordinary camp of the Tukiu Huang-yuan. or Turks in the 6th century AD. This camp was In the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi we read that on the situated according to the same geography on the retreat of the two allies Keksiusabrakh with mountain Tukiu 45 or 46 degrees North lat. his Naimans pursued Wang Khan, seized and 12deg to 13deg West of Peking. The Yuan-shi. the wives of his son Sengan or Sankun, and in lei-pen says that in his retreat Wang Khan the defile of Tiligeta on the frontiers of the retired by the river Asauli, which Gaubil Naimans and Kirais captured one-half of Wang identifies with the Hasui, a tributary of the Khan's people and cattle. The same authority Selinga." says that it was daring this contretemps that This river is called the Khasui in Petermann's Khadu and Jilaan, sons of Tokhto the Merkit map in the Mittheilungen for 1872. The iden- chief, left Wang Khan, and wont down the tification is confirmed by the statement in the Selinga to join their father. Huang-yuan, that when he withdrew from The Yuan-sha tells us that when the Naimans Chinghiz Khan, Wang Khan went to pursued the Kirais they first attacked the the river Khasiulu. This work also gives the camp of Wang Khan's two brothers Ilkha and Naimans two commanders, whom it names Jasi-Gambu, and harried their cattle. Ilkha Kyuisiu and Sabala, and it says the place where barely escaped with his life and hastened they and the two allies were encamped op- to seek assistance from Wang Khan, who supposite one another was called Baida!abianjir." plied him with some troops under the command This is doubtless the Baidarakhbelchir of the of a Burgut. This is clearly a mistake, Ilkha Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. and Jakbanho were the same person. Again Rashidu'd-din calls the Naiman General | Ilkha's second name was Sengun, meaning born Sabrak or Sairak, and says he was surnamed in the purple. This was also the name of Wang Kukseku or Gugsn, meaning in Turkish, a pain Khan's son, and in Mr. Douglas' translation in the chest. He tells us that he was at this the story is in fact told of his son, although time in winter quarters, and reports that he had the name is given as E-lih-ho, i.e. Ilkha. harried the effects of Wang Khan's brothers and At this time Ilkha or Jakhanbo had, as we relatives for which he had been attacked have seen, joined Chinghiz Khan, and no at a place called Bai Barakh Belchira but not doubt the story as told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-sha sufficiently punished. In regard to this last is the more reliable and belongs to Wang Khan's place Rashidu'd-din tells us that in former times son. De Mailla's narrative partially follows a Khan of the Naimans married a daughter of the version in the Yuan-shi. It says that when the Khan of the Ongut called Bai Barakh, and the Naimans attacked Wang Khan, his son celebrated the marriage festival in a fertile Ilkha and his brother Saobanpo were going place named Belchira, whence the spot was with some troops to join Chinghiz Khin, when afterwards known as Bai Barakh Belchi. they were attacked by the Naiman General 5 Hyacinthe, p. 17; Douglas, pp. 22 and 23. 53 Tom. IX, pp. 21 and 23. ** Gaubil, p. 7 and notes 1 and 2. 55 Op. cit., p. 160. 11 Berezine, vol. II, p. 113, Erdmann, p. 972 note. 5 Berezine, vol. II, p. 113 ; Erdmann, note 88. 50 Id 50 Berezine, vol. II, p. 114; Erdmann, p. 272. 60 Berezine, vol. II, p. 114; Erdmann, p. 278; Huangyuan, p. 161. 61 Op. cit. p. 81. 61 Hyacinthe, p. 17. 63 Erdmann, p. 253, note 5.

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JULY, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 207 Kusiuku. Ilho barely escaped to his father, who origin of the Keshican' of Marco Polo which he gave him some men under Pulu-hutai to revenge explains as 'knights devoted to their Lord,' and himself with.c* Rashidu'd-din also follows the applies to the 12,000 body guards employed by same version. He 180 speaks of Ilkha Sen- Khu bilai Khan." Colonel Yule calls attengun and Jakhan bo as the victims of the tion to the mention by Friar Odoric of the four Naiman General's vengeance. The place where barons who kept watch by the great Kaan's side their camp was harried is read Ideru-Altai by under the name of Cuthe. D'Ohsson, "Badru-altai by Erdmann,"aud Udur- Gaubil says that in addition to his four altai by Berezine. Rashid says there was a river "Braves" Chinghiz Khan also had by him and much wood there. Perhaps the Eder, an a member of a Western royal family called upper stream of the Selinga, is nieant. After Sai.i. He was well acquainted with the art harrying their quarters the Naiman General at- of war, and belonged to the sect of the Firetacked the Ulusses of Wang Khan on the borders worshippers, whence he was called Chapar or of Talain Amasere." Erdmann reads this Liduathe Guebre. The Chinese text adds to this Maserah, and D'Ohsson makes two places of it, name which is there written Cha-pa-ul the which he calls the frontier cantons of Daldu and Chinese character ho, meaning fire, adding Amashera. Rashida'd-din goes on to say that that this is to shew what his religion was." He Wang Khan's two brothers barely escaped with was not improbably some descendant of the their lives to Wang Khan, who thereapon sent Sassanian royal stock of Persia. Sengan to take revenge. The Huang-yuan Let us now resume our story. Sankun bealso says it was Ilakha Siankun and Jakhanbofore the arrival of the four Braves had begun a who were first attacked on the river Yidir Antai." struggle at Khulaankhut.(?) Sankan's horse When Wang Khan found himself thus hard was wounded in the leg during the fight, and he pressed notwithstanding his own recent conduct, was about to be captured when the four heroes he deemed it prudent to send and ask for arrived, and rescued him, and also recovered his assistance from his late ally Chinghiz Khan, wives and people." Rashidu'd-din tells us that and to bid him send his famous four generals in the battle which Sengun fought with the Boorchi or Boghorji, Makhali, Boroul, and Naimans on this occasion the two Kirai Chilaoun to his assistance. The Yuan-shi as Generals, Tekinkuri and Iturken Yadakhu, were translated by Hyacinthe gives the names of the both killed. Buurji gave Sen gun his own four heroes as Baortsi, Mukhuri, Borokban charger, and himself mounted the famous grey and Tsilagun." These four heroes are called horse which Chinghiz Khan had given him, with Borjui Nayan, Mukhual Govana, Bolokhun injunctions that he must not strike it, but only Nayan and Chilaoun Badu in the Huang- stroke it with his riding whip when he wished it yuan." Rashidu'd-din calls them Burji or to fly like lightning. Wang Khan was deeply Baghurji Noyan, Mukhuli Govana or Kuei- grateful, and we are told he rewarded Buwang, Burgul or Buraghul, Noyan and Jilaugen urji with a present of a set of robes and 10 or Chilaukkan Bakhadur, Gaubil says these golden cups." The Huang-yuan calls the place four heroes were styled in Mongol Polipa n- where the battle with Sengurt was fought the kuli, which is explained in the Kang-mut, as hills of Khalakhe. It also calls the two meaning the four sages. Their descendants Kirai Generals who were killed Digekholi-Itur. commanded the body guards of the various gan and Shaitai.eu princes descended from Chinghiz Khan. They According to the Yuan-cha'o-pi-shi, when were also styled K u e-sie, which Gaubil says is Wang Khan heard of what Chingiz also a Mongol word. This is no doubt the Khan had done for him, he said, "Formerly * Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 22. 65 Op. cit., vol. I, p. 58. 06 Op. cit., p. 273. 67 Berezine, p. 115. os Berezine, loc. cit.; Erdmann, p. 273; D'Ohsson, vol. I, * Clearly a corruption of Udur'altai,'-Op. cit. p. 161. 10 Dorbian Kai-laudi, 6. e. the four heroes, they are styled in the Mongol text of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, see Palladius, note 273. P. 58. "Op. cit., p. 18. * Op. cit., p. 161. 13 Berezine, vol. II, p. 116; Erdmann, p. 278; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 58 and 50. ** Gautil, p. 6, note 1; De Mailla, vol. IX, pp. 105 and 106; Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 366 and 380. 15 Id., p. 367. Gaubil, p. 6. " Y'win.ch'ao-pi.shi, p. 82. * Berezine, vol. II, p. 116; Erdmann, pp 278 and 274. ** D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 59. 40 Op. cit., p. 161.

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20 8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. his good father set free and restored me my very wroth, and said to the envoys What people whom I had lost: now the son sends impudence is this to ask my daughter to wife?' four champions who release and restore to me Wist he not well that he was my liegeman and my people. I swear by the shielding power serf? Get ye back to him, and tell him that I (or aid) of heaven. I will try and repay this had liefer set my daughter in the fire than give obligation." He then went on to say that her in marriage to him, and that he deserves he was growing old, that his younger brothers death at my hand, rebel and traitor that he is." were unworthy to suoceed him, and that he So he bade the envoys begone at once, and only had one son, Sankun, of whom he never come into his presence again. The envoys spoke disparagingly, saying it was the same on receiving this reply departed straightway, as if he did not exist. "I will consider and made haste to their master, and related all Temujin as the elder brother of Sankun, that Prester John had ordered them to say, so that I shall have two sons when I am at keeping nothing back."98 rest," and he accordingly met Chinghiz Marco Polo, it will be seen, says nothing of Khan at the Black Forest on the river Tula Sankun, and attributes" the proud words" to and adopted him as his son. Hitherto Chinghiz Wang Khan himself. In the Yuan-shi, which had called him father merely ont of respect, says the betrothals were broken off amidst and because of his friendship with Yissuge i. angry words and fierce thrents, Juchi is called Now they made a bond of father and son, and Jotsin or Chotsin and Wang Khan's daughter declared, "In the struggles with our foes we Chan-urh Pe-tsi, while Chinghiz Khan's daughter will fight side by side. In hunting the wild is called Koh-tsin Pe-tee or Gatsin-betsi and her animals we will unite together. If people try 1 proposed husband To-sze-ho or Toskho." De to make us quarrel we will not listen to them, Mailla's authority tells us that Temujin nor believe them until we have had mutual having asked the hand of Wang Khan's daughter explanations and spoken about matters face to Serpecha for his eldest son Chuchi, and been face." In order to secure their friendship still refused, some time after revenged himself by further, Chinghiz asked for the hand of refusing the hand of his daughter Hoakin to Wang Khan's daughter Chaurbiki for Wang Khan's son Tosaho." his son Juchi, while he offered his own In the Huang-yuan we are told that when daughter Khojin to Sankun's son Tusa khi. these negociations for alternate marriages were Sankun who deemed his people superior to the in progress, Chinghiz Khan was encamped Mongols, and looked upon Chinghiz Khan at the mountain Abuli Kyaekhoger, and Wang as belonging to an inferior horde to himself Khan in the sandy desert of Tsu-belik." Rashidexpressed his feelings thus -"When the maidenu'd-din tells us that the two friends had crossed of our house goes into theirs, she will stand the Ongu by which Rashid means sometimes the behind the door with her face to the north" (i.e. great Chinese wall and sometimes the Inshan in the attitude of & servant or slave) " while if range. I must now introduce an incident notmentheir maiden comes to us she will sit with her tioned in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi, and which is stated face to the south," i. e, in the position of a mis- in the other authorities to have occurred immetress. He therefore objected to the two matches, diately before the attempted betrothals above which were broken off, thereby naturally causing named. Rashidu'd-din tells us that in 1202, the some heartburning to the proud Mongul chief." same year when Chinghiz Khan overwhelmThis notice may be compared with that given ed the Tartars, Buirukh in alliance with by Marco Polo in whose words the story runs Tokhto the chief of the Merkit with the Durban as follows:-"In the year of Christ 1200 Chin- Tartars, Katakins and Saljiut, who were led by gbiz Khan sent an embassy to Prester John Ukhutu Bakhadur together with the Uirat and desired to have his daughter to wife. But chief Khotuga biki formed an alliance, and when Prester John heard that Chinghiz Khan marched against the two friends. The latter demanded his daughter in marriage, he waxed were informed of the approach of the enemy by Fran-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 82 and 88. # Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 234 - Hyacinthe, p. 23; Douglas, P. 25. "Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 27. cit., p. 166.

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PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. JULY, 1881.] their outposts, who were stationed at Gui, Chekcher and Chiurkai, which Erdmann condenses into one name Gui-jagjern-jewerkhai. They thereupon left the banks of the Olkhui-Siljiyaljut near the Ongu. The Huang-yuan says they marched from Ulukhoi-shi-han-jen into intrenchments, and repaired to the defile of Tajar Aki in the mountains of Karaun Chidun. There they were pursued by the enemy. Meanwhile S a nkun, the son of Wang Khan who was in.command of the vanguard determined to be the first to fall upon them. Buirukh having noticed him, and seen that his people were Mongols sent a division of his men together with the Katakins under Aguju Bakhadur and the Merkit under Tokhto's brother Khudu" against him. Asharp but undecided struggle took place, after which Sankun withdrew into the mountains, and they proceeded to perform some incantations which were followed by a great fall of snow and a deep fog. This was driven by the winds upon themselves, and a great number of men and horses perished from the cold and from falling down the precipices. The Naimans and their allies withdrew to a place called Kuiten." The Huangyuan says the fight took place at Kubitan and Wang Khan and Ching hiz who were not in a position to pursue went to Aral." Chamukha who had set out to join the confederates on learning their fate with characteristic duplicity seized some rich booty belonging to the Katakins and Saljiut, and once more joined Chinghiz Khan. They took up their winter quarters at a place variously read as Utjia Kungur, Alchia Kungur and Ichegeh Gutel, where he says the Kungurut formerly had their winter quarters where Temujin asked 90 Tenth Edict. (2) Devanampiyo priyadasi raja yaso va kiti va na mahathavaha manate anata tadatpano dighaya cha me jano M. SEN ART ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. Translated from the French.1 (Continued from p. 182.) The Huang-yuan says on the mountain Nigan-guiundu, Cher and Chukhurka. * Read Wakhud by Erdmann. Erdmann reads it Gutsian. 89. e. the island. 90 Huang-yuan, pp. 165 and 166; Berezine, vol. II, pp. 126-128; Erdmann, pp. 281 and 282; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 66. 1 Berezine, vol. II, p. 128; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 66 and 67; Erdmann, pp. 282 and 283. 209 the hand of Jorbege for his son Juchi and offered his own daughter Kujinbege to Tusunbuki or Khushbuka, the son of Sankun." The locality referred to by Rashidu'd-din is scarcely a probable one, and it would seem that he has mistaken Karaun Kipchak, i.e. the black woods, for Karaun Chidun, and the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi undoubtedly put it at the black woods on the Tuuli, i. e. apparently the Tula." These events are also reported in the Yuanshi, only that in this account Buirukh is not mentioned by name, but the Merkit Tokhtoa, who we are told had returned from Borokhucha, i. e. Barguchin, whither he had fled, is made the prominent character, and we are told there were with him the Naimans, Durban Tartars, Katakins and Saljiut. When Chinghiz Khan and Wang Khan learnt of their approach they withdrew into an intrenched position. De Mailla says a camp fortified with palisades on a mountain, while Ilkha," i. e. Sankun, took up his position on a height to the north. The enemy attacked him, but could not drive him away, but he eventually joined his father within the intrenchments. Before the fight the two allies had sent their baggage away. Their fortress was called Alan-jai. The chief struggle took place at Choidan. The Naiman chief sacrificed by his priests to the spirits of the snowstorm, and invoked their aid, but the wind began to blow towards him. The Naimans could not fight but were hampered by the drifted snow. They were fallen upon by Chinghiz Khan. Chamukha on hearing what had happened, we are told, began to plunder the tribes who were allied with him." (*) dhammasusumsa susrusatam dhammavutam cha anuvidhiyatam"[.] etakaya devanampiyo piyadasi raja yaso va kiti va ichhati[.] a Op. cit., p. 82. 93 Called Elerho by Douglas. Hyacinthe, pp. 21 and 22; Douglas pp. 29 and 30; Erdmann, note p. 120; De Mailla, vol. IX. pp. 25-27. 1 Jour. As. VII. Ser. t. XVI, p. 373f. Prinsep, J. A. 8. B. vol. VII, p. 258; Wilson, p. 209f.; Burnouf, p. 658f; Kern, p. 86f. 3 These readings differ from those of Cunningham's plate. With Dr. Kern, read tadatpane. Read "sususah; J. has sususam. * Read kitim.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. .(JULY, 1881. ya tu kichi parakamate devauampriyadasi raja ta' savam paratikaya kimti sakale apaparisave asa[.) esa tu parisave ya apunamo[.] (1) dikaran tu khoetam chhudakena va janena usatena va amata agena purakamena savam parichajitpa[.] eta tu kho usatena dukaram"[.] Translation. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, does not think that glory and fame bring much profit except (such as :) (Dh., J., Kh., K.: except that glory and that fame which he seeks (namely]:) that at present and in future the people practise obedience to my religion, that they observe the duties of my religion. This is the glory and fame which Piyadasi, beloved of the gods seeks. All the efforts that king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, makes, are all with reference to fruits for the future life, with the object of escaping all danger. Now the danger is evil. But assuredly the thing is difficult whether for the mean or for the powerful (Kh., K.: whether for the great, for the powerful), except by a powerful effort, and by renouncing everything. But that is assuredly difficult (Dh., J.: infinitely difficult) for the powerful (Kh., K. : especially for the powerful.) Eleventh Edict." (1) Devanapriyo piyadasi raja evam aha [.] nasti etarisam danam yarisam dhammadana dhammasamstavo va dhati masam vibhago va dhammasambadho va[.] (1) tata idam bhavati dasabhatakambi samya pratipati matari pitari sadhu sususa mitasastutanatikanam bamhanasamananam sa dhu danam (*) praninan anarambho sadhu[.) eta vatavyam pita va putena va bhata va mitasastutanatikena va ava pativesiyehi ida sadhu ida katavya[:] (*) so tatha ka.n ilokachasa Aradho hoti parata cha amnamtam pumnam bhavati tena dhammadanenal. Translation, Thus saith king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods : there is no alms comparable to the almsgiving of religion, the friendship (which is manifested by the communication) of religion (this word wanting in Kh.), liberality (bestowed] in (precepts of] religion, the relationship (which is based on the communication] of religion. This should be observed : regard towards slaves and servants, obedience to father and mother (G. : is good), charity to friends, companions, relatives, Sramans and Brahmans (G.: is good), respect of the life of creatures (G.: is good). That is what a father, or a son, or a brother (Kh., K.: or a master), a friend, a companion (G.: a relative) indeed even a neighbour ought to say, "this is what is good, this is what ought to be done!" In acting thus there is (K. : is found) advantage in this world and for the life to come; there results (Kh., K. : is reaped) infinite merit from this almsgiving of religion. Twelfth Edict." (1) Devanampiye piyadasi raja savapasamdani cha pravajitani cha gharastani cha pujayati danena cha vividhaya cha pujaya pujayati nec.] (%) na tu tath & danam va paje" va devanam piyo mamnate yatha kiti si ravadhi asa (.) savapasamdanam shravadhi tu bahuvidha [.] () tasa tasa tu idam mulam ya vachiguti kimti atpapasandapuja va parapasamdagarahi va no bhave apakaranamhi labuka va asa (*) tamhi tamhi prakarane pujetaya tu eva parapasanda tena tena prakaraneng"" [.] evam karam atpapasanda cha vadhayati parapasamdasa cha upakaroti (.] () tadannatha karoto" atpapasadam cha chha nati" parapasardasa cha pi apakaroti [.] yo hi kochi atpapasamdam pujayati parapasamdam va garahati () sa vamo atpapasandabhatiya kimti atpapa samdam dipayema iti so cha puna tatha 3 These readings differ from those of Cunningham's plate. 1 * Read yaris kinchi pard kamate devanarlpriyo priya- dasi raja tag. * Prinsep, u. s. p. 259; Wilson, p. 212f.; Barnouf, p. 736f.; Kern, p. 76f. The character is quite lost in facsimile C.; the facsimile B. has only the u distinct, but B. reads koru (akaran) as did Burnouf from Westergaard's copy. This is the exact eguivalent of the reading karanta (for kararte) of Kh. and K. 10 K. reads so tatha karatash thaloka cha araditi paratra cha anatan punar krasav (for prasava)bhp (va) ti. 11 Prinsep, ut sup. p. 2598.; Wilson, p. 215f. ; Lassen, p. 264, n. 3; Burnouf, p. 761f.; Kern, p. 65. 15 For pdjorh. 13 Read koristi as in 1. 8. 2. For tasd tusd, as ya for yd. 15 Read parkdrena. 16 Such is the only reading that seems authorized by the facsimile B. for this word reads very diversely hata, karits &c. 17 Karoto for karothto. 15 KAlsi has chhanoti.

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JULY, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. 211 karato. Atpapasamdam bidhataram upa hanati [.] ta samavayo eva sadha *0 ( kimti matamamasa dhammam srunaju21 cha sususera cha[.) evamo hi devanampiyasa ichha kimti savapasamda babusruta cha asu kalanagama cha asu"[.] (*) ye cha tata tata pasamna tehi vatavyam devanampiyo no tatha danam va pujaa va mamiate yatha kimti saravadhi asa savapasaridanam bahakao cha"[.) etaya atha vyapata dhammamahamata cha ithijhakhamaha mata ' cha vachabhumika cha ane cha nikiya[.] ayam cha etasa phala ya atpapasamdavadh cha hoti dhatu masa cha dipana[.] Translation. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, honours all seats, ascetics and householders, he honours them (these three words wanting in Kh.) with alms, and honours of various sorts. But the [king] beloved of the gods attaches less importance to these alms and these honours than to the desire to see prevail [the moral virtues which form] their essential part. That pre- valence of the essential foundation of all the sects implies, it is true, very many diversities. But for all there is one common source, which is moderation in language; that is, that one ought not to exalt his own sect and decry others, that one onght not to depreciate them without [legitimato] cause, that one ought on the contrary on all occasions to give to other sects the bonours that are befitting. By acting thus, he labours for the advancement of his own sect while at the same time serving others. By acting otherwise, he injures his own sect in damaging others. He that extols his own sect by depreciating others does so doubtless from affection for his own sect, with the intention of exalting it; well, on the contrary by acting thus, he does nothing but inflict the severest blows upon his own sect. That is why concord alone is good, in this sense that all should hear and love to hear the convictions of another. It is in fact the desire of the [kin] beloved of the Devas, that all sects should be instructed, and that they should profess pure doctrines. All whatever be their belief, should be persuaded that the [ling] beloved of the Dovas attaches less importance to alms and to external cult than to the desire to see the essential doctrines and the respect to all the sects prevail. It is for this end that the superintendents of religion labour, the officers charged to superintend the women, the inspectors and other bodies of agents. The fruit of it is benefit to my own creed and the glorification of religion. (Kalsi, Kapurdigarhi adi: Given in the ninth year of my anointment.) (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. ANAMKOND INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA. the above dates by respectively thirty and twenty In a temple at Anamkond, in the Nizam's years, that there was some mistake about the Dominions, there is a long and highly interesting date,-has stamped the inscription as belonging inscription of Rudradeva of the Kakatya or unmistakeably to the ninth century A. D., and as KAkatiya dynasty. Versions of it bave been pub- recording the fate of Toila I. and Bhima II. of the lished in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Western Chalukya dynasty.. Vol. VII, p. 901, where the date was interpreted Through the kindness of the Political Authorias Saka 1054,--and in the Journal of the Bombay ties at Haidarabad, I have now been furnished Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. X., with an excellent ink-impression of this important p. 46, by Dr. Bhau Dajt, who interpreted the date inscription, and shall shortly publish it in full in as Saka 1064. And Mr. Rice, -recognising from this journal. these discrepant readings of the date, and from Meanwhile it may be useful to state that the the fact that the samvatsara, the name of which real date of this inscription is Saka 1084 (A. D. is recorded as Chitrabhanu, does not agree with 1162-3), the Chitrabbanu sanatsara, and that, 3 These readings differ from those of Cunningham's plate. 19 Kardt for kararlato. >> The dhd is indistinct in facsimile B.; read sadhu. * For sruneju; C. has srundja. * Asu for assu; C. a asu. 13 Equivalent to pajaris. 1. For bahuka. ** O. has & vde, but facsimile B. appears to read plainly cha, which is also the reading of Kh. ** Though the facsimiles present the sign th with the notation for 4 doubled, it can hardly be read otherwise than the. * I observe that a comparison with edict VII helps to the understanding of this clause. The king thinks that by the object which they really aim at, by their sdra, all these secta approuch each other to the extent of coinciding. Hence natarully be holds their interests in moral and elevated sense, be it clearly understool) to be closely linked together. Mysore Inscriptions, p. xliv., note, and p. lxiii.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1881. therefore, it records the downfall of Taila III., the last but one of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyanapura, and not of his ancestor Taila I. J. F. Fleet, Bo. C.S. Belgaum, 18th June 1881. TUS, THE OLD CAPITAL OF THE NORTH OF PERSIA. The Keshef Rud River passing a little to the north of Meshd, joins the Herat River & little south of Sarakhs, from which point the united streams, known as the Tjend River, flow and lose themselves in the vast swamp of the same name lying northward in the Turkoman desert. From the amount of water which I have seen running from different sources to the Tjend morass it must be a vast one indeed. Crossing a tall brick bridge 'of several arches the old walls of Tas are reached not fifty yards from the river marge. The city cannot have been less than four miles in circuit, as one can judge from the ruins of the ramparts, which at the eastern end are in a remarkably perfect condition. The entire oblong space within them is covered with small mounds, and strewn with brick and fragments of blue limestone, the remains of former houses. Towards the northwestern part stand the remains of the citadel built upon several vast artificial mounds. From the appearance of some towers and walls the stonework still retaining the loam, which had formerly been plastered over it in Persian fashion, I should say that this citadel had been kept in repair as a fort up to a comparatively recent period. Exactly in the centre of the town stands the only remarkable object of the place, and which the traveller is informed is the tomb of the poet Firdauzi, who, together with the nephew of Imam Riza, the former sovereign of the place was buried there. It is a large domed structure of brickwork, with doorways in the four sides, and pilasters at the slightly flattened corners. Springing from the northern side of the build ing is what appears to have been a small chapel, or else the dwelling of the guardian of the tomb. The entire structure is ruinous both within and without, baving, to judge from the cracks in the walls and dome, suffered from an earthquake shock. It had originally been plastered over, both on the inside and outside, to the depth of a couple of inches, with a fine grey sand concrete, much of which is still adhering even to the exterior. This had been in turn covered with adhesive white plaster. Both concrete and plaster are quite as hard as the bricks which they overlie. The architectural mouldings and other ornamentations, when on a large scale, were rude ly fashioned by the placing and chipping of the brick, the details being given in concrete and plaster, which were apparently moulded, as in the case of the arabesques and decorative inscriptions in many old Arab structures, and notably so in that of the Alhambra, at Granada. Within the building presents one unbroken space from wall to wall, and from the floor to the centre of the cupola. The height of the latter above the ground cannot be much under seventy feet. It is on the inside hemispherical, the exterior being modified by a step reaching to one-third its height. Formerly an interior gallery seems to have run round the base of the interior of the dome, if one can judge by the remains of wood beams and the spaces sunk in the walls. In the centre of the floor lie the two fragments of a stone coffin which has been rudely smashed in a longitudinal direction. The top and sides are covered with finely-executed inscriptions, verses of the Kurdn. My guide, the old Turkoman, told me that this coffin had been broken open only two years previously by some Russian travellers who visited the place, and who also carried away with them two inscribed marble tablets which had been inserted, one in the northern, the other in the southern wall. I saw myself the two vacant spaces in which these tablets had been, the wood pegs at the rear still remaining; but the demolition of the coffin, to judge from the appearance of the edges of the fractured parts, was of remoto date. It was probably effected by the fall of some portion of the building during the earthquake shock which ruined it. Pious hands may probably have placed the fragments together again, and it may be that the Russian travellers had again opened the coffin. It is now completely empty, and there are marks, evidently of a recent date, as of an iron wedge forced in after some preliminary chipping with a chisel. This old domed structure is visible for at least 20 miles on every side. In its immediate vicinity the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages have made excavations with a view of obtaining building materials, and extensive foundations are visible on all sides. Lying among them I found numerous fragments of old, highly-coloured pottery, some of them displaying the reflet metallique so prized by the "china maniacs." Tus has been, I believe, completely deserted for the past four hundred years, the inhabitants having even at long anterior period commenced emigrating to Meshd, whose rising fortunes had begun to eclipse those of the ancient capital of Korasan. The ground around it seems to be liable to extensive inundations from the overflowing of the Keshef Rud; and in some places a raised causeway, whether ancient or modern I could not ascertain, passes by the old town, leading east and west. In its time Tas was probably an unhealthy place to live in, owing to the swampiness of the surrounding ground. - Correspondent, Daily News.

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Avgust, 1881.] DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 213 ON THE DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. BY DR. H. OLDENBERG, BERLIN. TRYING to find our way through Indian lity addressed to his subjects, are read on rocks chronology during the first centuries of and pillars, from the frontier of Afghanistan to the Christian era, is a task resembling in some Kathiawad and Orissa : these names denote the sense that of the mathematician who has to first period of Indian antiquity of which, owing solve equations with several unknown quan- principally to the contact between India and tities. Neither inscriptions nor coins are Greece, something like a real chronology can be wanting in dates, but the era to which these attained. After the time of Asoka, there follow dates are referred, is seldom indicated, and again three centaries which are shrouded in it is only evident at first sight that a number darkness. They extend to the rule of a monarch of different chronological systems were si- whom the Buddhists regarded like another multaneously in use. There is no lack of Asoka : a second great protector of their faith, hypotheses which have referred every date the Indo-Skythian king Kanishka. mentioned successively to almost every known The question of the date of Kanishka-a era, and occasionally also to such as are un question which in our opinion, with Professor known. It is not our intention to angment von Sallet's numismatical researches now before the number of these hypotheses, but to inquire us, is rather a simple one-is the starting point systematically into the chronological inter from which the chronological problems with dependence of the different groups of dates, which we are to grapple, must be approached. and thus to eliminate the unknown quantities The inscriptions of the time of Kanishka one after the other. I believe that the number and his successors, found partly in Kabulistan of given equations is sufficient to furnish and the Punjab, partly at Mathura, are dated a result in all parts of our inquiry. This in an era which begins most probably at the regult will perhaps not be an entirely new accession to the throne, or rather the abhisheka one, even in any of its constituent parts; but of Kanishka.' The most ancient date our inquiry will not be quite useless, even if given in connection with the name of Kait attain to nothing but to connect true hypo- nishka, is contained in the inscription of theses with each other, alongside of which which General Cunningham has given a copy stood incorrect solutions, seemingly equally in his Archeological Reports, vol. III, plate acceptable and equally accepted ; and, by estab- xiii, 4 : mahardjasya Kanishkasya rajye sasivatlishing such a connection, to arrive at probabi- sare navame," in the reign of the great king lities, and perhaps even at something that is Kanishka, in the year nine." There are also not very unlike to certainty. several inscriptions dating from the year 5, In the midst of the clouds that veil ancient but these do not contain the name of KaIndian history and chronology, lies before our nishka. Then follow dated inscriptions of eyes, like an island on which the rays of a kings whose close connection with Kanishka clearer light fall, the period of ancient Bad. is shown also by their coins : Huvishka, in dhism. Buddha himself died about 480 B.C., the years 33, 39, 50, 51, etc.; Vas ndeva, afterwards Chandragupta (ZadpOKUNTOS), who 83, 87, 89deg; next follow a Mathura inscription united the empire of India and defended it suc- dated from the year 135, evidently of the same cessfully against the Makedonian attack, and era, and another the date of which is stated to then Chandragupta's famons grandson, Asoka, be 281, both inscriptions without any mention (about 260 B.C.), whose official lectures on mora- of a king's name. 1 This article is a translation of a paper published in the tical with the Vasudeva that reigned towards the end of the eighth volume of von Sallet's Zeitschrit fur Numis. first century of that ers. The date of 44 would fall in the matik. (Berlin : 1891.) middle of Havishka's reign. If Cunningham's facsimile is These dates are collected by Thomas, The Gupta correct, one would be inclined rather to look for shorter Dynasty, p. 16, or Archaeol. Surv. of Western India, vol. II, Dame than Vasudeva. P. 81; Ancient Indian Weights, p. 46 seq. Compare von Cunningham l. c. pl. xvi, 23. I think the date might Ballet, Nachfolger Alexanders, p. 64; Growse, in the possibly be 181.-Other dated inscription, the connexion Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, (1877) p. 918 neq. of which with this series I prefer to leave undecided, are I do not know if the name of V Asu[deva) has been to be found in the Journal is. Soc. Bengal. vol. XXXII, correctly restored in the Mathurd inscription of the year 44 pp. 140, 144 seq., etc. (Cunningham I. c., plate xv, 8), and if this Vlaudeva is iden As. Soc. Bengal. vol. xxxing Vleradeva ia iden. Pp. 140, 144 seq., etc.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. Now as far as can be done by numismatical beginning from the destruction of the Saka arguments alone, Dr. von Sallet has shown to empire, we may oppose to this statement the what period the series of kings-Kanishka, testimony of an inscription which is nearly Huvish ka, and Vasadeva-must belong. five hundred years anterior to Albiruni. The An approximate estimate of the time elapsed date of this inscription is expressed as follows: from the last Greek kings whose date is known, "When five hundred years had elapsed since till the reign of Kanishka,-secondly, the the royal abhisheka of the saka ruler." I connection in which the coins of Yndopheres believe it will not be deemed difficult to ac(or Gondophares)'and Sana barus, who must count for the fact that national patriotism in have reigned before Kanishka, stand with late India preferred to connect traditionally an era Arsacidan coins-perhaps also the Christian that, by its very name, reminded of the sway legend which makes Gondophares contem- of barbarian conquerors, with the defeat rather porary with the apostles,-and finally the con- than with the coronation of the oppressor. nection of the gold coins which follow after | It cannot be doubted that we are right in Vasadeva's gold coinage, with the coins of claiming for Kanishka the name of a saka Sapor I :-all these arguments combined make king. I dare not follow the scholars who have it most probable that Herr von Sallet is right preceded me in utilizing for this subject the in believing that the series of Kanishka- Chinese accounts of the different barbarian tribes, Huvish ka-Vasudev a cannot have begun with their subdivisions, that held sway over India at an earlier date than the first century A. D., during those times. But this may be asserted and that it must end somewhere about 200 A. D. with certainty, that the only name really car. If we try, therefore, to place this series, which, rent in India for the northern barbarians who according to the inscriptions, must occupy ruled there for centuries, and to whom the about a hundred years, between Gondo. dynasty of Kanishka belonged, cannot have phares (about 50 A. D.) and the end of the been any other than that of Sakas. Moresecond century, we are almost inevitably led to over, we possess direct testimony to show that the following result, which, we think, clearly the tribe to which Kanishka belonged, was presents itself, namely, that the era of Kanishka a Sak a tribe. is identical with the Saka era, which begins in 78 | Kanishka styles himself on his coins A. D.,' and which, as is well known, is men- PAONANOPAO KANHPKI KOPANO. Here KOPANO tioned in royal grants as early as in the fifth certainly indicates a tribe or a family. It is quite century A. D. (Sakansipakalasarivatsara). inadmissible to identify this word with the Greek A tradition frequently mentioned, and which Kolpavos. For firstly, the appearance of the word Albiruni follows in his important state- koipavos, belonging to Homeric language, on the ments about the Indian eras, represents the coins of a late barbarian king, would be more Saka era as beginning, not from the abhisheka, than strange." But the decisive fact is that but from the defeat and death of the "Saka- we never find the word KOPANO on Kanishka's king." Besides calling attention to the ex- coins with Greek legends (BACIAEYC BACIAEON treme improbability of the "Saka king's era" KANHPKOY), but only on those with barbaric To the statement of Dr. Von Sallet (Nachfolger Alexan. ders, p. iv) that the monogram of Yndopheres is found stamped on a drachm of the Arsacide Orodes I, we ought to add Gen. Cunningham's statement (Arch. Rep., vol. V, p. 60) that s drachm of Artabanas III. (14-49 A. D.?) shows the same monogram. * L. c. p. 185. We must remind our readers here of the strange fact, which is, however, attested very satisfactorily, that in ancient times the initial dates from which the different Indian eras were counted were subject to fluctuations of several years. Statements like this that the Saks era begins in 78 A. D., cannot be accepted, therefore, as absolutely exact; the Javanese Saka era begins in 74 A.D., the era of Bali in 80 A.D. See Barnell, South Indian Palaography, p. 54. The most ancient instance which occurs to me of the Saka era being expressly mentioned in an inscription, is the Umeta grant Saka 400. About this date and other ancient Saks dates the remarks of Dr. Bohler in the Ind. Antiquary, vol. V, (1876) p. 111, should be compared. See the ChAlukya inscription published by Mr. Bargess, Arch. Survey of Western India, vol. II, p. 237 seg. and vol. II, p. 119; also Ind. Ant., vol. III, p. 305; vol. VI, p. 863, and vol. I, p. 58, plate; sakanripatirajydbhishekasariwatsareshvatikrinteshu panchasu sateshu. 10 We shall find afterwards another case entirely apalogous to this. The Gapta kings were considered in popular tradition, as stated by Albirunt, to have been "wicked, potent persons." Exactly as in the case of the Saks era, the tradition represented the Gupta ere also se beginning from the "destruction of the Gupta rule. Here, however, the inscriptions show that the Gupta kings themselves used the Gaptakala, the initial date of which must be, therefore, the foundation, and not the extinction, of the Gupta empire. _" The coins of the Greek kings who ruled before Esnishka over the same country, do not show the word koipavos.

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AUGUST, 1881.) DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 215 legends (PAONANOPAO KANHPKI): we must there. for the assertion that the Korano or Gufore take it as a Skythian and not a Greek shana princes, and more especially Ka nishword." Here very appropriately the Mani-ka, must be regarded as Sakas. kya la inscription" has been alleged, in which What we find, therefore, is this: We know Kanishka is called Gushanava[m]sasanavardha- from coins as well as from inscriptions, of a la, i.e. "he who exalts the Gushan a family." mighty Saka king, Kanishka, who is freThe identity of KOPANO and Gushana is the quently mentioned also in literary documents. less subject to doubt, inasmuch as on the This king must have reigned, as his coins show, coins of Kozulo kad phizes" with KoreHX about the end of the first century A. D. His or XOPCH of the Greek legendo corresponds to large empire extended from Kabulistan to Kushana or Kashana in the Arian legend; on the Mathura, or perhaps still farther. There is no coins of Kozolaka daphes to xOPANCY Indian king in these times whose name at all answers Khashanasa. rivals Kanishka in fame. On his inscripNow & tetradrachm belonging to the British tions we find an era which occurs frequently on Museum has been recently published with the inscriptions of his successors both in the the legend TYIANNOYNTOS HIAOY SAKA | northern and in the Southern part of his realm. KOILANOY. The last word of this legend is On the other hand, we know of an era which read koupavou, which certainly is not correct. was used in India in ancient as well as in The comparation of the coins of Kanishka modern times, the initial date of which is 78 and his successors, on which KOPANO decidedly A. D., and which is styled on ancient monuments means Gushana and not Koipavos, shows that "the era of the Saka king," or "the era of the Gushana must be understood on this coin also. Saka lord's royal abhisheka." I think these Although between the 0 and the A of the word arguments may be considered as satisfactorily in question, not one but two strokes are seen, proving the identity of Kanishka's era with the one of which in tupavyouros stands for p, con- Saka era. sidering the very irregular palaeographical A further confirmation of this theory results character of the legend, this cannot be given as from what we have to say afterwards regarda proof in favour of the reading koupavou. If we ing the much-vexed question of the Gupta are right, therefore, in reading on this coin era. The Gupta era began, as we shall prove, Kopavov (or koppavou, as we find wdopeppov along in 319 A. D. Now the Gupta coinage is closely side of wdopepov ?), we have a decisive proof connected with Indo-Skythian coins which can . * In passing we may be allowed to add here an observation on the other title which Kanishka and his successors give themselves on their coins-PAONANOPAO. Recently the interpretation of this word, or of these words, as the Prakrit phruse rajunanari rdja (king of kings), has been accepted by several Pali scholars; see, for instance, E. Kuhn's Beitrage sur Pali-Grammatik, p. 88. I consider this explanation quite inadmissible. I do not lay stress on the consideration that the genitive rajundnails with the double ne suffix is formed more boldly than correctly, in spite of imesdnarh and similar genitives (Kachchyana, 11, 1, 62, schol.) But it should be considered that here, as is the case generally in this series of coins, we have Skythian words before us, or Indian words received into the Skythian language, but not pure Indisa words. The corresponding Indian expression for "king of kings" on the connected groups of coins is not rdjunan rajd or anything like it, but maharaja, rajadiraja, rajardja. PAONANOPAO must, therefore, as was perceived by Prinsep, be a Skythian title formed probably on the model of rdjadiraja (PAOrdja), but not a Prakrit expression. 13 Prinsep-Thomas, Essays, vol. I, pl. ix. 1. The usually accepted designation of this OOHMOKAADICHO as Kadphines I and Kadphines II appears to me rather incorrect. We do not know of any Kadphises, but only of Kozulokadphizes and Ooomokad. phiees; neither in the Greek nor in the Arian legends is the first element of these names characterized as a separ able, declinable word. To speak of Kadphises I and Kadphises II might very possibly be the same mistake as if we were to call for instance two princes named Apollodotas and Diodotas, Dotus I and Dotas II. 15 The I must here be read most probably as N. 10 Von Ballet, l. c., pp. 179, 180. Comp. Cunningham (J. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXXII, pp. 14A Beq.) about the Kushana kings. 1 Num. Chron., N. S. vol. XIV. p. 161 seq. ; von Sallet L. c., p. 75; Thomas, The Gupta Dynasty, pp. 85 et seq., or Archaeolog. Rep. of W. India, vol. II, p. 50. - This is very clearly seen from Hwen Thaang's statementa. The Chinese pilgrim mentions, for instance, that in the anciennes descriptions du pays it is said: "'Jadis Kin-ni-se-kin, roi de Kien-t'o-lo (Gandhar), faisait sentir sa force redoutable aux royaumes voisins, et l'influence de ses lois se repandait dans les pays lointains" (tom. II, p. 49). "Dans ls quatre centieme annee apres le Nirvena de Jog-lai le roi Kia-ni-se-kia monta sur le trone et etendit sa puissance sur toute l'ile de Tchen-pou (Jam bud vfpa)" (tom. II, p. 107). The statement that Kanishka lived 400 years after Buddha's death, is repeatedly given by Hwen Thsang, see tome I, p. 95; t. II, p. 172. As it stands, it cannot be in any way accepted. But we find together with this statement the equally inadmissible one that Asoks (i.e. Dharm kaoks) reigned 100 years after Buddha's death (II, 170). Thus we may be justified perhaps in supposing that the same error which to the Chinese pilgrim made the time between Buddha and Asoks appear too short by more than 100 years, has influenced also his opinion abont the time elapsed from Buddha to Kanishks. If we collect from what wen Thsang kays, that Kanishka was placed 300 years after Asoka's time, this is nearly true.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1881. not be placed long after Vasudeva, who nexion with Kanishka's coins in a number of reigned till about 100, after Kanishka. types which have, for the most part, disappeared Consequently if we assign to the series of Ka- again from the coinage of Bazodeo (Vagu nish ka-Huvish ka-V a su veda a date deva);" also in the form of the monogram the considerably earlier than we have done, we coins of Ooerki, as well as those of Ooer, stand augment the vacant period between Vasudeva between Kanishka and Bazodeo. The two and the Guptas, which is already perhaps. groups of coins must belong, therefore, to the greater than might be expected. same, or to nearly the same, time. Now, as I do not enter upon a detailed inquiry into Dr. von Sallet himself has very appropriately the statements of Chinese authorities respect-| observed, Ooerki is the only king in the whole ing this dynasty. If these statements are series of whom there are only gold coins, given correctly it appears that they quite agree Ooer the only one of whom we have bat with my opinion. The rise of the power of the copper coins; of all the other princes of this Yu ei-chi-the tribe to which Kanishka dynasty we have coins in both metals. In the belonged-and the foundation of the Kuei- inscriptions, we find frequent mentions of shuang (Kushana) dynasty is placed about Kanerki, Ooerki, Bazod eo, but there 24 B. C. The centary between this year and is no trace whatsoever of Ooer. These facts the coronation of Kanishka would be appro- lead us to assume the identity of Ooerki and priately filled by the reign of the Earne peyasa Ooer, and I do not think the trifling difference the so-called Sy-Hermaios coinage, and between the legends of the two groups the coins of Kozulokadphises, Kozolakadaphes, of coins sufficient to invalidate this theory. Ooemokadphises. Chinese authors mention On the one hand, it is true, we have the great power of the Y u ei-chi in Kabul- clearly OOHPKI KOPANO, and on the other we istan and India in 159 A. D.; this power is read eqnally clearly OOHPKENOPANO. But the said to have been upset in the beginning of shapes of the Greek letters are so degenerate the third century. on the coins of this dynasty, and the legende The coinage of Kanishka is followed by are often written so incorrectly," that no stress two groups of coins : on the one hand there is can be laid on a difference like this. Or, can a series of gold coins with the legend PAONANO. we deem it probable that in the middle of the PAO OOHPKI KOPANO; these evidently belong to Korano series, between Kanerki Korano, Ooerki the Havish ka of the inscriptions. On the Korano, Bazodeo Korano, a Norano or Kenorano other hand we find a series of copper coins on should appear, the first syllable of whose name, which is read PAONANOPAO OOHPKENOPANO. besides, answers so well for lessening the Professor von Sallet" distinguishes between difference between the unknown Ooer and the King Ooerki and Ooer Kenorano, but I think well-known Ooerki ? the identity of these two persons is far more 1 After Ooerki follows Bazodeo (Vasudeva), probable. The coins of Ooerki and those of and the degenerate coins mentioned by Dr. von this so-called Ooer stand equally in close con- Sallet (l. c. pp. 210, 211). cutters occasionally disfigured the Greek legends. The legend was arranged thus in the Greek model: ** See the quotations apud Lassen, Ind. Alt. II (2nd ed.), 872; Thomas, J. R. A. 8., vol. XII, pp. 15, 20 seq. ; Cunningham, Reports, vol. II, p. 63; vol. V, p. 196 seq. 30 Von Sallet, l. c. 176. 1 1. c. p. 207. * Compare, for instance, the Mao types of Kanerki (Ariana Antiqua, pl. xii, 1, 13) with those of Ooer (ib. pl. xiii, 4, 10, 15) and of Ooerke (pl. xiv, 6). Also the Atbro and Okro types of these kings should be compared. We may nuention, for instance, the two different legends YNAOPEPPOY and TONAOWAPOY which we find on the coins of cne king, or the legend EPHAIO (von Sallet, p. 117) instead of Epou. The coins of Kozulokadphises, which imitate the Hermaios coins and which have the legend STEROS SU ERMAIOU afford the I tud most instructive example of the way in which Indian dio The Indian die-cattor omitted the w of carnpos, mis blling of the space, and the distribution of letteripos, mis. filling of the space, and, finding thus that room was left between the ends of ournpos and of Eppalov, he repeated the final letters of the two words, and v, which met together in the gap. Thus originated the mysterious SY of the "Sy-Hermaioe coins,"..about which the learned con jectares of Lassen (Ind. Alt. II, 2nd ed., 408), founded upon the statements of a Chinese poem, cannot be rend without some surprise.

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AUGUST, 1881.) DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 217 It is one of the earliest known and best established facts within the sphere of Indian nu. mismatics, that this is the place from which the very important coinage of the Gupta dynasty branches off. The gold coins of the Gupta kings are imitations of those of VAsudeva or his successors : more correctly-they imitate neither the latest nor the most degenerate coins of this series." No one can compare the type of the standing, and most frequently sacrificing, king that appears on the Gupta coins, or the type of the seated goddess who holds the cornu copiae, with the corresponding types of the Indo-Sky- thian coinages" without perceiving at once the dependence of the Gupta coinage on that of their Indo-Skythian predecessors. Vasudeva reigned till about 178 A.D., and the Guptas must therefore have come later. Coins alone cannot teach us what period elapsed between Vasudeva and the Gaptas& period filled by the reigns of unknown, most probably insignificant, monarchs, and perhaps also by manifold struggles and disorders. In order therefore to assign to the Guptas their chronological position, we must enter upon an inquiry into the literary and more especially the inscriptional dates concerning the Gupta era. The fundamental mistake which has vitiated Beveral of the most detailed disquisitions about the Gapta chronology, for instance the researches of Lassen and of Thomas, consists in their touching only incidentally upon the direct and very clear ancient tradition which we possess regarding the Gupta era, instead of placing distinctly this tradition in the foreground and of systematically discussing the question whether any serious objections can be opposed to it. We shall try to proceed in this way so clearly prescribed by the nature of the question. Albirani, as is known to all Indianists, directly indicates the initial date of the Gaptakala." Having mentioned the Vikra ma ditya and the Saka eras, and having correctly The coins of the two dynasties, which branch off from the same point, the later Indo-Skythian princes in Kabalistan and in the Punjab, and the Guptas in Kanagj, must not be confounded with each other. On such a confusion rosta, for instance, the statement of Wilson (Ar. Ant. pp. 109, 427) that in the Stapes of Afghanistan Gupta coins havo been found together with the coins of the Eastern Roman emperors, Marcianus, Leo, and Theodosius. For the Gupta coins with the standing king or the sented goddess we refer to Prinsep-Thomas, vol. I, plate rxii, 16, 17, pl. riii, 18, 19, 23 pl. xxix, 13, 14, &o. Compare with those the Indo-Skythian coins represented by indicated the distance between the two epochs, he goes on to say: "Ballaba, qui a donne aussi son nom a une ere, etait prince de la ville de Ballaba, au midi de Anhalonara, a environ trente yodjanas de distance. L'ere de Ballaba est posterieure a celle de Saca de 241 ans. Pour s'en servir, on pose l'ere de Saca, et l'on en ete a la fois le cnbe de 6 et le carre de 5 (216 + 25 = 241). Ce qui reste est l'ere de Ballaba. Il sera question de cette ere en son lieu. Quant au Goupta-kala (ere des Gouptas), on entend par le mot Goupta des gens qui, dit-on, etaient mechants et puissants; et l'ere qui porte leur nom est l'epoque de leur extermination. Apparemment, Ballaba suivit imme. diatement les Gouptas; car l'ere des Gouptas commence aussi l'an 241 de l'ere de Saca." Albiruni then observes that the year 400 of Yezderjed is equal to Vikrama 1088 = Saka 953 = Gupta 712 = Ballaba 712. Before discussing another important author. ity regarding the Gupta era, let us examine the statements of Albiruni, in order to ascertain what claims on our faith they may be admitted prima facie to possess. We have already observed that the statements of the Arabic author, given in the same passage, concerning the Vikrama and Saka epochs are correct. As to the relation of the Valabhi and Gupta eras, which Albiruni states to begin from the same epoch, we are able to test his statement by a control which is as simple as it is trustworthy. In Kathiawad a great number of coins of Kumaragupta and of his son Skandagupta are found. The inscriptional dates for Skandagapta extend from 130 till 146; the era to which these dates belong, is called expressly in the Junagadh inscription Guptasya kula. The Gupta coins of Kathiawad are followed by a series of coins accurately imitating the preceding ones; Mr. Newton has shown that these coins belong to the Valabhi or Bhatarka kings." Of the same kings . Sallet, pl. vi, 5-7; Prinsep-Thomas, Essays, vol. I, pl. xxii, 11-14; pl. xxix, 10, &c. 9 Bee Reinaud, Fragments Arabes, etc., pp. 142 et seq. I quote the passage according to his translation. If we accept 78 A. D. as the sake opoch, the year Baka 241 began in March 819. The Gupta-Valabhl year began doubtless in February or March, woording to the rules of the lunisolar calendar. * J. Bombay Br. As. Soc. vol. VII, p. 12 et seq. Comp. Thomas, The Gupta Dynusty, or Archaeol. Rep. W. India, vol. II, pl. vii. No. 29 et seq.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. we possess a very numerous series of dated grants." These inscriptions mention as the founder of this dynasty the Senapati Bhatar ka, who is followed successively by four of his sons. The second of them is the first prince of this series who adopts the title of mahardia. Of the third of Bhatarka's sons we possess several inscriptions, which bear the dates 207, 210, 216. The coins, consequently, confirm Albiruni's statement representing the Valabhi dynasty as coming after the Guptas. And the in- scriptions support the belief that the Valabhi kings did not introduce a new era but continued to count the years from an earlier epoch. The distance between the last Gupta dates and the first Valabhi ones which the inscriptions contain, is exactly sufficient to make it highly probable that this early era used by the Valabhis was no other than the Gupta era. Wherever we possess means of controlling Albiruni's statements, therefore, they prove correct. There is only one of his statements which we cannot adopt. He says that it is the fall of the Guptas, the rising of the Valabhi dynasty, from which the Gupta-Valabhi era begins. This would be most difficult to believe even if we had no inscriptions showing that the Guptakala is the system of chronology used by the Guptas themselves and commencing from the establishment of the Gupta rule. We are reminded of the similar error of Albiruni or rather of the Indian authorities on which he diepends, stating that the sa ka era which really originated with the abhisheka of the Saka king, began from the ruin of the Saka power. It is evident, however, that an error concerning the historical circumstances connected with the introduction of the Gupta era-an error which is accounted for by the corrupted Indian tradition, cannot by any means discredit the statement of the careful Arabic scholar regarding the initial epoch of this era. We must now consider another weighty testimony bearing upon the Gupta era. * See Dr. Buhler's masterly edition of these grants in the different volumes of the Indian Antiquary. The most recent synopsis of the kings mentioned in these inscriptions and of their dates is given by Dr. Burgess, Arch. Survey of l'estern Twia, vol. III, p. 96. 30 Annals of Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 801. Comp. the same author's Travels in Western India, p. 506. A photozincograph of this inscription, which Dr. Burgess has kindly transmitted to me, removes every doulat both as to the autbenticity of the inscription and the correctness of its dates as given by Tod. Todo mentions an inscription of Arjanadeva found at Pattana Somana tha, the date of which is expressed in four different ways: the year of Muhammad 662, of Vikrams 1320, of Balabbi 945, and of Sivasinga" 151. Now the Muhammadan year mentioned in this inscription" indicates 319 A. D. as the initial date of the Gupta-Valabhi era, quite in accordance with the above statement of Albiruni. The difference between the Valabhi and Vikrama epochs amounts, in this inscription, to 375 years, whereas we should expect, according to Albiruni, 376 years. This inaccuracy may easily be accounted for by what we have said above (p. 214) regarding the fluctuation of chronological epochs that is observed in ancient Indian inscriptions. For the rest, the Muhammadan date given in the inscription shows that it must be the Vikrama date and not the Valabhi date which is affected by the slight inaccuracy spoken of. Here we have, therefore, a confirmation of Albiruni's statement, which is, in our opinion, as conclusive as possible. Though the power of the Guptas as well as of the Valabhis had long been annihilated in Albiruni's time, and so much longer in Arjunadeva's, their era was still in use. We have a continual series of dates expressed in the Gupta or Valabhi era, which extends from the first century of this era down till far beyond the time of Albiruni," so that it is difficult to understand how the continuity of the tradition regarding the commencement of this era can be reasonably called in question. Have the scholars who have tried to displace the Gupta era by centuries from the point assigned to it by Albiruni, succeeded in invalidating the tradition which is apparently 80 well founded ? It seems to me that no counterproof has been produced which will in any way stand the test. Those scholars who refer the Gapta dates to the Saka era, come into conflict not only with the statements of Albiruni and of Arjunadeva's 31 An era belonging to the Gobil family. >> The year 662 of the Hejra began 1264 October 24, of the Julian calendar. 53 After the Gupta inscriptions and coins the Valabht granta furnish a long continued series of dates from 207 till 447 of the Valabhi era. Then follows the Morbi inscription, Gupta 555 (Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 258) , afterwards we bave Albiruni 712; & Jain MS. mentioned by the late Dr. Bhad. Deji (Journ. Bombay Br. R. A. 8., vol. VIII, p. 246) dated Gupta 772, and two inscriptions given by Tod, in Valabbi 650 and 945.

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AUGUST, 1881.] DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 219 inscription, but also, above all, with the coins of the Indo-Skythian kings. We have shown that the Sa ka era is the era of Kanishka. Now, as the Gupta coinage presupposes IndoSkythian coins which must be of later origin than the year 100 of Kanishka's era, it is evident that the rule and the coinage of the Guptas cannot have begun with the time of Kanishka. Also, for the Kshatra pa dynasty, the age of which we shall afterwards discuss, if we take 78 A.D. as the Gupta epoch, we arrive at chronological results that are inadmissible; we should be forced to assign to the Kshatrapas a date anterior by several centuries to what conforms with the limits afterwards to be discussed. when he visited India. The Sanskrit name which answers best to the Chinese transcription, would be Dhruvabhata, and this name, or rather Dhrabhata, which is not essentially different from it, is found in a copperplate inscription as the surname of a Valabhi prince reigning in the year 447 of the Valabhi era. As the Chinese pilgrim visited that part of India in the fourth decade of the seventh century A. D., this argument would tend to show. that the Valabhi epoch must be placed somewhere about 200 A. D. Of all the hypotheses that have been formed, the least to be approved is that of Lassen, who, without any reason, distinguishes between an earlier and a later Gupta dynasty; the most important kings belonging to the former were Samudragupta and Skandagupta; Budhagupta is reckoned by Lassen with the later Guptas. The dates recorded of the earlier Guptas are referred by him partly to the Saka era, partly to a Gupta era of Lassen's own invention, beginning in 140 A. D.; the date of Budhagupta's inscription (year 165) he refers to the era of 319 A. D. All this is entirely arbitrary. No one that compares the dates assigned by inscriptions and coins to Skandagupta (130-146) and those of Budhagupta (155, 165), and then confronts the coins of these two kings, will entertain the least doubt as to their being most closely chronologically connected. 35 The argument by which Dr. Buhler" has recently tried to establish a different epoch for the Valabhi chronology, deserves to be considered much more carefully than Lassen's vague conjectures. Hwen Thsang mentions the Valabhi prince T'a-lu-p'o-po-tu as reigning 3. Ind. Alterthumskunde, II. (2d ed.) 784 seq., 957 seq. 35 See Thomas, The Dynasty of the Guptas, or Archool. Sur. W. India, Nos. 24-26 of the plate, and the last coins figured on Mr. Thomas's second plate in J. R. As. Soc. vol. XII, p. 72. 30 Ind. Antiquary, vol. VII (1878), p. 80. 37 Mr. Beal, whom I consulted about the passage in question of the Chinese text, confirms the correctness of this name as spelt by Stan. Julien. He adds that a Japanese note on this passage spells it To-ro-va-vats-ta. 38 The time to which Derabhata must belong if we take 319 as the initial date of the Valabbis, agrees exactly with the time of Hwen Thsang's visit to India. It is true that Derabhata, a king's son and a king's father, is not styled himself a king in the inscriptions. But this does not much matter, as Dr. Buhler himself has shown that the redactors of the inscriptions often quite arbitrarily omitted unpopu-. lar names from the series of kings.-Mr. Beal informs me 35 We must admit that the identification of T'ula-p'o-po-tu with D hra bha ta would be very convenient, if it were possible. But our judgment on this conjecture must depend upon its agreeing or not with the chronological results found otherwise; in itself this hypothesis cannot at all claim such a degree of certainty that it should be decisive for the whole question of Valabhi chronology. The prince mentioned by Hwen Thsang may possibly be identified with Derabhata, whom the plates mention as the son of Siladitya I. (year 286) and the father of Dhruvasena III (year 332); or, as Dhrabhata is only the surname of a king whose principal name was Siladitya, we may perhaps suppose that one of the preceding Siladityas or Dharasenas had the same surname we ought to remember, using Dr. Buhler's own very appropriate words, "the evil habit of many Indian dynasties of taking a large number of birudas or honorific titles." It is of no consequence to us whether the name of that T'nlu-p'o-po-tu is accounted for in the one way or the other; the only thing we want to show isthat no counterproof against the correctness of Albiruni's statements regarding the Gupta-Valabhi era can be based on the name of this prince.* 39 that the meaning of the Chinese translation of "T'u-lu-p'opo-tu," which, according to Julien, means "constamment intelligent," is not certain. 39 Ind. Antiquary, vol. VI, (1877) p. 60. 0 Still less would it be possible to take as essential for such an argument the Kavi inscription, which has been treated by Dr. Buhler. in the Ind. Antiquary, vol. VI, (1877) pp. 110 seq., in a most interesting and ingenions manner. This inscription contains the date 486, and mentions the victory of a Gurjara king over "the lord of Valabhi." Dr. Buhler refers the date to the era of Vikramaditya; under this supposition it would belong indeed to a period anterior to the rise of the Valabhi dynasty, when we accept for the latter event the date derived from Albiruni. To this it may be answered, first, that "the lord of Valabhi" may very possibly have been a viceroy of the Guptas. But our principal objection would be that Dr. Bubler's opinion as to the use of the Vikrama era in this inscription

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1881. On the contrary I believe that everything The point of the ecliptic at which we arrive in which may throw any light on this question, this way, would have to be considered, in strongly supports the statement of Albiruni. accordance with the later system of Hindu Here I may be allowed to allude, first, to the astronomy, as belonging to the Nakshatra dates found in inscriptions, vhich are expressed Chitra. But this system depends entirely on both according to the Gupta era and according the position of the vernal equinox about 560 to a chronological cycle, the nature of which we A.D., -the initial point, that is, the beginning shall immediately discuss. of Asvini, being regarded as coincident with These dates stand as follows: the equinoctial point at that date. We think The year 156, which is a Mahavaisakha year. it can be shewn, as highly probable, that Do. 178 do. Mahasvayaja year. previous to that, no attention was paid to the Do. 191 do. Mahachaitra year. position of the equinox in fixing the limits of Do. 209 do. Mahasvayuja year." the twelve divisions of the ecliptic. To deterIt is evident that we have here & cycle mine, therefore, the limits belonging to each of twelve years, the single years of which Nakshatra, we have only to consider the actual received their names in their turn from the positions of the asterisms which gave name lanar months. No one who is even superficially to the twelve divisions. Now, according to acquainted with the Indian calendary systems, Prof. Whitney's map, we have will have any doubt as to the nature of this Chitra situated in 182deg cycle. It is evident, nor could it escape the Visakha , , 205-2150 attention of a scholar like General Cunningham, Jyeshtha , 230deg that the cycle is based on the revolution Ashadhas , ,, 2550-2650 of Jupiter, which is completed in about twelve The divisions of the ecliptio named after years. The use of such a cycle is attested by these Nakshatras would be somewhat as the Suryasiddhanta (xiv, 17) and by the follows-Chitra, 1650-1950; Visakha, 1950 authorities quoted by Davis (Asiatic Researches, 225deg; JyeghthA, 2250-2550, Ashadhas, 2559-285deg. vol. III, p. 217). Each year of this cycle was If this be correct, it appears that the yuar 475 called after that Nakshatra of the twelve A.D. (Gupta 156) would be a Mabavaishakha from which the months received their names, year; at all events, the position of Jupiter that and within the extent of which the heliacal year, if it did not fall within the Visakha Nakrising and setting of Jupiter fell in that year. shatra, cannot have been more distant from it Now, if we take 319 as the Gupta epoch, than may be accounted for by the contingenthe conjunction of Sun and Jupiter occurred, cies of intercalation to which the Jovian cycle according to the Indian method of calculation, was subject.** in the first of the four years mentioned, in | Another date to be mentioned here is that 191st degree of the Hindu ecliptic). This is given in the Badhagupta inscription : "after not very far from being correct, for the true 165 years (i. e, in the current 166th year), point at which the conjunction occurred in when Budhagapta was king, on the 12th (lunar) that year, is situated in the 197th degree, day of the bright half-month of Ashadha, on a as Dr. Lehmann Filhes has kindly calculated Thursday." If we accept the epoch of 319 for me. The holiacal setting or rising of A.D., this date will be the 21st June 484 Jupiter is distant from this point by about 4o. A.D.," which was indeed a Thursday. is open to grave doubts. All the other inscriptions that belong to the Gurjara dynasty, are dated in the Saka era, and the argument by which Dr. Buhler has tried to show that this era will not do in this inscription, seems by no means strong enough to establish here the use of the Vikramaditya era of which no certain traces are found till much later times. 1 These dates have been collected by Gen. Cunningham in the Archaeological Survey Reports, vol. IX. I have not yet been able to see this volume, which contains a new disquisition by Gen. Cunningham on the question of Gupta dates, and I take these dates from the review of Gen. Cunningham's work contained in the Indian Antiquary, vol. IX (1880), p. 253. "I must confess that I do not understand how the Jorian dates can be reconciled with General Canningham's theory, which he tries to prove in the work quoted, that the Gupta epoch is to be placed in 195 A. D. See the formale and tables in Warren's Kala. San kalita. * It is to be regretted that the date of the Morbi inscription (Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 257 seq. ; vol. IX, p. 808) cannot be made use of here. This inscription contains & royal grint issued "when 585 Gupta year bad elapeed. As the disk of the sun was eclipsed." The date, however, given at the end of the inscription, PhAlgunas di 5. cannot posibly refer to the donatiou itself, but only to its inscriptional record, for of course on the fifth day after new moon

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Avqust, 1881.] DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 221 Attention should be given, besides, to & out the earliest possible dates, we arrive at palmographical fact, which, in my opinion, is 250 A. D. As the limit before which the Gupta of more consequence than I should be inclined era cannot be placed. This agrees very well generally to grant to arguments based on the with the actual position of the Gupta epoch in palaeographical character of inscriptions. But 319 A. D., and in every case it opposes so conas the change in the shape of a certain letter siderable deviations from this epoch, as some to which I allude here, appears to be included scholars have advocated. within very restricted chronological limits, it Having thus determined the chronological may be well to mention it here. position of the Gupta dynasty, we are enabled The sign for m, which was originally 8 and now to fix the period to which another dynasty then X, changed in later times in the North must belong, the coins of which are found in Indian inscriptions into . The series of large numbers-the so-called Sa h dynasty." Mathura inscriptions, which are mostly dated, The asual designation of these kings as Sahs show at what time the new form of m is derived from their names, most of which originated. The first instance of it is found were at first believed to end in -saha (Rudrain an inscription of the year 98 of the era saha, Damasaha, etc.). In deciphering these which we have proved above to be the Saka names, however, an error has been committed." era. Other inscriptions belonging to the end The reading is based exclusively on coins, of the first oentury of that era retain the more and these contain a comparatively extensive ancient form ; in the second century the re- legend pressed into very small space; thus most oent form of m becomes predominant. of the letters are badly shaped and the vowels The palaeography of Gujarat and Southern particularly are generally subject to doubt. India-excepting, perhaps, the palaeography of For the correct reading therefore it is important coins-was not affected by this change. I know that some of the names re-occur also on the only one inscription of Kathiwad in which pillar inscription of Jasdan, which gives the the North Indian m appears, the inscription genealogy of the first kings of this series. of Jasdan, dated 127 of the Kshatrapa era." This inscription furnishes the following series, Now it is inadmissible to assign this sporadic in which each king is stated to be the son of occurrence of the North Indian m in Kathie-l the preceding one: wad to a time anterior to its first occurrence Chashtana, in Northern India itself, more especially at Jayadaman, Mathurd, which was situated on the route which Rudradaman, North Indian influences spreading towards Radrasimha, Kathiewad must have naturally followed. As Radrasena. the recent form of m is not found in the The comparison of these names with those Mathara inscriptions before 177 1. D., the found on the coins shows that Rudrasaha is a earliest limit for the Kshatrapa era, even if mislection for Rudrasena. I find this conjecture We assume that this form of the letter spread confirmed by comparing the coins of the Berlin to Kathiawad at that very time, would be about Museum. The letter read h in the supposed 50 A. D. We shall show afterwards that the -8dha is clearly different from the true h which Gupta era is posterior by at least 200 years to frequently occurs, for instance in the word the Kshatrapa era. Thas by choosing through- | mahdkshatrapa, and must be *.* That the no eclipe can have occurred. I believe that the eclipse of these names, I learnt from Dr. Buhler that the true alluded to is the one of the 10th November 904, about reading was already well known to numismatista in India three months before the date of the inscription. years ago. See Bhagvanlal Indraji's paper, Ind. Ant., See Cunningham's Arch. Reports, vol. III, p. 88, and vol. VI, p. 43; J. B. B. R. A. S., vol. XII, Proc. p. xxiu. the tables annexed to that volume. I am glad to acknowledge the priority of a scholar like * See the facsimile in the Journ. Bom. B. R.As. 8oc., Mr. Bhagvanlal, however I have not thought it superfluous to pat before the public my argamente as they had prevol. VIII, p. 284. sented themselves to me independently of his researches. " See Thomas, J. R. A. 8., vol. XII, pp. 1 seq., The The difference of the two letters will be easily recog. Dynasty of the Guptas, pp. 81 seq.; or Archaol. Sur. Report nised also on accurate representations of these coins; see W. Indh, vol. II, p. 45 seq. ; Newton, J. B. B. R. A. 8., vol. No. 9 of Mr. Thomas's plate in his memoir on the Dynasty VIL, pp. 1 seq. ; vol. IX, pp. 1 seq. von Ballet, Nachfolger of the Guptas, or Arch. Sur. Rep. W. Ind., vol II, p. 86, Alepandors, pp. 67 seq. Jacobi, Zeitschrift d. D. Morg. Nos. 9-18, 16 etc.: of the plates of the same scholar in Ges., vol. XXXIV, p. 356. J.R. 43. 8., vol. XII; Nos. 3, 6, 7 of Mr. Newton's first "After writing my remarks on the correct reading and No. 7 of his second plate.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. difference of these letters vanishes by degrees quered) Parnadatta and his son Chakrain many of the later or badly preserved palita; after the great Gupta inscription samples of those coins, is of no consequence, follow the grants of the Valabhi kings, who considering the paleographical character of the give as their ancestor the Senapati Bhatarka ; legends. What we have observed regarding these are the materials to which we may easily Rudraskha, is true also with reference to the trace back the origin of that pretended bardic other similar names, and thus we are forced to story. For that the bards should have correctly abandon the usual designation of this dynasty preserved from such remote antiquity, the as "Sah-dynasty." memory of one--and only of this one viceroy, The only sources for the history of this and of his father-two persons otherwise of no dynasty are the inscriptions and coins; every- importance whatever, and that, by a fortuitous thing else must be rejected. coincidence, the Junagadh inscription should Among the would be authorities which have mention for the same period, just these two and no real value whatever, I class first the state- only these persons; all this is indeed so ments of the Kathikwad bards, given by Major strikingly marvellous, that one need not be Watson. The Kshatra pa dynasty is not unduly suspicious in regarding it as otherwise explicitly mentioned therein, but its ruin is explicable. alluded to unmistakeably. One of the Gupta Another tradition recently brought to light, kings, we are told, who reigned between the which is believed to be connected with this Ganges and the Jumna, sent out his son Kumara- dynasty, would deserve at all events more pal Gupta in order to conquer Surashtra. This consideration than those bardic stories, if it task being fulfilled, the king appointed one of were possible to adduce stronger evidence to his amirs, Chakrapani, son of Prandat, to the show that it is the Kshatrapa dynasty to which government of this province. Afterwards the statements in question refer. I allude to the Kumarapal Gupta and then his weak son legendary story, handed down by the Jainas, of Skandagupta succeeded to the throne ; finally, the great saint Kalaka." Bhattaraka, & Senapati of the latter king, gained Garda bhilla, the powerful ruler of the supreme power. Ujjayini, had offended the sister of that saint, It is difficult to understand how even such and Kalaka resolved therefore to dethrone the scholars as must be supposed to be intimately king. He went to the country called Saksacquainted with the character of Indian bardio kala, where the family in possession of the records, could believe this to be a genuine tradi- throne was called Sa hi, and the supreme lord tion. Indeed the whole story is a very poor of the country was called Sahanu Sahi. compilation pieced ap of what those "bards" The saint succeeded in persuading one of knew by hearsay of the results of modern the S&his, whose life was menaced by the epigraphical and numismatical investigation; king, together with ninety-five other noblemen, some confusion in the details we may safely who were in eqnal danger," to cross the charge to the account of the poets themselves. Indus with troops and vehicles, and to go to Thecoins found in Kathiawadfarnish the names Hindugadesa (the Hindu country). They of the two Gupta kings, Kumiragupta took boats and went to the country of Surat and Skandagupta-the name Kumarapala tha. In the meantime the rainy season began. Gupta, given to the former by the bards, owes its Because they saw that the roads were impassorigin doubtless to a reminiscence, rather out of able, they divided the country among themplace here, of the renowned Kumarapala, who selves into ninety-six parts, and remained there." reigned in the twelfth century A. D.; the great In autumn they went on to Ujjayini and rock inscription of Junagadh names the lieute- dethroned king Garda bhilla. nant of Skandagupta (not, as the bards state, of 1 "Having appointed the Sahi who was atthat king in whose reign the peninsula, was con- tached to the saint, supreme king (raydhiraya), 40 The opinion of Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, (2nd ed.) p. 933, note, that instead of sdha we must read throughout simha, was a mistake. 51 Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 812. An excellent edition of this legend has been published by Prof. Jacobi, Zeitschrift d. D. Morg. Ges., vol. XXXIV, pp. 247 et seq.

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August, 1881.) DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 223 the others enjoyed their dominion, having | Kanishka belonged than any other known. become feudal chiefs. Because they came from The tale of their expedition to Ujjayini appears Saka kala, they are called Sakas. Thus to be scarcely better than one of those legends, originated this dynasty of Saka Kings." valueless for history, which grow nowhere more Some time afterwards Vikramaditya readily than near the origins of the Saka epoch, operthrew this dynasty and introduced the era and of the epoch which derives its name from called after his name. 135 years after this the fabulous Vikramaditya of Ujjayini. event a Saka became king again, who intro- Nor do I believe that anything can be made duced the sa ka era. ont of the statement that Sarashtra was " In order to explain the Sa ka era this touched by this expedition. Possibly the reepisode has been told." membrance of another expedition which came Professor Jacobi thinks it probable that from * Sakadvipa," and was directed first to the the Sahis mentioned in this legend are the same part of India, may have exercised some "Shah kings" of Kathiawad. But as the influence here,-the immigration of the so-called usual appellation of these "Shah kings" is | Maga Brahmans. founded, as I have shown, on a mislection of The result of all this is purely negative: we their coins, Dr. Jacobi's conjecture loses its find that no traditions regarding the Kshatrapa support. Besides it must be remembered dynasty are left us except the inscriptions and that the Ksbatrapa inscriptions (among which coins. the Junagadh one is very large, and the Jasdan The coins of this long series of kings are, for one is distinct in stating the titles of the differ- the most part, dated. The highest among these ent princes) contain nothing similar to the dates are those of the coins of the last king or titles Sahi, Sahanu Sahi, Saka, or to Deve- the last but one, Svami Radrasena, son of Svami patra, which is found several times connected Rudradaman." On these coins are read the with the titles mentioned." numbers 284, 192 (read, 292), 294. A still In my opinion everything tends to show higher number is found on coin mentioned rather that it is the dynasty of Kanishka by Sir E. Clive Bayley," the date of which he and his successors to whom the disfigured) says is 300. tradition preserved in the Kalaka legend The date 300 is the last in this series, and refers. That they are said to have crossed the after it follow the coins of the two Gupta kings Indus, that India is called by them the Hin- Kumaragupta and his son Skand 8duga country, that they are designated gupta, which are frequently found in Sarashsa k&s and also as Sahis,'-all this taken tra. The delineations given by Newton and together suits better the dynasty to which the remarks of the same gentleman, which are stioned 56 sa I. c. p. 256. 5. Another argument adduced by Professor Jacobi in favour of his conjecture does not appear to me much stronger. In order to show that the Shah Kings were Sakas, he makes use of one of the Nasik cave inscriptions, in which, as he says, the first king of the Shah dynasty, Nahapana, is called the father-in-law of the Saka Ushavadata. But granting the conclusiveness of this inference from & son-in-law to his father-in-law, and granting, which is not less doubtful, that Nahapana belonged to the Shah dynasty, it must be objected that fragments like these, in which 7 sakasa Ushavaddtasa is read, in an inscription which, according to Mr. West, is partly illegible, can by no mons be made use of as if they could be interpreted with any certainty. As It may be observed here also that the usual Kshatrape head on the coins shows a thoroughly Indian physiognomy, in which respect it differs very much from the heads of the Saka princes Kanishka and Havishks. 60 deve receives the title of ShAhi in well-known Mathur inscription (Cunningham, Arch. Report, vol. III, plate rv, No. 18). The Daivaputras ShAhi ShahAnash Ahi Sake, who sent presenta or tribute to Samudragupta (Allahabad inscription, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1887, pl.lv, line 30), may have been successors of the Deva patra ShAhi Vadova." The gold coinage belonging to Vasudeva's successors must have continued in use for den t aries (Laten, Ind. Alt., vol. II, 2nd ed., p. 868; Thomas, J. R. A. 8., vol. XII, p. 15). 57 See Weber, Monatsbertchte der Berliner Akademie, 1879, pp. 466, 457. i Newton gives after this king, another of the same name, son of Svami Satya Sih (or rather, Sv. Satyasena), but he adds that this king may have preceded the former one gnito na well. He states that he know only of one coin belonging to Svami Badrasena, son of Svami Satyasena ; it may be inferred therefrom that the reign of this prince was at all events very short. 5. I dare not pronounce & judgment about the units of the first and third of these numbers. Prof. Bhandarkar (Transactions of the International Congress of Oriental ists, London, 1876, p. 858) identifies this king with a preceding Rumah (read rather, Budrasena), son of Virada. man, and he reads the first numeral in his dates 100 instead of 900. This conjecture is every way inadmissible, the facts showing this may be found clearly stated in Mr. Newton's paper (J. B. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. Vii). 60 Indian Ant., vol. VI, p. 57, note. & l. c. pp. 9, 10; Nos. 9 and 10 of the plate. It is scaroely necessary to add that palmographical reasons also establish without doubt the priority of the Kshatrapas to the Guptas; 3 comparison of the two great inscriptions of the Jundh rook will rudice to show this.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. based on a most thorough examination of 3. The name of the Pablava nation being these coins, leave no donbt that the coins of found in the Radrad&man inscription (Kshatrape Kumaragupta follow directly after the latest year 72); also the same name occurs in an Kshatrapa coins, of which they are imitar inscription of another dynasty chronologitions. cally connected with the Kshatrapas," which Now Kumaraga pta's date is deter- probably precedes the Rudradaman inscription mined first by the inscriptions which give the by several decades. Professor Noldeke believes year 93 (of the Gupta era of course) as the that this name, derived from Parthave, does latest date of his father, and the year 130 as not belong to the period anterior to the first the earliest date of his son. With these accords century A. D." the date on a coin of Kamaragupta himself Such being the state of the case, it would represented by the symbol for 90, after which is be possible to identify the Kshatrapa era with a unit that cannot be made out. the era of Kanishka, i. e, the Saka era (A. D. We have, therefore, Kshatrapa coins with 78). The approximate position which we have the date of 300, and following them a Gupta coinarrived at for the Kshatrapa era, would not be with the date of 90 and odd, and we conclude incompatible with this identification, and if we therefrom that the Kshatraps epoch must be believed that the satraps of Kathiawad were placed at least about 200 years before the Gupta viceroys of the mighty Saka kings, the use of epoch, or about A. D. 120, taking the latest the Saka epoch in their inscriptions and on limit. their coins would be most natural. It is evident, however, that between the last | Notwithstanding, I think that preference coins of the earlier series and the first coins of must be given to the opinion that the Kshathe later series an interval of time may have trapa era was one of those local ones, so frequentelapsed which may possibly extend throughly employed in India, which are restricted to several decades. After the reign of the last Ksha- the limits of a petty state, rising with the trapa whose coins we possess, a period of trou- dynasty, and disappearing with its fall. We bles may have followed which has left no trace shall have afterwards to state arguments that in numismatics. The real initial date of the make the Kshatrapas' supposed dependence Kshatrapa era therefore may possibly fall 88 on the Saka kings somewhat improbable, and far back as the last decades of the first century which point to their having been subject, at A.D. Too great an interval, however, in the least at first, to the sway of a South Indian series of coins between the Kshatrapas and dynasty. It must be remembered besides, that Kumaragupta will scarcely be deemed very the Kshatrapa inscriptions constantly lead back probable, and besides the following reasons would the genealogy of these princes to Chashtana, oppose our assigning to the Kshatrapa epoch & and with this the coins agree: for Chashtana date considerably earlier than what we have is the first prince known to us on whose coin shown to be the latest limit: the so-called Shah head is found. He appears 1. The very debased condition of the Greek therefore to have been the founder of the dynasty. legends on the Kshatrapa coins; see von Sallet Now Chashtana was the grandfather of Ra1. c., pp. 67 seq. dra daman, whose inscription is dated from 2. The later form of the lettor m occurring 72; thus Chashtana's date falls too near the on an inscription of the Kshatrapa year 127 epoch of the Kshatrapa era not to make it (see above.) We have shown that this form of preferable to connect the origin of the era with the letter m does not appear on the North Chashtana rather than with the Saka king Indian inscriptions, to which it properly belongs, Kanishka. before the end of the first century of the From the Kshatrapa dynasty we go back a Saka era. step and inquire into the dates of those princes No. 10 of Mr. Newton's plate. Comp. Thomas, The Gupta Dynasty, p. 47, or Arch. Sur. Rep., vol. II, p. 62. os Inscription of Palumayi, No. 28 of Mr. West's Negik series, in which Palumayi calls his father the destroyer of the Bakna, Yavanas, and Palhavas. We shall epeak of the chronology of the cave inscriptions immediately afterwards. ** See Professor Noldeke's remarks ap. Weber, Indische Literaturgeschichte (2nd edition), p. 338, or Hist. Ind. Liter., p. 188. 66 See No. 7 of Mr. Thomas's plate (Dynasty of the Guptas). I read the legend: rajfia mahakshatrapasa Pla motikaputrasa Chashganasa.

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AUGUST, 1881.] DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. 225 who have left behind them such an abundance rectly refers to this victory of S a taka nniover of monuments in the caves of Nasik and the Kshaharata prince. This inscription is dated, other places of Western India. "from the victorious camp of the triumphant The three princes most frequently mentioned army," and it records the donation of certain in the Cave inscriptions, reigued in this suc- lands to a fraternity of monks, "the revenue cession: of which had been received hitherto by UshaNa hap ana, bhadata." From the fact of Ushavad a ta's Siri-S ataka nni, son of the queen being in possession of the royal demesnes at the Gotami. time of Satakanni's victorious invasion, we Siri-Paluma yi, son of the preceding conclude that either the Kshaharata prince king and of the queen Vasitthi. overthrown by S&takanni was Nabapa na himNa ha pa na is known to us by the inscrip- self, or that from his death to the dissolution of tions of his son-in-law, who probably held the his dynasty, only a short time can have elapsed. office of his lieutenant, Dinikaputra Ushavadata; The coin of Nahapana found in Kathia wad, his title runs in Sanskrit, will assist as in establishing a chronological Rajnah Kshaharatasya? kshatrapasya Naha- connexion between the kings of whom we are panasya. speaking now, and the Kshatrapa dynasty. The And in Prakrit (Junnar inscription): maha- Kshatrapa coins form a continuous, coherent khatrapasa sami-Nahapanasa. series which is in full accordance with the A silver coin of this Nahapana has been found genealogy of those princes as contained in the iu Kathiawaa.os inscriptions. In this series the Kshatrapa After Nahapana we find in the series of Naha pana cannot be inserted. His place cave inscriptions two kings of a different family, can only be before the series of Kshatrapas; the Sata va hana or Andhra bhritya also the palaeographical character of his indynasty; their names are Sata kanni and his scriptions, compared with those of the other son Pulu mayi, Satakanni bad conquered Kshatrapas, tends to show this," and scholars Nahapana's realm by force. In one of the | agree in assigning to Naha pa na this position. Nasik inscriptions he is called the destroyer of It seems to me, however, that they are wrong the Sakas, Yavanas, and Palhavas, who has in considering Nahapana as an ancestor of the left nothing of the Khakhar ata family, who later Kshatrapas; he appears indeed to have has firmly established the glory of the Sata- been rather their predecessor belonging to vahana family. It can scarcely be doubted a different dynasty." For neither do the Ksha hat. Khakhatata to is a mistake for Khaharata, trapa inscriptions lead back the genealogy of i.e. Kshaharata, which would consequently be the that family to Nahapana, nor do they attribute name of the satrap dynasty to which Nahapana anywhere to the Kshatrapas the name of belonged. We possess an inscription which di- Kshaharata, which was the family name en For the literature of the Cave inecriptions, which are edited for the most part in the different volumes of the Journ. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc., I refer to Dr. Burnell's excellent work, Elements of South Indian Paleography. p. 18, note 1. The most important series of these inscriptions, those found at Nasik, have been edited and translated by Prof. Bhandarkar, Transactions of the International Congress of Orientalists, London, 1876, pp. 806 seq. *** Kshahardta, the name of the dynasty, as we shall show, to which Nahapana belonged, looks very much like & hybrid compound of Persian and Sanskrit: he who has been given Trata] (to the people) by the Shah [hshaha). Compare the proper names Devarata, Vishnorata, &c. A name like this in a loyal satrap family need not be thought stringe. See Mr. Newton's plato (Jr. Bombay Br. R. A. S., vol. IX, p. 5), No. 1; Mr. Thomas's plate (The Gupta Dynasty), or Arch. Sur. W. In. No. 6. I cannot suppress the conjecture that this Nahapana, who appears to have ruled an extensive realm through a long period, is identical with the king Nahavahana, whom the Jainas say reigned from 418 till 458 after the death of Mah&vira. * No. 36 of Mr. West's series : Saka-Yavana-Palhava- nisudonasa .... Khakhardtavo[oh saniravasesakarasa Satavdhanakulayasapatithapana karasa. 10 This is the reading of Brett and of West. Bhand&rkar believes that Khagarata or Khakharata is written. 1 Ngik inser. 25. The initial words of this inscription. which have not been well treated by Prof. Bhandarkar, are to be corrected as follows: "Sidhar, sendya vejayarh. tiya vijayakhanhdha vard," exactly as later inscriptions very often are dated," skandhavirdt, vijayaskandha. ware," etc. We have here the oldest or one of the oldest examples, highly interesting to epigraphists, of that form of royal grants which was repeated afterwards, in more developed forms, innumerable times in the inscriptions of the Valabhi, Chalukya, and other dynasties.' 19 It should be observed also that Nahapana's coin gives his name both in Baktrian and in Indian writing : of the Kshatrape coinage only one coin does the same, and this is the oldest of the whole series, the coin of Chashana. 13 I am glad to see that Mr. Bhagv&nlal Indraji holds the same opinion as to Nahapana's relation to the Kshatrapa princes: Bee Journ. Bombay Br. R. As. Soc., vol. XIII, p. 814. With the chronological theories, proposed by the same scholar, l. c. p. 816, I cannot agree.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. of Nahapana; also the monetary type of Nahapana is different from that of the Kshatrapas. Finally, we have no reason for doubting the statement of Satakanni's inscription, which says that this king destroyed the Kshaharata race. Resting on these considerations I venture to propose the following construction for the succession of these princes: First reigned the Kshaharatas. Their family name, their Kshatrapa, title, their vanquisher being called the destroyer of the Sakas, Yavanas and Palhavas,-all tend to show that the lord paramount whom they obeyed, or had obeyed originally, must be looked for in the north, among those dynasties whose subjects were also the satraps of Mathura, the satrap Saudasa, the satrap Ranjubala; we may think perhaps of king Azes and his successons.15 The last Kshaharata, Na ha pa na, was overthrown by South Indian conquerors. These either immediately after their victory, or shortly after it, appointed Chashtana to the governorship of Kathiawad and the adjacent countries; he retained the title of Kshatrapa or Mahakshatrapa which had become usual, in these parts of India. His connexion with the South-Indian dynasty is pointed to by the symbol on his coins; instead of the IndoSkythian weapon of Nahapana's coin, Chashtana introduced the 'Chaitya' symbol usually found on the South Indian coins, and, among them, also, on the coins of Satakanni Gotamiputta and of his son Palumayi."" The dynasty of Chashtana soon succeeded in throwing off the supremacy of their South Indian lords. The Junagadh inscription states that Rudrad a man, the grandson of Chashtana, twice conquered S a takarni, king of Dakshina patha, but did not destroy him on account of their connexion (or relation, sambandha). This Satakarni is doubtless a descendant of his namesake spoken of above; in the Brahmanical tradition several kings named Satakarni are mentioned in this family. We must examine now, finally, the sparing Cunningham, Arch. Rep., vol. III, p. 40; von Sallet, p. 134 ff. 13 Mr. Thomas justly calls attention to the IndoSkythian spear with the battle-axe found on Nahapana's coin. Comp. for instance Ariana Antiqua, pl. xi, No. 19. 10 About these coins, comp. Bhandarkar, .c., p. 351; [AUGUST, 1881. dates which may throw light on the chronology of Nahapana, Satakarni, and Pulumayi. Here first we must most strongly protest against any conclusions derived from what the Puranas" state regarding the Andhra bhrity a dynasty. According to the Puranas the rule of this dynasty began 294 (or 296) years after the commencement of the reign of the great Maurya king Chandragupta; thus the initial date of the Andhrabhrityas would be about B.C. 26, and this date or one near it has been accepted indeed by most scholars. The Puranas give a long series of kings belonging to this dynasty, and indicate the duration of each reign. About 340 years after the beginning of the dynasty the Puranas place Gautamiputra Satakarni (he reigned 21 years); then follows his son Pulumayi Satakarni (28 or 29 years); these are evidently the two kings so frequently mentioned in the Cave Inscriptions. The list of kings given in the Puranas does not, per se, look very suspicious. It is in favour of its value that the two kings alluded to, who are known to us from the inscriptions, are correctly placed in it the one after the other, and that, after a short interval, a king Yajnaeri follows, whose name is also attested by inscriptions as well as by coins (Siriyana. Satakani). Also "king Kanha of the Satavahana family," who is mentioned in a very archaic looking Nasik inscription," is found in the list, as ought to be expected, very nearly at its beginning. It is therefore a highly probable supposition that the statements of the Puranas regarding the names and the succession of the Satavahana kings, and probably also regarding the lengths of their reigns, are essentially correct, but quite incorrect in the chronological position assigned to the dynasty as a whole. The mythical and highly exalted beings in the Puranas who prophesy the future destinies of the world, unfortunately take the liberty of arranging dynasties that have reigned contemporaneously or partly contemporaneously Journ. B. Br. As. Soc. vol. XIII, plate i. I do not enter more particularly into this subject before the work of Sir W. Elliot on South Indian coins appears. 11 See Wilson's Vishnu Purana, pp. 472 seq. 15 No. 6 of Mr. West's series.

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AUGUST 1881.] DATES OF ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND COINS. over different parts of India, into one long line. Such being the peculiar character of these sources, it is impossible to have any faith in an arrangement like that found in these texts which would make the time elapsed between Chandragupta and the first Satavahana king amount to 296 years." By the same arguments, by which the beginning of the Satavahana dynasty is fixed at B. c. 26, it might be shown that the rule of the Guptas has not yet commenced, but will occur on India in a future age. For Satakanni and Pulumayi the Pauranik chronology would lead to a result that would fall several centuries beyond the limits we derive with certainty from epigraphical data. It may be regarded as certain then, for the reasons stated above, that Na ha pana must be placed before the beginning of the Kshatrapa series. But neither inscriptions nor coins show how long a period elapsed between his reign and that of Chashtana, the founder of the Kshatrapa dynasty. In no case, however, can it be thought probable that the first two unique coins opening the whole series of Kathiawad coins, those of Nahapana and of Chashtana, are very distant from each other in age. The change too which the paleographical character has undergone between Nahapana and Rudra. daman is not very marked. But a more precise result will be scarcely possible unless we assume the identity of the king Siripulumay i of the Cave inscriptions with the Indian king Epirolepatos mentioned by Ptolemy. It must be admitted, indeed, that we might more confidently rely upon this identification, if the Brahmanical lists did not offer a whole series of Pulumayis in the dynasty. Ptolemy states that Ozene (Ujjayini) was "Barihelor Tiaotaro" (the royal capital of Tiastanes), and this Tia stanes has been identified, with much probability, with Chashtana. It would follow hence 30 General Cunningham holds a very similar opinion on this subject; see Reports V, 20. 80 See Professor Weber's edition of Hala, Introduction, pp. xiii seq.; Indische Studien, vol. III, p. 485. It is true that Chashtana's coin was found in Kathiawad, but it is evidently possible nevertheless, that his residence was at Ujjayinf. His grandson Rudradaman is called, in the Junagadh inscription, Lord of Avanti, Lassen objects to the identity of Tiastanes and Chastana (Ind. Alt. vol. II, 2nd ed. p. 924, note 1), that the Sanskrit ch is constantly 227 that these identifications being admitted, at least a part of Pulum a y i's reign must have been contemporary with that of Chashtana. The Cave inscriptions mention the 40th, 41st and 42nd year of Na hapana, the 19th of Satakanni, the 24th of Pulu mayi. Satakanni cannot have reigned much longer than 19 years, for his mother Gotami was still alive in the 19th year of Pula mayi." If I venture now to form these dates into a chronological table I need scarcely premise that for most of the numbers contained in it I do not claim more than an approximate value; however, to enable the reader to note the results at which we have arrived, a synopsis like this will perhaps be convenient: Naha pana reigns in Gujarat and to the South of it, A. D. 55-100. Kanishka's abhisheka in the NorthWestern Kingdom, A. D. 78. Satakanni conquers Nahapana, and appoints Chashtana viceroy. Beginning of the Kshatrapa era, A. D. 100. To Satakanni Pulu mayi succeeds, who. reigns still contemporaneously with Chashtana. Rudradaman, grandson of Chashtana, vanquishes a younger Satakanni. The Kshatrapas are now independent of the Satavahanas; about A. D. 173. In the North Western kingdom about the same time the reign of V a su deva ends and the Indo-Skythian power declines. Beginning of the Gupta dynasty, A. D. 319. Last dated coin of the Kshatra pas, A. D. 400. Shortly after this date: the Kshatrapas are overthrown by the Guptas. First Gupta coin in Kathiawad, about A. D. 415. End of the dominion of the Guptas in Kathiawad, beginning of the Vala bhi dynasty, about A. D. 480. rendered by the Greeks by (Sandrokuptos, Prasioi); but this does not signify very much. The attempts of the Greeks to render by Greek letters Indian sounds, which they heard in different parts of India and at different times, cannot be regarded as governed by immutable phonetic laws. By the side of EavopokUTtos (Chandragupta) stands Xandrames (Chandrama.) Dr. Burgess has called my attention also to Tiaroupa Chittura. An inscription at Junnar also gives the 46th.-ED. 83 See the 26th Nasik inscription.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1881. dahildren FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL, WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 159.) No. 9.-FOLK-TALE. wanted, laying the proper price on the counter Prince Lionheart and his three friends. as there were no shopkeepers. Then they came Once upon a time there lived a king and back to the palace, and Prince Lionheart said: queen, as happy as they could be, but for one "O you Knifegrinder! 'tis your turn to cook trouble-they had no children. the food. Do so quickly while we take another One day an old faqir came to the palace, and look at the town." said to the queen: "Eat these barley-oorns I No sooner had they gone than the Knife. give you, and in nine months you shall bear a grinder went to the kitchen and began to cook the beautiful little son." food. Just as it began to send up a savoury The queen did as the faqir bid her, and sure smell, he saw a little figure beside him clad in enongh, in the space of nine months, she bore armour with sword and lance, riding on a gaily the most beautiful prince that ever was seen. caparisoned mouse. They called him Lionheart, he was so brave and "Give me my dinner!" said the mannikin, strong and sturdy. angrily shaking his lance. "Your dinner! What Now when he grew up Prince Lionheart an idea!" said the Knifegrinder laughing. became restless, and told the king, his father, "Give it me at once," shrieked the little war. that he wanted to travel. The king tried to rior," or I'll hang you to the nearest pipal dissuade him, but the Prince would hear of no- | tree." thing else; so at last he obtained his father's "Wah! Whippersnapper," angwered the consent and set off on his travels. He took with valiant Knifegrinder, "come nearer, and I'll him three companions, a Knife-grinder, a Black crush you between finger and thumb." smith, and a Carpenter." Without more ado the mannikin shot up into Now when these four valiant young men had & terribly tall demon. The Knifegrinder fell travelled a short distance, they came to a fine city on his knees, and cried for mercy, but in a trice lying in a deserted jangal. There were tall he was hang on the topmost branch of the houses, broad bacars, and shops full of goods, pipal troe. but not a human being to be seen anywhere. "I'll teach you to cook in my kitchen," said This astonished them very much, but the Knife- the demon, and he gobbled up all the cakes that grinder said: "Oh! I remember now. I have were ready, and disappeared. heard of this. A demon lives here, and will Now the Knifegrinder wriggled so that the let no one come to dwell in the town. We had pipal branch broke, and he came crashing best be off." through the branches to the ground with no But Prince Lionheart said "Pooh! not till more hurt than a few bruises; but he was terI've had my dinner, for I am desperately ribly frightened, and determined not to cook hungry." again. Therefore he crept into the sleeping So they went to the shops and bought all they room, and rolled himself up in a quilt. By Told by a boy who sells eggs, son of Parbid parents. - J Sherdil Shahrydr Shahrabad is the full name of this Prince. J Lionheart. 4 ppi Shahryar, lit. friend of the city, a title applied to kings: 6.9. the successor of Ardeshir III in Persin, A.D. 629, was called Shahryar. 391 x Shahrdbad, lit. the populator of cities, in allusion to the incidenta in the first part of the tale.-R.O.T. fagfr," so in the tale, but it is the peculiar power of jogfs to grant sons (see the other tales). A jogf Eherefore is probably the kind of fagfr intended here. R.C.T. y u le Sahrodia, Panj. knife-grinder, an itinerant journeyman, who, w in the English country districta, wanders about with a wheel for grinding. This custom apparently extends to Central Asia, as an Afghan or Persian knife-grinder of this description was lately wandering in Firozpur City. La lohar, blacksmith, and 45 i tarkhan, carpenter.-R.O.T. 9 Bhat-see the other tales-a demon. The power however here ascribed to the bhat properly belongs to a dto.-R. C. T. . U pipal, ficus religiosd. It is sacred among the Hindus and never cut by them. It is used in divination to find out the trath, the liar not daring to pluck the leaves.-R.C.T. ASO Panj. middhra, (Hind. V baund) of small size, a dwarf, pigmy.-R. C. T. 1

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August, 1881.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 229 and by in came the Prince and his companions, and dwell in safety on condition of taking the hungry as hunters, crying "Well, jolly Knife- Knifegrinder as their king, giving him their grinder! where's the dinner ?" "Oh! ho ! richest and most beautiful maiden for his groaned he from under the quilt, "I had nearly queen. finished it when I got a fit of ague, and while I This they did with great joy. But the Knifelay shivering and shaking a dog ran in and grinder said" Sire, I must follow your fortunes." gobbled it up." Then answered Prince Lionheart: "Not so! "What remains must do," said the Prince. See, here is a barley plant; care for it, and "Here! you Blacksmith, do you cook the food water it well. So long as it flourishes, know whilst we go and have another look at the that I am well, but if it droops, know that I city." am in misfortune, and come and help me." But the very same thing happened to the Then the Knifegrinder king remained behind, valiant Blacksmith, that had happened to the while the Prince, the Blacksmith and the Knifegrinder. He too crept to bed, rolled him. Carpenter went on their travels. self up in a quilt, and when the hungry Prince | By and by they came to another desolate Lionheart arrived, lo! there was no dinner. city, and the Blacksmith said: "Oh, I remember Then the Carpenter stayed behind to cook, now! a ghost' lives here, and will allow no one but he fared no better than the two others; 80 to come near. We had best be off." "Not so," when hungry Prince Lionheart returned there said Prince Lionheart,"First I must have my were three sick men, and no dinner. So Prince dinner, for I am hungry." Lionheart set to work to cook the food himself. So they bought what they wanted from the No sooner had it begun to give off & savoury shops, laying the proper price on the counters smell than the tiny mouse-warrior appeared. as there were no shopkeepers. Then the "Upon my word! you are a pretty little Prince said: "Oh Blacksmith I do you cook food, fellow," said the Prince. "Give me my dinner!" for it is your turn whilst I and the Carpenter shrieked the mannikin. look through the town." "Your dinner! Ha ha! a good idea. Why, No sooner had the Blacksmith prepared the it's my dinner, my good sir. However, to avoid food, and it began to smell deliciously, than the disputes let's fight it out," answered the Prince. ghost appeared, awful and forbidding. The Then the mouse-warrior changed into a terri- valiant Blacksmith didn't stop to parley, but bly tall demon, but the Prince only laughed, flew into another room, and locked the door. saying "There is a medium in all things. When the Prince returned ever so hungry, Before you were too small, now you are too big: there was no dinner to be found, and no Blackas you seem to be able to alter your size without smith. much trouble, suppose you show some spirit, So the Prince said: "Oh Carpenter, do you and become.just my size, neither less nor more. cook the food," and the Carpenter fared no better, Then we can fight for our dinner." The demon, and flew into another room, and locked the thought there was reason in what the Prince door. said, so he grew smaller. Then they fought, "This is too bad !" said Prince Lionheart, but the Prince slew the demon with his sharp when he returned, and he began to cook the sword. food himself. But when the ghost saw such a After that the Prince roused his friends, say very handsome young man, she would not aping "Oh valiant ones! I have slain your fever." pear as an old hag, but changed into a beautiful Then he wrote to all the people belonging to young woman. the town, and told them they might come back However the Prince jast looked at her feet, Je, churl, sually a female ghost, which dovours men: invariably in the Panjab the ghost of a woman who had died during childbirth. They are usually supposed to inhabit deserted wells ( 95;4 wjor kle) and old pipal troo. But in nearly all places in the Panjab oertain wells and tanks are supposed to be thus haunted : 6.g. the well neer the corner of my compound here in Firospar and also the tank in the loonl District Court's compound, and besides these the masonry tank by the Delni Gate of the Firospor city which is in daily nse. The story of the presence of a chupel seems usually to arise from some case of accidental drowning. The belief in churels is universal in Northern Indis, and will be treated later on under the head of "Customs and Beliefs." As regards their personal appearance they are supposed to be very ugly, black skinned, with protruding stomach and navel, and feet turned backwards; they can however assume the form of beautiful women.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1881, and when he saw they were set on hind-side- taining the head of a beautiful young woman : before, he knew at once what she was, so he every minute a drop of blood fell from the drew his sharp sword, and said, "I must trouble bleeding head into the water, became a ruby, you to take your own shape again, for I don't and floated away down the stream. want to kill such a beautiful young woman." Prince Lionheart was overcome with pity at At this the ghost shrieked with rage, and the sight, and tears rose to his eyes. He deterturned to her own loathsome shape once more, mined to search the palace and find out more but just as she did so Prince Lionheart gave about the beautiful and wonderful head. one stroke of his sharp sword, and lo! she was He wandered through the marble rooms all dead. As soon as this happened the Blacksmith richly decorated, but not a living creature did and the Carpenter crept out of their hiding he see. At last in a sleeping-room, on a lovely places. satin bed, he saw the headless body of the most The Prince wrote to all the townsfolk bid- | beautiful girl he had ever seen. He thought at ding them come back on condition of taking the once, "This must be the body belonging to the Blacksmith to be their king, and giving him to beautiful and wonderful head." So he ran and wife the prettiest, richest and best born maiden fetched the head and placed it on the body; no in the town. This they did with pleasure. sooner had they touched each other, than the After the wedding was over the Prince and the maiden sat up and talked. The Prince was Carpenter set out on their travels: the Black- overjoyed, and begged the beautiful maiden to smith king was loath to let them go, but Prince tell him who she was. So she told him she Lionheart gave to him also a barley plant, was the daughter of a rich king: that a jinn' saying "Water and tend it carefully. So had fallen in love with her and carried her off long as it flourishes know that I am well, but if to his palace, and that he was so jealous that it droops, then I am in trouble, and do you come every day when he left her, he cut off her and help me." head and hung it in the basket till his return. The Prince and the Carpenter had travelled Then Prince Lionheart begged her to fly with but a short way when they came to a big town him at once, but the Princess said, "Not so. where they halted to rest. Now there First we must kill the jinn, or he will pursue was a Princess in the town who was as fair as us." Then the Prince baid " You must ask the moon: the Carpenter saw her by chance, and him in what thing his life lies." Then, shutfell so desperately in love with her that the ting his eyes from the dreadful sight, he cut off Prince took pity on him, and said, "Stay you his dear Princess's head, hung it in the golden here and marry the Princess, and I will go on basket, and hid himself in the next room. my travels alone." So the Carpenter was mar. By and by the jinn arrived. When he was ried to the Princess and became king, and to patting on the Princess's head he cried, "Fee! him also Prince Lionheart gave a barley plant, fa! fum! Manush-gandh! This room smells of and then set off on his travels alone. man's flesh."11 Now after a time the Prince came to a river, | But the Princess wept, saying, "How should and what was his astonishment to see a ruby of I know anything! Am I not dead whilst you enormous size floating down the stream. He are away! Eat me if you like, and then I shall watched it wonderstruck, till another, and then be dead altogether." But the jinn, who loved another floated by. "This is very curious," said her to distraction, said he would rather die himhe, "I must go and find out whence they come." self." That would never do," said the Princess, He travelled up stream for two days and two "for if you were to be killed some day whilst nights, and came at last to a beautiful palace on you are away it would be very awkward for the water's edge. By the palace grew a tree, me. I should neither be alive nor dead." on a branch of which hung a golden basket con- "Never fear," answered the jinn, "I am not * This incident is clearly an interpolation of the nar. to be Hinda. The incident of jinns falling in love with rator's. He had evidently forgotten the proper adventure girls is common in Muhammadan tales.-R.C.T. for the carpenter, so invented this. It is shockingly lame.- 20 See above in former tales-common incident.F.A.S. B. C. T. jinn-500 above in former tales. The jinn is alto n g ty Manush-gandh, lit. man's smell. See above gether Muhammadan, whereas the rest of this tale appears in the tale of "Sir Bumble" for explanation.-R.C.T.

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AUGUST, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 231 likely to be killed. My life lies in something the insect's neck, the life of the jinn went out quite safe." "I am glad of that," said the entirely. deceitfal Princess, "tell me in what it lies, that Prince Lionheart returned to the Princess, I may help you to preserve it." But the jinn | who was overjoyed to hear of her tyrant's death, refused. At last, when the Princess coaxed and and said "Let us return to my father's kingwheedled, and he began to get sleepy, he answer- dom." "Not so," said the Princess, "first let us ed, "I shall never be killed except by a prince rest awhile and see what riches the palace called Lionheart, and then only if he can find contains." So they stayed, and one day the the solitary tree, not far from here, where a Princess said, "I will bathe in the river, and dog and a horse keep sentinel, and can climb wash my beautiful hair." So she bathed in the tree, and kill the Mainal that sits singing the river and combed her beautiful hair, every in a golden cage, and then cut open its crop, thread of which shone like gold. Now the and kill the bumble bee that is inside. But he Princess was proud of her golden hair, and when will need to have a lion's heart or be very wise one or two long strands came out in the comb, before he can reach the tree, and overcome she said "I will not throw them into the river its guardians." "How can they be overcome ?" to sink in the nasty mad." So she made a cup asked the Princess. from a pipal leaf, - laid the golden hairs in it, "In this way," said the jinn, who was dread- and let it float down the stream. fully sleepy and tired of being cross-questioned : It chanced that the river flowed past a big "In front of the horse lies a heap of bones, and city. The young king of that city was sailing in front of the dog a bundle of grass. Let him on the river in a boat when he saw something take a long bamboo and push the bones to the sparkling like gold in the water, so be said to dog and the grass to the horse and they will his boatmen-"Fetch me that glittering leaf." let him pass." When he saw the golden hairs, he thought he The Prince overheard all this, and set off at had never seen anything half so beautiful, and once to find the solitary tree, which he did said "I will never rest day or night till I find without any difficulty. The dog and the horse the owner." were savage and fierce, but became mild and So he sent for the wise women" to find out peaceable when the bundles were changed. He where the owner of the beautiful hair lived. climbed up the tree, seized the maind, and began Said one old woman, "If she is on earth I will to twist its neck. Just then the jinn, who was find her." Said the second, "If she is in heaven sleeping in the palace, became aware of what I will tear open the sky and bring her." But was happening, and flew through the air to do the third said, "Wah, if you tear open the sky battle. The Prince saw him coming, and hastily I'll put a patch in it so that no one will be able cut open the mainu's crop; there he found the to tell the new piece from the old." bumble bee, and just as the jinn was alighting The king thought the last old woman much on the tree, the Prince tore off the insect's wings. the cleverest, so he bid her go and seek for the Instantly the jinn fell to the ground with a owner of the golden glittering hair. crash; but he ran on determined to kill his So the old woman set off up the river, in a enemy. Then the Prince twisted off the insect's grand boat, and by and by came to the palace legs, and lo! nothing remained of the jinn but of the jinn. She got out of the boat, sat down the trunk, and when Prince Lionheart twisted on the steps, and wept. 19 liyo Maina (Sanak. faf Kisne) the gracula religiosa, a kind of starling well-known in India as a singing bird which can be taught to speak. It is sacred and never killed by Hindus.-R.C.T. 13 , 3 , dona, a cup made of leaves. See next tale, where a nearly exactly similar incident occurs. The dona is used in the Panjab by the very poor as a receptacle for eatables.-R. C.T. 14 Kutnt, soothsayer, wise woman : there is no suspicion of witchcraft about kutnfs, and they are seldom employed for any purpose except that in the context. Phapho kutnt is used in common parlance for "a clever jade."-F. A. S. IS Kutni is properly. procures in Panj. and Hindt from Sansk. E kutt, to grind, pound, abuse, whence Sansk. Eft kuttant and great kutlin a procurers. The word for witch or wise woman in the Panjab is usually is #661 phaphe kuint (see above in former tales's phaphe probably represents Hindi phapre, a procuross, and Panj.. . phaphro, deceit, whence de phaphre hattha, deceiver. The terms are always used in & bad sense and might be fairly translated, according to context, hag, harridan, witch, but the bearars of the name do not seem to have sapernatural powers.-R.C.T.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. Now the Prince Lionheart had gone out hunting Lionheart felt a hot fever creep over his body. and the Princess was all alone. She had a tender He looked to see if anything burning had heart, and when she heard the old woman weep fallen on his his sharp strong sword, but lo, it she said to her, "Mother, why do you weep?" was not his own sword but a changeling. "I weep," said the wise woman, "to think he cried, "I am undone !" and galloped homewhat will become of you if the handsome Prince wards. But the wise woman blew up the fire is slain, and you are left here in the wilderness so fast that the sword became red hot before the alone." Prince could reach home, and just as he stood "Very true," said the Princess, and wept too. on the other side of the river, a rivet came out That night she said, "Dear Prince, what of the sword hilt; the hilt'rolled off, and so did should I do if you were killed P" Prince Lion- | the Prince's head. So he died. heart laughed, saying, "That is not likely: for Then the old wise woman said to the Princess, my life lies in safety." "Danghter, your beautiful hair is all tangled, But the Princess wept still, and asked "In come and let me wash and dress it against your what thing, dear Prince, does it lie, that I may husband's return." So they went down the help yon to preserve it?" steps to the water. But the wise woman said, " It lies," answered the Prince, "in my sharp "Step into my boat, sweetheart ; the water will sword, which never fails. If it were broken I be deeper out there." Then while the Princess' should die." beautiful hair was over her eyes, the wicked old "Then do not take it with you when you go hag loosed the boat, and they went drifting hunting," begged the Princess," it might come down the stream. The Princess wept and to harm." wailed, but she could do nothing. However she But Prince Lionheart laughed at her fears. vowed a great vow, and said "You wicked old However, the very next day, when the Prince thing! you are taking me away to some king's was going a hunting, she hid his strong, bright palace I know, but no matter who he is, I swear sword and put another in its place, so that the I will not look on his face for twelve years." Prince was none the wiser. So when they arrived at the city the King And when the wise woman sat under the caused a high palace to be built for the goldenwindow and cried, she called out joyfully, "Don't haired Princess, and there she lived all alone, cry any more, mother, for the Prince's life is and no one was allowed to enter the courtyard safe to-day. It lies in his sword, and that is but the hewers of wood and drawers of water. safely hidden away in my cupboard." Now when the Prince Lionheart died, the Then the old woman stole off to the cupboard barley plant which he had given to the Knifewhile the Princess slept, and took the sword : grinder King drooped and languished, and when then she made a big fire, and laid the sword in the rivet came out of the sword and the Prince's it. As it grew hotter and hotter, poor Prince head fell off, the barley stem broke right in two, * This incident recalls the old European belief of killing victim touch a certain machine (sometimes wand) which and torturing the human body by effigy as it were, 1.6. by causes him to revolve violently and eventually to die: he making a wax effigy of the person to be tortured and is then hung up by his heels, and holes are made in his sticking pins into it, the person of the original being sup- head, through which the brains irace and fall into span posed to feel pain in the parts stuck with pins. An exactly over a slow fire, and are finally cooked into us go similar belief is current in the PanjAb, and is that referred to in this story. Mehrda, Bhujuds and Mirdes, being Momydf (Pers. & mommy), a popular medicine in India supposed to strengthen the brain, and usually composed of respectively the castes of doli-bearers, (layo mehnd, who are was, etc. In connection with this, it is worth while recordalso, basket makers,) parchers of grain, stbhujwd also ing that the i garant (from 33 garna, Hindi to sy t? bharbhanja), attendants on nach-girls and sink; Sansk. Te gartt, a hole), is an effigy or name of singers (pga dam and the mfrast), are believed to person which, according to Fallon's Dictionary, is buried in the ground after certain incantations. This ceremony is perbe able to make us guddas, effigies of cloth and rage or formed for the destruction of any person w ho mdran), wax into which they stick pins, the person of the original to secure his affection (uryo mohan), to subject him to being supposed to feel pain wherever the pins are stuck into the gudda. The cloth guddd used to be stuck on a pole obedience was the basekaran), to imprison him or deprive and paraded in the streets for the purpose of annoying and him of power of action or speech (wyrains stambhan), ingusting those who offended the mirasfs. It is & curious circumstance that this belief in making offigies is now to drive him away (w ho uchchajan), or to bring attached to the Jada-ghars ) of Witchcraft him before one (w s T akarshan). Thene divinations, Houses, the popular name in India for Masonic Lodges; however, belong to the learned (pandits) and not to the the popular belief being that the Freemasons make their common people.-R.O.T.

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AUGUST, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 233 and the ear tumbled on to the ground. The Knifegrinder King was dreadfully grieved, for he knew surely that some terrible trouble had befallen his dear Prince. But hegathered an army together and set off to help. On the way he met the Blacksmith King and the Carpenter King, who were on the same errand. Their barley plants had withered at the selfsame minute. Now wben the three friends found that the three barley plants had withered and died in the selfsame manner, their hearts were very sad, but they determined to revenge their Prince's death if they could not save him. By and by they came to the river side, and there they found the Prince's body all burnt and blistered, and the head lying on the ground close by. They looked for the Prince's sword, for they knew his life lay in it, and when they saw another in its place, their hearts were sadder than ever. Then they lifted the body and took it to the palace to weep over it, and lo! there they found the Prince's sword in a heap of ashes, ull blistered and stained, with the rivet gode, and the hilt lying close by. " That is soon mended," said the Blacksmith King. So he blew up the fire, and forged a rivet; and no sooner had he rivetted the hilt on to the blade, than the Prince's head grew to his shoulders as firm as ever. "My turn now," said the Knifegrinder King. So he took the sword and spun his wheel so swiftly that the blisters and stains disappeared like magic, and the sword was bright and sharp as ever. As he did so the burns and scars disappeared from the Prince's body likewise, till at last he sat up and looked about him handsomer than ever. " Where is my Princess?" asked he, and told his friends what had happened. "It's my turn now," said the Carpenter King. "Stay you here while I fetch the Princess. But first I must take your sword with me." So he took the strong bright sword and set off to seek the Princess. By and by he came to the King's town, and saw the high palace where the Princess lived. He asked the townspeople who lived there, and they told him a strange Princess, and that no one was allowed to enter the courtyard, save the hewers of wood and drawers of water. 10 dos dol or 8,3 4818-see notes in former tale. Also burj (vulgo, buraj) a balloou. A word in common use of Arabic origin.-R.C.T. Then he disguised himself as a woodman and called out under the windows, Wood! wood ! fifteen gold pieces for this bundle of wood." The Princess, who was sitting on the roof, bid her maidens ask why it was so expensive. "Because it was cut with this strong sharp sword," answered he. Then the Princess looked over the parapet and recognized Prince Lionheart's sword. So she said "Ask him if he has anything else to sell." Then the woodman said, "I have a wonderful palanquin" that flies through the air, and if Her Highness wishes I will show it to her this evening when she walks in the garden." So he went home and made a wonderful palanquin, and in the evening he took it to show to the Princess. "Seat yourself in it, O Princess!" said he, "and try how it can fly." But the King's sister who was there said " You must not go alone." So she too got in and so did the wicked wise woman. Then the Carpenter King jumped up outside, and lo! the palanquin began to fly like a bird higher and higher. "I have had enough. Let us go down," said the King's sister. But the Carpenter took her and threw her into the river, over which they were then passing : but he waited till they came above the high palace before he threw the wise woman down, so she got finely smashed on the stones. Then he, the Princess, and the strong bright sword flew away to the jinn's palace. Prince Lionheart was overjoyed to see his dear Princess again, and they all set out for his father's kingdom, Now when the poor old king his father saw the three armies coming he thought they came to fight him, so he went out to meet them, and said, "Take all my riches, but leave my people in peace. For I am old and weak and cannot fight. It would be different if my son Prince Lionheart were here, for he is as brave as a lion, but he left us years ago." Then the Prince wept and told his father who he was, and that these were his old companions the Knifegrinder, the Blacksmith, and the Carpenter. Then he showed him the golden-haired Princess, and every one was delighted and lived happily ever after." 11 The end of this story follows logically on the commencement, which is quite a remarkable occurrence in a genuine popular story in the Punjab.-B.C.T.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 209.) Wang Khan was still living, Temnjin treated We have seen how Wang Khan was hard them cavalierly, was it likely that after he was pressed by the Naimans and forced to shelter dead he would allow himself (Sankun) to rule himself in the eastern part of the Mongolian over the people which had been brought together steppes, where he was found by Chinghiz, with such pains by his uncle and father. and where the allies fought a battle with the Wang Khan still urged his former arguNaimans and their confederates. We have also ment until noticing that Sankun was displeasseen how a coolness arose between Chinghiz ed, and was going away, he called him back, and his patron Wang Khan, caused largely and said, " Apparently heaven is not propitious. by the collapse of the negotiations about inter- Have your way as you wish." marriage between their families. This was The Yuan-shi tells the story very much in the naturally fanned by Chinghiz Khan's old rival same way. In reproving his son, Mr. Douglas, Chamukha. He first consulted with Altan in his translation, makes Wang Khan say: and the other relatives of the Mongol chief "My hair is now white with age, and my only who had been reproved for appropriating a part desire is to live the rest of my days in peace; of the Tartar booty wrongfully, and who had but since you weary me with your importunities, apparently left him, and he then went with them do as seems best to you, only don't come to to have a consultation with Sankun at Berkeele me for sympathy if you fail." He calls on the north side of the Jejeer-undur. He Chamakha's fellow conspirators Talatai, declared that Chinghiz was carrying on a fartive Alertan and Hatser. These three names are correspondence with the Naiman chief Tayang read Daritai, Khutsier and Altan by Hyacinthe." while he was speaking so fairly to himself and The Yuan-shi adds that acting on the encouragehis father, and he urged that this was an oppor- ment offered by Wang Khan's words, Chatune time to destroy him. He offered to assist, mukha set fire to Temujin's feeding and Altan and Khuchar declared their readiness grounds. De Mailla calls the confederates who to kill all the children of Khoilun, i.e. formed the plot with Sankun against Chinghiz, Chinghiz and his brothers. Yebugejin Hosara Andan and Talitai. In the HuangKhartaat said: "For you I will cut off his arms yuan they are called Dalitaiajingin, Antan, and legs." While Turil or Tugbrul (not Khochar, Takhai, Khulakhai, Latargin, Mukhur, Sankun's father, but one of the party who had Khatan and Jamukha. The messenger sent abandoned Chinghiz Khan) advised that they by Sankun to try and persuade his father should deprive him of his people and that be would is called Saikhal-toto-ganya, and the story is then be helpless. Khachiunbeki said: "What- otherwise told very much as in the Yuanever you desire to do I will do it from the very ch'ao-pi-shi.. Rashidu'd-din also tells the bottom to the very top." Having heard what story in much the same way, he names the Chamukha and his companions had to say, fellow conspirators of Sankun or Sengun Altan, Sankun sent Saikhantodeye to inform his father. Khujer, Daritai Utjegen, the Mangut Tagai Wang Khan asked why they should thus Khulagai and Makhur Kharan, the leader of the distrust Temujin, and that heaven would not Adarkins or Hederkins. Sankun was then shield them if they cherished ill feelings towards living apart from his father in a place called him. He characterized the language of Cha- Alat or Alt. Rashid calls the messenger who was mukha as deceitful and unworthy of belief. sent by Sankun to his father Salkhan Tuda.' Sankun sent a second messenger to urge that the Erdmann reads the latter name Saba, and after report was in everybody's mouth. His father describing how he had failed in his mission, goes was still unconvinced. He therefore determined on to say that at this time Chinghiz Khan's to go in person. He declared that if while warriors and those of Sank un or Sengun 1 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 83-85.. # Vide op. cit., p. 167. * Vide op. cit., pp. 81-83. or Op. cit., p. 24. Berezine, vol. II, p. 129; Erdmann, p. 383. * Op. cit., vol. IX, p. 27. Beresine, vol. II, p. 129.

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AUGUST, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. were mixed together like butter and milk, and the latter kept a close watch on him to prevent him escaping, but some suspicion seems to have crossed Chinghiz Khan's mind, for he gradually drew his people further away. Sankun began in turn to fear that his plans might miscarry, and in the spring of the swine's year 1203, dispatched another messenger to his father. He does not mention Sankun himself having had an interview, but according to him, it was to this messenger that Wang Khan gave his He says that Wang Khan explained to him how he and Temujin had been anda," how he had owed his life to him, how his hair and beard were growing grey, and his bones needed repose, how he wished to die peaceably, and how if they were determined to carry out their plans they must do it without him and must separate themselves from him." answer. Let us now revert to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. We there read that after Sankum had received his father's answer, he took counsel with his companions and urged that as Chinghiz had been anxious to ally himself with his relative Chaurbeki, it would be well to fix a day and invite him to the betrothal feast, and that on his arrival they might seize him. He accordingly sent a man to invite him. Chinghiz set out with ten companions. On the way he stayed the night in the yurt of the old man Munlik. The latter reminded him that when he had formerly courted the maiden the Kirais in their pride refused; what motive could they have in asking him to go now? It was better to refuse and to make the excuse that in spring the horses are lean, and that they were then in their pastures: Chinghiz took this advice, and sent Bukhataya and Kilataya to the feast and himself went hoine again." The Huangyuan calls the messenger sent by Sankun to invite his friend to the feast Bukhuataikicha. The old man in whose yurt he stayed, and by whose advice he turned back, it calls Melige. In the biography of Bonar in the Yuan-shi he is called Minli. Rashidu'd-din enables us to identify him as the Khonkhotan Menglik Yechige who had married Chinghiz Khan's mother, and who was the father of But i. e. sworn friends. Erdmann, pp. 283-285. 10 i. e. by marrying his son Juchi to her." 11 Op. cit., p. 85. 18 Op. cit., pp. 167 and 168. 235 Tengri. He further tells us that Sankun's messenger, who was sent to invite Chinghiz to the feast, was Ukdaya Kunjat, called Bukdai Kunjat by Abulghazi. Kunjat, in one Mongol dialect, and Kunsat in another, answered to the Naiman Bukaul, and meant a capbearer (praegustator).* Erdmann, I do not know on what authority, says Ukdai was accompanied on his errand by Belgeh Biki and Tudan.15 Let us now revert to the account in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. When Sankun found that his messengers returned without Chinghiz he suspected that his plot had been discovered, and determined to try and surprise him, and the best plan of doing so was resolved upon at a consultation. Ekecheryan, the younger brother of Altan, who had attended this council, in returning home, began to talk carelessly, and said "The assembly has determined that we depart to-morrow to seize Temujin. If some one were to inform him to-day, I don't know how he would reward him." His wife Alakhait said, "Do not speak unguardedly. The domestics may overhear you and accept your words as really meant." At this time Badai, a horseherd, who had brought in mare's milk, having overheard the words, returned and reported what had been said to his comrade, Kishlikh. The latter said, 'I will go and listen further'; and going into the yurt he noticed that Narin Kayan, the son of Ekecheryan, was sharpening arrows, and he heard his father warn him against letting the servants know what they were going to do. Ekecheryan ordered Kishlikh to go and catch a mottled horse, as he wished to depart the following morning. Kishlikh returned to his companion, and said he had confirmed his report, and the two determined to go and warn Chinghiz. Having caught and tethered two horses they went into their yurt, and dressed a lamb in a fire made from the wood nari, and setting out arrived the same night at Temujin's dwelling, and reported what they had overheard. The latter, having consulted with his people, forsook his camp, and hastily retired to the north of the mountain Mao-undur. Having ordered Jelmi to go and reconnoitre, he the next day reached Khalakhaljitelet.1 In the 13 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 289. 1 Berezine, op. cit. p. 130; Abulghazi, p. 82. 1 Op. cit., p. 285. 10 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 85 and 86.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1881. Yuan-shi the two herdsmen who warned trusted Chamukha with the chief command. Chinghiz of his danger are called Sirikshi, He sent secretly to inform Chinghiz of this, and and his younger brother Bado." De Mailla men- to tell him that, as he had control of affairs, he tions only one of them, whom he calls Chilisi." should take care the Kirais did not win." When The Huang-yuan tells the story very much in Chinghiz got this news be proposed to the the same way as the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. It says old man Jurchedai to be his commander-in-chief, that when Chinghiz was warned of his but meanwhile Khuildar stepped forward and danger he put his army in intrenchments at said, "I will be the leader, take care of my Alan, and having transported his baggage to orphans." Jarchedai said, "My Urunt and the river Chilian-jin, he sent Jelmi on with the Mankhut will fight in front before the emperor," vanguard, and marched along the north side of and he accordingly put them in battle array the mountain Moyundor. before Chinghiz. He had hardly done so Rashida'd-din, who follows the story as told when the first division of the Kirais, the Jirgins, by these authorities closely, calls Ekecheryan came up. The Uruut and Mankhut smote them. Eke-jeran. His wife he calls Alak Nidun." While they were pursuing this division they His son who was sharpening the arrows he calls were attacked by another section of the enemy Barin Kiyen, or Kehen. When Ching hiz commanded by. Achikhshilun, of the tribe heard what was in store for him, he moved to Tumayan Tabugan, who had a personal encounthe hills Seljiviljat" and dispatched a corps of ter with the Mongol leader Khuildar, and observation to the mountain Moandur." Abul. dragged him from his horse. His men were ghizi says that when he heard the news, however defeated by the Traut led by JurcheChinghiz despatched his household to Baldai, who, still advancing, encountered the clans junabulak," while he prepared to defend himself Oman and Dunkhait and also smote them. where he was." Shilemintaitsi, with the thousand body-guards, To resume our story, the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi was also defeated. Things were going badly says that after Chinghiz bad sent Jelmito with the Kirais, and we read that Sankun, reconnoitre, a herdsman of Alchidai named without his father's knowledge, threw himself Chigidai arrived with his companions to say into the fray. One of Jurchedai's arrows struck that from the mountain Mao-undur and from him in the cheek, and he fell, whereupon his men the direction of the camp Khulaanburakhat dust retired and gathered round him. Chingiz could be seen and that the foe was advancing. having been successful in this struggle, which Chinghiz took borse and rode out." At this was apparently a preliminary skirmish rather time Wang Khan arrived, and asked Cha- than a decided battle, and seeing it was already mukha what troops Chinghiz had with him. late, collected his men, and ordered Khuildar to He replied the two hordes Uruut and Mankhut; I be carried away. During the night he moved on, that his warriors and that his positions were and at length encamped far from the battlewell taken, and that his standards were either field. This is the account in the Yuan-ch'aocoloured or black. Wang Khan said that pi-shi," In the narrative part of the Yuan-shi it would be well to take heed when they hove we are told that in this fight the Mongols defeat. in sight. He ordered that the brave Khadakhgi ed in succession the Chu-lik-kans or Chulgins, of the horde Jirgin should first advance, then the Tungah or Dunga, and the Haon-urh-shihthe brave Achikhshirun with the tribes Taman le-mun or Khor-sheremin, and that thereupon Tubigan, Oman and Dunkbait. Then Khari. Ilkha or Elerho" charged into their ranks, shilimuntaiji with 1,000 body-guards, and lastly when he was wounded in the temple, and was his own army corps." Wang Khan also en obliged to retire, and the victory remained with 11 Hyacinthe, p. 25. >> Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 29. 10 Op. cit., pp. 168 and 169. - Erdmann reads it Alakh Sendun. * Read Seludelshit by Erdmann and Seludeljet by D'Ohason. # Read Muun-dur-dis-kuh by Erdmann and Mu-ondar. diss by D'Ohsson ; Berezine, vol. II, p. 131. Erdmann, pp. 286 and 287 ; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 70. 11.e. the springs of Baljuna, the lake Baljuna of which we have before written. Op. cit, p. 88. # 1. e. set his men in order. 36 i. 6. 88 among the Chinese the Centre. 1 I dont know whether it is meant that in this he was treacherous to Wang Kh&n, or that he proposed a fresh at of treachery towards Chingbiz. * Op. cit., p. 88. 4. e. Sanko.

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August, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 237 Ching him, whereupon the Kelui-Hyacinthe says the Kerei, -and both are apparently forms of Kirai, went over to the conqueror. As we shall see, the Yuan-chao-pi-shi suggests that a section of the Kirais did desert Wang Khan. Palladius tells us that in the biography of Jurchedai, appended to the Yuan-shi, it is reported that the Kelis, "the Khalakhachins, the Shatos" and others attacked the people of Ching him, whereupon the latter's near relative Khuildar urged that the matter would not brook delay, and he must summon the brave people of Jurchedai. Jurchedai accordingly Assailed the enemy, shot Sankun, and smote the leader of the Shilimin and others. In the life of Khuildar in the same work we read that in this fight the army of the Ulu" was ordered to move to the front, but its leader, Juchitai (sic.), putting his whip across his horse's mane, did not respond. Khuildar thereupon, entrusting his three yellow-headed children to Ching hiz Khan's care, attacked the enemy, and received some wounds in the head." De Mailla's authority makes Wang Khan a party to the struggle, and tells us that in conjunction with Ilho he marched his hordes by different routes, ordering them to meet at a common rendezvous. Chilisi, who looked after Chinghiz Khan's studs, having informed him of Wang Khan's march, the latter gave command of the army to Chalmen, whom he knew to be closely attached to himself, who, having met and defeated the hordes of Tongnai, Chulichin and Holisiemen, which were separated one from the other, cut them in pieces, and falling eventually on the troops commanded by Wang Khan and Ilho, punished them also severely. Ilho, furious at this, made a charge into the midst of the Mongols, and was struck in the face by an arrow, which compelled him to retire. De Mailla calls the tribe which deserted Wang Khan the Kieliki, apparently making the name different from Kirai." The Hwang-yuan tells us that while Chinghiz was marching north of the mountain Movan. dor, Wang Khan advanced along the southern side of the same mountain and crossed the ridges Khulakho and Bulakha. Chinghiz being informed of this by two of his dependents named Taichu and Yedir, who were pastoring horses, moved his army to Kholanji; meanwhile the sun sank behind the mountains. Chinghiz's men attacked and overcame the Julugins, the Dunautses, and the Kolishilimintaishi. This account then relates how Ilakha was shot in the cheek, and had to retire very much as the story is told in the other narratives." Let us now return to Rashida'd-din. He tells us that in his retreat from the mountain Moandur, he was pursued by Wang Khan, who presently encamped in a place called Ulan Burgan by the Mongols, as where there was a wood of red wil. lows. Two dependents of Ilchidai Noyan name Taija and Chengtai Edur, who were pasturing horses, went to inform Chingiz, who was then at Khalaljinalat or Khalanchinalt. His troops were very inferior in numbers to those of the enemy, and he held a conference accordingly with his lieutenants, Keitei or Kehti Noyan, the Urut and Khuildar Setzen the Mankgut. The formor said nothing, but the latter, who was "anda" with Chingliz, offered to ride on horse. back behind the enemy on to a height named Kaiten and there to plant the imperial tule or standard, while he commended his children to the care of Ching hiz. He succeeded in this daring venture, and planted the fuls as he had offered to do. Chinghiz and his meninspired by this brave act, fell vigorously upon the enemy, first defeated the most important of the Kerai tribes, viz., the Jorgins," then overthrew the Tonkgoet and defeated Khori Shelmun Taishi" and the life guards of Wang Khan, and Sengun was wounded in the face. After the fight Chinghiz Khan withdrew. Rashidu'd-din adds that this battle of Khalaljin Alat was famons among the Mongols and was quoted in his p. 35. 30 The variants in the names are given here as they are read respectively by Douglas, op. cit., p. 31, and Hyacinthe, 31 i.e. the Kirais. 33 The people of the stappe or desert, sla-t'o means the gandy downs (Bretschneider's Not. Med. Trav. p. 124) and is the Chinese name of the Gobi desert. 33 . e. Urut. 3* Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 296. 36 Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 29. 25 .. , Ilho or Sankun. 57 Op cit., p. 169. 3. Erdmann writes it Hulun Berkhat. 30 Ho is called Khabaldar Sajan by Erdmann, and Kuyuldar Sacban by D'Ohsson. Called Kubtan by Erdmann, and Kabban by D'Ohsson. Called Jirkhins by Erdmann and Chirkirs by D'Obsson. * Called Tunegkhait by Erdmann and Tangkait by D'Obsson. * The Khuri Siling Taishi of Erdmann.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. own day.". It seems pretty clear that it Wang Khan, came and reported that after was fought under great disadvantages by Sankun had been wounded his father said Chinghiz when he was a long way from reproachfally that they had begun a struggle his home and the greater part of his people, and with a man who ought not to have been prowhen he apparently only had the Urat and voked, hence he says this wound in my son's Mangkut with him. Before we consider the cheek. He is still alive, let him take warning: site of this famous battle we will follow Chin. Thereupon Achikshilun replied, "Sire, cease ghiz Khan's subsequent movements, which to talk thus. When you had no son you are told in considerable detail in the Yuan- prayed for a successor, now that you have ch'ao-pi-shi. We there read that the day after one, be more considerate towards him. We still the battle, at daybreak, Chinghiz mastered have more than one half of our Dada. The bis men and called the roll-call. He found people who have left us and gone to Temujin, that three of his fainous warriors were missing, where will they flee to? They are cavalry and will Okotai (probably his third son Ogotai, who must certainly halt for the night under trees. If they then have been quite a boy), Borokhul or will not return to us we will enclose them like Burghul, and Boorchu or Boghorji. China herd of horses." Wang Khan then gave ghiz remarked that Okotai bad lived with orders that his son should be carefully tended. the other two, and that they had died together, Chinghiz having left the district of Dalannot wishing to be separated. Fearing a fresh nemurgesi went along the river Khalkha. attack he kept his men well together, and pre- Having mustered his people he found there were sently a man was seen coming from the battle- 2,600 of them. He went with one half of them field who proved to be Boorchu. Chinghiz along the western, while the other half with the made an exclamation suggesting that all was Uruut and Manghut went along the eastern over, when Boorchu reported that during the bank. They amused themselves with hunting fight his horse had been shot by the enemy and in which, contrary to the wish of Chinghiz, he was dismounted, but when the Kirais gather- Khuildar took an active part. His wound had ed round Sankun he caught a run-away horse not yet healed. It opened afresh, and he died. on which he had escaped. Presently there His body was buried on the steep side of the arrived a second horseman, and, as he drew mountain Orneu, near the river Khalkba. near, they noticed that two other legs besides At the outfall of the Khalkha into lake his own were hanging down. The new arrivals Buyur there lived Terge and other Ungirs." proved to be Okotai and Borokhul riding on Chinghiz sent Jarchidai at the head of the one horse. The latter's month was smeared Uruut and Mankhat to these Kongurut to say with blood, for he had sucked the clotted blood to them, "Remember my ancient descent, and from an arrow-wound in Okotai's neck. Chin. submit to me; it not, prepare to fight." It will ghiz wept, had the wound seared, and gave be remembered that the Kongurut had sided Okotai something to relieve his thirst. Borokhul with Chamukha against him. On receiving reported that there was a large dust where the his message they at once submitted, and enemy were, and they were apparently retreat he did not therefore molest them. He now ing towards the mountain Maoundur in the returned homewards to the eastern bank of the district of Khulaan Burkhat. Chinghiz form- little river Tangeli, whence he sent a message ing his army in order marched along the river to Wang Khan, to which we shall revert Ulkhuishilugeljit, and retired towards the dis- presently." The Yuan-shi has none of these trict of Dalannemurgesi. details, and merely says that after the fight Afterwards Khadaandaldurkhan, one of Chin- Chinghiz returned to Dunginor or lake Tungko, ghiz Khan's dependents, who was separated from as it is read by Mr. Douglas." De Mailla also his wife, and had apparently been a prisoner with says the lake Tong-ko." Gaubil says the same." - Berezine, vol. II, pp. 181-183; Erdmann, pp 287 and Terge is called Terge Amol, chief of the Kongurut, by 288; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 70 and 71. RArlidu'd-din. 1. e. Tartars. The word is used frequently in the "1. e. Kongurut. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi in this generic sense. * Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 90 and 91. According to Ban-guan-dai, says Palladius, Terge, * Hyacinthe, pp. 25 and 26; Douglas, p. 34. Ame, and other hordes of the Kungurat (op. cit., note 809), 0 Op. cit., p. 29. but Terge and Ame are clearly names of chiefs, and * Op. cit., p. 8.

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August, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 289 The Huang-yuan, which tells the story in greater detail than the latter authorities calls the place to which Ching hi z first retired the mountain Ornuakiankhuge. It makes out that he had 4,600 men with him, of whom he took 2,200 along the north bank of the Khalkha. It calls the envoy he sent to the Kongurut, Temuge-aman-bu, and, like the authorities last quoted, it makes him eventually retire to the lake Dungi and the place Torkhokhorkhi." Rashidu'd-din's account is somewhat confused and needs in part transposing. He makes Chinghiz retreat to lake Baljuna, and after a while return to the Khalka and then go to lake Tunga." If we disentangle his narrative we find that Chinghiz retired after the battle to the river Ur or Or, whence he reached a place called Keltektai Khada." There he held a review of his men, and found they numbered 4,600. With them he advanced to the river Khala," i. e. the Khalkha. Dividing his force into two sections be marched with one along one bank of the river while the Uruut and Mangkut went with the other on the other bank, tillthey reached the dwelling-place of Terke Amol, the chief of the Kongurut. Chinghiz reminded him of their close connection and promised to reward him handsomely if he Bided with him. Having secured his alliance in this way be went on to Tunga nor, i.e. lake Tunga, and a place called Khuga Khorgan." Having collected the various accounts of this campaign, let us now try and fix its locality. About the river Khalkha flowing into lake Buyur there can be no mistake. The river still bears the name, and stillflows into the lake. The river Ur or Or of Rashidu'd-din answers to the district of Dalannemur-gesi, perhaps Talan-naur-gesi, the valley of the lake or river Gesi (?). He retired thither from the river Ulkhui Shilugelgit, according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, which again was close to the battle-field. This river can be no other than the Olkui or Ulkui, which rises in the socalled Soyelki mountains, a part of the Khingan, whence flow the southern affluents of the Khalkha, the Ulkhui or Olkui flows into a small lake in the eastern part of the Gobi. This identification is completely confirmed by Rashidu'd-din, who tells us that the battle of Khalaljin Alat was "Op. cit., p. 169. >> See Beresine, vol. II, p. 188; Erdmann, p. 288; D'Obsson, vol. I, p. 72. ** Erdmann roads Hegtegai Kheda, and D'Ohason Galtakai-Cada. fought on the frontier of the country of the Jurchi" (i. e. Manchuria) not far from the river Olkui. In D'Anville's map one of the mountains in the Soyelki range is called Halgon, which answers in fact to the form of the name as it appears in the Yuan-shi, namely, Khalagun Ola." Ola or Ala means mountain, and has been corrupted into Alat or Alt by Rashidu'd-din. We may take it therefore as pretty certain that the famous battlo was fought upon one of the spurs of the Khingan range where the Olkui rises. In regard to lake Tonga where Chinghiz eventually retired to, it would seem that the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi must be mistaken in styling it the river Tunggeli, and that by it lake Baljuna is in fact meant, the original homeland and cradle of the Mongol stock. We will now return again to the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi. We have seen how it tells us that Chinghiz withdrew to the eastern banks of the Tonggeli which we have here identified with the neighbourhood of lake Baljuna. There grass was abundant and the horses were in good condition. Thence he wrote a plaintive letter to Wang Khan. "Father," he said, "why are you thus angry with me, causing me terror? If you wish to upbraid me, why not do it in a quiet fashion and without destroying all my possessions P "Probably there are people who have come between us. Did we not make an agreement at Khulaaneu on the mountain Sbork helkun" that if people came to slander either of us to the other we were not to believe them until we had had a personal interviow ? Father, have we had such an interview? Though I am only small, I am worth many, and though I am ill favoured I am as valuable as the handsome. You and I are like the shafts of a kibitka, when one of them is broken the ox cannot draw it or like its two wheels, which when one is injured, it cannot be moved. "Your father Khurchakhus Buiruk had forty sons. You being the eldest, they made you ruler. Afterwards you killed your brothers Taitimurand Bukhuatimur. You also wished to kill your other brother Erkekhara, but he saved himself by - So written both by Berezine and D'Obson. Erdmann calls it the Khelabdu. 56 D'Ohason calls it Turaka Kurgan; Berezine, vol. II, p. 134; Erdmann, p. 289; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 73. 07 D'Obsson, vol. I, p. 70. "Hyacinthe, p. 29. * Palladius ways in a note this ww on the river Tula.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. fleeing to the Naimans. Your uncle Gurkhan, the Yuan-shi the envoy who took the message to revenge your brothers, made war upon you is called Alikhu;" (De Mailla calls him Alihai)." when with bat a hundred men you had to retire It begins with a reference to Yessagei's services, to the defiles of the Kharaan mountains. which contains nothing new. In the paragraph You then betrothed your daughter Khujaur describing the assistance given by Chinghiz Ujin to the Merki Tokhtoa in order to secure a when Wang Khan fled westwards before passage through his territory to my father the Naimans, the Yuan-shi makes him claim to Yessugei, to whom you came for help. He went have invited Wang Khan's brother Jasigambu or with his army and drove your uncle to Khashinoo Jakembo, who was then living within the borders and returned your people to you on the banks of the Kin empire to go to him, and goes on to say of the Tula. In the black forest you and my that when Wang Khan was being pressed by the father became brothers and became anda, and Merkit he sent his brethren" Sechen botsia" and moved by gratitude you declared 'I swear by Daicheu" who destroyed them. De Mailla calls heaven, I will repay you and your children for the two latter Sechin Pako and Sechin-taichea. this good deed.'1 He also calls them Chinghiz Khan's brothers." "After this your brother Erkekhara having According to the Yuan-shi Chinghiz next collected an army among the Naimans again goes on to remind his former friend how on attacked you. You thereupon fled to the country another occasion, when he was in distress, he of the Khoikhoi" and to the Gurkhan of the went over to Khai-dala," seized on the sheep, Keta." In less than a year you quarrelled with horses and goods of his enemies, gave them over and left him, passing through the countries of to him, supported him and his people for a Oiin" and Khesu, and you were brought to month, and restored them to robust health after such a pass that you had to live on the milk they had been emaciated by famine." This of five ewes and the blood drawn from & camel, doubtless refers to the occasion when Wang and came to me on a blind and broken-down Khan returned from the Uighur country and the horse. On account of your friendship with my Kara Kitai. According to the same authority, father I sent people to meet you, welcomed you Chinghiz went on to urge that when Warg to my camp, and furnished you with a following Khan defeated the Merkit he bore him no from among my people, and when you had grudge, although he had not divided the spoils conquered the Merkit, I let you retain the goods with him, but, on the contrary, sent his and cattle you had captured from them." four generals to the rescue when he was being " After this, when we purgued Buirukh and hard pressed by the Naimans. Chinghiz strove with Keksiusabrakh at Baidarakhbel- goes on to claim how he swooped down with chir, you withdrew in the night after purposely the swiftners of a Haitung falcon when pouncing lighting camp fires, Keksiusabrakh pursued on a wild goose, upon the tribes Darbot Tatar, you, and made your wives and the people Khatagin, Saljut and Khungir, and how he of Sankun prisoners, together with one half made over to Wang Khan what he took of your people living in Tiligetu. You then from them. In all, according to the Yuan-shi, asked me for help, and I sent you four chiefs Chinghiz claims to have done his friend five who rescued your people and cattle and those of important services." Sankun. Then you thanked me, why do you The Yuan-shi-lei-pien has merely an epitomised now upbraid me?" version of the message as reported in the This didactic message is reported in some- Yuan-shi. I would however remark that Gaubil what different terms, although with the same places Ha-la-hoen, i.e.the Karaun of other writers, general sense by the other anthorities. In where Wang Khan was defeated by his p. 74. 60 i.e. Hosi or Tangut. Yuan-cl'ao-pi-shi, pp. 91 and 92. 63 1. c. of the Muhammadans. 63 1. e. of the Kara Kitai. 6. i. e. Uighur. 1.e. Hosi or Tangat. en Id.. p. 92. 411, e. the chief of the Naimans. o d... 98. Hyacinthe, p. 36. 10 Op. cit. vol. IX, p. 29. 11 Meaning relatives. Mr. Douglas reads it, p. 27, Serehin Perke. 19 Hyacinthe p. 36; Douglas, p. 35; D'Ohsson, vol. I, * Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 80. * Called Hatala by Mr. Douglas, and Ha-ting-li by De Mailla. 16 Hyacinthe, p. 26; Douglas, p. 35. + Hyacinthe, p. 27; Douglas, p. 86.

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Avgust, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 241 uncle at some ragged gorges in the mountain quence of these good offices, become anda. The south of the river Orghun. The Huang-yuan Huang-yuan concludes with the phrase, "This tells the story in greater detail, agreeing largely is the first service," and then goes on : "Oh father with Rashid-u'd-din. It calls the envoy Alikhai. Wang Khan, at that time you were as it Rashid calls him the Irderken Argai or Arti Jiun.'' were buried in clouds, you stood as it were on The Huang-yuan makes hinghiz tell Wang a sunless place. Your brother Jaagano was Khan that he was then encamped round about living on the Chinese frontier. I shouted with lake Dungei, where the grass was abundantand the my loud voice, lifted my cap with my hand, and horses were fat. It then makes him go on to remind called him from afar off. As soon as he heard him how his uncle Guilui-kekhan, i.e. Gur my voice, as soon as he saw my signal, he Kakhan had written to complain that he, Wang came to me. I watched him from the top of Khan, had mounted the throne on the death of his a mountain, and awaited him standing at my father Kurjakhus Beiluki-khan and displaced tent. When he arrived he was oppressed by himself, and how when he had killed Taitimur the three Merkis. As he came from afar off, and Bukhuatimdt and pretended he did not could I wish his death ?? I sent my elder brother know where they had disappeared to, and that Sechibegi and my younger brother Dachiu who in consequence Guiluike-khan had attacked set out to punish them. This is my second and driven him into the defiles of Khalaan." service." Rashidu'd-din reports the story in the (Rashidu'd-din says he attacked him in his chief same way, and no doubt from the same source. camp at Karaun Kipchal or Karaun Kipchak," Dachia he calls Taiju Khori. China he calls i. e. "the black forest" on the Tura). The Jabkut or Jaukhut." The Huang-yuan proceeds: Hwang-yuan goes on to say how, in his "O father Wang Khan, when you came forth distress, when Wang Khan with but 100 men from the clouds and stood on a sunlit place and repaired to his father' uncertain about the aid of appealed to me, you were hungry only until the Daichi Udarnan and Bakhaji (the Udur | midday, and were thin only until the full moon. Noyan and Bagachi of Rashidu'd-din), his How was this? I fought with the tribe Uduios father set out by way of Khalabu-khuachuga" west of the mountain Khadin-khi in the place and crossed the mountain Abujabukhnageu.86 Munuyuli and obtained much cattle and many Then he ascended the Tulitan-tulin-gu, and Tsian- loads of booty, all of which I gave to you. This sutan-lin-gu, the pass of Kuikun, and lako Kui- is why you did not hunger after midday and were siaor called respectively Tulatan, Tulanguti, or not thin after the new moon. This is my as Berezine reads the name, Khulanan Tulangutu, third service." Khabchal and Kushaur-nor by Rashid-u'd-din." Rashidu'd-din makes Chinghiz compare After undergoing great hardships Y essug ei his friend's arrival to the sun bursting from at last reached his destination, brought the behind clouds and to the awakening of embers district to extremity and compelled Guilui that are dying out. Berezine in his translaKhan to withdraw to Talasu." Thence he was tion calls the place where the battle with the again driver, and with only a few followers Merkis took place Berezobie Kholm behind was compelled to seek refuge in Khesi, whence Murijak Moal. Erdmann reads it Beshmeh he did not return again." Rashida'd-din Fatilikh, behind Mari-jakh-sul. D'Ohsson says he fled wounded with but 20 or 30 followers says merely at Murichak Mual." The Huangto Khashin. The two accounts describe how yuan continues :-"Father Wang Khan, when Yessu gei and Wang Khan had, in conse- you fought with the Meliki" on the river Bnla ** Gaubil, op. cit., p. 8, note 1. mann, and Kurban Belassut by D'Ohason) of Rashidu'd19 Berezine, vol. II, p. 135, Erdmann, p. 289. din who calls it the Gur Khan's residence. 80 Referring to the law of succession among the nomades 89 Huang-yuan, p. 170. by which brother succeeds brother. * Khesi or Khashin are both corruptions of Hosi, the #1 Op. cit., p. 170. Chinese name for Tangut. ** Berezine, vol. II, p. 135; Erdmann, p. 289. 91 i.e. Jakembo. 3 i. e. to Yessugei. " It must be remembered that Jakembo had rebelled & Berezine, vol. II, p. 135; Erdmann reads the names against Wang Khan. Durfuyan and Bukhashi. 03 Id., pp. 170 and 171. # The Kharabuga of Rashid. Berezine, p. 136; Erdmann, p. 290. * The name is represented in the MSS. of Rashidu'd- os i. e. The Merkit tribe so called. din by a lacuna ; Berezine, vol. II, p. 135. 9o Berezine, vol. II, pp. 136 and 187; Erdmann, p. 290 ; 67 Berezine, vol. II, p. 133; Erdmann, p. 290. D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 74 and 75. . The Gurben Telagat (read Khurian-telasut by Erd i . e. the Merkit.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1881. . you sent scouts to look out for the chief Toto, and without waiting for the formation of a line of battle you engaged and took prisoners his Khatuns, os Khudutai and Chalukun, and then enticed his two children Khodu and Chilaun, who with all the tribe surrendered to you, and when Kuisin-sabala" pursued your people you sent to inform me. I sent four generals with an army, who fought and conquered and returned you the things you had lost. This is my fourth service."100 Rashidu'd-din in reporting this plea of Chid- ghiz says that 'the Merkit were defeated at Boker Kegere or Bukher Kehreh, and that Wang Khan had attacked them without sending him word, although he had sent an envoy to their chief Takhta, who was virtually a spy. The two Khatons he calls Khutuktei Khatun and Jilsun or Khalghun Khatun, one the wife of Tukhta, the other of his brother.101 The two boys, sons of Tukhta, who were made prisoners, Rashid calls Khadu and Jilaun, and adds that Wang Khan also subjected all the Odoiut Mergit.102 The place where the Naimans defeated Wang Khan he calls Bai Barakh Belchira.103 To revert to the Huang-yuan, Chirghiz goes on to say: "When we were together at the mountain Khalkha on the river Magiun-Khula and the mountain Ban-tauchor-wan-khunu did we not agree that even should we be bitten by a serpent with poisonous fangs, we would not be moved by it, and that we would never part asunder until our lips should produce teeth? Have you been bitten by a ser. pent? Have teeth appeared in your lips that you should depart? Father Wang Khan, at that time like a young falcon, starting from the mountain Chikhurkhi, I flew over to the lake Beir, os seized the spotted-legged heron and returned. What was this but the tribes Kha- tagin, Sanjiwu106 and Khungila ?107 Is it not with the strength of these tribes you now threaten me? This is my fifth service." This really double paragraph Rashidu'd-din somewhat am plifies. He calls the Khalkha the Khara, and tells us the place where he and Wang Khan made their treaty by which if a serpent intervened between them they were to take no beed to it, was Khulan-Bilta tants near the mountains Chorl. gel-Khon. The second part of the paragraph is enlarged by Rashid.." O Khan, my father," he makes Chinghiz say, "I few from the mountain Chorgo, to like a gerfalcon I flew over the Buir Nor and secured for you the bluish grey cranes with sky-blue feet. Do you wish to know who these were ? They were the Durbans and Tatars. On another occasion, like a blue gerfalcon over the Kula Nor, and secured for you the blue cranes. Would you know who these were ? They were the Khatakins, Saljiut and Konkirat. You are now afraid of them as my allies." The Huang-yuan concludes the message we have been discussing thus "Father Wang Khan, have you ever done me # service where I have done so many for you? Why do you now threaten me? Why don't you let my people rest at their firesides and sleep peaceably on their beds? Why don't you leave me, your stupid son, and my stupid wives alone? I am your son. I am very weak. I cannot compel you to love the power of others. I am very stupid and cannot make you love the wisdom of others. 113 If you detach one wheel from a cart you cannot drive it, and your ox would sweat in vain. In that case, to unyoke it and let it go would be to tempt thieves, while to tether him would be to let him die of hunger. With a broken wheel it is clear an ox may strain himself till be breaks his neck, and all in vain. Am I not also one of the wheels of a cart?"l13 Rashidu'd-din tells the same story, only that in his version the ambiguous sentence above quoted comes out quite clear. It runs thus :-" I who am your son, I have never said-My part is too small, I want a larger one; it is bad, I want # better one," and he concludes the paragraph thus:-"Wetwo are the body of this two-wheeled cart, and I am a wheel of thy cart."!!* 05 i. e. his wives. - i.e. the Naiman general. 100 Op. cit., p. 171. 101 Erdmann says of his son. 10% Called Uduyut. Merkit by D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 175. 103 Berezine, p. 137; Erdmann, p. 291 ; D'Ohsson, vol. I, 104 A mistake for river. 105 i. e. Buyur or Buir. 106 Saljiut. 101 1. e. Kongurut. 105 Erdmann reads it Hulajiltatuut. 10The Jurkhal of Erdmann and the Churcan of D'Obsson. 110 The Jurkhamen of Erdmann and Churtumen of D'Ohsson. Berezine, vol. II, pp. 137 and 138, Erdmann, p. 291; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 75 and 76. 119 This seems a confused and unintelligible sentence. 113 Op. cit., p. 172. 14 Berezine, p. 138; Erdmann, pp. 291 and 992; D'Obsson, vol. I, pp. 76 and 77. p.75.

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AUGUST, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. 243 MISCELLANEA. NEW COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 21" broad, with a seal which bears a bull couchI have recently received some interesting ant, with the moon above it; found with No. 1; copper-plate grants from Mr. R. Sewell, M. C. S.; presented to the Madras Museum. - This is an and, as some time must elapse before I can find inscription of Devendravarma, son of Anantaleisure to publish them in detail, it will be useful varma, of the Ganga family. It is dated, in meanwhile to give in this journal a brief notice words, in the fifty-first year of the victorious of the contents of each of them. reign of the Gangeya-vamsa; the Saka year is not No. 1. given. The order is issued from the city of A set of three plates, each about 7 long by Kalinganagara, to the kutumbi at the village of 1" broad, with a seal with a motto on it which Tamarachheru in the district of Varahavartani, is now illegible; found, together with Nos. 2, 3, and records the grant of that village on the 4, and 5, and a sixth grant which has been lost occasion of an eclipse of the sun.-This Deven. sight of, suspended by their rings on an iron bar dravarma must be another son of the Anantaacross the mouth of a large pot which was dis- varma, who is mentioned by Dr. Burnell in covered in digging the foundations of a wall at ! South Indian Palaeography, p. 53, note 4. These Chicacole in the Ganjam District; purchased by kings are, from the style of their grants, undoubt. Mr. W.F. Grahame, M. C. S., and presented to edly lineal descendants of the Indravarms of the Madras Museum. - This is an inscription of Nos. 2 and 3 above; and they are assigned by Nandaprabhasjanavarma, king of Kalinga. It is Dr. Burnell to the end of the tenth century A. D. not dated; but it is decidedly ancient, and is No. 5. probably pre-Chalukyan. The order is issued A set of three plates, each about 7" long by from the city of Sarapalli, to the kutumbi at the 21 broad, with a seal which bears a bull, couchvillage of Adeyavata or Adeyavata, and records ant, with the moon, an elephant-goad, and a an agrahara-grant of that village. floral device; found with No. 1; presented to No. 2. the Madras Museum.-- This is an inscription of A set of three plates, each about 6" long by Satyavarma, son of Devendravarma, of the Ganga 21" broad, with a seal which bears what we should family, and king of Kalinga. It is dated, in expect to be a bull couchant, but what seems to be words, in the fifty-first year of the centuries of more like a Chalukya boar standing; found with years of the Gangeya-Tamsa; the Saka year is No. 1; presented to the Madras Museum. This is not given. The order is issued from the city of an inscription of Indravarma, king of Kalinga, of Kalinganagara, to the kutumbis at the village of the Ganga family. It is dated, in numerical sym- Tarugrama in the district of Galela, and records bols, in the one hundred and twenty-eighth year the grant of that village on the occasion of an of the victorious reign of his dynasty), on the eclipse of the sun. fifteenth day of the month Chaitra ; tbe Snka year No. 6. is not given. The order is issued from the city of A set of three plates, each about 8" long by Kalinganagara, and records a grant of the village 3,8" broad, with a seal which bears a ball, couchof Tamaracheruva, in the district of Varahavar- ant; marked "No. 93; from the Acting Printant, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on cipal Assistant Collector of Vizagapatam." -This the day of the full-moon of the month Margasira. is another inscription of Devendravarma, of the No. 3. Ganga family, king of Kalinga. It is dated, in A set of three plates, each about 6" long by words and figures, in the two hundred and fifty. 20" broad, with a heal the emblem on which is fourth year, on the first day of the bright fortnow unrecognisable; found with No. 1; presented night of the month Phalguna; the Saka year is to the Madras Museum.--This is another inscrip- not given, nor is it stated to what era the date tion of Indravarma, of the Ganga family. It is does belong. The order is issued from the city of dated, in numerical symbols, in the one hundred Kalinganagara, to the kutumbis at some villages in and forty-sixth year of the victorious reign (of his the district of Davadamadavam, and records a grant dynasty), on the twelfth day of the month Magha; of those villages by Devendravarma's maternal the Saka year is not given. The order is issued ancle Dharmakhedi. The names of the villages from the city of Kalinganagara to the kutumbes are included in the word Taluvama sinapulilasoat the village of Talamula in the Korosotaka liga(P)mudula; but they cannot be separated propanchali, and records a grant of that village on perly until some clue is had to the identification the seventh day of the month Magha. of them, No. 4. No. 7. A set of three plates, each about 7" long by A set of three plates, each about 6" long by 3."

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (August, 1881 broad, with a seal which bears the moon, the motto & seal which bears the usual Western Chalukya Sri-Sarvasiddhi, and the remains of apparently the boar; marked "No. 99; from T. D. C., Kurnool." name Jayasinha; from Pedda- Maddali in the - This is a Western Chalukya inscription of Vi. Nurzivid Division of the Krishna District. --This kramaditya I, son of Satyasraya I. or Pulikeyi II. is an Eastern Chalukya inscription of Jayasimha I. It is dated, in words, in the third year of his It is dated, in words, in the eighteenth year of reign, on the full-moon day on which the Sarihis reign, at the time of the equinox; the Saka gauna-mahdydtrd is held; the Saka year is not year is not given The order is issued from the given. It records a grant of some land at the city of Udayapura, and records a grant of the village village of Ratnagiri in the district of (P) Nalavadi. of Penukaparu or Penukapal, on the enst of the No. 12. village of Mardavalli, in the district of Gudrabara. A set of three plates, ench about 9" long by No. 8. 3 broad at the ends and a little less in the A set of five plates, each about 11" long by middle, with a senl which bears the usual Western 5%" brond, with a seal which bears the usual Chalukya boar; marked "No. 100; from T.D.C., Eastern Chalnkya boar, the motto SH-Tribhu- Kurnool." - This is another Western Chalukya tanankusa, the moon, the sun, a closed umbrella inscription of Vikramaditya I. It is dated, in or an elephant-gond, a chauri or an elephant-goad, words, in the tenth year of his reign, on the day and a floral device; from the Krishna District.- of the full moon of the month Asbadha; the Saka The whole inscription is very much corroded and year is not given. It records a grant of some very difficult to read. All that I can say at land at the village of Rattagiri, on the west bank present is that it is an Eastern Chalukya inscription of the river Andirika. The grant was made at the of Amma II. or Vijayaditya, and that it gives the request of king Divasakti, of the Sendraka family. usual details of the genealogy and the lengths of No. 13. the reigns. A set of three plates, each about 73" long by No. 9. 31" broad at the ends and a little less in the A set of five plates, each about 7" long by 2" middle, with a seal which bears the usual Western broad, with a seal the emblem on which is now Chalukya boar; marked "No. 98; from T. D. C., quite unrecognisable; marked "No. 78; from the Kurnool."--This is a spurious and very corrupt Goda vart Collector."-This is an inscription of Western Chalukya inscription of Vikramaditya I. king Prithivimala, the son of PrabhAkara. It is It is not dated. It purports to record a grant at dated, in both words and numerical symbols, in the villages of (?) Agunte and (?) Tebumlaura. the twenty-fifth year of his reign, and, perhaps, Belgaum, 14th July 1861. J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S. on the second day of the month Vaisakha; the Saka year is not given. The order is issued from AWANS AND JODS. the city of Kandali to the rishtrokutas of the Lient. Col. J. W. H. Johnstone reports that a district of Talupaka, and records a grant of the tribe of Jods is still located in that part of the village of Chuyipaka, in the middle of the four Panjab where Baber found them. "This tribe villages of Vilendi, Renguta, Kamparn, and is known to be a branch of the Janja a s, and Tnkura. The grant was made at the request of there is no difficulty on the subject of the Jods, king Indra, the conqueror of Indrabhattaraka. except that we now find the possessions of the No. 10. Jods and Ja nj das with the A w a ns. The A set of three plates, each about 7" long by explanation I would give of the Awans' possession 2 broad at the ends and a little less in the of the country is this : They were resident on middle, with a seal which bears the usual Western both the branches of the Indus below the Salt Chalukya boar: marked "No. 95; from T. D. C., Range. Baber found the present country of the Kurnool." - This is a Western Chalukya inscrip- Marwatig in the Bannd district occupied by tion of Adityavarma, son of Satyasraya I. or IsAkhil Niazis. Subsequently a wave of Pulikest II. It is dated, in words, in the Srst irruption took place from the hills; the Isakhil year of his reign, on the day of the full-moon of Niazis were displaced by the present Marwatis; the month Karttika; the Saka year is not given. the former cjected the Awans from Is Akhil It records a grant of an allotment in the villages and Mian vali, and drove them into the hills. of Mundakallu and Palgire. compelling them in turn to expel the Jods No. 11. and Janja a s. The head man of Kalabagh is A set of three plates, each about 8" long by still Mullah Muzaffar Khan, the Chief of the 3}" broad at the ends and 3 in the middle, with A wins." Leyden and Erskine's Memoirs of Baler, pp. 254, 259; and see Cunningham, Archirol. Sirv. Rep. vol. V. pp. 80. 81. Proc. As. Soc. Beng. 1881, p. 50.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] LOCAL GODDESSES OF INDIA. 245 THE DIVINE MOTHERS OR LOCAL GODDESSES OF INDIA. BY MAJOR E. W. WEST. TN a former volume of this journal' Professor temple of Amb, or AmbA Bhavani, as she 1 Monier Williams threw ont some suggestive is sometimes termed, situated in the State of remarks regarding the deities worshipped as Danta in the north of the Mahi Kantha, attracts mothers, and I was glad to find that the opinion thousands of worshippers from all points of the which I had always held, to the effect that these compass, and a full account of it will be are aboriginal, or at least pre-Hindu deities, was found in Ras Mala,' and the Bombay Gazel. supported by such high authority. I observe, teer, vol. V, p. 432. She has a shrine at Anjar however, that no further notice has been taken in Kachh, and again in Kolhapur, we find that of the subject in this journal, and that no the most famous temple in the place, which has response has been given to the appeal made by passed successively from Jains to orthodox the learned Professor. I draw attention now Hindus, is still generally called the temple of to the subject in the hope that further informa- Ambebai, and was probably originally dedition may be elicited, and I contribute a few cated to that pre-Aryan goddess, who is now notices of the principal seats of worship of some identified at Kolhapur with Mahalakshmi, as she of the mothers or places named after them. If is in Gujarat with Bhavani. Some particulars my example is followed, it will be possible to about this temple will be found in Grabam's ascertain how far the worship of each goddess | Statistical Account of Kolhapur. extended, and in this way some light may Yellamma or Ellamma is a very favourite possibly be thrown on the local distribution of goddess in the Canarese country, and judging tribes and races anterior to the Aryan invasion from the company she keeps, or rather from of India, or perhaps on the migration of Aryan the classes that worship her, she is not a very tribes and races who adopted the worship of repatable one. In a list of the wandering tribes these goddesses. of Kolhapur given at p. 130 of the work above As far as I can ascertain, the worship of quoted, she is given as the patron-goddess of Hingl& z' seems to have been the most widely no less than three of these tribes, viz., the Domextended of all in Western India. The present baris, the Gols, and the Ganthi-chors, Admiralty Chart of the Persian Gulf shews a who earn their livelihood respectively by prostemple of Hingla z on the Mekran coast titating girls, by making kunku and beads, and which seems to be a well-known landmark. by picking pockets. I subjoin & cutting from a Todo speaks of this as a favourite resort for newspaper regarding a temple of this goddess, pilgrims among the old Rajputs, and also refers which I find in a note-book. Is the extraordi. to a place of the same name in Rajpatana, nary practice therein referred to still kept up? which was taken by Lord Lake's army. I remember reading of a similar practice Coming down to the Dekhan we find in the observed by women in Maisar or Kodag (Coorg) Kolhapur State a Mamlatdar's district called which is noted by Mr. R. E. Elliot in his EGadh Hingla , so named from the head- periences of a Planter, but I have mislaid the quarter station, which derives its name from a reference: shrine of the goddess. From a recent paper "A Hindu Temple in the Jat Jahagir.-A in this journals it appears that Hinglaj is the correspondent of a Mufassal paper states that favourite goddess of the Telirajas. there is a temple of the goddess Ellamma about Very nearly as extensive in range seems to & mile distant from the town of Jat, in the Jat have been the worship of Amba Mata. Jahagir. An annual fair is held in honour of this There is a temple dedicated to her in M@wad, idol at which about ten thousand people assemat Udaipur if I remember rightly. The famous ble. It has been held there for the last fourteen Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 211. . It seems possible that Hinglas may have been not an indigenous, but an imported deity, introduoed by the Kshattriyus. a Rajasthan, vol. II, pp. 5 and 572 (Madrus reprint). * Ib., p. 658. * Vol. IX, p. 280. * To mark, I believe, that she has been brought into the Hindu Pantheon. New edition, pp. 321 et seq. Selection from Bombay Government Records, New Series, No. VIII, pp. 817-18. She is the same was the RenakAdev1 of the Marath, de-ED.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1881. or fifteen years. Fifteen years ago a Mali or hands, and leave their places of residence to gardener set up the idol, and began to cheat visit the idol. After visiting the idol, they go the people by stating that it had appeared there round the temple for a certain number of times. of its own accord. Both men and women They then leave the temple to bathe in a visit the temple and worship the idol. The neighbouring tank. After bathing, they return very strange fact regarding this worship is, to the temple, worship the idol and return home. says the writer, that the worshippers, before The writer wishes that this indecency should commencing the worship, strip naked, apply be put down. He states that when the Hon. powdered sandalwood to their whole bodies, Mr. Chapman, the present Chief Secretary to put on the ornaments they may have, hold a Government, was Collector of Satara, he punishsmall branch of the nimb tree in their foldeded some of the naked worshippers." BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. BY THE REV. S. BEAL, B.A. (Concluded from p. 197.) IV. Other Pilgrims who reached India copying many Sutras; and was deeply versed mostly by the Northern route. in the Vinaya and Abidharma. After going 1. Tao Hi, a Doctor of the Law, a man of eastward and visiting the Cock-foot mountain, the district Lih-shing, of the department and bathing in the Dragon-pool to the westTs'ai chau (Shan-tung?), his Sanskrit name ward, he died at Nalanda et. about 70. Srideva. He was a man of noble descent. 4. Hwu i-Nieh, a Doctor of the Law, & Having gone through India visiting the sacred Corean, in the middle of the Cheng-kwan period, places, he came to the Mahabodhi, where he re- 638 A.D., went to the west and dwelt in the Bodhi mained several years, and then proceeded to temple, where he adored the sacred relics and Nalanda. He likewise visited the country then went to Nalanda, where he dwelt for a of Kusisnagara). The Mung king of the long time, reading and studying. I-tsing when Amaravat country greatly respected him. arranging some Chinese books suddenly saw Whilst remaining at Nalanda he studiously ap- under the title this record, "Whilst dwelling plied himself to the Great Vehicle. He resided under the Tooth-Brush tree, the Corean priest also in the Chu-po-pun-na (the garden of the Hwu i-Nieh wrote this record." On enquiry cremation; the Temple of the Nirvana), and at the temple, the priests said that he died there studied the Vinayapitaka, and the Sabdavidya. the same year, about 60 years of age. The Whilst in the Ta-hsio temple (the Mahabodhi) Sanskrit books he wrote were preserved at he engraved a memorial tablet in the Chinese Nalanda language. He left more than 400 volumes, 5. Yuan Ta'i, a Doctor of the Law, & new and old, in Chinese, Satras and Sastras, at Corean, called by the Sanskrit name of SarNalanda. I-tsing did not meet him (he fell vajna nadeva. In the year Yung-hwei (650 sick in the Amaravat country, and died aged A.D.) he went by the Thibetan road through 50 years or so), but he saw his chamber. Nepal to Middle India; he there worshipped the 2. Sse-pin, a Doctor of the Law, a man of relics at the Bodhi Tree, afterwards going to Ts'ai-cha 1, went after Hua n-chin through the Turkhara country he met Tao-Hi, with North India, and then through Western India, whom he returned to the Ta-hsio temple till he came to A maraku va. He there dwelt (Mahabodhi). Afterwards he returned to China, in the royal temple in high favour with the and was not heard of again. king. Here he met Ta o u-hi, a fellow towns- 6. Yuan-ha a, a Doctor of the Law, a man. After remaining here one summer, he Corean, went with Yuan-chin in the middle sickened and died at. 35 years. of the Cheng-kwan period to India, and reach3. Aryavarma, a Corean, in the middle | ing the Ta-hsio temple, he died there. period Cheng-kroan, 638 A.D., left Chang'an and 7. Bodhidharma, a man of the Tur-- came to Nalanda, where he engaged himself in khara country, of great bodily size and strength, 20 The principal shrine or temple of EllammA is at Ugar- interesting to know the details of its history within tooent gol near Sanndatti in the Belgaum di very old one, and so probably is the idol. It would be

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.) BUDDHIST PILGRIMS FROM CHINA TO INDIA. 247 came to China, and became a priest. He short term of life were agreeable to one possesswandered through the nine provinces begging ased of the heart of Bodhi. Having refused all a religious mendicant. Afterwards going to India help, he clasped his hands in adoration, and to adore the sacred vestiges, I-tsing met looking towards the West he repeated the sacred him at Nalanda. Afterwards he went to North name of Amita, and when the ship went down India and died when 50 years old or so. these were his last words. He was about 50 8. Ta ou-lih, a Doctor of the Law, of years of age. He had a follower, unknown to Ping-chau, went by way of the sandy desert and me, who also perished with his master, also the Tsih rock to Nepal, and afterwards came to calling on the name of Amita Buddha. the Ta-hsio temple, where he remained several 11. Matisinha, a man of the capital; his years; he then returned to Nepal where hestillis. common name being Wong-po. This man ac. 9. Ta on-sing, a Doctor of the Law, of companied the priest Sse-pin, and arriving at Ping-chau, called in Sansk pit Chandrade va, the middle land dwelt in the Sin-che temple. in the last year of the Cheng-kwan period (649 A.D.) Finding his progress little in the Sanskrit went by the Tu-fan road to mid India; he arrived language, he went to Nepal, and died on the at the Bodhi temple where he worshipped the way there, aet. 40. Chaityas; afterwards going to Nalanda, he was 12. Yuan-hwui, a Doctor of the Law, son there much honoured by the king on account of of a general, according to report. Leaving North his youth. After that, going twelve stages to India he dwelt in Kasmir and took charge of the eastward, he came to the King's temple, the royal elephants. The king of this country where they study only the Little Vehicle. He delighted day by day in going to the different remained here many years, learning the books temples, the Dragon-lake Mountain temple, of the Tripitaka according to the Hinayana. the Kung-Yang temple. This is where the 500 Returning to China through Nepal, he died. Rahats received charity. Here also the vener10. Shang-tih, a contemplative priest, of able Madh yantika, the disciple of Anandan Ping-chan. He longed with devotion for the converted the Dragon king. This priest ex. joys of the Western Paradise, and with the view horted the king of Kasmir by a great exercise of of being born there he devoted himself to a royal clemency to remit the punishment of life of purity and religion (reciting the name more than 1,000 persons who were condemned of Buddha). He vowed to write ont the whole to death. The king in consequence let them of the Prajna Sutra, occupying 10,000 chapters. go. Having remained here some years he went Desiring to worship the sacred vestiges, and so southwards, and came to the great Bodhi temple, by this to secure for himself the greater merit where he worshipped the Bodhi tree, beheld the with a view to a birth in that heaven, he tra- Lake of "Machin" (Muchhalinda),' ascended velled through the nine provinces, desiring, the Vulture Peak, &c. After this he went back wherever he went to labour in the conversion to Nepal and died there. of men and to write the sacred books. Coming 13. Again there was a man who accomto the coast he embarked in a ship for Kalinga. panied the envoy by the northern route to the Thence he proceeded by sea to the Malaya Tarkhara country, and there lodged in the country, and thence, wishing to go to mid India, Nava-vihara. In this establishment the prinhe embarked in a merehant ship for that pur ciples of the Little Vehicle were taught. Having pose. Being taken in a storm, the ship began become a priest he took the name of Chittato founder, and the sailors and merchants were varma. Having received the precepts he all struggling with one another to get aboard declined to eat the three pure things, on which 8 little boat that was near. The captain of the Master of the Convent said, "Tathagata, the ship being a believer, and anxious to save our Great Master, permitted these five thingsas the priest, called out to him with a loud voice food, why do you object to them ?" He answered: to come aboard the boat; bat Shang-tih "All the Books of the Great Vehicle forbid them, replied, "I will not come; save the other people," this is what I formerly practised. I cannot now and so he remained silently absorbed, as if his bring myself to change." The Superior answered, 1 Nepal has a poisonous medicine which willa maay. poisonous medicine which wills many. . Conf. St. Julien, Mom, our los Cont. Occ., tome I I PP. 848, 878. "*yil. Jul. IL. 2. n. .

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. "I have established a practice here in agreement with the three sacred collections, and you follow your own interpretation, which is contrary to mine. I cannot permit this difference of opinion, I cease to be your Master." Chittavarma was thus reluctantly obliged to yield. Then having learned a little Sanskrit he returned by the northern route. I know no more about him. 14. Again there were two men who lived in Nepal, they were the children of the wetnurse of the Duke-prince of Tibet (Tu-fan). They both were ordained, but one went back to lay life. They lived in the temple of the Heavenly Kings. They spoke Sanskrit well, and understood Sanskrit books. 15. Lung, a Doctor of the Law; I know not whence he came. In the Cheng-kwan period, 627-650 A.D., he went by the northern route to North India, wishing to visit the sacred spots. In mid India he got a Sanskrit copy of the Fu-hwa (Lotus of the Good Law), and having gone to Gandhara he died there. 16. Ming Yuen, a man of Yih-chau, a Doctor of the Law, whose Sanskrit name was Chintadeva. He embarked in a ship of Cochin China and came to the Kaling a country and thence to Ceylon. Whilst the king was engaged in worship, this priest, concealing himself in a private chamber, tried to steal the Toothrelic with a view to bring it to his own country and worship it. He had it concealed in his hand and was taking it away, when by careless exposure of it he was detected, and driven disgracefully away. He went to South India, and it was related that he was going towards the Mahabodhi, but then losing all power of diges tion he died on the road, where he had rested. I know not what his age was. They now keep this Tooth-relic carefully guarded in a high tower. It is locked up and sealed by five officers, and when opened, great uproar (of music?) is made, through the town and outskirts. It is worshipped every day with flowers and incense; when taken out it is placed on a golden flower, and its brilliancy is everywhere diffused. A tradition says that if this relic were lost then the Rakshas would devour (it?). There is also a tradition which says that some day it will be taken to China,but this must be by Divine interference and not by human contrivance. 17. I-long, a priest of Yih-chau, well versed This story has its parallels in the thefts of [SEPTEMBER, 1881. in the Vinayapitaka and in the interpretation of the Yoga, set forth from Chang'an with a priest Chi-ngan of his own province, and an eminent man called I-huan; after travelling through the Southern Provinces, they came to Niau-Lui, and there embarked on board a merchant ship. Having arrived at Lang-kia (Kamalanka ?) Chingan died. I-long with his other companion went on to Ceylon, where they worshipped the tooth, and having obtained various books returned through Western India. It is not known where he is now residing. He has not been heard of in mid India. 18. Hwui Yen, a Doctor of the Law, and a disciple of Hing-Kung, went with his master to Singala (Sinhala), and died there. 19. Sin-chin, a Doctor of the Law, his country not known. His Sanskrit name Charita varma. Taking the northern route he arrived in the Western country, and lived in the Sin-che temple. In an upper room of this temple, he constructed a sick chamber, and left it for ever for the use of sick brothers. He himself died here. Some days after the beginning of his illness in the middle of the night he suddenly exclaimed:" There is Bodhisatwa with outstretched hand beckoning me to his lovely abode"-and then closing his hands with a long sigh he expired, aeet. 35. 20. Sangha varma, a man of Samarkand, when young crossed the sandy desert and came to China. Afterwards, in company with the envoy he came to the Great Bodhi temple and the Vajrasana, where he burnt lamps in worship for seven days and seven nights. Moreover, in the Bodhi Hall, under the Tree of Asoka he carved a figure of Buddha and Kwan-tsen-tsai Bodhisatwa (i.e. Avalokitesvara). He then returned to China. Afterwards being sent to K walchau (Cochin China), there was great scarcity of food there. He daily distributed provisions, and was so touched by the sorrows of the fatherless and bereaved orphans, that he was moved to tears as he visited them. He was on this account named the weeping Bodhisatwa. He died shortly afterwards from infection caught there, which soon terminated fatally, aeet. about 60. 21. Wan-yun, a Doctor of the Law, of Lo-yang, travelling through the southern parts of China came to Cochin China, thence went by ship to Kalinga, where he died. relics by pilgrims in the middle ages.-ED.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 249 Vishnuvarma SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 190.) No. CXVII. | in the neighbouring parts of North Canar, The accompanying Old-Canarese inscription which are now called simply Para.' is edited from an ink-impression supplied to the genealogy of the Kadambas of Banawasi me by Mr. J. Fairlie Muir, Bo. C.S. The original is given in this inscription, from Mayuravarma I., stone-tablet is at Kargudari in the Hangal the founder of the family, down to Taila II., Taluka of the Dharwad District, and stands on and is as below, with a few additions from the south of a spot, on the west of the village, other sources :where there was formerly a temple of the god Maytravarma I. Narayana, the stones of which were removed, Krishnavarma. about twenty years ago, to build the embankment of the tank close by. Nagsvarme 1. The inscription is in bold and well executed Old-Canarese characters of the period to which Mrigavarma. it belongs. It is for the most part in a state of excellent preservation; but one or two letters Satyavarma, are broken away at the commencement of lines Vijayavarma. 15 to 18, and lines. 44 and 45 are a good deal weather-worn. The writing covers a space of JayavarmA I. about 59" high by 3' 1' broad. A transcription NagavarmA II. of it is given in the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. SantivarmA I. I., p. 479. The emblems at the top of the stone are - In the centre, a linga; on its right, a Kirttivarma I. cow and calf, and the sun; and on its left, Adityavarma. Nandi or Basava, and the moon. The inscription is of the time of the Western Chattaya, Chatta, or Chattuga. Chluk ya king, Tribhuvana malla or Vikramaditya VI., and is dated in the JayavarmA II., thirty-third year of the Chalukya-Vikramavar or Jayasitha. sha, the Sarvadhari sarivatsara, i. e. in Saka 1030 (A.D. 1108-9), while his feudatory, the Maruli. Taila I., Santivarma II., Choki, Vikrams, Mahamandalesvara Tailapa or Taila II. of Santa, or Santaya. or of the family of the Kadambas of Banawasi, Tailaps I. Saka, 1010. Joki. Vikt was governing the districts called the Bana Kirttivarma II., Tail II., Kirttidevs I., or vase Twelve-thousand and the Hanungal Tailapa II. Five-hundred, at his capital of Parthapura. Tailana-Singa, Saka 1021 Of the places mentioned in the inscription, Baka 990 and 1072 and 999. Karagudure is of course the modern Kargudari Tailama. itself, the Kungoodree' and 'Kurgoodrakop' of the maps, four miles to the north by east of Kirttideva II. KAmadera, Hangal,- and Tamaragere must be the modern or Tailamana-Ankakera. Tavaragere, the Tawurgeree' of the maps, Saks 1108 and 1118. about five miles to the south by east of Kal- Other inscriptions give also the names of Kun. ghatgi. I cannot at present identify Palambidamaraga, or Sattigana-Chatta, Saka 941,and Parthapura, the latter of which may be Mayuravarma II., Saka 956 and 966,--Chivun. any one of the several places in the west and daraya, Saka 967 and 970,-Harik@sari, Saka south-west parts of the Dharwad District, and 977,-Mayhravarma III, Saka 1053,-- and miks Sattiga is another form of the namo Saty farays. In the present instance it donotos the Western Chalukys king Satykarnya II.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1881. H others, which cannot at present be referred to their places in the genealogy. In lines 1, 5, 20, 29, and 32, of this inscription, the name of the family is written Kadamba, with the vowel of the first syllable short. This is not usual, except for metrical exigencies; and the proper form of the name is Kadamba, with the vowel of the first syllable long. And, as in the case of the Western Chalukyas and Chalukyas, this difference in the first syllable of the name seems to imply that the Kadamba Mahamandalesvaras of Banawasi, and their relatives of Goa, cannot claim a direct lineal descent from the early Kadamba kings, some of whose inscriptions I have published in Vol. VI., pp. 22, &c., and Vol. VII., pp. 33, &c. The Kadambas of Banawasi derive their origin from the three-eyed and four-armed Mayura varma I., -the Mukkanna-Kadamba of one inscription, who was the on of the god Siva and the Earth. This legend as to the birth of Mayuravarma I., -taken in connection with the legend of the Kadambas of Goa, that the founder of their family, Jayanta or Trilochana-Kadamba, sprang from the earth at the foot of a kadamba-tree, where a drop of sweat fell from the forehead of Siva, suggests the inference that the Kadambas, and perhaps the Kadambas before them, were an aboriginal race, and not one of the Aryan tribes that immigrated from the north; especially if, as Mr. Rice intimates, the kadamba-tree is one of the toddy-producing palms which are so common throughout the districts ruled over by the Kadambas and Kadambas. But, at the same time, it is worthy of remark that Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions, No. 221. Mysore Inscriptions, p. xxxii. . That liquor is distilled in some way or other from the kadamba-tree, is shown by the legend in the VishPurdna, Book V., Chap. IIV, where Varunf or Madirl, at the command of her husband Varuna, "established herself in the hollow of a kadamba-tree, in the woods of Vrindavana; and Baladeva, roaming about, came there, and smelling the pleasant fragrance of liquor, resumed his ancient passion for strong drink" (udrunt, madird): (Wilson's translation ; Hall's edition, Vol. V, p. 65). It is added, in a footnote, "there is no vinous exudation from the katlamba-tree; but ita flowers are said to yield A spirit, by distillation --whence kadambart is one of the synonyms of wine or spirituous liquor." * The Keralitpatti mentions another legend of ParakurAma bringing Aryan BrAhmans from Ahichchhatra and establishing them in Kerala (Ind. Ant.; Vol. VII., p. 281).There were evidently at least two places, whether regions or cities, called Ahichchhatra, one, on the river Sindhd, is mentioned in note 11 below, and I think for the first time. Gen. Cunningham (Archeol. Reports, Vol. I., P. 255) identifies one of them with the modern Elmnagar, about 22 miles to the north of Badaun in the North-West Provinces while Prof. Lassen (Map of Ancient there is another tradition that Mayuravarma I., not simply introduced, but brought with him twelve-thousand Brahmans, of thirty-two families, purified by performing the agnihotrasacrifice, from the agrahara of Ahichchhatra, and established them in the agrahara of Sthanugudhapura or Tanagundur,' the modern Talgund or Ta?dagundi in Maisur. The present inscription says only that Mayuravarma I. brought eighteen Brahmans from Ahichchhatra, and established them in the country of Kuntala. It adds that he had been preceded by seventy-seven rulers of his line;' but as yet we have no further information regarding them. It is of course open to doubt whether the genealogy now given,-including, as it does, a number of names as to which we have no historical data,- is altogether authentic. And, one of the family titles being Banavasipuravaradhisvara, or "supreme lord of Bana va st, the best of cities,' may suggest the inference that these Kadambas only started from a parent stock already established at that city, which, under its name of Vaijayanti, had been one of the capitals of their predecessors, the Kadambas. But, as I have already said, I do not consider that they can claim to be the direct lineal descendants of those Kadambas. These Kadambas were Mahamandalesvaras, or feudatory nobles, entitled to the panchamahasabda. They were also entitled to have the musical instrument called permatt played before them,--to carry the banner of a monkey, or perhaps of Hanaman, the king of monkeys, --and to use the signet of a lion. Their family god was Vishnu, under the form of Madhuke India) identifies apparently the same one with the modern Farukhabad, about 55 miles to the south-east of Badaun. Prof. Hall (Vishme.Purana, Vol. II., p. 161) suggeste that one of them was not far from the Vindhya mountains.For other references, see Ind. Ant., Vol. IX., p. 252, note. * P., 8., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 221, 1. 15. The name is not Sthenarudrapura, as Mr. Rice reads it there (Mysore Inscriptions, p. 196), nor Sth Apagundoru, as he reads it in 1.25 of the same inscription (id., p. 197). In 1. 13 of P., S., and 0-C., Inscriptions, No. 215, he reada Sthanakunduru (Mysore Inscriptions, p. 201); the photograph is somewhat indistinct, but, as the nasal of the Beoond syllable of both Sth&nugadhapura and T Anagundur is, not until I can see the original, I adhere to my reading of Andiy-agrahara sthana Kundavide &o. (Ind. Ant., Vol. IV., p. 278), the na, not na, of sthana being perfectly distinct, and only the syllables that follow kund, not kund, being doubtful. P., 8., and o-c., Inscriptions, No. 221, 1. 25. sakhacharendradhvaja, 1. 28 of the present inscription; equivalent to vanarendradhvaja. Conf. the vinaramahdahvaja of the Kadambas of Goa. Sinhalanchhana. This was also used by the Kadambas of Goa; on the seals of their copper-plate grante. No copper-plate of the Kidambas of Banawe have been discovered yet.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 251 svara of Jayantipara or Banawasi. Bat, Sankara or Siva, to Kesava or Vishnu, and in the present inscription, we find Tailapa II. to Bhaskara or the sun; and the inscription and his wife, Bachaladevi, making a grant opens with an invocation of the same three to & temple, which was dedicated jointly to gode. Transcription. ["] Sriman-Andhasuradhvamsi(61) sri(eri)shti(shte)r=udbhava-karakah payat=Kadambao vars-Abja-Lakshmim kshma-rakshana-kshamah | ['] Jayaty=&vishkri(shkli)tam Vishnu(sha6)r=vvaraham kshobhit-arnnavam dakshin. Onnata-danshtr-agre(gra)-visrantam(nta)-bhuvanan vapuh [] Namas=tasmai dineseya trailokya-prabhav-atmakah(ne) samasta-sura-rupaya Bhaskariya namo namah [] Svasti Samastabhuvanasrayam sri-pri(pri)thvivallabha ma(ma)haraj-Adhiraja parame sva(sva)ra paramabhata(tta)raka Satyasraya-kula-tilaka Chaluky-abhara[deg] na srimat-[Tribhuvanamalladeva[ra] vijaya-rajyam=uttarottar-abhivri(vri)dhdhi(ddhi). pravarddhamanam-a-chamdr-arkka-taram b aram saluttam-ire Sri-Kada(da) mb"-anva['] yam-entendade | Srimach-Chhasamkamanligav=i mahigam janisi sakala-ripu nri(nri)param geld mahim-aspadan(m)-eni['] p=uddama-yasam Sri-Mayuravarmmam negardam | Vpi | Himavanta-sphatika 661"/Atalada sumbha-stambhado! katti. ('] dam samad-bhamgalan=advamedham=enip=i yajnahgalam madidam kramadindar padinetana dvijarumam tan-and-Ahi['] chchhatradindame tand-eyd-esa Kuntal-Avaniyolam samsthapyaman-madi vikramaman taldi Mayura varmman=e[] sedam visvambhara-bharadol | Vachana || Antu sakala-ripu-nri(nri)pa-makuta-mani. kirana-ramjita-pa dapitha[") nu sapta-saptari(ti)-simhasan-anvay-adhishthitanum samudra-madrita-dhatri-pati Bamni(mrk)jya-rajya-veshtita[""] num Kadamba-kula-kamala-marttandanum=enipa sriman-Mayuravarmmadovanimd=&ta'na sutam Krishnavarmmadevanim tat-suna Nagavarmmadevanim taj-jatam Vishnuvarmmadevanim tan-nandanam Mrigavarmmadevanim tad-apatyam Satyavarmmadevanim ta7 t-ta nujbhavam Vijayavarmmadevanim tat-tanujam Jayavarmmadevanim tat-sutam Nagavarmmadevanim tat-putram Santivarmma["] [deva]nim tad-Atmajam Kirttivarmmadevanim tat-pragutan=Adityavarmmadovanim tad-Atmajam Chattaya'devanim tat-sutam Jaya. ["] [va]rmmadevanimd=uditoditamagi banda Kadamb-anvaya[da] dipakarum vikranta bhya(vya)pakarum(ru)meagi Pandu-raja-sadri(dri)saveappsa ["] [Ja]yavarmma-bhupange Yudhishthir-adi-Panduputraran ant=anukaripu(su)va parakra mado! erimat(man.) MA (-ma)vulidevam Tai["] [la padevam Santivarmmadevan Choki" devam Vikramadevan=int=ayvarum putras Adar-avar-olage Ka Partthana parakramam pu["] rush-arttham tat-kirtti-sahajadindan tanno!=sartthakam-esed-ire Kaliyuga-Parttham Sr-Santivarmmadevam negardam || Vti || 10 As I have said in the introductory remarks, the pro- and karamba or kalamba both have, in addition to several per form here, and in 11. 5, 20, and 29 and 32, would have distinct and different meaning, the joint meaning of the been Kadamba, with the vowel of the first syllable long. tree Naucles Cadamba. u From the reading of the large majority of passages, 12 The $ is doubled for the sake of the metre. the proper consonant of the second syllable is undoubted- * This verze has five padas, instead of the proper ly d, not d. There are, however, a few other instances number of four. in which it is written 4, as here, -. 9., in P., 8., and ** Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read Bhattayya; but O-C., Inscriptions, No. 221, 1. 11: and in Id., No. 86, wrongly. 1. 16, where it is said that Sinda, the son, who was born 15 Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read Joki here, as I at Ahichchhatra but on the bank of the river Sindh, of myself read it in the Banawasi inscription, No. 1, noticed Palikils of the Sinda family, was married to a Kadamba in Vol. IV., p. 205. But the first syllable here is certainly princess. According to Prof. Monier Williams, kadambacho, not jo.

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252 ["A mahim-lepadange THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. subhabimba-Kadamba-kul-abjini-nij-oddama-virajita-dyumanig indu-var-anane Pandya-vamsa-ja (je) Sri-ma ["] hadevi tam Siriyadeviy-avargg-abhiramam-appinam Ramane puttidam negardda(rda) Tailapan-endu dharitri bannikum || ["] Nudi satyam sach-charitram nade gapamakhil-Anandam-adyat-pratapa todar-bardd-Arati-baapalaka-bala-vijaya-ari-aa [SEPTEMBER, 1881. ["]hakride chittam Mrida-pad-ambhoja-bhakti prabalate saran-artthi-bra (vra)j-adhinam= entum paded-arttham kude lokottara-visa (sa)da ["] yasam Taila-bhupala-devam || Svasti Samadhigatapamchamahasabda-mahamandalesvaram Banavasi-puravar-a [*] dhisvaram Jayanti-Madhukesvaradeva-labdha-vara-prasadam mri(mri)gamad-amodam Tryaksha-kshma-sambhavam chatur-a(a)siti ["] nagar-adhishthita lalata-lochana chatur-bhbhu(bbhu)jam jagad-vidit-ashtadas-asvamedha yajna-diksha-dikshitam Hima [] vad-girimdra-rumdra-sikhara-sakti-samsthapita-sphatika-si(si) lastambha-baddha-madagajamahimahim-bhiramam Kidam [] bachakri-Mayuravarmma-maha-mahipala-kula-bhushanam permmatti-turyya-nirgghoshanam ["]dradhvaja-virkjamin-Setungs-sithalicha(chha)nath sakhacharen jaya-kiranam Kadambar-abharanam ma[0]rkkolvara gandam pratapa-marttandam nam-Avali-virajitar-appa sriman-mahamandaleevaram Pailapadevar=Bbanavase[] pannirchchasiramumam Hanumgall-ayntrumam (ma)n-aldu Eri-rajadhani-Partthapurada nelevidinal sukha-samka ["] tha-vinodadim rajyam-geyyuttam-ire Kam virajipa Kadamba-kulamam sale datt-artthi-kamchanam samara Asadri(dri)sa-rajya-sriyam vasisi [] perchchisuv-anvay-agatam tan-esedam dandadhinathan-Isvaramayyam || Aparimitaguna-ganam Kasyapa-gotram vipra-kula gal Tikimayyanath vasumatiyo! [...] lalamam daadadhipan-lavarayyan-ngrajar-upa" Bavananum Pati Santa-bhumipam Parvvati-s [] vallabhan-ishin-deyvam-itm-angane sat-sati Deba(va) kabbey krita-kri(kri)tyan-fevaray ya-chamupam || [] Pati-hitamam marpp-edegam satatam dharmm-abhivriddhiyam marpp-edegam hite Malliyakkanam gunavatiyam sat-sute [] yan-lavayyam padedah Pati Modirijan-esev-adhipati tah 8-Tail-bhumipa deyvam-Umapati-Hari-Bhaskara [""]r-endade [] Sarvvadhari-samvatsarada Herjjuggiya punnami Somavarad-andina subha-lagnadol Palambiy-erppattara baliya [] gramam Karagudurey-uttara-dig-bhagado! Sri-Samkaradevarumam Kesavadevarumam 18 Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read Panthipura. But there is certainly no Anuevdra in the first syllable. And as regards the second syllable, the th is below the line, and is distinct; and, though the upper part is damaged and is somewhat doubtful in the impression, I cannot but read it as rta. Also the comparison of Santivarma II. with Partha (Yudhishthira, Bhimasena, or Arjuna), in 11. 18 and 19, is decidedly a point in favour of Parthapura being the correct reading. 17 Two syllables are quite uncertain here. Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read upagaliga?; but it has no meaning as far as I can determine. satiyar Sri-Malliyakkanol-saman olare || Svasti Srimach-ChalukyaVikramavarshada 33neya Bhaskaradevarumam dandanaya [] kiti Malliyakkam pratishthe-geyd-a muvarum devar-amgabhogakkam nivedyakkam Tamaragerey-olag-ondu mattaru ga 18 The vowel f is shortened for the sake of the metre. 1 Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read Palamchiy-; but wrongly. 30 Sir Walter Elliot's copyist read nayakitti,-through thinking of the feminine affix gitti in okkalagitti, woman of the farmer caste', pataragitti, a dancing girl', kuntanigitti, a procuress', &c. But, if that affix were used here, we ought to have nayakagitti, not ndyakiti. The original is distinct, and as I give it, though it requires explanation, as the feminine form of nayaka is nayika or, in Caparese, nayakasdni.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [] rddeyuman- kereya kelag=a[y]nuru-marada tomtamumam sriman-mahamandalesvaram Tailapadevarum [] Sri-Padyamahadevi-Bichaladeviyarum-irddu kude padodu bittaru [1] Mangala maha-eri-sri [*] Translation. May the glorious Andhasuradhvamsi, 2-who is the cause of the generation of creation; and who is capable of preserving the earth,-protect the Lakshmi of the waterlily which is the family of the Kadambas!" Victorious is the form, which was that of a boar, that was manifested of Vishnu,-which troubled the ocean, and which had the earth resting upon the tip of its uplifted right-hand tusk! Reverence to him, the lord of day, whose self was the (source of the) production of the three worlds; reverence, reverence, to Bhaskara," whose form is (the embodiment of) all the gods! (L. 4.)-Hail! While the victorious reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalladeva, the asylum of the universe; the favourite of the world; the great king; the supreme king; the most worshipful one; the glory of the family of Satyasraya; the ornament of the Chalukyas, was flourishing with perpetual in crease, so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last : [*] Bopagadana maga Singagada bita (tta) kodevanamumam bita (tta)ru [*] [*] Nilakamta(tha) pamditadevara maga Bammapamditadevaru" [*] Sva-datta (tt)m para-datta (tta)m va yo hareti(ta) vasumdharam shashtir-(shtim) -vvarisha (varsha)-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih || (L. 5.) The lineage of the Kadambas was as follows:-Glorious was Sri-Mayuravarma, who, having been born to the glorious Sasankamauli and to the Earth, possessed the great fame of being considered the abode of the greatness of having conquered all the hostile kings. He bound his infuriated elephants to a shining pillar of a rock of crystal of (the mountain) Himavan, and he performed the sacrifices called aevamedha; and, having himself brought eighteen Brahmans in succession from Ahichchhatra and having established them in the radiant country of Kuntala, and having acquired prowess, Mayura varma was resplendent in the government of the earth. 21 Four or five letters are quite illegible here. 22 This is only a half line, and it appears to have been left unfinished. 33 Siva, as. the destroyer of the demon Andha or Andhaka. See note 10 above. 2 Bhaskara here is evidently simply the sun. But it 21 vura 253 mand-degeyuma (L. 10.)-From the glorious Mayuravar. made va,-who thus had his footstool coloured with the rays of the jewels in the diadems of all the hostile kings (who bowed down before him); who was established in dominion by a succession of seventy-seven thrones; who was invested with universal sovereignty over the lords of the earth which is stamped with a signet which is the ocean; and who was the sun of the white waterlilies of the family of the Kadambas,-(there was born) his son, Krishnavarmadeva. From him, his son, Nagavarmadeva. From him, his son, Vishnuvarmadevi. From him, his son, Mrigavarmadeva. From him, his son, Satyavarmadeva. From him, his son, Vijayavarmadeva. From him, his son. Jayavarmadeva. From him, his son, Nagavarmadeva. From him, his son, Santivarmadeva. From him, his son, Kirttivarmadeva. From him, his son, Adityavarmadeva. From him, his son, Chattayadeva. From him, his son. Jayavarmadeva. (L. 16.)-To that king Jaya varma, who was like king Pandu, there were born five sons, Mavulideva, Taila padeva, Santivarmadeva, Chokideva," and Vikra made va, who resembled Yudhishthira and the other sons of Pandu in valour, and who were the torches of the lineage of the Kadambas, which had come down more and more gloriously through him, and who pervaded (the whole world) with their prowess. (L. 18.)-Among them :-Glorious was SriSantivarma, the Partha of the Kaliyuga, in whom (there shone) the valour of Partha, and in whom the objects of (the life of) man shone sig ificantly on account of the natural coexistence of fame with him. is also a name of Siva, and the sun is one of the forms under which he is addressed in the Siva-Purana. His title of destroyer of the demon Andha or Andhaka, i. e. of the darkness,' must have originated from the same connection of ideas. 25 Siva, as bearing the moon on his forehead. 27 See note 15 above.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1881 (L. 20.)- To him, that abode of greatness, was the ornament of the Kadambas; he who who was himself the brilliant-orbed and was the punisher of those who resisted him ; most radiant sun of the pool of the white he who was a very sun of valour, "-was governwaterlilies of the family of the Kadambas, ing the Bana vas e Twelve-thousand and the Siriya devi herself, whose lovely face Hanungal Five Hundred, at his capital of was like the moon, and who was born in Sri-Partha pura," with the recreation of the family of the Pandyas, became queen; 1 pleasing conversations : and to them, amidst the praises of the world, (L. 32.)-Glorious was the Dandddhinatha was born the glorious Tailapa, a very Rama, Isvaramayya, who belonged to a lineage which so that there was happiness to them. His excellently augmented the family of the Kaspeech was truth; his behaviour was good con- dambas which, having inhabited the glory of a duct; his virtues were the happiness of all dominion which had no equal, was illustrious. people; his rising prowess was pastime with The elder brothers of Isvarayya, the Dandadhipa, the goddess of victory over the power of the -who was possessed of an unbounded quantity hostile kings who came to oppose him ; his of good qualities, who was of the Kasyapa gotra, thoughts were devotion to the waterlilies which and who was the ornament of a family of Brahare the feet of the god) Mrida; his strength de- mang-were .......... Tikimayya and voted itself to the crowds of those who applied Bavana. His lord was king Santa ; his tutelary for, protection, and the wealth that he acquired deity was Parvativallabha; his wife was the most resulted straightway in extraordinary pure virtuous Devakabbe ;--thus did the Cham upa fame :-(such was) the king Taila pa de va. Isvarayya accomplish his objects in the world. (L. 24.) Hail! While the glorious Maha. Isvarayya obtained an excellent daughter, Mallimandalesvara Taila pad e va, --who was de- yakka, who was so good a woman as to cause the corated with the titles of "the Mahamandalo ith the title of the Mahamandale. welfare of her husband, and always to cause the sraro who had attained the panchamahusabda; increase of religion. Since her husband was the supreme lord of Banavasi, which is the best Mediraja, her glorious sovereign was the king of cities; he who had acquired the excellent Sri-Taila himself, and her deities were Umapati favour of the god Jayanti-Madhukesvara ; he and Hari and Bhaskara, -are there any wives who had the perfume of musk; he who was the who are equal to Sri-Malliyakka P offspring of the god) Tryaksha and the earth; (L. 38.)-Hail! At the auspicious moment he who presided over eighty-four cities; he of Monday, the full-moon day called Herjuggio who had a (third) eye in his forehead; he of the Sarvadhari sajavatsara, which was the who was four-armed; he who was consecrated thirty-third year of the glorious Chalukyaby eighteen asvamedhas, famous in the world; Vikramavarsha,-the Dandandyakiti Mallihe who was charming by reason of his extreme yakka having established the god Sri-Sarkara greatness which consisted in his infuriated and the god Kesava and the god Bhaskara in elephants being bound to a column of crystal the northern portion of Karagudure, a set up by his might on the lofty*s summits village which was included in the Palambi of Himavan, the king of mountains; he who Seventy,--the glorious Mahamandalesvara was the ornament of the family of the great Taila padeva, and his Paudya queen Sriking Mayuravarma, the Kadamba emperor; he Bac halad e vi, both together acquired and who possessed the sounds of the musical instru- allotted, for the angabhoga and the nivedya of those ment called permatti; he who possessed the noble three gods, one mattar of rice-land in the village of signet of a lion, which was made resplendent the tank called) Tamaragere, and the garden-land by the banner of (Hanuman) the chief of of five hundred trees below that same tank. monkeys; he who gave gold to supplicants; he (L. 44.).-Singagada, the son of Bopagada, who was the cause of victory in war; he who . . . . . . . . . . . . . allotted the house-tax of the * Rundra. 90 See note 16 above. 30 Mr. V. R. Katti, corroborated by Mr. Santavirayya Rachideva Kittur, informs me that, though the name is but rarely used now, Herjuggi, or in its modern form Heijaggi, is at some places still known among the Lingayat cultivators as another name of the Sigi-hunnive or day of the full moon of the month Agvina,--and that the explanation of it is that on that day the cultivators prepare 4 huggi, or mess of boiled rice mixed with split pulse, salt, pepper, cammin seeds, &c. and, taking it to their fields, scatter it abroad in handfuls at every step (hejju). 51 Basiya.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.) READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. 255 village and a kodlevana." Bammapanditadeva, the son of Nilakanthapanditadeva ....... (L. 46.)-He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who takes away land that has been given, whether by himself, or by another! READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. (Continued from p. 121.) board of the carriage, close to the Raja's left hand. This instalment will be devoted to an examina- As the procession is moving at a slow pace, there tion of some of the Pillar Inscriptions. In would be no need to hold the reins. Further, another I hope to proceed with the inscriptions the three figures, passing through the gateway, on the coping stones. In the following remarks in the right-hand corner of the scene, are not I follow the order of the photographs in General " three followers, but the heads of two horses, Cunningham's work on the Bbarhut Stupa, and behind them is the head of the Raja himself. beginning with Plate xiii. This is expressly indicated by the second legend (10.) Of two inscriptions on the inner face Raja Pasenaji Kosalc, inscribed on the gateway; of the upper bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, moreover, turning to Plate xiv, the feet and on Plate xiii, right side, transcribed on Plate liv, forepart of the body of one of the horses may Nos. 39 and 40, and referred to on pp. 11, 90, be seen in the furthest corner of the uppermost 110, 111, 134,--one is read variously, as Bha- scene. In fact, this compartment contains two gavato dhama chakam, on pp. 11, 90, Bhagavato scenes: 1, a subordinate one, representing the dhamma chakam, on p. 110, and Bhagavato! departure of the Raja from his palace-gate; and dharma chakam, on p. 134. The other,--Raja 2, the principal one, representing the arrival of Pasenaji Kosalo, on pp. 90, 134, and raju Pase- the Raja with his retinue at the residence of naji Koralo, on p. 111. Letter for letter, the Buddha, which is indicated by the legend Blufirst is garato dhamachakasi inscribed on it. (a) Bhagavato dhamachakan (11.) An inscription, on the outer face of and the second the upper bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar; (b) Raj& Pasenaji on Plate xiii, left side, is transcribed on Plate Kosalo: liv, No. 28, and referred to on pp. 45, 115, or, as they should be in full, adding the double 120, 127, 134, where it is uniformly read bhaconsonants, Bhagavato dhammachakkasi-ingavato sakamunino bodhi. The actual letters Sanskrit Bhagavato dharmachakrani, i. e, "the of the legend are Wheel of the Law of the Blessed One," and the Bhagavatn Sakamunino other, Raja Pasenaji Kosalo, or in Sanskrit bodho. Rajd Prasenajit Kausalah, i. e., "King Prase- The letter 8 has no vowel sign (); and the najit of Kosala." vowel attached to dh is not i as in the tranThe scene is not quite correctly explained on script on Plate liv), but o. The absence of p. 91. The leader of the procession is not a the vowel a shows that the name must be footman, but a horseman; and he is not followed! read sakko, a regular Pali equivalent for the by one, but by two footmen. Again, I do not Sanskrit sakya ; one of the two k's, as usual, think that the charioteer is one of the three not being represented.' Bodho is a mere servants about the king, but, as usual, the RajA synonym of bodhi ; both mean properly "the himself, who sits in front; the position of the knowledge of a buddha" or "buddhaship"; servants behind the Raja would seem to make it whence, in a derivative sense, "the tree under impossible for any of them to drive. The reins, which buddhaship is attained." The usual however, are not represented as actually in the form, however, is bodhi; for which reason the hands of the Raja, but as fastened to the splash use here of the form bodho is worth noting. >> Apparently a hana or pana stamped with the device of an umbrella (kode). Or it might be Kosallo-Skr. Kausalyah. * The rule is to shorten long vowel before a double consonant. When the long vowel is to be preserved, the following conjunct consonant is dissolved, thus sdkiya, which is an actual alternative PAli form of the name, but it is not wed in the present omso.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Spelt fully and correctly, the inscription would run Bhagavato Sakkamunino bodho, or in Sanskrit Bhagavatah Sakyamuner bodhah, i. e., "the bodha-tree of the blessed Sakyamuni." The tree seems to be represented as standing within a circular colonnade. The curious action of the two persons who stand by the side of the tree and whom bad perspective has apparently placed in the air, I take to mean, that they are eating of the fruit of the tree. The latter is the pippala or the ficus religiosa, which bears small edible berries. The tree is represented as loaded with these berries. What General Cunningham has taken as the "tip of the tongue," is simply a berry which the man is holding with the thumb and forefinger of his left hand, in the act of putting it to his mouth. The action of "holding the tip of the tongue with the thumb and forefinger of the left hand" could hardly have any intelligible meaning, while the eating of the fruit of the bodhi tree may have been looked upon as a meritorious act; or it may have been part of the ceremonies of its worship, as seems to be indicated in the scene on Plate xvii, top. With their right hands the two persons do not seem to me to "raise garlands," as General Cunningham explains, but one end of their long scarf (or dupatta), with the object, apparently, of knocking off berries from the higher branches of the tree. The same action may be seen in the upper scene on Plate xvii. That the object is the usual scarf which was generally worn "thrown over the shoulders with the ends hanging down outside the thighs" may be seen from the fact that it can be traced from the right hand of the figure down behind his back, then over the left arm or left shoulder, whence the other end hangs down. And this is confirmed by the fact that the texture of the scarf is quite different from that of the real garlands, which are shown in the hands of the two flying creatures and between the branches of the tree. (12.) Two inscriptions, in the intermediate space, below the last-mentioned scene (No. 11), [SEPTEMBER, 1881. unfortunately are imperfectly preserved and only partially legible, in consequence of the stone having been broken right across them. Accordingly they are partly on Plate xiii, partly on Plate xiv. They are transcribed on Plate liv, Nos. 29 and 30, and transliterated on p. 134 as-Purathimapusa sudha vasa deva, and -Utaram disatuni savatanisisa; but no explanation is given. The actual letters of the two legends, however, are, of the firstPurathima [di]sa sudhavasu de[va], (a) and of the second, (b) Utaram disa [tini sa]vatani sisa[i] 3 In the bottom-scene of the same Plate xvii, the two persons are apparently represented in the act of distributing the sacred berries among the worshippers. In the left hand they hold cups made of the long pointed leaves of the tree (the well-known leaf-cups or donas of the present day), and filled with berries; with the right they throw handfuls of them among the worshippers. In that scene, as well as in the middle-scenes of Plates xiii and xvii, the two persons are represented as flying, whence it appears probable that they are intended to represent Supannas The letter di of the first legend is broken in two; but it is quite distinctly di, not pu; moreover, a comparison with the second legend and with a third, which I shall presently notice, makes the reading di absolutely certain. The last letter va is not quite distinct, but it looks more like va than anything else. In the second legend, the three letters ti ni sa, which are broken across, are rather indistinct, except the tops which are quite clear, and from which it is certain that the first letter is ti, not tu. After sisu one letter is lost, owing to a splinter having been chipped off the stone; but there are indications of the former existence of a letter here which, as will be seen presently, must be ni, as required by the context. Supplying the defective double consonants and anusvaras, the two inscriptions will be as follows: (a) Puratthiman disam suddhavasa deva, or in Sanskrit Purastiman disam buddhavasa devah, i. e., "to the eastern (or right-hand) side (are) the gods of the pure abode." And (b) Uttaram disam tini samvattani sisani, or in Sanskrit uttaram disam trini samvartuni sirshani, i.e., "to the northern (or upper) side (are) three heads turned towards each other." It will be observed that the long vowel of tini and sisani, as well as the long a of samvattani are not distinguished. Also that tini ought to be tini (with cerebral ?), and that the final anusvara (see note 4) in human form. This would account, in the present scene, for their eating of the fruit and for their apparently standing in the air. These winged creatures, I suppose, are the Supannas or Garudas, a kind of semi-divine birds, who, like the Nagas or semi-divine serpents, could assume the human form. The wings in one case, and the serpent's hood in the other, indicate them in their human guise. This phonetic Sanskrit equivalent is not in actual use.

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10 a. * + PA DY & VP TEUNI FUJ 10 b. 521-50F 15c. hr yr kh nm 5551 14. 13. lnkhh h khr tkhh 11-351 A.F. R. Hoernie. BHARHUT INSCRIPTIONS. 13885 JPK 17. 11. H^b^~+857 UJ 15a. 162. DIUTINTE HASTOST Scale-Half the originals. 12 a. 410085040 bezb 8270405 77272.147 TSY + TP YLTS PTK 12b. ONINE 15b. ./k OCHOT 16b. DIUINIE 18. the+

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READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. SEPTEMBER, 1881.] is omitted in disam (twice) and purathimam; but in Pali (as well as in Prakrit) some license is permitted in the use of the cerebral ? and the final anusvara. For the rest the two sentences are grammatically and orthographically correct.' In order to explain the meaning of these two enigmatical sentences, it is necessary first to examine a third inscription, which evidently forms, with the other two, a distinct set; viz., (13.) An inscription, on Plate xiv, left side, in the intermediate space, above the theatrical scene in the bottom compartment of Plate xv, is transcribed on Plate liv, No. 31, and read on p. 134 as-Dakhini disa chhaki mavam cha rasahasani. But the actual letters are: Dakhinam disa chha kamavacharasa hasani, and the words should be so divided. Adding the necessary complements, the correct reading would be-Dakkhinam disamh chha kamavacharassa hassani, or in Sanskrit-Dakshinam disam shat kamavacharasya hasyani, i. e., "to the southern (or lower) side (are) six amusements of the pleasure-world." In dakkhinam there is another instance of the lax use of the dental n, instead of the cerebral; the regular form being dakkhinam. That this inscription refers to the scene of amusements immediately below it, is, of course, at once evident, and that it is closely related to the two previously noticed inscriptions is very probable from the fact of their containing notices of direction (south, north, east). Now the scene below the present inscription contains 13 figures, all female, except one little boy, and they form three distinct groups. On the right-hand side there are four Apsarases (or goddesses) engaged in dancing; on the upper left-hand side there are three sitting figures, turning their heads towards each other, and engaged either in singing or, perhaps, in gambling. On the lower left-hand side there are six figures, of whom five are sitting and playing on various instruments, while the sixth (the little boy) is dancing in imitation of the Apsarases. The agreement of these three groups with the three inscriptions See Kahn, Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik, pp. 87, 57, and my edition of Chanda's Prakrita Lakshanamh, p. xxx and sutra ii, 15. That is, according to the usual rules of orthography in such monumental inscriptions. The kamavachara as well as the suddhavasa mentioned in No. 12 are technical terms of the Buddhist Cosmogony; see Spence Hardy's Manual of Budhism, pp. 3, 30, 261, and Childers' Pali Dictionary, sub voce. The Buddhists enumerate six kinds of amusements; viz., dancing, singing, beating of drums, gambling, clapping of 257 will be seen at once; and there can be no doubt that the object of the legends really is to explain in detail the three groups of the amusement scene over which they are inscribed. The two first inscriptions are, it is true, somewhat removed from the groups to which they refer ; but the object in placing the inscriptions was evidently to arrange them so as to indicate by their very position the directions and the groups to which they refer. A comparison of the position of the inscriptions with the position of the groups in the scene will at once show this. This amusement-scene appears to have been a particular object of attention to the waggish monks of the Bharhut vihara, for not less than eight distinct inscriptions are devoted to it alone, and all its details are elucidated with evident relish. Before proceeding to the others, therefore, I shall conclude the examination of the series of these legends. (14.) The inscription, in the intermediate space, below the amusement-scene, on Plate xv, left side, is transcribed on Plate liv, No. 32, and read on page 29 as-Sadikasam madam turam devanam, where no explanation is given. But on page 134 it is read as-Sadika sammadan turam devanam, and the phrase sadika devanam is there said to mean "praises of the gods." I do not understand how sadika should come to mean "praises"; but the inscription is not without difficulties, and I am unable to offer an altogether satisfactory interpretation. Letter for letter the inscription runs : Sadikasammadam turam devana, where the only correction required is turan for turain; but, as already noted, the length of the vowels and is not usually indicated. The word sadika, I take to be a somewhat irregularly formed equivalent of the Sanskrit sataka, "a kind of dramatic performance" applicable to the dancing of the Apsarases. 10 Sammada is both an adjective "gay," and a substantive "gaiety;" but as the latter is masculine, the word must here be an adjective, agreeing hands. See Hardy's Manual of Budhism, p. 494. But it is clear that the number six of the inscription refers to the six figures and not to these six amusments, some of which are not at all represented in the scene. 10 The termination aka and the surd have a tendency to change to ika and d respectively. See Kuhn's Beitrage, pp. 22 and 39; and my Prakrita Lakshana, pp. xiv, xxvi, sutra iii, 12. Mr. Tawney suggests to me the Skr. sarika, "gambling with dice," which would also give a good sense, though the interchange of d and r, would be unusual.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1881. with turaiit and forming a compound with sadika. Tiram is the Sanskrit turyani "musical instru- ment," "music." The whole would then mean "the music of the gods, gay with dancing." But it does not quite satisfy me. The three words sadika, samada and tura might respectively refer to the three groups of dancers, singers, and players on instruments. That the inscription refers to the amusement-scene below which it stands is, of course, unquestionable. 15. Four Inscriptions on the outer face of the lower bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, on Plate xv, left side, are transcribed on Plate liv, Nos. 33-36, and referred to on pp. 29 and 134. At the latter place they are read-Misakosa achhari; Alambusa achhard; Padumavati achhara; and Subhada achhard. In the former, sudasana is given instead of Padumavati; also Misakosi, Subhada and Alambusa. The actual readings are : (a) Misakesi achhard, or in full, Missa kesi achchhard. There is a slight production of the horizontal line of the vowel e to the right beyond the perpendicular line of the k, which at first sight looks like the vowel o; as if the word were Misalcosi; but I have no doubt that this is owing to an accidental slip of the mason's chisel. Its Sanskrit equivalent is Misrakesi apsara, i.e., "the Apsaras Misrakesi." (b) Alan busa achhard, or, in full, Alaribusa achchhard ; in Sanskrit Alambusha apsara, i.e., "the Apsaras Alambush." (c) Padumavati achhara, or, in full, Padumavati achchhara, in Sanskrit Padmavati apsard, i.e., "the Apsaras Padma on Plate xiv, left side, are transcribed on Plate liv, Nos. 41 and 42, and referred to on pp. 11, 27, 134, 135, where they are read Erapato naga raja bhagavato vandate and Erapato ndga raja respectively. The former is spelt on the stone thus : (a) Erapato nagaraja bhagavato vadate. The last word, of course, is vandate (or vandate); the anusvara being, as usual, omitted. It means : "Airapata the Serpent-King worships the Blessed One." In Sanskrit it would be Aird vato nagaraja bhagavantan: vandate. The genitive bhagavato is noticeable. Usually the verb vand takes in Pali, as in Sanskrit, the accusative of the object of worship; but according to a general Pali rule the genitive may occasionally be substituted for the accusative; of this nsage the present case is an example. There are two more points of interest in this inscription. In the first place, the preservation of the atmanepada form vandate is noteworthy; in the ordinary Pali, as a rule, only parasmaipada forms are used;" the former practice agrees with the old Prakrit of Chanda. In the second place, the form of the name Erdpato for the Sanskrit Airavatah, with the very unusual change of a sonant into a surd, is noticeable. Another instance of this occars in the name Kupiro, for Sanskrit Kuberah or Kuverah, on Plate xxii, No. 1. In the old Hindi of Chand, the name appears in the mongrel form Airapati. The other inscription reads (b) Erapato (na]garaja. The letter nd is not legible; it being exactly on the line of breakage of the stone; one-half of the inscription is on Plate xv. Correctly spelt, the legend would run Erapato nagaraja, in Sanskrit Airavato nagaraja, i.e., "AirAvata, the Serpent-king." The explanation of the scene is correctly given on p. 27, with one exception. The three figures behind the kneeling king are not "a Nags and two Nagnis," but king Airavata himself, accompanied by two (Naganl) wives ; this is shown by the fiveas an example, sfmadharassa varisde, i. e., "I worship the mark-bearer." To construe the sentence elliptically as Gen. Cunningham does, supplying "feet of" or "bodhitree of" is bardly admissible. 15 See Kachchayana (ed. Senart), p. 268; Kuhn's Beitrage, p. 98. 18 See my edition of the Prakrita Lakshana, p. lii. 11 Other examples will be found in Kuhn's Beitrage, p. 40. See Prithiraj Rasau, canto xxvii, verse 2. Vati." (d) Subhada achhara, or, in full, Subhadda achchhard, in Sanskrit - Subhadra apsard, i. e., "the Apsaras Subhadra." 16. Two inscriptions on the inner face of the middle bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, 11 Curiously enough, the photograph reads tarar, the long & being invisible, though, on the stone, it is as distinct as the rest of the word. * This is not included among the facsimiles on the accompanying plate. 13 On p. 11 naga raja, on p. 27 nagaraja.. * See Kachchiyana (ed. Senart) p. 156, sutts 38. The same usage obtains in Prekrit; see Hemacbandra (ed. Pischel), p. 98, sutra ii, 134, where the verb vand is given

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS. 259 booded snake-canopy over his head, as well as latter name is isidatta ; so on one of the rails of by the inscription-Erapato nagarajd below the South Gate (Isidattasa danan, p. 140, No. him. In fact, the scene represents three 15). As a rule, the Sanskrit form datta "given" events; first, in the upper part of the com- is preserved in Pali names; still there are occapartment, the king appears in his five-hooded sional instances of names made with the Pali serpent-form attended by two wives, in the act form dinna; e. g., Sudinno and Dhammadinna of departure to see Buddha ; next, in the lower in Jatakani (ed. Fausbull) p. 39. Branaka is a right-hand corner, the king with his two wives is Buddhist term for a preacher or tutor. Between represented as arriving near Buddha's residence the letters na and sa of dinasa there is a curious and having regained his human form; lastly, mark, which does not seem to have been hitherto in the lower left-hand corner, the king is shown noticed. If read in the same position as the in his own human form humbly and gratefully inscription, it exactly resembles an Arian Pali kneeling in adoration of Buddha. Each time he v (7); or, if read in the opposite position, it is identified by the five hoods of the naga-form. may be an Indian Pali u (L). It is probably & (17.) Another inscription, also on the inner mason's mark, like the other Arian Pali letters face of the middle bas-relief of the South Gate which have been noticed by General Cunningham Pillar, given on Plate xiv, left side, is transcribed (p. 8 and Plate viii). on Plate liv, No. 27, and given on p. 134 as (18.) An inscription, on the side of the Aya Isadinasa bhanakasa danam, and translated middle bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, on "gift of the reverend Isadina of Bhanaka"; Plate xiv, middle, is transcribed on Plate liv, No. which, on the whole, is correct. Letter for 37, and on p. 134 read-Kadariki, or rather, as letter the inscription is : it should be Aya Isidinasa Bhanakasa danan, Kadariki. or, in full, Ayya Isidinnassa Bhdnakassa ddnan, | It is inscribed over two figures, one male, the or in Sanskrit-Aryasya Rishidattasya Bhana. other female, and would seem to be the name kasya dunaik, i. e., "the gift of the venerable of the woman. In full it should probably be read Isidinna, a preacher." That is, the stone Kandariki or Kandariki, Sanskrit Kandariki. bearing the sculpture of AirAvata was given There is & Sanskrit male name Kandarik a. by Isidinna. The more usual form of the (To be continued.) Sing. THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS. BY REV. J. CAIN. (Continued from vol. VIII, p. 221.) Pressure of work and ill-health have prevent Plural. ed me from sending this article before, and also Of a father Tappen Tapperenu from making it as complete as I had hoped Father (accus.) Tappeni Tappereni to do. At present I simply give a bare sketch To a father Tappeniki Tapperiki of the Koi language as spoken round Dom- By a father Tappenaske Tapperenaske magudem, but hope to be able at some future From a father Tappenagada Tapperenagada time to discuss its relation to other languages. With a father Tappenito Tappereto Its connection with the Gond is very apparent, In a father Tappenaga Tapperenaga and also the influence of its neighbour Telugu. Tree Mara Maraku or Marangu This latter will account for many of the Of a tree Marate Markangu irregularities, which would probably disappear Tree (acc.) Maranu Marakini in the language spoken by the Kois living To a tree Maratki Maraku farther away from the Telugu country. By a tree Marataske Maratkunchi DECLENSION OF Nouns. From a tree Maratagada Maratkunchi Sing. Plural. With a tree Maratato Marakato Father Tappe Tappero In a tree Marate Martkivite * Or possibly dishnasa, if the indistinct mark before na is meant for an anusara.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1887. Sing Plural. Cow Goddu Godku Of a cow Goddine Godkinto Cow (acc.) Goddunu Godkin To a cow Goddinki Godkinki By a cow Goddinivalla Godkinivalla From a cow Goddini Godkinunchi With a cow Goddinito Godkinito In & cow Goddinilo Godkinilo House Lonu Lohakku or Lonku of a house Lotaska Lohakkinaska House (aco.) Lotini Lohakkini To a house Lotiki Lohakkiniki By a house Lotivalla Lohakkinivalla From a house Lotinunchi Lohakkininunchi With a house Lotito Lohakkinito In a house Lotelo Lohakkinilo Plough Nagali Nagalingu Of a plough Nagalitaska Nagalinganaska Plough (acc.) Nagalitini Nagalinu To a plough Nagalitiki Nagalikinki By a plough Nagaltivalla Nagalinivalla From a plough Nagaltinunchi Nagalininunchi With a plough Nagaltito Nagalinit: In a plough Nagaltelo Nagalinilo PRONOUNS. Inclusive. Exclusive. Nanna Mannada Mamma My NA Manaska Maska Me Nanna Mana Mamma To me Naki Manaki Maki By me Neyagga Managga Mayagga Near me Nayagga Managga Mayagga Thou Nimma Miru Thy Thee Mimmunu To thee Niku Miku By thee Niyagga or nikaide Near thee Niyagga Miyagga He Oru His Ori Him Orini To him Oniki Oriki By him Onikaide Orikaide Near him Onagga Oridagga He (this one) Vindu Viru Who Benondu Benoru NUMERALS. One Orroti Two Rendu Three Mundu The higher numerals used are all Telugu forms. ADJECTIVES. Sweet Tiyyanga Straight Saya Bitter Kalute Crooked Vanku Long Podugutada High Gokodi Short Guttodi Low Vaya Salt Uvvoriga Wide Velputada Red Erranga Strait Orikidi White Tellanga Thin Sannatadu Pretty Tsak kanga Green Passatadu Ugly Udavavaho Ripe Kammanada Ripened Pandtadu POSTPOSITIONS. Above Porro To above Porrotiki Below Idupo To below Idupotiki Outside Baida To outside Baidiki VERBS. Indicative Mood. Present Tense. I am doing. I go or am going. 8.1 Tungoruminnanu 1 Dayoruminnanu 2 Tungoruminnint 2 Dayoruminnini 3 m. Tungoruminnonda 3 m. Dayoruminnondu 3 n. Tungoruminne 3 n. Anjoruminde P. 1 Tungoruminnkma 1 Dayoruminn mu 2 Tungoruminniri 2 Daydruminniri 3 m. Tungoruninnoru 8 m. Day4ruminnoru 3 n. Tungoruminne 3 n. Anjoruminde Past Tense. I did. I went. s. 1 Tungitini 1 Dayuntini 2 Tungitivi 2 Dayatini, dayuntivi 3 m. Tungitondu S m. Dayuntitondu 3 n. Tungite 3 n. Atte P.1 Tungitamu 1 Dayuntimi 2 Tangitfri 2 Dayuntfri 3 m. Tungutora 3 m. Dayuntitoru 3 n. Tungite 3 n. Atte Future Tense. I shall do. I shall go. 8.1 Tungitanu 1 Dayatanu 2 Tungitini 2 Dayatini 3m. Tongitondu 3 m. Dayatondu 3 n. Tungite 3 n. Dayate P.1 Tungutamu 1 Dayatamu 2 Tungitiri 2 Dayatfri 3 m. Tungitoru 3m. Dayatoru 3 n. Tungite 3 n. Dayate Conditional Mood. If I do. If I go. S. 1 ) 1 > 2 Tangataske 2 Dayatanaske 3 m. 3m. S 3 n. Tunganaske 3 n. Dayanaske P.1 ) 1 2 Tangataske 2 Dayatanaske 3 m. 3m.) 3 n. Tunganaske 3 n. Dayanaske NI MI Nimms Onda Onagga Oni

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261 SEPTEMBER, 1881.] THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS. 2 Kavuttini Imperative Mood. Do. Go: S. 2 Tungati 8.2 DAyati P. 2 Tungati P. 3 Dayati Indicative Mood. Present Tense. I am coming. I am talking. 8.1 Varrasoruminnan 1 Tirvoruminnanu 2 Varrasoruminnini 2 Tirvoruminnini 8m. Varrasoruminnondu 3 m. Tirvoruminnonda 3 n. Vasoruminde 3 n. Tirvoruminde P. 1 Varrasoruminnamu 1 Tirvoruminnemu 9 Varrasoruminniri 2 Tirvoruminniri 3m. Varrasoruminnoru '3 m. Tirvoruminnoru Sn. Vasorumina 3 n. Tirvoruminna Past Tense. I came. I talked. s. 1 Vaitana 1 Tiritatna 2 Vaitini 2 Tirittini 3m. Vaitondu 3 m. Tirittonda 3n. Vatte 3 n. Tiritte P. 1 Vaitama 1 Tirittama 2 Vaitiri 2 Tirittfri 3 m. Vaitoru 3 m. Tirittora Sn. Vattan 3 n. Tirittanga Future Tense. I shall come. I shall talk. 8.1 Vaita na 1 Tiritgatana 9 Vaitini 2 Tirittini 3 m. Vaitonda 3 m. Tirittondu 3 n. Vaite 3 n. Tiritte P.1 Vaitamu 1 Tiritgattamu 2 Vaitiri 2 Tvittfri 3 m. Vaitoru 3 Tirittora 3 n. Vaitangu 3 n. Tirutango Conditional Mood. If I come. If I talk. 2 Varranaske 2 Tiriyanaske 3 m.) 3 n. Vattaske Tiriyanatte If we come. If we talk. Varranaske Tiriyanaske 8 m.) 3 n. Vattaske 3 n. Tirutaske Imperative Mood. Sing. Varrati Tiriya or Tiriyati Plur. Varrati Tiriyati Indicative Mood. Present Tense. I am laughing. I an dancing. 8.1 KausoruminnAnu 1 Karsoruminnanu 2 Kausoruminnini 2 Karsoruminnini 3 m. Kausoruminnondu 3m. Karsoraminnondu 3 n. Ksusoruminde 3 n. Karsoruminde I am laughing. I am dancing. P. 1 Kanedruminnema 1 Karsoruminn mu 2 Kacsoruminnfri 2 Karsoruminniri 3 m. Kausoruminnoru 3 m. Karsoruminnoru 3 n. Kausoramanango 3 n. Karsorumanang Past Tense. I laughed. I danced. s.1 Kavuttana 1 Karastana 2 Karastini 3 m. Kavuttonda. 3 m. Karastondu Sn. Kavudite 3 n. Karaste P.1 Kavuttamu 1 Karstamu 2 Kavuttiri 2 Karistimi 3 m. Kavuttoru 3 m. Karustoru 3 n. Kavuttangu 3 n. Karastangu Future Tense. I will laugh. I will dance 8.1 Kaviditana 1 Karisitana 2 Kariditini 2 Karisitini 3 m. Kaviditonda 3 m. Karisitondu 3 n. Kavudite 3 n. Karisite P.1 Kavudutamu 1 Karisitamu 2 Kavudatiri 2 Karisitiri 3 m. Kaviditoru 3 m. Karisitoru 3 n. Kaviditanga 3 n. Karisitangu Conditional Mood. If I laugh. If I dance. 1 Sing, and Plural. 1 Sing and Pland. 3 m. Kavidinaske 3 m. Karsanaske 3 n. 3 n. Imperative Mood. S. 2 K&vva S. 2 Karsa P. 2 Kavvati P. 2 Karsati 1 ) 8.1 COD 3 n. 19 OCOCO Indicative Mood. Present Tense I sing. I give. 8.1 PAdoruminnanu i soruminnanu 2 Padoruminnini 2 Isoruminnini 3m. Padoruminnondu 3m. Isoruminnu 3 n. Padoruminne 3 n. Isoruminde P. 1 P&coruminnanu 1 Isoruminnamu 2 Padoruminniri 2 Isoruminniri 3m. Padoruminnoru 3m. Isoruminnoru 3 n. Padoruminne 3 n. 18orumannango Past Tense. I gave. 3.1 Paditini 1 Ittana 2 Paditini 2 Ittini 3m. Paaitondu 3 m. Itto 3 n. Padite 3 n. Itte | P.1 Paditimi 1 Ittama 2 Paditiri 2 Ittiri 3m. Paditoru 3m. Ittoru 3 n. Padite 3 n. Ittango I sang.

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262 S. 1 I will sing. Paditana Paditini 2 3m. Paditondu 3 n. Padite P. 1 2 3m. Paditoru 3 n. Padite 1 2 Paditamu Paditiri 3 m. 3 n. Sing. Dadati Plur. Padati S. 1 2 If I sing. Sing. and Plur. Padinaske I ate. Tittana Tittini Future Tense. 3 m. Tittondu 3 n. Titte P. 1 Tittamu Tittiri 2 3 m. Tittoru 3 n. Tittango Conditional Mood. I will eat. Tintana Tintini S. 1 2 3 m. Tintondu 3 n. Tinte 1 P. 1 Tint&mu Tintiri 2 3 m. Tintoru 3 n. Tintangu 2 Itini 3m. Itondu 3 n. Ite 1 2 Imperative Mood. Sing. Imu Plur. Imati Indicative Mood. Present Tense. I drink. I eat. Tinjoruminnanu 1 S. 1 Upujoruminnanu Tinjoruminnini 2 Unujoruminnini 2 3 m. Tinjoruminnondu 3 m. Unujoruminnondu 3 n. Tinjoruminde 3 n. Unujoruminde Tinjoruminnamu 1 Unujoruminnamu P. 1 2 Tinjoruminnfri 2 Upujoruminniri 3 m. Tinjoruminnoru 3 m. Unujoruminnoru 3 n. Tinjorumannango 3 n. Unujorumannago Past Tense. Sing. and Plur. 3m. Itoru 3 n. Itango 1 1 2 1 I will give. Itana Future Tense. Itamu Itiri 2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 2 3 m. 3 n. 1 2 1 If I give. Sing. and Plur. Ittaske 3 m. Uttondu 3 n. Utte 1 Uttamu Uttiri 2 3 m. Uttoru 3 n. Uttango I drank. Uttanu Uttini 3 m. Uttondu 3 n. Unujoruminde I will drink. Undukouu Undikini T 2 2 3 m. Tinnanastaske. 3 m. 3n. 3 n. Conditional Mood. If I eat. 3 m. Undukoru 3 n. Unujorumango Undukomu Undikiri If I drink. Sing. and Plur. Undanatkaske. Sing. Tinu. Plur. Tinati. S. 1 I am. Minnuu Minnini 3 m. Minnondu 3 n. Minde 2 P. 1 Minnamu Minniri 2 3 m. Minnoru 3 n. Mannango S. 1 2 P. 1 Mattini Mattini 3 m. Mattondu 3 n. Mante 2 3 m. Mattoru 3 n. Mantte Mattanmu Mattiri 1 2 &c. Imperative Mood. Sing. Unnu. Plur. Unnati Indicative Mood. Present Tense. 8. 1 Mandakonu Mandakini 2 3 m. Mandakondu 3 n. Mante. P. 1 Mandakomu 2 Mandaktri 3 m. Mandakoru 3 n. Mantangu Sing. Manda Plur. Mandati To eat To drink To come To go To stand To walk To run To sleep To dream I have (Impersonal). 1 2 3 m. 8 n. 1 2 3 m. 3 n. Past Tense. 1 2 [SEPTEMBER, 1881. 3 m. 3 n. 1 2 1 2 Minde 3 m. 3 n. Future Tense. Minde Matte Matte To see .To hear To tell To descend Diganadu To do To place To turn Mandukoru 3 m 3 n. 1 2 3 m. 3 n. Conditional Mood. 1 Mandanatku 2 Mattunaske 3&c. Imperative Mood. Mandukoru Tinnanda To consent Baki armiUndanadu to pay a mannanaVadanadu du debt Dayanadu To chip away Ekkanadu Nilichiman- To root up Pikanadu nanadu To take Tisanadu Dayanadu To wander Uddanadu Mirranadu To laugh Kavudanadu Unjanadu To cry Adadanadu Avukanadu Tannanadu Kalagans. To kill kanadu To strike Udanadu To fell Kanjanadu To drive Kettaanadu To sell Narakanidu Vatanadu To collect Uhudinadu Tolanadu Ammanadu Tunganadu Kuppuvata nadu

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.) THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS. 263 To fall Ardanadu To draw Saganada I do not want these I verki naku akkarille To shut Mutstsanadu To buy Asanadu I sticks. To rub Rasanadu To exchange MArtsanadu I will go to work after Nanna gode tittapayya To plough Udadanadu To worship Matkanadu eating my food. paniki daitana. To cut Koyadanadu To mount Tarranadu He does not like bathing. Een anndanandi ondili To squeeze Piranadu To cross Datanadu ishtamille To tie Tohidanada To weave Allanadu This is not my work. Indu na pani ayyo. He said that if he went Manatdtivatku kali ADVERBS, &c. with us I will give him itaninjore ondu naku Where Begga Payya wages. kettondu. Here Igga How much Betstsa Although much rain has Vana baga vatkukanaThere Agga Thus much Atsu fallen we cannot koni uddaloda. When Beppode Very Bana plough. At intervals Aste aste Because you have done i lane nanini tungatku thus to me I will beatninini tannitina. + SENTENCES. you, In the way he spoke to Ondu hela taritonda allThere 18 not Ille It is not Ayyo me in that I answered gane oniki zavabu itThere are not Illoru They are not Ayyora him. tana. I ploughed this field. Nanna f chenu odtenu. He helped me to walk. Having taken ten cows Nanna onagga padi god. Nanna naddanattu safrom him I gave him ku tisimandi vantki hayamu tungatondu. We cannot take the Viru tette bandi dum. this ground instead. badala i nela ittana. bandy which they If you come again I will Nimma malli vadanatku matehoda. brought. talk to you. nitoti kirigitana. The child which my Na anna portite pilla If you sell that which Nimma tastedanini am elder brother brought you have bought you utku niki ekkuva pa dollotte. up is dead. will gain a great deal. luralaite. The ground which you Miru udte neli manchi The man who is going Vindu sahayamutun. ploughed is not good dayyo. to assist is my younger gana manushundu na When that cow comes Agoddu malli vadanaske brother. tammudu. again, seize it. dinini poyumu. The road which you Mtru vatte arrikalku I will not do the work Ondu ketti pani nanna came is a rough one. bata minna. which he told me. tungonu. We became well after A mattu uttupayya baga You may give these torn Buyangite guddangu drinking that medi- partoma. clothes to poor people. bidoriki idavala. cine. If you are put in prison Ninini khaidini vattku The house which I built Nanna tuhante lonu who will release you ? vidipintsanondru be- is burnt. Vegette. nondo? Who are those who came. Vattora benoru. No one can do it except- Oniniki tappa inka beno- Behold, the cat has re- Oro verkadi malli vatte. ing him. ru tungalora. turned. If you ascend that hill A metta tetarku betsteu Which is that which Miru itadu vodu P how far can you see P durami uditfri. you gave . Having collected these I rdliatte Akangu kuppa What is the work which Ondu tungite pani fallen leaves burn them. vati podisivata. he did P batadi? Where'is he going? Begga anjoriminnondu P If you look at this it Idi udktuku b&ga manda Who are here P l gga benoru mantoru ? By what road did you Beni arri miru igga would be well porubonu. come.P vattirip These were blown away Ivvu galtiki todittavu. There is no one there. Agga benoru illoru by the wind. When did that horse A' gurramu beppode As I was coming home Nanna lonu varaporu come P vatte. a tiger fell upon me, nannanga poru duvva I have just obtained it. Injana naki dorikite. and bit me severely. arasinanine baga It rains at intervals. Vana aste aste vaporu. kachchite. minde. Do you want an iron Niku inupa pette kavale I will never do that work. Beppodtiki & pani tun box or a wooden one P ille mara pette kavale ! gona. Any will suit. Bedatkana sare.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1881. What proofs can you Miru moptine ratki beni give of the accusations ruzuvalu agapardi- you have brought sitfri Can he do all this P Ondu idi anta kinga. tonda P How much hire do you f teki marangu naranwant to cut down andanaku betstu kali these teak trees p i davale P If you do not give it, it Nimma ittenagone adi will not be obtained. dorko. I will give you as many Nimma betstska pasingu fruits as you give me. itivo atsuku niku malli itana. How many oxon did he Betstsuku konangu buy? astondu ? He begs from me in Nanna ittakoddi ondu proportion to my giv- talaporumirno. I know that they have Oru tattorindore naku come, nevertheless I tellite atkana namma will not go near them. oragga annon. A great storm arose just A pinnumu kabachchi as we had buried that va tatamutote pedda body. gali vatte. She died after bearing Addu aidava pilla atthe fifth child. taske dolliatte. There is no necessity Onitoti tiriandiki naku for me to talk to him. bata pani ille. As they were crossing Sangodte porru a vangu that nallah ona san- datorumananga oru gudi they sank. munigiattorn. It is very heavy there. Idu pana baravu minde fore it will not float. atkadelo. The blight has attacked A zonna chendiki katike that cholam field. .poitte. What do you know? Niku telitte P He did not say even a Onda natoti orro ma word to me. If you come or they Oranna miranna vatku come, all right. sare. After I have walked so Ichcho ddramu nadta great a distance will payya mfru naku bata you give me nothing P ina ivira ? ing. These villagers have Inati noru tedimiritor. gone away, they say. alle I was not there when I gudise Vesattakadi this shed was burnt. nanna illana. If you do not give up Nimma & lenga iyyaku that calf a great blow niku manchi debba will befall you. tagilite. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 242.) XI. It will be very little diminished." This someWhen Wang Khan received the list of what enigmatical message doubtless conveyed grievances indited by Chinghiz Khan, as a threat. Palladius says it seems to hint that I have described, we are told in the Yuan-ch'ao- Chinghiz Khan in his young days lived with pi-shi that he reproached himself, and cutting | Wang Khan.' his little finger with a knife, be filled a little Chinghiz also sent a message to his relabirch-bark vessel with the blood, and said, "If tives, Altan and Khujer or Khuchar. "I do not I in future do my son, Temujin, any harm know why you determined to desert me. Khachar, may I be cut to pieces," and with these words you as the son of Nikuntaishi,' would have he gave the blood to the envoys, who brought boen made ruler of our people, but that you it to Chinghiz. refused it." "Altan, your father, the Khan KhuThe latter now sent a bitter message to tula, once ruled, and the people therefore wished Chamukha. "Out of envy and malice you to make you their Khan, but you refused. The have sown discord between the Khan my father sons of Bartan, Sachs and Taichu were and me," he said. "In former days it was senior branches of the family, but they also reoustomary for the one who was op first to fused. By general consent you elected me Khan drink mare's milk ont of the father's (Wang against my own wish. Now that you have Khan's) green cup. I alway rose early and deserted me, pray, help Wang Khan diligently, in consequence you hated me. You may now but don't begin a business which you cannot drink out of the full green cup of our father. complete, and thus secure the people's hatred for Perhape jade cup is meant. Op. cit., note 320. Nikuntaishi wa Yesaugei's elder brother, No Khuchar had better clains to the throne than his cousin Temajin. See Palladias, note 823. * Altan was cousin to Chinghiz Khan's father. * Sachs and Taichu were not sons of Bartan, bat sons of Khutukhta-Jurki, son of Ukin Barkhakb, Bartan's elder brother, and had therefore also superior claims to the latter's descendants.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. SEPTEMBER, 1881.] yourselves. Trust in Temujin, for you cannot do without him. Defend to the last the sources of the three rivers, and do not let any one occupy them." To Toorin, otherwise called Tooril, whom he addressed as brother, he said, "I call you brother because in former times Tunbina' and Charakhailinkhu had a slave called Okhda, and Okhda had a son called Subegai, who had a son Kokochakirsaan, who had a son Yegaikhuantokhar, who was thy father. For the sake of whom are you flattering Wang Khan. If Altan and Khuchar will not have me, they will never allow any one else to rule over our people, and you are my slave by descent." Chinghiz also sent a message to Wang Khan's son, Sankun or Sengun. "I am your father's son, and was born with clothes: you are his son, but you were born naked. Our father never caressed us both equally. You became suspicious and afraid that I should come before you, you hated and sent me away. Cease now to cause your father grief and suffering. Go to him and dispel his sorrow and loneliness. If you do not rid yourself of your old jealous spirit you will be trying to become ruler during his lifetime and cause him suffering." When Arkhaikhasar and Sugyegaijiun had delivered Chinghiz Khan's message to Sankun, the latter said, "When he gave my father the title of Khan, he really meant to call him 'the Butcher of the people,' and when he styled me Anda, he meant to say Tokhtoashuin.10 I have discovered the hidden meaning of his words. They mean war. You Bilgebike and Todoyan raise the great standard and feed the horses. There is no room for further doubt." Then Arkhaikhasar returned, but his companion Sugyegaijian remained behind, inasmuch as his wife was in the hands of Toorin.1a Rashida'd-din and the Huang-Yuan report this matter in almost identical phrases. They make Chinghiz begin his letter to Altan and Khuchar by an accusation that they wished to kill him, and either to leave his body on the surface or to bury it underneath. They then relate the story very much as in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi. The Huang-Yuan adds a little local colour in a phrase in which Chinghiz explains how, when the others refused the Khanship, he took it because he did not wish to see an old inhabited country overgrown with wild grass, nor the cart roads obstructed by broken doors.15 These authorities close the letter with a reminder how Ching hiz had made over to his relatives the booty in cattle in kibitkas, women and children which he had captured, and how he had enclosed for them the wild game of the plains and driven to them the wild game of the mountains. Both the authorities just cited refer to the incident about Tooril or Toghril. Berezine and Erdmann read the name Togrul or Toghril. In the HuangYuan it is given as Tolin; Rashidu'd-din makes him the son of Eke Khunktogir, the son of Kukjukhirsa, the son of Sueke Buul, the son of Taken Tudula." The Huang-Yuan makes him the son of Jegaikhuantokhor, the son of Kokochu The correspondence between Ching hiz Khan and the princes at the court of Wangkhersi, the son of Sueyeyege, the son of Tata.15 Khan is also mentioned by other authorities. Rashidu'd-din makes Chinghiz remind ToThe Yuan-shi merely refers to the message ghril that he was a slave of his family, and if he sent to Altan and Khuchar, and in much had any intentions of appropriating his1 ulus, i. e. the Onon, Kerulon, and Tala, the cradle land of the Mongols. i. e. Tumeneh Khan. si, e. Jerki Lingun. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 93 and 94. 10 This is no doubt some proverbial phrase in use among the Mongols. Palladins says the last expression means to have connection with the Myerkitams, to whom was allotted the plaiting of sheeps' tails and curls, and was a term of opprobrium, since sheeps' tails and curls were deemed useless. Id., notes 330 and 331. the same terms as above quoted, but makes the letter conclude with the words-"at present you are on friendly terms with Wang Khan, but no one is more fickle than he. See how he treated me, and if he has treated me thus who have been his friend so often, what may not you expect from him ?!" Mr. Douglas, I may add, reads the names Altan and Khuchar, Alertan and Hutser. Hyacinthe reads them Altan and Khusher; De Mailla1 And anand Hosara. DeMailla also names with them Talitai, doubtless the Toorin or Tooril of the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi. 265 11. e. Chinghiz Khan's envoy. 13 Op. cit., pp. 94 and 95. 13 Douglas, op. cit., p. 37; Hyacinthe, pp. 27 and 28. 1 Tom. IX, p. 31. 15 Op. cit., p. 173. 18 Berezine, vol. II, pp. 139 and 140; Erdmann, pp. 292 and 293; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 77 and 78; Huang-Yuan, pp. 172 and 178. Berezine, vol. II, p. 140. 15 Op. cit., p. 173. 19 Chinghiz Khan's.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. that Altan and Khuchar would frustrate him, meaning, no doubt, that he was a mere slave or dependent, and had no claims like they to royal descent, and therefore to the throne. Chinghiz Khan, weare further told by Rashid, requested 20 Wang Khan to send Altan Ashuka (called Altan Astukh by Erdmann) and Kul Buru as envoys to treat for peace, or if not both, one of them, and also to send him the black horse with a silver saddle and bridle which Mukhuli Bakhadur had lost in the battle of Khalaljin Alat, as we described. The Huang-Yuan calls the two persons who were to be sent by Wang Khan Andunashu and Yunbali." Chinghiz also asked that Sankun or Sengun would send as envoys Bilge Biki" and Toduan or Tudan. That Chamukha would send Jula or Khaulah and Khajiun, and that Ajik and Shiroyun, Alabuga or Altabukha, and Dair, Altan and Khuchar, should each send an envoy, who were to confer with him, if he was then in the east at the upper part of lake Buyur. The HuangYuan says at the sources of the river Nurtolin Khuchinzibu. If he was in the west, they were to cross the mountain Khabala-Khantarkha," and follow the river Khulubin-bukhuajusi, till they met him. Rashid seems to make Chinghiz say that if he was at the latter place he would be back in three days." Wang Khan reproached his son with the probable consequences of his rash quarrel, and confessed that the right was on Chinghiz Khan's side. Sengun or Sankun, in a rage, asked why Chinghiz called him anda and yet slandered him. How did he presume to style Wang Khan his father? "He wishes us to send him envoys. This shall not be; we want war and strife. If he wins, our ulusses shall be his. If we win, so must his people obey us." Having sent back Chinghiz Khan's messengers with these words, he ordered his generals Bilge-biki and Tudan at once to collect the army to plant the Tuks or standards, to beat the drums, and to mount the horses.25 We may now revert to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. When Chinghiz received Wang Khan's answer he moved his camp to 20 Berezine, vol. II, p. 140; Erdmann, p. 292. 21 Op. cit., p. 174. 2 Called Ilgah Bigi by Erdmann. 23 Called Khikhar-Khalturgan by Berezine and Khabkhar Khalterkhan by Erdmann. [SEPTEMBER, 1881. the lake Baljuna. There he met with Soosi Chakhan and others of the tribe Khorulas, who submitted to him without a struggle. He also met with the Khoikhoi, Asan, who had come from Alakhushidigitkhuri of the Ongut." He had 1,000 sheep and a white camel with him, and had been down the river Argun to buy ermines and squirrels, and was going to the lake Baljuna to let his sheep drink when he met Chinghiz in whose service he remained. This authority says nothing of the distress and penury which other writers would make out attended Chinghiz Khan when at Baljuna, and which seems inconsistent with his recent victory at Khalaljin Alat and with his subsequent success, and if the stories are true, they doubtless refer to some other period of Chinghiz Khan's career. In regard to this distress we read in the Yuan-shi, in the biography of Jabar Khoja," and also in De Mailla, that Chingiz Khan fled from Wang Khan, and on his arrival at the river Panjuna (sic), whose waters were then very muddy, his provisions were all consumed. A wild horse passing by was shot by Khasar, and a kettle having been made from its skin, water was heated by means of stones, and they managed to cook some of the meat and ate it. Chinghiz Khan then, raising his hand towards heaven, swore as follows: If I attain my great object, then I will divide the sweets and bitters equally with you, and if I break my word, may I be as the water of this river."50 In the text of the Yuan-shi we are merely told how at this time the power of Chinghiz Khan having greatly declined, he and those who remained faithful to him bound themselves by a solemn oath, each drinking of the muddy waters of the Panjuna, and swearing that as each of them had drunk of its clear and muddy waters, so they would share together the sweets and bitters of life. Mr. Douglas has printed an anecdote somewhat like the one above quoted from the biography of Chapar or Jabar, which as it does not occur in Hyacinthe, is probably derived like other stories from the She-wei or Woof of Rashidu'd-din. The Ongut, whom we shall describe later on, were a Turkish tribe living on the Chinese frontier. 2 Op. cit., p. 95, and notes 334 and 336. Vide infra for this person. Huang-Yuan, p. 174; Berezine, vol. II, pp. 140 and 141; Erdmann, p. 292; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 78. 2 Berezine, vol. II, pp. 141 and 142; Erdmann, p. 295. 26 i. e. the Musalman Hassan. 37. e. the Alakush. Tegin Kuri, chief of the Ongut of so Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 337 by Palladius; De Mailla, tom. IX, pp. 32 and. 33. 31 Douglas, pp. 39 and 40. Hyacinthe calls the place Banjar-gol; Douglas reads it Panchune, and De Mailla, Panchuni.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 267 History by Chin Yun-Seih. According to this account, Chinghiz Khan having suffered a very severe defeat at the hands of Wang Khan, had to fly with but 19 followers, and escaped to the river Panchune. His provisions being exhausted, and being in distress, a crow passed by, whereupon a flight of arrows was shot, which killed it. A difficulty arose as to how it was to be cooked, upon which Chapar or the Ghebr, a tall, squareeyed, broad-foreheaded western worshipper of fire said, 'Give me the bird.' He took it, and skinned it, and having pat as much of the flesh us would make a meal for Chinghiz Khan into the skin, and having added water from the river, he boiled the flesh in the skin over the fire." Mr. Douglas says that the Chinese editor adds a marginal note of exclamation, "A wonderful pot, indeed!" I would remark that Chapar is mentioned in the Yuan-shi-lei-pen as one of Chinghiz Khan's companions at this time. In that work we are told he belonged to a royal family of the west called Sai-i." He was well skilled in war, and was a worshipper of fire, and the Chinese text adds as a gloss to his name Chapa-ul, the character ho meaning fire, and the text explains that this is added to shew what the religion of Chapar was." The Yuan-shi-leipen also refers to the distress of Chinghiz at Pan-chu-ni, tells us that Khasar killed a horse for him there, and that he and his companions swore a solemn oath of fidelity to each other, drinking meanwhile from the muddy water of the Pan-chu-ni. It adds that the officers with their families who thus drank together were always highly regarded and piqued themselves on their special fidelity. 86 Rashidu'd-din says that after the battle of Khalaljin Alat, Chinghiz Khan was obliged to withdraw, and retired to Baljuna, where both men and cattle had to drink from turbid water, inasmuch as there was only an insignificant and scanty supply. On his way the greater part of his army left him under the pretext that he had altered the existing laws and regu. lations, and that he had grown too weak to Douglas, p. 38. 3 Descendant of the Sassanian princes. 3. The Chinese way of writing Chapar. 35 Ganbil, pp. 6 and 9. Chapar or Jabar is mentioned in chapter 120, in the biographical section of the Yuan-Shi. Bretschneider reads Dja-ba-r huo-dio. He says that he was reported to belong to Sai-yi in the Si-yu (i.e. the Western land, meaning here Persia). He was the chief of his tribe, whence the title of Hun-djo, which we are told, in their language was the name of an office (doubtless the Persian Khojah). He was tall, with a long beard, large eyes, and broad forehead, brave, and a skilful rider and archer.- make a stand. He thereupon insisted that those who were faithful to him should swear with their eyes raised to heaven and their hands clasped, to remain true, through bitter and through gweet, and that if they broke their word that they might become like the muddy water of the Baljuna. Having drunk from the bowl, he gave it to his companions, who also drank. These faithful companions, we are told, were afterwards known as Baljuntu, and were magnificently rewarded. Von Hammer compares the name with that of Mohajirin, i.e. outcasts, borne by the companions of Muhammed's early misfortunes. The Yuan-shi says that Chinghiz Khan, while in his weak condition at Banchu-ni, was joined by a section of the Kongurut and by Putu, the chief of the Ekhilasze or Inkirasses, who had been driven away by the Khurulas." The Yuan-shi-lei-pen says he was joined by his brothers-in-law Wa-chen, chief of the Hongila, i.e. the Kongurut, and Pu-tu of the Ikiliesse, by Kueli, brother of Toli," by Chupar and several other chiefs. The Huang-Yuan and Rashidu'd-din also mention that the Inkirasses, who were being pressed by the Khuralas, joined Chinghiz Khan at this time. All the authorities mention that he was also joined by his brother Khasar. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Khasar, who had been with Wang Khan, left his wife and his three sons Yegu, Yesungi, and Tukhu in the latter's hands, and escaped without anything, and with some of his companions went to search for his brother. He got as far as the Kharaun, i.e. the Khing-gam, but could not see him from its summit. His provisions were exhausted, and he was reduced to feed on the raw hide and the sinews of a cow. In this condition he reached lake Baljuna, where he had an interview with Chinghiz." In the Yuan--shi we read that Chinghiz was joined by Khasar (called Khojar by Hyacinthe, and Hochar by Douglas) with his little son To-kan or Tokwan, who came from the Kalagun-ol." He had been routed by Wang Khan, who had captured his wives and his other Bretschneider, Notices, &c. p. 49. 30 Op. cit., p. 9. 37 Berezine, vol. II, pp. 132 and 133; Erdmann, p. 288; D'Oheson, vol. I, pp. 71 and 72; Von Hammer, Golden Horde, p. 65. > Hyacinthe, pp. 28 and 29; Douglas, pp. 38 and 39. 30 i. e. of Wang Khan. " Gaubil, p. 9. * Huang-Yuan, p. 175; Erdmann, p. 288. 11 Op. cit., p. 96. *3 Douglas reads it Holakwan, but Hyacinthe's is doubtless the correct reading, the name being the Chinese transcript of Karaun.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1881. children. On the road he had run short of Yuan-shi, Chinghiz, before fighting with Wang provisions and been forced to subsist on the Khan, wanted to secure the safety of Khasar's birds' eggs he found on the way." De Mailla wives and children, and he accordingly sent tells the same story." two of his trusty dependents, who feigned to be The two brothers having met, consulted to Khasar's servants, and said the latter offered to gether, and arranged a plot to circumvent Wang submit himself with bound hands, if the Khan Khan. They agreed to send Khaliutar of the would forget their recent quarrels and renew tribe Jaorid or Juriat, and Chaurkhan of the their old friendship. These words put Wang tribe Uriangkut, to him. They were to profess Khan off his guard. He sent back a bag of to have come from Khasar with the follow- blood with which to consecrate the oath of friending message: "I have not seen the shadow ship he was prepared to swear with Khasar." of my brother. I have traversed many roads, Rashidu'd-din tells the story at greater length. but have not met him; have called to him, He calls the place where Khasar had been living but he has not heard me. At night I have Karaun Chidun and his two messengers Khaslept with the earth for my pillow and with lindar the Juriat and Chaurkhan the Uriangthe stars overhead. My wife and children are kit, and reports their message as follows :in your hands; Father Khan, if you will send Juchi Khasar has sent us with this message - me a trusty man, I will come to you." Chinghiz "May it be well with my patron. My heart is bade the messengers go with this message, indeed full of my elder brother, my lord, and and told them he should order the camp to be yet I know not if I may be permitted to see raised and to be moved to the plain of Arkhal- him. Although I wish to unite myself closely gougi on the river Kerulon. Having made with thee, yet there is no way open for me to these arrangements, he ordered Jurchidai and do so? I have heard O Khan my Father! that Arkhai to lead, and pitched his camp with my wife and children are with thee. I have Khasar in the plain just mentioned." already passed a long time on barren journeys The two messengers on their arrival delivered and arid pastures, my pillow has been the rock their master's message. Wang Khan had and hard clod, and I have wandered about only just erected a golden tent and was feasting. without friend or helper, I have the highest conOn hearing their story, he said "if this be fidence in thee, and that is why I have sent really so, then let Khasar come." He then sent these messengers to show thee my condition them back, and with them one of the most trusty and ask for my wife and children again that with of his people, Iturgian. On nearing the ap- all my belongings I may attach myself to thee." pointed rendezvous Iturgian noticed in the | As Wang Khan knew the messengers to be distance a number of figures and shadows. dependents of Khasar; as he also knew the Suspecting something, he halted, turned round unsettled condition of Chinghiz Khan's affairs and galloped towards home. Khaliutar, who and the miserable position of Khasar; he did rode a swifter horse, speedily overtook him, not suspect any treachery, but received the but not daring to touch him, merely blocked up messengers with special marks of favour, and the road, so that he could not proceed. There- when he dismissed them he also sent back with upon Chakhurkhan, who was on a heavier them one of his people called Iturgin, and horse, took aim and shot Iturgian's horse in the also sent some blood taken from his hand in a hip. The horse fell; and he then seized its rider horn, for, says Rashidu'd-din, it is the custom and took him to Chinghiz, who handed him with the Mongols to seal a compact by the over to Khasar with orders to kill him. His shedding of blood. The three companions set messengers informed Chinghiz that Wang out on their return, while Chinghiz Khan Khan was feasting, and that if he marched at the head of his army rode night and day speedily he might surprise him. He accord- to surprise his enemy. Presently Khalindar ingly ordered the army to set out, and toldsaw Chinghiz Khan's Tuk or standard in the Jurchidai and Arkhai to lead." According to the distance, and fearing that Iturgin, if he also saw ** Hyacinthe, p. 29; Douglas, p. 89. * Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 32. +6 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 96. "Id., 97. Hyacinthe, pp. 29 and 30; Douglas, pp. 40 and 41. 40 Called Jarwergha Ilaghan by Erdmann. 50 Erdmann reads it Ayaturgan.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 259 it, would at once set off on his swift horse and give his master warning: he dismounted, pretending that a stone had got into his horse's hoof, and asked Iturgin to dismount too and hold the foot, thus causing some delay. Meanwhile Chinghiz Khan arrived. Iturgin was dumb-foundered. He was handed over to Juchi Khasar, inasmuch as he had appropriated his wives and children and worldly goods. The Huang-Yuan as usual tells the story like Rashidu'd-din. It calls the place where Khasar took shelter after the battle of Khalaljin Alat, Khalakhunjidun," and says the blood which Wang Khan took from his hand he sent in a vessel used for boiling water." This use of blood as a symbol of fidelity in making an oath is a very wide-spread custom among the Nomades. Herodotus speaking of the Skyths says: Oaths among them are accompanied among other things by the following ceremonies : a large earthen bowl is filled with wine, and the parties to the oath, wounding themselves slightly with a knife or an awl, drop some of their blood into the wine, then they plunge into the mixture a scymitar, some arrows, a battle axe and a javelin, all the while repeating prayers; lastly, the two contracting parties drink each a draught from the bowl as do also the chief men among their followers." Luciani" gives a similar notice of the Skythian custom and Mela" assigns it to the Axiaka e. Speaking of the Medes and Lydians, Herodotus says, oaths are taken by these people in the same way as by the Greeks, except that they make a slight flesh wound in their arms from which each sucks a portion of the other's blood." Speaking of the struggle between the Armenians and Iberians, Tacitus says it was the custom of their kings when they made a pact to take each other by the right hand, and binding their thumbs together with a tight ligature until the blood was forced to the extremities, to make a slight puncture until the blood exuded, which they then gucked. This form of treaty was held very sacred inasmuch as it was ratified by the blood of each party." Valerius tells us how, when the Armenian king Sariastes was at issue with his father Tigranes, this practice was carried out. The practice was in vogue also among the early Romans. Festus explains the word assiratum thus: assiratum apud antiquos dicebatur genus quoddam potionis ex vino at sanguine temperatum, quod Latini prisci assis vocarunt. Sallust, speaking of Catiline, says, humani corporis sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris circumtulisse inde cum post execrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in solemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, quasisse consilium suum, &c. In the Magyar Sagas we read how the Hetu Moger or Seven Mogers or Magyars swore to be faithful to their chief Almus while standing round a tub with their left arms outstretched and pierced so that the blood ran out into the tub as they swore. These are all instances from races of Asiatic origin, but the custom also extended to Africa. The ancient Lybians and Numidians, in swearing mutual oaths, drank out of their hollow hands, or in default of sufficient material licked them." Livingstone speaking of the Kasendi or contract of friendship in South Africa says: "the hands of the parties are joined, small incisions are made in the clasped hands on the pits of the stomach of each, and on the right cheeks and foreheads a small quantity of blood is taken from these points by means of a stalk of grass. The blood from one person is put into a pot of beer, and that of the second into another; each then drinks the other's blood, and they are supposed to become perpetual friends and relations."01 M. SENART ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. From the French. (Continued from p. 211.) Thirteenth Edict. version at this part render the Khalsi text The breaks in the Girnar inscription and the specially important. It is accordingly made the insufficiency of the copies of the Kapur-di-giri basis of translation. - Berenine, vol. II, pp. 143-145; Erdmann, pp. 296 and Travels, pp. xxiv., 488; Rawlinson, op. cit. book I, ch. 267; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 80 and 81. 70, note 6. * 1. e. Karaun Chidun. 3 Op. cit., pp. 176 and 176. Journal Asint., tom. XVII, pp. 97ff, also now publish** Book IV. o. 70, ed. Rawlinson. ed separately as Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi, tome 1, 65 Tasares, XXXVII. pp. 265ff. "Op. cit. bk. 1, c. 74. Prinsep, J. A. S. Ben., vol. VII, pp. 261f.; Wilson, #8 Tacitus Annales, lib. XII, . 47. J. R. As. Soc., vol. XII, pp. 228f. ; Lassen, Ind. Alt. * Erdmann, note 155. 60 la. (2 Auf.) Bd. II S. 241 n. 1, 942 n. 4, 243 n. 1, 259 n. 6. 100. # II. 1. 120.

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270 . Khalsi (or Kalsi). [3] Devanampiyasa piyadasine lajine kalikhyam vijita diyadhamate*[.] panasatasahaseye tupha ahavudhena satesapasatasahasrasamata tata hate bahu matram tatra hatam tivateke va mite[.] tata bahu tavatakam mathava sadhuya ladhesu ta[.] tata pacha adhuna Kalimgesu tive dhamma- ladhesu Kalimgesu vaye [] dhammakam- tivo dhammavayo". mata dhammanusathi cha devanampiyasa jelo athi [2]. anusaye devanampiyesa vijitavi kalikhyani1.] avijitam hi vijimnemane e tata vadha va maline va THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [*] Girnar. . vadho va maranam va apavaho va janasa tam 1 badham vedanamata cha ganamata cha deva apavahe va janasa che badhi vedamnayamate galamate cha bava deva nampiyasa[.] iyam pi cha tato galumatatale deva- [3]. nampiyasa [.] [7] savata vasati bambhana va sama va ana" va pasamda gihitha va yesu vihitathasa agines. sususa matapi-sa matapitisususa gulususa tari susumsa gurusumitasathatasahayanatike- sumsa1 mitasamstatasususa20 bhatikasa sama- sahayaiatikesu dasa patipati damdhaliti [] ta[.] tesam te(P)ta poti pasaghate" va vadhe va abhilatanam vikhias nikhamane[.] [39] yesam vapi vavihitanam sine pe avipahine etanam mitasamthutasa 3 Read ta-tam. Read mata for matash. * Read 'satasahasani tata apavudhani satasahasamatam tata hate (for hatam) bahu tavatake (tavatakan) Gen. Cunningham's plate differs from these readings of the B. facsimile. Read tato pacha, "after that." Read as in Girnar adhund. Equivalent to dhashmavdyo, dhamma+avaya, the second term having the sense of consideration, reflexion, intelligence,' from avaiti, hence instruction founded on religion. Tive lively, ardent.' 10 i. e. ye. 11 Read vijitasi kalikhyasi (for "khyamsi). 1 G. and K. agree in warranting the correction of che 13 C. reads "ta bao. Read vedaniyamate, K. has vedaneya. into tais. 15 Perhaps for badha, badhari.. 10 Read galumatatale. 17 Read samana va ane, amne-anne. 15 Gihitha is probably for gihetha, grihestha, as vihitathesu for vihitatthesu; and for agine read agane-agamam. 19 C. reads gutasusa. 20 Read gulusususa mittsamthutasahayanatikasususd. 21 Read bhatikesu samapatipati (for samma). 22 Read damdhabhatita, fidelity in devotion (to the king).' 23 Read tata hoti. Read upaghate. 25 Abhilatanath is equivalent to abhirattanam, he beloved ones'; for vikhi read vapi. 26 K. reads Samvihitanamh, hence we should read Savihitana here; and in the next word K. reads sava, hence + Khalsi (or Kalsi). panatike vayasanam" yanatiks vyasanam papanata[] tata so pi prapunoti[.] tatas so tanameva upagbata pi tesam upaghato pati[.] patibhagam cha hoti [.] patibhages esa savamanayanam gu- chesa sava [*]. lumate ma devanampiyasa nathi cha se janapade vata nathi ime nikaya anamta yenesa [a] bambhane cha samane cha nathi cha kuvapi janapadasi yata nathi munisanam ekatalasi pi pasadasis no nama pasade[] se avatake jane tada Kalimgesu pi(?)netes cha mata chape pavudha ba. tata [] putebhaga va sahasabhaga va aja galumate va devanampiyasa[.] [0] (yos pi cha aprakati yati cha(?)mitaviyamate ta devunampriyasa yam bako cha(?)manaya[.] ya pi hi atabi devanampriyasa aa?tam bhoti tatianadeti ananija piti hanatrape pi cha pabhatre [] devanampriyasa vachati tisha kitri a tatra payane(?) cha amneyasu bichha. ti hi devanampriyo savabha-" taam ?chhati suyama samavariya va bhasi.]) achhatim [] vanapanake icha mam cha ma [] savata. yama sama savabhu [SEPTEMBER, 1881. Girnar. i yatra nasti ekatamanusanam ramhi pasamdamhi na nama prasado[.] yavatako jana tada. . naya saka vamitave[.]ya chapi ataviyo devanampiyasa na. pijite pati ["] tan m cha saya read save pi-sirvam api; in avipahine, for aviprahtnath, the long 4 is a mistake. 27 Read Sahayanatika viyasanams. 25 In these four words the reading in the copy C. is different. 29 Tanam for tannh-teshim. Read upaghate hoti. 30 Savam onayanasis equivalent to sarvo 'nayah. For gulumate, C. reads gulchate. Ma for me. 31 From Se janapade to ekatalasd is omitted in K., hence there is nothing to guide in correcting this passage. Kuvapi is evidently kutapi. 33 C. has nasta manu. 33 G. shows that ekatalasa. pi pasanisi, the reading in C. is wrong. 3 C. has sdde ya.. 35 Read perhaps hanete-hanyate. 30 Chape for chapi apavudhs. 31 Satabhagam. 35 The following portion being obliterated in Khalsi version is here supplied, in italics, from the Kapur-di-giri one; the last few words, however, are parallel with the commencement on the south face of the Khalsi rock. 39 Saka saka, possible'; vomitave or khamitave. 40 The readings of C. are different. By the help of G. restore here: ya pi hi atavi devanashpriyasa na vijiti bhoti tatra. Read devanompriyo savabhutanan achhatim sayamash (for samhydeg) samachariyah vadeg. 3 The inscription on the south face of the rock begins here, C. plate iv in Corpus Inscrip. Ind. C. reads "chat chadeg.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.). PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 271 Khalsi (or Kalsi). Girndr. Khalsi (or Kalsi). Girndr. samavaliya madavarn ti[.] . cheram cha madava sakham ti . chalam va sake eva vijayechhati iya va mu- ...... cha [] dadata valochepa cha r] devanampiyes&C.) ye []... tameva cha vijayar (") . . . . .. . dhammavijaya sa cha-.... manata ye dhammavi- ..... pe(PP) & ladhe devanam.. jaye[.] se hidalokikapa-:... ilokika pi .... cha [] savesa ... lalo-(10) kiye sava cha ku cha para...... cha atesu asasu") pi... nilati ho. u ya malati......... chhajane .. sa [.] tesa ate pa pi hida . lokikapala- ... lokika cha [.] Artigoge nama Yone ..... Yona lokik&C.] ... la . cha" tena raja param . cha Translation. [*] Amtiyogena chatali tena chatparo rajano Great is Kaliga conquered by the king 4 lajane Tulamaye nama Turamayo cha Anta- Piyadasi, beloved of the Devas. There have Artekina nama MAKA kana cha Maga chaheen hundreds of thonsands of creatnres carried ng-[]ma Alikasadale '. . . . . . . off. A hundred thousand have been smitten nama nicham Chodapam. there; many times that number have died diya avar Tambapam-. niya hevameva heva- .. there (in that conquest). Then (wanting in K. meva ['] . palaja Visma-.. which adds On learning it) the king beloved of vasi[.] Yonakabojesu.. the Devas has immediately (wanting in K.) after Nabhakunabhapartisam . . . . . the acquisition of Kalinga, turned to religion Bhojapitinikesu [*] Adha (K. adds be has occupied himself with religion), pulades savate deve- parimdesu savata he has conceived a zeal for religion, he applies napiyasa dhathmanuchu- devanampiyasadhan. himself to the spread of religion, so great is the thi anavatanti[.) yata manusastim anuva regret which the king beloved of the Devas has pi duta [] devanampiyasi tare[.] yata pi dota felt regarding what happened) in the conquest niyamtis te(P) pisutu [0] ..... of Kalinga. Indeed in subjugating the terridevanampiniya lavavu- . . . tory which was not subject to me, the murders, tam madhunath("]dhari-. . . . . manusathi dhamma anu-.. the deaths, the carrying off of men which were vidhiyama amnuvidhi......... caused in it, altogether has been clearly and yisoa cha ye .. lodha[], sorrowfully felt by me, the king beloved of the ["). taken hoti savata . vijayo savathAo puna Devas. But behold what has been felt more vijaye[.) pitilase se gadha vijayo piti . so sa ladha sadly [still] by the king beloved of the Devas. 38 hoti piti hoti dham- $&" piti hoti dbarnma- Every where there live Brahmans or Sramanas mavijayam-[*]si[.] laha- vijayambio or those of other sects, [ascetics] or householders, ka ve kho sa piti (TM) . and among these men, when ono attends to palamntikamese mahapha-..... their wants, prevail obedience to authorities, jali manamtii devanam obedience to fathers and mothers, kindliness piye[.] [] etaye cha.. towards friends, comrades, relations, respect for athaye iyam dhammalipi... likhita kiti puta papot ......... (K.: slaves and) servants, steadfastness in affecme ana (") nava vijaya ...... yam tions. These men in it [i. e. in the conquest] ma vijayataviya mani- vijayam ma8 vijeta- are exposed to violence, to death, to separation BudegC.] saya kasi no vijaya- vyam marinasa ra(P)- from those beings who are dear to them. With *5 C. reads choiratis. " In K. sa navlana ladharis, for sa nax.dand. "For asasu, K. has askusht, but by a slight correction we may read bahushu pi yojanabateshu. Hence read devanampi (yasa eta (ettha)] cha savesu cha artesu balusu yojanasatesu. Tesa arte-teshah antah. Read Yona (Uja pa lani cho. " C. reads raja para .... cha. 50 C. has takinao. 61 For chatule, chaturo. ** Read Nabhakao for Nabhoku". K. has 'nabhatina for nabhatist or tishw-Adhapuideru for Arhdhrapulindeshu. 53 Read d ismantsathi anuntati. *0. differs in these three readings. Read adhapurih deste. 65 G.gives data the correct form, "the envoys, thoso sent." Niyashti for miyarista, i. e. niyuta-niyukta, 'appointed.' ** Read Sutu (frutvd) devinampiyasa dhamavutarh adhuar dhammonusathin dhashmananuvidhiyanti anuvidhi yisati cha (for savisti). For ye.. lodha, K. has ya .. ludho, perhaps for nirodhan) eta kena. 87 Perhaps sarvathd - sarvatri. * C. reads "yo pitiraso sa ladha sao. 39 C. has yami. 60 For godhd read ladhe, labdho; hoti is repeated by mistake after piti. 61 Read lahuka, and mahaphali, i.e. mahaphalani. Manashti for marinati, marinati. 61 Kiti, read kiriti. Ana, i. e. anna, annar=annan. Ma for ma; and minisu for mannisu. 03 C. hash vi * Read lochetu, locherhtu, and marinatu = mannatu'. 5 Read khu nirati hotu ya dhashmalati sa hi hidelo.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. regard to those even who, thanks to a [special] protection, have not suffered any personal injury, their friends, acquaintances, comrades, or relations have met with ruin. Thus it is that, these same, have there [in the conquest] a blow to sustain. All violence of that sort is sadly felt by me, the king beloved of the Devas. There is no country where there may not be found such corporations as of Brahmans and Sramanas, and there is no [place] in any country where men do not confess the faith of some sect (this phrase is quite mutilated in K.) This is why so many people have, of late, been smitten, are dead, have been carried off in Kalinga, the king, beloved of the Devas, feels it at present a hundred and a thousandfold more sorrowfully. . . . In fact, the king beloved of the Devas, desires (K.: to see prevail) security for all creatures, regard for life, peace and gentleness (the last word is wanting in K.). Now it is this which the king beloved of the Devas regards as the conquest of religion. It is in these conquests of religion that the king beloved of the Devas finds his pleasure, and in his empire and on all its frontiers to a distance of many hundreds of yojanas. Among these [neighbours] (K.: such) [are] Antiochos, king of the Yavanas, and to the north of that Antiochos, four kings, Ptolemy, Antigonos, Magas, Alexander; to the south, the Chodas, the Pamdyas, as far as Tambapanni, and moreover also the king of the Huns (?), Vismavasi (?). Among the Greeks, the Kambojas, the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis, the Bhojas and the Petenikas, the Andras and the Pulindas, everywhere they conform to the religious instructions of the king beloved of the Devas. Wherever there have been sent envoys from the king beloved of the Devas, there also, after having heard from the king beloved of the Devas, the duties of religion, they have at once conformed (K.: with zeal) and will conform to the religious instructions, to religion, that barrier against... It is thus that conquest is extended in all places. I have found in it an inner joy; such is the contentment es Prinsep, J. A. S. Ben. vol. VII, pp. 262 and 270; Wilson, J. R. A. Soc., vol. XII, p. 233; Lassen, Ind. Alt., Bd. II, S. 220, n. 3; Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 751ff.; Kern, Jartell. pp. 104ff.; Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 275. 61 C. has naimpiyena piya. [SEPTEMBER, 1881. which the conquests of religion secure. But to tell the truth, contentment is a secondary matter; and the king beloved of the Devas does not attach great value, except to those fruits which are secured for the other life. It is for that that this religious inscription has been engraved (K.: written), in order that our sons and our grandsons may not think that they ought to make any other new conquest. Let them not think that conquest by the sword (literally by the arrow) deserves the name of conquest; let them not see in it anything but disturbance, violence. Let them not consider any conquest real except the conquests of religion. They are of importance for this world and for the other; let them make all their enjoyment of the pleasures of religion, for those have their value both in this world and in the other. Fourteenth Edict," Of this the Girnar version, being entire, is again made the basis. Of the Dhauli and Jaugada versions only fragments are left, while the Khalsi one is entire and the Kapurdigiri one nearly so. [] Ayam dhammalipi devanampriyena Priyada sina rana lekhapita asti eva [2] samkhitena asti majhamena asti vistatanas na cha sarvam sarvata ghatitam [.] [3] mahalake hi vijitam bahu cha likhitam likhapayisam cheva [.] asti cha etakam. [*] punapuna vutam tasatasa athasa madhuritaya kimti jano tatha patipajetha"[.] [] tatra ekada asamatam likhitam asa desam va sachaya karanam va [] alochet pa lipikaraparadhena va[:] Translation. This edict has been engraved by the king Piyadasi beloved of the Devas, under a form whether abridged, whether of moderate length, or expanded, and the whole is not everywhere put together; for my empire is large, and I have engraved much and I will yet engrave [Kh.: and I will continue always to inscribe]. Certain precepts are repeated with urgency, because of the special importance I attach to seeing the people put them in practice (Dh. J.: because of the special importance that I attach to them, and of my desire to see the people put them in practice). There may be found faults of the copy, perhaps that a passage has been mutilated, Read vistatena. C. has savas parvata 10 C. differs from the reading of facsimile B. in these places. 71 Khalsi reads samkhaye, and Kapurdigiri sukhaye.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] MISCELLANEA. perhaps that the sense has been misunderstood: all this is the fault of the engraver. Below the 13th edict at Girnar is a line of which the commencement has been destroyed. What is left reads va sveto hasti sarvalokasukhaharo nama. Possibly the line accompanied a tracing of an elephant, now broken away, and I propose to translate it by simply supplying the pronoun A NOTE ON THE WORD SIDDHAM USED IN INSCRIPTIONS. For the benefit of those epigraphists who still adhere to Dr. Stevenson's translation of the word siddham, which frequently stands in the beginning of ancient Prakrit and Sanskrit inscriptions, by To the Perfect one', I call attention to two inscriptions (1) Amaravati fragment from a slab now in the British Museum, represented in Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, pl. xciv, fig. 3 (where, however, the inscription is partly cut away, and what is left is indistinct), and (2) Cunningham, Arch. Reports, vol. V., pl. xv, No.. 20. The former begins with the phrase-f MISCELLANEA. , which can mean nothing but 'Success! adoration to the divine one' (i. e. Buddha). The first words of the latter are, according to the plate siddha o namo arahato mahAvIrasye, while the transcript has,-Siddham Aum(?) Namo Arahate Mahavirasya. Both are, no doubt, faulty, and the correct reading is probably siddham namo arahato mahAvIrasya - Success ! adoration to the Arhat Mahavira.' But, whether the reading be siddharmoM or simply siddham, it is perfectly clear that the word siddham cannot contain the invocation of a deity. The correctness of the explanation which I have proposed, viz., to take siddham as the nom. neuter of the part. perf. pass. and as an equivalent of faf: success,' is attested by the fact that the latter word actually occurs for siddham, e. g. Cunningham Arch. Reports, vol. V., Pl. xli, H,siddhiH zrIH samvat 1571. The Mahabhdshya, pp. 6 and 7 (Dr. Kielhorn's edition) asserts besides, that siddha was used as a mangala; see also, Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 346. G. BUHLER. DAMBAL BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION OF SS. 1017. At p. 185 ante, Mr. Fleet has published the text of an interesting inscription, which indicates that Buddhism still held a place among the natives of the Karnataka as.late as the end of the 11th century A.D. In his remarks, Mr. Fleet seems to confound the Buddhists with the Jains; but I have used a facsimile and copy made from the slab by Dr. Burgess. 273 "That white elephant is in truth the benefactor of the whole world." Between the legs of the elephant above the inscription at Khalsi is the word Gajatame, which we translate, in the light of the Girnar legend, as "The elephant par excellence, the great elephant." though both sects used a very similar ecclesiastical nomenclature, it is almost always possible to discriminate clearly to which of them any image, inscription or document belonged; and it is very desirable that this should be carefully done, and the distinction attended to,-for no end of confusion has arisen from the mistake so frequently made, of regarding these two sects as almost identical. Even into books treating on mythology the error has found its way; in Birdwood's Industrial Arts of India, for example, (plate G, fig. 4) a figure of Paravanatha does duty for "the ninth avatar of Vishnu as Buddha," though one would have thought the Seshaphant over his head and the jewel on the breast might have sufficiently distinguished the Tirthankara. In the inscription under notice, the Devi, figured at the head of the stone and invoked after Buddha, is Tara. This name is known, I believe, among the Jains, but she holds no prominent place in their mythology-is not a edeanadert or yakshint to any of the twenty-four Tirthankaras,-while among the Mahayana sect of Buddhists, Arya-Taradevi stands almost first in favour among the female baktis. She belongs to Amoghasiddha, the fifth of the Jnanatmaka Buddhas, and had temples dedicated to her worship at Buddha-Gays and elsewhere, and she is figured in the Nasik, Aurangabad and Elur Buddhist caves (ante, vol. IX, p. 115; Archeol. Rep. W. Ind., vol. III, p. 78; Cave Temples, pp. 133, 371, 384). Like Avalokitesvara or Karunarnava she is especially distinguished by her efforts for the salvation of men (Vassilief, Bouddisme, p. 125). Indeed in Nepal, and in the Kanheri caves, Arya-Avalokitesvara is figured with Lochana (the sakti of Akshobhya) at his right hand and Tara at his left (see Cave Temples, pl. lv). She is represented on this slab, as usually among the Buddhists, holding a flower in her left hand, and an opening blossom apparently springs up behind her right side, while the hand, now broken, perhaps hung over the knee. It is curious to remark too that, in the inscription, she is addressed Ibid. p. 35.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1881. as delivering her votaries from these very eight cycle, is never alluded to, except in the formal forms of evil-the fear (1) of lions, (2) of elephants, lists. Nor would Jains address Buddh (3) of fire, (4) of hooded-snakes, (5) of thieres, (6) an inscription. of fetters, (7) of the ocean waves, and (8) of These remarks, I think, show beyond doubt that demons, which Avalokitesvara is represented, in this inscription is purely Buddhist. Is there not a the bas-reliefs at Aurangabad, Ajanta, Eluri, and trait of the Bauddha scorn for the Jaina-Banajigas, kanheri, as saving men from. The inscription in joining them with outcasts and Chandalas ? identifies Arya-Taradevi with Prajna, as does also Buddhists, too, would not be likely to become the Sarakudhara of Sarvajua-Mitrapada. The converts to Jainism--the two sects hated each words Tathagata and Sugata are constantly ap. other too heartily-but as the Episcopalian of plied to Buddha, but rarely used by the Jains. All modern times, who leaves his church, rarely joins the terms in the inscription are those in common any closely allied form of worship, but goes to the use among Buddhists, and none of them specially extreme of Plymouthism-go the Buddhists when Jaina,- for the conjectural reading of embarim, they changed at all, would go over at once to the in the verses at the top, can hardly be admitted, popular Lingayat religion. since Sri-Samvara, the 18th Jina of the future J. B. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac contributes a "MemoPart I, Nos. 3 and 4, contain few papers of much randum on Clay Discs called 'Spindle Whorls,' and interest. Ench number opens with a lengthy paper votive Seals found at Sankisa and other Buddhist by Lient. R. C. Temple, B. S.C., of "Remarks on ruins in the N. W. Provinces." The article is the Afghans found along the route of the Tal illustrated by numerous specimens of these Chotiali Field Force in the spring of 1879." The curious objects. This is followed by a "Note on first gives an account of the tribes en route and some Copper Buddhist Coins," with two illustratheir affiliation, the result evidently of much in. tive plates. To No. 3 is added an appendix to telligent enquiry; and the second paper describes Dr. Hoernle's "Collection of Hindi Roots," being the distribution of the tribes; their polity; an index to the Sanskrit roots and words in civilization ; language; and place names. Both an earlier part of the volume. papers are illustrated by maps and sketches. Dr. G. | The last two papers in No. 4 are valuable con. Thibaut has also part of a paper, in each number, tributions by C. J. Rodgers, first on "Coins On the Suryaprajnapli-a Jaina astronomical supplementary to Thomas' Chronicles of the Pathan work first brought to the notice of orientalists by Kings of Dehli." Mr. Rodgers takes occasion at Prof. Weber, in his Indische Studien (vol. x). The the outset to remark on the great destruction of peculiarity of the Jaina system seems to be that it rare coins that is constantly going on in northern assumes two suns, two moons, and a pair of each India, while no one looks after them or attempts to planet and star, rising and setting alternately, purchase them for museums where they would the greater portion of the revolution of each be so valuable. The paper describes a considerbeing occupied in revolving round Mount Meru. able number of varieties of coins mostly already Dr. Thibaut discusses with mach acuteness the lead- known. The second paper, with two plates, is on ing principles of the theory, and at the close points 28 copper coins of Akbar. Both are interesting to ont the resemblance between the cosmological oriental numismatists. and astronomical ideas of the Jainas and those Part II, Nos 3 and 4, are chiefly devoted to contained in an old Chinese work, the Cheu-Pei Natural History. No. 4, (not containing the completranslated by E. Biot (Jour. Asiatique for 1841, tion of the volume for 1880), was only issued on 7th pp. 532-639). March 1881. BOOK NOTICES. DES ORIGINES DU ZOROASTRISME, par M. C. de Harlez facts, they should be carefully read in conjunction Paris; extrait du Journal Asiatique, 1879-80. as mutually corrective, and also because M. de This essay consists of an extremely severe criti Harlez seems to be rather careless about quoting cism of Darmesteter's Ormazd et Ahriman' and a the exact words of the book he is criticising, shorter statement of the author's own theory of though he may give the sense sufficiently well. the origin of Zoroastrism, which he advocates The reader has also to recollect that there is a with much zeal and ability. As the two works third, and older, theory of the origin of Zoroasdraw very different conclusions from the same trism, which holds a somewhat intermediato Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes; 29me histoire, par J. Darmenteter. Paris, Libraire A. Franck, fascicule. Ormand et Ahriman, leurs origines et leur 1877.

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SEPTEMBER, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. position between the extreme views of MM. de Harlez and Darmesteter, and is the result of the labours of several scholars, though finally elaborated by Haug in his Essays on the Religion of the Parsis. All three theories agree in considering Zoroastrism as a modification of the ancient IndoIranian faith, whence the Vedic religion also sprang, but they account for the modification in such totally different ways that the reader may safely conclude that the data at present available for form. ing an opinion on the subject are very insufficient. The old hypothesis, advanced by Haug and others, which may be termed the ancient-schism theory,' was formed to account for the fact that the name of the Zoroastrian god, Ahura, has become the Brahmanical term Asura, applied to demons in the later Vedic literature (although still a title of gods in the earlier part of the Veda), while the usual Brahmanical term for a god (deva) has become the Zoroastrian term for a demon (daeva). To account for this strange metamorphosis, and others of a somewhat similar character, this theory assumes that a schism broke out in the Indo-Iranian religion about the time of the composition of the older Vedic hymns, and that, while the predecessors of the Iranian priesthood remained true to their ancient faith, the Brahmans began to introduce the worship of new gods, or to change the order of precedence of those which already existed, until the schism led to a disruption of the nation, when, under the tuition of Spitama Zarathushtra, the Iranians not only renounced the new-fangled gods and dogmas of the Brahmans, but also adopted many reforms in their older faith. Regarding the age in which Spitama Zarathushtra lived there have been many different opinions. Haug, in his Essays, was inclined to place him before B. c. 1000; but latterly, he thought it more probable that he lived in the time of Cyaxares, about B. c. 600. Darmesteter's hypothesis, which may be termed the storm-myth theory,' supposes that the whole Indo-Iranian mythology was nothing but an embodiment of men's observations and conceptions of meteorological phenomena and their causes. And that Zoroastrism and Brahmanism are merely two separate developments of this mythology, starting from the same original by different and widelydiverging paths. According to this theory Spitama Zarathushtra, like a host of other legendary beings, was originally only a manifestation of the conflict of the elements in stormy weather. The hypothesis of M. de Harlez, which may be termed the foreign-influence-reform theory,' goes to the opposite extreme. It rejects all idea of the gradual development of the essential doctrines of Zoroastrism from the ancient Indo-Iranian faith. 275 Admitting that such development continued to produce new myths and legends long after the separation of the two races, it assumes that a radical reform, connected with the name of Spitama Zarathushtra, was introduced into the old religion as late as the time of Darius Hystaspes. It further considers this reform as the true origin of Zoroastrism, and attributes it to the influence of foreign religions. Some of the Zoroastrian customs and beliefs it traces to the Turanians (the deadly enemies of the Iranian race); and it points out others so analogous to those of the Jews as to indicate the possibility that Zoroastrism may have borrowed some of its best doctrines from the Jewish captives. M. de Harlez finds no storm-myth in the Avesta, and, no doubt, many of Darmesteter's conclusions on this point are more the effects of a vivid imagination than of any tangible reality. The Vedic poets used a variety of metaphorical terms in their imaginative descriptions of meteorological phenomena, but it does not follow from this that whenever similar terms are used in the Avesta they are to be taken in the same metaphorical sense. Even in the Veda itself there are probably far fewer storm-myths than it is now the fashion to assume. On the other hand, if the 'storm' has disappeared from the Avesta myths, so i has likewise from nearly all those of modern Hinduism; the poet's metaphors naturally degenerate into legendary tales, and whether such legends refer to actual beings, or to imaginary personifications, can be ascertained only by tracing them back to their primitive source. This is evidently the course that Darmesteter has endeavoured to take, but his enthusiasm has often led him to forget that there are other sources of myths besides elemental storms. M. de Harlez adopts another method, and the chief cause of the difference of his results from those of Darmesteter is that he does not attempt to trace the legends so far back as their primitive source. To date the origin of Zoroastrism merely from the time of Spitama Zarathushtra is hardly to begin at the beginning. but is rather like commencing the history of England with the Norman Conquest. The Avesta contains far too many vestiges of an earlier form of the religion to admit of their being considered otherwise than as essential components of Zoroastrism, however repugnant they may appear to be to the views attributed to Zarathushtra. himself in the Gathas. It is in such vestiges, however, that relics of storm-myths are most. likely to be discovered, and, therefore, their exclusion from Zoroastrism is an effectual mode of banishing the storm-myth also. Regarding the separation of the Brahmans from

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [SEPTEMBER, 1881. the Iranians, though it cannot be proved to have travelled westward, and that the name of the rebeen occasioned by a religious schism, it is still former had been forgotten by all but the priesthood, most reasonable to suppose that the two races who were uot likely to be very communicative to remained in contact until they had developed the foreigners. This seems to be the most reasonable leading characteristics of their divergent faiths ; conclusion from the scanty information we long enough, at least, for the Iranians to contract possess, but it is. of course. fatal to all ideas of that horror of the daevas (the Brahman's gods, Jewish influence upon the reformer. but their own demons) which has ever since It would far exceed our limits even to mention remained one of their most distinctive tenets. the numerous details discussed by M. de Harlez The reform attributed to Spitama Zarathushtra is in his essay, and as he brings to the discussion only another name for a rapid form of develop all the experience acquired during his recent ment, so that in this respect all three theories are translation of such fragments of the Avesta as really much more in accord than is at first are still extant, it would be presumptuous to apparent; and as all developments are more or differ from him without undertaking an elaborate less influenced by external circumstances (more examination of the whole of the existing texts. especially when progress is rapid) there is every Although it is hardly possible to assent to some probability that Spitama Zarathushtra was in- of his conclusions, he has certainly done good fluenced by some foreign forms of religious service in showing that Spitama Zarathushtra was thought. But as we know neither the age in something more than a storm-myth, and that which he lived, nor the foreign religions with there is every probability that he was an ardent which he came in contact, it is mere waste of reformer. This is very much the opinion that has time to attempt to point out the sources of the long been entertained, and is nearly all that can tenets he taught, whether Iranian or foreign be safely asserted in the present state of our In fixing the period of the Zoroastrian reform knowledge. Beyond this point there is certainly about the time of Darius Hystaspes, M. de Harlez ground for speculation, but the less we dogmatize has brought it down to the latest possible date; upon it the better. E. W. WEST. in fact, later than is at all probable, as we may Munchen, 28th May 1881. conclude from the name of Adramazda being already compounded in the cuneiform inscriptions of that monarch, whereas its component parts, LES INSCRIPTIONS de PIYADABI, par E. Senart. Tomo Ahura and Mazda, are not only distinct words, premier: les quatorze edits. Paris: 1881. but are also generally used separately in the This volume of 326 pages has appeared by Gathan of Spitama Zarathushtra. This condensa- instalments in the recent parts of the Journal tion of the two distinct titles into one name must Asiatique, and is partly known to our readers by surely indicate some interval of development reproductions which have been published in these between the period of the Gathas and that of pages giving the text of the Girnar version, with Darius. M. de Harlez, however, argues that, if M. Senart's translation turned into English. It the Zoroastrian reform bad occurred before the is to be understood however that besides the text time of Darius Hystaspes, the name of Zoroaster of all the Girnar edicts (except in the case of the would have heen mentioned by Herodotus and 13th) in Pali characters, and that of all the verXenophon. This argument would have been per- sions in Roman characters, the volume contains a fectly sound if these two historians had lived very full commentary, discussing all doubtful before the time of Darius, as, in that case, they readings, differences of the various texts, and could have known nothing about the events of his difficulties of translation. Nothing at all so elabo. reign. But the fact is that Herodotus acquired rate and able has hitherto been written on these his knowledge of Persia about twenty-five years earliest and most extensive of Indian Pali inscripafter the death of Darius, and Xenophon lived in tions. It is only to be regretted that even at this Persia about sixty years later still. Now if a late date, the copies of some of the northern great reformer had appeared in the reign of versions are so inaccurate or defective. This will Darius, and if the reform he carried out were of be at once apparent from a comparison of the first the important and sweeping character that M. de edict in the previously published copies of KapurHarlez supposes, it is hardly to be supposed that di-giri and Kalsi, and the plate quite recentlygiven his name and work would have been so far for in this journal by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji gotten by the Persian people, in the course of (p. 107). We fear the copies available to M. Senart half a century, as not to have come to the ears of for the separate and pillar edicts are not more these two Greek historians. Their silence on the trustworthy, and will task all his talent to divine subject rather indicates that a period of some the correct readings. We hail the present centuries had elapsed since the reform had volume as a most valuable contribution to Pali occurred in another land, before the religion had studies. Ind. Ant., vol. IX, pp. 282ff ; vol. X, pp. 834f, 1808, 209, 269ff.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] VALABAI GRANTS. 277 VALABHI GRANTS. EDITED BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. (Continued from vol. IX. p. 239.) No. XVI.-A FORCED GRANT OF DHARABENA II, Gominda (i. e. Govinda) son of Bhatta DATED SAKA SAMVAT 400. Isara (i. e. Isvara), a Chaturvedi of DasaTHE subjoined grant purporting to be issued purl, who belonged to the Kausika gotra 1 by Dharasena II, of Valabhi, in Saka and to the Chhandoga bdkhd of the Samvat 400, belongs to the Museum of the Sumaveda. The object granted is the village Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society. It was of Nandlar or N andisar, situated in the first noticed by the late Mr. BhaQ Dajt (Jour. Bo. vishaya or zilla Kantaragramasodasata, i.e. the Br. R. As. Soc., vol. VIII, p. 244) and later by Sixteen-hundred of Kantkrag rama. The myself (Indian Antiquary, vol. V, p. 110; boundaries of the village are stated to be to vol. VII, p. 163). In 1878 it was transmitted the east the village of Girivili, to the south by the Bombay Government to Dr. Burgess for the river Mad & vi, to the west the Ocean, and the purpose of being photozincographed. to the north the village of Deyathali. Repeat. The grant is incised on two plates 10 inchesed references to the Revenue Survey maps of by 77, which originally were held together by Gujarat and enquiries in Surat and Bharuch two rings. The left hand ring alone, to which regarding the whereabouts of the village of the seal is attached, has been preserved. The Nandfar or Nandisar have not led to any latter bears the representation of a standing very satisfactory results. This much only seems ball, facing the proper right and the inscription certain from the mention of the Ocean as its Sri Dharacena. The first four letters of the western boundary that it lay on the eastern shore name stand in one line below the animal and of the Gulf of Cambay. As Kanta ragra. the last a little higher just opposite its face. ma, after which the vishaya or zilla is named, The letters of the grant are Gurjara, and closely was the ancient, and is still the modern Sanskrit resemble those of the Ilao and Umeta plates of . appellation of the large village of Kattargam, Dadda II of Bharuch. In the word dodasatam north-east of Surat, it seems probable that (Pl. II, 1. 2) a peculiar form of da occurs, Nandlar must be looked for either in the which is found in a few words on Dr. Burnes' Olpad or the Chorasi Talukas. Kheda pldtes of Dadda II, and through- The use of the Gurjara characters and of out in the Valabhi grant of SilAditya the Saka era in a grant, stated to have been V, dated 441. The execution of the engraver's issued by a Valabhi king, the close agreement work is good and the preservation of the plates of its second and chief portion with the likewise. A few letters have been slightly Gurjara Sasana of Umeta, and the obvious damaged by verdigris. The language is Sanskrit, error in the genealogy of the Valabhi kings and, as regards the spelling, throughout very induced both Mr. Bhau Daji and myself to incorrect. In grammar and style a difference is declare these plates to be a forgery. Though, observable between the preamble and the portion as stated formerly, my condemnation of them referring to the donation (Pl. I, l. 15- was pronounced after a cursory inspection, I PL. II, 1. 17). The former evidently has been do not find that a more careful examination composed by a Pandit, and is free from grossobliges me to alter my opinion regarding them. mistakes, while several bad ones occur in the But some facts which have been discovered latter, which in many respects closely resembles since I wrote my articles on the Kavi and the the corresponding part of the Umete SAsana of Umete Sasanas, as well as some points which Dadda II. As has been already mentioned, the the closer examination of the grant has revealgrant is dated Valabhi, full moon day of ed, make the proof of its being a forgery more Vaisakha saka-sarat 400 (478 A.D.). The difficult, and force me to alter the course of donor is stated to be Dharasenade va reasoning which I formerly adopted. son of Guhasen & and grandson of 'Bhat- | The argument drawn from the employgarka (i.e. Bhatbrka). The donee is Bhattament of the Gurjara characters and of the Indian Ant., vol. VI, p. 16. . The letter is very indistinct.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. Saka era is considerably weakened by the further south, certainly as far as the Nardiscovery that Gujarat east of the Gulf of mad A. But if that be so, an advocate of the Cambay during a considerable period formed genuineness of our plates might argue that part of the dominions of the Rajas of Vala bhi. there was no particular objection to assuming For a long time I distrusted the arguments used Dharasena II, too, having held Southern to prove the supremacy of the Valabhians over Gujarat, and having used in this grant the continental Gujarat, because the geographical Gurjara characters and Saka era in conformity names such as Kheta ka, Godraha ka, &c. with the usage of the country. For though whose occurrence on the plates of the Siladityas each Indian dynasty tsually adopts one kind was supposed to furnish the requisite proof, of alphabet only, and a change in the characters occur not unfrequently in various parts of usually occurs with a change of the dynasty only, Western India. But I am now compelled to still there are some clear cases where princes, admit the correctness of the view which I have in obedience to local usage, either used different formerly combated. For the facsimile of the alphabets for different parts of their dominions, grant of Dharasena IV, dated Sainvat 330, or changed the alphabet on acquiring or settling distinctly shows that that document was issued in a new province. Well known instances of at Bharukachchha or Bharuch. It is not the former kind are furnished by the inscrippossible to assume that two towns of this name tions of Asoka and of the Indo-Scythian existed in Gujarat. On the contrary it must be kings who used the so-called Ariano-Pali alphaadmitted that Dharasena IV, when issuing bet for their northern inscriptions and the Indohis sasana of Samvat 330, had pitched his camp PAli for those in Central India. A case of the on the banks of the Narmada, and for the latter kind we meet in the grants of the Rashtime, at least, had conquered Central Gujarat. trakutas, who, on conquering Gujarat about But if Dharasena IV held Bharuch, it becomes 800 A.D., gave up the Devanagari alphabet of exceedingly probable that the town of Khetaka, their Dekhan inscriptions, and substituted for it which is mentioned in his grant and in those of Gujarati characters. Nor can it be denied that the later Valabhian kings, Kharagraha II, the kings of Valabhi sometimes used characters Siladitya III, Siladitya IV, and Sile- differing from those on their plates. The Museum ditya VI, both as the pitching-place of the of the Asiatic Society of Bombay contains a muroyal camps and as the head-quarters of an tilated stone-slab, found at Valabhi, which shows Ahdra or Zilla,* is the ancient capital of the the curious pointed characters of DurgagaKheda Collectorate on the confluence of the na's Jhalra pathan inscription. It must be Vatrak and Sheri rivers. Further, it now seems admitted that these facts, taken together, would advisable to identify Godra ha ka, where make the use of Gurjara characters on plates SilAditya V issued his sa sana of Samvat 441, issued by a king of Valabhi in Gujarat, perwith the modern Godhra, the capital of the fectly explicable, and that they certainly prePanch Mahals. Finally, it is hardly possible to vent its being used as an argument against the take the Kheta ka, which is mentioned in the genuineness of our grant. The same remarks grant of Dharasena II, dated Samvat 270, apply to the argument drawn from the use of to be different from the modern Kheda, especially the Saka era. The latter was, as we know, as the name of the village granted, Asila from Dadda's and the Rathod inscriptions pallika, agrees very closely with that of the usually employed in Gujarat previous to the modern Aslali near Ahmadabad. In short, I accession of the Solanki dynasty. can no longer deny that the kings of Valabhi | But in spite of the removal of these two ruled from the time of Dharasena II over grounds of suspicion, there remains enough continental Gujarat as far as the Mahi, and to condemn our sasana as a forgery. The first that later they extended their sway much argument against it is furnished by a mistake Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 73. I prepared my transcript of the grant from the plate itself, not from the frenimile, and was unable to make out more of the name of the king's camp than Bbara. The facsimilo has clearly vijayaskandhavarad bharukachchhavdeakat. From the victorious camp, located at Bharukachchha! The stroke marking the u han, however, been attached to the left of the ra instead of to the right. See Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 45, vol. VII, pp. 73, 81; Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc., vol. XI, p. 335. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 17. Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 71. Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 180.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] VALABHE GRANTS. 279 in the genealogy of the Valabhi kings. The siladitya II. Now a forger who had seen grant states (Pl. I, 1. 4) that Guhasena was and not very carefully studied a grant of one the son of Bhat arka. All the other grants of these last four or five princes, where the of Dharasena II expressly assert that Guhasena grantor added deva to his name, would naturally was Bhatarka's grandson and the son of Dhard- transfer the epithet to the prince on whom he patta. Thut this version is the correct one fathered his own production. On a genuine may be gathered from Guhasena's own in- plate it could not be explained, because the scriptions. The only complete one published" Gurjara princes do not adopt it any more than enumerates, after Bhatarka, his three song the earlier Valabhfans. Dharasena I, Dronasimha, and Dhruvasena I, A third ground of suspicion arises out of the but omits "he name of Guhasena's father, cognizance and the inscription on the seal. Dharapatta, while, as far as I was able to The seals of the undoubted Valabhi grants make out, the first unpublished plate of his show a bull couchant, placed in the peculiar grant of Samvat 248deg contains Dharap atta's attitude of the great stone Nandi at Wala and name. If our grant were genuine, the mis- facing the proper left, as well as the inscription take would be perfectly inexplicable. But if Sri-Bhatarkah. In no case is the animal repreit is a forgery, the solution of the difficulty sented standing and facing the proper right is easily found. For the grants issued by as on the seal of our grant, and in no case do the successors of Dharasena II, from his son we find the name of the grantor instead of that Siladitya I down to Siladitya VI, Dhruvabhata, of the founder of the dynasty. It would be omit the names of Bhatarka's four sons, and useless to attempt an explanation of the differafter mentioning the founder of the dynasty, ences in the device and the inscription through at once turn to the description of Guhasena, Gurjara influence. For the Gurjara plates show premising the remark that the succession of on their seals nothing but the inscription kings between these two was unbroken and Sri-Samanta-Dadda. The conclusion to be regular. A forger who had no access to & drawn from the peculiarities of the attitude of grant of Guhasena or of Dharasena II, but to the Bull and of the inscription is that the grant one issued by a later king, might easily fall is a forgery, and that the forger was acquainted into the error which we find in our inscription, with the cognizance of the Valabhsans, but was and interpret the phrase regarding the un- unable or neglected to give to the coppersmith broken succession of kings between Bhatarka a proper model. and Guhasena to mean that the latter was the A fourth argument against the genuineness son of the former. of our plates is furnished by their relation to A second mistake which these plates show, the grants of the Gurjara prince Dadda II. confirmas this suspicion, and indicates that the I have formerly asserted that the chief portion forger derived his knowledge of the Valabhi of this grant is an exact copy of Dadda's Umeta dynasty from a grant of one of the later Sild- plates of Saka Samvat 400. A more careful dityas. Contrary to the usage of all other examination and comparison of the two docugrants of Dharasena II, that king is in ments shows, however, that there are some our grant twice called Dharagenadeva important discrepancies, and that in some points (P! I, 1. 15; Pl. II, 1. 17). Now the title dera the forged grant is independent, while in others is not found attached to the names of Valabhi it agrees with the Ilio grant of Dadda, which kings before the times of Siladitya II. It actually is dated Saka Samvat 417. In order to enable occurs on all the grants of SilAditya III, the reader to gain an insight into the relation Sladitya IV, Siladitya V, and SilAditya VI, l of the three grants, I give their corresponding and the first ruler who receives it, is just portions in parallel columns. Umeta grant Pl. 1, 1. 14. The forged grant Plate 1, 1.15. Ilao grant Pl. 11, 1. 11. kuzalI sarvAneva rAbhUpativiSayapati- | kuzalI sarvAneva rASTrapativiSayapati- kuzalI sarva nava rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakuTAyuktAniyuktakAdhikamahattarA- | prAmakUTAyuktakAniyuktakAdhikamahattarA- | grAmakUTayuktakAniyuktakAdhikamahatarA Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 66. Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 206. 10 I have not seen the grant of S11Aditya II, dated 348. which is preserved in the Museum of the As. Soc. Bombey, and do not know if deva is used there.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. Umeta grant Pl. 1, 1. 14. dInsamAjJapayati astu vo viditaM yathA maya mAtApitrorAtmanazcaivAmuSmikapunyayazobhivRddhaye kAnyakubjavAstavya tacAturvidyasamAnyavaziSTasagotrabahucasabrahmacAribhaTTamahidharastasya sunu bhaTTa madhava balicaruvaizvadevAgnihotrapaJcamahAyajJadikRyotsarpaNArthaM kamaNIyazIDazarta bhuktyantaHpAtiniguDagrAmosya ghaTasthanAni purvasyAM dizivapaurigrAmaH dakSiNasyAM dizi phalahabadgagrAmaHpraticyAM dizi vihANagrAmaH utarasyAM dizi dahithaligrAmaH evamayaM svacaturAghaTanavizuddho grAmaH sodRgasapArrakarasadhAnyahiranyAdeyasotpadyamAnaviSTikasamastarAjakiyAnama pravezya acandrAkarNavakSiti sariparvatasamakAlina patrapautrAnvayakamopabhogya purvaprattadevabrahmadAyavarjamabhyAMtarasidhdya zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsaracatuSTaye vaizAkhapaurNamAsyAM udakAtisageMNa pratipAditaM yatosyocitaya brahmadAyasthityA kuSataH karSayato muMjato bhojayataH pratidizato vA na vyAsedhaH pravartitavya tathAgAmibhirapi nRpatibhirasmadvaMzyairanyairvA sAmAnyabhUmidAnaphalamavetya bindUllolAnyanityAnyaizvaryANi nRNagralagnajalabinduvaJcalaJca jIvitamAkalayya svadAyanirvizeSo yamasmadAyonumantavyaH pAlayitavyazca tathA coktaM bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM yazcAjJAnatimirabRtamatirAcchIMdyAdAcchidyamAnamanumodeta vA sa paJcabhirmahApAtakarupapAtakaizca saMyuktaH syaditi uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAzena vedavyAzena SaSTi va sahasrANi khageM tiSThati bhUmidaH AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset yAnIha dattAni purAtanAni dAnAna dhaArthayazaskarANa nirbhuktamAlyapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta khadattA paradA vA yabAdakSanarAdhipaH mahIM mahImA zreSTha dA. nAccheyonupAlanaM likhitaMzcaitatpadAnajIvizrIbalAdhikRtagilakaninA mAdhavabhahena svahastoyaM mama zrIvitarAgathUno zrIprasaMtarAgasya The forged grant Plate 1, 1. 15. Ildo grant Pl. 11, 1. 11. disamAjJApayati astu vo viditaM yathA dInsamAjJApayati asu vo viditaM yathA maya mAtApitrorAnmanazcaivAmuSmikA- mayA mAtApitrorAtmanazcaivAmuSmikayuNyAyazobhivRddhAye dazapuravinirgata- NyayazobhivRddhaye abvicchatvavAratavyatacAturvidyasAmAnyakausikasyagotracchaM- tacAturvidyasAmAnya kazyapazagotrabahahogAsabrahmacAribhADAisarastasya uta- casabrahmacAribhaTTagovindastasya sUnubhAgomiMda balicasvadevAgnihotrapanca narayaNaya balicaruvaizvadevAgnihotrapaNcamahAyajJArtha kaMtAragrAmazoDazataM mahAjajJAdikriyotsarpaNartha aGkaleviSayaMtaHpAti naMdIarakagrAmo zvaraviSayantaHpAtirASTravaM grAmo tasya ca ghaTAnAni purvataH giri- sthAghaTasthanAni pUrva vAraNeramAmaH viligrAmaH dakSiNataH madAvinadi dakSiNataH varaMdanaH pazcimataH pazcimataH samuMdro utarataH deyathali guMThavaDakamAmaH uttarata araThuaM grAmaH evamayaM svacaturAyaTanavizuddho grAmaH evamayaM svacaturApATanavizuddho grAmaH sodraMga saparikara sadhAnyahiranyA- grAmaH sodragasaparikarasadhAnya hiraNya - deyasotpadyamAnaveSTika samastarAjakiya. deyasotyadyamAnaviSTikasamastarAjakIya - nama pravesyamAcandrArkArNavakSitisarI- namapravezyamacaMdrANavakSitisarityarvata - tparvatasamakAlinA putrapautrAMnvayakramo samAnakAlIna putvapIlAnvayakramopabhogya pabhogya purvapratadevabrahmadAyavarjama- pUrva prattadevabrahmadAyavarjamabhyAMtarasidhya bhyaMtarazidhya zakanRpakAlAtItasaMva- zakatRpakAlAtItasaMvaccharacatuSTaye ccharazatacatuSTaye vaizAkhyaM paurNapAza saptadazAdhike jyeSThamAvAsyAsUryagrAhe udakAnisvaggeNa pratipAditaM yatIsyo- udakAtisargeNa pratipAditaM yatIsyocitayA brahmadAyasthityA kRSataH karSa- citaya brahmadAyasthityA kRSataH karSayato bhujato bhojayataH pratidizatI vA | yato bhuJjato bhojayataH pratidizato vA na vyAsedhaH pravartitavyazca tathAgAmibhi- | na vyAseSaH pravartitavya tathAgAmiAbharApi nRpatibhirAsmadvaMsyairanyairvA sA- rapi nRpatibhirasmadvaMzyairanyA sAmAnyabhumidAnaphalamavetya bindUlo- mAnyabhUmidAnaphalamavetya bindUllolAnyanityanyaizvarya Ni tRNagralagnAja- lAnyanityAnyazvaryANi nRNAgraja'labinducaNcalaNca jivitamakalayya labinducaNcalaNca jIvitamAkalayya svadAyonirviseSo yamasmadvAyo nu- svadAyanirviseSoyamasmadayonumantavya palayitavyaHzca tathA coktaM mantanyaH pAlayitavyazca tathA coktaM bahubhirvasudhA bhukta rAjabhi sAgarA- bahubhirvasudhA bhukta rAjabhiH- sagarAdibhiH jasya jasya yadA bhumistasya dibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM jazvajJanatimiravRta- tasya tadA phalam || yazcajJAnatimirAvRtamatirAcchIMdyadAcchidyamanamanu matirAcchindyAdAcchidyamAnamanumodetA va sa paMcabhirmahApAtakairu.. modeta vA sapaNcabhirmahApAnakairupapAtakaizca zaMyukta syAditi uktaM ca papAtakaica saMyukta syAditi uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena vedavyAsena SaSTiM va- bhagavatA vyAzena vedavyAzena paSTiM baSasahasraNi svarge tiSThati bhumidaH acche. rSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhuumidH| Acchata cAnumaMta ca taniva narake vaset ttA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset / / janiha datAni puratanAni dAnAni dha- yAnIha dattAni purAtanAmi dAnAni dhArdhayaSaskarANi nirbhuktamAlyaprati- mArthayasaskarANi nirbhuktamAlyapratimAni nani ko nAma mAdhuH punarAdA mAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadita svadattA paradA vA yatnAdraSA dIta / svadattA paradA vA yatvAdrakSa narAdhipaH mahIM mahimA zreSTha dA. narAdhipaH mahI mahImatA zreSTha dAnAcchreyonupAlanaM likhitaM saMdhI- naacchyonupaalnN| likhitamidaM saMdhivigrahAdhikRtena mAdhavasUtena | vigrahAdhikRtena reveNa madhavasureveNa svahastoyaM mamaH zrIdhara- tena zrIvItarAgamUnoH svaiMsTosenadevAsya // // | ye mama zrIprazAntarAgasya

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OCTOBER, 1881.] VALABHI GRANTS. 281 This synopsis shows clearly that my former | the Valabhsans ruled with one Sandhivigrahika expression, declaring this sasana to be an exact only. For both the grants of Dharasena IV, copy of the Umeta grant, is too strong, but which dispose of villages in Sorath and in that if it is a forgery, its affinity to the latter Gohelvad" and his grant of Sam. 330 which and to the Ilao grant presupposes an acquaint- was issued at Bharuch, and refers to a village ance with either both those grants or with one situated in the Kheda Zilla, were written by of them and with the political history of the one and the same minister Skandabhata, Gurjara kingdom. I feel compelled also to the son of Chandra bhatti." If Dharasena retract my former assertion that the resemblance IV contented himself with one minister, it is between the Umeta sasana and this may be used certainly not likely that Dharasena II, wh as an argument against the genuineness of the was a much smaller prince, kept two. The latter. But I maintain now that its date and second alternative-the supposition that Reva the statement about the writer, the minister for might have succeeded Skandabhata is not probpeace and war Reva, the son of Madhava, able, because the office of Sandhivigrahika furnish an additional argument for considering seems to have been hereditary at Valabhi for a our grant spurious. The undoubted grants of considerable period. From Sam. 246-270 we find Dharasena II, which range between the year Skanda bhata ; next from Sam. 286-290 252-270 of the peculiar era of the Valabhi grants, Chandra bhatti; further Sam 310, Vasaare all countersigned by the minister for peace bhatti;'* from Sam. 322-330, Skandaand war, the chief secretary Skandabhat ay bhata, the son of Chandrabhatti; and from Sain. while our grant bears the countersignature of 332-348, Anahila, the son of Skandabhata. Reva, the son of Madhava. This same Now, though the grants do not state that Skandabhata, as we learn from Guha sena's Chandrabhatti was the son of the first Skangrants dated Sam. 246 and 248, was also em- dabhata, that is highly probable, because Chanployed as minister by Dharasena's father. It is drabhatti's son is again called Skandabhata, clear that we have here to deal with a fact which and it is customary with Hindus to name a. seems to go against the genuineness of our grant. child after its grandfather. Under these In order to remove it, it might, however, be circumstances the appearance of the name of a contended that Reva might either have held stranger in a grant of Dharasena is suspicious. office simultaneously with Skandabhata or during But this suspicion becomes stronger if it is the last portion of Dharasena's reign, which borne in mind that in Saka Samyat 417 the as the first grant of his son Siladitya I is dated Ildo grant of Dadda II was written by the Sam. 286, must have ended some time between minister Reva, the son of Madhava, and Sam. 270 and Sam. 286. In favour of the former that the general Madhava the son of Gila ka alternative it might further be said, that Indian wrote a grant for Dadda II on the same day prinoes sometimes actually employed two San- that Reva, who probably was his son, is said dhivigrahikas, and the case of the Silahara to have written one for Dharasena II, the foe Chhittar aja might be adduced as an instance. of the Gurjara kings. It seems to me that For, as we learn from the Bhandup plates, that every attempt to uphold the genuineness of prince had besides his Sandhivigrahika Siha- our grant entangles us in a maze of impropaiya, a second minister for peace and war, babilities. We should have firstly to assume Kapardi for Kanara. It might further be that a Brahmana from continental Gujarat, for argued that such an arrangement would be as such is Reva marked by his name,"succeeded natural for Dharasena II, as he held portions of temporarily to an office held for generations by Kathiavad and of continental Gujarat. Plausi- inhabitants of Valabhi, while his father held ble as this explanation may appear, it can- office under a hostile king; and secondly, that not be accepted, because through the grants of afterwards he entered the service of that king Dharasena IV we have certain evidence that whom his father served. It will be necessary to 11 Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 280. the facsimile appears clear, the name is not quite certain, 1 Ind. Ant., vol. I, pp. 16, 45. and may be a mistake for Chandrabhatti. 13 This is the correct form of the name, not Vasha- 15 The modern form would be RevRankar, & Dame bhatti or Vatrabhatti as Prof. Bhandarkar doubtingly which is extremely common among the BrAhmane, 08geaddz. pecially the Nagars living between the Tapti and the ** Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 16. I must add that, though Sebharmatt

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. acknowledge that the name of the writer and the date of our grant are an additional argument against its genuineness. But while I thus thinkit necessary to declare the grant spurious, I must add that in my opinion it is not a recent forgery, but dates from 100 to 200 years after Saka Samvat 400. The grounds for this belief are, firstly, the fact that the characters are of the real and genuine Gurjara type; secondly, the fact that the forger knew something about the history of the Gurjara period; and thirdly, the probability that in later times a forger would not have fabricated a grant with the name of a king of the Valabhi dynasty. As regards the first point, everybody who compares our grant with those of Jayabhata and Dadda II, must acknowledge that what. ever the grant may be, the letters are genuine, and agree with those of the Gurjara princes. Now Indian forgers do not, as a rule, even attempt to imitate an ancient character. But, if they do it, the attempt is of the feeblest kind possible. Nobody who carefully examines the numerous forgeries from Southern India, e.g. the Chera grant dated 159 Saka," the British Museum grant of Pulikesi, dated Saka Saruvat 411,18 or Mr. L. Rice's early Chera grants, published in the Ind. Ant., will easily see that the letters do not belong to the centuries in which the grants are dated. The same remark holds good for the few forgeries found in Gujarat. I may mention, as an instance of this kind, a plate which was sent to me in 1879 for examination by the Assistant Political Agent in charge of LunavaC/a. It bears the name of Jayasimha Siddharaja of Anhilvad Pathan, but the letters belong to the last century, and the document is full of absurd anachronisms. There are also good reasons why it is almost impossible for a forger to adop' an ancient character or to imitate it successfully. Firstly, palaeography is not a branch of learning which is or ever has been much cultivated in India. Even learned Brahmans can hardly read the ancient literary alphabets of their own provinces. They are utterly unacquainted with the characters used in inscriptions. This state of things seems to be ancient. For it is indicated by some curious blunders which Hiwen Thsang makes with regard to inscribed monuments. Thus the learned Chinese travel. ler asserts that Tathagata frequently travelled in the kingdom of Valabhi, and that Asoka raised columns in all the places where he stopped." Now it is a curious fact that Kathiavud possesses a number of old pillars, several of which, like those near Jasdan, at LAth 1,20 and near D var ka, are inscribed. But not one of them belongs to A s oka: they were all erected by the Western Kshatra pa kings or their subjects. Hiwen Thsang no doubt drew his information regarding them from the Buddhist priests at Valabhi. His erroneous statements prove that his informants were not paleographists and antiquarians, but as ignorant of such matters as the Pandits of our days. But, supposing the case that an intending forger had mastered an ancient alphabet, he would still be very far from being able to produce a grant written in it. For the grant has to be incised by a coppersmith or Kanser. Kansars, though sometimes clever enough in imitating a given document, are utterly helpless if left to themselves. A Kangar would be able to copy an old copper plate with perfect exactness, and probably succeed in making a tolerable copy of a grant written on paper. The forger would, therefore, not only have to give him the grant in Devanagari characters and an ancient alphabet, but he would have to write out the document itself in the old characters, and then to have it transferred to copper. Patient and industrious as the Pandits are, 80 much trouble would not suit their taste, and their deficiency in historical sense and knowledge would not allow them to undertake it. Under these circumstances, and with the actual facts regarding forged grants before our eyes, it is not too much to say that a forged grant may be assigned to that period the characters of which it shows. Now our grant shows Gurjara letters, and therefore most probably belongs to the period when Gurjara characters were used in Gujarat. The latest date which a genuine grant written in Gurjara character shows, is Saka Samvat 749, or 827 A.D., which occurs on the Kavi plates. It may 18 Burnell, South Indian Pal., p. 119. 27 See Burnell, loc. cit., plate XI. Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 210. 10 Memoires, tom. II., p. 163. 20 Now in the Museum of the Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. 91 Ina, Ant., vol. V, p. 14.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] VALABHI GRANTS. 283 be that the Gurjara characters continued to be was buried in oblivion, as a perusal of the Jaina used a little longer,-- perhaps up to the end of the chronicles will show. ninth century. In the tenth century they were Irrespective of this point, there is another supplanted by the northern Kayastha-Nagari, historical fact which the forger must have known, which we find on Mulraja's grant" and other viz., that Gujarat for a time belonged to the unpublished documents. For these reasons, I kings of Valabhi. That this actually was the think, our grant can in no case be placed later case, I have proved by the grant of Dharasena than 850 or 900. But as its characters come very IV, dated Sam. 330. Now neither the bards close to those of Dadda's plates, it is probably nor the Jainas have the slightest notion of it. older and belongs to the 6th or 7th century. Nay it will be news to most antiquarians that The fact that the forger knew something of Bharuch was actually conquered by the the ancient political history of Gujarat points Maharajadhiraja Chakravartin of Valabhi. Is to the same date. I have shown above that the | it, under these circumstances, likely that any. second part of our grant agrees in the main body but a man who lived shortly after the with the Umeta and Ilao grants, but that in time when the conquest happened should know two important particulars the date and the the fact ? That he knew it is plain enough, name of the writer wavers between the two. because he makes Dharasena II dispose of a The date is that of the Umeta sasana, while village situated probably in the Surat collectorate. the name of the writer is identical with that The forgery would finally have been without of the Tao grant. This circumstance may be any practical object, if it had been made explained by assuming that the forger had during a period when the dominion of the access to both documents and mixed their con- Valabhsans over Gujarat had ceased or was no tents. But such an assumption is not safe longer fresh in the memory of the actual rulers. because the two grants were not given to The forger, of course, wanted to prove his own, members of the same family or of the same or his employer's title to the village of Nandiar. Brahmanical tribe. The Umeta grant originally If the actual rulers had not either been Valabhians belonged to a Kanya kubja Brahman and or at least had known something about the fact the Ilao grant to an Abhich hattra (i.e. that the Valabhsans once held the country, be Ahichhattra) Brahman. Now Brahmans are not would certainly not have taken the trouble to at all communicative with regard to their family insert the name of Dharasena. He would have documents, and it must be a curious accident chosen some other king whose name was known. which gave to one and the same person access to Hence and because the fact of the Valabhsan both documents. It is much more likely that he rule over Gujarat was soon forgotten, we are saw only one of the documents, the Umeta sasana, driven again to the same conclusion that the and took from this the wording of the second forger lived not very long after the date which part of his composition, and the date, which he he inserted in his grant. could not have possibly given. But if that be so, Enough has been said, I think, to make this he must have got the name of Reva, the son point credible. The conclusions to be drawn of Madhav a, from his knowledge of history from it regarding the credibility of the chief The fact that such a man existed and held the historical statement of our grant, viz., that the office of Sandhivigrahika, could, in the absence Saka year 400 fell in the reign of Dharascna of annals, only be known to a person who lived II, and that Dharasena possessed Gujarat in not long after the times of Dadda II, i.e. in that year, I reserve for another paper, in which the 6th or perhaps in the 7th century. Later I intend to discuss the question of the Valabla the knowledge of this whole period of history and Gupta eras. Plate I. [1] oM svasti zrIvalabhitaH sakalapRthvIpAlamaulimAlAparicuMbitacaraNAravindo nijabhujaslambhodbhutavi-" [2] zvavizvAMbharabhAraH paramamAhesvaro nijabhujabalanihatasakalaripukulalalanAlocanaH kamalavini23 Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 191. | * L. 1, read of:.-L. 2. read (aur; OHET; .

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. [3] smRtavAridhArAparizAMtakopAnalaHkalikAlakalaGkaGkitalokapApanirNAzanacataratarAzubhAcaritaHzrI-24 [] bhaTTArkalasya sUnurAkhanDala iva khanDitavikrama pRthuriva pRthutarayazovitAnavimalIkRtasakala[1] digAntazyatu sAgaramekhalAya bhuvaH pAlayitA saMskRtaprakRtApabhraMzAbhASAtrayapratibaddhaprabandharaca[0] nAnipuNAtarAMtakaraNo vipazcitsamAjamAnasarajahaMsa samarazirovidAritarAtikarIghaTakuMbhasthalapra[7] kSAlitarudhiradhAranikuruMbakAlasaMdhyojitavizvAMtArAlaH karIrAja iva sadAdAnAdi kRtakaro himAcala [1] ivAMtasarAlotitugazyA ratnAkara ivabahusatvAzrayotigaMbhirazca ziziretarakiraNA iva nijapAdacchAyA[1] krAMtamahAmahIdharacakravAlaH zrIguhasenaslasya sunuranupamaguNagaNAdharabhUto bhutanatha[10] iva ripuparAMbheta caturAMbhodhivelAmekhalAya bhutadhAtryA bhartA nijabhujabalahaThAkRSNasamalasApatrasaMpatkaH ["] paGkajanAbha iva sadA lakSminivAso vibuddhadhunIpravAha iva bhuvanatrayapavitrakaraNodyato dina["] kara iva karanikaranihatabahunArAriputimiravisAro vizAdatarayazorAziprasaraprasAdhi[""] tAsakaladigaMtabhutalaH kamalAsana iva vibuddhavRndasaMsevita payodasamayajaladharanivAha iva sakalAzA[14] parIpUraNAkuzalo lokasaMtApahArI ca vajradhara iva paTutaradhiSaNo bahudrekca mahArAjAdhirAjapa[15] ramezvaraparamabhaTTArakaH zrIdharasenadava kuzalI sarvAneva rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTAyuktakA[7] niyuktakAdhikamahAttArAditsamAjJApayati astu vo viditaM yathA maya mA["] tApitrorAmanazcaivAmuhimakapuNyAyazobhivRddhAye . dazapuravinirgata Plate II. [1] tacAtuvidyasAmAnyakausikasyagotracchaMdogAsabrahmacAribhATTA isarastasya suta[] bhAgomida balicasvaisvadevAmihotrapancamahAyajJArtha katAragrAmazoDazataM vi[1] payaMtaHpAtinaMdIarakagrAmo tasya ca ghaTAnAni purvataH giriviligrAmaH dakSiNata: ma[1] dAvinadi pazcimataH samuMdro utarataH deyathaligrAmaH evamayaM svacaturAghaTanavizuddho grAmaH sodraMga sapa[5] rikara sadhAnyahiranyAdeya sotpadyamAnaveSTika samastarAjakiyanamapravesyamAcadrArkArNavakSitisarI["] parvatasamAnakAlinA putrapautrAMnvayakramopabhogya purvapratadevabrahmadAyavarjamabhyaMtarazidhya zakanRpa[] kAlAtItasaMvaccharazatacatuSTaye vaizAkhyaM paurNamazi udakAtisvargeNa pratipAditaM yatosyoci[9] tayA brahmadAyasthisyA kRSataH karSayato bhuMjato bhojayataH pratidizato vA na vyAsedhaH pravarti[1] tavyazca tayAgAmibhirApi nRpatibhirAsmadvaMsyairanyA sAmAnya bhumidAnaphalamaveya bindUlo[] lAnyanityainyaizvaryANi tRNAlamAjalabinducaNcalaNca jivitamakalayya svadAyonirviseSoyama["] smadvAyonumantavya palayitavyaHzca tathA coktaM bahubhirvasudhA bhukta rAjabhi sAgarAdibhiH jasya jasya ya["] dA bhumistasya tasya tadA phalaM jazvajJanatimiravRtamatirAcchIMdyadAcchidyamanamanumodetA va sa paMcabhirmahA[1] pAtakairupapAtakaizca zaMyukta syAditi uktaM ca bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena SaSTiM varSasahasraNi sva "L. 3, read parizrAnta-kalaGkAti ; tarazubhacaritaH | L. 1, read tacAturvidyA kauzikasagotracchaMdoga;-bhaTTa. L. 4, read bhaTArka rAkhaNDa vAkhaNDitavikramaH-L.,L.2, read bhaTTagovindAya; vaizvadevA, paJca'.-L. 8, read degSaread diganta'; degmekhlaayaa| prAkRtA.-L.6, read nipuNatarA- yAntaH cAghATanAni; pUrvataH L.4, read degdAvI nadI, samudra ntaH-rAjahaMsaH tArAtikarighaTA:-L.i, read dhArA; uttara rAghATana sodga:-L.b, rend kara degNyAdeyaH; kari, 'nArdIkRta; L.R, rend iyAtisaralo; tuGgama; gaMbhIra viSTika, rAjakIyAnAmapravezya A-sari'.-L.6, read samAnakiraNa (IL.s, rend sUnura', gaNadhara, bhUtanAtha.-L, 10, read | kAlIna pauSAnvaya bhogyaH pUrvapatna; "mAbhyaMtarasiddhayA. L.7. ripapurA bhettA; caturaMbho, mekhalAyA bhUta 'kRSTa.- L. 11, | read vaizAkhyAM paurNamAsyAM; sargeNa pratipAditaH. L. 9, read"tabyaH read lakSmI, vibudha , L. 12, read bahutara vistArI tathA; ripi; rasmadvezyaira, sAmAnyaM bhUmi bindu-L. 10, read vizada.-L. 18, read tasakala-bhUtala, vibudhI-sevi- | nityAnyai ; tRNAgralagna caJcalaca; degmAkalayya; svadAyanirvitaH-L. 14, rend paripUraNa', bahudakca.-L. 15, read degdevaH; zeSo.-L. 11, read smadA, mantavyaH pA bhuktA; rAjabhiHsayuktaka-L.16, read mahattarAdInsa'; mayA. L. 17, read yasya yasya. L. 12, read bhUmi; yabhAjJAna, rAginyAdAcchiyA puNyayazobhivRddhaye. mAnama deta vA. L. 13, read saMyuktaH sahastrANi.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] VALABHI GRANTS. 285 [14] meM tiSThati bhumidaH accheta cAnumaMta ca tAneva narake vaset janiha datAni puratanAni dAnAni dharmA-" [1] rdhayaSaskarANi nirbhuktamAlyapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdAdita svadattAM paradattAM vA yatrA[1] draSA narAdhipaH mahIM mahimatAM zreSTha dAnAcchreyonupAlanaM likhitaM saMdhIvigrahAdhikRtena mAdhavasU. ["] tena reveNa svahastoyaM # UchiCATET I II Translation. being very courageous (bahusatlvasraya) and Plate I. very profound (atigambhira), resembled the Om. Hail, from famous Valabhi! (There ocean which is the abode of many beings (bahuwas the ardent devotee of Mahesvara, the sattvdsraya) and very deep (atigambhira)-who, illustrious Bhattarka (Bhatarka), whose as the shadow of his feet (palachhayd) falls on lotus feet were kissed by the diadems of all many great kings (mahidhara) resembled kings, that encircled them like a garland, who the sun, the light of whose rays (padachupheld with his arms stronglike pillars the load chhayd) falls on many high mountains (mahiof the whole earth,-the fire of whose anger was dhara). extinguished by the streams of tears, flowing His son (is) the supreme sovereign, the from eyes of the wives of all his enemies, who supreme lord and king of kings the illustrious had been slain by his strong arm, --whose pious Dharasenadeva, who is endowed with a conduct was exceedingly efficient in destroying multitude of incomparable virtues, who being the crimes of the world which the Age of Sin the destroyer of (three) towns of his foes, makes foul. resembles Siva who is the destroyer of TriHis son (was) the illustrious Guhasena, pura," who is the husband of the earth that is who resembled Akhandala (Indra), be- surrounded by the four oceans as by a girdle,cause his valour was unchecked (alchandita), who has forcibly drawn towards himself by the and Prithu because all the quarters of the strength of his arm the wealth of all his rivals, world were purified by the canopy of his very --who, just like Vishnu, is always attended by extended (prithutara) fame,--who protected the Fortune (lakshmi),---who, like the flood of the earth that is encircled by the four oceans as by celestial river (gangd), is always engaged in a girdle, and excelled in composing works in purifying the three worlds-who, having beaten the three languages, viz., in Sanskrit, Prakrit, down the huge dark masses of his numerous foes and Apabhramba, -who was an illustrious king by means of the multitude of the trunks (of (rdjahasiusa) dwelling in the minds (manasa) his elephants), and having beautified the whole of a multitude of Pandits, and thus resembled world by the expanse of his great and exceeda royal swan dwelling on lake Manasa, who ingly brilliant fame, resembles the sun who conquered all the regions of the earth with with the multitude of his rays destroys the exnumerous streams of blood, red like the dawn tensive, hostile darkness and beautifies the of Time, that gushed from the frontal globes whole world by his far-extending exceedingly of troops of hostile elephants which he split in brilliant splendour --who, being worshipped by the van of battle, who conquered all the in- a crowd of wise men, resembles Brahman, termediate regions, -whose hands were always who is worshipped by the crowd of the godswet with (libations made in conferring) gifts who, being clever in fulfilling all hopes and (sadadanardrfleritakara), and who thus resembled removing the sorrows of the people, resembles an elephant king whose trunk is always wet the clouds of the rainy season, which are effi. with ichor flowing from his temples (sadar. cient in filling the whole sky and remove the danardrikritakara),--who being very upright heat that scorched men,--who possessing great (atisarala) and exceedingly lofty (atitunga) intelligence and seeing much, resembles Indra, resembled the Himalaya which is exceedingly who has a very wise preceptor (Brihaspati) straight (atisarala) and high (atitunga),--who and many eyes. L, 14, read : 3 T 4T; atq; * This is an exceedingly recondite pun which is only Page #330
286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. He, being in good health, addresses these orders to all governors of zillis, governors of talukas, headmen of villages, officials and employes, great men, chief men and others Be it known to you that for the increase of my parents and of my own merit in the next world and of my fame, I have granted with heartfelt devotion, confirming the gift by a libation of water, on the day of the full moon of Vaisakha in the year four hundred of the Saka era, to Bhatta Go minda (Govinda), the son of Bhatta Isara (Isvara), an emigrant from Da sa pura, who belongs to the Chaturvedis of that (town) and to the Kausika Gotra in general, and studies the Chhandog a sakha (of the Samaveda) for the performance of the Bali, Charu, Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra, the five Mahiyajnas and similar rites, the village of Nandiaraka situated in the Kan taragra. maso dasa tam zilla, the boundaries of which are-to the east the village of Girivili, to the south the river Mad & vi, to the west the ocean, to the north the village of D eyathali. (The grant of) this village-which is not to be entered by any royal officials, and to be enjoyed by the grantee's) sons, grandsons and remoter) descendants-defined by the above-stated bonndaries includes the ..... the rent paid by non-resident cultivators, the income in grain and gold and the right of forced labour, with the exception of former gifts to gods and Brahmans, and is to be valid as long as moon, sun, sea, earth, rivers and hills endure. Wherefore nobody is to cause hindrance to him who by virtue of the rights conferred by this gift to a Brahman, cultivates (the land of this village), causes it to be cultivated, enjoys it or causes it to be enjoyed by others, or assigns it to others) ............... Written by the Secretary for peace and war Reva, the son of Madhav a. This is my sign-manual, (that) of the illustrious Dharasenadeva. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from p. 147.) MURLIS AND Wights. in distant towns and villages, and the females, Murlis are girls wedded to Khandoba, under the cloak of religion, are prostitutes. the lord of Jejuri. If a low caste Hindu is An ordinary Hindu may keep one of these childless, he vows that if Khandoba blesses women under his protection, but generally and him with offspring, male or female, the same will correctly speaking they are the Kasbins of be set apart for life, to worship and attend Maratha and other low caste Hindus. Without upon the deity, and he accordingly dedi- the least shame for a few annas or so they will cates it; others again forsake their little ones take up quarters with any one, not excepting under the plea of a vow made by them, while a Musalman. The standard of morality among grown-up women leave the protection of their them, even in Jejuri, is very low, indeed, husbands and become Murlis on the mere BO much so that a gentleman visiting Jejuri pretext that Khandoba had appeared to them with his servants, has either to stay outside in a dream and told them they ought to become the place for the night with his servants, or Murlis. Mangs and Mahars are not behind to accommodate them in his own house, to in having Waghias and Murlis among keep them from mischief at the hands of these them. The male is called Wag hia, and the women. The males of these people marry female Murli. These hang about the temple the daughters of Murlis, but the Murlis themand loiter in the streets with a bag made of selves cannot marry, they being the wedded tiger-skin, which they carry suspended from wives of their god. "That a Murli should be their necks, and with which they touch the fore- a woman of abandoned character is understood heads of passers by and ask for charity. The to be a matter of course, even more than that males and females dance together with bells in a Kasbin should be so." The term Murli is their hands, and a small native drum, called in applied by the natives to a loose and flirting Marathi daphri, and sing the praises of their god woman. The life of these Murlis is "openly a and lavanis, for the entertainment of listeners. life of prostitution, prostitution under the supThey do not live at Jejuri alone, but are scattered posed sanction of religion." And a majority of

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OCTOBER, 1881.] BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. diseased and hideous-looking Kasbins in Bombay are the Murlis of Jejuri and other such places. KORVARU. Korvaru are a wild-looking Karnatia people whose women, called Karvanjis, rather than the men, are fortune-tellers. They are occasionally met with in Bombay, begging, telling fortunes and playing music. They travel from place to place, and speak a language peculiar to themselves. Their women, rising early in the morning, partake of the food begged the previous day. The husband cannot join his wife uncalled, as he is supposed to obtain his own food. Dressing in rags, she sallies forth at about eight in the morning, and tying her young ones on her back or chest, and with a basket on her head, she takes her stand in front of the house-door, begging for alms. She does not offer to tell fortunes unless asked, but when questioned whether she knows fortune-telling, she readily answers in the affirmative. She puts down her basket and sits by it on the ground. Bringing a handful of grain or a pice, the householder gives it to the beggar and sits before her. The beggar takes his right hand in hers, opens it, and after examining it for some time, tells him the number of trials and difficulties he has had since his birth, his present circumstances, his future luck, whether his wife is dead or alive, the number of children he already has or is to have, and other particulars. Only one must be prepared to ask questions, the beggar being always ready with her answers, and to the satisfaction of the questioner. KALONGANIS. Kalong a nis pretend to know everything about futurity, what awaits mankind, what is to become of this world, and when there will be a deluge. They are on rare occasions met with in Bombay. They go about in bands of three, four or five. They have a leader who holds a book in his hands and recites verses; his followers also carry books and repeat verses after their leader, more from memory than from the books, and beat drums and other musical instruments to attract people's attention and obtain grain, money, or other presents. Any one wishing to hear them sing, as they are supposed to be very good singers, calls them, and after hearing them for some time, pays them from a couple of annas to as many rupees. 287 BUDLENDES. Budlendes resemble the Joshis, they are fortune-tellers, and go about begging with a rattle in their hands, uttering something to the following effect:- A fortnight hence wilt thou hear of prosperity, and in a palanquin wilt thou sit within a couple of months. But unfortunately a danger awaits thee. Thus did the morning bird halaki whisper in my ear. Do thou therefore try to avert the danger, shouldst thou not do so in time, great loss will ensue. It is not a great thing to do, only an old waistcloth, and all will end well.' Thus does the Joshi go on repeating, keeping the rattle all the while at work. This is a very boisterous beggar, shrewd and designing. SAKTAS (ante, pp. 73, 74.) Ghatakanchuki is a Sakta ceremony performed generally at large gatherings of the sect. I remember one such gathering being held in Bombay in the Fanaswadi Lane, when as many as three hundred persons, men and women, were present. The meeting was held in a solitary building then known as the Bhutkhana, believed to be infested by devils, and that these devils occasionally feasted there and sent forth odours of incense and liquor. At this ceremony equal numbers of males and females are present, and as they enter, the men sit in one place in the room, and the women in another. A dim light or two are kept burning, and the chief mover, taking a pot or vessel, places it in the middle. When all have arrived, the goddesses', that is, the women, approach the pot, and pulling off their kanchukis, bodices, throw them into the receptacle, and sit down round it with their breasts exposed. The men now approach them, and worship them with flowers, sandal, red powder, wave a lighted lamp before their faces, burn incense and camphor, and offer them fish, flesh, liquor and sweetmeats. After they have eaten and drunk, the remains are made over to the men. Before worship both the men and women are counted, to see that the numbers are the same; if not, others are sent for. Each woman must know her own bodice, and each worshipper, approaching the vessel, picks up a bodice, and the woman to whom it belongs pairs with him, and they spend the night in each other's company in the room where they are met. (To be continued).

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. To the Editor of the "Indian Antiquary." SIE,-The story which Professor Tawney has quoted in the July number of the Antiquary as furnishing a folklore parallel, allow me to point out, is the popular romance, given in the Jaimini Bharata of Chandrahasa, the scene of whose adventures is localised at Kuntala-nagara, said to be Kubattur, in the extreme north-west of Mysore. The story is related in Talboys Wheeler's History of India, vol. I, p. 522; but for local accounts see Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 187, and Mysore Inscriptions, p. xxxvii. LEWIS RICE. Bangalore, 16th July 1881. EXORCISM OF LOCAL VILLAGE GHOSTS. The following note on the ritual pursued when a new village or hamlet is being established may be of interest. The system prevails extensively in the Banaras Division. It extends more or less over the North Western Provinces, but I have not been able to obtain a fuller account of it than that now given, which was noted in the Gorakhpur district. The ceremony is carried out by a class of men known as Dihbandhwds. Dik, properly meaning "a village," is, like dihwar gramadeota or bhumiya, the distinctive title of the local village ghosts or deities. The Dihbandhwa is then literally "the man who ties up or binds the village ghost." This office is appropriated to the lower castes, especially Chamars and Dharhis (a branch of the great Pa si tribe). It is even popularly believed that the presence of a Brahman detracts from the efficacy of the rite. The Dihbandhwas, when they arrive on the site of the proposed village, select a place and sit there for eleven days, and play a drum constantly. The playing of drums or the ringing of bells is, as is well known, distasteful to demons (cf. Brand, Popular Antiquities, pp. 424, 429, 431). On the 11th day the Dihbandhwas sit on a platform (chabutrd) made of mud, and all the men and women of the village are assembled. The Dihbandhwa then takes some sarson and rdi (kinds of mustard) and rice, and sings a song known as the pachard git, a long rambling series of verses very popular among weavers and Ojhas (a caste of exorcisers). The word is a corruption of Upadhyaya-a teacher of the Vedas-(one of the learned classes of Brahmans). The Dihbandhwa throws the grain all round him. Then another "medicine man" known as Mattiwa (the earthy one) sits on the platform, and places near him a piece of the wood of the gular tree (ficus glomerata), in which several holes have been bored. The Dihbandhwa then says "I am going to call the village ghosts" bhut and pret), both are the ghosts of men who [OCTOBER, 1881. have died a violent death, or whose funeral obsequies have not been properly performed. The pret is considered the more dangerous of the two. His feet are supposed to be turned backwards. The Dihbandhwa then throws a little urad pulse (dolichos pilosus) over the Mattiwa, who shakes his head, and pretends to be under the influence of such and such a bhut or pret. He rolls about and appears to be possessed of the devil. The Dihbandhwa then takes a little of the pulse from off the head of the Mattiw&, and puts it into the holes in the piece of wood, saying "I have taken from the Mattiwa's head the village ghost, and am now shutting it up in the holes in the wood from whence he can never again escape to injure the villages, their crops or cattle." This piece of wood is then buried under the platform, and the village is supposed to be safe in future. The ceremony is ended by the Dihbandhwa rolling on the ground. The villagers then put a mortar used for husking rice (okhli) on his chest, and pound bricks in it to dust for some time with a pestle. My informants could not explain the meaning of this part of the ceremony. It is probably an emblem of some kind of vicarious crushing or bruising administered to the obnoxious ghost through his representative the Dih bandhwa. The phrase expressing the completion of the exorcism is dihbandhud gdyd, "the village ghost has been tied up." In many cases the Dih bandhwa is the common local "medicine man" who looks after cases of scrcery, possession by the devil, evil eye, etc. Often, however, he has more than a local reputation, and is sent for from a considerable distance to perform this ceremony. He is greatly respected by the old women who are the reputed witches of the neighbourhood, and on these occasions they make him presents in order that he may refrain from charging them in such cases. These local ghosts are worshipped in Sawan (July-August). Sweetmeats and cakes cooked in butter are offered on the ghost's platform, and it is adorned with flowers. The ceremony is clearly non-Aryan, and is analogous in many respects to the exorcisms performed by the parihar or "medicine men" of the Gonds in Central India. WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S. Awagarh, N. W. P., 9th June 1881. CURIOUS CUSTOMS IN KURDISTAN. Eight miles north-east of Kuchan, on the top of an outlying spur of the northern hills, is an ancient domed tomb, said to be that of the brother of Imam Riza. Within eyeshot of this tomb, at different points of the road, are those piles of stone which have been accumulated during cen

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OCTOBER, 1881.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 289 turies, each true believer who passes being obliged "angel of death," but does not appear to be to add a stone to the heap by way of saluting the mythological, being rather a Hindu appropriation tomb, saying salam, as the expression is. These of the Musalman Malik-ul-Maut. Kala is aphills were once thickly clothed with forest growth, parently Chronos, Time, and also a mythological of which traces still remain. One of these is a name for Y & ma, the Lord of the Dead, Jam as he lignum vitae tree, of great age. Local tradition is called in the Panjab, but also Kal Bhagwan in states that it has been known for the last five this connection, and it would seem that the usage hundred years. It is an object of special rever- of Kal to represent the Lord of Death arose ence among the Kurd villagers, who consider it from a popular confusion of the senses of Kala. endowed with supernatural attributes. They say The word or rather phrase Malik-ul-Maut 18 that a man who once set about cutting off some of course entirely Arabic, and if Kal represents branches for firewood died instantly. All around him and not he Kal, the introduction of the belief it are piles of stones, similar to those within view of into the Panjab is therefore presumably Musal. the old tomb, and each peasant who passes, not man, but the belief is by no means limited to the satisfied with saying salam, by the stone-placing Musalmans, as the following incident will show. process, also attaches to the branches a small frag. I went to see the wind-up of the Dasahra festival ment of his garments, which latter are generally in in the city of Firozpur a short time ago. The a condition eminently adapted for procuring small play being enacted was the story of Ramachandra morsels without unnecessary tearing. This seems rescuing his wife Sita from the clutches of R&wan. to be a universal Kurd custom. In the Kurd dis Rawan was represented by an enormous figure tricts of Anatolia I have frequently noticed rose some 30 feet high, his younger brother Kumbha bushes thus covered with fragments of rag, forcibly Karna by another somewhat smaller, and his wives reminding me of the similar custom in the south by figures some 12 or 14 feet high standing behind and west of Ireland in the vicinity of holy wells. what represented & castellated wall, which was Anotber singular superstition to be found in the meant for Lanka. Ramachandra and Lakshman locality relates to the small boulders of blue lime were represented by two boys about 10 years of stone, which occur in great numbers on the hill age, song of Brahmaas, who were covered from slopes and strewn along the road. They are all head to foot with saffron, and were followed by a supposed to be going in the direction of the shrine ragged following of boys and young men dressed of Imam Riza at Meshd, irresistibly drawn thither as much as possible in crimson who represented by the exceeding sanctity of the place. During Ramachandra's "army." On the opposite side was six days of the week they are said to remain mo- Rawan's army equally ragged and dressed in dark tionless, but after sunset on Friday night they blue. Sita, a frightened-looking little Brahman girl commence moving slowly, and continue to do so about 10 years old, and covered with saffron, sat until sunrise. Some of these boulders, from a foot at a safe distance behind R&wan's army attended to eighteen inches in diameter and of a more or by her "court," a miscellaneous collection of less spherical form, are quite polished on their children of her own age, waiting for Ramachan. surface, as if by constant handling, and I have no dra's victory. Ramachandra and Lakshman doubt they are frequently helped in their pious joined issue with R&wan, and both attacked one of journey by the hands of devout persong. At Meshd his champions (name not given), and after some there is a pile of such stones within the precincts sparring with swords knocked him over, whereof the mosque, and, as my informant told me, upon their army amid a good deal of screaming "each one as it arrives is added to the heap."- obtained the victory and rushed off to rescue Sita. Correspondent, Daily News. About this period the figures of Rawan, &c. made of bambus and paper (very palpably so) were NOTE ON MALIK-UL-MAUT. begun to be burnt. Lanka and the wives went The third story of the collection of Panjab first and then Rawan's brother. Rawan himself was Folk-Tales (ante, vol. IX, p. 209) is regarding to go last at sunset, but as he could be only "The Lord of Death." Malik-ul-Maut or K&1, wounded in the neck, the difficulty was overcome as he is called in the Panjab. In my notes I have by firing him by a slow-match attached to it. merely remarked that he is a common object of The spark as it proceeded up his enormous body belief, and as far as I can ascertain there is very was watched with breathless interest, until it little known about him. The belief in him, how- reached the vulnerable spot, when his head suddenever, is universal, and the present note is made inly went off with a great banging, as it was filled the hope of obtaining information regarding him with fireworks (!), to the great joy of the multifrom other places. The name Kal is known all tude. The interest of the day was then over, and the over Northern India to represent" death" or the people collected (some 10,000) began to disperse,

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. and in the crowd I saw our hero Ramachandra incident of Hindu mythology. The Brahmans and and Lakshman and the heroine Sita being carried pandits (save the mark !) who were present, and away on men's shoulders like tired children, as explained matters to me, spoke as naturally and no doubt they were. unconcernedly of Malik-ul-Maut, using the words, The whole affair was of course conducted with as they did of Ramachandra and Sita. The whole that marvellous incongruity and that want of the incident confirms what I have frequently said sense of the fitness of things which characterise elsewhere, that in the Panjab at any rate and I the natives of India. Rewan was fired by means believe elsewhere in India) Hinduism and Mu. of a bambu imitation of the modern field gun and hammadanism are not broadly distinguishable, carriage (!), and the play was conducted as usual in the followers of either religion believing in the the midst of the crowd, and anyhow. I saw the superstitions of the other; for instance, as far Tahsildar, himself a Hindu, quietly stop the as I can understand, there is no difference in the "fight" because it began a little too early, and Panjab between the cultus of Waran (Varuna) the Police Inspector (now a Tahsildar) showed and that of Khizar-both are gode of the water. Ramachandra how to use his sword so as to Again Rabl, Arabic for God, is used by Hindus, wound Rwan's champion. Nevertheless Rama- thus a Hindu Jato (Kamboh) prisoner said to me chandra and his brother were quite the heroes of in Court one day when hard pressed for an answer, the bour, and their feet were touched by any Hindu "Rabb ne 'agal mard," God made me a fool. who happened to stumble against them. The Even if Kal as the "Angel of Death" has not main attractions to the crowd apparently were the sprung from Malik-ul-Maut, as above supnoise, the smoke, and the fireworks, and I do not posed, since Kala is an ancient name for "death," think one in a thousand either understood or cared yet the Hindu and Muhammadan words are now to find out what was supposed to be going on. I synonymous for one and the same object of belief. But to return to Malik-ul-Maut or KAI and R. C. TEMPLE. the part played by him in this remarkable "play." The promoters of the spectacle had procured a COINS OF KHARIBAEL. hunchbacked dwarf about three feet high, whom Major W. F. Prideaux has described to the they had painted perfectly black except as to his lips, which were painted a bright scarlet; round bis waist Bengul Asiatic Society two Himyaritic coins which was fastened a black chain some three feet long, he received from 'Aden in 1880, and which he and in his hands was a black staff about five feet ascribes to Kharibael, who is mentioned in the long, which he kept twirling about. He was attend Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ag sovereign of the ed by keepers, one of whom kept the chain in his contiguous tribes of the Homerites and Sabwang, hand. He danced and jumped about incessantly, and on terms of friendly alliance with the Roman rolling his blood-shot eyes and head in a half emperors. This monarch was probably identical drunken fashion, and looked as little like a human with the Himyaritic king Kariba-01 Wattar being as he well could,--the keeper and chain Yehan'a m, whose name appears on three of the adding to the delusion. This was Kal or Malik inscriptions discovered by M. Arnaud in the ul-Maut, in this particular case the Lord of neighbourhood of Marib in 1813, as well as on Rawon's death, and the meaning of the chain was these coins. that until he was unbound Rawan could not die. It appears that every human being has his own ANCIENT REMAINS IN CENTRAL ASIA, Malik-ul-Maut, who remains bound until the In the midst of the village of Aradan stands fated hour of death arrives. Our monkey-like an edifice which at once gives the cue to the oridwarf showed his humanity in one point. He ginal use of the mounds one sees all over this part kept on dancing in front of me, aiming his staff of the country, and which at intervals occur in at me in a threatening manner until I gave him I great numbers up to the banks of the Attarek. a rupee, which I was told was what he wanted Out in these plains, where there are no natural when he solemnly repeated some blossings over me, elevations, it was found necessary for defensive which were evidently meant as intercessions for a purposes to erect these earth heaps on which to rear castles and citadels, especially in districts Now tho Dasahra is a distinctly Hindu festival, like these, open to the sudden attacks of the and we have the curious spectacle of a belief nomads of the desert. The castle of Aradan is which has a probably Muhammadan origin play- the first of the kind which I have seen in a perfect ing an important part in a play representing an condition and in actual use. The mound is about Mr. Grierson .sures me it is the case in Tirhat. Proc. As. Soc. Beng. 1881, p. 52. ? Ind. Ant., vol. IX, pp. 108, 118, 130-134, 333. long life.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 291 the ancient works known as "Alexander's Wall" are to be found, in the shape of the large heavy burnt bricks which strew their bages or mark the track of the ancient ramparts.---Correspondent, Daily News. seventy yards in length by fifty in breadth. Its sides are very nearly vertical, and almost in line with the walls of the fortalice which crowns its summit. The height of the entire structure cannot be under seventy or eighty feet. The revetment of the mound and the walls of the castle are of unbaked brick, plastered over with fine loam, almost as hard as Roman cement and of a reddish ochreous hue. The whole thing is a composite structure of square and half-round towers clinging together and having two irregular tiers of windows and loopholes, and seemingly constructed at different dates, and without following any definite plan or design, and closely resembling some of those mediaeval feudal strongholds one sees crowning rock summits in Western Europe. Battlements and bartizans crowd along the walls, and within them is caught a view of terraces, arched arcades, stairs heaped together in the most incongruous fashion, the entire combination as romantically picturesque as it is possible to imagine. Access is given to the interior by steep stairs within the walls, the entrance small, and well guarded by towers and outworks. In the base of the mound are to be seen cave-like openings which are used as stables, and probably as places of refuge for flocks during a hostile incursion. Within sight of Aradan are several similar structures scattered over the plain, some of them quite perfect; others half ruined, but still inhabited; and others agnin quite fallen into decay, a few crumbling walls only remaining to show that a fortification once crowned the mound whose sides, no longer vertical, have assumed a slope of forty-five degrees, partly from atmospheric influences, and partly through the accumulation of the wall materials along their base. All of them, however, stand in the midst of large and populous villages, and clearly indicate the nature of the grass-grown earth heaps one constantly meets with, standing mournfully alone in the silent uncultivated wastes, where not a scrap of wall or tower remains to tell either of fortalice or of village. Those mounds, wo find standing along the Attarek and Giurgen, were unquestionably erected with the same object as those I have just described ; and their number and extent tell plainly how populous were once what are now the vast, grim solitudes of the Tarkoman deserts. That every vestige of village and fort should have disappeared indicates that both were in remote time constructed of unbaked brick or mud, as in Persia to-day. It is only on those of very large size, and occurring in the irregular line reaching from Gumuche Tepe to Budjnurd that remains of 1 From The Academy, Aug. 13, 1891, pp. 120, 121. - Journal of Philology, vol. ix., p. 112, art. "A Philo. THE MYTH OF THE SIRENS-JATAKA STORIES. I. One of the most familiar of the Homeric legends is that which celebrates the charms of the dangerous Sirens. The wise Ulysses is thus warned by Circe to beware of their allurements:"Next where the Sirens dwell you plough the seas : Their song is death and makes destruction please. Unblessed the man whom music wins to stay Near the curs'd shore, and listen to the lay : No more the wretch shall view the joys of life, His blooming offspring or his beauteous wife! In verdant mends they sport, and wide around Lie human bones that whiten all the ground; The ground polluted floats with human gore, And human carnage taints the dreadful shore." This passage has been interpreted by Etty in & magnificent painting, with which most of us are familiar, and of which this city may be proud to be the home. The Sirens are described by Homer as possessing a power of enchantment in their song, as having a malevolent delight in the death of man, and an ogre.like taste for human flesh and blood. Ulysses escaped their dangerous influence by filling the ears of his companions with wax and by causing himself to be lashed to the mast when the vessel approached the dangerous coast whence floated the seductive song of the Sirens. By the classical writers the Sirens were often described as bird-like crea ures--sometimes as winged women, and at other times as birds with human heads. From this and the etymological indications supplied by their name, Mr. Postgate asks, "Are we, then, to suppose that this beautiful myth arose from the concurrence of two circumstances on an actual voyage-the singing of birds in the woods of a desert island, and strong cur. rente sotting towards its shore and compelling sailor's to lean to their oars if they would escape the shipwreck of their predecessors ?" Without attempting any judgment on this terribly rationalistic suggestion, it may be worth while to point out some hitherto unnoticed analogies to the classical myth which are to be found in the early art and literature of the Baddhists. Thus, in many of the paintings at Boro Boedoer, in Java, we have the figures of the birdwomen. In plate civ. of the great work of logical Examination of the Myth of the Sirens," by J. P. Postgate.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. Wilsen, Brumond, and Leemens we have what the "Then, mounting into the air, he flew away authors style two of these celestial gandharvis, like the wind. Meantime, the Rakshasis, hearing beings half-women, half-birds," whose music has the thunder voice of the Horse-King, suddenly attracted the attention of a princely traveller and awaking from their slumber and missing their his suite. companions, after looking on every side at last Still more curious is the story of the five hun- perceived afar off the merchants mounted on the dred merchants, translated from the Chinese by Horse-King, clinging to his hair, and holding fast the Rev. Samuel Beal. It narrates the history of in every way, as they journey through the air. five hundred merchants who, under & wise leader, Seeing this, each seized her child, and hurrying determine on a sea voyage to increase their down to the shore, uttered piteous cries, and wealth. They are wrecked on the shores of a said. Alas! alas ! dear masters ! why are you land inhabited by Rakshasis, or demons. about to leave us desolate P-whither are you "Now, the Rakshasis, having perceived the going P Beware, dear ones, of the dangers of the disaster and the fate of the five hundred merchants, sea. Remember your former mishap. Why do hastened with all speed to the place, intending to you leave us thus ? What prin have we caused rescue the men and enjoy their company for a you P Have you not bad your fill of pleasure ? time, and then to enclose them in an iron city Have we not been loving wives P Then why 80 belonging to them, and there devour them at basely desert us ? Return, dear youths, to your leisure." children and your wives !' But all their entreaties Having transformed themselves from their real were in vain, and the Horse-King soon carshape as hideous ogres into the most lovely ried those five hundred merchants back to the women, they first rescued the distressed voyagers, welcome shore they had left, across the waves of and then cried, the briny sea." **Welcome, welcome, dear youths! whence This story is translated by Mr. Beal from the have ye come so far? But, now ye are here, let Chinese version of the Abinish kramana Sutra, us be happy. Be ye our husbands, and we will be which was done into that language by Djnanakuta, your wives! We have no one here to love or | Buddhist priest from North India, who cherish us; be yo our lords to drive away sorrow, lived in China about the end of the sixth century to dispel our grief! Come, lovely youths I come of our era. This, however, affords no clue as to our houses, well adorned and fully supplied to the antiquity of the story itself. The Horsewith every nocessary; basten with us to share in King is referred to in the Vishna Purdna and in the joys of mutual love."" the Prem-Sagar. Whatever its date may be, the The merchants, after a period in which to lament story seems to deserve attention as a curious and for their lost land, responded to these liberal close analogue to the Homeric myth of the Sirens. offers. Time passed pleasantly enough, but the WILLIAM E. A. Axon. suspicions of the chief merchant were aroused by II.S the circumstance that the women always exhorted The story of the five hundred merchants and the their husbands to avoid a certain part at the rakkhasis, translated by Prof. Beal from the south of the city. Of course he took the first "Chinese-Sanskrit," and quoted by Mr. Axon in opportunity of visiting the forbidden locality, and his interesting communication, is a veritable jdtaka there found a number of victims of the Rakshasis tale, the PAli text of which is printed in Fausboll's still alive, and many more dead, dismembered Jataka, vol. 1, p. 127, under the title of the and mutilated as though gnawed by wild beasts. Valdhassa-jdtaka (- Cloud-horse jataka). It is The unfortunate captives told him that they also much shorter than the Chinese version. The had been the lovers of the demon women, who for scene of the PAli story is laid in the city of Siri. a time seem to love their companions, but all the savattbu in Ceylon (Tambapannidipo). The inwhile live on human flesh. The chief merchant troduction to the Valdhassa jdtaka is altogether asks if there is any chance of escape, and is told different to that given by Prof. Beal. that once in each your the Horse-King Kesi visits In the Jdtaka story Buddha is represented as the shore and cries aloud, "Whoever wishes to admonishing one of his disciples who was desirous cross over the great salt sea, I will convey him of returning again to the lay state, having fallen over." The chief merchant resolves upon escape, a captive to the charms of a certain woman he and when the Horse-King appears his aid is had seen. The naughty "brother" is told that invoked. He invites them to mount upon his women who, by their arts, cause men to lose their back. virtue or their wealth are yakkhin is, that by their Boro Boudour, par Wilsen, Brumond et Leemens * Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha, by Samuel Beal (Leide, 1874), p. 183. (London, 1975), p. 339. * From The Academy, Ang. 27, 1881, p. 161.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 293 ............ 93 227 305 321 blandishments get men into their power and eat them. In the Chinese version five hundred men escape by means of the horse Kesi, but in the Pali story only half this number are rescued by the Bodhisat under the form of a "white horse." The moral of the PAli story is this, that those who follow not the Buddha's advice will come to grief just as those merchants did who were eaten by rakkhaste; but those who take advice will safely reach the further shore (Nirvdna), as the merchants did by means of the white horse(valdha). Valdha (though not registered by Childers) is a horse, and, in mythology, one of the horses of Vishnu. The epithets applied to it are sabbaseto, kakasiso, and munjakeso. This jdtaka contains one or two contributions to PAli lexicography: 1. Kutta (in itthi kutta vildschi), p. 127, 1. 16; itthi kuttena, ibid., 1. 19. 2. Murumurdpetra, p. 127, 1. 22. At first sight this word looks like a causative of the root mri (cf. the Vedic form mumurat - mdrayatu), but a closer examination of the passage in which it occurs leads me to consider it as a kind of denominative verb of onomatopoetic origin, like our words munch, chump, crunch, &c. In Marathi muramura= muttering, grumbling, and this seems to be a prakritised form of the Sanskrit murmura, which in Pali would become muramura or mummura. The Sanskrit word means "a fire made of chaff;" curiously enough, in the second volume of Fausboll's Jdtaka, ii., p. 134, II. 2, 8, the form mummura (not in Childers) actually occurs in the sense of kukkula - Sanskrit kukkuta - the hot ashes or embers of burning chaff or straw (cf. Marathi mumbara, mumara, mumura, embers). In Hindi mineramurd signifies rice pressed flat and eaten raw; in Marathi it means parched rice, imitative of the sound made in crunching such food. While on the subject of Jata kas, it may not be out of place to note that Mr. Beal's Romantic History of Buddha contains several birth-stories The Foolish Dragon, p. 231, will be found in Fausboll's Jataka, vol. i., pp. 158, 278. The Merchant who struck his Mother, p. 342, is perhaps to be identified with Jataka No. 82. As the Index to Mr. Beal's interesting work is very imperfect, I here append a list of what seem to be " birth-stories": PAGE 1. The story of Yasodhara ..... ........... 2. The story of the Nobleman who became a Needlemaker........ 3. The story of Gotami ........................... 99 4. The story of the Resolute Merchant ...... 5. The story of the Two Parrots...........229, 351 6. The story of the Cunning Tortoise ...... 230 7. The Prudent Quail ............... 235 8. The Previous History of Yasada........... 270 9. The story of Narada ....... 10. The story of Upasana ............ 11. The Religious Servant-Girl......... 12. The Peasant's Wife ........................... 323 13. The Shell-Merchant ...... 331 14. The story of Upali ............. 353 15. The story of Rahola .........................361, 363 16. The story of the Pious Elephant ......... 367 17. The Bird with Two Heads ................... 381 18. The history of Maniruddha .................. 383 R. MORRIS. Wood Green, N.: Aug. 22, 1881. NOTES AND QUERIES. 8. BRAHMANI DUCK.-Lieut. R. C. Temple in the Indian Antiquary, vol. IX (Sept. 1880), p. 230, makes some enquiries about the Brahmani Duck. Is not the name due simply to the fact that the bird is the vehicle of Brahma from which he is called Hansa vdhana ? The word hansa is rather vague, meaning now swan, now duck (anas, anser), now goose, now phanicopterus (vide De Gubernatis, Zoological Mythology, vol. II, p. 306ff.) I suppose the title of Brahma's Duck was restricted to the familiar chalua-chakwi, partly from its frequenting the sacred rivers of Upper India and partly from its melancholy note. WILLIAM CROOKE, C. S. BOOK NOTICES. trouble of putting it into a rhymed dress, when RUM, Book I. Translated by James W. Redhouse, M.R.A.S. Loodon : Trubner & Co. 1881. he expressly tells us that he has never practised The readers of the Indian Antiquary will re- the art of metrical composition. A plain unmember that several fine episodes from this, the affected version in prose would at any rate have greatest of all Persian poems, have appeared from given a faithful transcript of the original; and time to time in its former volumes; and all who the poetical reader would have instinctively clothed are interested in Persian literature must rejoice the bare skeleton in some more or less approthat an English translation of the first book has priate ideal form. As it is, & misleading dress, is at last been printed. We only regret that the now arbitrarily imposed on the original thoughts; learned translator has given himself the extra they are not only stripped of their native beauty * Seo Tawney'. Kathi-sarit-sdgara, p. 555, and the Ind. Antiquary, vol. IX, p. 224.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1881. and dignity--they are rendered into awkward edition or commentary he used, which sometimes English rhymes, and forced and sometimes ladi. one cannot but regret, as occasionally doubts arise crous constructions, which convey to the English as to the exact reading followed in the translation. reader a totally erroneous idea of the sublimity He does not appear to know of the excellent and endless variety of the original. We hope edition and commentary published by Nawal Mr. Redhouse will give us the second book in Kishor of Laknan; or he would hardly have prose; it would certainly be more appropriate than stated, in reference to the phrase in the author's his present inartistic rhymes, and, as Oldbuck said preface, "I was a Kurd one evening and was an to Lovell in favour of blank verse for his epic, "it Arabian in the morning" (which also occurs in the is, I have an idea, more easily written !" 14th tale), that "I have not met with an explanaJelal-ud-din Rami, the author of the Mesnavi, tion of this expression"; as it is fully explained (4. D. 1204-1273), is the only Persian poet who by a legend given at length in the Laknau edition. Beems to rise above his age and country, and to E. B. COWELL. have something cosmopolitan in his genius; Sir W. Jones was not far wrong when he said that he The SACRED LAws of the A RYAS, as taught in the Schools could be only compared to Chaucer or Shakes of Apastamba, Gautama, Vesishtha and Baudhayang. peare. He possessed humour as well as pathog Translated by Georg Buhler. Part I, Apastamba_and Gautama. Vol. II of the Sacred Books of the East, and sublimity; so that, in reading his long poem, edited by Professor Max Muller. Oxford : 1879. we are continually delighted by the ever-varying Though the Dharmasutra of Apastamba has colours of the web, in which, like the lady of long been accessible to Sansklit scholars through Shalott, he weaves the magic sights' of his the medium of Dr. Buhler's excellent edition of genius' mystic mirror. The external form of the the text and of copious extracts from the old poem is an endless series of apologues which are Commentary of Haradatta, it is not the general continually interrupted by digressions of saff reader only who will feel obliged to Dr. Buhler philosophy. Fine thoughts and original com- | for having translated it into English. The very parisons are scattered everywhere with no sparing peculiar style and apparently ante-Paninian hand; and the didactic portions are a mine of language of Apastamba's aphorisms on the sacred mystical lore for all who are interested in Oriental law, while rendering their study highly useful theosophy. The general reader will be more for the purposes of lexicography, and clearing them interested in the apologues themselves, as the from the suspicion of having been tampered with stories are often striking and new, and they are by interpolators, must cause even the specialist to always adorned with all the splendour of their welcome the appearance of an English translation, author's fervid imagination. especially as it comes from the pen of the first I do not know how far these stories have been authority on the subject. examined as supplying materials for the investi- The importance of Apastamba's aphorisms gation of the history of folk-lore. In the Cam- for the history of Hindu law and usage cannot be bridge Journal of Philology (No. 12) for 1876 F rated too highly. They afford a clear insight into pointed out a parallel to a legend current in Nor- what the Hindu law-books were, before they had folk and in Holland in the 15th century, which been converted from manuals composed and studied described a man who was directed by a dream to by the Vedic schools into law-codes of general go to a certain place where he would hear tidings authority, whose composition was attributed to of a buried treasure, and was eventually sent back the Vedic Rishis and other mythical personages. to find it in his own home. Jelal-ud-din tells the There exista moreover no other Indian work on tale of a man of Baghdad, who is directed by his law, in which may be studied to equal advantage dream to Cairo, and there meets with a watchman the growth and constitation of the Brahmanical in the street who had dreamed that he too would schools of law, the character of the relations find a treasure if he went to a certain house in a between teacher and papil, the Brahmanical certain street of Baghdad; and of course it is the method of instruction and education, from their man's own house. Of one or two I have found way of arguing (vide e.g. the carious story of traces as haggadahs in the Babylonian Talmud; and Dharmaprahadana and Kumalana, p. 98) down to I have no doubt anyone whose reading lay especially the smallest details of their daily life, and the grain this direction would make some interesting dis- dual rise of conflicting opinions regarding the sacred coveries connected with the history of popular tales, law. Those few other Dharmastitras even, which and their migration from the East to the West. besides the Apastamba Sutra have come down to the Mr. Redbouse's translation, as far as I have present time, have not been preserved intact like compared it with the original, appears to be care- the latter, but have been exposed to more or less ful and accurate. He does not mention what considerable alterations and interpolations. The

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OCTOBER, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 295 thorough integrity of Apastamba's law-book is Dr. Buhler's personal observation, from inscripproved equally by its language and by its contents. tions, from later literature, and from Apastamba's There is about it a unity of plan and character, own remarks; and a consideration of the archaisms and at the same time a fresh individuality, vainly preserved in his language. Many other subjects sought for in other law-books. The inconsistencies of importance are treated incidentally in the so frequently met with in the code of Manu and Introduction, e. g. the geographical distribution other metrical Smritis are mostly due to the fact of the Vedas and Vedic schools over India; the that they were compiled at a time when both the early history of the Purdnas, the age of Brabcustoms and practices of the earliest period of manical civilisation in South India, the law of Indian history and the criticisms passed on them primogeniture, custom of Niyoga, and other points in a later and more advanced period, had been connected with the law of inheritance, &c. invested alike with a character of sacredness. The The Dharmaldstra attributed to Gautama, the author of the Dharmasutra under notice does not second work translated in the volume under notice, claim for his own composition the character of an unlike Apastamba's Dharmasutra, has not come inspired work, but neither does he consider him- down to the present time as an integral part of a self bound to declare his implicit adherence to the body of Vedic Sutras; but, as in the case of the doctrines and practices of a former age. On the Vishnu and Vasishtha Smritis, its original concontrary, he condemns the ancient practice of the nexion with a Vedic school may be proved by appointment (Niyoga) of childless widows for internal and circumstantial evidence. Gautama's the purpose of obtaining issue for their deceased work is considerably shorter than Apastamba's, husbands, and the custom of recognizing as legi- and far legs rich than the latter in rules not found timate substitutes for a son of the body even the elsewhere; the interesting rule (III., 13) that a illegitimate sons of wives and daughters, and song wandering ascetic must not change his residence acquired by purchase. Apastamba goes the during the rainy season, is common to Gautama length of taxing the ancient sages with transgres. and Baudhayana. It shows, as has been pointed sion of the law and violence, and of asserting that out by Dr. Buhler, that the Buddhist and Jain their deeds, though attended byno evil consequences Vasso, or residence in monasteries during the for themselves," on account of the greatness of rainy reason, must have been derived from a their lustre," must not by any means be imitated Brahmanical source. The chief importance of the in the present age of the world. Gautama Smriti consists in the fact that, judging The fact that Apastamba styles himself a child from quotations and references, it must be older of the present age of sin (Kali Yuga), which is than any other of the now existing Dharmaseparated by a wide gulf from the happy times in sutras. The claims to a considerable antiquity which the Rishi authors of the Vedas were which may thus be raised in behalf of Gautama's born, might be considered as indicative of a mo- law-book, might be strengthened by referring to dern date for its composition. But the mass of the style of his work, which is entirely in prose, to evidence collected by Dr. Buhler in his able Intro- the characteristic repetition of the last word of duction points in the opposite direction, and each chapter, to the absence of any allusion to the renders it highly probable that the aphorisms art of writing, whether in the law of evidence or ascribed to Apastamba were composed as far back elsewhere, to the view he takes of Sulka, as being as the fourth or fifth century B. C. in the Andhra the price paid for the bride to her family, whereas country in South India (between the Godevarf and other Smritis mention it as a gratification given to Krishna rivers). In trying to state briefly the the bride by the bridegroom, &c. It is however arguments which have led to this result, we should doubtful whether evidence of this description hardly be able to do justice to Dr. Buhler's care- affords a safe basis for a plausible conjecture refully balanced remarks on such a delicate subject garding the date of the Gautama Smriti, and as the determination of the date of a Smriti must Dr. Buhler has perhaps adopted the best course needs be. It may not be out of place, however, in confining his remarks on the age of that work to to mention some of the leading features of his the elucidation of its relative antiquity, as comargument, viz., an inquiry into the relation of Apas- pared with the Dharmasutras of Apastamba, tamba's Dharmasutra to the other works attributed Baudhayana and Vasishtha, and to an inquiry to the same author, and of the Apastamba school into the comparatively slight changes which, along to the other schools studying the Black Yajurveda; with the modernisation of its language, the conan examination of the quotations from, and re- tents of the Gautama Smriti appear to have underferences to, Vedic and post-Vedic works to be met | gone at the time of its conversion into a law-book. with in the Dharmasutra ; the present and former A comparison of Dr. Buhler's translations of seats of the Apastambas, as deducible from Sanskrit law terms with the English equivalents

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. given for the same terms in Colebrooke's and Jones's versions, shows that in many cases Dr. Buhler has made a marked advance over his predecessors in that respect. It is hardly necessary to say that the trustworthiness of his translations is on a par with their aptness. He has followed as closely as possible the excellent Sansksit com- mentary on both Smritis by Haradatta, from which the substance of the notes has likewise been mainly taken. It is not often that the correct. ness of Haradatta's interpretations may be justly called in question. To the instances of this kind noted by Dr. Buhler we should like to add Haradatta's remarks on Gaut. XIII, 14-22--"By false evidence concerning smallcattle a witness kills ten; (by false evidence) regarding cows, horses, &c. (he kills) ten times as many." This means according to Haradatta, that a false witness kills ten, &c. of that kind regarding which he has lied. Now the same rules recur in other Smritis, e. g. Manu VIII, 97-100, where both the published Commentary of Kullaka and the unpublished Commentaries of Medhatithi, Govindaraja and Narayana take them to mean, either (1) that a false witness sends a greater or less number of his own relatives to hell, or (2) that he incurs the same guilt as if he had actually killed so and so many relatives. It appears that the commentators give to the first explanation the preference over the second, because as Medhatithi says, it is an established doctrine, that a man's good or wicked deeds will send his relatives to beaven or hell. The actual prevalence of this doctrine in the Smritis may be inferred from the future rewards which legitimate marriages are stated to confer on all the relatives of him who gave the bride in marriage; and similar views may be traced in the Zendavesta, which contains a passage (Vendidad, IV. 24 seq.) precisely analogous to the passages quoted above from Gautama and Manu. Another mistake on the part of Haradatta has been exposed by Nandapandita in his Commentary on the Vishnusmriti (III, 25). As it concerns a passage in the latter work, it is perhaps permitted to conjecture that a commentary on the Vishnusmriti now lost, has to be added to the list of Haradatta's works as given by Dr. Buhler. We must not conclude this notice without adverting to the great value and importance of those references to the analogous or identical passages in other Smritis, which have been given in the foot-notes. J. JOLLY ANCIENT INDIA AS DESCRIBED BY KTESIAS. BEING A TRANSLATION OF THE ABRIDGMENT OF HIS INDIKA BY PHOTOS AND OF THE FRAGMENTS OF THE WORK PRESERVED IN OTHER WRITERS. BY J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE, PATNA. INTRODUCTION. envoys bringing presents and tribute from the To Ktesias belongs the distinction of having princes of Northern India, which was then subbeen the first writer who gave to the Greeks a ject to Persian rule. Ktesias unfortunately was special treatise on India-a region concerning not only a great lover of the marvellous, but also which they had, before his time, no further know- singularly deficient, for one of his profession, in ledge than what was supplied by the few and critical acumen. He took, therefore, no pains to meagre notices of it which had appeared in the sift the accounts which were communicated to Geography of Hekataios of Miletos, and in him, and the book which he gave to the world, the History of Herodotos. instead of being, what a careful enquirer with his The Indika of Ktesins, like his other works, advantages might have made it-a valuable reperhas been lost, but, like his great work on the tory of facts concerning India and its people, History of Persia, it has been abridged by Pho- seemed to be little else than a tissue of fables and tios, while several fragments of it have been pre- of absurd perversions or exaggerations of the served in the pages of other writers, as for instance truth, and was condemned as such, not only by Alian. It was comprised in a single book, and em- the consentient voice of antiquity, but also by the bodied the information which Ktesias had gathered generality of the learned in modern times. The about India, partly from the reports of Persian work was nevertheless popular, and in spite of its officials who had visited that country on the king's infirm credit, was frequently cited by subsequent service, and partly also perhaps from the reports writers. Its tales of wonder' fascinated the of Indians themselves, who in those days were credulous, while its style, which was remarkable occasionally to be seen at the Persian Court, alike for its ease, sweetness, and perspicuity, whither they resorted, either as merchants, or as recommended it to readers of every stamp. It Ktesias, though a Dorian, used many Ionic forms and modes of expression, and these more in the Indika thau in the Persika. His style is praised for the qualitios men tioned in the text by Photios, Dion. Halicarn, and Demet. Phaler, who does not hesitate to speak of him a poet,. t he very demiurge of perspiculty (vapyoias On povpros).

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OCTOBER, 1881.] THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 297 was the only systematic account of India the Greeks possessed till the time of the Makedonian invasion. We must notice in conclusion the fact, that, as the knowledge of India, and especially of Indian antiquity, has increased, scholars have been led to question the justice of the traditional verdict which condemns Kt esias as a writer of unscrupulous mendacity. They do not indeed wholly exculpate him, but they have shown that many of his statements, which were once taken to be pure falsehoods, have either certain elements of truth underlying them, or that they originated in misconceptions which were perhaps less wilful than unavoidable: The fabulous races for instance which he has described are found, so far from being fictions of his own invention, to have their exact analogues in monstrous races which are mentioned in the two great national epics and other Brahmanical writings, and which, though therein depicted with every attribute of deformity, were nevertheless, not purely fictitious, but mis- representations of such aboriginal tribes as offered a stout resistance to their Aryan invaders while still engaged in the task of conquering India. These moderate views, which have been advocated by such authorities as Heeren, Bahr, 0. Muller, Lassen, and others, will no doubt come eventually to be very generally accepted. As Lassen has devoted one of the leading sections of his great work on Indian Antiquity to an examination of the reports which are yet extant of Ktesias upon India, and as his review is all but exhaustive, and reflects nearly all the light that learned research has yet been able to throw upon the subject, I have for this reason, as well as with a view to obviate the need which would otherwise occur, of having constant recourse to long foot-notes, thought it advisable to append to the translation of the Greek text a translation of this review. I have appended also a translation of some passages from Indikopleustes, which will serve to illustrate the descriptions given by Ktesias of certain Indian animals and plants. THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. FRAG. I. 2. He notices the pantarba, a kind of Eologn in Photi, Bibl. LXXII, p. 144 seqq. sealstone, and relates that when sealstones and 1. Another work was read--the Indika of other costly gems to the number of 477' which Ktosias, contained in a single book wherein the belonged to the Baktrian merchant, had been author has made more frequent use of Ionic flung into the river, this pantarba drew them forms. He reports of the river Indus that, up to itself, all adhering together. where narrowest, it has a breadth of forty stadia, 3. He notices also the elephants that deand where widest of two hundred ;' and of the molish walls; the kind of small apes' that have Indians themselves that they almost ontnumber tails four cubits long; the cocks that are of all other men taken together.' He mentions extraordinary size ;o the kind of bird called the the skolex,' a kind of worm bred in the river, parrot" and which he thus describes : it has a this being indeed the only living creature which tongue and voice like the human, is of the size is found in it. He states that there are no men of a hawk, has a red bill, is adorned with a who live beyond the Indians, and that no rain beard of a black colour, while the neck is red falls in India but that the country is watered like cinnabar, it talks like a man in Indian, but by its river. if taught Greek can talk in Greek also. In vol. II, pp. 641 ff. 2nd ed. 1874. . With this compare Frag. iv. below. This differs from what Arrian states on the authority * This is reconcilable with the accounts of others if for of Ktdeias, (see Frag. i.) Probably Arrian has quoted mikron po toud makron. For Megasthenes also speaks of the sentence more correctly than Photios. And 100 Indian apes not smaller than large dogs and which have stadis is far enough from the truth. With Ktesias Conf. tails of fiue cobita length which answer to the Mandi ape Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. II, 18 : Tow per ) 'Ivody &de or Simia Faunus, with the hair on the forehead projecting eperaiothesan, stadious malista tessarakonta to over the eyes, and the beard white, the body being dark. yap ipov autoll TOCOUTUV. See Mannert, Geogr. d. Vid. AEliani, Nat. An. XVII, 89, conf. XVI, 10, and Strabo XV, i, 87: The monkeys are larger than the largest dogs Gr. W. Rom. Bd. V, i, p. 74. .. their tails are more than two cubits in length." * Conf. Herodot. III, 94; Strabo II, 7. 32. * Conf. 27, and Frag. Ixvi. 10 Conf. Frag. v.c. * Conf. Herodot. II, 98, 105; Strabo II, v, 1, 83. 11 BITTAKos: Reland De Ophir, p. 184, compares this . Bat conf. Strabo XV, 1, 1, 13, 17, 18; Arrian, Indika, with the Persian tedek. In Arrian, Ind. XV, 8, VI, 4; Philost. Vit. Apoll. II, 19; Diodor. II, 36. Count Weltheim (Sammlung von Aufsatzen, &o. Bd. and AElinn, Nat. An. XVI, 9 and 15, the bird is called II, p. 168f8.) regards this as the Hydrophanes or the CUTTAKOS. Alinn however elsewhere calls it Virtakos changing stone, san agate, a kind of opal, remarkable for and so aloo Diodoros and Pawanias. A feminino form the variety of colours it displays when thrown into water. VITTAKY Occurs in Arist. H. An. VIII, 12. The form in So Muller's text, the common reading is 77. 1 Pliny is Psittacus.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. 4. He notices the fountain" which is filled every year with liquid gold, out of which are annually drawn a hundred earthen pitchers filled with the metal. The pitchers must be earthen since the gold when drawn becomes solid, and to get it out the containing vessel must needs be broken in pieces. The fountain is of a square shape, eleven cubits in circumfer. ence, and a fathom in depth. Each pitcherful of gold weighs a talent. He notices also the iron found at the bottom of this fountain, adding that he had in his own possession two swords made from this iron, one given to him by the king of Persia," and the other by Parysa tis, the mother of that same king. This iron, he says, if fixed in the earth, averts clouds and hail and thunderstorms, and he avers that he had himself twice seen the iron do this, the king on both occasions performing the experiment." 5. We learn further that the dogs of India are of very great size, so that they fight even with the lion ;-' that there are certain high mountains having mines which yield the sardine-stone, and onyxes, and other seal stones ;" that the heat is excessive, and that the sun appears in India to be ten times larger than in other countries; and that many of the inhabitants are suffocated to death by the heat. Of the sea in India, he says, that it is not less than the sea in Hellas ; its surface however for four finger-breadths downward is hot, so that fish cannot live that go near the heated surface, but must confine themselves always to the depths below. 6. He states that the river Indus flows through the level country, and through between the mountains, and that what is called the Indian reed grows along its course, this being so thick that two men could scarcely encompass its stem with their arms, and of a height to equal the mast of a merchant ship of the heaviest burden." Some are of a greater size even than this, though some are of less, as might be expected when the mountain it grows on is of vast range. The reeds are distinguished by sex, some being male, others female. The male reed has no pith, and is exceedingly strong, but the female has a pith." 7. He describes an animal called the marti khora," found in India. Its face is like a man'sit is about as big as a lion, and in colour red like cinnabar. It has three rows of teeth-ears like the human-eyes of a pale blue like the human and a tail like that of the land scorpion, armed with a sting and more than a cubit long." It has besides stings on each side of its tail, and, liku the scorpion, is armed with an additional sting on the crown of its head, wherewith it stings any one who goes near it, the wound in all cases proving mortal. If attacked from a distance it defends itself both in front and in rear-in front with its tail, by up-lifting it and darting out the stings, like shafts shot from a bow, and in rear by straightening it out. It can strike to the distance of a hundred feet, and no creature can survive the wound it inflicts save only the elephant. The stings are about a foot in length, and not thicker than the finest thread. The name martikhora" means in Greek dv@parropayos (i.e. man-eater), and it is so called because it carries off men and devours them, though it no doubt preys upon other animals as well. In fighting it uses not only its stings but also its 19 Conf. Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. III, 45. 13 The Munich MS. 287, makes this a separate fountain : esti de etera krine (read krene) etis exagei sideron. Conf. Philost. Vit. Apol. III, 45. 1. Artaxerxes Mnemon. Baehr thinks that Ktesias here refers to the magnet, the properties of which were not at that time so well known 88 now. 16 Conf. AElian. Nat. An. IV, 19; VIII, 1, 9; and Frag. vi, below. 11 Compare what AElian (Frag. vi.) says of the dogs of the Kynamolgoi ; compare also Strabo, quoting Megasthenes XV, p. 1029, and the account in Curtius (de Reb. Alex. IX, 1, 81) of an Indien dog attacking a lion. * These mountains have been variously identified with Taurus, with Imaus, with Paropamises, and with the moun. tains of Great and Little Bukharia, which stretch through Tibet, and Kaimir, but Count Weltheim takes them to be the Bals Ghats near Bharoch. The Periplus states that onyxes and other precious stones were found in Ozene (now Uijain) and thence sent to Barygaza (Bbardch) for export. The well known Khambay stones come from neighbouring district. 19 Strabo III, p. 202, contests this. 20 Conf. Frag. vii, below. 21 Lit. of 10,000 talents : or puplauopov (Lobeck, ad. Phyrn. p. 602) 60,000 amphore. Conf. Frag. vii. 13 Cf. Theophrastos, Plant. Histor. IV, ii, where he states that the male reed is solid, and the female, hollow. Cf. also Pliny, Hist. Nat. XVI, 36. Sprengel identifies this reed of Kt@sias with the Bambusa and Calamus Rotang of Linnaeus. The same reed is mentioned by Herodotus (III, 98). 23 See Frags. viii-xi, below. pelo rapxovorav nxeos. Baehr rightly amends the reading here to peitov vrapxov av, which refers the measure to the sting instead of to the tail. ** Tychsen says-This is the Persian es from mard, a man and Khorden to eat: khor, the eater, is an abbreviated form of the participle khordeh, which is still in use... if the final be viewed as a component part of the Persian word, we have only to substitute the participial form is mardikhori, (abbreviated from wirdikhoran) as Reland has already done (p. 223), and we obtain precisely the same signification. Conf. Frags. viiisi; also Philostratus, Vit. A poul. IV, 45.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. claws. Fresh stings grow up to replace those shot away in fighting. These animals are numerous in India, and are killed by the natives who hunt them with elephants, from the backs of which they attack them with darts. 8. He describes the Indians as extremely just, and gives an account of their manners and customs. He mentions the sacred spot in the midst of an uninhabited region which they venerate in the name of the Sun and the Moon." It takes one a fifteen days' journey to reach this place from Mount Sardous. Here for the space of five and thirty days the Sun every year cools down to allow his worshippers to celebrate his rites, and return home unscorched by his burning rays." He observes that in India there is neither thunder nor lightning nor rain, but that storms of wind and violent hurricanes which sweep everything before them, are of frequent occurrence. The morning sun produces coolness for one half of the day, but an excessive heat during the other half, and this holds good for most parts of India." 9. It is not, however, by exposure to the sun that the people are swarthy, but by nature, for among the Indians there are both men and women who are as fair as any in the world, though such are no doubt in a minority. He adds that he had himself seen two Indian women and five men of such a fair complexion.30 10. Wishing to assure us of the truth of his statement that the sun makes the temperature 26 Weltheim, rejecting the opinion of some that this uninhabited region was the desert of Cobi, takes it to be rather the great desert east of the Indus where the worship of the sun flourished in early times. This desert also was in reality about a ifteen days' journey distant from the mountains which produced the onyx and sardine stones. Lassen has however assigned the locality to the Vindhyas. 27 ina me aphlektoi auten telesosi, lit. that they may not celebrate his rites unscorched. As the writer must have meant the opposite of this, plexrol must be read instead of aphlektoi. Conf. Herodot. III, 104. 39 Conf. Herodot. III, 101; Arrian. Exp. Alex. V, 4, 8; but on the contrary, Aristot. Hist. Anim. III, 22; Gener. Anim. II, 2; Strabo, XV, i, 13, 24. 30 Possibly from Kemir.-J. B. 31 Conf. Pausan. X, 28, 2: Strabo, VI, 2; Valer. Max. V, 4. 3 The reference is to the field of the pious, evoessav xepa, near Catana, the scene of the story regarding the two brothers Amphinomos and Anapos, who saved their parents during an eruption by carrying them off on their shoulders. Vid. Pausan. X. xxviii, 2; Strabo, VI, 2; and Valer. Max. V, 4. 33 Herodotus (IV. 195) states that he had himself seen this bituminous fountain. It is mentioned by Antigonos; Hist. Mirabil. 169; by Dioskor. I, 99; by Vitruv. VIII, 8; and Pliny, XXXV, 15. Their accounts have been verified by modern travellers. 3 This fountain is mentioned by Stephan. Byz. 8. v. Naxos,' and a similar one by Pliny. (Hist. Nat. II, ciii, 299 cool for five and thirty days, he mentions several facts that are equally strange-that the streams of fire which issue from Etna leave unscathed amidst the surrounding havoc those lands which belong to just men"-that in Zakynthos there are fountains with fish whence pitch is taken out-that in Naxos is a fountain which at times discharges a wine of great sweetness," and that the water of the river Phasis likewise, if kept in a vessel for a night and a day, changes into a wine which is also of great sweetness-that near Phaselis in Lykia there is a perpetual volcano," always flaming on the summit of the rock both by night and by day, and this is not quenched by water, which rather augments the blaze, but by casting rubbish into it"-and in like manner, the volcanoes of Etna and of Prusa keep always burning." 11. He writes that in the middle of India are found the swarthy men called Pygmies,"" who speak the same language as the other Indians. They are very diminutive, the tallest of them being but two cubits in height, while the majority are only one and a half. They let their hair grow very long-down to their knees, and even lower. They have the largest beards anywhere to be seen, and when these have grown sufficiently long and copious, they no longer wear clothing, but, instead, let the hair of the head fall down their backs far below the knee, while in front are their beards trailing down to their very feet. When their hair has 106) in the island of Andros; Cf. idem. XXXI, ii; and also Philostrat. Icon. I, 25. 35 The waters of the Phasis, according to modern accounts, are lead-coloured, possessed of a healing virtue and held as sacred, perhaps because they were thought by the ancients to have sprung from the gates of the morning sun, and therefore to have formed the dividing line between day and night. Arrian in the Peripl. Pont. Eur., no doubt with an eye to this passage of Ktesias, says that the water of the Phasis if kept in certain vessels acquired a pleasant vinons taste. V. Ritter, Erdk. II. pp. 817 and 915. Conf. Pliny (H. N. II. ciii, 106) who says that the water of the Lyncestis in Epirus is somewhat acid, and intoxicates like wine those who drink it. 30 See Frag. xii, below. 57 Conf. Frag. xii, A. and B. Beaufort, an English traveller, confirms this statement. He reports that while travelling in the regions nearest the country of the Phaselitae he came upon a place where there was to be seen an ever-burning flame which like the fire of a volcano was inextinguishable. V. Beaufort's Caramania, p. 44. 38 There is a Prusa in Bithynia and another in Mysia, each near a mountain. Strabo, (XII, p. 844 seqq.) mentions both; but as he says nothing of a volcanic mountain in connexion with either, Baehr inclines to think that the reference is to Prusa in the vicinity of Mount Olympus, formerly called Cios, famous for miraculous fountains and things of that sort. Conf. Homer, I. III, 6; Aristot. Hist. An. VIII, 12 and 14; Philostrat. Pit. Apollon. III, 47; Plin. Hist. Nat. VII, 2; Strabo, Geog. XV, i, 57; Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. IX, 4.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. thus thickly enveloped their whole body, they bind it round them with a zone, and so make it serve for a garment. Their privates are thick, and so large that they depend even to their ancles. They are moreover snubnosed, and otherwise ill-favoured. Their sheep are of the size of our lambs, and their oxen and asses rather smaller than our rams, which again are as big as their horses and mules and other cattle. Of the Pygmies three thousand men attend the king of the Indians, on account of their great skill in archery. They are eminently just, and have the same laws as the Indians. They hunt hares and foxes not with dogs but with ravens and kites and crows and vultures. In their country is a lake eight hundred stadia in circumference, which produces an oil like our own. If the wind be not blowing, this oil floats upon the surface, and the Pygmies going upon the lake in little boats collect it from amidst the waters in small tubs for household use." They use algo oil of sosamum and nut oil, but the lake-oil" is the best. The lake has also fish. 12. There is much silver in their part of the country, and the silver-mines though not deep are deeper than those in Baktria. Gold also is a product of India. It is not found in rivers and washed from the sands like the gold of the river Paktolos, but is found on those many high-towering mountains which are inhabited by the Griffin 8, a race of fourfooted birds, about as large as wolves, having legs and claws like those of the lion, and covered all over the body with black feathers except only on the breast where they are red. On account of those birds the gold with which the mountains abound is difficult to be got. 13. The sheep and the goats of the Indians"? are bigger than asses, and generally produce young by four and by six at a time. The tails grow to such a size that those of the dams must be cut off before the rams can get at them. India does not however produce the pig, either the tame sort or the wild." Palm-trees and their dates are in India" thrice the size of those in Babylon, and we learn that there is a certain river flowing with honey out of a rock, like the one we have in our own country. 14. The justice of the Indiang, their devotion to their king and their contempt of death are themes on which he loves to expatiate. He notices a fountain having this peculiarity, that when any one draws water from it, the water coagulates like cheese, and should you then detach from the solid lump a piece weighing about three obols, and having triturated this, put the powder into common water, he to whom you give this potion blabs out whatever he has done, for he becomes delirious, and raves like a madman all that day. The king avails himself of this property whert he wishes to discover the guilt or innocence of accused persons. Whoever incriminates himself when undergoing the ordeal is sentenced to starve himself to death, while he who does not confess to any crime is acquitted.* 15. The Indians are not afflicted with headache, or toothache, or ophthalmia, nor have they mouthsores or ulcers in any part of their body. The age to which they live is 120, 130, and 150 years, though the very old live to 200." 16. In their country is a serpent a span long, in appearance like the most beautiful purple with a head perfectly white but without any teeth." The creature is caught on those very hot mountains whose mines yield the sardine-stone. It does not ating, but on whatever part of the body it casts its vomit, that place invariably putrifies. If suspended by the tail, it emits two kinds of poison, one like amber which oozes from it while living, and the other black, which oozes from its carcase. Should about a sesame-seed's bulk of the former be administered to any one, he dies the instant he swallows it, for his brain runs out through his nostrils. If the black sort be given it induces consumption, but operates * See Frag. xii, c. 41 See Frag. xiii below. 2 Conf. Frag. xxvi. " See Salmas, Everc. Plin. p. 1033; Sprengel, Histor, Botan. vol. I, p. 79; Reynier de l'Economie publique des Perses, p. 283. ** Antigon, c, 165, in Frag. xxvii, below. 5 On metals in India, see Heeren, Asiat. Nat. vol. II, p. 268. * T'put, in Persian w giriften, means to gripe or seize and un girif corresponds well enough with your See Frag. xiv, below, where a fuller account of the gryphons is given. * See Frag. xii, below. " See Frag. xv, below; also Frag. xxix, D. Swine, wild and tame, are common enough now in India. * Conf. Palladius De Brachmm. p. 4. 60 Regarding the Babylonian palms, vid. Herodot. I, 193 ; and Diodor. II, 53. 5 Antigonus Caryst. Histor. Mirab. C. 160; Sotion, Q. 17: Strabo, XVI, iv, 20. Conf. Frag. xv, G. 63 Arrian, Ind. 15, 12, and Frag. xxii, C. See Frag. xvii. I

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OCTOBER, 1881.) THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 301 go slowly that death scarcely ensues in less than a year's time." 17. He mentions an Indian bird called the Dikairon, 58 a bame equivalent in Greek to BikaLov (i.e. just). It is about the size of a partridge's egg. It buries its dung under the earth to prevent its being found. Should it be found notwithstanding, and should a person at morning tide swallow so much of it as would about equal a grain of sesamum, he falls into a deep unconscious sleep from which he never awakes, but dies at the going down of the sun." 18. In the same country grows what is called the Parebon," a plant about the size of the olive, found only in the royal gardens, producing neither flower nor fruit, but having merely fifteen roots, which grow down into the earth, and are of considerable thickness, the very slenderest being about as thick as one's arm. If a span's length of this root be taken, it attracts to itself all objects brought near it-gold, silver, copper, stones and all things else except amber. If however a cubit's length of it be taken, it attracts lambs and birds, and it is in fact with this root that most kinds of birds are caught. Should you wish to turn water solid, even a whole gallon of it, you have but to throw into the water not more than an obol's weigbt of this root, and the thing is done. Its effect is the same upon wine which, when condensed by it, can be held in your hand like a piece of wax, though it melts the next day. It is found beneficial in the cure of bowel disorders. 19. Through India there flows a certain river, not of any great size, but only about two stadia in breadth, called in the Indian tongue Hy parkhos, which means in Greek epor marra Ta ayada (i.e. the bearer of all things good). This river for thirty days in every year floats down amber, for in the upper part of its course where it flows among the mountains there are said to be trees overhanging its current which for thirty days at a particular season in every year continue dropping tears like the almond-tree and the pine-tree and other trees. These tears on dropping into the water harden into gum. The Indian name for the tree is siptakhora," which means when rendered into Greek yuku, nou (ie. sweet). These trees then supply the Indians with their amber. And not only so but they are said to yield also berries, which grow in clusters like the grapes of the vine, and have stones as large as the filbert-nuts of Pontos. 20. He writes that on the mountains just spoken of there live men having heads like those of dogs, who wear the skins of wild beasts, and do not use articulate speech, but bark like dogs, and thus converse so as to be understood by each other. They have larger teeth than dogs, and claws like those of dogs, only larger and more rounded. They inhabit the mountains, and extend as far as the river Indus. They are swarthy, and like all the other Indians extremely just men. With the Indians they can hold intercourse, for they understand what they say, though they cannot, it is true, reply to them in words, still by barking and by making signs with their hands and their fingers like the deaf and the dumb, they can make themselves understood. They are called by the Indians Kalystrioi, which means in Greek Kurokepalo." (i..., dog-headed). Their * Conf. Frag. xvii, also Strabo, XV, i, 87, where, quoting Megasthenes, he speaks of flying serpents that let fall drops which raise patrid sores on the skin. - Alraupos : Tychsen compares the word with di, good, the good principle, and kar, doing, a participle of the verb u k erden; the whole then means benefactor, and might be supposed to allude to the custom of the bird here mentioned. Bekker reads dikepov here. See Frag. xviii. 51 For fuller particulars vide Frag. xvii. Tapngov (in Apollonius mapubos,) may be compared with the Persian) bar, weight, burthen, and aver, bearing, drawing. This comparison however is rather defective.-Tychsen. See Frag. xix. * Yapxos: Tychaon adduces the Persian Quer, bring. ing, carrying, and khosh, good : consequently dver. khosh, bringing good, which exactly corresponds with the signification pointed out by Ktesias. We might also comparow y ! berkhosh, good, so that the initial letter in 'Unapxos would be merely ouphonio, but then the participle papa would not be expressed. The river is called by Pliny the Hypobaras, vide Frag. II. . Ettraxopa : Compare this with the Persian IRA ya shiftehkhor,'agroen ble to eat.' The Persians call an apricot , shifteh-reng, 'agreeable colour.' Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxxvii. 2) bas 'arbores eas Aphytacoras vocare, where the word is disfigured.Tychsen. 61 India however does not produce amber, and the tree of which it is here said to be the gum, cannot be satisfactorily identified. Baehr quotes Plioy XII, ix, 19, 8 & passage of no small importance for settling the question. 63 Pliny (Hist. Nat. XV, xxii, 24), explains why Pontic nuts were so called. See Frage. xxi and xxii. ** Tychsen compares the word with the Persianus kelek or keluk, a wolf, and ser, the head, i.e. 'kelu kser, 'wolf-beaded.' Another word more exactly answering the sound of the Greek would be Kalusterin, the superlative of kalus, stupid, which would convert the doghead. ed people into blockheads, but this is not consonant with the translation of the name.-Heeren, Asiat. Nat. vol. II. p. 364. Vide Frags. xxi, xxii, xxi. were son compares and memora mortisterin hebdogbert

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. food is raw flesh. The whole tribe numbers once every five years sends them as presents not less than 120,000 men. 300,000 arrows and as many javelins, 120,000 21. Near the sources of this rivers there shields and 50,000 swords. grows a certain purple flower, which is used for 23. These Kynokephaloi have no dying purple, and is not inferior to the Greek houses but live in caves. They hunt wild beasts sort, but even imparts a far more florid hue. with the bow and the spear, and run so fast that In the same parts there is a wild insect about they can overtake them in the chase. Their the size of a beetle, red like cinnabar, with legs women bathe once a month at the time of menexcessively long. It is as soft as the worm called struation, and then only. The men do not bathe sloblea and is found on the trees which produce at all, but merely wash their hands. Thrice a amber, eating the fruits of those trees and month, however, they anoint themselves with an destroying them, as in Greece the wood-louseoil made from milk, and wipe themselves with ravages the vine-trees. The Indians grind skins. Skins denuded of the hair, and made these insects to a powder and therewith dye such thin and soft, constitute the dress both of robes, tunics, and other vestments as they want the men and their wives. Their richest men to be of a purple hue." Their dye-stuffs are however use cotton raiment, but the number of superior to those used by the Persians. such men is small. They have no bed but sleep on 22. The Kynokephaloi living on the a litter of straw or leaves. That man is considered mountains do not practise any of the arts but the richest who possesses most sheep, and in subsist by the produce of the chase. They property of this sort consists all their wealth. slaughter the prey, and roast the flesh in the Both men and women have, like dogs, tails sun. They rear however great numbers of sheep above their buttocks but larger and more and goats and asses. They drink the milk of the hairy." They copulate like quadrupeds in dog. sheep and the whey which is made therefrom. fashion, and to copulate otherwise is thought They eat moreover the fruit of the Siptakhora- shameful. They are just, and of all men are the the tree which produces amber, for it is sweet. longest-lived, attaining the age of 170, and some They also dry this fruit, and pack it in hampers even of 200 years. as the Greeks do raisins. The same people 24. Beyond these again are other men who construct rafts, and freight them with the inhabit the country above the sources of the hampers as well as with the flowers of the purple river, who are swarthy like the other Indians. plant, after cleansing it, and with 260 talents do no work, and neither eat grain nor drink weight of amber, and a like weight of the water, but rear a good many cows and goats pigment which dyes purple, and 1090 talents and sheep, and drink their milk as their sole more of amber. All this cargo, which is the sustenance. Children are born among them season's produce, they convey annually as tribute with the anus closed up, and the contents of the to the King of the Indians. They take also addi- bowels are therefore voided, it is said, as urine, tional quantities of the same commodities for sale this being something like curds, though not to the Indians, from whom they receive in ex- at all thick but fecalent. When they drink milk change loaves of bread and flour and cloth which in the morning and take another draught at is made from a tree-grown stuff'(cotton). They noon, and then immediately after eat a certain sell also swords such as they use in hunting wild sweet-tasted root of indigenous growth which is beasts, and bows and javelins, for they are fell said to prevent milk from coagulating in the marksmen both in shooting with the bow and stomach, this root towards evening acts as an in hurling the javelin. As they inhabit steep emetic, and they vomit up everything quite and pathless mountains they cannot possibly readily. be conquered in war, and the king moreover 25. Among the Indians, he proceeds, there es The Hyparkhos. * It is generally agreed that the cochineal insect is that to which Ktsins refera, though his description of it is not quite accurate. For fuller particulars vide Frag. xviii. of See Larcher's Note on Herodot. III, 47; Plin. Nat. Hist. XIX,1; and. Frag. xxiv. 64 Butter; conf. Polysen. Strateg. IV, 3, 32; cf. also Peripl. AEr. Mar. $ 41, where the same expression occurs. * Curtius, VIIT, 9, 21. 10 Conf. Frag. 1, section appended to $ 33. Malte-Brun considered that this statement had reference to the OurangOutang of the Island of Borneo, or perhaps of the Anda. man islands.

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OCTOBER, 1881.] THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 303 are wild asses as large as horses, some being even larger." Their head is of a dark red colour, their eyes blue, and the rest of their body white. They have a horn on their foryhead, a cubit in length (the filings of this horn, if given in a potion, are an antidote to poisonous drugs]. This horn for about two palmbreadths upwards from the base is of the purest white, where it tapers to a sharp point of a flaming crimson, and, in the middle, is black." These horns are made into drinking cups, and such as drink from them are attacked neither by convulsions nor by the sacred disease (epilepsy). Nay, they are not even affected by poisons, if either before or after swallowing them they drink from these cups wine, water, or anything else. While other asses moreover, whether wild or tame, and indeed all other solid-hoofed animals have neither huckle-bones," nor gall in the liver, these one-horned asses" have both. Their huckle-bone is the most beautiful of all I have ever seen, and is, in appearance and size, like that of the ox. It is as heavy as lead, and of the colour of cinnabar? both on the surface, and all thronghout. It is exceedingly fleet and strong, and no creatore that pursues it, not even the horse, can overtake it. 26. On first starting it scampers off somewhat leisurely, but the longer it runs, it gallops faster and faster till the pace becomes most furious. These animals therefore can only be caught at one particular time--that is when they lead out their little foals to the pastures in which they roam. They are then hemmed in on all sides by a vast number of hunters mounted on horseback, and being unwilling to escape while leaving their young to perish, stand their ground and fight, and by butting with their horns and kicking and biting kill many horses and men. But they are in the end taken, pierced to death with arrows and spears, for to take them alive is in no way possible. Their flesh being bitter" is unfit for food, and they are hunted merely for the sake of their horns and their huckle-bones.' 27. He states that there is bred in the Indian river a worm" like in appearance to that which is found in the fig, but seven cubits more or less in length, while its thickness is such that a boy ten years old could hardly clasp it within the circuit of his arms. These worms have two teeth-an upper and a lower, with which they seize and devour their prey. In the daytime they remain in the mud at tbe bottom of the river, but at night they come ashore, and should they fall in with any prey as a cow or a camel, they seize it with their teeth, and having dragged it to the river, there devour it. For catehing this worm a large hook is employed, to which a kid or a lamb is fastened by chains of iron. The worm being landed, the captors hang up its carcase, and placing vessels underneath it leave it thus for thirty days. All this time oil drops from it, as much being got as would fill ten Attic kotylai. At the end of the thirty days they throw away the worm, and preserving the oil they take it to the king of the Indians, and to him alone, for no subject is allowed to get a drop of it. This oil (like fire) sets everything ablaze over which it is poured and it consumes not alone wood but even animals. The flames can be quenched only by throwing over them a great quantity of clay, and that of a thick consistency.so 28. But again there are certain trees in India as tall as the cedar or the cypress, having leaves like those of the date palm, only somewhat broader, but having no shoots sprouting from the stems. They produce a flower like the male laurel, but no fruit. In the Indian language they are called karpion, but in Greek pupopoda (unguent-rosess). These trees are scarce. 11 Seo Frag. XXV. Frag, of the wild as may be compared with his socount " Conf. Bruce's account (Travels, vol. V, p. 93) who of the Kartizon, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 128. describes its surface as of a reddish-brown. " See 1, and Frag. xxvi. *'Aotpayalovs, conf. Aristot. Hist. An. II, 2, 9. *0 Cf. Frag. xxvi, where AElinn gives fuller particulars. ** Tychsen thinks the rhinoceros is here meant, but the A somewhat similar creature is mentioned by Palladius colour and other details do not quite agree with that I (de Brachman. 10) as belonging to the Ganges. He calls animal. Heeren, As. Nat. vol. II, pp. 864 ff. it the Odontotyrranos. 15 That is, vermilion. 51 Bache thinks this may be the Chetak (Pandan 10 This is what Bruce relates of the rhinoceros.-Travels, odoratisima), Kaida, or Kyura. Regarding the word kar. vol. V, pp. 97 and 105. pion Dr. Caldwell in the Introduction to his Dravidian " Bruce says it has a disagreenble musky flavour. Grammar thus writes : The earliest Dravidian word in ** Cf. Frag. xxv, and the account of the unicorn Groek of which we know the date is kaparov, Ktesias's namo in Kosmas Indikopl. ; conf. also Aristotle, de Part. An. for cinnainon, Herodctas describes cinnamon as the III, 2, and Hist. Anim. II, 1; and also Philostrat. Kapoea, which we, after the Phoenicians, call Kuvvacuor. Vit. Apoll. III, 2 and 3. AElian's account in the above Liddell and Scott say "this word bears a curious likenes

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. There oozes from them an oib in drops, which are wiped off from the stem with wool, from which they are afterwards wrung out and received into alabaster boxes of stone. The oil is in colour of a faint red, and of a somewhat thick consistency. Its smell is the sweetest in all the world, and is said to diffuse itself to a distance of five stadia around. The privilege of possessing this per- fume belongs only to the king and the members of the royal family. A present of it was sent by the king of the Indians to the king of the Persians, and Ktesias alleges that he saw it himself, and that it was of such an exquisite fragrance as he could not describe, and he knew nothing whereunto he could liken it. 29. He states that the cheese and the wines of the Indians are the sweetest in the world, adding that he knew this from his own experience, since he bad tasted both. 30. There is a fountain" among the Indians of a square shape and of about five ells in circumference. The water lodges in a rock The depth downward till you reach the water is three cubits and the depth of the water itself three orguiai. Herein the Indians of highest distinction bathe (both for purification and the averting of diseases) along with their wives and children; they throw themselves into the well foot foremost, and when they leap in the water casts them up again, and not only does it throw up human beings to the surface, but it casts out npon dry land any kind of animal, whether living or dead, and in fact anything else that is cast into it except iron and silver and gold and copper, which all sink to the bottom. The water is intensely cold and sweet to drink. It makes a load babbling noise like water boiling in a caldron. Its waters are a cure for leprosy, and scab." In the Indian tongue it is called Balladet and in Greek openlun (i.e. usefal). 31. On those Indian mountains where the Indian reed grows, there is a race of men whose number is not less than 30,000, and whose wives bear offspring only once in their whole lifetime. Their children have teeth of perfect whiteness, both the upper set and the under, and the hair both of their head and of their eyebrows is from their very infancy quite hoary, and this whether they be boys or girls. Indeed every man among them till he reaches his thirtieth year has all the hair on his body white, but from that time forward it begins to turn black, and by the time they are sixty, there is not a hair to be seen upon them but what is black. These people, both men and women alike, have eight fingers on each hand, and eight toes on each foot. They are a very warlike people, and five thousand of them armed with bows and spears follow the banners of the King of the Indians. Their ears, he says, are so large that they cover their arms as far as the elbows while at the same time they cover all the back and the one ear touches the other." 32. There is in Ethiopia an animal called properly the Krokottas, but vulgarly the Kyno. lykos. It is of prodigions strength, and is said to imitate the human voice, and by night to to its Arabic name kerfat, kirfah." This resemblance must, I think, be accidental, seeing that Herodotus considered 'cinnamon' alone as a foreign word. The word mentioned by Ktesias seems however to have a real resemblance to the Arabic word and also to a Dravidian one. Ktesias describes an odorous oil produced from an Indian tree having flowers like the laurel, which the Greeks called pupopoda, but which in India was called Kapriv.. From Kterias's description making allowance for its exaggerations) it is evident that cinnamon oil was meant, and in this opinion Wahl agrees. Uranius, a writer, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium, mentiong kiptaboy as one of the productions of the Abaseni, the Arabian Abyssinians, by which we are doubtless to understand, not so much the products of their country as the articles in which they traded. From the connexion in which it is found kipafov would appear to be cinnamon, and we can scarcely err in identifying it with kerfat or more properly kirfah, one of the names which cinnamon has received in Arabia. Some Arabian scholars derive kirfah from karafa decortavit,' but Mr. Hassoun does not admit this derivation, and considers kirsah a foreign word. We are thus brought back to Ktegias's kaparlov, or the Iudian word which kaptriov represented. As this is a word of which we know the antiquity, the supposition that the Greeks or the Indians borrowed it from the Arabs is quite inadmissible. What then in the Indian word Ktesias referred to ? Not, as has been supposed, kurundhu, the Singhalese name for cinnamon derived from the Sanskrit kurunta, but the Tamil MalayAlam word karuppu or karppu, e. g. karappa.(t)tailam, Mal, oil of cinnamon. Other forms of this word are karappu, karuva and karuva, the last of which is the most common form in modern Tamil. Rheede refers to this form of the word when he says that "in his time in Malabar oils in high medical estimation were made from both the root and the leaves of the karua or wild cinnamon of that country." There are two meanings of karu in Tamil Malayalam, 'black,' and 'pungent', and the latter doubtless supplies us with the explanation of karuppu 'cinnamon'..... I have little doubt that the Sanskrit karpira, 'camphor,' is substantially the same as the Tamil Malay lam karuppu, and-Ktisias's kapar LOV, seeing that it does not seem to have any root in Sanskrit and that camphor and cinnamon are nearly related. The camphor of commerce is from a cinnamon tree, the camphora officinarum. #Conf. frag. Ixxvii. #3 Conf. Frag. xxvii. ** Bilada in Sank. means 'giving strength': and is applied to a bullock, and a medical plant: balada is the Physalis flexuosa.-ED. For an account of the various fabulous Indian races mentioned by the classical writers, and for their identification with the races mentioned in Sanskrit writings, see Ind. Ant., vol. VI, pp. 133-135, and footnotes. of emphor and in to have any ass kapty,

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OCTOBER, 1881.) FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 305 call out men by their names, and when they come forth at their call, to fall upon them and devour them. This animal has the courage of the lion, the speed of the horse, and the strength of the bull, and cannot be encountered successfully with weapons of steel." In Euboea about Khalkis the sheep have no gall," and their flesh is so extremely bitter that dogs even will not eat it. They say also that in the parts beyond the Maurusian Straits" rain falls in the summer-time, while the same regions are in wintertime scorched with heat. In the country of the Kyonians" there is, according to his account, a certain fountain, which instead of water has springs of oil-this oil being used by the people in the neighbourhood for all kinds of food. In the region also called Metadrida there is another fountain, this being at no great distance from the sea. At midnight it swells with the utmost violence, and in receding casts forth fish upon dry land in such quantities that the people of the place cannot gather them, and are obliged to leave them lying rotting on the ground." 33. Ktosias thus writing and romancing professes that his narrative is all perfect truth, and, to assure us of this, asseverates that he has recorded nothing but what he either saw with his own eyes, or learned from the testimony of credible eye-witnesses. He adds more over that he has left unnoticed many things far more marvellous than any he has related, lest any one who had not a previous knowledge of the facts might look upon him as an arrant story-teller. The Seres" and the natives of Upper India are said to be men of huge stature, so that among them are found some who are 13 cubits in height and who also live till they are above 200 years old. There are besides some. where in the river called the Gaiteses men of a brute-like appearance who have a hide like that of a rhinoceros being quite impervious to darts," while in India itself in the central parts of an island of the ocean the inhabitants are said to have tails of extraordinary length such as satyrs are represented with in pictures." FRAG. II. From Arrian, Anab. Book V. 4, 2. And Ktesias (if any one considers him a competent authority) asserts that the distance from the one bank of the Indus to the other where the stream is narrowest is 40 stadia, and where it is widest, so much even as 100 stadia, though its breadth in general is the mean be. tween these two extremes. Frag. III. Strabo, Geog. Book XV. From this we can see how greatly the opinions of the others differ,- Ktosias asserting that India is not less than all the rest of Asia, and Onesikritos that, &c. From the Indika of Arrian, 30. Ktesias the Knidian states that India is equal to the rest of Asia, but he is wrong. FRAG. IV. AElian, De Nat. Anim. Book XVII, 29. When the King of the Indians goes on a campaign, one hundred thousand war-elephants. go on before him, while three thousand more, that are of superior size and strength, march, I am told, behind him, these being trained to demolish the walls of the enemy. This they effect by rushing against them at the King's signal, and throwing them down by the overwhelming force with which they press their breasts against them. Ktesias reports this from hearsay, but adds that with his own eyes he had seen elephants tear up palm trees, roots and all, with like furious violence; and this they do whenever they are instigated to the act by their drivers." Frag. V. (A) Aristotle, De Gener. Anim. II, 2. What Ktesias has said regarding the seed of the elephant is plainly false, for he asserts that thus commonly for Muriotparov (Antigon. Mirab. 154). Conf. also Aristot. Mir. ausc. c. 123. This seetion is found only in the MS. of Munich, and perbape does not belong to Kterias. * This fragment in the Munich MS. forms a part of the 15th Section of the text of Photios. 3 Cf. Lucian Macrob. c. 5. " Var. lect.-Gaitres. ** Cf. Ptolemy, Geog. VII, iii, where the same words are used. " Cf. same chapter of same Book p. 178. Conf. Diodor. II., 17, Strabo, XV, 1, 41 ff.; Curtius, VIII, 9, 17; Kosmos Indikoploustes, XI, p. 339. * Regarding the Krokotta, a sort of hyaena, vide Diodor. III, 34; Elian, Hist. Nat. VII, 22; Pliny. H. N. VIII. 81 Porphyr. De Abstin. III, p. 223. Conf. Hesych. s. h. voc.; Bruce's Travels, vol. V, p. 113. Conf. Theophr. A. Plant. IX, 18, and Arist. Hist. An. I, 27. 68 Maurousion pulon-understand of the Pillars of Hercules. We have Maurusios in Pliny, Hist. Nat. V, 2; Strabo, Geog. XVII, iii, 2. * 'Ev To Kvaviay xopa appears to be corrupt. We might suggest Cio in Myain. The same thing is told of the fountain ev Sukavov xbpy at the city KurioTpaToy

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1881. relates. when dry it turns hard so as to become like hot season by the oxen of India, but they fight amber; and this it does not." these assailants and overcome them, as Ktosias (B) From the same, towards the end of the 3rd Book of his History of Animals. (B) AElian, De Animal. Nat. IV, 32. What Ktesias has written regarding the seed It is worth while learning what like are the of the elephant is false. cattle of the Indians. Their goats and their (C) AElian, De Animal. XVI, 2. Cocks (in India) are of immense size, and sheep are, from what I hear, bigger than the their crests are not red like the crests of our biggest asses, and they produce four young ones own cocks, but many-hued, like a floral garland; at a time, and never fewer than three. The tails their rump feathers are neither curved nor of the sheep reach down to their feet, and the wreathed, but broad, and these they trail after tails of the goats are so long that they almost them in the way the peacock drags his tail when touch the ground. The shepherds cut off the he does not make it stand erect. The feathers tails of those ewes that are good for breeding of the Indian cocks are partly golden, and to let them be mounted by the rams, and these partly of a gleaming azure like the smaragdus tails yield an oil which is squeezed out from stone." their fat. They cut also the tails of the rams, FRAG. VI. and having extracted the fat, sew them up (A) AElian, De Animal. Nat. XVI, 31. again so carefully that no trace of the incision Ktesias in his account of India says that the is afterwards seen. people called the Kynamolgoi rear many FRAG. VII. dogs as big as the Hyrkanian breed, and this Tzetzen, Chil. VII, v. 739, from the Third Book of the Knidian writer tells us also why they keep so 'Arabikion of Uranias. If any one thinks that the size of the Arabian many dogs, and this is the reason: From the time of the summer solstice on to mid-winter reeds has been exaggerated, who, asks Tzetzos, would believe what Ktesias says of the Indian they are incessantly attacked by herds of wild oxen, coming like a swarm of bees or a flight reeds-that they are two orguiai in breadth, and that a couple of cargo-boats could be made from of angry wasps, only that the oxen are more & single joint of one of these reeds.100 numerous by far. They are ferocious withal and proudly defiant, and butt most viciously FRAG. VIII. with their horns. The Kynamolgoi, unable Aristotle, De Hist. Anim. II, 1. to withstand them otherwise, let loose their No animals of these species have a double dogs upon them, which are bred for this express row of teeth, though, if we are to believe purpose, and these dogs easily overpower the Ktesias, there is one exception to the rule, for oxen and worry them to death. Then come he asserts that the Indian beast called the the masters, and appropriate to their own use Martikhora has a triple row of teeth in each of such parts of the carcases as they deem fit for its jaws. He describes the animal as being food, but they set apart for their dogs all the equal in size to the lion, which it also resembles rest, and gratitude prompts them to give this in its claws and in having shaggy hair, though share cheerfully. During the season when its face and its ears are like those of a human they are left unmolested by the oxen, they being. Its eyes are blue and its hair is of the employ their dogs in hunting other animals colour of cinnabar.101 Its tail, which resembles They milk the bitches, and this is why they that of the land scorpion, contains the sting, and are called Kynamolgoi (dog-milkers). They is furnished with a growth of prickles which it drink this milk just as we drink that of the has the power of discharging like shafts shot sheep or the goat. from a bow. Its voice is like the sound of the (B) Polydeukes (Pollux), Onomastic. V, 5, 41, p. 497. pipe and the trumpet blended together. It The Kynamolgoi are dogs living about runs fast, being as nimble as a deer. It is the lakes in the south of India and subsisting very ferocious and has a great avidity for upon cows' milk. They are attacked in the human flesh. Ktesias, however, probably referred to the matter 37; Plin. Hist. Nat. VII, 2; Curtits, IX, 1. 31. which issued from the orifice in the temples, 180 Conf. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XVI, 36 VII, 2, Theo A kind of phenannt is meant-the Impeyanum Lophop.1 phrast. Plant. Hist. IX. 11; Herodot. III. 98; Strabo, Conf. Diod. III, 31; Megasthenes in Strabo, x, Xv, 21. 101 . e. vermilion.

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OCTOBER, 1881.) FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 307 FRAG. IX. Pausanias (Boiot. IX. si. 4) quoting Ktesins, thus describes the same animal. The animal mentioned by Ktesias in his Indika, called by the Indians the Martikhora, but by the Greeks, it is said, aydpopazov (maneater) is, I am convinced, the tiger. It is described as having three rows of teeth in each of ita jaws and as having stings at the end of its tail, wherewith it defends itself against its assailants whether fighting at close quarters or at a distance. In the latter case it shoots its stings clean away from its tail like shafts shot from a bow-string. [The Indians appear to me to have accepted this account, which is not true, through their excessive dread of this creature.] FRAG. X. Pliny, H. N. VIII, 21 (al. 30.) 1 Ktegias states that the animal which he calls the Martikkora is found among these people [the Indians or rather the Aethiopians). According to his description, it has a triple row of teeth, ranged together like the teeth of a comb; its face and its ears are like those of a human being, while its eyes are blue and its hair of a blood-red colour. It has the body of a lion and its tail is armed with stings with which it smites like the scorpion. Its voice is like the commingled sound of the pipe and the trompet. It runs very fast, and is very fond of human flesh. FRAG, XI. From Alian, De Animal. IV. 21 ; respecting the Indian Martikhora. In India is found & wild animal called in the native tongue the Martikhora. It is of great strength and ferocity, being about as big as a lion, of a red colour like cinnabar, and covered with shaggy hair like a dog. Its face, however, in not bestial, but resembles that of a human being. It has both in the upper and the lower jaw a double row of teeth which are extremely sharp at the points and larger than the canine. Its ears in their conformation are like the human, but they are larger and covered with shaggy hair. Its eyes also are like the human, and of a blue colour. It has the feet and the claws of a lion, but its tail, which may be more than a cubit long, is not only furnished at the tip with a scorpion's sting but is Armed on both sides with a row of stings. With the sting at the tip it smites any one who comes near it, and kills him therewith instantaneously, but if it is pursued it uses the side stings, discharging them like arrows against the pursuer, whom it can hit even though he be at a good distance off. When it fights, having the enemy in front, it bends the tail upward, but when, like the Sakians, it fights while retreating, it straightens it out to the fullest length. The stings, which are a foot long and as slender as a rush (or a fine thread), kill every animal they hit, with the exception of the elephant only. Ktesias says that he had been assured by the Indians that those stings that are expended in fighting are replaced by a growth of new ones as if to perpetuate this accursed plague. Its favourite food, according to the same author, is human flesh, and to satisfy this lust, it kills a great many men, caring not to spring from its ambush upon a solitary traveller, but rather upon a band of two or three for which it is singly more than a match. All the beasts of the forest yield to its prowess, save only the lion, which it is impotent to subdue. That it loves above all things to gorge itself with human flesh, is clearly shown by its name-for the Indian word Martikhora means man-eater--and it has its name from this particular habit. It runs with all the nimbleness of a deer. The Indians hunt the young ones before the stings appear on their tails, and break the tails themselves in pieces on the rocks to prevent stings grow. ing upon them. Its voice has a most striking resemblance to the sound of a trumpet. Ktegials says that he had seen in Persia one of these animals, which had been sent from India as a gift to the Persian king. Such are the peculiarities of the Martikhora as described by Ktosias, and if any one thinks this Knidian writer a competent authority on such subjects, he must be content with the account which he has given. FRAG. XII. (A) Antigonos, Mirab. Nar. Cong. Hist. o. 182. He says that Ktesias gives an account of an undying fire burning on Mount Chimaera in the country of the Phaselitai. Should the flame be cast into water, this but sets it into a greater blaze, and so if you wish to put it out you must cast some solid substance into it.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. [OCTOBER, 1881. (B) Pliny, Hist. Nat. II, 106. Mount Chimaera in Phaselis is vol- canic, and burns night and day with a perpetual flame.10* According to Ktesias the Knidian, the fire is augmented by water, but extinguished by earth or hay.108 C. AElian, De Anim. XVI. 37. Among the Indian Psylloi (who are so called to distinguish them from the Libyan Psylloi) the horses are no bigger than rams, while the sheep look as small as lambs. The asses are likewise correspondingly small and 80 are the mules and the oxen, and in short all cattle of whatever kind.104 FRAG. XIII. Alian, Nat. An. IV, 26. Hares and foxes are hunted by the Indians in the manner following. They do not require dogs for the purpose, but taking the young of eagles, of ravens and of kites, they rear and train them to pursue these animals by subjecting them to this course of instruction. Taking a pet hare and a tame fox, they fasten on to each a gobbet of flesh, and then making them run away, at the same time dismiss the birds to give them instant chase, and catch the alluring bait. The birds eagerly pursue, and catching up either the hare or the fox, pounce upon the flesh, with which they are allowed to glut their maw in recompense for their activity in having captured it. When they have thus become adepts in hunting, they are taken out to pursue mountain hares and wild foxes, when, on sighting the quarry, they at once give it chase in hope of earning the customary dainty, and having quickly caught it bring it to their masters, as Ktesias acquaints us. From the same source we further learn that the entrails of the quarry are given them instead of the gobbets of flesh to which they had been formerly treated. FRAG. XIV. (A) AElian Nat. Anim IV, 27. The gryphon, an Indian animal, is, so far as I can learn, four-footed like the lion and has claws of bnormous strength closely resembling his. It is described as having feathers on its back, and these black, while the breast feathers are red and those of the wing white. Accord ing to Ktesias its neck is variegated with feathers of a bright blue; its beak is like an eagle's; and its head like the representations which artists give of it in paintings and sculptures. Its eyes are said to be fiery red, and it builds its nest upon the mountains, and, as it is impossible to catch these birds when full grown, they are caught when quite young. The Baktrians who are next neighbours to the Indians give out that these birds guard the gold found in the regions which they haunt, and that they dig it out of the ground and build their nests with it, and that the Indians carry off as much of it as falls to the ground. The Indians however deny that the gryphons guard the gold, alleging,. what I think is highly probable, that gold is a thing gryphons have no use for; but they admit that when these birds see them coming to gather the gold, they become alarmed for their young and attack the intruders. Nor do they resist man only, but beasts of whatever kind, gaining an easy victory over all except only the elephant and the lion, for which they are no match. The gryphong, then, being 80 formidable, the natives of these countries go not to gather gold in the day time. but set out under cover of night when they are least likely to be detected. Now the auriferous region which the gryphons inhabit is a frightful desert, 20s and those who make a raid upon the gold, select a moonless night, and set ont armed, the expedition being a thousand or even two thousand strong. They take with them mattocks for digging the gold and sacks in which to carry it away. If they are unobserved by the gryphons they have a double share of good luck, for they not only escape with their lives but beara freight of gold in triumph home, where, the metal having been purified by those who are skilful in smelting ores, they are recompensed with overflowing wealth for all the hazards of the enterprise. Should they on the other hand be detected in the act of theft, certain death would be their fate. I have learned by enquiry that they do not return home till after an absence of three or four years.106 101 Conf. Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 109, and Beaufort's Travels. 103 Foeno, for which perhaps fimo should be read. 10. See Frag. IV. From this it appears that Ktegias calls the same race both Paylli and Pygmies. 105 Perhaps the Desert of Cobi. 10. The same is related from AElian by Philo, De animall. propriett. 2, pp. 15 seq.; conf. Herodot. III. 116; IV. 13, 27. Baehr has a very long note on the Gryphons

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. FRAG. XV. (A) Elian, Nat. An. XVI, 37. It is said that neither the wild nor the tame swine is found in India, and that the Indians so much abhor the flesh of this animal that they would as soon taste human flesh as taste pork. (B) Elian, De Nat. Anim. III, 4. The following also are peculiarities in the nature of animals. The swine, according to Ktesias, whether wild or tame, is not found in India, and he somewhere states that Indian sheep have tails a cubit in breadth. (C) Arist., De Hist. Anim. VIII, 28. In India, as Ktesias, a writer not to be depended on, tells us, the swine is not found either wild or tame. [The animals of that country however which are bloodless and those that lie in holes are all large.] (D) Palladius, De Brachman, p. 5. For the swine of the Thebaid, on account of the excessive heat, is no longer found either in the parts of India or of Ethiopia. (E) Pallad., De Brach., p. 4. It (India) has also palms and the largest of nuts, the Indian as well as the small nut which is aromatic. (F) Antig. Mirab. Nar. 160. Ktesias, he says, informs us that in Ethiopia there is a fountain whose waters are red like cinnabar, and make those who drink them mad. (G) From the work of Sotion. Ktesias relates that in Ethiopia there is a fountain of water resembling cinnabar in colour which deprives those who drink it of their reason, so that they confess all the misdeeds which they have secretly committed. (H) Pliny, XXXI, 2. In drinking this water due moderation must be observed lest it make you mad like those persons who drink of that red fountain in Ethiopia whereof Ktesias writes. (I) Michael. Apostol. Proverb, XX, 6.101 A swine among the roses, a proverb applied by Krates to the intractable and uneducated. Ktesias asserts that the swine is not bred in India, either the wild or the tame kind, and he somewhere mentions that the sheep have tails a cubit in breadth. FRAG. XVI. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XVII, 2. Onesikritus, says that in those parts of India where no shadows are cast there are men who are 5 cubits and 2 palms in stature and who 309 live 130 years without becoming old, for if they die then they are cut off as it were in mid-life. Crates of Pergamus calls the Indians who live over a hundred years Gymnetae, but many writers call them Macrobii. Ktesias asserts that a tribe of them called Pandarae inhabiting the valleys live for 200 years, and have in their youth white hair, which turns black when they grow old. FRAG. XVII. Elian, Nat. An. IV, 36. Writers on India inform us that that country produces many drugs, and is astonishingly prolific of those plants that yield them. Many of these drugs are medicinal and cure snake-bites, which are so dangerous to life, but others are deleterious and quickly destroy life. Among these may be reckoned the poison of a particular kind of serpent, one which to appearance is about a span long. Its colour is purple of the deepest dye, but not on the head, which so far from being purple, is extraordinarily white, whiter even than snow or than milk. It is found in those parts of India which are most scorched by the sun. It has no teeth, and does not at all incline to bite, and hence one would think it to be of a tame and gentle nature, but nevertheless, wherever it casts its vomit, be it upon the limb of a man or of a beast, nothing can prevent the whole of that limb from mortifying. It is sought after for the sake of this poison, and is, when caught, suspended from a tree by the tail, so that the head may look downward to the ground. Below its mouth they place a casket made of brass, to receive the drops of poison as they fall. The matter thus discharged condenses and becomes a solid mass which might be mistaken for the gum which oozes from the almond-tree. When the snake is Idead the vessel is replaced by another, which is also of brass, for the carcase then discharges a serous humour like water, which, after being allowed to stand for three days, takes also a solid form. The two masses differ from each other in colour, the one being jet-black and the other the colour of amber. If you take of the latter no more than what would equal the bulk of a sesame seed, and administer this to one either in his food or his drink, he is first of all seized with violent spasms, and his eyes in the next place become distorted, and his brain, forcing its 107 This is given as frag. 29 by Lion, but not by Muller.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. way through his nostrils, runs out, when death ensues after a short but sharp agony. If a smaller dose is taken, death does not immediately ensue, but does so eventually. The black poison, again, which has oozed from the snake when dead, operates but slowly, for if one swallows the same bulk of it as of the other, it corrupts his blood and he falls into a consumption, of which he dies in a year's time. Many, however, survive for two years, dying inch by inch. FRAG. XVIII. Elian, De Nat. An. IV, 41. There is a species of Indian bird of very diminutive size which may be thus described. It builds its nests on high and precipitous mountains, and is about as big as a partridge egg, and of a bright red colour like realgar. The Indians call it in their tongue dikairon, and the Greeks in theirs, as I am informed, dikaion (i. e. just). Its dung has a peculiar property, for if a quantity of it no bigger than a grain of millet be dissolved into a potion, it would be enough to kill a man by the fall of evening. But the death that comes thereby resembles a sleep, and is most pleasant withal and pangless, being like that death which the poets are wont to call lusimeles (limb-relaxing) and ablekhros (easy), for such a death is painless, and is therefore to those who wish to be rid of life, the sweetest of all deaths. The Indians accordingly spare no pains to procure this substance, which they regard as a genuine anodyne for all human ills. Hence it is included among the costly presents sent by the king of the Indians to the Persian king, by whom it is prized more than aught else, and who treasures it up as a sure defence in case of necessity against ills that are past all other remedy. No one in all Persia possesses it save only the king himself and the king's mother. Let us here then compare this Indian drug with the Egyptian so as to determine which is superior. The Egyptian we saw, had the effect throughout the day it was taken of restraining and checking tears, whereas the Indian induced an unending oblivion of all ills. The former was the gift of a woman, and the latter the gift of a bird, or rather of Nature, which, through the agency of this bird, unfetters man from the sternest bondage. And the Indians, they say, are happy in the possession of this, since they [NOVEMBER, 1881. can by its means whenever they please, escape from their prison-house here below. FRAG. XIX. Apollonios (Dyskolos), Hist. Mirab. XVII. Ktesias says that in India is found a tree called the parybon. This draws to itself everything that comes near, as gold, silver, tin, copper and all other metals. Nay, it even attracts sparrows when they alight in its neighbourhood. Should it be of large size, it would attract even goats and sheep and similar animals. FRAG. XX. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXVII, 2. Ktesias says that in India is a river, the Hypobarus, and that the meaning of its name is the bearer of all good things. It flows from the north into the Eastern Ocean near a mountain well-wooded with trees that produce amber. These trees are called aphytacorae, a name which means luscious sweetness. FRAG. XXI. Tzetzes, Chil. VII, v, 714. Ktesias says that in India are the trees that produce amber, and the men called the Kynokephaloi, who, according to his account, are very just men living by produce of the chase. FRAG. XXII. Pliny, Hist. Nat. VII, 2. On many mountains (of India) is found a race of men with heads like those of dogs, who are dressed with the skins of wild beasts, who bark instead of speaking, and who, being armed with claws, live by hunting and fowling. Ktesias says that in his time the number of these men was 120,000. FRAG. XXIII. AElian, IV, 46. Among the Indians are found certain insects about the size of beetles and of a colour so red that at first sight one might mistake them for cinnabar. Their legs are of extraordinary length and soft to the touch. They grow upon the trees which produce amber, and subsist upon their fruit. The Indians collect them for the sake of the purple dye, which they yield when crushed. This dye is used for tinting with purple not only their outer and their under-garments, but also any other substance where a purple hue is required. Robes tinted with this purple are sent to the Persian king, for the Indian purple is thought by the Persians to be marvellously beautiful and far superior to their own. This we learn from

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 311 Ktesias, who says well, for this dye is in fact disease (epilepsy), and neither can he be cut deeper and more brilliant than the renowned off by poison; nay if before drinking from it he Lydian purple. should have swallowed anything deleterious, he In that part of India where the beetles vomits this, and escapes scatheless from all ill (kavoapoi) are met with, live the Kynokephaloi, effects, and while, as has been believed, all who are so called from their being like dogs in other asses, wherever found, and whether wild the shape of their head and in their general or tame, and even all solid-hoofed animals, have appearance. In other respects, however, they neither a huckle-bone (dotpayados) nor a gall in resemble mankind, and go about clad in the the liver, the Indian horned asses have according skins of wild beasts. They are moreover very to Ktesias both a huckle-bone and a gall in just, and do no sort of injury to any man. the liver. The huckle-bones are said to be black, They cannot speak, but atter a kind of howl. not only on the surface but all throughout as Notwithstanding this they comprehend the may be proved by breaking one to pieces. They language of the Indians. They subsist upon wild are fleeter not only than other asses but even animals, which their great fleetness of foot en- than horses and deer. On first starting they run ables them to capture with the utmost ease. leisurely, but they gradually strengthen their Having killed the prey they cut it into pieces, and pace, and then to overtake them, is, to use & roast it by the heat of the sun and not by fire. poeticexpression, the unattainable (ra 'akixyra).110 They keep goats however and sheep, whose milk When the dams have brought forth and begin to supplies them with drink, as the chase with food. lead out their young ones to the pastures, the I have mentioned them among the brutes, and males are in close attendance, and guard their with good reason, for they do not possess arti- offspring with devoted care. They roam about culate and intelligible speech like mankind.108 in the most desolate tracts of the Indian plain, FRAG. XXIV. and when the hunters come to attack them, they Servius the Commentator on Virgil: Bneid, I, v, 659. relegate their foals, being as yet but young and Acantho-i. e. with a flexible twig in imita tender, to graze in the rear, while in front they tion of which a robe is artificially adorned fight to defend them. Their mode of attack is and wrought. Varius makes this statement. to charge the horsemen, using the horn as the Ktesins says that there are trees in India which weapon of assault, and this is so powerful, that grow wool. nothing can withstand the blow it gives, but FRAG. XXV. yields and snaps in two, or is perhaps shivered (A) AElian, Hist. An. IV, 52. to pieces and spoiled for further use. They I have ascertained by enquiry that wild sometimes even fall upon the horses, and so asses are found in India as big as horses. The cruelly rip up their sides with the horn that animal is entirely white, except about the head, their very entrails gush out. The riders, it which is of a reddish colour, while the eye may well be imagined, dread to encounter them gleams with azure. It has a horn upon its at close quarters, since the penalty of approachforehead about a cubit and a half long. This ing them is a miserable death both to man and horn is white at the base, crimson at the tip, and horse. And not only do they butt, but they jet black in the middle. These particoloured also kick most viciously and bite; and their bite horns are used, I understand, as drinking cups is much to be dreaded, for they tear away all by the Indians, not indeed by people of all the flesh they grasp with their teeth. It is ranks, but only by the magnates, who rimaccordingly impossible to take them alive if them at intervals with circlets of gold just they be full-grown; and hence they must be as they would adorn with bracelets the arm of despatched with such missiles as the spear or some beautiful statue. They say that whoever the arrow. This done, the Indians despoil them drinks out of this horn is protected against all of their horns, which they-ornament in the incurable diseases, for he can neither be seized manner already described. The flesh is so very by convulsions nor by what is called the sacred bitter that the Indians cannot use it for food."12 205 Herodotus mentions Kynokephaloi in Africa (IV, 192); conf. Diodor. III, 34; Augustine, C. D. XVI, 8; Aristot. Hist. Anim. 11, 8; Strabo, XVI, iv, 15; Philost. Vit. Apollon. VI, 1. 100 Cf. Herod. III, 33. 110 Used by Homer. m Conf. Alian. III, 41; XVI, 20; Aristot. De partt. Anim. III, 2; Philostrat. Vit, Apoll. III, 2.

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1881. (B) AElian, III, 41. case it should be necessary to fell the monster India, he says, produces unicorn horses and with blows. As soon as it is hooked and swallows breeds likewise unicorn asses. Drinking cups the bait, it is hauled ashore and despatched by are made from these horns. Should one who the fishermen, who suspend its carcase till it has plots against another's life put a deadly poison beon exposed for 30 days to the heat of the into these cups no harm is done to the man sun. An oil all this time oozes out from it, and who drinks therefrom. The horn of the horse falls by drops into earthen vessels. A single and the ass, it would appear, is an antidote worm yields ten kotulai (about five pints). The against evil. Vessels having been sealed up, the oil is desFRAG. XXVI. patched to the king of the Indians, for no one AElian, Nat. An. V, 3. else is allowed to have so much as one drop of The river Indus has no living creature in it. The rest of the carcase is useless. Now this it except, they say, the skolex, a kind of worm oil possesses this singular virtue, that if you which to appearance is very like the worms that wish to burn to ashes a pile of any kind of wood, are generated and nurtured in trees. It differs you have only to pour upon it half a pint of the however in size, being in general seven cubits in oil, and it ignites without your applying a length and of such a thickness that a child of spark of fire to kindle it, while if it is a man or a ten could scarcely clasp it round in his arms. beast you want to burn, you pour out the oil, and It has a single tooth in each of its jaws, quadran in an instant the victim is consumed. By means gular in shape and above four feet long. These of this oil also the king of the Indians, it is teeth are so strong that they tear in pieces with ease whatover they clutch, be it a stone or be said, captures hostile cities without the help of rams or testudos or other siege apparatus, for it a beast, whether wild or tame. In the day he has merely to set them on fire with the oil, time these worms remain hidden at the bottom and they fall into his hands. How he proceeds of the river, wallowing with delight in its mud is this. Having filled with the oil a certain and sediment, but by night they come ashore number of earthen vessels which hold each in search of proy, and whatever animal they about half a pint, he closes up their mouths, and pounce upon-horse, cow, or ass, they drag down aims them at the uppermost parts of the gates; to the bottom of the river, where they devour it and if they strike there and break, the oil runs limb by limb, all except the entrails. Should they down the woodwork, wrapping it in flames be pressed by hunger they come ashore even in which cannot be put out, but with insatiable the daytime, and should a camel then or a cow fury burn the enemy, arms and all. The only come to the brink of the river to quench its way to smother and extinguish this fire is to thirst, they croep stealthily up to it, and having cast rubbish into it. This account is given by with a violent spring secured their victim by Ktesias the Knidian. fastening their fangs in its upper lip, they drag FRAG. XXVII. it by sheer force into the water, where they make a sumptuous repast of it. The hide of the skolex (A) From Antigonos, Mirab. Nar. Oong. Hist. 165. is two finger-breadths thick. The natives have It is said that Ktesias mentions certain lakes in India, one of which, like the lakes in Sicily and devised the following method for catching it. To a book of great strength and thickness they Media made everything that was cast into it attach an iron chain, which they bind with a sink down [float] except gold, copper, and iron. Moreover, should anything fall into it aslant, it is rope made of a broad piece of white cotton. thrown up standing erect. It is said to cure the Then they wrap wool round the hook and the disease called the white leprosy. Another lake rope, to prevent them being gnawed through by at certain seasons yields an oil which is found the worm, and having baited the hook with a floating on the surface. kid, the line is thereupon lowered into the (B) From Sotion in scattered passages where he relates stream. As many as thirty men, each of whom marvels about rivers, fountains and lakes. is equipped with a sword and a spear fitted There is a fountain in India which throws with a thong, hold on to the rope, having also out upon its banks as if shot from an engine those stout cudgels of cornel lying ready to hand, in who dive into its waters, as Ktegias relates.123 1 Conf. Aristot. Mir. Ausc. c. 122 ; Plin. Hist. Nat. II, 103.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. (C) Strabo, Geog. XVI, 4. Ktesias the Knidian mentions a fountain which discharges into the sea water of a red colour and full of minium (red-lead). FRAG. XXVIII. Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXI, 2. Ktesias records that in India is a pool of water called Side118 in which nothing will float, but everything sinks to the bottom. FRAG. XXIX. (A) Antigonos, Mirab. Nar. Cong. Hist. c. 182. Ktesias mentions the water which falls from a rock in Armenia, and which casts out black fish which cause the death of the eater. (B) Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXI, 2. Ktesias writes that in Armenia there is a fountain with black fish which, if taken as food, produce instantaneous death, and I heard the same said of the Danube, that where it rises, the same kind of black fish is found in it till you come to a fountain adjoining its channel, and that this fountain is therefore commonly believed to be the head of the river. They tell the same thing of the Nymph's pool in Lydia. FRAG. XXX. (A) Tzetzes, Chil. VII, v, 638. This Skylax (of Karyanda) writes other such stories by the myriads, stories of one-eyed men, and of men that sleep in their ears, and thousands of other wonderful creatures, all which he speaks of as really existing, and not fictitious; but for my part, as I have never met with any of them, I do not believe in them, although there are multitudes, such as Ktesias, Iamboulos, Hesigonos, Rheginos, who not only believe that these, but that still greater monstrosities, are to be found in the world. (B) Pliny, Hist. Nat. VII, 2. And he affirms that there is a tribe of Indians whose women bear offspring once only in their lifetime, and whose hair turns white in the very childhood. He mentions also a race of men called Monosceli (one-legged), who, though they had but a single leg, could hop upon it with wonderful agility, and that they were also called. Sciopodae, because that when they lay on their back in very hot weather, they shaded themselves from the sun with their feet. They lived not very far from the Troglodytes (cave-dwellers). To the west of these, he adds, 113 Isidor. Origg. xiii, 13; Conf. Antigon. c. 161; Diodorus, II, 36, 7; Arrian, Ind. c. 6; Strabo, XV, i, 313 lived men without a neck, and who had their eyes placed in their shoulders. (C) From the same. According to Ktesias the Indian people which is called Pandore and occupies the valleys, live for 200 years, and have in early youth hoary hair which turns black as they become old. There is a people on the other hand whose life-time does not exceed forty years. They are next neighbours to the Macrobii, and their women produce offspring once only. Agatharchides asserts the same, and adds that they live upon locusts and are fleet of foot. [To these Clitarchus gave the name of Mandi, and Megasthenes reckons the number of their villages at 300. Their women bear children when they are seven years old, and they are in their old age at forty.] FRAG. XXXI. Gellius, Noct. Attic. IX. c, 4. When we were returning from Greece into Italy, and had made our way to Brundusium, and having disembarked, were walking about in that famous seaport which Ennius, using a somewhat far-fetched but sufficiently wellknown word, called the fortunate (praepes), we saw a number of bundles of books lying exposed for sale. I lost not a moment, but pounced with the utmost avidity upon these books. Now, they were all in Greek and full of wonders and fables-containing relations of things unheard of and incredible, but written by authors of no small authority-Aristeas of Proconnesos and Isigonos of Nicaea, and Ktesias, and Onesikritos and Polystephanos and Hegesias. The volumes themselves however were musty with accumulated mould, and their whole condition and appearance showed that they were going fast to decay. I went up to the stall however, and enquired the prices, and being induced by the wonderful and unexpected cheapness, I bought a great lot of the books for a few coppers; and occupied myself for the next two days in glancing over the contents. As I read I made some extracts, noting the wonderful stories which none of our writers have as yet aimed at composing, and interspersing them with these comments of my own, so that whoever reads these books may not be found quite a novice in stories of the 38; and Ind. Ant. vol. V, pp. 333, 334, and vol. VI, Pp. 121, 130.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1881. sort like one who has never even heard of FRAG. XXXII. them before. [Gellius now goes on to record Frag. IV. From Athenaios, lib. X. c. 9.]". many particulars regarding the Skythians, Ari Ktesias says that in India the king is not allowmaspians, Sauromatae and others of whomed to make himself drunk, but that the Persian Pliny has written at length in his Natural king is allowed to do so on one particular day History. These particulars have been evident --that on which sacrifice is offered to Mithras. ly extracted from the Indika of Ktesias and FRAG. XXXIII. are here subjoined] :-" On the mountains of Tzetzee, Chil, VIII, v, 987.115 Herodotos, Diodoros, Ktesias and all others India are men who have the heads of dogs, and bark, and who live by hunting and fowling, agree that the Happy Arabia, like the Indian land, is most odoriferous, exhales a spicy fraThere are besides in the remotest regions of grance, so that the very soil of the former, and the East other strange creatures-men who are the stones of the latter, if cut, emit a delicious called Monocoli (one-legged), who run hopping perfume, while the people there, when made upon their one leg with wonderful agility; others who have no necks but have eyes in their languid and faint by the rich odours, recover shoulders." All unbounded however is his as from the stupor by inhaling the smoke of certain tonishment on his learning from these writers bones and horus and strong-smelling substances. FRAG. XXXV. about a race of men in the uttermost parts of Lucian, Ver. Hist. I, 3.116 India having shaggy bodies and plumage like Ktesias the son of Ktesiokhos, the Knidian, that of birds, who live not upon food, but on wrote about India and its inhabitants what he the perfume of flowers inhaled through the neither himself saw nor heard from the report nostrils. Not far from these live the Pygmies, of others. the tallest of whom do not exceed 2 feet. FRAG. XXXVI. The books contained these and many similar Strabo, Geog. I. 2.117 absurd stories, and as we perused them we Theopompos professes in express terms that in felt how wearisome a task it is to read worth- his history he will tell fables better than such as less books which conduce neither to adorn nor have been related by Herodotos, and Ktegias and to improve life. Hellanikos and those who wrote about India. LASSEN'S REVIEW OF THE REPORTS OF KTESIAS CONCERNING INDIA. In proceeding to examine the reports con- garding India. He could question eren Indians corning Indian matters which yet survive from themselves about their native country, because he the work of Ktesias, I call to mind what I previously testifies that he had seen such men, these being remarked, that on account of the unsatisfactory white, ie. Aryans. The second is that the state in which we possess the fragments, as well extract from his work was made by a Byzantine as on account of the predilection of the author of far later date, the Patriarch Photius, who for the marvellous, it is difficult to separate what lived about the middle of the ninth century of our is exaggerated from what is true, and to give a wra, and who had such a predilection for the satisfactory explanation of his statements, while wonderful and did the work so negligently, that it further, I have shown in several examples that his can offer no suitable scale whereby to measure the descriptions, as far as they have been examined, true value of the original. Most of the quotations, have been found to be truein material points, though besides, concern the fabulous Indian races and the they cannot be absolved from the reproach that the wonderful products of the country. Regarding facts have been purposely disfigured by being several of his statements the advancing knowledge magnified. In judging of his work, two especial of Indian archaeology has sufficed to show that points are to be taken into account. The first is, they had not been invented by the author, but that that he resided at the Court of Artaxerxes they originated in fictions current among the Mnemon as his physician, and thereby enjoyed Indians. Accordingly, the accusations of mendathe best opportunity of questioning the Persians city heaped upon him by the ancients, with referabout all the information they had acquired re- ence to his book on India, have been generally 114 Muller places this as frag. 55 of the Persica. 116 Muller places this among the fragments of the Peri. plus or Periegesis. 110 This belongs to the life of Ktesias; conf, Muller, p. 8. 117 This is Lion's 49th frag., but can hardly be regarded as one. 1 Translated from his Ind. Alterthum. vol. II, pp. 641 8. 2nd edition, 1874. Ctesiae, Fragm. ed. C. Muller, p. 8la.

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LASSEN ON THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. NOVEMBER, 1881.] withdrawn; but it would be going too far to absolve him entirely from lying, although in most cases his corruptions of the truth originate in his desire to tell unheard of stories. He composed his work, which consisted of one book, after his return to his own country in the year 398 B.C., but how long afterwards cannot be determined. He did not consult Herodotos or any other of his predecessors. Whether his coincidence with Skylax about the fabulous peoples is a plagiarisin is dubious. Besides what I shall presently have to say about his Indian reports, it will suffice to mention only what is of essential importance, as it would be unsuitable in this place to enter into detailed researches on as yet unexplainable reports, while, as regards the fabulous nations, it will suffice to point out their Indian origin. According to Ktesias, India was not smaller than all the rest of Asia-which is a palpable exaggeration. Like Herodotus he considered the Indians to be the greatest of nations and the outermost, beyond whom there lived no other. Of the Indian rivers he knows strictly speaking only the Indus, for it must remain undecided whether the Hyparkhos be the Ganges. As the Persians had obtained exact information only of the Indus region, we must expect to find that his more accurate communications have reference to that region exclusively. Of the former river he assumed the breadth where it was smallest at forty, and where it was widest at one hundred stadia, while in most parts it was a mean between these two extremes. These figures are, however, without doubt excessive, but one need not be surprised thereat, since at that time no measurement had been made. On the other hand it is correctly stated that it flows through the mountains as well as through the plains. Of the Indian sea Ktesias had learned that it is larger than the Grecian, but it must be considered as an invention that to the depth of four finger breadths, the surface is so hot that fish on that account do not approach it, but live in the deep below. It must also be ascribed to fiction that in India the sun appears ten times larger than in other countries, and that the heat there is so powerful that it suffocates many persons; that there are neither storms nor rain in India, but that the country is watered by the river; there are on the other hand violent hurricanes which carry away everything that stands in their course. 10 The last remark may be considered as correct, but the assertion that India has no rain is on the 3 Muller, p. 16. Schwanbeck's Megasth. Ind. p. 8. Frag. iii. Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II, p. 568. Frag. i, 1, 2. 815 contrary false, for it is known to possess regular rainy seasons, whereby the soil is watered. The Indus region is inundated by the river only in the Delta and, to a slight extent, in the upper country, while in the north under the mountains it has heavy rains, and lower down is not unvisited by slight showers. On the other hand, it is correctly remarked that in most parts of India the sun at his rising brings coolness, while during the rest of the day he causes vehement heat."1 His statements about the precious stones have already been elucidated. Concerning the iron taken from the bottom of a well, of which iron swords were manufactured possessing the property of turning off hail, clouds and lightning, I have already remarked that they were probably lightning conductors. As to the method of obtaining it there is no information, but there is some how gold was obtained.13 Every year a spring filled itself with fluid gold which was drawn from it in one hundred earthen pitchers. It was necessary that they should be of clay, because the gold afterwards congealed, and the pitchers had to be broken in order to get it out. The spring was quadrangular, eleven ells in circumference, and about two yards deep. Each pitcher contained one talent of gold. The sense of this passage can only be that auriferous ores were melted, and that the gold obtained from them was drawn out in a fluid state. That there was a spring, must be a misapprehension, and we must imagine instead that there was a cistern prepared to receive the gold. As a pitcher need not be very large to contain one talent (which is only somewhat more than fiftythree pounds) of gold, this particular may be considered as correct, but no stress need be placed on the statement that this operation was repeated every year. If this supposition is right, it follows that the Indians knew how to extract gold from the ore by melting. Of the gold it is said also, that it is not obtained from rivers by washing, (which, however, is a mistake), but that it was met with on mountains that stretched far away, and was there guarded by griffins. This, as has already been remarked, is the fiction which had reached the cars of Ktesias, whereas according to the account given by others it was dug out of the ground by the ants. Of silver-mines, it is said that there are many of them, although not as deep as those in Baktriana. This agrees with the reality, because in India silver mines seem to occur only in Udayapura in Ajmir: on the other hand Badakshan, in the upper Oxus valley, is rich in silver. His report Frag. ii and i, 1. Frag. i. 6. 11 Frag. i, 8. 13 Frag. i, 4. 18 Yale's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 106; Cathay, p. 95. 10 Frag. i, 2, 5, 8. 1 Frag. i, 5 and 2. Frag. i. 12.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. would accordingly refer to a more eastern country gard to the obtaining of oils are evidently fictions." than the Indus region. Among these products of the exuberant fancy of the On the seal-ring, Pantarba, which is said to have Indians, there may here be appropriately mentioned had the property when thrown into the water of the story that those living near the Indus obtained a attracting other seal-rings and precious stones, 80 kind of oil from the worms living in that river, said that they became connected with each other, the to have possessed the property of setting everything remark may suffice that an altogether satisfactory on fire. Some have supposed from this that the solution of this story does not seem to have been ancient Indians were acquainted with fire-arms, found.16 It must also be left undecided what we but the report must on the contrary bo used to show are to understand by the elektron (amber) which that poetical idens peculiar to the Indians haul during thirty days of the year exuded like sweat already in the time of Ktesias become known to the from the trees on the mountains into the river Persians. There can scarcely be a doubt that the Hyparkhos, and which turned hard in its report of Ktesias now in question is the corruption waters. Of this much only can we be certain, of the ancient Indian idea that the possession of that it was a gum exuding from trees, of which supernatural arms, which they might at times there are several kinds in India, especially towards entrust to mortals, was one of the special prerogathe east-the likeliest quarter wherein to seek for tives of the gods." The worship of snakes was this river. particularly current in the north-western frontier The mention of this tree leads us to the reports countries," to which the report of Ktesias regardconcerning Indian plants, and the products of the ing the oil specially relates. It will accordingly vegetable kingdom. The trees producing the oil | be a firo-weapon lent to man by one of the serpent. called Karpion have been already treated of. gods then worshipped, but which was represented Of the Indian palms it is said that their fruits, to Ktosias as one that really existed. which are called nuts, are three times as large as For the sake of continuity of subject, I have the Babylonian. It is evident that it was some anticipated what is to be remarked about the reports other than the date-palm, and was no doubt the of Ktosias concerning Indian animals. Of the COCOA-palm, which has a nut of the size indicated products of the vegetable kingdom he had men Of the Indian reed Ktosias has reported that it tioned a very sweet wine," by which expression grows in the mountain regions on the Indns, and probably must be understood only an intoxicating is so thick that two mon with outstretched hands liquor prepared from sugar and palm-juice, since we cannot span it round, and that it is as high as the know that grapes do not grow in India. Lastly, mast of a large ship.90 This report agrees with according to our author, there existed also a tree that of Herodotos, only that it gives a more exact Parebos, or Parybos, which was found only in the description, which may be considered as true, since gardens of the king, the root whereof attracted the bamboo can grow to the height of sixty feet, everything to itself, such as metals, and birds and may be two feet in diameter. Ktesias was also, and sheep; birds for the most part being the first who brought to notice that there are male | caught by it. The root served also as a medioine and female reeds; that the latter only had a pith, against bowel disorders. With this conception and the former none; and that the former were may be suitably compared that of divining-rods, by more strong and compact, and the latter broader. the aid whereof metals were sought to be discoverHo mentions also the fact that small boats were ed. What Iudian tree is meant is not certain. made of them, which could hold not more than three Whoever is aware of the great vegetable riches men, provided, as is probable, this statement really of India cannot fail to remark that the reports of does belong to him." Ktesias concerning them are extremely scanty. The exprossion, garments produced by trees, can Possibly the reason for this defect may be partly only mean cotton garments." Ktesias has without that the regions best known to the Persians, and doubt stated that the Indians from preference use consequently io him, are less rich in vegetable oil of sesame, and it can only be the fault of the products than those of inner India, but the prin. author of the extract if the use of this oil, together cipal reason is to be sought in the negligence with that of the oil expressed from nuts, is ascribed and incompleteness of the whole extract, wherein to the pygmies." His other statements with re- the various subjects follow each other without a 18 Frag. ii. and note. Frag. i. 15, and note. * Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 564. 1. Frag. i, 13, and xv. 30 Frag. i, 6, and vii. 11 Plin. Hist. Nat. XVII, 3. 33 Krag. i, 22, and xxiv. 33 Fragi, 11. 2. Frag. 1, 11, and xxvii, &o. as P. von Bohlen, Altes Indien, vol. II, p. 64. * Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p. 674, n. 1. * Lassen, vol. II, p. 468. 1 Frag. i, 29. >> Frag. i, 18, and xix.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] LASSEN ON THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. 317 proper connexion, as well as in the circumstance that quotations from his book are by accident pretty copious on some subjects and not on others. Thus the extracts are meagre which describe ordinary things, whereas about the extraordinary, much richer extracts have come down to us. Accordingly we cannot absolve the classic writers who have preserved for us passages from the work of Ktesias from the reproach of having selected precisely those that relate what is extraordinary and wonderful. This reproach attaches also to his statements about Indian animals-some of those most valued and praised by the Indians, as cows and lions, are not even mentioned in the extracts, but on the contrary those only that are extraordinary and fictitious. It can scarcely be denied that Ktesias treated of the former. About other animals he had been misinformed. The knowledge of the Indian animal kingdom which was communicated by him to his countrymen is doubly significant for the history of zoology. Firstly, it is certain that Aristotle, the founder of this science, had made use of his reports about Indian animals, and his book therefore contributed, though but slightly, to the materials whereon that eminent genias founded his observations. Secondly, through him several Indian animals first became known to the Greeks, and he has therefore co-operated so far to pro- pagate zoological knowledge among his countrymen. To represent this addition to science is the business of zoology; for a history of Greek knowledge about India it is sufficient to enumerate the animals which he has mentioned-an exception being allowable only when an animal through some real or imaginary peculiarity appears pre-eminert over others, or when the form of the representa tion is characteristic of the way the author views things. Concerning the animal most remarkable to foreigners on account of its size, docility and multifarious uses, the elephant I mean, he had been misled by the Persians into making the exaggerated statement that in war the king of the Indians Was preceded by one hundred thousand of them, whilst three thousand of the strongest and most valiant followed him. It can just as little be true that these animals were used to demolish the walls of hostile towns. On the other hand, he truthfully reports what he had seen with his own eyes, that in Babylon, elephants pulled up palm- trees, roots and all. He is the first Greek who mentioned the peculiarity of the female elephants that when they were in 'heat & strongly smelling fluid issued out from an orifice in their temples. of the parrots he remarked with charming simplicity that they spoke Indian, but also spoke Greek if they had been taught to do so. The Indian name of the jackal he was the first to communicate to the Greeks under the form, Krokottos, and it follows from what he says, as well as from the fables current about this animal, that the AEthiopian kind cannot be meant." The qualities attributed to it, such as that it imitates the human voice, has the strength of the lion, and the swiftness of the horse, show that the jackol already at that time played a prominent part in animal fables, and that such were generally current in India, if there were any need of such an argument. of the four yet remaining animals, two must be considered as real, though it is not easy to identify them. The other two have on the contrary been invented but not by the Indians themselves. The wild ass was specially distinguished by his horn, because, of the horns cups were manufactured which protected those who drank out of them from certain kinds of diseases and from poison." He was further distinguished from solid-hoofed animals by the gall on his liver and by his anklebone. The first mark suits the rhinoceros, as it possesses a large gall bladder, but not the second, because all quadrupeds have ankle-bones. This, however, may only be an error of the author, though one that is surprising since he was a physician and had himself seen such ankle-bones. According to him, they were red, which is likewise false. The great strength attributed to the animal points to the rhinoceros, but not the great swiftness. At the same time the name, kartusonon, does not furnish us with any certain means of identification. The explanation of this word from new Persian is not tenable--we might rather think that Ktesias had altered the Indian name of the rhinoceros, Kadga (which can be easily changed to Kharga) to Karta, in order to assimilate the sound to that of Greek words whose significations are very suitable to the animal.** By piecing these remarks together it would appear most probable that by the wild ass is to be understood the rhinoceros, because there is no other Indian animal which the description suits better. If Ktegias attributes to it a red head and a white body, whilst ite colour is really grey. brown, he had perhaps been so informed. With reference to this so-called Indian unicorn, and also to the two fabulous animals, the griffin and the martikhoras, I have already remarked that it is incorrect either to recognize them in the * Frag. i, 8, iv, and v. Frag. i, 8, and v. * Schwanbook, Megasth. Ind. p. 8. The Greek is a form of kottharaka from kroshtuka, a jackal. * Frag. i, 25, 26, and my. "kapra strong, and coor animal.

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. wonderful animals of Persepolis, or to attribute to them a Baktro-Indian origin. In opposing this view, I have shown that the similarity of the sculptured animals to those described by Ktesias is only general-that in both cases the animals have been composed from parts of such as were real, and farther that an ethico-religious symbolism through miraculous animals was unknown to the Indians. The conjecture there thrown out that the old Persian miraculous animals are of BabylonicAssyrian origin, have been confirmed by the recent discoveries at Nineveh. About the bird, Dikairos, which was not larger than the egg of a partridge, the dung, of which was dug up, and first produced sleep and afterwards death, I can say nothing more satisfactory than others. That it is not fictitious appears from the fact that the King of India had sent some of it to the King of Persia, who preserved it as something very precious, because it was a remedy against incurable diseases. That opium, as has been suggested, cannot be meant by it, is certain, since the cultivation of that drug was introduced much later into India. It would be futile to try to explain the name because it is explained by the word just, and has been altered to assimilate its sound to that of a Greek word. If the griffins have been indicated as Indian animals, there is no confirmation of this discoverable in the Indian writings-and so the griffins must be classed along with the Issedonians," the Arimaspians, and other fictions of the more northern peoples, which had found admission also among the Persians, where they survived till later. Just as foreign to the Indians is the Martikhoras, whose name is correctly explained as the man-eater, but in old Iranian, because Martijaqara has this meaning, but the second part is foreign to the Indian language. If Ktesias has reported that he had seen such an animal with the Persian King to whom it had been presented by the Indian king, he cannot in this instance be acquitted of mendacity. Since he has specified a pretty large number of Indian animals without exhausting the list, and has also described some of them minutely, if we may judge from the details which have been preserved, we may conclude that he had also treated at large of the manners and customs of the Indians. From this portion of the work which, had it been preserved, would have interested us most of all, we cannot expect to have learned any thing about those subjects which we do not already know, but light would have been thrown upon [NOVEMBER, 1881. the communications which had at that time reached the Persians from India, and upon the nature of the ideas they had conceived regarding the inhabitants of India. But unfortunately we possess only very scanty extracts on such topics, while, on the other hand, there are tolerably complete repetitions of his reports of fabulous peoples. Of the Indians he correctly asserted that they had their black colour not from the sun, but from nature. As a proof he adduced the fact that he had with his own eyes seen white Indians, viz. two women and five men. He mentioned their great justice, their laws and customs, their love for their sovereigas, and their scorn of death. Nothing shows so plainly how little the way in which the extracts have been made is to be relied on, as the omission of these very subjects, with the exception of four of the less important usages. The first is that the Indians went on pilgrimage to a holy place distant fifteen days from the Sard mountains, situated in an uninhabited region where they worshipped the sun and the moon. During the festival the sun is said to have afforded them coolness for thirty-five days, so that they might be able to perform all the rites and return to their homes unscorched by his heat. There can be no doubt as to where this place lay. It was among the Vindhyas, one of whose off-shoots are the Sardian mountains. It is self-evident that this can only have been an isolated worship of the two luminaries, probably by a barbarous tribe, to which also the legend of the cooling down of the temperature may have belonged. The second custom mentioned is connected with the idea formed by Ktesias of the bodily constitution of the Indians. They attained an age of 130 or 140 years, and the oldest of 200. None of them suffered from headache, eye diseases, toothache, sore mouths, or putrid ulcers. In India there was a quadrangular well, enclosed by rocks, wherein the Indians of high rank bathed along with their wives and children. It had the property of throwing out again upon the bank not only the bathers, but everything else, except gold, silver, iron and copper. It is called in India ballade, which meant useful. This word is really Indian, for in Sanskrit balada means strengthgiving. From this report we learn the unimportant fact that the Indians had discovered the healing power of mineral wells. 35 Frag. i, 17, and xviii; the name is also written Dikeros. 30 Frag. i, 12, and xiv. 3 Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 609. Another well had the peculiarity that the water drawn from it congealed to the thickness of cheese. If three obols weight of this was triturated to a powder and being put in water was given 35 Frag. i, 7, and viii-xi; Herodot. III, 116; IV, 13, 27. 30 Frag. i, 9. Frag. i. 8. 41 Frag. i, 14.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] as a dose to an inculpated person, he confessed all his transgressions. The king used this as a means to bring the accused to a confession. Those found guilty under the ordeal were condemned to die of starvation, and the innocent were dismissed. This particular is remarkable, because the Chinese pilgrim, Fah-hian, relates something similar regarding Udy & na, a country west of the Indus and to the north of Peshawar. He says it was the custom there, if a doubt existed about the guilt of an accused person, to remove the doubt by administering to him a medicinal drink; those guilty of a capital offence were banished. Pliny had much earlier reported something similar of an Indian plant." Guilty persons who had swallowed pills prepared from its roots and administered in wine, were during the night tormented by visions, and confessed all their transgressions. Although the origin of the drink mentioned by Ktesias may be incorrect, there can be no doubt but that it was used for judicial purposes, as it is confirmed by the other two witnesses. Of such ordeals, called divya and pariksha, several are adduced in the codes of law. Among these, poison also occurs. If the accused, after swallowing the dose, felt no hurtful effects ensuing, he was declared innocent, so that the report of Ktesias is justified by the Indians themselves." LASSEN ON THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. This, however, cannot be said of the fourth custom mentioned in the fragments of the work; that in hunting hares and foxes, the Indians did not use dogs, but eagles, crows, and vultures, which they trained for that purpose. For this practice the Indian writings afford no confirmation, though it by no means follows that the report is untrue. It is only doubtful whether eagles can be so tamed. It would be important to know whether from an oversight on the part of Aelian, who alone has preserved this report, vultures have not been substituted for falcons; in that case this custom would be one which the Indians had in common with the Thrakians and the ancient Germans. 43 Hist. Nat. xxiv, 102. 43 Manu, Dharmas. VII, 114-116; Yajn. Dharmas. II, 95ff. See Stenzler, Zeitschrift d. D. Morg. Ges. vol. IX, p. 661. 5 Frag. xiii. Frag. i, 14, 28, 31, &c. 47 The EvoTIKTOvres-the once-bearing-seeTzetzes, Chil. vii. 636, Frag. i. and xxx, are called in Sanskrit Ekagarbha, and inhabit the eight varshas or divisions of the terrestrial heavens: Bhag. Purana v, 17, 12. According to an earlier opinion the varshas were parts of the world. Whether Ktesias also mentioned the one-eyed Ekalochana, who appear in the great epic is doubtful. Conf. Tzetzes, Chil. ibid. and Mahab. III, 297, v. 16137. But both do mention. the Indian Karnapravarana, or those who used their ears as a covering, and who dwelt in the southern region. By Skylax they are called rolLKvot, i.e. having shovel-sized ears, Tzetzes, Chil. vii, 631, 638. Ktesias (frag. i, 31) does not seem to have known their name, but he says they had eight fingers on each hand, and eight toes on each foot, a feature wanting in the Indian accounts, but which is cer tainly an Indian idea. Megasthenes had translated the Indian name by 'EvaroKoirat, i.e. such as slept in their 319 With regard to the Aryan Indians we learn nothing from the extracts from the work of Ktesias, but the fact already noticed, that they were white. He invariably speaks of but one king of India; but from this we must not conclude that at that time Western India formed a single state. It would rather appear that Ktesias did not care to treat of the separate kingdoms. The fabulous peoples are divided into two classes, one purely fictitious, and the other embracing the aboriginal tribes that have obtained their name from some one peculiarity, and in one particular instance this name is Greek. Of the first class Skylax had already mentioned several. There is but this one fact with reference to these tribes which is significant, that since the fictions regarding them had been propagated to foreign nations so early as the time of Skylax, they must have been still earlier widely current among the Indians. It will therefore be sufficient, if, without treating of them specially, I content myself with merely establishing their claim to be of Indian origin." When Ktesias, following no doubt the precedent of the Persians, reported of one of these tribes that it was a very brave nation, and that five thousand men of them followed the king of the Indians as archers and lancers, so far from seeing in this circumstance a reason to consider them a real nation, as in the great epic the one-footed men brought gifts to a king, we shall only find a new proof of the wide dissemination of such fictions at that early period. It will be suitable here to mention that Ktesias was the first Greek who had received intelligence of the holy country of the Uttara Kuru, although considering the incomplete state in which his work lies before us, this can only be shown by the help of the native writings. He had, to wit, stated that there existed a fountain called Silas, in whose waters even the lightest substances that were thrown in sank to the bottom. Now, ears: (see Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 133-4). The Extanodes are mentioned by Skylax, Hekataios, and Ktesias,-by the second as in Ethiopia, with the frequent attribution of Indian fictions to Ethiopia: Tzetzes, Chil. vii, 629 f.; Philostrat. Vit. Appolon. vii, 14; Ktes. frag. xxvii, or Muller, Ctes. Frag. 89, p. 106. They have not yet been identified in Indian writings: their name must have been Chhayapada. Possibly they were considered to have feet large enough to overshadow them. The predecessors of Ktesias had not mentioned the one-footed race called Ekapida, who were able nevertheless to run fast-frag. xxx. The passage relating to them in the Mahabharata, according to which they lived in the north, is cited by Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p. 1026n., and that from the Ramayana in the Zeitschrift f. d. k. d. Morg. vol. II. p. 40. Pliny (Hist. Nat. VII, 2.) incorrectly considers them to have been the same as the Sciapodes. Frag. xxviii. Megasthenes also mentions a river Silas flowing from a source of the same name through the country of the Sileoi, and so light that everything sank in it. The Sils is mentioned also in the Mahabh. VI, 6, v. 219, but north of Meru.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. this is the river ild or Sailod & which one must cross before he can reach that country. It was believed that nothing would float or swim in its waters because by contact with them everything was transmuted into stone. It was only possible to effect a passage by means of the Kichak a-reed which grew there. The Greek representation offers itself as an inversion of the Indian fiction; if anything that came into contact with the water was changed into stone, it must have become as heavy as stone and sunk to the bottom. The Greeks accordingly supposed that the lightness of the water was the cause of its being innavigable. In the extant excerpts there is no mention of the Hyperboreans, who, as we shall afterwards show, answer to the Indian Uttara kuru. According to Megasthenes, they lived one thousand years, but according to the Indian view one thousand and even ten thousand years. Accordingly it is not at all impossible but that Ktesias has mentioned them under the name of Makrobioi, who lived four hundred years. These are attributed also to Ethiopia by Herodotos and other writers of later date, but are probably of Indian origin. The accounts given of the real tribes deserve more consideration, because from them several particulars appear which shed over the aborigines and their contact with the Arian Indians a light all the more unexpected, as it has been the common practice to deny all value to the statements advanced by Ktesias in this connection. Among the real tribes was one that was black, and dwelt above the river Ayparkhos, probably the Ganges. They spent their days in idleness, ate no corn, but lived only on the milk of kine, goats and sheep which they maintained in great numbers. This notice is interesting, in so far as it shows that on the upper Ganges, or more correctly in the Himalaya, there still existed in those days black aborigines, as the great Epos also knows them there. It must be considered as an exag. geration that they drank no water, and that though not agriculturists, they subsisted also vpon fruits. The fullest reports are those relating to the Kynamolgoi or Kynokephaloi, the dog-headed," who must on accourit of this pecu. liarity being attributed to them have particularly attracted the attention of the classical authors. They were widely propagated, because they dwelt near the sources of the Hyparkhos, as well is in Southern India; their number is stated to have amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand. They were black, and the teeth, tails and voices of dogs, as well as their heads, are attributed to them. They understood, however, the language of the Indians. The reason for their name and their fictitious properties is evident from the circamstance that they kept big dogs for hunting wild oxen and other wild animals. If the use of dogmilk is attributed to them, this may have also been merely an invention, because it is said elsewhere that they used also the milk of goats and of sheep. The other things related of them show that they were a real nation, a tribe of the black aborigines. They were acquainted with but few of the technical arts, had no houses or beds, but dwelt in caves and slept on couches of straw, leaves, or grass. They knew how to tan hides, and the men as well as the women wore very fine garments manufactured from them. The richest only posBessed linen. They kept a multitude of asses, goats and sheep, and the greatest number of the latter constituted their wealth. Besides milk they used also as food the fruit of the Siptakhora tree, which they dried and packed up in plaited baskets and exported to the other Indians. They were very fast runners, good hunters, archers, and hurlers of the javelin. They lived especially on the produce of the chase. The flesh of the animals which they killed, they roasted in the gun. Protected by their inaccessible mountains, they were not attacked in war by their neighbours; they are represented as just men and harmless. They are said to have reached the age of one hundred and seventy years, and some even of two hundred. They carried on trade with the civilized Indians in their neighbourhood, and stood in a free relationship with the Indian king. To him they brought annually two hundred and sixty talents of dried fruits of the Siptakhora tree on rafts, and as many talents of a red dye-stuff and one thousand of elektron or the gum exuding from the Siptakhora tree. To the Indians they sold these wares, and obtained from them in exchange bread, oatmeal, cotton-clothes, bows, and lances, which they required in hunting and killing wild animals. Every fifth year the king presented them with three hundred bows, three thousand lances, one hundred and twenty thousand small shields, and fifty thousand swords. This description throws a clear light upon the position held by the Indian aborigines towards the kings of the Aryan Indians, on their mutual relations, on the intercourse of the civilized Indians with their barbarous countrymen, and the * Frag. XIX; Pliny, H. N. VII, 2, has confounded the Pandore with the Mandi of Kleitarkhoe and Ktesias. See Schwanbeck's Megasth. Ind. p. 71; Ind. Alter, vol. I, p. 797. 50 Herodot. III, 17. 51 Fragi, 24. * Frag. 1, 20, 22, 23, and xxi, xu, xxiii.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] LASSEN ON THE INDIKA OF KTESIAS. civilizing influence which they exercised upon them. Secured from subjugation in their inaccessible mountains, the latter must nevertheless have been glad to live in peace with the neighbouring kings, and to propitiate them by presents, and the former to make them feel the superiority of their power. On account of the need for the means of subsistence, and for the means for pursuing their occupations, which they procured from their civilized neighbours, the aborigines were obliged to accustom themselves to have intercourse with them, and to afford them also an opportunity, and to open a door for the admission of their doctrines and laws among them. The Indian name of this people Sunamukha, dog-faced, has been discovered in a MS. which has not yet been published.58 This tribe, according to it, dwelt on the Indus. The Kaluorpio considered by Ktesias to be synonymous with it cannot be satisfactorily explained from the Sanskrit; but it may have reached us in a corrupted form. To deny that the Aryan Indians may have given to a nation which they despised a name taken from the dog would be unreasonable, because the dog was a despised animal, and the name Svapaka or Srapaka, i. e., feeder of dogs, designates one of the lowest castes. Nor is there anything to object to the view that one of the aboriginal tribes was specially addicted to the rearing of dogs, which were needed for hunting, seeing that the wild dog is widely propagated throughout India and occurs in the Deccan, and probably also in Nepaul as well as in the south and in the north, where the Kynamolgoi dwelt. This tribe also has been transferred to Ethiopia and-Libya."55 The third of these tribes are the Pygmies, whose name is Greek, and means a fist long.' They are mentioned by Homer, and as fighting with the cranes.58 It hence appears that the name has been transferred to an Indian people. The Indian Pygmies are described as very small, the tallest of them being two ells in height, but most of them only one and a half. They dwelt in the interior of India, were black and deformed, had snub noses, long hair and extraordinarily large beards. They were excellent archers, and three thousand of them were in the retinue of the king. Their sheep, oxen, asses and mules were unusually small. They hunted hares and foxes, not with dogs, but with eagles, ravens, crows and vultures, like the Indians, followed the Indian laws, and were just. They agreed further with the Indians in using 53 Wilford, As. Res. vol. VIII, p. 331, from the Prabha sakhanda. Vans Kennedy explained this by Kalavastra, clothed in black, but the meaning does not suit. Herodot. IV, 191, and Agatharkhides, p. 44, ed. Hudson, who has drawn his account from Ktesias. 321 both sesame oil and nut oil, as already mentioned. This is all that is stated regarding them in the fragments of Ktesias. To determine what Indian people is meant by this name, it must further be mentioned that Megasthenes ascribes the battle with the cranes to the Trispitha moi, i. e. men three spans long," a name by which he could only designate the Pygmies, and which he had probably selected because it was an old word. Ktesias may therefore be considered as one of those writers who mentioned the battle of the Indian Pygmies with the cranes. Now the Indians ascribe to the Garuda, the bird of Vishnu, enmity towards the people of the Kir&ta, which for this reason is called Kir&tasin, i. e. the devourers of the Kir&ta, and the name of this people has also the meaning of a dwarf. It hence appears that the Kiratas were small men in comparison with the Arian Indians, and may consequently have been easily confounded with the Pygmies. The form of the bird of Vishnu, as described by the poets, does not exactly correspond with a real bird; in the pictures the form of a bird almost entirely yields to that of a man. There is nevertheless some similarity to an eagle and to a vulture as well as to a crane. If in mythology a simple bird of this kind usually only occurs, it is to be remarked that it passes at the same time for the father and king of the divine birds, and there is nothing to hinder us from believing that, according to the ideas of the people a battle of this bird with the Kir&ta was thought to have occurred. If the remark that they lived in the interior of India does not agree with their actual position, which is assigned to the east of Bengal, in the Himalaya, and further to the north, it must be understood that foreigners had attributed a wider extension to the name so that it designated even a people in Orissa. From this further application of the names several characteristics attributed to the Pygmies explain themselves, which partly suit the true Kir&tas, who like the Bhuta people are beardless, but on the other hand wear long hair. Among them occur also the flat noses,59 but not the black complexion by which the Gonda and other Vindhya tribes are on the contrary distinguished, so that here also a commingling of characteristics must be assumed. Both these people, however, are distinguished by their shortness of stature. If the smallness of the Pygmies has been ascribed to their cattle also, it must simply be considered as an enlargement to the account made by foreigners. se Ilind, III, 3ff. Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 133, note t, and p. 135. Peripl. Mar. c. 62; Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 150. 59 Wilford. u. 8., mentions the chipitanasika, 'anab nosed.'

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1881. As we have seen above that the Arian kings general they still bear the stamp of their Indian kept female Kirita slaves and hunters, while the origin. As has been shown, Ktegias cannot bo Pygmies are described as very brave and hunters absolved from the charge of having in some inof wild animals, and even in later times, the people stances adorned the statements he received and of of that race appear in the royal retinue, the Greek having even allowed himself to tell untruths. He report is confirmed in this point also, while it must has also transferred Greek notions to Indian sub. further be correct in stating that, though not all, jecte, at least in the matter of the Pygmies. If yet at least one tribe of this people had adopted we however consider his book in its original and the laws of the Arian Indians. complete form, then we see that he must have The Pygmies with their battle against the given a tolerably complete representation of the cranes have also been transferred to Ethiopia from products of Western India, and of the customs their original home in India. Whether the legend and usages of the inhabitants, as well as several concerning them had already reached the Greeks notices of the interior of the country. A few at the time when the poems of Homer were com details serve even to elucidate Indian affairs, and posed, may be left undecided. there were no doubt many such, which have been The preceding examination of the narrative of lost, because after the Greeks had become more Ktesias(which has reached posterity in so abridged closely acquainted with India in the time of and incomplete a form, and the author whereof Alexander the Great, his work had been neglected had been accused by his own countrymen of by his countrymen. But the special significance mendacity) abundantly shows that Ktesias has in of his narrative does not consist in these isolated most cases only repeated statements as he heard elucidations of Indian antiquity, but in the fact them from the mouths of the Persians, who them- that he had communicated to his countrymen the selves bad received them from Indians who mass of the knowledge on Indian matters and the sojourned in their country, and so we have the form which they had assumed among the Persians, reports, not directly from the Indians themselves, and had marked thereby the extent of the knowbut from the Persians. From this circumstance, ledge gained regarding India before the time of it is evident why the names, as far as they have Alexander. His work may have contributed to been explained, are, with a single exception, increase the desire of the Greeks to investigate Persian, and why some names attributed to foreign countries, but it exerted no influence on the Indians are foreign. If we consider the cir- the development of geographical science, and just cuits these accounts have made in reaching Greece as little on the expedition of Alexander, as has from India, we cannot but be surprised that in 'already been remarked. APPENDIX, ON CERTAIN INDIAN ANIMALS. which indicates its connexion with ploughing From Kosmas Indikopleustes De Mundo, XI. arising from the configuration of its nose and the 1. The Rhinoceros. use made of its hide. I have seen a living rhinoThis animal is called the rhinoceros from baving ceros, but I was standing some distance off at horns growing upon its nose. When it walks the time. I have also seen the skin of one, about the horns sbake, but when it looks enraged which was stuffed with straw and stood in the it tightens them, and they become firm and king's palace, and I have thus been enabled to unshaken so that they are able to tear up even delineate the animal accurately.62 trees by the roots, such especially as stand right 2. The Taurelaphos or 0.-deer. in their way. The eyes are placed as low down as This is an animal found in India and in Ethio. the jaws. It is altogether a most terrible animal, pia. But those in India are tame and gentle, and and is especially hostile to the elepbant. Its feet are there used for carrying pepper and other and its skin closely resemble those of the elephant. stuffs packed in bags; these being slung over the Its skin, which is dry and hard, is four fingers back one on each side. Their milk is made into thick-and from this instead of from iron some butter. We eat also their flesh, the Christians make ploughshares wherewith they plough their killing them by cutting their throat, and the lands. The Ethiopians in their language call the Greeks by beating them with cudgels. The rhinoceros arou or harisi, prefixing the rough Ethiopian ox-deer, unlike the Indian, are wild and breathing to the alpha of the latter word, and untameable. adding risi to it, so that the word arou is the 3. The Camelopardalis or Giraffe. name of the animal, while harisi is an epithet This animal is found only in Ethiopia, and is, * Hekat. Frog. 266, Muller's ed. p. 18. A monkish traveller of the 7th century. Referring to the picture of the animal in his book.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.) EXTRACTS FROM INDIKOPLEUSTES. 323 like the hog-deer of that country, wild and un. unicorns ; and again in the blessings of Balaam tameable. In the royal palace, however, they bring wherewith he blessed Israel, he says twice over : up one or two from the time when they are quite God led him out of Egypt even as the glory of the young, and make them tame that the sight of them unicorn, thus bearing witness to the strength and may amuse the king. In his presence they place boldness and glory of the animal. before them milk or water to drink contained in 7. The Khoirolaphos or Hog-deer, and a pan, but, then, owing to the great length of their the Hippopotamus. feet, breast, and neck they cannot possibly stoop The hog.deer I have both seen and eaten. The to the earth and drink unless by making their two hippopotamus however I have not seen, but I forelegs straddle. When they make them strad- have had in my possession teeth of it so large dle they can of course drink. I have written this that they weighed about thirteen pounds. These from my own personal knowledge. teeth I sold here. I saw many both in Ethiopia . 4. The Agriobous or Wild Ox. and in Egypt. This is an animal of great size and belongs to 8: Piperi-Pepper. India, and from it is got what is called the toupha, This is a picture of the pepper tree. Each wherewith the captains of armies decorate their separate plant clings for support to some tall tree horses and their standards when taking the field. which does not yield fruit, being very weak and They say of it that if its tail be caught by a tree slender like the delicate tendrils of the vine. Each it no longer stoops, but remains standing through cluster is enveloped within a couple of leaves. its unwillingness to lose even a single hair. On It is perfectly green like the colour of rue. seeing this the people of the neighbourhood ap 9. Argellia or the cocoanut-tree. proach and cut off the tail, and then the creature There is another tree of this sort called argellia, flies off when docked entirely of its tail. that is-the tall nut-trees of India. It differs in 5. The Moskhos or Musk-deer. no respect from the date-palm except in being This is a small animal, and is called in the taller and thicker and having larger les res. It pronative dialect the Kastours. Those who hunt it duces no other fruit than two or three and as many pierce it with arrows, and having confined the nuts. The taste is extremely sweet and pleasant, blood which collects at the navel, they cut the being like that of the kernels of green nuts. navel off, that being the part which has the The nut is at first full of a deliciously sweet water pleasant fragrance known to us under the name which the Indians therefore drink instead of wine. of musk. This very sweet beverage is called rhongkhosoupha. 6. The Monokeros or Unicorn If the fruit is gathered at maturity, then so long This animal is called the unicorn, bat I have as it keeps its quality, the water in the course of never set eyes upon it. - I have however seen time hardens upon the shell, while the water in the four brazen statues of it in Ethiopia, where they centre retains its fluidity till it finally disappears. were set up in the royal palace-un edifice adorned If however it be kept too long without being opened, with four towers. From these statues I bave thus the concretion on the shell becomes rancid and delineated the animal. They say of it that it is a unfit for human food. terrible beast and invincible, having its power all | 10. Phoke, Delphis, Khelon&--The Seal, the lodged in its horn. When it perceives that its Dolphin and the Tortoise. pursuers are many and that they are on the point When at sea we use the seal, dolphin and of catching it, it springs down from the top of tortoise for food should they chance to be caught." bome precipice, and during the descent through The dolphin and tortoise we kill by cutting their the air turns itself in such a way that the whole throat, but we cut not the throat of the seal, shock of the fall is sustained by the horn which but despatch him with blows as we do large receives no damage thereby.* The scripture refers fish. The flesh of the tortoise, like that of the to this peculiarity, which says : save me from the sheep, is dark-coloured; that of the dolphin like mouth of lions and my humility from the horns of the pig's is dark coloured and rank; that of the unicorns; and again, the one beloved as the son of seal like the pig's, is white, but not rank. * This is still ita Indian name. . The initial must have dropped out as the word no 8. The ibex in waid to fall in such a way that ita hornsdoubt transliterates the native term for the cocos, narikel. sustain the foroo of the impact. According to the recipe for making hare-soup"First catch your bare."

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. READINGS FROM THE ARIAN PALI. BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. PART I. the sequel that in the process of determining In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of the grammatical construction, the real meaning Bengal for the year 1863 (vol. XXXII, page of the record is sometimes discovered to be con139), General A. Cunningham wrote: "Thirty siderably different from what it was originally years have elapsed since the first Bactro-Pali supposed to be. inscriptions were discovered by Ventura, Court, The Arian Pali Inscription, of which I now and Masson,--and during that long period but | give a grammatical translation, is that comlittle progress has been made in their decipher- monly known as the Sue-Vihar Inscription." ment." And about the same time, in the A full account of its discovery will be found in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of 1863, the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. (vol. XX, page 221; Old Series) Professor IV (N. S.), pp. 497-499, and in the Journal J. Dowson said: "I know of no inscrip- of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXXIX, pp. tion in this character (Baktrian or Arian Pali) 65-67 (both for 1870). It was found by the Rev. of which, up to the present time, a complete G. Yeates in February 1869, in a ruined old and convincing interpretation has been offered." Buddhist tower, (a view of which accompanies Although again nearly twenty years have passed this paper), in the neighbourhood of Bhawalpur since these remarks were penned, Professor to the north of Sindh. It is inscribed on a thin Dowson's words are as true now as they were then. copper-plate, which appears to have been imIt is true General Cunningham and Professor bedded in the middle of the floor of a chamber Dowson themselves as well as others (e. g., Sir near the top of the tower. It closed the mouth of E. C. Bayley) have, in the mean time, done not a shaft, which had a width of 16 inches square and a little towards clearing away the difficulties a depth of about 20 feet; the tower being solid that beset the reading of those obscure legends. with the exception of this shaft. The copperIt is impossible to speak too highly of the plate itself is 30 inches square, the corners ingenuity and success with which they have deter- being rounded off, and the record is incised in mined the value of the phonetic and numerical four lines along three sides and a quarter of symbols of the Arian PAli, so that, in this the fourth side, in the so-called Arian Pali respect at least, there appears hardly anything characters, which vary in size from to 1 inch. left for succeeding investigators to add. Still, It was forwarded by Major Stubbs to Sir E. C, it is true that, even now, with the exception of Bayley, who appears to have presented it to a few very short inscriptions, no "complete the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It now forms and convincing interpretation" has been offered; part of the Society's collection of inscribed nor will this be the case, until also the gram. copperplates. A very fair representation of it is matical construction of those records, which given in the Journal, vol. XXXIX, pl. ii, though both in an etymological and syntactical respect it is not a facsimile, as it might appear at first has hitherto baffled the efforts of interpreters, is sight, but a very reduced copy. The copy of fully and correctly determined. This, I believe, the inscription itself is, on the whole, accurate, I have succeeded in doing in the case of one, with the exception of eight letters (11 to 18) at least, of the longer inscriptions; and I hope on the top-line (the third of the inscription), to be able to do the same with regard to a which are quite untrustworthy. There are also few others. This is all I claim. The honour a number of minor, though, for the decipherer, of unravelling the mysteries of the Arian Pali no less important inaccuracies, which have is mainly due to the two writers already men- arisen from the fact that parts of some letters tioned. I merely supply the grammatical order have almost disappeared in consequence of the to what has been already, more or less fully, oxidation of the copper. On the whole, however, read by them. However, it will be seen from the plate is in a good state of preservation; "I take it up first, because it so happens that the ningham kindly placed at my service. original is here in Calcutta. I have also had the advan. Especially letters Nos 17 and 18. Or No. 17, one tego of copy published in the Journal of the Ariatic portion is altogether omitted, while the remainder in Bociety of Bengal, and of another which General Con- I made to form one single letter with No. 18.

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THE TOWER AT SUE VIHAR NEAR BHAWALPUR a a. POSITION OF COPPER-PLATE From Journal A. S. Beng. Vol. XXXIX.

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SUE VIHAR INSCRIPTION 2nd, lire. 3>; 95,375 376 27 ma i J5412, 7Ph?vv/4, 32 * 2} lhi143,9 mb $119 margag 5 n io. 176644 2790717 1 JA 1t72745 phhg2xzh ikh 5,5% al' ima. 3rd. lins. 4th. line. Scale 4 to to of original A.F.R. Hoerple. W. Griggs Photo-litb.

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READINGS FROM THE ARIAN PALI. NOVEMBER, 1881.] only in the lower right-hand corner (where the first and second lines of the inscription meet) there is a large fissure, probably caused by the instrument with which it was dug out; but it is well removed from the inscription. Most of the letters are deeply cut and perfectly distinct. But a few are partially obliterated, owing to the original incision not having been sufficiently deep, in consequence of which they have become filled up by the effects of the oxidation. Still in all such cases there are traces which, on careful inspection, cannot be mistaken. The lithograph of the inscription which accompanies this paper is prepared from a squeeze which I took myself, and checked by repeated careful examination of, and comparison with, the original. The letters, as now given, may be accepted as perfectly accurate in every respect. Most of the defective letters occur in the third line of the inscription, and it is generally noticeable that the third line is not executed with the same care as the first and second lines. This is shown in various ways; thus, in the first two lines the several words are separated by perceptible intervals, while in the third line they are often run together; again the subscribed nasal (anusvara) is not always placed accurately under the letter to which it belongs, but sidewards so as to be apparently under the succeeding letter. The engraver evidently got tired over his work and, in the third line, did not trouble himself to cut the letters with sufficient accuracy and depth. Hence the modern decipherer's difficulties. These will be noticed in detail when I come to the remarks on the translation. There is another point worth noting. There are distinct traces still observable on the copper-plate which disclose the modus operandi of the engraver. It appears that he first drew a preliminary copy of the inscription on, the plate by means of very slight and superficially punched dots, indicating the outlines of the letters. Afterwards the letters were deeply engraved by the chisel following the dotted outlines of the copy. In a few cases, however, the engraver either departed from his copy, or, evidently from mere oversight, omitted to engrave the whole of the indicated dotted outline. It is not shown in Plate ii of the Journal. So in dadamti and kapajamhcha, which are written as if they were dadatim and kapajacham. Similar in 325 Most, if not all, these cases too occur in the third line of the record. Thus in the 18th letter (ni) of the third line, the cross-line indicating the vowel i was drawn, in the preliminary dotted copy, across the curved head of the consonant n, though in a wrong direction, from left to right, instead of from right to left, as in the 6th letter of the same line. Accordingly when the engraver came to incise the final copy, he drew the vowel line lower down, across the body of the consonant, as in the 18th letter of the first line (in Kanishkasya). The original dotted line across the crook of the consonant n, however, is still perfectly recognisable. Again, in the 15th letter of the third line (ki of kichhubini), only one portion of the cross-line, indicating the vowel i, has been fully incised, viz., that on the right of the crook of the consonant k; the remainder, on the left side of the crook, has, by, an oversight, been allowed to remain in its original dotted state, which is still, though faintly, recognisable. Similarly in the 32nd letter of the third line (tha of pratithanam), the upper half of the vertical stroke has been left in its original dotted state, while the rest is fully incised. Two attempts have been previously made to read and interpret this inscription, but with very imperfect success. The first was by Sir E. C. Bayley, immediately after the discovery of the copper-plate, in 1870. His reading and translation are given in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXXIX, pp. 65-70. The reading, though incomplete and incorrect, is yet in some points more accurate than that of Professor Dowson. The latter's reading and translation were published in the same year (1870), in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (N. S.) vol. IV, pp. 497-502. For the sake of facilitating comparison, I shall give both the previous readings side by side with my own, and afterwards add some remarks in justification of my version of the inscription. Transcribed into Nagari characters, the record, as I read it, is as follows; a corrected Pali, as well as a Sanskrit version being given in parallel columns. The commencements of the four lines of the inscription are indicated by numbers. accuracies are well known in Persian cursive writing. .e., adding the, usually, omitted double-consonants and long vowels.

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826 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. Original Pali. 1) maharajasya rajatirajasya de. vaputrasya kaniSkasya saMvatsare ekAdaze se 11 dahasikasya masasya divase aThavize di 28 ) vyattadivase bhichusya nagadatasya saMkhakaTisya bhAcaryadamabAtaziSyasya acaryabhavapraziSyasya yaThiM aropayato iha dAmane) viharasvamini upasika balanaMdi kichuvini balajaya mata ca imaM yaThipatiThane kaparja ca anuparivaraM dadati sarvasatvana ) fanget 19711 Sanskrit. 4) HERLIGTET T IGET - vaputrasya kaniSkasya saMvatsare ekAdaze saM 19 dahasikasya mAsasya divase aSTAvize di 281) vyakta divase bhikSor nAgadattasya sAMkhyakRtina AcAryadamatrAtRziSyasya bhAcAryabhavaziSyasya yaSTi Aropayata iha dAmane "vihArasvAminI upAsikA balanandI kucchrorviNI balajayA mAtA ca idaM yaSTipratiSThAnaM kalpaje ca anuparivAraM dadanti sarvasatvAnA *) Ragar weg II New. Maharajasya rajatirajasya devaputrasya Kanishkasya sarivatsare ekada se sam.11 daisikasya masasya divase athavise di.28, "vyattadivase bhichhurya Nagadatasya samkhakatisya acharya-Damatratasishyasya acharya-Bhavaprasishyasya yathisid aropayato, iha damane 'viharasvamini upasika Balanamdi kichhubini Balajaya mata cha imani yathipratithapaai kapajasi sha apirarivaraia dadaiti; sarvasatvanain Shitasukhaya bhavatu. Corrected Pali. 1) H&RCTITET Tatarcraft baputrasya kaniSkasya saMvatsare ekAdaze saM11 dahasikasya mAsasya divase aTThAbIze di 28 vyattadibase bhintusya nAgadattasya saMkhakaTisya bhAcAyedamatrAtaziSyasya bhAcAryabhavaziSyasya yahi bhAropayato iha dAmane 'vihArasvAminI upAsikA balanaMdI kicchanbinI balajayA mAtA ca imaM yahipratiTTAnaM kappaja ca anuparivAraM dadati sarvasatvAnaM *) Pagar H7 II Romanised Transliterations. Prof. Dowson's. Maharajassa Rajadirajassa Devaputassa Kanishkassa samvatsare ekadase San.11 Daisisassa masassa divase attaviseti 28, 'Antra .. vase Bhichhussa NagadatassaSakhabhatissa Achayyadamatajasishassa Achayya Bhavepa-sishassa yattin aropayata, Iha dachhani 'vihara tachhino Upasika Balanandi dhajabino bala-jaya mata cha imam yatti prabha .. .. tapa ... vanupari. varam dadarim savvasatanam . Hirasakhina kartani. Translation. Prof. Dowson's. 1 On the 28th of the month Daesius, in the 11th year of the great king, king of kings, son of the gods, Kanishka. Herein in the are deposited the necklaces (rosaries) of the mendicant Nagadata, of Sakhabhati, of the disciple of the Acharya Damataja (and) of the disciple of the Acharya Bavepa. The patron of this Southern-vihar, the laydevotee Balanandi, the bannerbearer? for his own merit and that of his children, wife, and mother supplies) .... this shrine and vessel as a protection for all (the | relics). Hira-sakhi delt. Sir E. C. Bayley's. Mahardjasa rajatirajasa devaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsare ekadase 11. Dazsikasa masasa divase anullvinnsate 19, 'Atreshwarasa bhichhusasa Naganatasa Dhakhabhalisa.Achhayudamatata vasishtusu achhayu bhrataprasishtasa yati evu puyae, iha damane Vihara samine upasika anananda. Swa si ... lajaya matata chha imraya vipatita anupatrimra anupatitata, dadati sarva budha.. Strasa sukhaya bhavatu. New version. 1 On the 28th day of the month Daisios, in the 11th year of the great king, the Over-king of kings, the son of the gods, Kanishka; On the specified day, to the mendicant Nagadatta, learned in the Sankhya (philosophy), the disciple of the Acharya Damatrata, the disciple of the disciple of the Acharya Bhava, putting up his staff (or pillar), here the owner of the Damana Vihara, the female lay devotee Balanandi, (roho is) full of penances, and Balajaya, her mother, give a shrine for the staff and the customary accessories. May it be for the health and wealth of all beings. Sir E. C. Bayley's. 1 On the 19th day of the month Daisik, in the 11th year of the divinely descended king, king of kings, Kanishka; For the religious benefit of Dhakabhalisa, the good, the excellent mother, and of the good and pre-excellent brother of Atreshwara of Naganata, the religious mendicant, (this) for the holy lord the Vihar, this worshipper gives, turned back from his maternal (virtue ?)-fallen away from his ancestral .....? May it be for a cause of happiness to all Buddhism ?

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NOVEMBER, 1881.) READINGS FROM THE ARIAN PALI. 327 It will be seen that the meaning of the re- diameter" so that "the shaft is quite exposed cord is very simple, and, with the exception of from about 3 feet of the floor (in which the that of the first line, very different from what copper-plate was imbedded) down to the top of it has hitherto been supposed to be. The first the mound (from which the tower projects) by line which contains the date of the record, the the falling away of half of the tower whenever most important item of the whole, has always that occurred." The splitting of the tower been read correctly. In the body of the record would then be due to the cupidity of those who it is stated, that on that day a certain monk, wanted to abstract the valuable yathi. called Nagadatta, put up a yathi, and that The name of the monk whose yathi was entwo pious women, daughter and mother, offered shrined, was Nagadatta. He is described as a & shrine and its customary accessories for sishya or disciple of the Acharya Damatrata' the yathi. The pratithana (shrine) referred (or "protector of the house"), and as a prato, there can be little doubt, is the tower within fishya of the Acharya Bhava." The term prawhich the copperplate was found. What the sishya means "disciple of a disciple," and shows yathi is, I do not know; perhaps others who that Nagadatta was a disciple of Damatrata, are better acquainted with the practices of who himself was a disciple.of Bhava. He is Buddhism may be able to explain it. The further described as satikhakati. This term word, in the modern form lath, is applied to has puzzled both Sir E. C. Bayley and Prof. monumental pillars, like the well-known stone Dowson. The former read it first as dhakhapillars of Allahabad, Dehli, Banaras and other keli and afterwards as dhakhabhali, and interplaces ; but that can hardly be the meaning of the preted it (if I understand him correctly) as word here. The word is also applied to a the name of the "mother" mentioned in the monk's staff. This, at first sight, would seem to record. The latter reads it Sakhabhati, and apbe a much more likely meaning. The dropana parently takes it to be the name of the place where "setting up" or "assuming" of a staff might be a ceremony indicating the assumption of a high with the exception of the third, which may clerical office (as in the case of the Bishop's be bha, but which much more likely is ka, as staff or crook). Or "putting up (= putting Sir E. C. Bayley first read it; for it closely aside) the staff" might be a euphemism for resembles the ka in Kanishka, ekadase, etc., << death ;u the monk having died, his yathi while it differs not inconsiderably from the may have been enshrined by the two pious bha in bhichhusya and Bhava. The first letter ladies. It is impossible to avoid connecting is undoubtedly sar; the nasal curve at the in one's thoughts the curious shaft which pierces foot is quite distinct, and exactly like that in the tower, and the mouth of which was closed yathi and naridi, a little further on. The with the copperplate that bears the inscription, word, therefore, is sankhakuti, which, as with the yathi mentioned in that inscription as Professor Dowson thinks, may be the name of a having been enshrined. Can it be possible that locality, but which I think to be more prothe shaft was the receptacle of the yathi ? The bably a laudatory epithet of the monk, similar dimensions of the shaft, no doubt, are large; but to those so common in the Mathuri inscripthe yathi need not have been a real mendicant's tions. In the latter such laudatory terms as staff, or at least only such a one pro forma; insanghamita "friend of the clergy," sainghareality it might have been an object more like the dasa "servant of the clergy," etc. frequently famous lath or iron pillar of Dehli; perhaps occur immediately after the proper name of ornamented with jewels and precious stones. the monk. Accordingly I interpret saikha. If so, that fact may account for the curious kati to mean "learned in the samkhya (philocircumstance, observed by the discoverer, that sophy)." The Sanskrit equivalent of the the tower is "cut, as it were, right down the epithet would be sanhkhyakritin, where kritin * J. R. A. 8., vol. IV, p. 498 (New Series). In the compound Damatrata Fishya the vowel ri of tratri has changed to a, as in the famous name Jetavana, which stands for Skr. Jetsivana, 1. e., "the grove of Jetri." Prof. Dowson here divides the words wrongly bhave pa and fishasa. But the third letter is quite distinctly pra, as Sir E. O. Bayley already read it. Moreover, the second letter is not ve, but va. The stroke over it which looks like the vowel-sign e is merely a flaw in the copper-plate, as a glance at the latter at onoa shows.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. would regularly become kati in Pali, just as Sanskrit krita "done" appears in PAli as kata, at the end of some compound words. The names of the two ladies who jointly presented the shrine are given as Balana mdi and Balaja ya, of whom the latter is stated to have been the mother (mata) of the former. Bala na ndi is further described as being kichhubini or full of penances. Sir E. C. Bayley altogether failed to read the word kichhubini; Professor Dowson reads it dhaja- bino, which he thinks to be "probably a compound of the Sanskrit dhraja, a flag." The possibility of such a compound must be conceded; but the word would be dhajabini; for the last letter is unmistakeably ni. However, the first letter is undoubtedly k joined, pro- bably, with the vowel-sign i. The outlines of the k are quite distinct on the copperplate; and as I have already remarked, traces of a dotted line across the head of k are just recognisable. The second letter is in all probability chhu ; the loop at the foot, indicative of the vowel 1, is clear enough on the plate; the body of the letter with the curve at the head of, and the stroke across, the perpendicular line best agrees with chh.10 The word, then, most probably is kichhubini, or in full kichohhubbing, & compound of Sanskrit ksichchhra "penance" and urva "receptacle," (with the possessive suffix in), meaning lit. "she who has a receptacle of penances," i.e. "full of" or "much given to penances."1 This lady is also described as an upasika or "female lay-devotee" and as the "owner of the vihara," probably the vihara to which the monk belonged. The latter epithet shows that she must have been a rich woman who could well afford to give a pratithana for the monk's yathi. Rich upasika ladies who built and endowed Viharas are, by no means, uncommon in the history of Buddhism." Both Sir E. C. Bayley and Professor Dowson make the donor to be a male person ; but in that case the word would be upasako. The form upasika (with the vowel 1) shows that the word is feminine, which is further confirmed by its agreeing with the other feminine words vihdrasvamini, Balanaridi, kichchhubbini. Professor Dowson reads the first of these three words vihara-tachhino; it should be tachhini. The last letter is unmistakeably ni. The second letter, as certainly, is mi; for chhi is usually written thus: The first letter, it is true, closely resembles the letter which is tra in putrasa (1st line), tta in vyattadivase (1.2), and tva in satvdnash (1. 3); but neither is it very unlike sva; and the probability is on the whole largely in favour of svamini, as Sir E. C. Bayley already read it." The name of the Vibara or monastery is given as D a mana, lit. "relating to the Dona or Artemisia flower." This is a sacred flower from which the Damanaparvan, a festival on the 14th day of the month Chaitra (March-April), takes its name. The Vihara was probably so called on account of the abundance of those flowers on its grounds. Buddhist monasteries frequently took their names from groves of various kinds of trees or plants in their neighbourhood." The word was correctly read by Sir E. C. Bayley, who also suggested that it was a name, though doubtfully, and took it to be the name of the locality where the vihara was situated. But it is much more probable that the name is that of the vihara itself. Professor Dowson reads the word dachhani and translates it "southern," making it an attributive of the vihara ("the patron of this southern vihara"). But the letters are perfectly distinct and are clearly damane; and the Sanskrit dakshina in the sense "southern" always takes in PAli the form dakkhina (Prakrit dakkhim and dahina), but not ! uakshan of the vihen much Whether Worker * The two Dames have nearly the same meaning: 1 Balanandi," she who rejoices in strength," and Balajayt," she who conquers by strength." The first part of the compounds, however, might also be bdla, children." 10 See the forms of this letter in J.R. 4. 8., vol. XX, pl. iv. 11 Or the name might be read kichchhurbine, and dorivod from krichchhra "penance," and dymi "wave," "quantity" (with suffix in). The meaning would be the same "full of penances." Kyichchhra means "pain," "torment," and is also the term for a particular kind of severe penance of fasting. 1 Thus, the famous lady Visakha, who built the Parodrama vihdra, near Srivasti. 13 However the reading tachhini (or tuachhini, MI should prefer) would not affect the sense very much as it would mean " the builder of the vihera.". But the Sanskrit takahan or tvakshan properly means "& carpen. ter," "a worker in wood;" whence it seems doubtful whether the word could be used with reference to & vihira, built of stone, and with reference to woman. The Sanskrit feminine would be takahan; so that the PAli tachhint would show an irregular (though not impossible) change of the medial vowel a to i. Moreover tachhini would not agree with the locative damane, while stamint does (see below). _1 Thus the Badarika or Jujube Tree Monastery in. Kosambl, the Voluvanna or Bambu Grove Monastery in Rkjagaha, eto. See Jatakam, pp. 85, 160.; Transl. pp. 118, 221.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.) READINGS FROM THE ARIAN PALI. 329 dachchhina. The locative case damane is govern correctly read and understood by my predecesed by the following noun svamini, "owner," sors. Sir E. C. Bayley doubtfully read it which in Pali may be constructed either with atreshwarasi, making it a name of the monk. the genitive or locative. In full, the phrase Professor. Dowson suggested the correct word would be damane vihare svamint, "the owner of divuse, but he read the first part of the comthe Damana vihara." But vihare is joined to pound antra, from which no sense can be got. sva mini as a compound word, damane remaining The first letter is somewhat puzzling. At first in the locative case, implied in the first part sight it looks like the vowel a with the sign of of the following compound; hence damane the subscribed consonant y attached below (88 vihdrasvamini." The word iha, as shown by the in sishyasya); this, of course, is impossible. perceptible interval beween it and damane, is There can be no mistake about the lower portion a separate word, and refers not to the Dimana which is the subjoined y, but the upper portion vihara, but to the place or time of the donation. must be the semivowel v; for the conjunct vy The record of the donation ends with the and the word vyatta are the only readings that word dadariti, in the 3rd line. The rest has will make sense. The ordinary form of v is no special connection with it, but is merely the angular, as in divase, while in the present case usual formula, which, in different variations, is it is rounded; but that is the only irregularity. always added at the conclusion of such records Vyatta is the Sanskrit vyakta, which means of donations. Among the Mathura inscriptions "specified ;" it is just the word required; for the following variations occur: sarvvasatvanasi the day is minutely specified in the preceding hitasukhiya bhavatu; saruvasatuandi hitasukhar- clause. thash bhavatu; sarvasatvahitasulchani bhavatu, Next follows a long clause, consisting of etc. Similar is the Latin formula quod bonum genitives (or datives,--for in Pali the two cases faustumque sit. The real import of the phrase are identical), bhichchhusya ......dropayato (" to was already perceived by Sir E.C. Bayley, though the monk...... who put up"). Aropayato is the he failed to read the whole correctly. But regular genitive (or dative) of the present Professor Dowson's version is quite untenable; participle of the causal verb dropaya. Professor the letters are perfectly distinct, and it is Dowson reads aropayati." That, however, is impossible (unless by a very arbitrary assign- not a Pali form, either verbal or participial; ment of values) to get the reading hirasakhina and it could, by no possibility, have the meankartam out of them. Moreover, kartam is no ing, "they are deposited." All copies of the word at all; it is not clear of what word inscription, hitherto, give the impossible form Professor Dowson was thinking; there is Sans- drop yata. But after very careful inspection of krit kritam, "done," or karitam, "caused to be the original plate, I have satisfied myself that done"; there is also ksittam,"cut," and kartitam, the final letter is not ta but to, though the "caused to be cut"; but none of these will give cross-stroke, indicative of the vowel o, is rather a PAli form kartam." short and indistinct, so that it might easily be It will be observed that the construction of overlooked. the main record is interrupted and again The long genitive-clause, which has been formally taken up at the end of the first line, I just explained, is governed by the verb dadashti when after completing the long and minute "they give," which concludes the donation and statement of the date, the thread of the sentence occurs near the end of the third line. Sir E.C. is resumed with the words vyattadivase "on Bayley already recognised the verb of the senthe specified day." This phrase has not been tence in that word, though he read it incorrectly, 11 In the sense of "gift" the Skr. dakshind becomes in avamichashtanaprapautrasya, where the genitive, maha PAli both dakkhind and dachchhina. The latter is the kshatrapasya does not agree with the genitive prapas more usual form in the North-Western PAli (e. g., in the trasya, but with the genitive implied in the first part of Zeda stone inscription). But even if the original letters the compound rudmichaahtana. In full, it would be mahdadmitted this reading, it would be impossible here, as the kshatrapasya evdmichashtananya prapamtrasya.. word dachchhint is feminine. There is another instance in the new Kahatrapa *See Kachchiyana (od. Sonart), p. 153,"after the inscription, published by Dr. Buhler, ante, p. 157: words admi, iseara, etc., both the genitive and locative saruvasatvind.it hitankhartham iti. may be need." Compare Pagini, IT, 3, 39. 1. Probably kritam is intended; but it does not 1 An exactly analogous construction oooars in the agree with the letters on the plate. Kshatrapa Inscription, published by Dr. Bahler in the * Sir E. C. Bayley ronda w puyde, which is altoIndian Antiquary, anto, p. 157,-mahakshatraparya gether inadmissible.

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1881. as the third person singular, dadati, "he indicated by a dot or a detached stroke to the gives." But the subjoined nasal which gives it left of the foot of the consonant. In this mana plural form is quite distinct. Moreover, the ner a is once indicated in the present inscripplural is required by the two nominatives tion"; viz. in damane, where the short detached which form the subject of the verb. Professor stroke to the left of d, and below m, signifies Dowson read dadari, being misled by the d. Most of the letters in the present inscription inaccurate position of the subjoined 1, which have a very short slanting stroke or curve is placed so far to the left that it appears attached to the foot on the left side. These to belong to the last letter ti, while it really marks, of course, can have no meaning; they belongs to the preceding da. A similar instance are mere flourishes. But in two cases this of the want of care in the placement of the foot-stroke is drawn across the base of the letter, subjoined it is to be observed in the word almost at right angles with it. This is the case kapajasi, the final i of which is also placed with the k of ekadase, and the initial a of acharya, so far to the left as to appear to belong to and as in both cases the word requires a long the following particle cha, "and." However a in those places, I am inclined to think that the reading of those four letters kapajui cha the peculiar form of the foot-stroke may have has no inconsiderable difficulties. Both my | a special meaning, and that it may signify the predecessors have failed to read them; nor am long vowel d. I altogether satisfied with the reading I have There is a large curve, with a loop, attached adopted myself. I take it to be the equivalent to the foot of some letters (8 and sh; as in of the Sanskrit kalpojani cha, "and customary," sishyasya). There can be no doubt that this qualifying the following anuparivarash. But I signifies a subjoined y, and not, as Professor only give it, faute de mieux. Something more Dowson supposes, the doubling of a consonant. satisfactory may yet be found. The first letter In such ancient Pali inscriptions, the doubling of is ka, as I have satisfied myself by careful a consonant is not usually indicated, whileaconexamination of the original; but the curve to | joined semi-consonant (yor v or r) may be, and in the right of the perpendicular is much obliter- the North Westerr. Palicommonly is, written. Of ated by oxidation. The second is the only the latter practice, there are numerous examples undoubted letter, and it is pa. Then comes a in the present inscription; the following symletter which rather looks like he or hi, but bols are used: a line attached to the right of the which is not altogether unlike ja. The fourth foot signifies a subjoined r (as in pratithanar, letter may be ja or cha; under it is the sub prasishyasya); the same, but with a loop round joined nasal i, which I believe to belong the foot, signifies a prejoined r (as in acharya, really to the preceding letter, which I read ja. sarva); a curve attached to the left of the foot The subject and the object of the verb signifies the nasal anusvara s (as in saivatsare, dadanti are given in the third line. The yathini, etc.); the same, but with a loop in the subject are two persons, Balajaya, the mother, middle, signifies a subjoined y (as in maharajaand Balanandi, her daughter. The object also sya, sishyasya, etc.); lastly, an upward curve to is twofold; a shrine for the yathi, and the the right of the foot signifies a subjoined v (as customary accessories. in svamini, satvanar). The preceding remarks, I believe, dispose of all In samvatsare there is a symbol which, in the real difficulties of the record, grammatical common with my predecessors, I have read as and others. A few minor points, however, de- tsa. It is, however, somewhat different from serve some remark. the usual sign for tsa (as in the Taxila InscripThe long vowel a is not distinguished tion). It may be, and most probably is, that throughout the inscription, except in three places. sign, only rather clumsily drawn. But it is General Cunningham has shown that it is just possible that it may be a representation 11 See Numismatic Chronicle, (N. S.) vol. VIII, p. 126. Unless the small detached stroke after tv in damatrata may be assumed to signify 4. But it is placed to the left of the head, instead of the foot of the letter. It is probably caused by a mere slip of the chisel: just min sankhakafisa whoro there is a similar mark to the left of the head of ka. Two similar unmeaning notches will be observed near di in balanashdi. * The line and the curve to the right are not always carefully distinguished; thus in putrasya the tra rather looks like tva. In vyattadivase the tt is indicated by the 1 neual sign for tva.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 331 of chchha, which is the form that the Sanskrit tsa assumes in the ordinary Pali. The latter has sanvachchhara, "a year." For it may be noticed that, if the left perpendicular stroke be omitted, the remainder of the symbol very closely resembles the usual sign for cha as in mata cha). The third letter of the second word must be read (as by Sir E. C. Bayley) ti, not di, as Professor Dowson has it. In Sanskrit there are two words, which are nearly synonymous, adhiraja and atiraja. The former is the usual one in Sanskrit, but the latter is preferred by the North Western Pali, from whence, indeed, it may have been adopted into Sanskrit. It is true, di and ti are not always clearly distinguish- able in Arian PAli writing; though in the present case the ti is sufficiently distinct; but the matter is decided by the contemporary Mathura Inscriptions of Kanishka and Huvish ka, which have atirbja." As these are written in the Indian Pali characters, where the signs for t and d are very different, there can be no doubt as to the true reading being ti. The name of the month is daisika, not dazsisa as Professor Dowson read it. Sir E. C. Bayley read it correctly. All the letters, including ka, are quite distinct. The month referred to is the Makedonian Daisios (May-June), as Sir E. C. Bayley at once recognised. The form of the name which occurs here must be a Western Pali adaptation of the Greek; ka is a common pleonastic suffix. As regards the character which occurs no less than four times in this inscription (in atha, yathin, yathi and pratithanar), it undoubtedly signifies th as General Cunningham maintains (J. A. S. B., vol. XXXIII, p. 36), and not 11, as Professor Dowson thinks (J. A. S. B., vol. XXXII, p. 422, J. R. A. S., vol. XX, p. 223). It cannot be t!, because in all those places where it has hitherto been found, the PAli requires tth; thus attha, "eight," yatthi, "staff," pratitthanai, "shrine." Nor is there any reason why it should signify a double consonant. In such old Pali inscriptions double consonants are not usually indicated. Hence it follows that the symbol in question must stand for single th. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 233.) No. 10.-Custom (4) Pirthi...... dust (prithvi, earth). Opprobrious Names. (5) Mihli...... well-rope (mahal, Panj.). (a) Children's Names. (6) Julli ...... rags (Panj., a quilt made In the Panjab among Musalmang, Hindus, of rags and patches). Sweepers and Sikhs alike, a mother losing (7) Buta ...... a tree (Panj.). several children in succession, especially if song, (8) Kaudi ... a cowry. will call any sons, not daughters as a rule, that (9) Kalu ...... black (reference to laula may be subsequently born, by names signifying kutta, a black dog). objects of contempt, in the hope that they may (10) Khota...... a donkey. live. Somo such names refer to certain cere- (11) Rurk ...... dungheap (Panj.) monies performed at the birth of such children, (12) Afura ...... dungheap (Panj.)' but the greater number refer merely to common There are various customs attendant on the objecta. Examples are : birth of such children. (1) Gudar...... waste cotton. Thus in some cases the new-born child is (2) Chuha ... rat. put into an old winnowing basket or chhaj (3) Billa ...... tom-cat. (Hindi, chhaj, Panj. chhaj), with the sweepings * Thus mahirija ya rajitirijasya devaputra ya Hwvishkasya vir dinam, on a pillar; see J. 4. 8. B., vol. XXXIX, pl. iv. Conf. Ind. Ant., vol. VIII, pp. 321-22; vol. IX, pp. 141 and 229. - Compare from Bungal :-(3) Chbuchhunra, musk rat. (4) Dhuria, dusty. () Ootharni, rage. (9) KariA, black. (11) (12) Gonauri, duaghjap. Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, pp. 321-23. From Mysoro :-(7) Bemban, Margosa tree. (11) (12) Tippa, dunghill. From Madras (Tamil) :-(11) (12) Kuppan, Kuppaswami, Dungheap. Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 229. T : name Kauda, (8) a cowry, has apparently in the Panjab no reference to price, as in Bengal. See Ind. Ani., vol. IX, p. 141.. The name Khota, (10) a donkey, is apparently confined to the Multan district.-B.C.T.

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. of the house, and is then dragged out of the house into the yard attached, whence the names (13) Chhajju ... winnowing basket. (14) Ghasita ... dragged (Panj. ghasitna, to drag). There are other customs which give rise to names of such children as above mentioned, but these can hardly be termed opprobrious. Thus the child is sometimes given to a faqir, and begged from him again as alms: whence, (15) Khairayati, Kharati ..... alms. Sometimes at the Muharram the child is dressed up as a faqir in honour of the Imams, whence, (16) Faqiri ... faqir. In this connection, too, should be mentioned such names, as (17) Gurdas ... servant of the Guru, (18) Devidas ... servant of Devi, usually given to firstborn sons, but sometimes also to children of this kind. Another custom is--to weigh the child against grain, and then to give grain equal to the weight of the child, or in the case of the poor, a little grain, to a sweeper. This grain is considered to be the price for which the child has been bought from the sweeper. The child is then called (19) Chuth...... sweeper (Panj. chirha). When several children have died, say four or five in succession, the remainder are of course greatly valued, which is to be seen from the following names : (20) Mahinga... dear, expensive. (21) Ladhu ... acquired (Panj. ladhna to get). (22) Labhu......acquired (Panj. labhna to get). (23) Milkhi ...estate, property (Panj. milakh, estate). (24) Jiwan ......life (jiva, to live). Here may be added two curious nondescript names (25) Mircha ......pepper. (26) Makhwa ...a fly. There is also an important class of customs which we may call the mutilating customs always arising from the idea of averting evil. In some cases the mother cuts off a piece of the child's ear and eats it, which gives rise to the name, (27) Bura ...... crop-eared. Another practice very prevalent in the Firozpur district among all classes and secta, but particularly among Sikhs and Hindus, is to dress up a son born after the death of previous sons as a girl. Such children have their noses pierced in signification of their being converted into girls, the pierced nose being the female mark par excellence. The mother makes a vow to dress up her boy as a girl for from four to ten years, the hair is plaited, women's ornaments worn, &c., and naked littleboy girls, as it were, can be seen running about in any village. Even where the custom is not fully carried out, the nose is pierced and & sexless name given, thus(28) Nathu...... nostril (Hind. nath, Panj. nath). (29) Chhedt ... pierced.' (30) Bulaqi ... nose-ring (Turki, bulaq, a nose-ring)." These ear-boring and nose-piercing customs also arise from a wish to spoil the perfection" of the child. Unblemished or beautiful children are supposed to be the special delight of fairies, who walk off with them, and of demons who possess them. In reference to this a story about Akbar is commonly told in Firozpur. Story of Akbar, the Emperor; Birbal, the Minister; and Dopiazd, the Priest. One day Akbar was wounded by a knife which made a scar on his hand. Mulla Dopiaza, who saw it, smiled and thanked God. Thereupon Birbal said to the Emperor, "Behold, the Mulla wishes you ill, he smiles and thanks God on such an occasion." So Akbar ordered Mulla Dopia za to be imprisoned. After this, the Emperor went hunting one day without any attendants, and lost himself in a deep jangal, where he was caught by a wild tribe, who were in search of a man without blemish to bury 3 Khairiyati also among the women seems to have the sense of "scapegoat."-F. A. S. * This is not the Arabic-milk, property.-R. C. T. . Another derivation is from jy bont kutti, a crop-eared dog. The Munshis deny the existence of this custom, but the women stick to it, and I believe they are right.-R. C. T. * The right nostril is the one pierced, and sometimes also the cartilage between the nostrils.-R.C.T. Compare from Bengal:-(29) Nakchhedii-nosepierced. Ind. Ant., vol. VIII, p. 322.-R. C.T. Bulagi. It may repay examination to enquire into this word further, as indicating that the custom is prevalent in Cantral Asia or was prevalent among the Mongol hordes before their irruptions into India. R. C. T.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. under the foundations of their fort. But when they saw the scar of the knife wound on Akbar they let him go. The Emperor recollected Mulla Dopiaza, and thanked him in his heart, and when he returned home, he brought him to great honour. Lastly, where evil influences are supposed to be especially powerful, as an extreme measure, the new-born child is given to a sweeper woman (mehtarani) to suckle. This is prevalent among all classes, even high caste Hindus, who sometimes, however, employ Musalman women for this purpose. Daughters do not, as a rule, bear such names as are above mentioned: they are not usually considered so much worth preserving from evil influences. These customs are said to be entirely con- fined to the women, whose lives are made up to a much larger extent than one would imagine in practising superstitious puerilities, and are not believed in by the men, who are often ashamed of their nicked ears, &c., but as a Panjabi husband, Musalman or Hindu, has next door to no influence over his wife and her female friends, they are universal An examination of these names clears up two points of common observation; the frequent occurrence of names common to Hindus and Musalmans, and the dressing up of little boys as girls. Several of the above names have the ordinary Musalman and Hindu additions tacked on to them to give them the ordinary look of the names in every day use. Of these the commonest is Mall, Panj, a wrestler, champion, brave man, which is by Hindus added to the names Chha, Billa, Bata, Kauda, Chhajju, Ladhu, Labhu, Bura, Nathu, etc. Ram is also added to Labhu. Musalmans add Bakhsh to Jiwan, and Khan and Shah to Bulaqi. These names are not confined to the poor or uneducated, witness-Nathu Mall Sraf, Billa Mall Sraf, Chuhe Mall Mahajan, Jiwan Bakhsh Saudagar, Buliqi Khan, all well known characters about Firozpur; Nathu Kalal (Musalman) is a large excise contractor in the district. Gobardhan (vulgo Gordhan) in the Panjab is not an opprobrious name as in Bengal, but refers to the mountain (Govardhana) in Bindraban (Vrindavana). (6) Women's names. Mothers who have lost several children are not called by special names; but second wives married on the death of former wives are sometimes called in their husband's family by opprobrious names. The custom is for the new wife, on entering her husband's house for the first time, to carry on her head, if poor, a pot of water or milk, or a basket of vegetables; if rich to have it carried for her by a woman of the Mehra (carrier) caste in the first case, of the gardener caste in the second, and of the cowherd caste in the third. Such women are henceforth called in the family according to the circumstances of their first entrance (1) Mehri ......(mehra, a carrier). (2) Milan ......(mali, a gardener). (3) Gujjri ..... (gujjar, a cowherd). It may be noted here as a custom that a man losing two or three wives in succession, is made to marry bird with all ceremony before another family will give him their daughter." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 269.) XII. guard, Chinghiz Khan marched against him We will now again revert to our story. We swiftly and furtively. When he reached the have seen how having put his enemy off his defile of Jerkhabuchikha in the mountains . This superstition is said to have been very prevalent p. 141.-R.C.T. in the days previous to the establishment of the British I add as a note three more names to indicate how Government in India, the idea being that the blood of the some of the natives get their names: an enquiry into buried man consolidated the foundations. It is said this phase of nomenclature might repay the trouble : to have been one of the ways of getting rid of condemned (1) Aitaarl, Sunday, the name of my cook born on a criminals. Lately in Calcutta when building the piers Sunday. of the floating bridge over the Hooghly a regalar panio (2) Bakrade, a bheestie, born on the day of the great was created among the poorer classes by the spread of Muhammadan feast. story that the English were going to consolidate the (3) Nigohdy, a Jatt cultivator, born at Nigah, Dera foundations with the blood of young children - R.C.T. Ghazi Khan District, where the shrine of the great 10 Gobardhan, dungrade-seo Ind. Ant., vol. IX, Panjabi sint Sakhi Sarwar is.-R. O. T.

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. Jejeer-undur, he surrounded Wang Khan and his people, and a battle ensued which lasted three days, on the third day, the Kirais being completely overcome, submitted. Wang Khan and his son fled: One of the Kirais who had fought in the battle said to Chinghiz "It would have been wrong for me to have let you take and kill my rightful Lord, therefore I have fought you for three days so as to give him a better chance of escaping. If you now order me to be executed, I shall no doubt die, but if you spare me, I will serve you faithfully." Chinghiz replied," he who did not wish to desert his lord but fought against me to give him time to escape is a brave fellow. Be my companion." Chinghiz thereupon made him a commander of a hundred men, and gave him to the widow of Khuildar as her slave and dependent. Khuildar, it will be remembered, had been the first volunteer to fight, and had thus earned for himself and his descendants the right to ask for the rewards due to the widows and children. Chinghiz Khan now proceeded to divide the Kirais among his allies. To Takhai-baatur of the tribe Sulduda (P Suldus) who had given him assistance, he gave one hundred tents of the Jirgin tribe. Wang Khan's brother Jakhaganbu, (Jakembo as' Rashid calls him), of whom we have previously spoken, had two daughters, the elder one, Ibakha, Chinghiz had married himself, while the younger one, called Sorkhakhtan, had married Tului (i.e. his son Tului), whence he would not permit Jakhaganbu's people to be distributed. Bada and Kishlikh, the two herdsmen who had first warned him of Wang Khan's hostile intentions, were given the latter's golden tent and its contents together with the people who had charge of his golden vessels. He also made over to them the family of Bankhojin of the race of Kirai to form a bodyguard, granted them the privilege of wearing their bows and arrows during the feasts, and ordered that at such feasts they were each to have a flagon of his own. He also gave them the right to retain the booty they should capture in battle and the wild animals they should secure in the hunt without sharing them with others. He extolled them saying they had saved his life, and that now he had annihilated the Kirais he had secured the throne of the Mongols. "Let my descendants notice the rewards due to such services." During the winter following his victory, Chinghiz remained in the district of Abujia kodiger. The Yuan-shi adds, little to this account of the great disaster that overtook Wang Khan and his people. It makes out, however, that Chinghiz Khan won two victories. The first one led to Wang Khan being deserted by Altan, Khuchar and Chamukha, who having tried to kill him and failing fled to the Naimans. It calls the place where the battle was fought Chechent u-ul. The Yuan-shilei-pen, says the battle took place in the district between the Tula and the Kerulon, Rashidu'ddin calls the place Checher (or Chechem) Undir;' Undir means height, and these heights of Chechir were probably on the eastern borders of the Gobi. They have been already mentioned in the account of Chinghiz Khan's earlier adventures. He also mentions that the defeat was preceded by a conspiracy among some of Wang Khan's allies. In this Daritai Utjigen, Chinghiz Khan's uncle, Altan Jiun, Khajir or Khuchar Biki, Chamukha, Khur Barin, Suekei or Suwagi, Toghril of the race Tuken Tudul (written Nugteh Burl by Erdmann), Tugai Khaguri the Mangkut, and Khutu Timur a Tartar prince. They agreed to fall upon Wang Khan in the night, and then to become independent leaders, obeying neither Wang Khan nor Chinghiz. Having heard of their plans Wang Khan fell upon them, took much of their wealth from them, and scattered them, whereupon Daritai Utjigen, Khum Barino and the Sakhiat, a tribe of the Kirais, joined Chinghiz Khan, while Altan, Khujir and Khutu Timur went to Tayang, the chief of the Naimang. At this time Wang Khan was encamped at Kit-Khulukhat-alat.' The Huang-Yuan, as is frequently the case, is here almost verbatim in accord with Rashidu'd-din. It mentions the conspiracy just named, and calls the conspirators Dalitai Ojin, Andan, Jiun, Khochar-begi Chamukha, Balin, Sogitai, Tolinkai Takhai, Khulakhai and i Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 97-99. Hyacinthe, p. 39; Douglas, p. 40; see also De Mailla, IX, pp. 33 and 34. - Hyacinthe, p. 30. Gaubil, p. 10. * Berezine, vol. II, p. 145; Erdmann, p. 307. * Erdmann and D'Obraon both make this a tribal name and read it a section of the Nirons. * Written Cait Culgat-alt by D'Obsson ; Berezine, vol. II, pp. 143 and 143; Erdmann, p. 295; D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 79 and 80.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. NOVEMBER, 1881.] the people of the race Khududa. It says they excused their action on the ground that they could not trust Wang Khan. That Wang Khan having defeated them Dalitai Ojin and the races Balin Sakhai and Nunjin joined Chinghiz Khan, while Andan, Jiun, Khochar Begi Khudukhua and Chamukha fled to the Naiman ruler Tayang Khan. This authority calls the place where Wang Khan was then living Jigan Khulu." Pelis de la Croix, doubtless quoting from some late authority whom he does not name, tells us the van of Chinghiz Khan's army was commanded by Kharachar,' while Wang Khan's was commanded by Chamukha. The battle began by a struggle between these advance guards whose commanders hated each other very cordially. Kharachar was beaten, whereupon Suida Behaduro at the head of the old veteran troops joined with the Su Moghuls," charged Wang Khan's main army so vigorously that it fell back, and Chamukha, who came to their assistance, also gave way. Meanwhile the two wings of Chinghiz Khan's army under Hubbe1" and Irka attacked the enemy's two wings. The fight was continued obstinately until Chinghiz advanced in person with his sons and the reserve so rigorously that the Kirais broke and fled. As we have seen, Chamukha had conspired against and abandoned Wang Khan before the fight. We are told in the Yuan-shi and by Rashidu'ddin that the Kirai chief in his flight reproached himself for having been persuaded as he had been by his son, whom he accused of being the author of his misfortunes. The Huang-yuan says he exclaimed to Sankun-We are relatives, can we die apart now that we have been undone by these people pl Father and son according to the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi escaped to the district of Didiksakhal, and the river Nyekun which Palladius suggests was probably the boundary between the Nai-" mans and the Kirais. There Wang Khan, wearied with his journey and suffering from thirst, went to drink in the river. He was seen Opbiquitous ancestor of Timur whom his cit., p. 175. panegyrists introduce at various points in the story to exalt. the virtues of their master's ancestry, and whose mention is a proof that the story is a late invention. 10 ? Subutai. 11. e. the Tartars. 1. e. Jebe. 13 De la Croix, Hist. of Genghizcan the Great, pp. 55 and 56. 14 Douglas, p. 42; Hyacinthe, p. 30; Berezine, vol. II, p. 145; Erdmann p. 297. 335 by a Naiman scout called Khorisubechi, who captured him, and although Wang Khan explained who he was, he would not believe him, but killed him on the spot. Sankun who was some distance off rode away to Chual. 10 There he arrived with his companions Kokochu and his wife, and while looking for water saw a wild horse being bitten by flies. Dismounting from his own he gave it in charge of Kokochu, and crept towards the other intending to shoot it. Kokochu thereupon determined to desert him. His wife reproached him, saying "He clothed you in fine clothes, fed you with good food, wherefore would you forsake your lawful Lord ?" Kokochu replied that as she would not go with him, she perhaps wished to marry Sankun. She retorted with a Mongol aphorism. "Let them say that women have dogs' skin on their faces" (i. e. have no shame), "nevertheless I must ask you to give him this gold cup from which he may drink." Kokochu threw down the cup, and then with his wife repaired to Chinghiz, to whom he related how he had deserted Sankun. That exacting master said: "How can I receive such people as companions?" He thereupon had Kokochu put to death, but rewarded his wife, and gave her to one of his officers." This authority does not tell us what was the end of Sankun. In the Yuan-shi we are told he first fled to SiHia or Si-Sia. There, being convicted of plundering, he went to the kingdom whose name is written Kuchaskiya by Hyacinthe and Kweisil by Douglas.19 De Mailla says that having been driven away from Hia he fled to the Kuesse by whose king he was attacked and killed.20 The Yuan-shi-lei-pen says that after Wang Khan's defeat his rival returned to the Onon, whence he sent detachments in pursuit of him. He was captured, but the same day he again escaped and fled to the Naimans, where he was killed. It calls the place where Sankun was put to death by order of the ruler of the country Kutse," and there can be little doubt that the place meant under 15 Op. cit., p. 176. 18 I find a station Chel on the map, north-east of Barkul and south-west of Chaghan Tala, which possibly answers to this Chual. 17 Op cit., pp. 99 and 100. 15. e. Western Hia or Tangut comprising the modern Kansuh and the northern part of Shen-si. 19 Hyacinthe, p. 31; Donglas, p. 42. 20 Op. cit., tom. IX, p. 34. 1 Gaubil, p. 10.

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881 the various disguises of the name was the He places the battle at the outflow of the river Uiguria n principality of Kaoche in Eastern Onon" near Kulen Buira (i.e. the well known Turkestan as Mr. Douglas says. Rashidu'd- lake Buyur, which was near the heights of din says that after his defeat Wang Khin fled Checher). He further tells us Chinghiz Khan's to a place in the country of the Naimans called army was led by Torolji Taishi of the Uirat Nirgun Ussun." There he was seized by Khori Jelme Noyan of the Uriangkhan and the son Subaju and Tungor Iteng Shal, two frontier com- of Kiluken Baghatur of the Sunid called Tudai manders of Tayang the Naiman ruler. They put Tsarbi, who defeated Ong Khaghan and subdued him to death, and sent his head to their master. the Kerait." Sankun fled to a place whose name is read The conquest of the Kirais and their ruler Ashik Balgasun by Berezine, and Istu Balgha- was a great step in Chinghiz Khan's career. sun by Erdmann, but the name is evidently It made him a widely notorious person, and we corrupt. It doubtless ought to be read Itzina, as consequently find the campaign referred to by it is given in the Huang-yuan." Thence he other and independent authorities than those hastened on to the frontiers of Jul or Chul on we have quoted, and notably by the Christian the extreme borders of the Mongols,"and thence chroniclers, who were especially interested in the he went to Buri Tibet (i. e. to the country of overthrow of Prester John as they styled Tibet, which is so called by Carpini, Davezac, Wang Khan. I propose to close this instalp. 658). Having engaged in plundering therement of my story by bringing together two or he was attacked by the inhabitants; he again three of these notices, first referring shortly to a fled to the country of Khoten and Kashgar. famous Muhammadan historian. D'Ohsson says to the district of Kuman on the Rashidu'd-din, although in every way the borders of Kashgar and Khoten. Erdmann says most important of the Persian writers who to the borders of Jin and Kashgar and the described the doings of the Mongols, was not district of Gushan. the only, nor the earliest, Muhammadan author There he was attacked and killed by Kilij who has left us many details about Chinghiz Arslan, the chief of the tribe Kili or Khalaj Khan. He in fact confesses his indebtedness, in a place called Kusaku-char-kusha" who sent especially to Alaiu'd-din Ata Mulk Johis wives and children prisoners to Chinghiz veni, who devoted a special work to the hisKhan, and shortly after himself submitted to tory of the great conqueror, which he entitled that chief." He was probably the Arslan chief the Tarikh Jihan Kushai, or history of the of the Karluks of whom we shall have more world-conqueror. to say further on. The Huang-yuan calls the Alai-ud-din was born in the canton of Juvein place where Wang Khan was captured the river in Khorasan, whence the name of Juveni by which Nikiun-uli, and names the Naiman chiefs who he is generally quoted. He was the son of killed him Kholisu-bachi and Tedusha. It says Bohai-ud-din Muhammad, who occupied an imthat Sankun fled to Sisia, passed the town of portant post in the Treasury of the Mongol Itzina," and reached the country of the Bolin rulers of Persia. He himself became prefect Tufan." He fell upon the people there, and of Baghdad, which included the Government plundered them, but the Tufans' drove him and of Irak Arab and Khuzistan, a post he filled his followers away westwards. He was even- until his death in 1283. His great work was tually killed by Khelinchukhala in the country commenced in 1252, and closed in 1257. It is of Chergeziman.2 divided into two parts, in the former of which Ssanang Setzen, whose narrative of these he describes in detail the later history of events is of hardly any value, dates the defeat of Chinghiz Khan and especially the conquest Ong Khaghan, ae he calls Wang Khan, in 1998. of Transoxiana and Persia. He also details * D'Ohsson calls it On Usun, which name means the ten rivers in Turkish, op. cit., vol. I, p. 82, note 2. Sea Erdmann, note 160. 2. Vide infra. 15. e. the Chual of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi above mentioned ** Erdmann reads it Gusatu-jau.gameh, D'Oheson Keus- satu-char-kashme. 11 Beresine, vol. II. p. 146; Erdmann, p. 808; D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 82 and 83. * This is a well known town of Tangut, which will occupy us again in a later page. 29. e. the Buri Tibet of other authors. 30 1. e. Kilij Khan. 31 i. e. the Kuraku-char-kusha of Rashid, perhape the country of the Black or Rook Kirghisis is meant. Huang. yuan, p. 176. * Clearly a mistake for the Keralon. >> Op.cit., p. 87.

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NOVEMBER, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 387 the histories of Ogotai and Kuynk, Chin- with his people in time and concealed himself. ghiz Khan's successors. He devotes a chapter Abulfaraj then tells us how a battle was fought to the history of the Uighurs, a second one at Balshuia between the rivals in which Chinghiz to that of the Kara Khitai; and the story was unfortunate. This was followed by a second, of the Khuarezm Shahs and of the Mongol in which he was victorious. His rival was governors in Persia from the retreat of Chin- killed and his wives and children made prighiz Khan to the invasion of Khulag u. The soners. He then describes how the two youths second part of his work describes the events of were rewarded as we have already mentioned. the earlier years of Manga Khan, including Abulfaraj accounts for Unach Khan's defeat a fall account of Khulagu's expedition in Persia by the fact that he had married a daughter of and his destruction of the Ismaelites or the ruler of Kara Khitai, who had persuaded A38&ssing, whose history both in Persia and him to apostatise. Abulfaraj dates this strugEgypt he tells, as well as the origin of that of gle as we have seen in 1202-3, in which he agrees the Battinang, a branch of the Shiahg.* with Rashidu'd-din and the Yuan-shi." It is Juveni is an excellent authority for the later curious that in the year 1202 the Mongols are period of Chinghiz Khan's career, but for first mentioned in the European Chronicles. the earlier part his narrative is very jejune. Martin of Troppan, generally called Martinus For this part of the story he had neither the Polonus, whose account concludes in 1277, and * materials nor the skill of Rashidu'd-din. the Chronicon Citizensi have under that year He does however mention the struggle be- the phrase-Anno. 1202 Tatari cum uxoribus tween Chinghiz Khan and Wang Khan. ex Indiae montibus egressi," while Vincent of He calls the two herdsmen who warned the Beauvais in his Speculum Historiale, which former of his danger Geleg and Tadeh (the ends in 1249, gives 1203 as the year of the Kishlikh and Badai of Rashidu'd-din), and tells beginning of the Tartar supremacy.se ns they were rewarded by being created Rubruquis has a confused account of Wang Terkhans. Mirkhawend tells us the title carried Khan whom he calls Unk, and makes him the the privilege of exemption from taxes, of enti- brother of Johannes. He tells us he ruled over tling the bearer to keep for himself any booty the Crit and Merkit who were Nestorian he might capture in battle, of free access to the Christians, but that he had become an apostate palace at all times, and of exemptions from and a worshipper of idols, and had surrounded punishment until more offences had been com- himself with idolatrous priests who had remitted. The privileges extended to a descend- course to necromancy, &c. He says he was ant of a Terkhan down to the ninth generation. master of a certain town called Caracarum. On Mirkhawend tells us that when Shah Rukh the death of his brother Johannes, Rubruquis Sultan was governor of Herat, many of says Unk caused himself to be proclaimed Khan, these privileged descendants of the Terkhans and moved with his flocks and herds to the were at his court." frontiers of Moal, i.e. of the Mongols. At that Abulfaraj, whose narrative at this period is time Chingis, a certain Mongol who was a largely constructed on the basis of that of smith, harried some of Unk Khan's animals. Juveni, tells us that in 599 Hijra, i.e. the year The latter marched an army against him, wherefrom 20th September 1202 to 9th September upon he fled among the Tartars and there con1203, A.D. When Unach Khan, who is the same cealed himself. Unk Khin having plundered with the Christian king John, ruled over a the Moals and Tartars returned home, thereupon certain race of the barbarous Huns called Chinghiz addressed the Tartars and Moals, Kherith, Chinghiz Khan was in his service. saying "It is because we have no leader that He became jealous of him, and secretly deter- our neighbours oppress us." They thereupon mined his ruin and death; of this Chinghiz made him the chief of the Tartars and Moals. was warned by two youths. Unach Khan fell Having collected an army furtively he fell upon suddenly upon his tent but he had withdrawn Unk, and defeated him. He fled to Cathaia. P. 83. 34 D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. xvii.-. 35 Erdmann, notes 125 and 129. 36 Chron. Syr, pp. 447 and 448. 31 Berezine, vol. II, p. 148; Hyacinthe, p. 24; Douglas, 3. Von Hammer, Golden Horde, P. 64, note 5. 20 Wolff, Gesch, der Mong. &c., p. 44, rote 59. By this Bubraquis no doubt means Kara Khitai.

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. Unk's daughter,"our author adds, was captured and given by Chinghiz in marriage to one of his sons, and she became the mother of Mangu." According to Joinville "The Tartarins lived in a great berier (of sand)" and were subject to Prester John and the emperor of Persia whose country bordered on theirs, and to many other bad kings, *to each of whom they did homage for the pastures where they kept their cattle." They were held in such contempt by their suzerains that when they took them their tribute they turned their backs and not their faces to them. Among the Tartarins was a man who visited the various steppes and conferred with the men whom he met and pointed out to them the condition of servitude in which they were, and having summoned them to a meeting, shewed them how, if they chose themselves a leader, they might break the yoke. Accordingly each of the 52 clans who were present produced an arrow which was marked with its name, and by the wish of the whole people they were placed before a child five years old, and it was decided that whichever name appeared on the arrow selected by the child they should nominate themselves a chief from that clan. The choice fell of course on the sage man who was no other than Chinghiz Khan, and who demanded that if they wanted him to lead them they must swear by him who had made heaven and earth to obey the laws he should make for them. He accord. ingly drew up some regulations against theft, adultery, &c. He then told them that the most powerful of their masters was Prester John, and ordered them to be ready to march against him the following day. If we are beaten, which God forbid, he said each one must seek safety in flight. If we win I order that the pursuit must continue for three days and nights, and no one on pain of death must seize any of the booty, which shall be fairly divided. The next day they fell on the enemy, and defeated him, killing all those whom they found bearing arms. The priests and other religious they allowed to go free, while the rest of the people were reduced to slavery." Marco Polo gives a longer account of the struggle. I have already quoted his notice of the ill-starred negotiations between the two #1 Really his piece. << D'Avenac, pp. 261 and 262. Col. Yple says the Arabie bariya- desert; Marco 923 Polo, vol. I. p. 283. Boya mecrea. chiefs for a marriage between their families. He goes on to report that Chinghiz was greatly enraged at Prester John's insolent message to him, and threatened him with vengeance. He collected his people, and marched against him. Prester John professed to have contempt for this army, but he in turn collected his forces. Chinghiz, he says, advanced to a vast and beautiful plain called Tanduc, which was in Prester John's country, where he pitched his camp, having an innumerable host with him. Prester John pitched his camp 20 miles away, and both armies rested for two days that they might be fresher for the fight. During this delay Chinghiz summoned his astrologers to foretell who was going to win in the approaching battle. The Saracens essayed in vain to forecaste the issue, but the Christians were more successful. Having split a cane in two, they put the two halves side by side, so that no one should touch them. One piece they named Chinghiz Khan and the other Prester John. They then read a psalm from the Psalter, and went through other incantations, upon which the cane which was called Chinghiz approached the other without any one touching it, and got on the top of it. This very promising augury greatly delighted the Mongol Chief, who always after treated the Christiang very kindly. In the battle which followed, Polo says the slaughter was very great on both sides, but eventually Chinghiz won. the victory, and Prester John was slain, and his kingdom passed into the hands of Chinghix | Khan." The divination by means of twigs to which Marco Polo refers was much practised in the East. Rubruquis tells us how when he visited Mangu Khan's wife who was ill, he joined some Nestorians in repeating some verses of the psalms over two twigs held together by two men." Colonel Yule says that the Chinese method of divination is conducted by tossing into the air two symmetrical pieces of wood or bamboo of a peculiar form. The process, he says, is described by Mendoza, and more particularly with illustrations by Doolittle." The process is one of very great antiquity. Herodotus tells us how among the Skythians the soothsayers used to foretell the future by means of a number of willow wands. A large bundle of these having been brought in, the * Joinville, Dom Bouquet, XX, pp. 262-263. * Op. cit., ed: Yale, vol. I, pp. 335-239. " Davetac, p. 326. Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 288.

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MISCELLANEA. NOVEMBER, 1881.] soothsayers untied them and laid them on the ground separately. While he was still speaking he collected them again, and made them up again into a bundle. The Enarees or woman-like men, he says, had another plan which they claimed to have been taught by Venus. Taking a piece of the bark of the lime tree they split it into three strips, and kept twining the strips about their fingers and untwining them while they prophecied." We are further told by the Scholiast on Nicanders that the Magi were accustomed to divine by means of a wand of tamarisk-wood. Mr. Rawlinson aptly compares this with the verse in Hosea :51 "My people ask counsel of their stocks, and their staff declareth unto them." Tacitus reports of the Germans, that their mode of divining was to take a branch from a fruit-bearing tree, cut it into fragments, which they marked, and then to throw at random on a white garment. In questions of public interest the priest officiated, in private matters the head of the house prayed to God lifting up each piece three times successively, and prophesying according to the way the marks successively rose." Ammianus Marcellinus reports a similar practice among the Alans."" Among the ancient Rugians it was the fashion according to Saxo Grammaticus to throw three pieces of white wood and three of black into their bosom. the former denoting success and the latter failure." An old law of the Frisians shews that even after they became Christians they retained this form of divination. A clause of this law speaks of Tali de virga praecisi quos tenos vocant. Teene in Ger Rawlinson's Herodotus, Bk. IV, ch. 67. A CHINESE INSCRIPTION FROM BUDDHA-GAYA. At p. 193 ante, Professor Beal has given some account of two Chinese inscriptions discovered at Buddha-Gays by General Cunningham, under whose instructions his assistant, Mr. Beglar, photographed them. We learn from the Pioneer that the Executive Engineer in charge of the works reports to the Magistrate of Gaya the discovery during last year (1880-81) of several more Chinese inscriptions, and Mr. Garrick, Assistant to the Archaeological Surveyor, having been sent to photograph them, has obtained from Mr. H. A. Giles of the Chinese Consular Service, the following MISCELLANEA. si Ch. ii, v. 12. so Theriaca, p. 613. 53 Tacitus Germania, ch. x. 53 Op. cit. xxxi, 2. He says that they presaged the future in a most remarkable manner; collecting a number of straight twigs of osier, they used to separate them on 339 man or Tan in A. S. meaning pieces of the young branch of a tree.55 In Thevenot's Travels we are told that "the Kojas or registers of the Corsairs or pirates among the Muhammadans were accustomed to try their fortune by means of canes before fighting, and they called the process 'Do the book. They generally used arrows for the purpose. Two men sat on the ground opposite one another, each holding two arrows by the head. The ends of the two contrary arrows were fixed together, one in another by the notches where the bow string comes in shooting, so that the four together only made two sticks in a parallel line. The Koja then said a prayer, and it was pretended that thereupon the two arrows, one of which represented the Christians and the other the Turks, approached one another in spite of those holding them, and after fighting one got above the other." Colonel Yule says this is perhaps the divination by arrows forbidden by the Koran." He adds that P. della Valle describes the process as practised by a conjuror at Aleppo, who by his incantation made the four points of the arrows come together without any movement of the holders, and prophesied from the way the points approached each other. The Tibetan Buddhists also use two arrows in divination as described by Polo, and according to Mr. Jaeschke they call this form of necromancy da-moor "arrow divination," and Colonel Yule adds that so late as 1833 Mr. Vigne witnessed the application of this form of the black art for the purpose of discovering the robber of a Government chest at Lodiana.58 translation of one of the most perfect of them discovered, we believe, by Gen. Cunningham himself in the Mahant's house: "This pagoda was erected by the Emperor and Empress of the Great Sung dynasty, in memory of His Imperial Majesty, T'a i Tsung' By command of His Imperial Majesty, our divinely enlightened, most glorious, most virtuous, most filial sovereign of this Great Sung dynasty, and of Her Imperial Majesty, our most gracious, most virtuous, and most compassionate Empress,I the Buddhist priest, Hui-wen, have been humbly commissioned to proceed to the country of Magaparticular days with secret incantations, and thence learnt what would happen. 5 Op. cit., book XIV. 45 Murphy's Tacitus, ch. vii, page 216-17, note a. De la Croix, op. cit., p. 52, note 5. 57 Sura V, v. 92. 55 Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 238-9. This term may be rendered by 'Venerable Ancestor."

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340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1881. dha, and to erect, on behalf of His departed Imperial Majesty, Tai Tsung--the humane, the orthodox, the deserving, the divinely virtuous, the wise, the supremely filial,-- pagoda beside the Bodhimanila, the Diamond Throne. For His Imperial Majesty, Tai Tsung, was humbly desirous of passing aloft to the Dovalokathe Mansions of the Blest, there to receive the Word from Bud lha himself, to witness the ranks of the Immortal Saints, and be enrolled for ever among the ranks of tho faithful; hoping thus to secure to the House of Sung divine protection through all generations. "Recorded this 19th day of the first moon of the 2nd year of ling Tao" (1. D. 1033). The pagoda or whatever the structure was, appears to have been constructed in honour of the second Emperor of the Sung dynasty (A.D. 976998) and by order of Jen Tsung, the fourth emperor who came to the throne in A.D. 1023. The legend, so to speak, above the inscription, is engraved in what Chinese scholars know as the "lesser seal," used where an ornamental style is considered desirable. The inscription itself is in the usual style current since the 4th century of our era. THE FIFTH CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. The Fifth Oriental Congress met at Berlin on 12th September last under the presideney of Dr. Dillmann. The Indo-European section was presided over by Professor Albrecht Weber, who opened it with an able address. The following notes in licate the principal points of interest to Indianists :-- Professor Max Muller read a paper on the study of Sanskrit in England, and another on Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in Japan, and exhibited a facsimile of a Japanese manuscript of the Vajra. chheilul, lately published as the first fasciculus of the Anecdota 0.coniensia. Professor Windisch, in a paper on the Hindu dramit in general and the Michchhukatikt in particular, contended for Greek influence on the developinent of the drama. His views were dis. puted by Professors Pischel and Jacobi, the former expressing a hope based on an examination of a Sanskrit drama from Nepil-thut fresh light might be derived from that quarter on the early history of the Hindu stage. Dr. Oldenberg read a paper on the Lelitavistara, pointing out the composite nature of that work, and the characteristics by which we have to be guided to discriminate the really original portions of the text. Professor Monier Williams read two papers, - one on the Sandhyi and Brahinayajna ceremonies of the Brahmans, which was illustrated by Pandit Shyamaji Krishnavarma; the other on the application of the Roman alyhabet to the expression of Sanskrit, advocating the system of Sir Wiiliam Jones, as slightly modified since and generally used by English scholars. In connexion with this paper, Professors Joh. Schmidt and Ascoli were commissioned to form a committee to consider a uniform system of transliterating Sanskrit and Zend, chiefly for linguistic purposes. Panlit Shya maji Krishnavarma discoursed on "Sanskrit as a living language in India,' and deprecated the publication of Sanskrit texts in the Roman alphabet. He also gave some account of a Sanskrit address to the Congress by Ramabai, a Hindu lady. Prof. Ascoli read a paper on the influence of ethnological distinctions on the changes of languages; and Dr. Collitz on the peculiar class of Vedic compounds formed by repetition. Dr. Doussen gave a resume of a work, about to be pablished by him, on the Vedantic system of philosophy. With reference to a letter addressed by Prof. Weber to The Times, May 19, 1880, on the Sanskpit Text Society, the section unanimously adopted a resolution, proposed by Prof. Delbruck of Jena, that considering the increasing difficulties in the way of the publication of Sanskrit Texts in Europe, the section expresses a hope that the managers of The Sanskrit Text Society may be successful in permanently maintaining a Society, the important services of which are gratefully recognised by all competent scholars.' In reply Prof. Eggeling expressed his and Prof. Cowell's readiness to use their best endeavours in accordance with the wishes of the Congress. In the Archaeological section, presided over by Prof. von der Gabelentz, the Rev. S. Beal read a paper on the Buddhist councils at Rajagriha and Vesali, translated from the Chinese Vinaya-pitaka. Professors Bastian and Oldenberg took part in the discussion which followed particularly on the meaning and use of the term Nirvana. Dr. J. Burgess submitted a Memorandum on the collection and translation of Indian historical Inscriptions, exhibiting specimens of excellent facsimiles of a number of them, and gave a short account of the progress of the Archaeological Surveys in Northem and Western India. Professor Ludwig of Prague followed with a resolution which was unanimously adopted, to the effect that the Archeological section of the Fifth International Congress of Orientalists expresses its desire that the Indian Government will promote as far as lies in its power the exertions of its archeological surveyors, General Cunningham and Dr. Burgess, in the systematic collection and publication of the numerous and important Indian inscriptions.' The Rev. J. Long read a paper on Eastern Proverbs, and the section expressed its appreciation of the importance of Oriental Proverbs in the light they throw on the social condition and feelings of Eastern races. On Friday, 16th September, the last day of the meetings, the above two sectional resolutions were adopted by the Congress.- (Communicated.)

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DECEMBER, 1881.) AN INSCRIPTION AT GAYA. 341 AN INSCRIPTION AT GAYA DATED IN THE YEAR 1813 OF BUDDHA'S NIRVANA, WITH TWO OTHERS OF THE SAME PERIOD. BY PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI. THE inscription which is the principal subject that this temple was then known by the same 1 of this paper is in a temple of the Sun name it still bears. which stands on the west side of a neat masonry Now the inscription to be noticed is placed tank called Dakshina-Manasa, near the on the left-hand side of the door in the front Vishnu-pada at Gaya. This temple has wall of the temple court, and records the erecbeen repaired in later times and seems to have tion of a temple to Buddha, whereas that in been then altered. The shrine and spire are the court of which it is now, is dedicated to ancient and in style resemble the temples of surya. It is therefore probable that this Mahabodhi and Tara de vi at Buddha inscription was brought from elsewhere and Gaya. The front court has apparently been inserted where it now is, at the time the built at the same time as the repairs were made, repairs were made. It is possible, however, but the pillars used in it must have belonged to that this temple may have originally been & some older temple. An inscription recording Bauddha one, but having been deserted under the fact of the repairs is placed at the side of the Muhammadans, the Brahmans may have the doorway of the temple, and from it we learn imported into it an image of Surya, and at a that these repairs were carried out by Kula-1 later date, on their solicitation, Kulachandra chandra, grandson of Dalaraja, and may have undertaken the repairs under the son of Sinha raja, of the V y a ghra belief that it was an original Sun temple. family. The work was completed on Satur The inscription was brought to light by day, the 13th day of the dark half of General Cunningham, who, in his first Report, Magha, in Vikrama Samvat 1431, i. e. A. D. only referred to the date, but in a later one' he 1374, during the rule of Firoz Shah at gave a reduced copy of the inscription, with a Dehli. transcript of the first half line, and the date Kulachandra was probably a petty king, in the last line. He again refers to the date but he did not rule at Gaya, which he seems in his Corpus Inscriptionum (1877) where he only to have visited as a pilgrim. We are not reads it as 1813 and co-ordinates it with told from what place he came, but it is said he Wednesday, 4th Oct. 1335 A. D. With these was king of a Western country. From the exceptions nothing has hitherto been done to form of his name, I conjecture that he may elucidate this inscription. have been a Thakura of some place in the When I visited Gaya in May 1869, I exePanjab or Sindh. mined all the inscriptions at the place, and this The temple in which it occurs is dedicated to one among the rest, bringing with me a facsimile Surya, and contains an image known as Dak. and a transcript made directly from the ori. shinaditya-Sun of the South. In it we ginal, which I now publish. It is in Sanskrit read that verse and engraved on a slab of smooth black"The Thakkura Sri Kulachandra.... stone in 25 lines, each 17'' in length, and in repaired the fallen temple of the lord, the wor. | letters resembling the old Bengali alphabet of shipful Dakshinaditya ..." This shows the 12th century A.D. The modern town of Gaye stands on the left bank of the Phalgu, between two small hills--the Ramagayi on the east and Gay Asirsha on the south, with the Vishnupada temple at its foot. The north portion of the town, now called Sahebganj, is the southern part of the ancient Gay, the site of which is strewn with fragments of antiquity. Between the two parts is a tank known as Uttara-Manssa, on the side of which also stands a temple of the Sun. In contradistinction to this one, that on the south of the town was called Dakshinditya. Archeological Survey of India, vol. I (1861-62), p. 1, and vol. III (1871-72), p. 126, where he reads the date as 1819. But the fourth figure is undoubtedly 3: see my paper on Ancient Numerals, Ind. Ant., vol. VI. p. 44, col. 8. Arch. Sur. Ind. Fol. III, pl. XXIV, and p. 126. The plate contains many errors, and no one who had not examined the original could correct them and read it with certainty. In the transcript of the first half line Sarmano and Lakshandya are mislections for Sarmmane and Langhaniya. Pref. pp. v, vi, ix. In the Reports, he co-ordinated the date to 7th Oct. 1341 A.D., but with the change of the reading of the inscriptional data from 1819 to 1813, he alters the corresponding hypothetical date to 4th Oct. 1335,-the result in either case giving 478 BC, a the date of the Nirvana, which is the one that the General wishos to establish from this inscription.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Transcript of Gaya Inscription. [] OM namo buddhAya zuddhAya namo dhamrmAya zarmaNe namaH saGghAya siMhAya laGghanAya bhavAmbudheH || [1] guNasaMpUrNaH [2] sarvvasaukhyairalaGkRtaH / suvezazca kamA dezo vasetpUrvvapradezataH // [2] tatrAbhavannarapatirjjaya tuGgasiMhaH zrImAnarAtinRpaha [3] stighaTeka siMhaH astre ca zAstranicaye ca vicakSaNAtmA dAkSiNyalakSaNagaNaiH parilakSitazca / / [3] vAJchAtopi pradAnaM sa ['] madhikamakhile yasya loke samantAdvailakSyAtkalpavRkSaH kvacidagama tApacijagati viditopyuttamo bhUpatInAM taistaiH zlAdhyairguNIdharanaghata diva prekSya pRthvImupekSya | jaitrAtkhaDUpra [$] ratanuryazca notuna zakyaH || [4] zrIkAmade ["] no hayAn / / [5] kAmaH kAmyatayA na [2] tArazviram / asmAdeva hi kAra [8] vasiMho bhUtatsUnurbhAnusannibhaH / yodAnmArgaNavargebhyo helayA hasti masyavazato devaH pratApodayAdA sItsiMhasamaH parAkramatayA dharmAva tribhuvane yaH khyAtakIrtirmahAnAmra sAnvayadhAritena dharaNIpAlaH kalAnAnnidhiH / / [6] saccakranandakabhu jo jagato hitaiSI lakSmIpatiH kSitipatiH puruSottamazva | nArAyaNaH [] prakaTa eSa ca tattanUjaH zrImAnba[10] yonidhiH sAmyaM yena ca nA ["] bhUva puruSottamasiMhanAmA || [7] maryAdAparipAlitakSititalogAdhopi pAmuyAtpraviduSA tejasvinA jADyavAn / siMho dInamRgAntako pyakaruNazcandraH ka [12] krameNa yazasA kAntena tulyo na tu // [8] soyaM draSTumivottamaM jinapuraM yAtasya puNyAtmano ratna zrIduhituH mutasya laGkAGkita yenApyuttamavi [15] ca tathA mANikyasiMhasya hi / puNyoddezavazAccakAra rucirAM zauddhodaneH zraddhayA zrImadgandhakuTImimAmiva kuTIM [14] kRteH kAntivAn / zikSAkoTivicakSaNaH svavahito [15] nyy] rAjo guruvikhyAtaH khalu dharmarakSita yatiH ka[10] cUDAmaNi zIlaiH zrImadazoka callamapi yo [DECEMBER, 1881. mokSasya saukhyasya ca / / [9] asyAH santatakAntizAntanarakadhvAntA dhiSThAya niSThAparaH pRthvImaNDalamaNDanasya ca kamAcakrasya rmmAntarannirmame || [10] prakhyAtaM hi sapAdalakSazikharikSmApAla natvA vinIya svayaM / atra cchindanarendramindrasadRzaM bhraSTe muneH zA sane sthityodvAramasau cakAra paramAzvaryaM [18] ndhyaM sadA rambhAsanibhabhAvinIbhirabhito ceTIbhira _kalau durjjaye || [11] pUjAH pUjyatamasya paJcamagatairvyAdyaistrisa * Read dezo vasatpU

Page #389
INSCRIPTION FROM GAYA, DATED 1813 OF BUDDHA'S NIRVANA. panAmAtrAghavAgha (na? ghAgha mihAnaghAtaH mo) bhAva catriyahI zAna rAhi vAheka himavanA nidAgha (vAghIna kalA dina vidyAvAna nidhipradhAnama vikramazilAkA kaviyAtrA / (he ghAvidhAna ghanI nAlA kAmAce gha73ghAnA kSAdhIzA ghAgha mihAnamaniyAmAna vA zataghAnA ghAnAkAza kA naghAna vAghAcA ghAghAnI kama dyAvI va vahikA mAnava zramAvAzivAya kalAnA trivimaca kanaka mihinetrI zrIdhati (nAva 35 zravayAmAzAhanAmA gadyAdya vidyAlaya ciniyAlA ugavA 3 dhidyAdyAni vi? navanA ghughAgha vidyA vinA bAnA siMhAdhIna mRgAnu (kAgra kara pakatA nivi kamAuna lAnA (ghAgha ghanA 66 yathAyAmimikA rudigvidhAna yA jIvanazavakahI (mAnava DAuna (ghatiha vidyAdyavidyAdhanA ughaDayA gha zrIvidyA hi mayA dhanavAna vRDA liMgAle zrImad gAtumAdhAyA nAvinI (ani mAnamAna mokA kAlI mirca 55 (11657 gAvI tyanRtyacI Dina tAnekI ghara meM riyA ghazAlA vidyAvidyA vidyAhAra vidyAvihanAcA ko mnaayaa| kAvaDa ghAnA ghAnAM viviyAni yAhA niva vAsAdhAvAca vadya vibhAga naciva gAva 388 va nAgi 38kAdhizrI cI nigalamula vAvidya * nayaka zrIni8 gAnA ghr Dinisa kArDadhA Bhagwanlal Indraji. fecat, Scale, a tos of the original.

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FAC-SIMILE OF AN INSCRIPTION FROM BUDDHA-GAYA (TAKEN IN 1835.) >> raaphaa mgnyjeiir'r'bml ruuksksksks sky baiblaaybipr kl kssmaa paan ye ( grepnthignaayaal bishb baaNlnyjgrgimishringgiipaabnaacchibi mimin | saapt biy'e baari baalumchleje liptnyjaalyugmnniignyje dii| ( apsaagbi baa laabinaabiyichi jgniishpaar'maajhe dy maachshjsbiikssipH87ngaatthaaphokaasum, traadi |ngg jummr' dhsth yaaben naa abhishpjelaa mtth| cnyj ( s o sukhu chi 12obau7 , V Hathamne fec. J. Prinsep, lith. FROM JOUR. AS. SOC. BENG. VOL. V, PL. XXXI. W. Griggs, Photo-lith.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] AN INSCRIPTION AT GAYA. 343 [2] [*] (deg5] [19] tyadbhutaM nRtyantIbhiranagalaGgimagatairgItAdirajairimA yasmAtsanti hi zAsane bhagavataH satkAravisphAritAH // [12] [*] divyAhAravisArisatravahanAnyatraiva ramyAH prapAH prAyaH paNDitavRndamaNDitamidaJcAkhaNDitaM zAsanaM azrA ___ ntaM navakarma sarvata itaH zrIcakravADe yato buddhAnAM vividhAni santi bahudhA kRtyAnyaho niyazaH / / [13] vaMdyaH zrI vAsudevocyutavadabhimato nandivaMzAvataMsaH khyAtaH zrIjIvanAgastadanu guNivarastasya putraH pavitraH [os] ___ pUtAM zastAM prazasti drutataramakarot khalpazastasya sUnuH kopi zrI maJjunandI nijakulajaladhAvindurA nandakandaH / [14] alikhalekhakAdhyakSa indranandIti sundaraH / rAmeNa zilpinotkIrNamabhirAmeNa vafall [88] aftaga Fifa afiq Translation. rise of his splendour, and Sinha on nocount of 1. Obeisance to Buddha-the pure! obeis- his prowess; an incarnation of Dharma ;-he ance to Dharma-the bliss ! obeisance to the who for this reason was long possessed of glory; Sangha community)-the lion ! for the renowned in the three worlds as ruler of the crossing of the world-ocean. earth; great through the name held by his 2. The country called Kam &, which was family and a treasury of arts. full of fathomless virtues, adorned with all 7. His son was the illustrious Purushotkinds of comforts and (whose population) was ta masinha by name, whoso arm makes of beautiful dress, lay towards the eastern part.' glad a good country, a well-wisher of the world, 3. In that country) was a king called lord of prosperity (lakshmi), master of the Jayatung asinha, who was illustrious as earth, and best of men (purushottama), who is a the sole lion among the crowd of elephant-like visible Narayana hostile kings, possessed of a mind versed in 8. With whom that wise and glorious one arms and the body of the Sastras, and who was ---the ocean, however deep and keeping the distinguished by manifold marks of courtesy world within its boundary, could not equal 4. Being ashamed on seeing in the whole itself, being possessed of jadya (wateriness or world his liberality even exceeding (people's) sluggishness); and to whom-beloved for his desires, the Kalpavrikshit, as far as this earth exceeding valour and glory-the cruel lion is is concerned, went entirely away somewhere, not equal, being a destroyer of wretched deer; and be, being known in the three worlds even nor the moon stained as it is with spots. as the chief of kings by the prowess of his 9. Now he, with devotion, has constructed victorions sword, and he, of faultless body, is this Gandhakutio of Buddha, graceful and like beyond praise from the multitude of his praise- a hall of emancipation and bliss, for the spiritual worthy virtues. benefit of the pious Maniky a sim ha-the 5. His son was KA mad e vasinha, like son of his daughter Ratnasri-departed, the sun, who in mere frolic gave presents of as it were, to see the sublime Jinapura horses and elephants to multitudes of suitors : (heaven). 6. Kama because he was) lovely, deva 1 10. The ascetic Dharmarakshita, re. because worthy of worship on account of the siding here as overseer (alhishthiya), who is 1 * The Bangha or church is represented by the Bud. dhiats under the figure of lion, from ita constant activity. In the cave temples Buddha is represented by > Chaity, Dharma by & wheel, and Sangha by the lion. * This may refer to the capital being towards the west of the country. Literally 'a chamber of perfume', an epithet applied to Bauddha temples. The large templo at Buddha Gaya is called, in the inscriptions, Mahagandhakuli. predda, (ante, vol. IX, pp. 142, 143) and the room in which Buddha lived in Jetavana at Sravasti was also known by this name.---Cunningham's Bharhut Stipa, pl. uviji, and p. 133, No. 22.

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. splendid, versed in myriads of sciences, very attentive, possessed of complete knowledge (nishtha), celebrated as the spiritual teacher of the king of the country of K a m a-an ornament to the circle of the world-(he during the erection), carried on the work (karmantaran nirmame) of this (Gandhakti) the appearance of which by its constant lustre removes the darkness of hell. 11. He (Purushottama-simha) also having himself bowed to, and by his noble qualities besought the illustrious Asokachalla-the crest jewel of the kings of the Sapadalaksha mountains (and) here the Indra-like Chhinda king, the religion of the Muni having decayed-effected a restoration of (or by) order" -- highly wonderful in this age of strife (kali), difficult to be overcome. 12. Since in the religion of Bhagavat, worship is here (offered) to the most worshipful, always three times a day, by means of instrumental music in the highest key (panchamagata) together with Rambha-like Bhavinis and Chetis dancing round wonderfully with mirth in singing and so on, in a way appertaining to the unions of Ananga (Kama)-(worship) increased by hospitable entertainments. 13. Here indeed are almshouses dispensing divine food, and lovely drinking places, and also the inviolate religious law adorned by multitudes of the learned, unceasing new work on every side here at the holy Chakravada, for the duties of the Buddhas are varied in manifold ways,-ah! ever. 14. There was the praiseworthy Sri Vasudeva honoured like Achyuta," the diadem of the family of the Nandins; after him the renowned Sri Jivaniga, the best of virtuous men, his son; and his son the pure, famous Sri Manjunandin, a moon in the ocean of his family, and root of delight-rapidly composed in brief compass this pure, praiseworthy eulogy. 15. The chief of scribes, the handsome Indranandin wrote it, and by the lovely engraver Rama, it was cut in letters. Bhagavat having If we read sthity it will mean he raised or restored the religion by accree; if sthity-uddhhiram-the restoration or establishing of order. 10 Bhavinis are the dancing and singing girls attached to temples. Chetis are maid-servants belonging to temples who perform certain menial services as well as join with the Bhavinis in singing. Such women are still employed in the Brahmanical temples of Southern and Eastern India. They are of very loose morals, and their employ. [DECEMBER, 1881... died, in the year 1813, in the dark half of the month Kartika, the 1st day, Wednesday. Remarks. The interest of this inscription lies in the date from the Nirvana of Buddha. Now even in the time of Hiwen Thsang in the 7th century, the date of the Nirvana was doubtful. In three inscriptions recently published by General Cunningham, from Sahasaram, Rupnat h, and Bairat, a date occurs, and though the records are not very clear as to whom it refers, there is reason to believe they are reckoned from the Nirvana of Buddha; and from them Dr. Buhler deduces the date of that event as between 483-2 and 472-1 B. C.," which closely agrees with that assigned to it by Prof. Max Muller's and still earlier by General Cunningham himself." Owing to the scarcity of inscriptions referring to this epoch, the one which is the subject of this paper, though belonging to a comparatively late age, naturally excites some curiosity as to whether it supports the Burmese and Singhalese date of the Nirvana or any other recognisable date for that epoch. To clear this up we must try to make out the age of the record. The inscription relates. the construction of a Gandhakutt or temple of Buddha by a king named Purushottamasimha for behoof of the deceased son Manikyasimha of his daughter Ratnasri. The genealogy stands thus:-- 1. Jayatungasimha, 2. Kamadevasimha, son of Jayatunga, 3. Purushottamasimha, son of Ka madeva. These names, however, are otherwise unknown to us: evidently they were merely tributaries, and probably of obscure family. Their residence was probably at Chakravada, a place I am unable to identify. It may possibly be towards the west of K a ma un or thereabouts, for in speaking of the founder of the family in the opening slokas mention is made of the Kama country, and Dharmarak ment in Buddhist temples of the 12th century is an indication of its corruption. 11 Vishnu. 19 Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 149. 13 Hist. Sansk. Lit. (1859), p. 298; see also Dhamma. pada in Sacred Books of the East, vol. X, int. pp. xxxvff. -ED. 2 Bhilsa Topes (1854), pp. 74, 75; J. Ae. 8. Ben., vol. XXXII (1854), p. 704.

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DECEMBER, 1881.) AN INSCRIPTION AT GAYA. 345 Born in the Chhinda dynasty of Sindha ), Vallabharaja His son Desaraja, ,, ,, Ayichha (Aditya), shita, the ascetic who superintended affair's about the temple, is called the teacher of the king of Kama. I identify Kam a with the present Kamau n, for we infer from the record that the king was tributary to the lord of the kings of the Siva lika mountains. The 11th sloka says-"On the Bauddha religion having suffered degradation he (the king) re-established it by bowing hereto, and beseeching Chhinda king, who was like Indra, and also the renowned Asoka challa, who was a crest jewel of the kings of the mountains of Sa pa dala ksha." From this it appears that the Bauddha religion was greatly in the decline at Ga y a at this period, and, in order to get a temple erected for the sect, this Purushottamasimha had to ask the assistance of the two kings Chhind a and Asoka challa, the former perhaps ruler at Gaya, and the latter his superior. Chhinda, however, does not appear to be the proper name of a particular king, but rather of a ruling family, and a branch of it was ruling in Rohilkhand and part of Oudh at the end of the tenth century. An inscription of the dynasty found at Devalid in the Bareli district in 1826 or 1827, was copied by Mr. H. S. Boulderson, and published by Prinsep. This inscription furnishes the following genealogy In the Chhinda dynasty : Vairavarman >> >> Sangha, >> >> .... siddha (?), Dharma, Samanta, Purnabhadra. Then follows the name of the Acharya Jayasena, who was a disciple of Kumarasena, and in connexion with them occurs the name of Uddan dapura, which, though unable to identify it with any modern name, I believe to have been a capital in the Ga y A district. For, in another inscription found in a temple of the Sun at Gaya, the same place is also mentioned. From this it would appear that they may have been petty rulers at Uddandapura, and consequently of Gay A, under the Pala dynasty, and may have continued so till the time of the inscription under notice. This, however, may require further consideration. King Asokach alla, on the other hand, appears to have been a prince of considerable importance in the neighbourhood of the Himilayas. Sapi dalaksha" is an old name of the Sivalika hills, and the name (sapadalaksha -literally one and a quarter lakh') must have been given them from the number of hills in the range. The Sanskrit name may have got corrupted into the Prakrit Savalakha, and thence into Sivalika. There is an inscription of this Asoka challa on a metal trident at Gopesvara in Garhwal, of which a copy was published by Mr. Prinsep in 1836." Prinsep, however, read Srimadamekamalla instead of Srimadasokachalla, and in a footnote expresses his opinion that Srimadanikamalla would be the proper grammatical form. Without the guidance of a correct facsimile I cannot be quite certain of the text of the whole inscription, but am inclined to read it thus: I svasti / / kRtvA digvijayaM mahAlayamahAdevAlasaMsthAbhimA rAjye zrImadazokacalanRpatiH staMbhacchalAnItavAn / / pacAca prati (Anahild, Bhushana Malha na md. dr. of a Cha (lukya king Lalla Sam. 1049 (A. D. 993). This record is of earlier date than the Gaya inscription, and we are without information how long the dynasty ruled after this. At Buddha Gaya I found another inscription of the Chhinda dynasty *' on the pedestal of a colossal of Buddha in the chapel in the Mahant's monastery. A considerable portion of it is broken off, and no date remains, while the losses make it difficult to make out. The alphabet appears to be of the 10th or 11th Christian century, and it furnishes the follow. ing list of kings : Jour. As. 8. Ben., vol. VI, pp. 77741. General Cunningham has given an exoellent facsimile of it in his Reporte, vol. I, pl. li, p. 355. Comparing this with Prinsop's transcript," hardly doubtful in a single letter," wo find many discrepancies in the latter. I retransoribed it from the original, and the order of succession of the family given above is from my own transcript. 16 Ante, vol. IX, p. 143. This inscription is also mentioned by F. Buchanan Hamilton, Trans. R. A. Soc., vol. II, p. 51. -ED. Conf. Ind. Ant., vol. VIII, p. 59, note 6.-ED, "J. 4. 8. B., vol. v, pl, ruix, and p. 485.

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346 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. AUTY TF fang adiqot heat ] ----- Ear Taraftary TGITT FT: 11 | nikhilamahIpAlajanaketyAdi nijanizcitaprazastisamalA. Translation. "Hail! The illustrious Asokachalla, having | [7] ta sapAdalakSazikharikhasapeza rAjAdhirAjazrImadazokacaachieved various conquests, set up, like a pillar, deva kaNiSTha (kaniSTha) bhAtR zrIdazarathanAmadheyakumArapAthis arm of Mahadeva in the great temple in his | [1] dapadmopajIvi bhANDAgArika satyavrataparAyaNAvinivarttanIyadominion. He acquired fame by re-establish- bodhisatvacarita kSatrimaMDaladIpa zrIsahaNasAvanAmadheyaing it there, for to re-establish what is fallen, | [3] sya mahattakazrIcAhabrahmaputrasya mahAmahattakazrImasibrahmapautrabeing uprooted, is an act worthy of great men." sya yadatra puNyaM tadvatvAcAryopAdhyAyamAtApiNow I have no hesitation in identifying this king with the Asoka c'halla of the Gaye [9] [!] | TAHTITECHhT4inscription,-(1) because of the epithet Challa taya iti || zrImalakSmaNasenadevapAdAnAmatItarAjye affixed to both names; (2) the second inscrip- [') #1 1814 af 1 0 tion is found in the country of which the first Translation. says he was ruler; and (3) because the charac- "Hail to Buddha ! This is the meritorious ter of the alphabets in both inscriptions is gift of Sri Sahanas a , son of Mahataka of one age. The apparent variations in the Sri Chattabrahma, grandson of the great alphabets are owing to the difference of locality, Mahataka Sri Mrisibrahma, a follower of the not of hime,--that used in the one, being the excellent Mahayana school, a great worshipper, alphabet of Eastern India, and that of the other, a lamp of the assemblies of Kshattris, in conduct the letters used at the same period further west. firm like the Bodhisattvas, an observer of truth Being without date, however, it only assists and of vows, who was a treasurer and depend in indicating the locality of his kingdom. ent of the Prince Dasaratha, the younger Another interesting inscription of this king brother of the king Aso kachalla, king of was found at Buddha Gaya - by Mr. Hathorne kings, lord of the Khasa kings of the Sapadain 1835, lying near the Mahabuddha temple and laksha mountains," who toils like a bee on the communicated to Mr. Prinsep ;- but the tran- pollen of the lotus-foot of Jinendra, a destroyscript and translation published by him are full er of the power of kings, a mounted Narayana of errors. Unfortunately the inscription seems of kings," a lion to the intoxicated elephant-like to have disappeared ; my enquiries for it, made hostile kings, a father of all kings," adorned on the spot, were unsuccessful, and we must with these and all other such eulogistic titles of content ourselves with Mr. Hathorne's facsimile, his. Let whatever merit may be in this, be for which has been carefully taken, and though the attainment of the fruit of supreme knowledge some letters may be doubtful, it is generally by the whole multitude of all sentient beings, legible and is transcribed thus : giving precedence to the Acharya, Upadhyaya, Transcript. mother and father. In the expired reign of .[1] namobuddhAya / / deyadhoya pravaramahAyAnayApinaH paramopA- the illustrious Lakshmanasenad dva sakasya jinendracaraNAravindamakarandamadhukara --- Sarvat 74 on the 12th day of the dark half Argyra of Vaisakha, Thursday." *Jour. 4. 8. Ben., vol. V, p. 658, and plate III. Khana is the name of a race living in the Himalayas, * Line 1 Yht: a mark at the right side of the gives who, according to Manu, were originally Kshattriyas, but subrequently degraded themselves to Sadra. The the letter the appearance of , but karnmoyans would Gurakh Ali race of Nepal, which, with the exception of the not be in accordance with grammar. In HERTT there is ruling caste, are commonly known as Khattris, belonged a mark over the yd, which is obviously flaw and not originally to the Khasa race, and were in the habit of anusvara. calling themselves such till recently. Hence it nooma probable that it is princes of this race in Kamaun and L.2 dhairya bhavanakara seem to be the letters to be read Garhwala that are here spoken of. here, but they are not quite distinct and matra # Nripatigarudandrdyana: the sense would have been on the first is awanting. In Tee the mark over hi the same if we had here had simply nipatinardyana, is obviously an error. but such additional epithets are not unfrequent in in scriptions, for instance in Silahara copperplate granta L. mahatraka: Thia ought to be either mahattaraka or we find rdyandrdyana. Nardyana means ' protector, HET. and I take the phrase to mean that he was a protector of kings. L. 6. The first letter looks like F, and the mistake 13 Nikhilamahfpdlajanaka : the object of this title may have been made from the close similarity of (see seems to denote that he was respected by all kings as a father. It corresponds to the phrase rajapitamahaWTO in l. 3) and in the 5th line. grand father of kings' used in Silahara inscriptions.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 347 This inscription probably recorded the pre- Purushottama's inscription at Gaya is of Asokasentation of some image of Buddha. The challa himself; and as Dasaratha is not spoken donor was Sahanas a v&, a treasurer and de- of as having succeeded his elder brother, they pendent of Prince Dasaratha, the younger must be regarded as contemporaries and the inbrother of king A soka challa, who by his scriptions of about the same date. Hence we find name and titles is identified with the king the date of Buddha's Nirvana as derived from mentioned in the other inscriptions. And here this inscription to be about 1813 - 1182 = we have a date-74 years expired of the reign 632 B.c.95 of Lakshmanasena. The first numeral As the date of the Gaya inscription probably is clear enough, and the second though resem- precedes that of the last by a few years, it will bling 3, I consider as intended for S--the old give the date of the Nirvana in close agreement Bengali form of 4, and which is derived from with the Peguan date, and as Kartik Vad 1st the ancient letters , S. Thus I read the fell on & Wednesday, in Vikrama Samvat 1227 date with confidence as 74. Now the era of and 1233, viz. 28th Oct. 1170 and 20th Oct. Lakshmanasena, still occasionally used in 1176, and the Peguans and Burmese freTirhut," began in A.D. 1109. Assuming this quently visited the locality, and even erected to be correct, the date of the inscription is temples there, it is most probable that the date 74 + 1108 = 1182 A.D. of the inscription coincides with A.D. 1176, and Now as this is of the time of prince Dasaratha, thus the date of the Nirvana assumed in it is the younger brother of king Asokachalla, and '638 B.C. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o. (Continued from p. 333.) No. 11.-FOLK-TALE. for 100 rupees. Not long after this he met a The Wonderful Ring. Told by a Parbid boy. man with a parrot. "How much do you want There once lived. king who had two sons. for that parrot ?" asked he. "Not less than 100 Now when he died one of the sons squandered rupees," answered the man. So the king's son the treasure and money and jewels in such a bought the parrot also. He had now only 100 ruinous way that his brother said, "Take rupees left. your own share, and go." So he took his share At last he met a jogi carrying a serpent,' and and spent it all in a short time. said "Oh jogi, what is the price of that serWhen he had nothing left he asked his wife pentP" "Not less than 100 rupees," answered to give him what she had. But his wife said the jogi. So the spendthrift gave him 100 rupees "What have you left me P I have nothing but and took the serpent. this one small jewel, and take that if you will." He had now no money left at all and so was So he took the jewel, sold it for 400 rupees, forced to work for his living: but the hard and taking the money with him get off to labour wearied him dreadfully, for he was a make his fortune in the world. On the way he king's son and not accustomed to work. Now met a man with a cat which he wanted to sell. when the serpent saw this, it pitied him, and said, So the king's son bought it for 100 rupees. By- "Come, prince, with me to my house." So it and-by he met a man with a dog, and asked took him to its house, saying, "Wait you here the price. "Not less than 100 rupees," said the till I call my father." Then the serpent went man. Then the king's son bought the dog too to its father, saying--" Father, I was caught by ** Conf. Bajendralkla Mitra's Buddha Gaya, p. 200. * The Peguan date is 638 B.C. and a Chinese one cited by Klaproth, also 638 B.C. (Prinsep. Us. Tab. p. 165). The Jains of Bengal it seems date the Nirudna of Mahavira in 637 B.C. (Colebrooke cited by Stevenson, Kalpa Satra, prof. p. iii). I have added the following sentences above. and would point out here that, M B.C. 1 in followed immedistely by A.D. 1, and (not by a year marked "0"), in finding such a dato a the above, we have to add l to the difference, in order to get the proper year B.C.-ED. jaio Ajab mundri, the Wonderful Ring. The mundrd is a ring either for fingers or ears made of glass or some material not metal, and worn by jogls. It is a protection against evil and is supposed to bring the wearer whatever he wants-vide story. The responsibility of the correctness of the text of this tale lies with me.-R. C. T. For jogi and serpent see former story, "Son of Seven Mothers," ante, p. 147.-B.C.T.

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881 a jogi, but a man who was passing by, bought me for 100 rupees, and has been kind to me; so I have brought him to see you." . "Bring him here," said the Snake-father. Then the snake went outside to the prince and said, "My father calls you. He will ask you three times what reward you desire for saving me, so mind you answer, 'I want nothing but your ring as a remembrance.'" Sure enough the Serpent-father said at once, "And now, my prince, ask for anything you please, and it is yours." But the king's son said, "I want nothing, for I have everything God can give." Then the Serpent-father asked again, "Tell me what you desire, and it is yours." But again the prince answered, "I have everything that God can give." However when he was asked the third time, he answered--"I want nothing, but I should like your ring." At this the Snake-father became very sorrowful, but taking the ring off his finger said, "If I had not promised, I would have turned you into a heap of ashes on the spot, for you have asked for my most treasured possession. But to redeem my promise, take the ring and go." Now when they got outside, the king's son said to the serpent's son, "What is the use of this ring to me, and why did you make me ask for it? It would have been better if I had asked for heaps of gold and silver instead of this ring." But the snake said "I will tell you how to use the ring. First make a holy place, put the ring in the middle, sprinkle it with buttermilk, and then no matter what you ask for, your desire will be instantly granted." Then the prince went on his way with the magic ring. By-and-by he came near a city, and said to himself, "I must see if what the serpent told me is true." So he made a holy place, put the ring in the middle, sprinkled batter-milk over it, and said, "Oh ring, get me 8 me sweetmeats for dinner." No sooner had he said this than the sweetn eats appeared. Then the prince ate his a ner and set off to the city. There he heard a wroclamation which set forth that whosoever should build a golden palace with golden stairs to it in the midst of the sea, in the space of a single night, should be given half tk kingdom, and the king's daughter in marriage, but that if he failed he should be beheaded. So the prince went to the court and said, "Oh my lord, I will do this thing." The king looked at him astonished, saying "How can you do such a thing? Many princes have tried, failed, and lost their lives. See, here is a necklace made of their heads. Do not be rash, but go." However, the prince was not to be persuaded, He said again, "I will do this thing." Upon this the king ordered him to build it that very night, and placed sentries over him lest he should run away. When night came and the sentries saw the prince lie down to sleep quietly, they said among themselves "How will he build the palace ?" Towards morning however the prince awoke, got up, made a holy place, put the ring in it, sprinkled the buttermilk, and said "Oh ring, build the golden palace with the stairs in the midst of the sea." And immediately the palace appeared, stairs and all. The sentries seeing this ran and told the king, who came with all his coart, and there sure enough was the golden palace with the golden stairs built in the midst of the sea. Then the king gave the prince half of the kingdom, and the princess for his bride on the spot; but the prince said, "I don't want your kingdom," and went off to the palace he had built in the sea. However, they sent the o dio mundre-see note 1.-R.C.T. Parmdahar prmshyr dd t sphr khchhh myry khwl hy da ditta sabh kujh mere ki hai---is the expression in the Penjabi Inarrative; paindo Parmeshar=TTHY T, the Supreme Ruler or Lord, the Highest Spirit, God. Parmeshar is the only general term in common use among Hindus to express "God." Hence it is used in formulas of oaths, as main apne Parmoshar ko hasir nosir jankar, etc. I, knowing my own God" to be ever-present and all-seeing, eto. The word in the text (Panjabi) for the Snake-father's request is bachan, from Sansk. vachan, 97 to speak; Prikrit, vaanam, speech. Bachan in stories is now only put into the mouths of gods and saints and is here used by the snake-father to show his holy character.-R. C. T. Serpents are supposed to be able to transform themselves into human beings, this is called u l ichhd chari, lit. control of the will.-R. C. T. oli e chaunkt- a square place plastered with cow. dung used by Hindus when cooking or worshipping. The place chosen for cooking or worshipping and also for burning dead bodies is considered to be purified and thonce sanctified by being plastered with cowdung.R.C.T. 93 aola, properly the marriage palanquin, bat used also for the marriage itself as here. See former tales.-R.C.T.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 349 princess after him, and he took her into the palace, and there they lived together. Now when the prince went hunting, he took the dog with him, but left the cat and the parrot in the palace to amuse the princess. One day when he returned she was very Bortowful, and when he asked her what was the matter, she said "I want to be turned into gold just as you made this palace of gold." So to please her the Prince made a holy place, put the ring in it, sprinkled the buttermilk, and said, "Oh ring, turn my wife into gold." And immediately she became a golden princess. Now one day when the prince was out hunting, the princess washed her head, and while she was combing her hair, two golden hairs fell from her head. She said to herself: "My golden hairs are of no use here, for there are no poor people to whom I might give them." So she made a cup of leaves, put the hairs into it, and let it float a way over the sea. At last it drifted to the shore where a washer man was at work. When he saw the cup of leaves with the golden hairs in it, he was very much pleased, and took it to the king of that country," who in turn showed it to his son, and the prince was so struck by it, that he declared he would marry the owner of the beautiful golden hair or die. Saying this he lay down on a dirty old bed, and refused to eat or drink anything. Now when the king saw his son's state, he was very Borrowful, and cast about how he could find the golden-haired princess, and called all his ministers and nobles to discuss the matter. They thought it over, and agreed that no one but a wise woman" could help. So the king called all the wise women of the city, and one of them said "I will do it on condition that the king grants me all I ask." Then the wise woman had a golden barge" made in which was a silken cradle swinging from silken ropes, took four boatmen, and set sail in the direction whence the cup of leaves had come; telling the boatmen to stop rowing when she put up her finger, but to go on rowing when she put it down. In two or three months they reached the golden palace. Then the wise woman knew at once that this must be the place where the golden princess lived, so she put up her finger, and the boatmen stopped rowing. Then she went into the palace, and when she saw the princess sitting there, she went up to her swiftly, put her hands on her head," and said "I am your aunt."15 But the princess said "I never saw you before." Then the wise woman answered, "My child, you were quite a baby when I used to visit my sister." Then she sat down by the princess, and talked to her, and lived with her in the palace. One day she asked the Princess "Your palace is in the midst of the sea. Tell me how it is your husband comes and goes." The princess answered "We have a ring which gives us anything we want, and by its help my husband comes and goes. He never forgets his ring, but takes it with him." Then the wise woman said "My daughter, supposing a tiger were to kill your husband, how would you get out of this palace P" The princess thought there was some truth in what the woman said, so that night after her husband had come in, and they had had their supper, and were going to bed, she said to him, "Supposing a wild animal were to kill you when you are hunting, and you had the ring with you, there would be no one to look after me here, and I should die. So give me the ring." The prince thought there was reason in what the princess said, so before he went away the next day, he gave her the ring. u s the-phaphe kuens. See former tale, p. 231. -R. C. T. bera, a large boat; bert, the diminutive form, is the common boat of the Panjab; Hind. MS kisht.-R. C. T. 13 y, y handova, the ordinary swing cradle of India. -R.C.T. 1 The Panjabt custom is when visiting relatives or friends for women to place their bands on girls' or chil. dren's heads before sitting down as a tokon of friendship and goodwin.-R. C. T. lomdal (Panj. mdf, like the mother) mother's sister.-R.C.T. uby dondr, .oup made of pipal or fig leaves for food and water by the poorse former tale, Prince Lionheart," ante, p. 231. From the first there is a great similarity between this and that tale.-R. C. T. This incident occurs again in the popular Panjabi poem by Hlahim ShSh called Sasal Punnan, in which Sassi, the king's daughter, is thrown into the river in a golden box, and floating down the stream is rescued by a Friendly washerman, who eventually presenta her again to the king her father. A romanized version of this poem is now being published by me in the Journal Roman Urdu Society.R.C.T. See above in former tale for this custom-"Son of Seven Mothers." p. 147-R. C. T.

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850 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. When the pretended aunt asked the princess Now the cat had gone with the parrot to if she had got the ring, she angwered "Yes, I search for the princess, and she came forward have; see, here it is." Then the wise woman and said, "I'll get the ring. My plan is this. said to her, " Come and have a sail on the sea," Let the princess ask the wise woman for some and when they reached the bottom of the rice for supper to-night; then let her leave golden stairs, she said, "Let us have a sail in some of it, and scatter it in front of a rat-hole. this golden boat." So they went into the When the rats come to eat the rice, I will golden boat, and then the wise woman raised catch one, and put its tail up the witch's nose her finger, and the boatmen began to row. while she is asleep. Then she will sneeze, The princess when she saw this, wept and and the ring will fall out of her mouth." So said "What are you doing, aunt, and whither they agreed on that plan, and the cat did as she are you taking me ?" But the wise woman slap- had proposed, and brought the ring to the ped the poor princess several times till she was prince. He was overjoyed and immediately silent. made a holy place, put the ring in it, sprinkled At last they arrived at the city, and the wise the buttermilk, and said "Oh ring! bring my woman sent word to the king that the princess wife to me." At the same moment the had come. Then the king sent his covered princess appeared, and was very much pleased palanquin"' for her, and took her away. The to find her dear prince once more." king was very much pleased at having found I append the text of the tale as taken down from the princess, and sent her to his son's palace, the narrator, as a specimen of village Panjabi. but she said, "I will only agree to marry The spelling of modern Panjabi is not in practice your son after six months provided my own fixed, and the variations found herein represent husband does not appear meanwhile." Then faithfully the orthography of the scribe who took it the prince thought this was not a very hard down for me in the Persian character.-R.O.T. condition, for it was not likely her husband 'Ajab Mundrd. would turn up, and if he or any guardian did, Ik badshah si, ohde ghar do larke si. Jad bad shah margid, tas do lasktan vichhon ik bara 'aib! they could easily be killed; so the princess ho gya. Eh hal dekhke daje bhara ne ohnun lived in a palace by herself, and would not Akhya, ke tan apna hissa lekar maithon ad ho ja; even look at the prince. tan oh apnd hissa lekar ad ho gya, te apna sar& Meanwhile her husband had come back from barbad kar ditta. Phir osne apni 'aurat nun Akhya, hunting, but when he called out to the prin- ke kujh de. Osne Akhya "Mere kol tan kt cess froin the sea shore, there came no answer. chhaddya hai P Hun siraf mere kol thosa jhya However, when he went into the palace, the zewar hai, eh tan lele." Osne zewar vechke char parrot flew up to its master at once, saying, sau rapaiya watt lyd. Oh rupaiya leke saudagiri "The princess's aunt has carried her off by karan turya; agge ik billiwald milya. Ohnan osne akhya, "Billi d& ki leng&P" Osne Akhya "Sau some trick, and the palace is empty." rapaiya lang&." Sau rupaiya deke billt mul lai. Then the prince fell on the ground in a fit, Pher ik kuttewale milya. Ohnan puchhy&" Kutte and when he felt better, he got up again, and da tan ki lenga P" Osne Akhya "Sau rupaiya ton the parrot said, "Wait here, my prince, and I ghat na lenga." Osnan vi sau rupaiya deke will fly away and find out where the princess is." kutta mullely&. Pher ik totewald milya. Osnnn So the parrot flew from city to city and from puchhya "Tun ki leng&> Osne Akhya "EhdA house to house, till it found the princess at mul sau rupaiya hai." Osnon vf sau rupaiya last in a king's Palace, and recognized her at dekar mul lelyd. Pher ik jogt sapwald unilya. once by her golden hair. Osnon puchhy& "Tan ki lenga P" Osne Akhya, It few up to her, and said, "I have come! "sau rupaiya." Osnan vi sau rupaiya dekar sap to look for you. Where is the ring po kbarid lya. Istarah char sau rupaiya apna kharach karke, Then the princess said, "It will be a diffi agge turya, rah vich kharach kujh palle na riba. cult task to get back the ring, for the wise Mazdarf karke, khan laga, osne bahot dukh paya. woman always keeps it in her mouth." Ohda dukh vekhke Sap ne Akhya, ke, BadsbAh 10 9,3 4014-here the large covered palanquin need by women of rank; not the marriage data above mentioned: doli, the diminutive, would be a more appropriate word here.-R.O.T. 16 The ending of this tale differs from that of the "Prince Lionheart" in its extremely lame character.-R.C.T.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 351 zade, mere ghar nun chal. Ghar leja ke ohntn te pauryan taiyar ho gaye hain. Osse vele Badshah Akhya "tan aithe khilo, main andaron bap nun ne apni dhi da dola te adhe raj osnan deditta. puchh Awan." Sap ne bap nan Akhya "Ik admi Osne Akhya "Raj main nahin lenda." Itni gal ne sau rupaiya deko jogi kolon chhaddwaya hai, Akhkar apne banke hoe mahal vichh chala gia. ohnd main tere kol leay& han." Sap de bap ne Pher Badshah ne Akhya "Tu mert bett lele." &khy& "Mere kol bull le&." Badshahzade nun Pher ogne Badshabzadi leke mahal vichh chala gia. Akby, "Mera bap tainan tinware Akhega, ke, Bad- Donon otherahan bahan lage. Badshahzada tote shahzade, jo kujh mangna bain, mang lo; tad tan billi nan mahal vichh chhaddke &p shikar chala gia mundra mange, hor kujh na mange." Pher te roz shikar nun chala jaya kare. Ik din Ohdi badshahzada Sap de bap kol ga. Osne akhya "Jo 'aurat bahot udas hof. Ohne Akhya "Tan kyun kujh mangna hain, mang." Badshahzade ne udas hof hain," tan ohne jawab ditta, "Mera ji jawab ditta, "Parmeshar da ditta sabh kujh mere chabnda hai, ke tan mainan sone di bane de jikar kol hai." Osne Akhy& "Mer& daja bachan bai, jo tunsoneda mahal bankya hai." Osne osse vele ohde kujh mengn hain, mang le." Osne Akhya "Par rubaru chaunka paya, lass mundre utte chirakke, meshar da ditta babot kujh hai." Osne akhya te akhya " Meri 'aurat sone di hojave." Osse vele "Sun, mera tisra bachan hai, jo kujh mangna hain, Badshahzadi sone di ban gayi. Ik din jadon mang le." Osne Akhya " Mainan hor kujh nahin Badshahzada shikar gia, tadon Badshahzadi ne sir chahid, siraf ik mundra darkar hai." Sap de dhoya, te kanght phori, tan siron do tin wal dig bap ne is bat utte bahot afsos kita, par apne tije pye. Akhya" Mere wal sone de hain: eh kis bachan nan para karan waste mundra leAke deditta, kamm awange P Ethe koi gharib nahin hai jisnin te akhye "Je main bachan na karda, tan tainan dewan." Eh samajhkar dona banake, wal samanethe hi bhassam kar dinda. Kyon ton mere kolon dar vich lusha ditte. bhart chiz mangi bai P JA, hun lejl." Sap da Agge kinare utte ik dhobi liro dhonda si. beta ohnoi bahir loke Ay4. Pher Badshahzade ne | Ohno dono phap lyu, vich Bono de wal vekhke, Akhya "Eh tun mainan kl "bap kolon diwaya basa razi hoya. Oh done non Badshah de kol hai P Daulatan de her na diwde : son chandi na legi&. Badshah ne apne shahzade non deditta. diwaya. Isnua main kt karanP Ehda ki gun Shahzada vekhke basa khosh hoya, te akhya hai ?" Sap ne Akhya "Ehde vich eh gun hai, ke "Main apna byah og Badshahzadi nal karawanga, chaunka pake, lasst lekke, ehdo utte chhirakke, te jo oh mainan ne milegi, tan main marjajo kujh mangeng so eh devega." Eh gal daske, wang." Eh kahke, jhikkhi manji te pairib& Sap apne ghar nun chala gta. Badshahzada apne te khong pina chhadd ditt. Badshah apne bete rah pya, te Shahr de kol jake apne ji vich kahan da en bal vekbke, basa ghamgin hoya, te sochan laga "Dekhiye, ke eh mundra eujhya hai jehu- laga, ke kistarah oh shahzadi mile? Amir wazir jhya sap ne dasya si." Osne chaunka paya te lassf musaddi bul&ke Akhya "Eh salah dasso, jistarah atte chhirakki, te Akhya "He mundra, mainon oh shahzadt mile." Ohnan ne sochke jawab ditta, khan nun laddu mithai de." Osse vele laddu "Huzur 'Ali, eh kamm siwae phaphekuttan de mith&i Agaye. Badshahzada kh&ke agge turya. hor koi nahin kar sakda. Badsha ne sare shahr Pher ik Shahr vich pahunchke othe dondt sune, di phaphekugnifi mango layen. Ohsan vichoi ke jo kos sone di mahal te pausyen samnndar de ik ne akhya, "Main eh kamm karangi, par jo vich banave, osnan main apne larki da dola te adh kujh main mangangi so main Badshah kolon langl." raj delnga, je na banega, tan sir laha deanga. Phaphekuttan ne ik besi sone di banwai, te nal Eb sunkar Badshahzada kachebrt vich gia, te char mallah laille. Akhya, "Hazur 'Ali, main banawanga." Ohne Beri vich ik resham da handola banwaya, te Akby, "Tan kf banavenga, agge bahotere Shah- ognun pat dian lasan layan. Bert utte chashke zade sir lah gaye hain, eh ohnan dyan siry&o da odhar nun rawana hof, jidharon dona Ava si Lar hai. JA, chal ja." Ohne Akhya " Main bang- Mallahan non osre eh sikhaya, ke je main ungal wenga." Is utte Badshah ne hukum ditta, ke aj khaft karangi tan tussan berf banh denf; je hithan rat nun taiyar ho jave. Badsbah ne obde utte karangi, tan beri cor deni. Do tin mahinyan vich pahra baha ditta. Pahrewale vekhan, tan oh Ik mahal te ja pahunche. Dekhan tan, ke sone da suta pya: ohnan apas vich Akhya," Eh mahal ki mahal banya hoya hai. Osne samajh 18, ke ethe bankweg&P" Pichhli rat na oh athya, chaunka hi oh shahzadi rehndi hovegt; tan osne khari kiti. pakar, mundre utte lassi chhasakki; te Akhya Mall&han ne beri khari kar dittf; pausyen thani "Sone da mahal te pauryan banjan." Osse vele mahal de Apar chash gayf. Dekht tan Shahzadi samandar de vich mahal te paury&n ban gayan. baitthi hof hai; Shahzadi de sir utte pier deke, Pahredaran khabar dittf "Mahal dekh lo." Ohnan Akhya, "Main terf mass han." Ohne Akhya, "Main ne Badshah ngu khabar pahunchal. Badshah apne tainan agge kadi na vekhyl." Ohne Akhya, "Bhaahilkaran de sath dekhan Ayd. Ditha ke mahal nevi, tun nikt jehf si jadon main apni bahin kol

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352 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. (DECEMBER, 1881. kundi si." Eh kahke otbo rahan-bahan lagi. Ikvich rakhya. Shahzadi no Akhya, "Chha mahin. din massi ne ohnan Akhya, ke, Bachi, tera mahal yan de ba'ad main shahzade non qabul karogi, je samundar de vichh bai, tera khawind kikar &unda mera khevind na Aya." Shahzade ne sochya, jaunda hai? Osne jawab ditta, "sade kol ik mundra "Han ohnda shahzada milna mushkil hai, jekar hai, jo kujh sanun los hundi hai oh pari kar sakda koi weris &vega osnan mardeanga." Shahzadi ne hai. Os mundre di madad nal mera khavind bahir ik alag mahal lelia, shahzade non apne kol kun kunda jaunda hai, te mundre da wasah nabin karda, na ditta. nal lejandA hai." Massi ne akhyA, " Bachf, je kisse Pichchhe jadon shikar khedke oh khavind, agla din tere khavind nun koi sher baghyar mar deve, tan shAhzada, khande de utte oya, tan one awaz tan kikar ethon niklengiP" Eh gal Badshahzadi de ditti, kisse no jawab na ditta. Tote ne apne dil nun lagi, ke masst sach kahndt hai, ohne &khya, malik nda pachhanke udke ake akhya, ke Shah. "Massi, jadon aj shikar kherke mera khavind &vega, zadi non oht maasi chhalkar legayi hai, mahal tin main mundra lele wangi." Jis vele ohda kharind khali pya hai. Eh sanke Shahzada ghash khake dig ghar mahal vich aya, kha pike, jad donon son lage, pya. Pichchhon jadon hosh ai, tador uthya. tad Badshahzadi ne apne khavind nan Akhya, ke, he Tote ne Akhya, ke, Shahzada, tan ethe rabo, main Badshahzade, kisse din je tainan koi janglijanwar udke, os shahr da patta leana. Qissakota tota kho jave te mundra kot lejave, ten ethe mera kon shahr pauhanchke ghar ghar udda phire. Ik waris hai? Main kite na ja sakangi, ethe hi ghar vich os Shahzadi da patta lag gia. Ohde marjawangi; is waste tan mundra mainan dejaya sone de wal vekhke pachhan lla; "Tan Shahzadi kar. Eh gal Shahzade ne pasand kiti, ke mere de kol nahin gayt." Akhya, "main tere labhan 'aurat sach kahndi hai. Mandra deke ap chala gis. waste aya han." Phir tote ne puchchhya, "Mundra Saweri massi ne puchhya, "mundra tan lailia kithe haiP" Shahzadt ne akhya, "Mundra milna hai?" Osne akhya, "Main lailia hai, eh, vekh!" okha hai; phaphekuttan hamesha ohde munh rich Massi ne mundra lailta. Phir, masst ne Akhya rakhdi hai." Othe billt boli,"Main mundra "Chal, &pangamundar di sail kare." Jadon utarayan kisse hikmat nal kadh langi: hikmat eh hai, ke masst ne Akhya, "Is sone di beri utte chashke ShAhzadi ajrat ndo phaphekuttan nan Akhe main samundar di sail kariye." Eh kahke donon beri chanwal kh&wangi.' Kujh chanwal khake chhada vichon chash baithyan. Phaphek uttan ne ungli deve. Pher ohnan chanwaldo ndi chdhan de khari kiti: mallahan ne beri tor ditte, tan Badshah- khud te rakh dyan. Tadon chahe khan lagenge, zadi ron lagi, ke, tan ki kita hai Massi mainon chuhe phaske, phaphekuttan do nas vich main kithe le chali hain?" Is utte, masst ne akhya "Chup dyangi. Tad phaphekuttan nan chhik &vegt, tan kar! te do tin jhinkai dittyen, do chaperai mundra ohde marbon vichon nikal &vega; osnan, maryan. Badshabzadt ro-dhoke chup kar rahi. phaske main Shahzade kol lejawangi." Billi ne Shahr de kol beri an lAf : badshah nan khabarka isst tarah kita : mundra Shahzade kol legayi. paunchyan, ke shahzat landi hai. Bhadshah ne Osne chaunka pake lassi chhirakke, &khya," He dola bhojya : farmaya, ke Shahzadi nan le. Basi mundra, meri Shahzadi mere kol Ajave. Shabkhushi hoi; Shahzadi nan shahzade nk ik mahal zadi ohde kol agayi. Faqt. NOTES ON THE KURRAL OF TIRUVALLUVAR. BY THE REV. G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S. LONDON, AND OF THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, AND FELLOW OF THE MADRAS UNIVERSITY. (Continued from Vol. IX., p. 199.) No. IV. the (way) relations of the two states, have put CHAPTER III. on virtue here, is resplendent in the world. The third chapter of the Kurra! is entitled IV. He, who guards (controls) the five by The greatness of Ascetics. I will first simply the goad of fortitude, is a seed for the place that translate the ten couplets very literally :- is termed "the boon." 1. Among things excellent the greatness of V. Indra, Lord of those who dwell in the ascetics (living) according to their institutions. wide expanse, is sufficient witness of the might is desired by the decision of the scripture. of him who has extinguished the five. II. If you (attempt to) declare the measure VI. The great will do things difficult of of the greatness of ascetics, it is as if you accomplishment; the little will not do things reckoned up the world's departed ones. . difficult of accomplishment. III. The greatness of those who, discerning VII. Flavour, light, touch, sound, fragrance,

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DECEMBER 1881.] NOTES ON THE KURRAL. 853 he who understands the way of these five : in his power is the world.' VIII. The greatness of the men of the full word (whose words never lack fulfilment) on this earth, the word of mystery points out. IX. It is hard even for a moment to endure the wrath of those who have climbed the bill of virtue and taken their stand there. X. The virtuous are antanar : for these, having put on righteous kindliness towards every living thing, go on in their ordered path. The epithets applied to 'ascetics' in this chapter are (1st couplet) Nettar :this is a participial noun, - those who have put away,' i.e. earthly affections. ni = ' destroy.' [Comp. S. na, nis, nas]: deny' is used in this sense. This is the S. tyaga. (2nd) turr and dr. This also is a part. noun: = those who have put away.' turra 'distance.' Comp. S. dri, dur, duram. (3rd) arran-pund ar. "Virtue-who have put on as an ornament, clothed with virtue,' who have arrayed themselves in virtue.' Arram has been discussed; pund-ar is a part. noun. pun(a) Kan. pud, hud; comp. S. bhush. (4th) aind um-kepp an. "He who has kept under restraint the five', i.e. the senses. (Manavadh. II, 199. B. Gita, xviii, 51). The root kd = guard.' Comp. y.d = 'tie.' Another form is kar. Comp. S. kara, 'prison.' Lat. carcer. (5th) aind 'avitt an: avi-tt-an = 'he who has extinguished. The root avi is used intransitively, also-' to be boiled soft, to perish.' S. hd, compounded with ava: avaha. (6th) peri-y-dr-'the great.' Root-per. ($, pa). (7th) aind-in-vagai-teri-v-an-he who will understand the way of the five' vaj-ad, manner, way,' (Ger. weg). Root teri: cugnate with terr, and with tel. In Kan, tili; Tel. telu. (8th) nirrai-mori-mand ar-fulness-wordmen, i.e. men whose word is fulfilled.' The word nirrai is an abstract noun formed from vnir by adding ai (S. 4). This root is found with single or dental rals, and with various strengthenings: thus, nira, nirappu, nirambu, niravu, nirrai. The group is very comprehensive, and the derivatives are very many. In Sansk, nirvdha (mis + vah] is its equivalent. Mand ar is s. manus, manushya, Other forms are manu, manushan, manudan, manidan. For mori, see further on. (9th) 'gunam-ennum-kundr 'erri nindr ar'those who have climbed and stood upon the hill called quality (good quality, virtue). Kundru, hill.' (Tel. konda) Comp. S. kunda. (10th) andan ar, or arra-v-or. With regard to the word andan ar, I confess I am doubtful. It is used for 'ascetic,' but is said to be compounded of am, beauty,' tan, kind,' and so to mean those who possess gracious kindliness of soul': a beautiful idea, but here, I think, rather far-fetched. The words for authoritative writings are nul, panuval, marrai-mori. (1) Of these nul means thread,' and by metaphor'a treatise. It is related to the verb nuv al = 'say, speak.' The same met, is found in S. sutra. (2) Panural is probably panji+nuval (nut) -- thread of cotton,'treatise.' (3) marrai, 'mystery'; mori, word.' Either of these alone, or in a compound, as aboveveda, sacred-book' as marrai (comp. S. marman); mori is probably another form of the same. In the fourth couplet, in somewhat obscare language, is set forth the idea of the development in the better world' of the Virtuous Soul. He is a seed which planted in that better soil shall grow and yield immortal fruit. The story of Indra's curse, referred to in couplet 5, may be read by the Tamil scholar in Kamban's Ramayanam, Bala-Kandam, xth Panalam, Agaliyaippadalam, 72, &c., where the beauty of the verse contrasts with the uncouthness of the story. Ithink it will be evident that our author did not, at least exclusively, contemplate in this chapter a Jaina saint, as has been supposed. In Jaina works this latter is (1) Lord of the world.' (This might seem to be pointed to in couplet 5.) He is (2) Free from bodily and ceremonial acts ;' (3) 'omniscient'; (4) Supreme Lord'; (5) god of gods'; (6) 'one who has crossed over the world' (tirthan kdra); (7) possessor of a spiritual nature, free from investing sources of error'; (8) 'one entitled to the homage of gods and of men'; (9) Victor over all human infirmities.' (See Wilson's Hindi Sects, p. 187.) Bat a Jaina saint could not have wrath' as in couplet 9; nor is couplet 5 quite consistent with Jaina doctrines, though the poet may refer to a current story, without accepting it. Nowhere, indeed, does the eclecticism of Tiru

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354 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. valluvar seem to me more conspicuous than in this chapter. Every system has its ascetics, and self-denial is everywhere mighty. Certainly there is much here which might be compared with the teaching of the Christian scriptures, and I can fancy in the Tamil verses an echo of such words as these: "Yet have I set my king upon my holy hill;" "Kiss the Son lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when His wrath is kindled but a little;" "I have overcome the world;""This is the victory which overcometh the world, even your faith;" "He that doeth the will of God abideth for ever." Comp. also Rev. ii, 26, 27; vi, 17. His knowledge and experience would extend to the Christian establishments in Meila pur, to the Buddhist works in the Vihara Rath of Mahamallaipura (Foulkes in Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 7); to Dandis and Tridandis, Yogis-probably to the Madhavacharis-with their adaptations of Christian doctrines and institutions; and to the Jaina monasteries. These had different institutions (orukkam) and reverenced different sacred books (panuval); while all appealing to a mysterious' word' or scripture (marrai-mori). The worth and power of the whole is summed up in couplet 10. CHAP. IV. The title of the 4th chapter is the "emphatic commendation of virtue:" arranvali-urruttal. Arran arram-Nouns in m in Tamil may optionally end in n: the final nasal is no essential part of the word. Vali 'strength' a great number of words having val or bal are found in the South Indian languages, all having the primary idea of 'power;' S. bal. Urruttal is made up of urr (be, feel) + tt, a causal insertion + al, termination of verbal nouns ; ir, urr, ul are the chief roots in the Dravidian dialects which predicate existence. ir more especially seems to assert position,' urr, 'sensation' and ul, 'reality'. I translate the 10 couplets, of which it is to be noted that they are perhaps on the whole the most polished in the book: absolutely perfect, flawless gems in Tamil : I. It yields distinction, and it yields happiness than virtue what greater acquisition in life ? II. Than virtue there is no higher acquisition; than forgetfulness of it no deeper destruction. III. In every possible way, ceaselessly whenever opportunity is afforded, do deeds of virtue. [DECEMBER, 1881. IV. In mind be spotless! So much is virtue. All else is empty noise. (Gita, xvi, 1.) V. Virtue is that which hath walked with foot that slips not through envy, lust, wrath, or evil speech. (Bhag. Git. xvi, 21.) VI. Do deeds of virtue, not saying, "then we shall know" that, when thon diest, shall be undying help. VII. When you compare the bearer of the litter with him who rides therein, you need not further speak of the tendency of virtue. [The commentator says: because their respective positions are the result of virtue and vice in a former state of existence. (S. John, ix. 2.)] VIII. If he do good, suffering no day to fall profitless, that will be a stone which will close up the way of living days. [Com.: this will prevent his passing through other forms of being.' These two couplets express the belief of nearly all Hindus of every sect.] IX. What comes through virtue is pleasure : all else are outside of it, and are void of praise. X. What is to be placed in the category of things to be done is virtue: what should be shunned is vice. In the 4th couplet adal is either an optative mood-be thou' or a verbal noun-'the being.' The general translation takes the latter: to be spotless in soul is virtue.' The Tamil scholar must take his choice. In the second line nira: this is the construction referred to in No. II. of these notes (vol. VIII, p. 307): mudal-a. Nir, 'water' (S. ntra), thence, 'juice,'' essence,' 'essential property.' The commentators and all translators following them, take the latter meaning. I would suggest the literal and, I submit, more practical translation: 'other' things are all as resounding waters.' To a poet living on the surfbeaten S. Thome sea-shore this would be a very natural metaphor. The teaching of this chapter is obviously to some extent that of the xviiith chap. of the Gita: action is not to be forsaken. Great as are ascetics, it is in the performance of virtuous deeds that men are to partake of the highest enjoyments and merit the greatest rewards. In this chapter we have, however, I believe, a higher moral teaching than is to be found in any Hindu book, at least of earlier date than itself. And since the writer (1) was an avowed eclectic; (2) was unfettered by caste; (3) was

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DECEMBER, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 355 an inhabitant of S. Thome, and so in the midst especially of S. Paul, would have a peculiar of Christians, it seems to me a natural supposi- charm. I do not add special references to the tion that he had heard the Sermon on the Christian scriptures. mount' To such a man the lives and words of this chapter ends what is considered to be our Blessed Lord and of his holy apostles ; | the Introduction to the Kurra!. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 339.) XIII. saying they ought to have captured him alive, We have seen how.Wang Khan was killed and that he then had his skull encased in by the Naiman frontier commander. The Yuan- silver and placed it on a throne facing the door ch'ao-pi-shi says that when the mother of of his yurt or tent. One day the tongue of Tayang, the Naiman chief, who was called the dead chief was seen to protrude from the Gurbyessu, heard of his death, she said " Wang mouth. This happened three times, and was Khan was a great ruler, bring me the head to interpreted as an evil augury by the Naiman see if it be really his, and if so, then we will chiefs. Let us return again to the Yuan-ch'aomake a sacrifice to it." She accordingly sent pi-shi. We there read that Tayang Khan some people to Khorisubichi, who had killed spoke very disdainfully of the Mongols. He him. They cut off the head and took it to her. called them Dada, i. e. Tartars, and said that On seeing that it was really his, they began having frightened Wang Khan with their spears playing musical instruments to it, so as to and arrows, and caused his death, it was possible attract the spirit of the dead chief, and also their chief Chinghiz wanted to become the made a sacrifice. During this proceeding a supreme ruler. "In the sky there is only one smile passed over the face of Wang Khan. sun, how can there be two lords on the earth? Tayang noticing this smile, and taking it as a I will go and subdue these Dada," were his bad omen, crushed the head with his foot, where words. His truculent mother spoke in similar upon one of the bystanders named Keksiusa- terms. "These Dada smell," she said, "their brakh said "You have cut off a dead man's head clothes are black, wherefore do you want to and crushed it with your foot, now even your catch them and bring them here? Let them dog anticipates misfortune. Your father Inan- remain far away from us. If they have pretty chabilge once said 'I am old and my wife is wives and daughters, let them be washed before young. My son Tayang is weak. He was born they are brought here, and they will do to feed in answer to my prayers. I fear he will not the sheep and cows." Keksiusabrakh on hearbe able to protect my numerous people. Your ing Tayang Khan's words sighed and said "Do dog now anticipates defeat. Gurbyessu (i. e. not use such proud phrases," but Tayang would Tayang's mother) is strong, but Tayang our ruler not listen to him, and sent Torbitashi--as is weak, and has no talent for anything but hawk. his envoy to Alakhushidi-gitkhuri of ing and hunting." The other authorities of the the tribe Vangut, asking him to be his right extreme east, Chinese and Mongol, say nothing hand in a campaign against the Mongols. of these events, but De la Croix, apparently Alakhush replied he could not be his right hand, quoting Abo'lkhair, has a passage somewhat and he sent a messenger to inform Chinghiz that like the one abstracted from the Yuan-ch'ao-pi- Tayang meditated an attack upon him, that he shi. He tells us that when Tayang saw the head sent to ask for his alliance, to which he would of Wang Khan he could not help insulting it, on not consent, and bidding him be on his guard. which Abu'lkhair remarks," 'Tis a base action In the Yuan-shi the chief to whom Tayang to rend the beard from a dead lion." Rashid | sent his message is called Ah-la-hwuh-sze u'd-din merely tells us that Tayang reproached of the Po-ta-ta or White Tartar tribe, and we his followers for having killed the old chief, are further told he was under obligations to Op. cit., p. 100. * History of Genghis Can the Great, eto., PP. 57 and 58. Erdmann, p. 298; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 82; Abu'lghazi, p. 86. * Op. cit., p. 101. Hyacinthe calls him Aru-Khasu. * Hyacinthe reads this name Ba-dalda,

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356 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. Temujin or Chinghiz Khan, and therefore, instead of accepting Tayang's proposal, he sent messengers with six bottles of wine to his rival to inform him of what had happened.' Douglas adds to this notice (apparently from the She wei or "Woof of History" by Chin-Yunseih) that wine was previously unknown to the Mongols, and their chief, who did not like the first taste of it, made a remark which sounds somewhat trite to our sophisticated ears. "A little of this stuff," he said, "raises the spirits, but an overdose confuses them." In return for the information and the presents, he sent his correspondent 500 horses and 1,000 sheep and made an alliance with him against the Naimans. In the authority translated by De Mailla the Ah-lahwuh-sze of the Yuan-shi is merely called the chief of the Ouang-coupou, (a corruption of Vangut). There we also read that the Mongols had hitherto been unacquainted with wine and only used a certain intoxicating liquor made from milk. The rest of the story is told as in the extract from Douglas, and is probably based on the same authority. In the Yuan-shi-lei-pien Ah-la-hwuh-sze is called Alausse, and we further read that he was the chief of the White Tata, that he belonged to the stock of the ancient chiefs of the Tukue," and that Tayang proposed that he, Cha mukha and himself should form an alliance against Chinghiz Khan." Rashidu'ddin tells us that in the spring of the mouse year?' Tayang Khan sent a trusty messenger named Jukhanan to Alakush Tikin Khuri, the ebief of the Ongut. Erdmann thus translates his message: "They say that a Padishah who has the naubet' has arisen in our country. He aspires to heaven and to subdue the sun and moon. As you know there cannot be two swords in one sheath, two souls in one body, two eyes in one socket, so there is not room for two Padishahs in one realm. Be my right hand, come and help me, and I will make his ram my own. Alakush, who was conscious that the Naiman power was on the wane, while that of Chinghiz Khan was rising, after consulting with his sons and chiefs, determined to throw in his lot with the latter, and sent one of his people named Turbidash to acquaint Chinghiz with what was passing. According to D'Ohsson's account Tayang in his letter to Alakush spoke contemptuously of Chinghiz as "the wood prince," referring to the woody country inhabited by the Mongols, but this seems to be a mistranslation. Abu'lghazi in his notice instead of the simile about the two swords in one sheath uses a quaint Eastern illustration drawn from the imagery of his own time and country, and very contrary to that of the early Mongols. "Ten dervishes can find room on one piece of carpet, while the whole world is too small for two sovereigns.'l1 The Huang-Yuan calls Alakush Alakhusi-dikikholi of the race Bangu., This work also makes Tayang ask if there can be two masters in this world, and seems to suggest that this can be so in the heavens where the sun and moon divide authority between them. He calls the messenger sent by Alakush to Chinghiz, Dorbitashi." In Miles' Shajrat ul Atrak he is called Nooridash. Having thus brought together the various authorities we must illustrate the meaning of their statements by a commentary. As will be seen Alakush Tikin is made the chief of the Potata or White Tartars by some authors and of the Ongut by others. The Potata or White Tartars, by which name the tribe was known to the Chinese, were a section of the Tartars proper who, when the race was broken and dispersed, settled in the In-shan mountains, where it made itself felt in the latter years of the Tang dynasty. In the year 880 this section of the Tartars submitted to Chu-ye-che-sin, otherwise called Li-kue-chang and his son Li-ke-yung, who were chiefs of the Sha-to or Turks of the Sandy Desert, who afterwards founded the Tsin dynasty in China. This explains Gaubil's statement that the chief of the Potata was of the stock of the ancient princes of the Turks." The Sha-to Turks were a tribe subject to the Khakan of the Western Turks. They lived originally, according to De Guignes, near lake Lop, whence they retired in the 8th century to escape the encroachments of the Tibetans to Peting, north of Jighur, where they became eventually subject to the Tibetans, who planted them at Kan-chau, in the western part of ! Douglas, p. 43; Hyacinthe, p. 31. * Douglas, pp. 43 and 44. . Op cit. tom. IX, pp. 35 and 36. 10. e. of the Turks. >> Gaubil, pp. 10 and 11.. 19 i, e. 1204. . emusio played in front of the royal tent every day, and a symbol of sovereignty. IS Erdmann, pp. 299 and 300. 16 Op.cit., vol. I, pp. 83 and 84. Op. cit., p. 177. 90 Visdelou, pp. 328 and 329. 11. e. his power. Op. cit., p. 88. Op. cit., p. 73 op. cit., p. 10.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. DECEMBER, 1881.] Shen-si, and employed them as their advance guard in their attacks on China. On the rise of the power of the Hoei-che or Uighurs, the Sha-to tribe, to the number of 30,000, went eastwards, and eventually were posted by the Tang emperors as a frontier guard to protect the district of Koko Khotun from the depredations of the Uighurs and other tribes. This was in 836 under their chief Chi-i. The latter's son, She-sin, did great services to the empire and was given the style of Kue-chang by the Emperor, and allowed to add to it the name Li, which was the family name of the Tang dynasty. He was posted with his people at Koko Khotun of which he was appointed governor. Presently he rebelled with his son Li-ke-yong, and his troops having been dispersed, the two chiefs sought refuge among the Tartars of the In-shan mountains, who put them at their head." As I said, these princes became the founders of the Tsin dynasty, who dominated over Northern China for a short time, and were the first "Barbarians" who had the distinction of giving a distinctly recognized imperial dynasty to China. Under their name of Po-ta-ta or White Tartars they are mentioned in the Liao-Shi in the notice of the flight of Yelu Tashi, the founder of the empire of Kara Khitai, where we are told that, after crossing the He Shui, i. e. the Kara-golor Black river, he met Chuang-gur the Siang-wen of the Po-ta-ta, who offered him 400 horses, 20 camels and about 1,000 sheep." The Po-ta-ta of the Chinese were called Ongut by the Mongols. The tin the name is the ordinary Mongol plural. Ongu, we are told by Rashidu'd-din and Abu'lghazi, meant 'a wall,' and the tribe was so called because it garrisoned the wall which the Chinese emperors had built from the sea of Jurchi, i. e. of Manchuria to the Kara Muran, to restrain the incursions of the Kirais, Naimans, and other nomades. This wall, by which Rashid understands the great Chinese wall, he tells us was garrisoned by the Ongut, whence their name. In several MSS of Rashid, the name is given corruptly as Atguh or Atko. It would seem the name was also applied to the In-Shan range, 22 De Gurgues, tom. II, pp. 38-40. 23 Bretschneider, Notices of Med. Geog., p. 24. Erdmann, pp. 241 and 242 and notes; D'Ohsson, p. 84, note; Klaproth, Nouv. Journ. Asiat., tom. IX, pp. 526-7. 25 Bretschneider, op. cit., p. 7. 28 Op. cit., pp. 84 and 85, note; Klaproth, op. cit., p. 527, note 2. 357 27 the Karaun Chidun of the Mongols, and that it was from this natural defence, and not from the great wall itself, that the Ongut derived their name." The chief of the Ongut at this time was, according to Rashid, Alakush Tikin Kuri. In his biography in the Yuan-shi he is called A-la-wu-sze Ti-gi Hu-li." Alakush is Turkish, and means a pied bird. Tikin is a title much affected by Turkish Princes. Kuri was, says D'Ohsson, the same honorary title that was given to Chinghiz Khan. He says it ought perhaps to be read Ku-tse or Fu-tse. In his biography in the Yuan-shi Alakush Tikin is called chief of the Wang-gu (i.e. Ongu), while in the text of the work he is called chief of the Po-ta-ta, proving that the two names are synonyms. Before we go on with our story we must illustrate one of the extracts before quoted in which it is said that Alakush Tikin sent Chinghiz a present of six flasks of wine, which was a new drink to the Mongols. This wine was no doubt the well-known Darassun or rice-wine of the Chinese, about which Marco Polo writes. "Most of the people of Cathay drink wine of the kind that I shall now describe. It is a liquor which they brew of rice, with a quantity of excellent spice, in such fashion that it makes better drink than any other kind of wine. It is not only good, but clear and pleasing to the eye, and being very hot stuff, it makes one drunk sooner than any other kind of wine." The process of making this wine is described in the Jesuits' Memoires, tom. V, pp. 468 et seq.; see also Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 427. Rubruquis also mentions this rice wine. In describing the famous silver tree made by Master William of Paris he tells us that at its feet were four lions, which all vomited forth milk, four other conduits went to the top of the tree, and he adds "et unum ex illis canalibus fundit vinum, aliud caracosmos, hoc est lac jumenti defecatum, aliud boal hoc est potum de melle, aliud cervesiam de risio que dicitur terracina"."" Let us now resume our story. We are told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that when the Ongut chief sent to warn Chinghiz of his impending danger, he was hunting in a district 21-Bretschneider, loc. cit. Marco Polo just mentions the Ougut, whom he calls Ung, saying it was the name of the people of the country of Gog and Magog, which he placed near that of Prester John, i.e. near Tenduc. (Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 276.) 25 i, e. mead. Op. cit., ed D'Avozac, p. 335.

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358 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. called Tiemian keer, and he at once took porters in order one after another must take counsel with his companions. Many of them charge of the doors, and in the morning when hot said "Our horses are exhausted, what is to be water is brought, ** let each one go to the camp done P" But his brother Otchigin replied "Why and commence his duty. Each one's turn is do you wish to excuse yourselves with the plea for three days." Each millenarian, centurian, that your horses are exhausted ; 'I have horses Jerbi, etc. had his proper post assigned to him. that are still in condition." How can we be Chinghiz now in the year of the mouse, i.e. 1204, quiet after hearing such words ? His other in the 4th moon and on the 16th day made a brother Belgatei also urged that life would not sacrifice to his standards and wert to war be worth living if they were deprived of their against the Naimans. Palladins says this sabows and arrows and that brave men died with crificing to the standards is a custom still pretheir weapons. Although the Naimans were vailing in China when a special prayer is recited inflated by the size of their country and the by the commander." This practice of sacrificing number of their men, he urged that it would to the standards seems to have been practised not be difficult to rob them of their bows and by the Mongols in their invasion of Europe. arrows, and that if attacked they would Thus we are told by Miechof that at the battle abandon their herds of horses, their dwellings of Wahlstadt, when a large number of the would become empty and their people would Tartars had fallen or fled, one of their standardfly to the mountains and forests. He therefore bearers appeared with a standard having on it urged an advance. Chinghiz approved of two cross pieces in the form of the Greek Belgutei's counsel. Returning from the hunt letter Khi (X), above which was a head of he passed through Abchikhakoterge to the horrid aspect and black colour having a long river Khalkha, and halted at Keltegaikhada, beard. This head was violently shaken while near Ornau. There he mustered his army incantations were sung, whereupon a smoke or and nominated commanders of 10, 100, and vapour with a horrible stench proceeded from it 1,000 men. He appointed six Jerbis--the and deprived the Poles of the power to resist." meaning of which, says Palladius, is not ex- The Yuan-shi calls the place where Chingbiz plained, but they were probably some head consulted his people, Temege-gol, i.e. the officials of the household. He also appointed river Temege, and tells us the majority of them 80 men for the night watch, ard 70 men called counselled delay on the ground that the spring Sanbans as body-guards. These watch guards was only just commencing and the horses had were picked young men, active and big, chosen not recovered from the hardships of the winter, from the houses of the millenarians and and urged that they should postpone the centurians. Arkhaikhasar was ordered to levy campaign till the autumn. It also reports the 1,000 brave men and to take command of them. speeches of Ochigin and Belgutei," and says They were to act as an advance-guard in battle that, having decided to follow their advice, and as watch-guards in time of peace. Ogeli- Chinghiz moved his camp to Mount Chindakhin, cherbi and Khudusikhalchan were nominated and gave the command of the advance-guard to commanders of the 70 Sanbans. Chinghiz now Khubiri and Jebe or Chepe. Mr. Douglas calls addressed his men saying, "Archer Sanbans, the former Khubilai, Chinghiz Khan's grandbody-guards, masters of the feast, and door-|| son, but that chief was not then born, and the one keepers ; in the day-time you must be at your here mentioned was another Khubilai, known several posts. After sunset when your duties are as Khu bilaiN oyan. De Mailla's authority over, and when you have handed over your work makes Ochigin urge that if their own horses to the night-guards, you must sleep inside. After were then thin, so must those of the Naimana be, they have fed the horses and seen to them, the and it tells us that when Chinghiz Khan had night-watch must perambulate the camp. The made up his mind to advance, he sent to ask 30 i, e, the plain of Tiemian. 31 Query the place which gave their name to the Urunaut or Ornaut. 31 The name, Palladius saye, is Chinese. 3) It is a Chinese custom to wash the face with hot water, and this means "when Chinghis rises from his bed." --Palladius, note 373. 14 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 101-103 and notes 362-373. ** Miechof, De Sarmatia, tom. I, ch. 3, in Grinsei Orcis novus, pp. 451-453, quoted by Wolff, Gesch. der Mong. pp. 185 and 188.. Hyacinthe, pp. 31 and 32 ; Douglas, pp. 44 and 45. 31 Hyacinthe, loc. cit.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 359 his brother-in-law, Podu, to join him with his Let us now turn again to the Yuan-ch'ao-pitroops, and the two went together and encamped shi. We there read that on leaving his camp at the mountain, Kientekai, where Chinghiz Chingbiz Khan went up the river Kerulon, distributed commands among his officers, and Chebe and Khubilai being sent in advance. appointed Khubilai and Chebe to commandi When they reached Saarikeher they met a the advance guard." The Huang-yuan calls Naiman patrol who was posted on the hill Kanthe place where the conference took place the kharkha. In the struggle which followed the river Timugai. It makes Ochigin say that his Naimans captured a horseman who rode a white horses were still strong if the others were lean, charger with a bruised back, and remarked on the and that it was not possible to draw back now; poor condition of the Mongol horses. When makes him foretell a great victory, that Tayang Chinghiz Khan himself reached Saarikeher he Khan would be made prisoner, and that such was advised by Dodaicherbi, as their numbers consummation deserved that they should were small and they had come a long way, to exert themselves to the utmost. It says the spread his men over the whole extent of Saarisacrifices to the standards were made at the full keher and to order each man to light five fires so moon. Chingbiz assembled his people again as to produce the effect of a large armament. at the river Khalkha and the mountain Gentegai, "Though the enemy is numerous," he added, and gave his relatives Khubilai and Jebe "their ruler is weak and has never been out of command of the vanguard."" Rashidu'd-din, his country; he will doubtless be misled and * as reported by Erdmann, calls the place where frightened by this plan." Chinghiz followed the conference took place Temegeh-yah-yen- Dodai's advice. In effect the patrol which were tul-guljut. He confounds Ochigin, the brother looking out from the mountain said to one another of Temujin, who gave him counsel on this we heard the Dada were few in numbers, whence occasion, with Daritai Ochigin, his uncle, a then so many camp fires, numerous as the stars. pardonable mistake, since Ochigin or Uchigin, They thereupon withdrew, and took their as we have seen, was a soubriquet borne by the captive to Tayang, and reported to him how youngest son of the family. He calls the the Mongols filled the whole of Saarikeher place where the army was mustered Galtagai." and were being reinforced daily. Tayang was The later Persian writers who try to glorify then on the banks of the river Khachir, which Timur's ancestry introduce Kharachar Noyan, is in Kankhai," and he sent a messenger to his supposed ancestor, on every available occa- his son, Guchuluk, with these words, "The sion, and we accordingly read in the Shajrat Dada's horses are thin, but they have as many ul Atral, which was founded on the work of fires as there are stars. Their forces are no doubt Ulugh Beg, that Chinghiz, on his persuasion, very great. I once was told they are a very now appointed his son Tuli to the buljunghar, hardy race, that if you strike them in the eye and Khubilai and Jebe Noyan to the burunghar, they will not wink, and if you strike them in and also to act as the munghulai or advanced the cheek they will not turn aside, if we guard. Juji was placed near the trgh or engage them now it will be difficult for us to standards in the division called the ghul or the beat them. Their horses are thin. Let us main body. The command of the unghar cross the golden mountain," and having organ(runghar) or right wing was given to Chaghatai, ized our people entice them. thither. When Temujin's son, and that of the junghar or left they have crossed the golden mountain their wing to the Prince Ogotai, while Karachar horses will be exhausted, while ours will be in Noyan was placed over the bustunghar or rear good condition, and we can engage then in division. Temujin himself with the lunghurs battle and conquer them." Guchuluk, having or picked men took up his post with the uk- heard this, said "Tayang is a woman. He is chunghar (Sakeh)." This notice is of us again frightened. He says there are many little authority as the elaborate account of the Dada, whence have they come ? A large part battle which follows in the same account. of the race is with us and with Chamukha. >> Op. cit., tom. IX, pp. 36 and 37. "1. e. The yellow plains alrendy mentioned. Opcit., pp. 177 and 178. 151.e. The well known Khankai chain, whence spring 0 Erdmann, p. 301. the upper feeders of the Orkhon. "Miles, op cit., pp. 74 and 75. . .. The Altai.

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360 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. My father has not hitherto travelled as far as a woman with child goes when she seeks a comfortable place or a calf on its way to the manger, therefore he is afraid," and he ordered these words to be repeated to Tayang. When the latter heard that his son had compared him to a woman, he said, "Oh strong and brave Guchuluk. Mind that in this fight your bravery does not dissolve into feebleness." Meanwhile one of his officers named Khorisu- bichi, the same who had killed Wang Khan, said to Tayang, "Your father Inanchabilge, when fighting against an equal enemy, never shewed him his back nor that of his horse, why are you afraid beforehand? You had better let your mother, Gurbyessu, command the army. Although a woman she would do better than this. It is a pity Keksiusabrakh should have grown old and the discipline of our troops should have so weakened. Assuredly good fortune has overtaken the Dada."** Having said this, he struck his quiver* and quitted Tayang's presence. Tayang was naturally angry and said, "The life of a dead man, and a body devoted to suffering are the same. Be it as you wish, let us meet our enemies and fight." He therefore set out down the river Tamir (i. e. the well-known western tributary of the Orkhon) and having crossed the Orkho i.e. the Orkhon), arrived at the eastern flank of the mountain Nakhu(?) and the place Chakurmait(?). When the scouts of Chinghiz reported the enemy's army in sight, he placed his army in order of battle. He undertook the command of the van himself, gave his brother, Khasar, the command of the centre, and Ochigin of the rear guard. Mean. while the Naimans disposed themselves along the precipitous sides of the mountain Nakhu, and their patrols were driven in right up to the mountain. At this time Chamukha was with the Naimans, and Tayang asked him, "Who are these pursuing our men like wolves when they chase a flock of sheep right up to the very sheep fold ?" Chamukha replied, "They are four hounds belonging to Temujin which have been fed on human flesh, and whom he fastens with an iron chain. These dogs have brazen foreheads, hewn-out teeth, awl-shaped tongues, iron heads, instead of horsewhips, they have crooked swords. They drink the dew, ride on the wind, and in battle eat human flesh. They are now unchained and set free; their mouths water, they rejoice. These four hounds are Chebe, Khubilai, Jelmi, and Subeitai." Tayang replied, "If this be so let us withdraw further away from this ignoble race." He accordingly withdrew along the mountain, and presently halted, and said " Who are those detachments following the others like young colts which, having sucked enongh milk, frisk round and round their mother P" Chamukha answered: "They are the two tribes Uruut and Mankhut who kill all the men bearing sword and spear and strip them of their clothes." Tayang replied, " Then let us retire still further from this ignoble people," and ordered his men to scale the mountain still higher. Again stopping, he asked Chamukha, "Who is that coming on behind bearing forward like a hungry vulture." Chamukha said, "That is my friend Temujin dressed from head to foot in iron mail. He flew hither like a hungry vulture. Do you see him ? You used to say that should the Dada show themselves their skin and hoof should be stripped like those of a sheep. Look now." Tayang only muttered "Dreadful!" and gave orders to withdraw still higher up the mountain Again he asked, "Who is that behind with the multitude of warriors" That, said Chamukha, is the son of Khoilun, who was reared on human flesh. His body is thrice the size of other men. He can eat a three-year-old sheep at a single meal. He is dressed in three suite of mail, and was borne here by three strong bulls. He can swallow & whole man equipped with his bow and arrows without him sticking in his throat. He can eat a whole man and is not satisfied. When he is wroth he can pierce 10 or 20 men over a mountain with the arrow Anchua. When any one begins to fight with him, he shoots the arrow Koibur, and even across a wide desert it will bring down a man in armour. With his big bow he can hit a man at 900 paces, and with his little bow at 500 paces. He is not like ordinary men, but resembles a huge snake. He is called "Jochikhasar." Tayang said "If this be so, let us scale a high mountain together." Again he asked "Who is that behind all P" Chamukha said, "That is the youngest of all the sons of Khoilun, named Ochigin, he is lazy and likes to * A euphemism for a latrine. *T 1. e., & mode of presenting arms. 1. e. The Tartars. Palladius says the Anchua and Koibur were some kind of unknown legendary Arrows: op.cit., note 394.

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DECEMBER, 1881.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 361 lie down early and get up late; but he never was late among the warriors." Then Tayang reached the summit of the mountain. Chamukha, as his antecedents might suggest, now deserted the Naimans, and sent word to Chinghiz what he had told Tayang, adding that the latter, having heard his words, was distracted with fear. He suggested that his men should burry up the mountain irregularly, for no one had spirit to fight, and added that he had himself abandoned them. Chinghiz seeing it was already late, contented himself with surrounding the mountain Nachu. During the night the Naimana determined to escape. Men and horses, however, fell over the precipices, and many were killed. The next day Tayang was captured. Guchuluk succeeded in escaping. This narrative, with its peculiar touches of romance, reads, as Palladius says, like some popular legend worked up by the author. In the Yuan-shi we are told that when Tayang was at the Khankai Mountains he was joined by Tokhto, the chief of the Merkit, by Alin, a chief of the Kirais, Khushuk Bedsi, a chief of the Taisi-Uirat, together with the tribes Durbot Tatar, Khatagin and Saljus. It says that it was a loose troop horse which strayed from the Mongol camp to that of the Naimang, which let them know by its poor condition that the Mongol army was not in a state fit to fight, and which induced Tayang to suggest a retreat that his enemies might be enticed to pursue him. This pusillanimous policy was resented by the Naiman chiefs, who suggested that Tayang should give place to his wives if he were not bolder. It also says that when Chamukha saw the strength of the Mongol army, he.exclaimed, "Of old the Naimans were to the Mongols as a ewe to its unborn lamb, but now is their strength small and not as formerly." He thereupon withdrew his contingent. The general who reproyed Tayang for his timidity is here called Khulusu betsi. According to the Yuan-shi the battle lasted from dawn until sunset when Tayang himself was slain and his men were broken. Darkness overtook the retreating Naimans, many of whom were killed in falling over the precipices, while many others were slain and made prisoners, and the hordes Durbot Tatar, Khatagin and Saljus submitted to the conqueror." De Mailla calls the Taishi. Uirat of the Yuan-shi Tiehiouela, and adds the Pieki to the other tribes, but this seems to be a corruption of Bedse or Bigi, and to be a mistaken use of Khushuk's second name. According to the Huang-Yuan it was when Tayang reached the river Orkhon that he was joined by Toto, the leader of the Merkit, by Jaajanbo, the brother of Wang Khan, with Alun Taishi, and also by Khudukhua begi, the leader of the Uirat, and by Chamukha, with the Durban Tatar, the Khatagin and Sanjin ;'* otherwise there is nothing new in this account. According to Rashidu'd-din the Altai was & river on the borders of the Kinegkhait. He says it was a thin horse with a worn-out saddle that escaped to the Naiman camp and calls the chief who reproved Tayang and quoted his father's bravery, Khuri Subaju, and says that having done so he withdrew from the assembly. He tells us further that Tayang himself was wounded in the battle, and withdrew with Khuri Subaju and some others to a height. In vain his officers tried to rouse him and urged him to renew the fight. He was too weak from loss of blood. Khuri Subaju, determined to restore his fortune, led back the soldiers who had gathered again about the standard, to the fight. He then with the other chiefs again approached his master, saying "O Tayang, how much longer will you fly like a woman P Halt but once, and let us fight the enemy, and fall or conquer." Tayang heard him, but was silent. He again addressed him : "Oh Tayang Khan, your wives, especially your beloved Gurbyesu Khatun, have all arrayed themselves in full parade, have set your house in order, and await your arrival, rise, and let us go." Still he remained silent. Again he spoke out: "Oh Tayang Khan, the women at your command have decked themselves in their choicest robes, especially Gurbyesu Khatun, whose costume equals in value that of a Chinese parure, and they await your imperial return. All is ready for you. Do arouse and come." These phrases did not move him, but he curled himself up together. Thereupon as all his 0 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 103-109. 90 Hyacinthe, pp. 31-33; Douglas, pp. 45-47. Op. cit., tom. IX, pp. 37-39. 63 i. e. Saljuit. 53 Op. cit., pp. 178 and 179. # D Ohsson writes the name Kurissu-Baju.

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862 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. efforts seemed vain, Khuri Subaju went to the disagrees with D'Ohsson's Turkish etymology of commanders and warriors, saying, "If any the name, and says it is the well-known Budstrength remained in him, or if a breath were dhist name, Injana Belge Bilik, Injana left in his soul, these words would have moved being the ordinary Mongol corruption of the him. He is helplessly huddled together. Happier Sanskrit Jnana, of which Belge Bilik is the is the lot of Temujin, who springs from the earth translation. This is very interesting, as it on to his horse, and links its bridle to life and points to the Naimans having been Buddhists. triumph." Doubting their master's recovery, | Carpini tells us that after Chinghiz bad conthe chiefs said to one another--"If we stay herequered the Tartars, the Merkit and the Mecrit, we must be witnesses of his death, and must the Naimans became very jealons at his become prisoners to the enemy, we had better elevation, for they had had a ruler who had join issue with the foe, and surrender our lives been very vigorous, and to whom these tribes in the presence of our Padishah. It may be had paid tribute. On his death however his that when he sees the death of his followers Bons, who were young and ignorant, and could he will come down from his place of refuge, not restrain their people, succeeded him and and go and join them." With these words quarrelled. Nevertheless they made a raid they rushed into the fight, and struggled bravely upon the territories of the tribes above named till they were killed. Temujin would willingly which were now subject to Chinghiz and killed have given them quarter, but they refused it, a number of men, women and boys. When and preferred to die. Chinghiz Khan remarked: Chinghiz heard of this he collected his people and " What misfortune may happen even to one who attacked the Naimans and the Kara-kitai (!) in has such warriors." Rashid also speaks of a narrow Valley between two mountains through the large number of Naimans who perished in which Carpini says he himself travelled. The the flight among the precipices of the mountain Mongols defeated the confederates with great Nakhukhun, which D'Obsson reads Naku." In slaughter, reducing those to slavery who were regard to Tayang Khan, Abu'lghazi says that not killed. The site of the battle is perhaps those who were left in charge of him seeing all also mentioned in the itinerary of the Tanist their companions were killed, took their chief on monk Ch'ang-ch'un, who visited Chin. horseback and fled, but Tayang died on the way." ghiz Khan in Western Asia during the years Mirkbawend seems to say that he had been 1221-1224. On his way his conductor Chinkai left alone, and that aroused by the gruesome noise or Chen-hai, who was one of Chinghiz Kban's about, he slipped away, and after much suffer- officers, said to him "We are now come to ing, reached a place whose name is read Ai by the most difficult part of the road ... we Erdmann, where he died a few days later from have before us the po-kou-tsien." .... "What the effect of his wounds and the loss of blood." do you mean by the field of white bones P" said Ssanang Setzen puts the campaign against Tay- the traveller. "That is an old battlefield, a ang, whom he calls Tayan Khakban, in the year field of death," said Chen-hai. "One time a 1200. He says that Tayang assembled the eight whole army perished there by exhaustion; no one tribes of the Beteken, and led out his army of escaped. A short time ago at the same place 80,000 men. The fight, he says, took place on the army of the Naimans was destroyed by the river Sakirun. He says that Bughurul Chinghis. Who ever crosses that place in the Noyan, of the tribe Ugashin, Ukulen Tsarbi, son day-time and in clear weatheres will die from of Boghorji, of the tribe Arulad, and Khuchar fatigue, and his horses also. Only when starting Dashi, of the Olkhonod, commanded the army of in the evening and travelling the whole night, Chinghiz. Schmidt explains the Beteken of is it possible to reach water and grass on the this notice as a mistaken reference to the Po-ta- next day by noon." The locality seems too ta of the Chinese. Naiman means eight. He far to the south-west for the great fight with also adds an interesting note in reference to Tayan, and it may be that some later battle the father of Tayang, Inanj Belga Buku. He with the Naimans is here referred to. - Erdmann, pp. 303-304 ; D'Ohnson, vol. I, pp. 86-88. Op. cit., ed. D'Avesso, pp. 647 and 648. * Op. cit., p. 90. 57 Erdmann, p. 304. The field of white bones. i.e. exposed to the sun. "Op. cit., 87. * Id., noto 63, page 388. "Bretschneider, Notes on Chinese Travellera, ato . .. the Kerait. pp. 28 and 29.

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DECEMBER, 1881.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. 363 ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S. (Continued from Vol. IX, p. 299.) No. XXVII.-Scraps of Legend and Folk-lore. I. | and the calf getting bewildered was run over by The Kayeri river from its magnificent twin- the chariot of the king's son and cutin two. The falls on either side of the romantic but perilous king's son was greatly alarmed at this ominous island of Sivasamudram-falls in height, volume, incident, and still more so, when the cow came and grandeur far surpassing the famous Rhine- seeking its calf, and on finding the two halves, fall at Schaffhausen--rans for 50 miles eastward put them together and sought to give milk, through a savage wilderness of ravines and hills, but finding it would take none, shed tears pro& parched and dreary tract overrun by thin, fusely. The cow then went to the bell banging thorny jangal, uninhabited and almost pathless. before the court of justice, and rang it loudly, In this part of its course the river divides the at which the old king, his wife and minista district of Koimbatur on the south from Mai- hearing what had taken place, almost swooned sur and Salem on the north ; and just where with fear and grief. A council was held, and it issuing from its eastward march through the was decided that the king's son should, in expiadesert, it bends abruptly southward, and thence tion, fall before the chariot-wheels, and himself forward rolls broader waters through peopled be cut in two. So amid the great grief of the and cultivated plains on its way to Trichinkpalli people, the king set out to see the atonement and Tanjaur, there is a curious seldom-visited performed. The young man remonstrated on locality called the Smoking Rock. Issuing from the ground of the advantage that neigh. its long, narrowed, and pent-up course through boaring rival kings would gain if the heir were the desert, the Kiveri here spreads into a broad 80 sacrificed, but as the Brahmans declared that expanse, the banks nearly level with the water, without it there would be no rain and no crops, and from the middle of the flood a column, the king ordered the chariot to move on, which apparently of white smoke, arises and drifts ran over the young man as he lay prostrate and away upon the wind. No rocks or fall are visible cut him into two pieces, which were presented to account for this continually ascending cloud before the cow, and the crime of killing the calf of Apray-mist, for such it is; but the natives say thus expiated. The king in great sorrow at his there is a hole or chasm, four palm-trees deep, loss was about to kill himself, when the illuinto which the water falls; nothing however can sive cow dissolved into its component divinibe seen of this from the bank, and the smoke- ties, who appeared in their proper guise, raised like column seems to arise from the bosom of the son to life again, and decreed that he an unbroken stream. The effect is striking and should be installed with his father under the peculiar. There is a strange wild legend con- title of Bhupala Chola, and that the old king nected with this spot. should afterwards receive final beatitude withLong ago, it is said, in the days of the Chola out the pain of any future birth. Bhopala kings all the countless gods of Kailasa, great Chola was sixteen when he came to reign, and and small, with the thousands of Rishis, Saktis, ruled prosperously for many years, when, in a and Asuras, came down to be incarnate on earth hanting excursion, he discovered a great chasm in the form of a miraculous cow. The four which swallowed up and wasted the water of Vedas became the four legs, Brahma and Vishnu the Kiveri river. He employed a great multi. the two horns, the sun and moon the eyes, the tude of men to fill it up, but all their efforts holy mountain the body, Vayu the tail, Lakshmi were udavailing, though the king resided for the womb, the divine atmosphere (akasa) the eight years close by, the better to superintend ears, and so on through all parts of the body, the work. At last a Rishi told him that his and Yama (death) was its calf. Thus sym- labour was in vain, for the chakra of Vishnu bolically formed, the cow with its calf went to had entered the earth there, and that the only bathe near the temple of Siva, and met in & remedy was for some virtuous king to enter street the king's son making a procession; in the chasm and seat himself on the chakra, the crowd the cow and calf became separated, I when the gulph would close. So after many

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364 ceremonies and distributions of gifts, this Hindu Curtius proceeded in state to the river, and solemnly cast himself into the chasm, which immediately closed. Some of the water, however, still finds its way in and throws up a smoke-like cloud to mark and commemorate the spot and the sacrifice. On the bank opposite there now stands a hoary old temple, within the enclosure of which is a range of ten or twelve huge black Linga stones, each in a canopied cell; oblations to these are supposed to be efficacious in removing barrenness. Not far below, the wide river is bridled with a curb of stone, being suddenly narrowed to less than half its width between rocky walls with sharp granite reefs in mid channel, through and over which the swirling flood rushes in foaming rapids and broken falls with a roar audible afar, and just at the entrance of this dangerous strait, is the romantic "Goat's leap" crag, also not without its legends. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. Grey is good; red and white not good, but white knees, a white spot on the forehead, and a white tail are admired. A perfect Hindu horse should have the four hoofs, the head, and the tail all white. A red horse gives its rider success in love-affairs. II. When a wealthy Hindu meditates purchasing a horse, his first attention is directed not at all to the "points" a European would naturally look at. He looks not at hoof or hock, at head, shoulder, or wither, but seeks first to satisfy himself as to certain external marks never dreamt of by a Western horse-fancier, but which are of primary importance in determining his choice. These are the presence or not of certain circles or curls of hair on particular parts of the body. These are called in Tamil suris or flowers, and by them a judgment is formed of the temper and quality of the horse. If these hair-curls bend inward, it is a good sign, but if outward, bad; and there should be two such curls on the head, two on the breast, and two on each side; one on the back of the neck and one in the hollow of the neck. Each curl indicates a particular god, and by them it is decided whether the possession of the horse would be fortunate to the owner-whether it would bring health, good fortune, or otherwise. A Hindu will not buy a horse, however good-looking in other respects, unless these suris or hair-curls are present, turning properly, and in their right. places. The colours of a horse are also much attended to as ominous of good or ill. Coalblack, so m'.ch admired in Europe, is held the most unlucky. Turpin's Black Bess would have found no admirers amongst Hindus. III. In his excellent and laborious work, The Early History of Mankind, Mr. Tylor brings together, in the tenth chapter, a number of instances of remarkable customs for which no special reasons can be assigned. In this category may, I think, be placed the scruple of the Kora gars and some other of the slave-castes of Kannada against carrying anything with four legs, animate or inanimate, whether animals, chairs, cots, &o. They will carry no four-legged piece of furniture unless one leg be taken off, and as they are often employed as coolies this sometimes causes inconvenience. The Koragars are the lowest of the fifteen slave-castes of Kannada, none of whom may intermarry, and their women still wear an apron of twigs and leaves over their buttocks. Once this was the only covering allowed them, and a mark of their deep degradation, but now when no longer compulsory, and of no use, as it is worn over the cloths, the women still retain it, believing its disuse would be unlucky-one instance out of many in which badges, originally of degradation, have become cherished observances. Colonel Dalton mentions a similar restriction as to four-legged articles amongst the Baigas of Central India, where the women are not allowed to sit or lie upon any four-legged bed or stool. Amongst the lower spurs of the Palani mountain range west of Dindigal, in the Madura district, there is a jungle tribe called K unei var, whose women are never allowed to wear white clothes: none could tell why, but it was said that within memory women offending against the rule had been cast from a high rock. The late Raja of Vijyanagram, one of the most enlightened and estimable of Hindu princes, and a member of the Viceroy's Council, would not allow the employment of iron in the construction of buildings in his territory, because believed to be inevitably followed by small-pox and other epidemics. No reason is assigned for this belief, which is rather opposed to practices obtaining elsewhere: e. g. in Persia it is lucky to drive a nail into the holy trees by shrines; the

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DECEMBER, 1881.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. 365 Romans knocked long nails into the walls of cottages to avert the plague; and in China silk- cotton trees are haunted by dangerous female demons called Hantu Puntianak, which are exorcised by driving long iron nails into the treo; if a nail be driven into the head of one of these demons, she immediately becomes human. IV. Many years ago when on circuit at Palani in the Madara district, South India, I was struck by the unusual name of a witness-" Irunlol." This is the polite form of the second person plural imperative of the verb signifying to stay or remain, and the equivalent in English might be "Stop, sir!" or "Pray, remain !" I found that this appellation had gone down from gene- ration to generation in a family, and originated in this wise. On the death of Mutthu Virappa Nayakar, one of the last kings of the Southern Pandiya-dea, in 1695, his son Chokanatha Nayakar succeeded, but being a child only three months old, his grandmother, Mangamala, as regent, conducted the affairs of the kingdom for eighteen years. This Hindu lady was renowned for hor good works, and her name still lives in the mouths of the people. During her regency she built many temples, and constructed waterreservoirs and choultris or rest-houses throughout the country and on the principal lines of pilgrimage. One day when eating betel-leaf and areca-nut she heedlessly took it up with her left hand. This was a great sin, and on consulting the Brahmans how to expiate it, they recommended her to make roads shaded by avenues of trees along the principal travelling-routes of the kingdom. This was done, and her avenues, more or less complete, still remain; one, of huge-limbed Banyan trees interlacing so as to form a sun-proof canopy overhead on the N.E. side of the town of Madura, is still called by her name. Other avenues run out for miles towards Ramesvaram, Tinnevelly, and Trichinapalli, that towards the latter place is still in generally good condition for more than 50 miles. This beneficent princess being once at Palani, where there is a famous temple, on visiting it in state and ascending the temple-steps, observed a young man retreating in confusion, and said to him kindly Irunkol, = Pray remain ! That man's son was named Irun kol, and the name Some scandalous surmises are current, for Mangamald was not likely to escape calamny, but being popular has descended from father to son even to this day, for I heard of it existing in that neighbour. hood quite recently. The remembrance of the gracious word, once spoken so long ago by one of the old royal dynasty, is likely to be cherished for generations to come, and in the hot dusty season, when travelling is easiest, as the long files of loaded carts and trains of pilgrims pass under the shade of the avenues she planted, the name of Mangamala may still long be gratefully spoken, though the palaces built by her ancestors know her and her line no more, and all things have become new there. A dim undefined tradition exists in the city of Madura that Mangamala was imprisoned and starved to death with peculiar cruelty, food being placed close without the bars of her prison, just out of reach. No cause or further particulars are given, and we may hope it is but a tradition, and that so useful a life had no such horrible ending. But the sands of her ancient dynasty and the old order of things were fast running out. Her grandson on coming of age assumed the government and ruled for 19 years, or till A.D. 1732. He died childless; disputes arose as to the succession, and his widow most unwisely applied to the Muhammadan power at Trichinkpalli for assistance. The famous Chanda Sahib, who makes so prominent a figure in the pages of Orme, intervened. Intrigues followed, and the end was the subjugation of Madura and the extinction of the old Pandiyan dominion. It is amidst these intrigues and revolutions that the histories of Orme and Colonel Wilkes commence. Mention has been made of the temple at Palani. It is a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Southern India, and is built upon a low rocky hill overlooking a fine tank. The edifice is spacious, stone-built, on the plan usual in the Tamil country, with lofty entrance and Gopuram above, the walls and roof of the gate-way profusely painted with mythological subjects in very bright colours of red and green; a fino flight of steps leads to it up the hill. The cause of its foundation is characteristically Hindn. Siva, it is said, one day presented a fruit (palam) to his younger son, Ganesa, whereat bis elder son, Subrahmanya, was much offended. To soothe him Siva said "Palam ni,"--Thou art & fruit. And to commemorate this honour, the whispers only, we pass them by : the stories of her and however vary much.

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366 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1881. was intended to represent the earth-spirit supposed to be dwelling in the ground there who was thus worshipped, and formally requested to leave the spot. Without this ceremony, per formed before any earth had been dug up, it was believed there would be no luck about the honse. I do not know what claas of gods or spiri.. this earth-spirit could be referred to, or wbether there is any analogy between the belief and the feng-sin idea, so potent in China, which governs the position and construction of all buildings. VI. temple was bailt, and Subrahmanya's image set up therein, and the place named from Siva's words! The temple, however, has a special miracle connected with it of daily occurrence. Numbers of pilgrims resort to it, specially from Madras and places still more distant, bringing with them milk in small chattis or pots sealed up. If on being offered in the temple at Palani the milk is found fresh, the votary is assured of the favour of the god and the success of any undertaking he may have in view, bat the reverse shonld the milk have turnod sour. It is asserted, however, that the milk is for the most part miraculously preserved fresh. One continually meets parties of wayfarers on the roads leading to the shrine, carrying the sealed-up pots of milk slang to a stick across their shoulders, often gaily decorated with pea. cock-feathers. Doubtless there was an under- standing between the Brahmans at each end of the pilgrimage,-between those who seal and those who open the pots, for it used to be whis. pered that the declaration of the Brahman who opened the chatti and tasted the milk, as to its freshness or the contrary, dependod a good deal on whether the offering made was considered satisfactory and suitable to the appearance of the votary. In the pre-railway days the freshness of the milk would be really something miraculous, the distance between the shrine and Madras being over 400 miles, about a month's journey. Now it could probably be accomplished in two or three days. I know not whether conditions bave boen altered to meet this change, or how the miracle withstands the rush of the iron horse. V. Once in a field ontside & village in South Kannada I noticed a large square marked in lines with chunam or whitewash on the ground, with magic symbols in the corners, and the outline of a human figure rudely drawn in the middle; passing by the place again, I observed that flowers and boiled rice had been laid on leaves round the figure within the square, and was informed that a house was to be built on the site marked out, and the figure People in England dislike, or used to dislike, starting on a journey or voyage on a Friday, but the Hindu rule is much more complicated. It is unlocky to go westward on Friday and Sunday, or eastward on Monday and Saturday, north on Tuesday and Wednesday, or south on Thursday. This rule depends, I beliove, on astrological influences. A journey begun on Tuesday is liable to result in loss by thieves or fire at home; loss too is likely to follow a journey began on Saturday, and sickness a start on Sanday. Wednesday and Friday are both propitious days, and a journey began on either with a view to business will be gainful: the worst days for travelling are Taesday, Saturday, and Sunday. Amongst bad omens for travellers are seeing lightning fall, meeting a widow or a singlo Brahman, a crow flying across from right to left, or a dog barking on a house-top. On an expedition with any special object it is good to meet a married woman bearing a metal water-pot from a tank, or any one wearing a silver armlet, or carrying musical instruments. It is worth comparing the old Greek belief regarding lucky days as recited at length in the last 64 verses of Hesiod's Works and Days. The old bard runs over all the days of the month and the businesses proper on each, and ends with quaintly observing, "Sometimes a day is as a stepmother, sometimes as a mother ; happy and fortunate is he, and blameless before the gods, who knows all the signs and interdicts, and avoids transgressions." MAITHILA FOLK-LORE,-VARARUCHI AS A GUESSER OF ACROSTICS. BY GEORGE A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. Some time ago I contributed to the Indian two following tales tend to show that another Antiquary (ante, p. 89) a note on the Indian fashionable amusement, the solving of acrostics, origin of the American "Sixteen Puzzle." The was known in India at an early date. They

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DECEMBER, 1881.] MAITHILA FOLK-LORE. 367 # were taken down by me from the mouths of he summoned Sakatala, and gave him the two pandits of Maithila, and form part of the following order: "You must put Vararuchi vast amount of unwritten tradition current in to death for seducing the queen." Sakatala the mouths of such men. I do not think that said, "Your Majesty's orders shall be exethe verses quoted have been printed before, cuted," and went out of the palace, reflecting, but it is possible they may, and if any corre- "I should not have power to put Vararu. spondent can give me a clue to their whereabouts, chi to death, for he possesses godlike force of I shall be the first to welcome it. intellect; and he delivered me from calamity; In the modern acrostic, the first letters of a moreover he is a Brahman, therefore I had series of words are taken, and these spell another better hide him, and win him over to my side." word having a distinct meaning. This word Having formed this resolution, he came and has first to be guessed, and then the key words, told me of the king's causeless wrath which all from more or less obscure descriptiong. had ended in his ordering my execution, and In the present acrostics the Indian unit is thus concluded, "I will have some one else put the syllable and not the letter. A series of to death in order that the news may get abroad, verses is selected, and the first syllables of each and do you remain Baden in my house to are taken together and form a word of no protect me from this passionate king." In meaning. This last is given, and from it the accordance with this proposal of his, I remained verses have to be guessed. concealed in his house, and he had some one In the Katha Sarit Sagara, Bk. I, Chapter else put to death in order that the report of V, occurs a portion of the story of Vararuchi. my death might be spread. Mr. Tawney's translation, somewhat condensed, runs as follows: Then it came to pass that one day a son of A certain painter came to the court of Yoga- that Yogananda named Hiranyagupta, went out nanda in Pataliputra, whose court Vararuchi hunting, and when he had somehow or other attended. The rest of the story as told by Vara- been carried to a great distance by the speed of ruchi is "He painted on a sheet of canvas his horse, while he was alone in the wood, the the principal queen and Yogananda, and that day came to an end; and then he ascended a tree picture of his looked as if it were alive, it only to pass the night. Immediately afterwards, a lacked speech and motion. And the king bear, which had been terrified by a lion, ascended being delighted loaded that painter with the same tree; he, seeing the prince frightened, wealth, and had that painting set up on a wall in said to him with a human voice,"Fear not, thou his private apartments. Now, one day when I art my friend," and thus promised him immu. entered the king's private apartments, it nity from harm. Then the prince, confiding in occurred to me that the painting of the queen the bear's promise, went to sleep while the bear did not represent all her auspicious marks; remained awake. Then the lion below said to from the arrangements of the other marks I the bear, "Bear, throw me down this man, and conjectured, by means of my acuteness, that I will go away." Then the bear said, " Villain, there ought to be a spot where the girdle I will not cause the death of a friend." When in comes, and I painted one there. Then I de- course of time, the bear went to sleep, while the parted, after thus giving the queen all her prince was awake, the lion said again, "Man, lacky marks. Then Yogananda entered and throw me down the bear." When he heard Baw that spot, and asked his chamberlains who that, the prince, who through fear of his own had painted it; and they indicated me to him safety wished to propitiate the lion, tried to as the person who had painted it. Yogananda throw down the bear, but wonderful to say, it thus reflected while burning with anger; "No did not fall, since Fate caused it to awake. one except myself knows of that spot, which And then that bear said to the prince, "Become is in a part of the queen's body usually conceal- insane, thou betrayer of thy friend," laying ed, then how can this Vararuchi have come upon him a curse destined not to end until a thus to know it? No doubt he has secretly third person guessed the whole transaction. corrupted my harem." Foolish men often find Accordingly the prince, when he reached his Bach coincidences. Then, of his own motion palace in the morning, went out of his mind,

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868 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. and Yogananda seeing it, was immediately plunged in despondency; and said "If Vararuchi weru alive at this moment, all this matter would be known. Curse on my readiness to have him put to death!" Sakatala, when he heard this exclamation of the king's, thought to himself "Ha, here is an opportunity obtained for bringing Katyanana out of concealment, and he being a proud man will not remain here, and the king will repose confidence in me." After reflecting thus, he implored pardon, and said to the king, "O king, cease from despondency, Vararuchi remains alive." Then Yogananda said-"Let him be brought quickly." Then I was suddenly brought by Sakatala into the presence of Yogananda and beheld the prince in that states and by the favour of Sarasvati I was enabled to reveal the whole occurrence; and I said, "King, he has proved a traitor to his friend"; then I was praised by that prince who was delivered from his curse; and the king asked me how I had managed to find out what had taken place. Then I said--"King, the minds of the wise see everything by inference from signs, and by acuteness of intellect. So I found out all this in the same way as I found out that mole." When I had said this, the king was afflicted with shame. Then, without accepting his munificence, considering myself to have gained all I desired by the clearing of my reputation, I went home; for to the wise, character is wealth. Another and more elaborate version of the same story I obtained some years ago from a Tirhutia Brahman. He stated that the story was unwritten, and was an ujjhit which was current in every person's mouth, under the name of the story of "Sasemira." King Bhoja's wife was named Bhanumati. A painter one day painted a picture of her, which he showed to Vararuchi. The latter remarked that it was an admirable likeness, but that only one thing was wanting to make it perfect the representation of a mole on the inside of Her Majesty's thigh. The painter accordingly corrected the picture by supplying the omission, and presented it to the king. On seeing the picture, the king became extremely enraged at the daring way in which the mole was exhibited, and ordered the painter's execution as a penalty for his venturing to discover a peculiarity which none but he himself had hitherto known. To get himself off, the painter said that the position of the mole had been told him by Vararuchi; upon which the rage of the king was turned upon the latter, who was ordered in his turn to the place of execution instead of the painter. To avoid the scandal of killing a Brahman, the king's prime minister bribed the executioner to substitute some less worthy victim, and taking Vararuchi, hid him in his own inner apartments, disguising him as a woman. Some time after this, the king went out to hunt, and, becoming separated from his retinue, was obliged to pass the night under a tree. Now, this tree was inhabited by a tiger, who lived under it, and by a bear, who lived up amid the branches. In order to escape the claws of the former, the king climbed the tree, where he persuaded the bear that he was his friend (mitra), and that it was his duty to offer protection to a supplicant who had taken refuge with him. This obligation the bear admitted, and agreed to watch turn about with him throughout the night. The king went to sleep, and the tiger tried to tempt the bear to throw him down, but the latter refused to do so, as the king was his friend. After a time the king's turn to watch came round, and the bear composed himself to sleep, then the tiger began to tempt the king, saying, "Throw the bear down to me that I may devour him. For if you do not do so, he will assuredly eat you up in the morning." Foolish Bloja believed this, and tried to loosen the bear's hold on the branches, but the latter had been awake, and had heard the conversation. Having pretended to be asleep all the time, he now, as it were, awoke, and asked what was the matter. The king, taken aback, said that he was only shaking him to see if he were asleep : and the bear appeared satisfied, but kept awake the rest of the night. At daybreak the tiger went away, and the bear, taking the king on his back, carried him to the edge of the forest, where he put him down, and, after upbraiding him for his ingratitude, engraved upon the king's tongue, with his claws, the word sasemira. The king hastened home, but when he got there he was like an idiot, and could only babble the words, sasemira, sasemira. When asked any question, he would only give the same parrot-like reply sasemira, sasemira. All the doctors and all the learned men of the court tried their best to cure him,

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DECEMBER, 1881.] MAITHILA FOLK-LORE. 369 but without avail. At length the prime "The Virgin dwelleth in the city, nor doth minister produced Vararuchi (still disguised as she resort to the forest. How then, fair one, do a woman) to see what he could do. Vararuchi you know about the bear, the tiger, and the looked at the king, and then repeated the man P" following lines, of which the first syllable sa is To which Vararuchi replied :- . the same as the first syllable of the mystic devaguruprasAdena jihvAgre me sarasvatI / word sasemira sadbhAvapratipannAnAM vaMcane kA vicitratA / tenAhaM nRpa jAnAmi bhAnumatyAstilaM yathA / / ' aMgamAruhya suptAnAM hate kiM tena pauruSaM // "By the favour of Btihaspati, the Goddess of That is to say, "What cleverness is there in learning dwelleth on my tongue. Therefore, deceiving the guileless? What heroism is there O king, I know it, as (I knew about Bhanuin slaying those who climb into your lap and mati's mole." sleep there ?" Thereupon king Bhoja recognised Vararuchi, Thereupon the syllable sa disappeared from and acknowledging his former error of judgment the king's tongue, and he also now only said forgave him, and gave him great honour. semira. Then Vararuchi recited these lines, A story of a somewhat similar description, beginning with se, the first syllable of semira : the point of which also depends on an acrostic, setubaMdhasamudreSu gaMgAsAgarasaMgame / runs as follows: Once upon a time a pandit and a barber brahmahA mucyate pAmitradrohI na mucyate // (ndpit) went forth together into the world to That is to say, "Even a Brahman-slayer re- seek their fortunes. Their success was unceives absolution from his sins at the Ocean of equal; while the Brahman made his fortune, the Causeway, or at the union of the Ganges the barber earned only a bare subsistence. and the sea, but not a friend-betrayer." After being absent some years, they started for Thereupon the syllable se disappeared from home, the one laden with his gains, and the the king's tongue, and he also now only said other empty-handed. One night the barber mira. Then Vararuchi recited these lines, was tempted to murder his sleeping companion, beginning with mi: and sitting on his head was about to kill him mitradrohI kRtaghrAzca ye ca vishvaasghaatkaaH|| with a sword, when the latter awoke, and find. te narA narakaM yAMti yAvaccaMdradivAkarau // ing his entreaties for mercy in vain, besought his murderer at least to carry a message home for "A friend betrayer, ingrates, breakers of him to his friends, only the word "aprasikha." trust, these men go to hell as long as the sun After killing and robbing his companion, the and the moon endure." Thereupon the syllable mi left the king's barber returned home with his ill-gotten gains, and made some excuse for the absence of tongue, and he also now said only ra, ra, ra, his friend, telling at the same time the mystic whereupon Vararuchi recited the following message aprasikha to his people. After some lines commencing with ra: rAjA vaM rAjaputrastvaM yadi kalyANamicchasi / / lapse of time, the Brahman had not returned home, and his people began to search for him, dehi dAnaM dvijAtibhyo devatArAdhanaM kuru // using the above word as their clue; but no one "Thou art a king, and the son of a king; if could explain it. At length they came to thou wish good fortune give gifts to Brahmans Vararuchi, who interpreted it as follows:and praise God." Thereupon ra disappeared anena tava putrasya / from the king's tongue, and he spoke like other men. prasuptasya vnaaNtre|| Astonished at the intimate knowledge of his zikhAmAruhya vegena / late adventure displayed by the seeming woman, khar3ena nihataM shirH|| he said to her:grAme vasati kaumArI araNye naiva gacchatti / | "Thy son's head was swiftly smitten in his sleep in the forest with a sword by this man, T45410T - VER II who mounted on his head." It will be noted The sabdakalpadruma gives this verse as Kalidasa's.

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370 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. that the first syllables of each quarter sloka spell aprasikha. In conclusion, readers of Mr. Yates' edition of the Nalodaya will, of course, understand that I do not offer the above two stories as the CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. M. DEHARLEZ ON ZOROASTRISM. M. de Harlez complains that I have misunderstood his hypothesis about the origin of Zoroastrism, when writing my notice of his essay on that subject (ante, pp. 274-276); that he does not suppose that Zarathushtra lived about the time of Darius Hystaspes (as he may have lived some centuries before), but he believes that the oldest portion of the Avesta, which contains the doctrines of the Zoroastrian reform, was composed about the time of that monarch, or perhaps a century earlier; and that these doctrines were not accepted in Persia proper till after the time of Darius, though they may have been generally taught in Media Atropatene, Khvaresmia, and Mazanderan as early as B. c. 700, about which time he supposes that the Iranian religion, in its progress from the east, first came in contact with Jews in Media, and, further, that the Turanians from whom Zoroastrism may have borrowed some of its customs were not the north-eastern Turanians (the deadly enemies of Iran), but those of Media and parts adjacent. Admitting, of course, that all Turanians were not at all times enemies of Iran, the extent of my error appears to have been that I too hastily assumed that the radical reform connected with the name of Zarathushtra was supposed to have been carried out in Persia by Zarathushtra himself; whereas M. de Harlez seems to be of nearly the same opinion as myself, namely, that the Zoroastrian religion had already assumed its purest form long before it entered Persia proper from the east or north-east. We differ, however, as to the probability of the reform having been due to Jewish example, which is certainly rendered far less possible by this view of the hypothesis. And the faith of Darius in Adramazda also requires some special explanation if it be assumed that he was not a Zoroastrian. With these remarks I may leave the readers of M. de Harlez' essay to judge whether my notice of his theory was not otherwise fairly correct. E. W. WEST. Munchen, 22nd October 1881. [DECEMBER, 1881. only instances of Sanskrit acrostics known. The essay on alliteration attached to that work contains several examples of much more complete acrostics than either of the two given here. A FOLK-LORE PARALLEL. Many of the readers of the Antiquary will no doubt remember the story of Intaphernes, as told in the IIIrd book of Herodotus, chapters 118-120. He had been guilty of an outrage in the palace of Darius, and that monarch seized him, his sons, and all his relations, with the intention of putting the whole family to death. The wife of Intaphernes kept coming to the palace of the king and lamenting, and at last moved Darius to compassion. He accordingly sent her the following message: "Lady, king Darius grants you the life of one of your relations who are in prison, so that you can save any one of them, that you may select, from capital punishment." The lady thought over the matter for some time, and answered: "since the king grants me the life of one, I choose my brother out of the whole party." When Darius heard this, he was astonished at her speech, and he sent her the following message: " Lady, the king wishes to know on what ground you choose to rescue your brother from death, instead of your husband and children, for he is less near to you than your sons, and less dear to you than your husband." Thereupon she gave the following answer: "O king, I might get another husband, if it should please God so to ordain, and other children if I were to lose these; but as my father and mother are dead, I could not possibly get another brother; this was the reflection that prompted my answer." Herodotus tells us that Darius was so much pleased with her sagacity that he granted her the life of her eldest son also. It has been often pointed out that there is a great similarity between the answer given to Darius by the wife of Intaphernes, and the following somewhat unromantic sentiments put into the mouth of Antigone by Sophocles, (vv. 909-912): posis men an moi, katthanontos, allos en kai pais ap allou photos, ei toud emplakon. metros den Aidou kai patros kekeuthotoin ouk est adelphos ostis an blastoi pote. Dr. Donaldson was of opinion that Herodotus was in this case the borrower. Blakesley remarks, "the argument comes in so strangely in the play, introduced by the question, tinos nomou de tauta pros kharin lego ;that it is difficult not to conceive it taken from some popular imported story, rather than the home growth of Sophocles' imagination. If, therefore, there be any truth in the story of Plutarch,

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DECEMBER, 1881.] (De Malign. Herodoti. c. 26), and if Herodotus really recited a portion of his history at Athens before the Antigone was composed, it is perhaps more easy to suppose that Sophocles adopted from him than the converse." CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. But possibly the story is part of the common heritage of the Aryan races, for it is found in the Uchchhanga Jataka, No. 67 in Fausboll's edition. In this Jataka we are told that three husbandmen were by mistake arrested on a charge of robbery and imprisoned. The wife of one came to the king of Kosala, in whose realm the event took place, and entreated him to set her husband at liberty. The king asked her what relation each of the three was to her. She answered-" one is my husband, another my brother, and the third is my son." The king said "I am pleased with you, and I will give you one of the three, which do you choose ?" The woman answered," King, if I live, I may get another husband, and I may get another son too, but as my mother and father are dead, it will be difficult for me to obtain another brother, so give me my brother, king." When the king heard this, he was pleased, and set all the three at liberty. The teacher (i. e. Gautama Buddha) then proceeds to inform his disciples that the same woman had in a previous birth delivered the same men, and that he himself had on that occasion been the king, viz., Brahmadatta of Banaras. The gatha which the woman uttered in the presence of the king, is less romantic even than the speech of Antigone, so I give it in the original Pali: Ucchange deva me putto, pathe dhavantiya pati, tan ca desam na passami yato sodariyam anaye ti. C. H. TAWNEY. MUHAMMADAN BELIEF IN HINDU SUPERSTITION. I have noticed and commented both in this journal and elsewhere on the mixture of superstitions believed in by the lower classes of Hindus and Musalmans in the Panjab. This belief by the one class of religionists in the superstitions of the other is not however confined altogether to the illiterate as the accompanying quotation will show. It is from the very popular Panjabi poem Sassi Punnin by Hashim Shah, a poet whose works are well known to all Panjabis. Pa sandaq rorha Sassi nun, Nah Tafan walainda; Bashak Nag na hath liyawan, Dhal syah bagenda ; Par urar balaen phirdyan, Deo danw dhal rehnda. Hashim wekh nasib Sassi da Ki kujh hor karenda ? 371 Putting Sasst into the box they launched her, Like Noah in the Deluge; Even Bashak Nag gave no help, But shamed her with black ashes; On both sides wandered evil spirits And demons flew about. Hashim watched the fortunes of Sassi To see what would happen next. Here, it will be observed, is a fine mixture of religious sentiment. The story of Noah's Ark is of course as much the property of the Muham. madans as of the Christians. The unfortunate Sassi is put into a box and launched into the sea "Nah Tufan walaindd," "like Noah in the Deluge," and then we are told that Bashak Nag gave her no help. Now Bashak Nag is Vasuki son of Kasyapa and Kadra, and is the same as Sesha or Sesha Naga, the serpent who upholds the world and is king of Patala. He is as eminently Hindu as Noah is Muhammadan. In modern mythology Bashak Nag was the preserver of the Vedas, and is commonly looked upon as the general helper of mankind. The point in the verse is that even Bashak Nag, the general good friend, deserted Sassi in her extremity, and not only that, but helped to shame and disgrace her. The expression "Dhul sydh bagenda" corresponds very much with the Hindi dhal (or khak) urand, and I am told has its origin in the Hindu punishment of witches, viz., of painting them black, putting them on a donkey facing towards the tail, covering them with ashes, and driving them out of the place: hence, "to cover with black, ashes" is to thoroughly disgrace, to make utterly wretched. To go a little further: balden is of Arabic origin, bald, a calamity, and is used both in Hindi and Panjabi for a female sprite, but I am not prepared to say only by Musalmans; however the deo danw, male sprites, in the next verse are distinctly Hindu in origin. Now Hashim Shah can hardly be called an ignorant man as native education goes, and this stanza is not the only instance of his belief in Hinda superstitions, for another occurs in the second stanza after it. That he was a good Musalman is shown by this opening stanza which I quote below, and his "education" is apparent in his fondness for interlarding (and thereby spoiling ?) his poetry with Arabic and Persian words and phrases. He opens his poem thus: Sift Bart Ta'ala. Hikmat os khudawand Wali, Malik mulk malak da, Lakh karor karan chaturayan Koi pachhan na sakda:

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372 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1881. Qudrat nal rahe sir-gardan Daim charkh falak da Hashim khob hoi gulkari Farsh fanah khalaq da! R. C. Temple. Ambala. NOTES AND QUERIES. 9. THE MUHAMMADAN HAJJ.-The historians tell us that Pilgrimage to Makka was first enjoined by Muhammad on his followers in the 6th year of the Hajira. Upon this turn two or three important questions : 1.-How happens it that the performance of ng it that the performance of Pilgrimage is enjoined in a Sara so early as Sarae-Hajj? 2.- If Pilgrimage was really enjoined in a Sora delivered at Makka, how are we to explain the circumstance that it was at Madina that Muhammad constituted the Baitu'l-aqsa at Jerusalem the Qibla of his followers ? 3.-Was the necessity of a Qibla a part of Muhammad's system during the fourteen years of his mission that elapsed prior to the Hajira, in other words, was the Ka'ba the Qibla of Muhammad and his adherents before Jerusalem was P The only explanation I can conjecture is that a part of a late Madina Sara has got mixed up with the Makkan Sura abovementioned. J. D. BATE. Allahabad, November 18th, 1881. BOOK NOTICES SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST, Volume X The Dhamma important exposition of a consistent theory on the pada translated by F. Max Muller. The Sutta-Nipata vexed question in Buddhist literature-the dates. translated by V. Fausboll. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1881. The difficulties so well known in most departments The tenth volume of Professor Max Muller's of old Indian study-the silence of direct native Sacred Books of the East is the first of the series authority on the subject of chronology, and the that deals with Buddhist Scriptures: but it has painful collection of negative evidence, benet been quickly followed by the eleventh, Mr. Rhys Buddhism in no small degree. It will be satisDavids' translation of seven select and important factory to many that Prof. Max Muller, with Suttas, and the twelfth, now in the press, pro- the weight of his varied learning and experience, mises not only Mr. Rhys Davids' translation of supports a belief in the high antiquity of much the Patimokkha but also Dr. Oldenberg's transla- of the Buddhist PAli Canon as it has come tion of the Mahavagga. In Messrs. Trubner's down to us. "There seems no reason to doubt Oriental Series Mr. Rhys Davids has published that Buddhaghoba had before him old MSS. of the first volume of his version of the Jatakas, the PAli Canon, and that these were in the and a volume by Dr. Morris is promised. English main the same as those written down at the translations seem fairly to keep pace with the time of Vattagamani (B. C. 80):" and again: "I rapidly increasing number of editions of the cannot see any reason why we should not treat original Pali texts. the verses of the Dhammapada, if not as the Neither part of the present volume was quite utterances of Buddha, at least as what were unknown in an English dress: Professor Max believed by the members of the Council under Muller's part of the work is a revised reprint Aboka in 242 B. c. to have been the utterances of of his version published in 1870 (as an introduction the founder of their religion:" and further (here to Captain Rogers' Buddhaghosha's Parables- Dr. Oldenberg's work has put the question in a from the Burmese); and about a third part of the new light, and to this point Prof. Muller follows Sutta Nipata had been translated by Sir M. him) "I think we may be nearly certain that we Coomara Swamy (Trubner, 1874). Perhaps no possess the principal portion of the Vinaya-pitaka part of the Pali sacred books is so well known as as it existed before the Council of Vesali (B.C. 377)." the Dhammapada: the edition with Latin version Beyond these statements, with the present evi. by Dr. Fausboll may be said to have been a starting dence, few would probably care to go far: the point for Pali studies, and it was followed by other questions of more precise dates, of the relation translations-notably the German by A. Weber of original text and commentary, and of the time of and the English now reprinted. As Captain arrangement in Three Baskets, are very open to Rogers' book was withdrawn from sale, this reprint debate. Prof. Muller upholds the date (B. c. 477) will be welcomed for itself: and Prof. Muller he formerly gave for Buddha's death: he holds has rewritten and expanded his former preface, an Buhler's argument for that date from the famous It is to be hoped that number. PAli Text Society, formed in Lonion, will soon be able to add largely to thin

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DECEMBER, 1881.] BOOK NOTICES. 373 Edicts of Asoka to be mainly right: and if it is so, of this undertaking may be easily imagined. stronger support could hardly be desired. Though Mr. Wylie in the Preface to his Notes on Chinese he thus abandons the traditional B. c. 543, he Literature has named some of the earlier catalogues gives Buddhist antiquity an advantage of many of Chinese books compiled in European languages, years over the dates of Mr. Rhys Davids (412) among which we find that by Fourmont--being a and those of Professors Westergaard and Kern complete list of the Chinese books in the Royal (388-370). Library at Paris; by Remusat and Jules Klaproth, The Dhammapada consists of 423 stanzas: and of the same books; .by Father Avakum of the when taken without the prose commentary (which St. Petersburg Library; and by Siebold and is of the common Buddhist kind, giving at length Schott, of the books at the Hague and Berlin ; the occasion of Buddha's pronouncing each separ. but none of these are to be compared either for ate stanza) is, though the sequence of idea is method or extent with that now before us. Mr. not always clear, a piece of literature as likely to Bullen, the keeper of the department of printed please and interest the European reader as any books, is therefore so far correct in saying that part of the PAli scriptures. There are here none "this is the first catalogue ever published in of the repetitions or trivialities so common in the Europe of an extensive Chinese library." prose parts: the thoughts are of the highest Bud. The character of the work necessary to the dhist strain, and the manner is generally solemn production of this book may be understood, and fine. The Sutta-nipdta is a worthy companion partially at least, by quoting one or two examples. to the Dhammapada in all these respects. It is Thns under the heading "Bible" we have some hardly necessary to say that the translators' names seventy-four translations of the Christian Scrip. are a guarantee both for the accuracy and for the tures or portions of them made by various style of the translation. writers and at different times. Each of these The gnomic character of Buddhist works like has its dose, translator's name, and place of these probably exerted some influence on non publication, affixed to it. Among them we find a Buddhist Indian literature: and it is an interesting copy made by order of the Taeping Teen Wang, question how far the latter literature in its containing the Gospel of St. Mark only; and in gnomio part is indebted to Buddhist sources. immediate connection with this, translations by R. A. NEIL R. Morrison, printed at Malacca, by the Basel Evangelical Mission ; by Dr. Marshman; by GutCATALOGUE of CHINESE PRINTED Books, MANUSCRIPTS, zlaff, Medhurst, Bridgman and others. The ar and DRAWINGS in the Library of the British Museum, by Robert Kennaway Douglas. Printed by order of the rangement of these translations alone, selected Trustees of the British Museum. London, Longmans. | from such a large body of books, must have re This Catalogue was eagerly looked for by quired much time and patience, and the books 80 students interested in the history of Chinese arranged form a Thesaurus for a comparison of literature. And now it is before us, we are idioms and phrases which it is of the highest imastonished at the amount of labour it must have portance to have definitely understood and acceptrequired, and are gratified to think that such a ed in their true sense. We are most of us familiar task has been done in England by one of our own with the controversy which is still continuing in scholars. Professor Douglas tells us that the num. China, or what is known as the Term question; ber of Chinese volumes named in his Catalogue but this controversy is really of less consequence amounts to upwards of 20,000. These have accu- than others which might, and doubtless will be mulated during the last fifty years, but hitherto raised over phrases which, when thoroughly exahave remained practically useless on the shelves mined, will be found to be inadequate as vehicles of his department. The labour of reducing these of the sense intended in Holy Scripture. To take to an orderly arrangement can scarcely be under- one example, we will select a passage given us in stood by those not conversant with Chinese books. Mr. Douglas' Catalogue at the bottom of the third Mr. Douglas has adopted a very convenient page, viz., that used in a sermon by the preachers method for reference, by following the alphabeti- of the Chinese Union on the Text, "Blessed are the cal order of the different authors' names. After poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of the name follow the different works composed by heaven." Passing by the phrase "her sin chay" the several writers. The tables of the works are for "poor in spirit," about which grave doubts translated into English, and where it is possible, might arise, the phrase "teen kuoo" for "Kingdum the year of publication is added with the size of the of Heaven" must be entirely unintelligiblo in the book. To accomplish this, every volume must sense designed, unless explained by a note or parahave been examined, and the author's name 48- phrase. In fact 'teen kuo' is not unfrequently certained from actual inspection. The difficulty used in Chinese books as the equivalent of India,"

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374 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1881. and so the phrase might be rendered, "The before us, and much more for being able to put empty in heart have merit, for theirs is India." them up in a correct and practical form. We If we are ever to arrive at a correct and intelli- hope the day is not far distant when Chinese gible version of Holy Scriptures into Chinese, students in England will have equal facilities such & Thesaurus as that afforded us in for quoting passages from original works in native the Catalogue under notice, will be invaluable, type, as exist now at Vienna and St. Petersburg. and a student already familiar with the classi- Until this is the case, we cannot expect much to cal and Buddhtst books will know how to avail be done in the way of intelligible criticism in himself of it. Scarcely less noticeable are the this branch of literature. And for this reason, as thirty-four copies of the Yih king, which are ar- heretofore, the study of Chinese will languish ranged in consecutive order in the Catalogue. and remain unpopular. We hail therefore the apThe different editions of this important work pearance of this work, as an augury of better range over a considerable period from 1612 to times in store for us. 1853 A. D., and are mostly the product of native We must also express a hope that readers in students. Nothing in fact brings home to our the British Museum will be able to avail themmind the conviction of the really studious charac- selves of the books in this Catalogue. It has ter of Chinese scholars so much as the repeated been a great privation to the few interested in the editions of these classical works, issuing from the subject, that up to the present time, these books, Native Press, and in arranging them as Mr. 80 much coveted, have not been available for Douglas has, this conviction is forced more and use. We now have a rich field for study opened more on the mind. up to us. Let us not be disappointed by any The work before us extends to over 271 official or technical difficulty, but let Mr. Douglas's largo quarto pages; and we cannot omit to Catalogue be found among the other volumes on name the very complete list of worke arranged the shelves, for the guidance and advantage of alphabetically--found in the Appendix-by re- the few students who will search its pages. ference to which each author's name may S. BEAL. be ascertained and the particular work referred to the group found in the Text. Altogether, this L SIND BALLADS: Translated from the Sindi by T. Hart-Davies, Bo. C.S. Bombay: Education Society's Catalogue reflects the highest credit on the pa- Pross: 1881. tience and scholarship of Mr. Douglas, and it These ballads, locally called Kafis, are selectproves his fitness for the distinguished positioned from a collection of 400 made for the transhe holds. In such a mass of useful information lator by Sayyid Fazal Shah, a living poet of it would be strange if no mistakes occurred; and Haidrabad. we venture to point out to Mr. Douglas that the Some show considerable traces of Persian inLang yen Satra, named on p. 154, is a well-known fluence of a Sufi type, but the most interesting Sanskrit work called the Surangama Satra, and are love songs alluding to popular legends. The has already been partly translated into English; sentiment is often rather that of home sickness also that the work by Wang-Pu, named on p. 229, than of personal affection, and here the inspiration can scarcely be rendered into English as the is strikingly local, and even amusing in its "Perfect Way"-the expression Ching Taou being naivete. For to the Sindi poet, the scanty a well-known one for the perfection of wisdom" jungle and austere fruits of the desert must arrived at by Buddha under the Bo-Treo at furnish figures for which more favoured bards Uravilva in Magadha. can draw upon the palm and vine or the noble There are a few other oversights in the Catalogue forest flora of the North. relating principally to Buddhist terminology, which The mad fort of a robber chief is the proud simply show that Mr. Douglas is not exempt from palace" where the imprisoned maiden sighs for error in every particular, and yet they but throw liberty and her beloved people--the qualid out in full relief the excellency of the work he has servitude of the women of a nomad tribe. so successfully completed. This very tone, however, guarantees the genuineWe cannot conclude this notice without con- ness of these ballads as good samples of original gratulating Mr. Douglas on the very clear and folk songs; and the translator and the Sayyid serviceable Chinese type used for his Catalogue deserve the thanks of scholars for their contribuMr. Stephen Austin deserves much praiso for tion to our knowledge of a neglected subject. procuring such good type specimens as those W. F. S.

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INDEX. ..... 54 273 35 339 .............. 66 PAGE PAGE PAGE Abbris 68 Agni, g........... Amoghasiddha ...... abbe ...........................170, 252 agnihotra ..250, 286 amritapadi ................. 66 abbode, abode .................... 120 agrahara .........132, 188, 243, 250 Anahila ............... 281 Abdul Aziz ........................ 67 agramahishi........................ 185 Anabila, q. (Chalukya) ......... 345 Abdullah the Wahhabi ......67-69 agriobous or wild ox ............ 323 Anahilapataka, c. ............43, 160 Abhayanandin....... 76 Agunte P, V......................... 244 Anamkond inscription of Ru. Abhinanda Gauda 46 Ahichchhatra .........250, 251n, 253 dradeva ....... 211 Abbira ........................157, 158 Ahmadabad, t...................... 45 Ananda............. abhisheka ........................... 58 Airavata, or Erapata, serpent. Ananga,-Kamadeva, ........ abtekros, death ................... 310 king............................258, 259 Anantavarma, (GA.) ............ Abulfaraj, Greg. bar Hebraeus 13, 'Ajab mundra ..................... 350 Andhasuradhvamsi,-Siva, g. 253 15. 337 | Ajita (Sara.) ................... Andhras ........................... 272 acantho............. 311 Ajurika, v. ............... Andhra co. .............. 295 Achalada-Bharata .........166, 167 Akbar Pasha ................. Andhrabhritya dynasty ...225, 226 acharya............130, 164, 165, 346 Akbar, story of ............... Andirika, r. ........................ 244 Achi II. (Sin.)* ................. 169 Akhandala - Indra, g. ......... 285 Anegundi......................... 38 Achyuta,--Vishnu, g. ......... 344 Akshobhya Aneguttahalli ............... 98n, 99 Achyutaraya (Vi.) ....... Alakhushidi gitkhuri, the Anekasesha grammar ......... 79 Acingani ..... Vangut......................... 355-57 angabhoga ........................... acrostics and Vararuchi ...... 366f Alambusha, g...................... 258 Angaja................................ add ikea, o.................. 64 Albiruni.........................214, 217 angaranga ... Adeyavsta, v. 243 Alexander, k.............20, 272, 322 Anhilwad Pathan ............... adhikdrika, o... 284 Alexander's Wall . Aniruddha, g......... adhirdja..............60, 65, 66, 103, Alphabet, Indian Aijaneya, -Hanuman, g....... 127, 129, 165, 166, 186, 251, 284 Altan son of Khutlugh Khan. 115 Anjar, t. in Kachh ............ adhishthana....... 60 Amara, (spur. W. Chal.) ...37, 133 ankakdra ........................... adhishthaya........................ 343 Amarakuva ........................ 246 antanar 353 Adikartsis..... 126 Amarasimha's Numalinganu- Antigone of Sophokles ......... 370 adimahdbappuravanea......... 57n ideana ........................... 101 Antigonog... Aditya, Ayichha (Chhin.)...... 345 Amaravat, co...............110, 246 Antiokhos..................... 105, 272 Adityagena, k. of Magadha ...193n Amardvati Tope, by R. Sewell. 56 anujnayd ........................... 59 Adityavarma (Kad. of Ban. Ambabai of Jogai ............... 72 Apabhramsa .......................285 and Hang....................249, 253 Amba Bhavani, Ambe Mata.. 245 Apastamba, &c. Sutras by G. Adityavarme (spurious W. amber ........... .................. 310 Buhler ..................... 294, 295 Ohal.) ....................... 37, 133 Ambera, . (doubtful W. Chal.) 37, aphytacoros trees producing Adityavarma (W. Chal.) ...... 244 133 amber 310 AEtna, Mt. ......... 299 Ameri American puzzle................... 89 Apsarahpriya (Sara.) ............ Afghans ........... 274 Amitabha Buddha ......83, 94, 247 | Apsaras, g. ....... Agastya 102 Amma II. (E. Chal.)............ 244 Arabia Felix ............. ... 291 272 314 * Abbreviations :C.--city. Ga-Ganga. Ksh.-Kshatrapa. 6.---Bect. Chaul:--Chaulakya. GA.-Ganga. 1. m.-land-measure. Sin.-Sinda. Chhin.--Chhinda. Gup.-Gurta. Maha.-Mahavali. Sura.-Surasena. Chd.-Chola. Gur.-Gurjara. mt.-mountain. t.-town. tr.-tribe. co.--country. Hoy.Hoysala. mot.motto. v.-village. d-district. k-king. n.name. Va.-Valabhi. Early Chal-Early Chalukya. Kad-Kadamba. 0.-official term. Vi.-Vijayanagara. E. Chal-Eastern Chalukya. Kad. of Ban. and Hang-Kadam. Pall.-Pallava. Vya.-Vyaghra. 8-god, goddess, or supernatural ba of Banaw dei and Hangal. 4.-queen. T.-river. W. Chal.-Western Cbalakya. being Kad. of Goa.-KAdamba of Goa. Rach.-R Ashtrakata. W. Chil.-Western Chalukya.

Page #424
376 INDEX. 197 226 161 329 339 156 344 189 Arabs, Ta-shi .................. 197n Aradan, v. ........................ 289 Arakan ........................ 195, 196 Aralikatti inscription........... 65 Archaeological Notes ........... 363f argellia, or the cocoanut tree. 323 Arghyatirtha ...... ..... 188, 189 Argun ........... Arhan, k. ............ Arhats Arian-Pali inscriptions ....... Arimaspians ...................... 314 Arisimha Aristeas of Prokonnesos ..... 313 Aristotle ............. Arjunadeva ... Arjunavijaya ...................... 94 Arnoraja, k........................ dropayato............................ arrow-divination................... Arslan of the Khilij tribe ... 336 Artakhshatar, k. ..............31, 32 Artaxerxes Mnemon ............ 314 aruvana ........................... 188 Arya-Avalokitesvara ... 82, 83, 248, 273, 274 Aryabhata ...... 183 Arya-Nagarjuna ................. 195 Arya-Taradevi, g. 185-190, 273, 274 Aryavarma, Buddhist pilgrim. 246 as .................................... 156 deana................................. 131 ashtadabapattana ................ 186 Asiatic Societies, Royal...... 55, 94 >> Bengal ...... 274 French ...... 183 Asilapallika, v. ................ 278 Aboka ....................... 213, 248 Asoka inscriptions1st edict ...... 105f 4th & 5th 6th, 7th, 8th & 9th, ...... 180f 10th, 11th & 12th, ..... 209f 13th & 14th 269f Asokachalla (Chhin.) ..........344-47 ass, wild ............... 303, 311, 317 Assassins or Ismaelites........ 337 afvamedha .................... 253, 254 Asviliya-Koda, v. ............. 160 Aterek, r. .......................... 21 'Aroiyavoi......... ............ 53 Adharmazdi, k. ............... 31, 32 Adramazda, g.' ................ Aurangzeb .......................... 184 Avadana Sataka .................. 184 Avalokitesvara. 82, 83, 248, 273, 274 avanipatitritaya ........... 37, 132 Avar, tr. ............................ 173 Bana-Vijyadhara ...............36-39 Avlia beggars .................... 72 Banka island ...................... Awans and Jods.................. 244 ROLA Bankapura, c. ..................... 129 Axiakae ............ 269 Bappa, Bappabhattaraka, BapAyichha, Aditya (Chhin........ 345 pamaharaja .......... dyuktaka, o... ................ 284 bappura........................57n, 58n Ayvole, t. ........................... 189 Bappuvarasa, k............104, 105 Azes, k................................ Baranasi ...............164, 166, 167 basadi ................................ 132 BAchaladevi (Kad. of Ban. Basava, g. ........................ 185 and Hang.) ...............251, 254 Bashak Nag or Vasuki ......... 371 Bachenhatti...... batta, vatta ........................188n Badami inscriptions 57-65, 102, 104 Battinans a branch of theShiahs 337 Badavi, v. ............... 60, 63, 65, 67 Beggars of Bombay 714, 145f, 286f BAhaka .........................157, 158 Behram Gor, k. .................. 52 Bahman Yasht ...............123, 124 bele..... ........... 189 Bahurupf beggars .............. 71 Belgutei ............17, 140, 179, 358 Baiga tr. ............................. 364 Benfey's Vedica und LinguisBaikal lake ...... ... 20 tica .............................. 156 Bairat rock and inscription. 154, 344 bera, a large boat ............... 349n Baireddipalle ..................... 99 Berlin Oriental Congress ...... 340 Baitu'l aqsa at Jerusalem ... 372 besadim........... 59 Baktrians............................ 308 betrothal ceremonies ............ Balachandra's Upadesa-kanda. bhd.................................. livritti ........................... 100 Bhadrachellam taluka ....... 2597 Baladeva .......................170, 250n Bhagavan,-Buddha ........... Baladitya, k. ...................... 192 Bhagavati, &................... balden ................................ 371 Bhairava, g.................. 105 Balajaya, devotee ... 326, 328, 330 bhanakasa............. Balanandt, devotee...326, 328, 330 bhandagdrika, o................ 346 balanja ........................ 185, 189 Bhanumati, q. of Bhoja ...... 368 balanjiga ............................... 189 Bharadv@ja gatra ............... 85n Balatkaragana, 8. ...............189n Bharata ..................145, 166, 167 bali .......... .............. 286 Bharhut Stupa inscrips..118f, 255f Bali, g. ..........................36, 38 Bharukachchha, c. ............... 278 Bali .............. 170 Bhaskara, Surya, g. 251, 253, 254 baliya ......................... 129, 254n Bhate.................................... 96 Baljuna plain. 138; and lake.. 266 bhadra ................62, 103, 164-66 Baljuntu .......................... 267 Bhatarka (Va.) ...... 218, 222, 285 ballade .........................304, 318 bhatta ........... ............ 286 Ballavarasa, k. .................. bhattdraka .................. 189n, 244 Balsane caves ................... 155 bhava.............. ............. 88 bambu ....................... 298, 316 Bhava Acharya ............326, 327 Ban cheren ........................ 38 Bhavani of Kolhapur............ 72 Banada-Mahammaye, g....... 67 bhavinis, dancers, .......... 344 & n banaiti ........... 38 Bhima I. (Chaul.) banajiga, banijiga .............. 185 Bhimasona .................... Banajigas ....................... Bhimdsvarga ..................... Banakula .... Bhoja's Karana, Rajamartabananja, bananju ............... 185 nda, &c............................. Banarasa (Mah.)............... 36-39 Bhojadeva ... 75; Bhoja and Banarasi.........................188, 189 Vararuohi........... Banabarnkart inscription ...... 66 Bhojas ............. .............. 272 Banasura, g........................ 38 Bhujwa caste .....................232n Banavase, co................249, 254 | Bhalokamalla, - Somesvara Banavasi, c. ................250, 254 III. (W. CHAL.) ............... 131 Banavdelpuravarddhisvara ... 252 | Bhopala Chola .................. 363 259 ...... 836 274 38 .... 368 371

Page #425
INDEX. 377 Buirukh ............172-74, 208, 209 Bundahish ........................ 123 Buraju Bakhadur ................ 114 Buriat tr. ........................19, 20 Burnell's Tanjore Catalogue... 23 Burto .................................. 15-17 Burut tr, ............................. 13 187 108 .. 138 332 248 249 246 Calcutta Review ................. 124 Camelopardalis or giraffe ...... 322 castes of the Tamils ............ 85EUR Ceylon ..........................87, Chachentu-ul, battle of......... 334 Chakrapalita ..................... 222 Chakravada, t. .................. 344 chakwi .............................. 82 challa............................ 344-346 L Chalukya kingdom ........... 110 Chalukya temple at Nalanda. 110 Chalukyabharana... 127, 129, 186, 251 Chalukyas, Early ............... 57 Eastern ............ 244 Western...58, 102, 132, 162ff, 244 Chalukyas, ...126, 131, 185, 70 55 211 Bhushana (Chhin.) ........... 345 Bhatanatha, g. ...................62, 63 Bhuvanaikamalla, - Somes. vara II. (W. Chal.) ......127, 129 Bijapur inscription ............ 126 Bijjanahalli, v................127, 131 Bimbisara, k. ..................... binnapadin........................ 59 binnapari-geydu.................... 127 Birbal, story of, and Akbar... bird-dung poison ............... 310 bird marriage ..................... 333 Birdwood's Industrial Arts ... 273 Birysiwi Bohoras................. 70 blood covenant ................... 269 Bodhidharma, Bud. pilgrim... Bodhisattvas ....................... 346 bodho tree......... ............ 256 bodies of Buddha ............... 193 Bohoris ..................... .. Bombay beggars and criers ... 71f, 145f, 2861 Bombay Gazetteer ............... 155 bowl of jade........................ Brahina, g. .....................61, 189 brahmacharin .................... 284 brahmaddya...... Brahmadatta, k. of Banaras. . 370 Brahmani duck ................... Brahmayajna ceremonies...... 340 Btihnapati .............. 129 Brinjaras ...... 53 Brunei, Borneo Buddha ...24, 185-89, 273, 343, 344 , as monkey king ...... 120 Buddhagaya .............194, 195, 346 Buddhagaya Chinese inscrip tions ..................193, 339, 346 Buddhaghosha..................... 153 Buddhagupta ...............219, 220 Buddhas ........ ............... 344 Buddha's Nirvana, date of ...341f buddhavarman...................... 37 Buddhism ......... 273 Buddhist chronology............ 153 coins .................... 274 inscription at Dam. ba! ............. 185, 273 inscription at Gay&. 341 pilgrims to India ...192f, 246f , sculpture ............ Budlondes ....... Budu the Dorbe............ 113 Buduantear ...... 114 Buhler's Sacred Laws of the Aryas 294f 293 Chatta, Chattaya, Chattuga, | (Kad.of Ban,and Hang.)240, 253 Chattabrahma chaturanga ..................... 119 chaturdasavidy................ chaturdeseya-cierama............ chaturvedin .................... chaturvidya ... .81 Chaulukyas ......... chauska ............318n chaushashtiyogapitha ......... 187 Chavunda II. (Sin.) ............ 109 Chavundariya, KadoBan. and Hing) ..................... Chelini ................ ............ 15 Chera grants ..... .*** chotis, female servants belong. ing to a temple ...........311 &n Chhabua tank, inscribed Jain images found at ............... 158 Chhindas ............................344f chhathipilna .................... 3+ Chidambaram ...................... 51 Chi-I, Buddhist priest ......... 193 Chikka Jala, Maisur ............. 2, 4 Chimara Mt. .................. 307-8 China temple at Nalandit...... 110 Chinese books in the British Museum......... 373, 37+ inscriptions at Bud. dhagaya ..........193, 339 >> pilgrims to India ...109f, 192, 245f , translations from San. skpit .................. 121 Chintadeva, Bud. pilgrim...... 248 Chingliz Khan and his Ances. tors ... 121, 111f, 135f, 1718, 2021, 231f, 261, 333, 335f Chingliz Khan...12, 13, 20, 115-17, 133-13, c. Chipitanasika people ......... 32 In chiri, Malaya formula ......... 95 Chi'sze, Bud. pil. ............... 196 Chittavarmi, Bud. pil. ......217-18 Chittur, N. Arkat ............... 100 chitwpada............................ 119 Cholas, Cholas ............ 131, 27 Chulanatha Nayakar .......... 365 Chokideva or Jokideva (Kid. of Ban. and Hang........2419, 253 Chois............................ 134, 272 Chonylux-sitra................... 87 Chorfisi-khamba .................. 34 Chronology of Buddhism ...... 153 Chu-fa-lan, writer ................. churol, female ghost ........229n 95 ***.... 254 Chalukya-Vikramavarsha 188, 254 Chamaraja .......................... 63 Chambharganv, Satwai of ... 72 Champa, Siam ...............196, 197 Chamukha, 16, 17, 111, 112, 114, 117, 136-39, 171-75, 202, 204-6, 209, 234-38, 264, 334, 335, 356, 359-61 Chamunda (Chaul.) ............ 162 chamapa, o.................... Chanda Sahib .................... Chandala ........................... Chandrabhatti .................. Chandradova, Bud. pilgrim ... 247 Chandraditya (W. Chal.) ...... Chandragupta Maurya. ...213, 226, 227 Chandramayyas .................. 105 Chandrayan-bagilu ............ Chang-ch'un, a Taoist ... 117, 362 Channa Bodhisattwa............ Chapar, the Ghebr.............. Chapotkatas........................... 46 Charanavyiha...................... Charitavarma, Bud. pilgrim... 248 charu ............................... 286 Charva kas ........................... 143 Chashtana, (Ksh.)...157, 221, 224, 226 and n, 227 281 196 267 .. 287 122 .... .

Page #426
378 INDEX. ........ ......... 364 245 ...... . Churnikrit, Patanjali ......... dates, Indian ..................... 300 Dhopesvar of Indapur ........ Chu-ye-che-sin, founder of the , , in figures......63, 65, 67, 129, Dhruva (R&sh.) ............... Tsin dynasty .................... 132, 159, 186, 243 and errata, Dhruvabhata, k................ Chdyipaka, V ........................ 252, 343, 346 dhvajastambha .................. cocks.............. >> , in numerical symbols...157, dhyana ... cocoanut tree or argellia ...... 243, 244 Dighatapas, Dighabapas ...... Coin legends .................. , in words...60, 104, 125, 157, Dihbandwas, Exorcists ......... Coins of Kharabael ............ 243, 244, 286 dikairon, dikairos, or dikaion, Coins of Pathan Kings......... ,, of Indian inscriptions a bird.................. 301, 310, 318 Columbum (Quilon) and coins........................ 2131 Quilon) ............ ............ dikepalas ........ 54 Confuscianism Davadamadavam, d. ............ 243 Dindigal ............ Congress of Orientalists at Davis, the voyager.............. 25 Dirghatapas, Dighatapas ...... 120 Berlin .......................... 340 days-lucky and unlucky...... 366 Diu, Dyo........................... Copperplate grants, Eastern de ........................................ 152n Divakara, author .................. Chalukya. 244 death from poisons .........309, 310 divination ...................... 338, >> , Ganga ... 243 degula ................... 127, 164, 165 divine mothers ,, , Kalinga.. 243 Dehu, Tukoba of ............... 72 divya ordeal. 319 , , Miscel- Deligun Buldak ................. 142 Dohad inscription ............... 158 laneous. . 244 delphis, the dolphin .......... 323 Dokuz Khatun ................ 14 >> , Valabhi.. 277 De Mail De Mailla's Hist. China ... 135-36 dold ................... 48, 348n, 350n >>, Western Demaladevi (Sin.) ................ 169 dolphin-delphis................... 323 Chalukya 244 De Melho's Castes of the Ta- Dombari caste...................... 245 Corsairs ..- .......... ......... 339 mil Nation ................... 85. Doms ............ ................ 51 cotton 316 Derabhata, k........................ 219 dondi, cup of pipal leaf......... 348n Crow language ......... .... 183 Deraiah ........................... 67-8 Dopiaza, Mullah to Akbar ... 332 custom of Kurdistan ............ 288 Desaraja (Chhin.) ............... 345 Douglas's Catalogue of Chi Desmukh beggars ............... 71 nese Books ...................... 373 Despande beggars ............... 71 Dowson on the Indian AlphaDadhimati, r. ...................... 160 deva ............................ 279, 284 1 bet...... Dadhipadra, v. ............... 159-161 Devalid inscr. ..................... 345 Dracva, bird .................... Dahak ............................ 124 Devandmpiya .................... 108 Drangini (Sara................... Dharma ............................ 343 Devanandin, author of the Duathi betrothal ........ Dair Usun .................****** ... 18 Jainendram..... 79 Dakshanacharis ............... Dai Setzen ......... 174 Devanandyacharya ............ 76 Duncan's Geog. of India ...... Daisios, month ........... 326 Devanur-Kollar, v.. ............. 100 Dundu, k............................ Dakhu Bakhadur ................ Devareja (Sara.).................. 35 Durgacharya on the Nirukta. Dakshinaditya, --Sarya, g. ... 341 Devasakti (Sendraka) ......... 244 Durgabhata (Sara.) DAlaraya (Vya.) ................. 341 Devavarma, k. .................. 110 Durgadama (Sura.)............ Dalvaykere, Maisur ........... Devendravarma (Ga.) of Ka- Dushana ...................... 168, 170 Damatrata, Acharya...... 326, 327 linga ............................... 243 Dvaparayuga ................ Damba! Buddhist inscrip. 185, 273 Deyathali, v. ..................... 286 Dvarak&, c................... Danakasirivur, v. ............. 67 Deyika (Sdra.) ................. 35 Dvarapati, co. ...............195, 197 dandadhindtha, o................ 254 | dhamachakam..................... 255 dvdtrimsadvelapura ............ 186 dandadhipo, o. .................. Dhammapada, by Max Muller. 372 Dvydfrayakosha of HemaDandamandala, co.............38, 39 Dhara, C. ...................... 161, 162 chandra ..................... 44, 46 dandandyaka, o. ................. dhdrana ............................ 131 Dvyderayamahdledvya ......... 78 dandandyakiti ..................... 254 dhdrdpurvaka .................... 63 dapal ............................. 183 Dharasena II. (Va.)... 277, 285, 286 earth spirits....................... 366 darassun, rice wine ......... 357 Dharavarsha-Dhruva (R&sh.) 168 Eclipses, lunar ................ Daritai Utjigin .................. 115 Dharma (Chhin.)............ 343, 345 > solar ..................... 243 Darius Hystaspes ............... 371 dharmakdya.......................193-94 Eighteen Agraharas ......185, 188 and Intaphernes ...... 370 Dharmakhedi (Ga.) ........... 243 Ekasaleya-Parsvanatha, g....... 132 Darmesteter, J. .................... Dharmapura, c. ............ 185, 188 El Arid ........................... 67 Daru'l-Harb ...................... 69 Dharmarakshita, an ascetic. 343-44 elephants ..................305, 317 Dasapura, c.......................... 286 Dharmasutras ................ 294-95 El Hassa .......................... 68 Dasara ............................. 73 73 Dharmavolal, o. ......185, 188, 189 Ellamma, g. ............ 245, 246 Dasaratha (Chhin.) ...... 346, 347 | Dhauli inscr. ................ 106 l emblems, on iron weights...... 60 98 *** 115 254 243 275

Page #427
INDEX. 379 226 Garis 309 ...... ............. 212 . ..... emblems, on seals of grants... 243, Garudas ....... 244, 250n, 277, 279 Gaubil, M. ............. 115, 135 Ganda inscription .............. 157 on stone tablets 64, 127, Gaudavaha ...................... 44 Guppadugga, v. ................. 166 131, 165, 169, 185, 249 Gautama Buddha .............. 370 Guptas. 125, 214n, 215-19, 221, 227 'EvoriKTOVUS, ekagarbhas .......319n Gautama Smriti.................. 295 Guptasya kdla .................... 126 equinox............................ 244 Gautamiputra, k. .............. Gurjara, co..... 160 Erapata, Airivata raja ... 258, 259 Gavrani beggars...... ......... 72 Gurkhan, title............... Ereve ............... .................. 104 Gaya, t. ............................341n Gurkhan of Kara Kitai ...... Ereya, d.............................. 166 | inscription of 1813 An. Gushana=Kopayo ............ Exorcism of Village Ghosts... 288 Nirvana ............ 3411 Guthrie, Col. S.... ........ . 54 Gezulapalle Gymnetae .................... Geography of India by G. Fa-chin, Buddhist pilgrim ... 196 Duncan.......................... 56 Hadapadalara-KrishnappanaFadhl, poetess .................. 184 Ghatakanchuki ceremony... 287 yaka ............ Fa-hian ......................... 193, 319 Ghazni ........................... 21 Haidarab&d plates ............. Fairy Queen ..................... 94 Gipsies, origin of .............. 50 Haihayas ............. 8 :** ********... ......... Fausboll's Sutta Nipata. 372, 373 giraffe or cammelopardalis ... 322 Hajj, Muhammadan ........... Fazl Shah .......................... 374 Girivili, v. ....................... 286 Hakas ................................ 14 Fergusson's Tree and Ser. Girnar inscrip. ...... 105, 108, 126 hala, l. m............................... 159 pent Worship ............. 54, 56 Gobardhan, a name ............. 333 hana, pana ..................188, 255n Firdausi .......... Goda vari District plates ...... 244 handola, swingcradle............ 349n Firoz Shah ........................ Godhra. ............... 161 Hantu Puntianak, g.............. 365 flasks.................. 4 Godhrahaka, V................160, 278 Hanumin..................... 129, 254 Folklore ......... 190, 288, 366f, 370 godhrahaketya ......................159 ..159 Hanumanta, g. ..................... 62 Folklore in the Panjab Goga-Narayana,- Vishnu, g. 159. Hanungal, t. .................249, 254 Sir Bumble ................... 40 161 Hara, -Siva, g. ................... 129 Princess Pepperina ...... 80 Gol, ca............ 245 Haradatta ........................ 296 The son of Seven Mothers 147 hers 147 gold in India 315 Haralukote inscription ....... 36 Prince Lionheart and his Gond.................................. 9 Harasata inscription............218n three friends .......... 228 Gonda people .................... 321 Harshavardhana, k. of SamaOpprobrious Names ...... 331 Gondophares, k. ......... tata .............................. 196 - The Wonderful Ring. ... 347 Gopala, k...... Hari, -Vishnu, g. ................. 254 Folklore Parallels ......... 190, 370 Gopeswar in Garhwal, inscr... Harihara I. (Vi.) ...........62, 63 forged copper-plate grants.277, 282 gosane ........ Harikesari (Kad. of Ban. fountain of red water ......309, 313 Gosavis.............................. 146 Hang.) .......................... 249 Frobak ............................... 124 Gotami .......... .....****.. 293 Hariyappavodeya, -Harihara Fu-nan (Cambodia) ........... 197 gotra, Harita 66 I. (Vi.) .........................62, 63 , Kasyapa .................... 254 Harlez' Origines du Zoro. Gadh Hinglez..................... 245 , Kausika ................... 286 astrisme ................. 274f, 370f gadimba .......................... 129 gotrachar ........................... Hashim Shah ..................... 371 gadyana .......... 188 Govindagani's Karmastavatid 101 Hazrat Ali ........................ 153-4 Gaites, Gaitres, riv. ............ 305 Govind-Reddipalle, v. Galela, d................ 243 gramakuta ........................ 284 Hekataiss of Miletos ............ 296 Galitapradipa ............... griffins, gryphon...... 300, 308, 318 Hellanikos ........................ 314 gana ............................ .....189n Growse's Mathura Memoir ... 96 Hemachandra's Dvyakrayako. Ganaratnamahodadhi ......... gudda .... ...... ...............189n sha......... 46 gandhakut, temple... 343 & n, 344 guddd, effigy ................ AnekdrthaGandharasanda temple ...... 110 guddadhvaja..... 189 sangraha 100 gandharta ... 166 Gudrahara, d.... 244 SabdanuidGanga, r. ..................... 131, 285 Gugga Guru ................. sanavritti. 101 Gangas........ ....... **** Guhasena (Va.) ............... 285 Hemacharya's Bhandar ...... 44 Gangas.............................. 243 Gujarat ...... Herjjuggi, Hejjuggi, fullmoon 254 Gangeyavamsa era........... 243 Galganpode (Maisur) inscrip- Hesigonos ...................... Ganjam plates..................... tions ... Himadri, mt. ..................... 131 Ganthichor, ca. ............. 245 Gumache Tepe................. 20, 21 Himalaya, mt.. .................. 285 Gardabhilla ... 222 Guna-cuarita Temple ......... 110 Himavan, mt. ...............253, 254 321 Gunapala's kishidattacharita. 100 Hidugadesa...................222-3 105 345 167 . .... ..... ***... 48 : 45 : 79 .232n 93 37 96 ............ 36 Garuda...

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380 INDEX ......... 112 Jayasona Acharya ............. 345 Jayasimha (Chaul.) ......... 160-162 Jayasimha I. (E. Chal.) ...... 244 Jayasinha - Jayavarma II. (Kad. of Ban. and HAng.)... 253 Jayasimha III. (W. Chal.) ... 188 Jayatesvarapotaraja (P Pall.). 37 Jayatungasimha, k. ...... 343, 344 Jayavarma I. (Kad. of Ban. and Hang........................249,253 Jayavarma II., or Jayasinha (Kad.of Ban, and Hong.) 249, 253 Jeda Noyan, the Urut ...... 112-13 Jejuri ****........ 286 Jelair tr. ........ Jelalu'd-din Rumi .............. 294 Jelmi................................. 236 Jetavana monastery ... 109, 327n Jhazjhesvara, -Siva, g. ...... 130 Jih-kwan (Adityasena)...110, 193n jindlaya ............ .............189n Jinapura, heaven ............... 343 Jinendra ..................... 131, 346 Jivanaga ............................. 344 Jin&tmaka-Buddhas ........... 273 Jode and Awans............ Jogai, Ambabdi of ............... 72 Jogni beggars ................... 73 Johor ............. Joinville, M. .................... 338 Jokideva or Chokideva (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.)......249, 253 Jovian cycle ..................... 220 Juchi Khan......18, 115, 204, 208-9 Juchi Khasar ...................... 204 Juriat tr. ........................... 16 Juveni, Alaiu'd-din Ata Mulk 116n 336-7 Jyotistattua .....................89, 90 131 252 Hindustani Language by E. Inscription in India ........... 340 G. Lyall Bharhut Stupa ... 118f, Hinglez 255f hippopotamos ...................... from Kama......... 34 hiranyagarbha .................. of Naqsh-i Rustam 29 Hiung Nu.......................... at Suevihara ...... 324 Hiwen Theang ...58, 121, 193, Pallava, S. 690 ... 36 hog-deer or khoireliphas ...... in Chinese at Budhorned ass in India ........... dha Gaya ......... 339 Horse-king ......................... 292 of Piyadasi ... 83, 105, horse, marks of luck .......... 180, 209, 269 Ho-Yun, Bud. priest.......... 193 insect yielding purple ......... 310 Hoysalas ........................... 39 fralabanda slabstone monuHuan-chin, Ch. pilgrim.......... 246 ments ......... ..............97-99 Huan-ching, a Buddhist teacher 109 Iralar, tr. ........ ***...... 98 huckle-bone of the Indian ass . 311 iron, unlucky. ......... ....... 864 Hui-Ning, Bud. pilgrim ...... 194 Irunkol, proper name ......... 365 Hun-chiu, Bud. pilgrim ...... 194 IsAkhil, tr. ......................... 244 Huns (P) ........................... 272 Laigonos of Nikaea............... 313 'Yapxos, r. ...30 & n, 315, 316, 320 Ismaelites or Assassins......... 337 Hunastkatti inscription ...... Ismail, Shah 139 Huvishka .........213, 214, 216, 331 ishtadeva .................********* Hwui Lun, Chinese Buddhist. 110 I-tsing, Bud. pilgrim ...121, 122, Hwui Ming, Bud. pilgrim...... 195 194-95, 197, 246-47 Hwui-Nieh, Chinese pilgrim. . 246 Ittige-bailu, Maisdr..............1-3 Hwui-Ta, Chinese Bud. pilgrim 195 Iturgian ........... 268 Hwui-Yen, Chinese Bud. pil. grim ................ ............ 248 hydrophanos, stone .............297n jackal ............ ................. 317 Hypobarus riv. .... .......... 310 jade bowl............................ Jaffnapatam ...................... 86 Tamboulos ...........**** 813 Jagadamba, g...................... 73 ibes.......... 323n Jagadekamalla I., Jayasimha idha ......... III. (W. Chal.) .............. I-long, Bud. pilgrim .......... 248 Jainendra............................. 78 Ildo plates ......................... 280 Jainandra Vyakarana ......... 754 Ilvala and V&tapi .............. 102 Jaina-Banajigas ............ 185, 274 Inamdars, beggars.............. 71 Jaina images, inscriptions on . 158 Indapur, Dhoposvara of ...... 72 Jains ..... India, Ancient .................. 296 Jakembo ................ 334 India, T. Wheeler's History of 184 Jakhanbo ...................... 204-207 Indian Inscription and Coin Jalandhara ...................... 109 dates .................. 213f jambu-nadode ..................... 121 , Museum .................. 54 Jambudvipa......................... 121 Indra, g. ............. 43n, 54, 353 Janaka, k. ....................... 93, 119 Indra, k. ............................ 244 Jananthapura, c. ............ 36, 39 Indra's curse ...................... 353 jando, junvi ....................... 48 Indrabhattaraka .............. 244 Janjgas .......................... 244 Indranandin ..................... Jarimari beggars ................ 73 Indra Tirtha..................198, 199 Jatakas ..........................291, 293 Indravarma, (G4.) of Kalinga 243 Jatayus ..................... 168, 170 099 315 Indus, r. ...................... 298, 315 Jats ............. 50-52 Inscription and Coin dates ... 213f Jaugada insc. .................... 105 from Buddhagaya. 346 Jayadama, (Ksh.)............ 157, 221 from Gaya of 1813 | Jayadeva, k. of Nepal .........193n An. Nirv. .........341f | Jayanta, (K. G.).................. 250 at Jaugada ......... 105 | Jayantipura, c. .................. 251 ..... 244 26 55 .............. 109 188 ....... 273 Kabul Khakan ...............140, 142 kadamba, kddamba ............ 250 kadamba, kadamba, kalamba..251n kadambart ........................ 250n Kadambas ......................... 250 Kadambas of Banawasi and HAngal ............ ............... 249f Kadambas of Goa ................ 250 kadamba-tree ................. Kadphises ........................215n Kahaun inscription ............ 125 Kaikadis beggars ............... 72 Kakatya or Kakatiya dynasty. 211 Kakubha, v......................... 126 .......... Kalabhras .......................... 134 KAlaka a saint ..............222, 223

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KAAmukha, s... .......130, 131 Karunarpava or AvalokitesKalik,-Durga, g. *********** Kalikala 62 285 243 ra, C........................................... 243 Kalivallabha,-Dhruva (Rash.) 168 ..61, 131, 189, 344 Kaliyuga.... kal-mane 60 287 79 105 131 Kalsi inscription Kalyana, c..................... Kalyatrioi, Kalustrioi......301, 321 341 Kama, Kamavana inscrip. Kama, co.,-Kamaun......344, 345 Kamadeva, (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) Kamadevasimha, k., son of Jayatungasimha ..343, 344 Kamathesvara, Siva, g. 62 kamavachara ************* 249 *******... vara......................................... 273 Karvanjis, tr. 287 323 Kalinga,co.106,194,197,243,248,271 kastouri or musk-dee122 Kasyapa Matanga Kalinga, ks. of Kataka, co... 104, 105 Kalinganagara, KalinganagaKatha Sarit Sagara 367 286 Kattargam Kaveri, r......................... 363 46 ************* Kavikanthabharana ********** Kawi language 94 Kendu Chino ..................... 115 Kensington Museum........... 53 Keralas....... Keralotpatti ....................................................250n Kerbala 134 ************** ************** *******................................................** K&longanis Kalpasutra ************* **************** *********** *************** ***************** ... ************* kernos........... ***********. ............................................................................... *******...... 68 54 Kerulon, r. .13, 15 Kesab Chandra Sen 55 Kesava, Vishnu, g. ......251, 254 Keshican'................................................................ 207 Kesi, Horse-king ............... 292 191 Khadgila ...257n Khakharata dynasty 225 Khalaljin Alat, battle 239, 266, 267, 269 189 Khandesh.......................... 155 Kandarika Khandoba of Jejuri ..72, 286 Kanerki, k. 160 Khangara, k. ..........................................................216n Khara...... Kang-hi .................................................... 135 ................. ..168, 170 Kanha, k. Satavahana 226 Kharibael, coins of 290 Kanishka, k. 213-16, 219, 223, 224, Khasa race.....346 & n 227, 326, 327, 331 Khasar, br. of Temujin......267-8 Khasia Kannuvuri, v. 127, 131 146 Kanphates, s...................... kantharoi insecta .................. 311 kanyadana 48 Kantaragrama, d. and v...277, 286 Kaoche principality 396 Kambojas 272 Kamparu, v. 244 KAncht, c....37-39, 134, 163-165 153 244 259 Khandalivamea Kandahar cave Kandali, t. ************* ********************* ......... ******************* 9 Khetaka, t...................... 278 khelone, the tortoise 323 khoirelephas or hog-deer...... 328 Khubilai Khan.....117, 173, 178, **********.... 207 ******************* Kapidhvaja kings Kapisa, co. Kappe-Arabhatta Kapuredigarhi insc. 105 Karachar.. Khuildar... 237, 334 Khulagu 337 Kichaka reed..................... 320 Kichu 17 kichhubini .....328 & n ******************* 335 .................... Kieliei tr.............. 113 Kilisiski **************** 123 Kin-chau (Lan-chau)...... 109 Kirai Tughrul... 117 Kirait, tr......................! ..13-16, 19 Kirata people 321 Kirttideva I.,-Kirttivarma II. (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.)... 249 Kirttideva II. (Kad, of Ban. and Hang.) kirttistambha Kirttivarma I. (Early Chal.). 57-59 249 66 *********...................... ************** ************ ............. *************** 38 .110, 195 61 *************** Karagudure, v..249, 254 Karakhitai tribe .337, 357 Karakorum Karana of Bhoja Karari Saktas...... Kargudari inscription Karmadana or Viharasvami... 192 Karna I. (Chaul.).......160, 162 Karnapravaranas ************* *************** ********************* ********* INDEX. 14 46 73 249 319n Karnul plates..... 244 KarzhLov, cinnamon......303 & n, 316 kartazonon ******************** *************** ********************* *****... *************** ************ **************** ************.......... ************ ************ ********************* ************* ********************* Kirttivarma I. (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) 249, 253 Kirttivarma II.,-Kirttideva I. (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.)... 249 38 Kishkindha ************** kistvaens.................................................. 1-10, 97 Kisuvolal, c.................................................... .162, 169 Klings Kochre plates. Kodana-Parvadavalli, v....131, 132 ****************** 96 58 ********************* 881 kodevana ............................................ 255 Koi language .............................................. 259 Koilun, father of Chinghiz Koko-Khotun 234 357 9 245 *********** 72 66 64 Kol Kolhapur. Kolhapur Bhavant Kollapura, c. Kondaraja 38 Kongani I. (Ga.).. Kongurut Turks 12, 175 108 Konika k.......................... 364 Koragars, tr........ 215 Kopavo or Gushana..... ..113-14 Korchi the Barin. 94 Koripan, prince 243 Korosotaka, d. 287 Korvaru tr....................... Kosmas Indicopleustes, ext. from .................................. 822f Kota. 9 10 Kotars, tr. .................... Koyas, tr. ***************** 55 ************************ **************** Kozulokadphizes............215, 216 13 Krim, co.................................................................. ...34, 38 Krishna. Krishna District plates..... 244 Krishnagiri inSalem, Legend of 191 Krishnavarma (Kid. of Ban. 144 160 and Hang.) 249, 253 ********************* .131, 189 Kritayuga krokotta, krokottos-jackal 304, 37. Kshaharatas.......... ..225, 226 Kshapanaka, Buddhist .......... Ksharavaha, r. kshatrapa..... 157 Kshatrapa dynasty..157f, 219, 221, 222, 224, 227 346 Kshattris ***************** 46 Kahemendra Vyasadasa Ktesias's Indika... 296f Kuhn, Dr. A. 156. 197 Kui-lun, co................... 167 kula, (grain-measure) 35 Kulabhata (Sura.) Kulachandra of the Vyaghra *************** ********.... *************** family 317 ********** ************ ************** ... ************ ***********..... ************** ****************** *************** *******... ************* ****************** ...... ********************* ********* 341

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382 ********* Kula Nellur, v........... Kullaka ...36, 39 296 222-24 162 44 44 Kuma ragupta Kumarapala, (Chaul.) Kumarapala, k. Guj.. Kameravalachariya Kumarasena, Acharya Kumbhakarna Kunchekari beggars 72 Kundamarasa, (Kad. of Ban. 345 .................. 170 ...................... and Hing.) Kuneivar, tr. Kun-lun (Condore) Kuntala, co............... .250, 253 Kuntala-nagara, Kubattur .................................... 288 Kurdistan custom... 288 Kurral, Notes on the....352f Kurubar, tr. 97 Kurukshetra.....188, 189 Kurumbars 97 195 kusalin.............................. 284 Kushana, Kuci-shuang dynasty 216 Kusinagara kutut, soothsayer ...............231n katumbin, o... 243 Kunokephaloi .301, 302 Kuvera 54 Kuyuk 337 Kwan-yin, g. .82, 83 Kwei-Chung, Bud. pilgrim 194 ************* .306, 320, 321 Kynamolgoi ....... kynolykos 304 Kynokephaloi...310, 311, 320, 321 Kyonian, co. 305 .................................. ********* *********** ********************* *****................................... ... ******************** Labanos, tr....... Lajja-Gauri,-Parvati, g. ................................ *********** 53 103 lakes, marvellous....312, 313 Lakshmadovi (W. Chal.). .185, 188 Lakshmana ................168, 170 Lakshmanasenadeva, k....346, 317 Lakshmi, g....66, 73, 168, 188, 285 Lakshmivallabha 78 ************** **********.. ************** ................................................ ************ 75 9 197 196 Legend (Musalman) of Krishnagiri 191 Legge's Religions of China... 24 lepers lich-gate Lin-i (Champa) Ling-wan, Bud. pilgrim Lingayat religion....... 185, 274 Lion-heart, Prince... 228 Luchana ......... 273 Lokamahadovt (W. Chal.)..163-167 364 Lokapaloevara,-Siva, g....165, 166 19 Lokosvara,-Siva, g.............163ff Lo-kia-yih-to, a Brahman 110 Lokkigundi, t. ....185, 188, 189 Lo-tu,-Maratha co............. lucky days 249 110 366 248 Lung, Bud. pilgrim Luri, tr. 52 .......................................... INDEX. 130 340 *****...... ************ ****************** ********** lusimiles death 310 Lyall's Hindustani Language. 155 ************ mahamandaleevara, o. 63, 132, 160, 250, 252, 253, 254 67 Mahammaye,-Durga, g.. mahanagara 186, 187 63 mahanayaka, o... maharaja 60, 65, 66, 103, 127, 129, 165, 166, 185, 251, 284 65 104, 105 127 197 mahdrdya mahusamanta, o... mahasamantadhipati, o. Mahasin co. mahattaka, o. mahattara, o...... Mahavali kings Mahavira... 346 284 36ff .78, 79, 225n 286 mahdyajna Mahayana, s. .95, 273, 346 Mahesvara,-Siva, g.61, 130, 189, 285 Mahi, r. 278 Mahidhara's Vidadipa Mahmud of Ghazni 45 22 ..231n ..366f 45 maind-gracula religiosa.. Maithila folklore..... Maitrayaniyas Maitreya Bodhisattva... 193, 196 maiyan. 48 Makhadeva, k. of Miyula or Mithila Makka 119 68 .309, 313, 320 194 Makrobioi Malaka Malapahari, r............ 67 Malat Wideya. Malava, co...... Malayagiri's Sabddnusdsana. io1 Saptatika 94 ..160-162 33 Malecheren 102 38 Malhana of the Chhinda family 345 Malik-ul-Maut 289-90 malla. 129, 131, 132, 188 Mallikarjuna, g.. 103 Mallohalli plates.. 38 Mamallapura, Mamallaipura 36, 37 Manasa.................... 285 ****************** Man-cha. .121, 122 Mandi-an Indian people..... 313 94 | Mang, tr. 91 Mangamala of Madura Mangu Khan 73 365 337 mandala ........................... 57m Mandu 162 Mangalaraja, Mangalica, Man galievara, (Early Chal.)... 57-60 Manigavalli, v. .................. 163 Manikesvara, g. 131 Manikyadeva, g.... 132 Manikyala insc. 215 *************** 247 Mackenzie, Col. C.... 56 Madavi, r.. 286 maddhra, a dwarf 228 Madhava 286 Madhava,-Vishnu, g.......... 61 Madhukeevara, Vishnu, g. 250, 254 Madhyantika madira, varunt Madura......... Maga Brahmans. Magadha Magadi, v. Maisur Magas, k. Maghadeva or Makhadeva of Miyula Magi. ............250n 119 339 Magostan, co. 31 Mahabali, g... ..36, 38 Mahabalipur...... 36, 38, 354 Mahabharata, translations v. 1407 xii. 2079f, 3346f, 3541f... xii. 2618, &c. 3503, &c.... xiii. 2498 Lakula...... Lalitavistara Lalla, son of Malhana of the Chhinda family..... ............... 345 109 Langkava......... ............... 197 Mahadeva,-Siva, g. 346 Lanja, Lanjika,-Lakshmi, g. 59 mahadevi.........164, 166, 167, 169 Lanjigesara, Lanjikesvara, v. 59 mahikshatrapa 157 Lanjikesvara, Vishnu, g....59, 60 Mahakuta inscriptions ...102, 104 Lafijisvara, Lanjesvara, v. 59 Mahakatesvara, Siva, g....102, 103 Lanka ..38, 195 Mahalakshmi of Kolhapur...66, 72 Lao, Lao-tsze ...000000000000000 24 mahamahattaka, o........ 346 Lassen's review of Ktesias... 314f Mahamallaipura 36, 38, 354 lavanphere..... ...48, 50 Mahamallakula ****************** 37 ................. *****.... ************** Mahabharata in Kawi Mahabodhi 39 223 193 1, 10 272 90 91 92 ********.. ****************** ******............ ****************** .................................................

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INDEX. 383 ...... . 293 272 .............. . . . *** 52 ........... 153 130 ......... 86 338 ****........ 186 Manikyasimha, grandson of Merkit, tr.. Musalman legend of Krishnagiri 191 Purushottamasimha ... 343, 344 Meru, mt............. musk deer or moskhos ......... 323 Manikyavada, V................... 163 Meshd 289 Manikyavalli, v. ................ 163 Mesnavt of JelAlu'd-din Rami 293f Nabhakas ........................... 272 Maniruddha.. Metadrida... Nabhapamtis .................... Masijunandin .............. 344 Mhasoba of Rajapur ........... 72 Nadamari (spurious W. Chal.) 133 Mankhu, tr................. 112 Mian Bhunga ...................... 40 nadode .......................120, 121 manro migasanimaddakaris 118 Nagadatta, a monk ..........326, 327 mantrin, o. ........................ Milinda, k. 153 Nagamangala plates ........... 38 Manu.................. 54 Milindapanha.................... Nagananda ........................ 192 MSS. on Palm-leaves............ 100 m iln ................................ 48 Nagarjuna's Pranyamala-sdsmanush-gandh 230n Mimansd ......................... tra-kit......... .............. 87 mdnya ................................ 65 mineral wells .... 318 Nagas ............. ................. 256n Mara ........................ 194 Ming-Yuen, Bud. pilg. 248 Nagasona ........................... 153 Marasimha .................. 132 Miraj plates.......................... 133 Nagavadana......................... 196 Marawar caste................ Mirasi caste ..................... 232n Nagavardhana (W. Chal.)...... 58 Marco Polo Misrakosi, g. ...................... 258 Nagavarma I. (Kad. of Ban. Mardavalli, v. ..................... 244 Mithila or Miyula ................ 119 and Hang.) ...............249, 253 Marib 290 Mithras, g. ........................ 314 Nagavarma II. (Kad. Ban. Maricha ............................. 168 Mochadeva, Bud. pilg. ......... 196 Hang.........................249, 253 Marigara ........................ 36, 39 Mohajirin............................ 267 Nahapana ........................ 225-27 Markham's Voyages of Davis. 25 Mokshopavasara of Abhinanda 46 Naiman, tr. ....................... 172 marriage to a bird ............... 333 Mongols ...................... 117, 137 naivedya ........... marriage customs ............... 47 monokeros or unicorn ......... 323 nakhara ............................ 189n martikhora ......298, 306, 307, 318 Monosceli, one-legged men 313, 314 Nakimayya ......................... 129 Martinus Polonus ................ 337 Morbi insc. ........................218n nakshatra, Sravana ........... 157 Maruti, g. ........................61, 62 Morbi .............................. 45 Nala .............. .......................... 170 Marwatis ........................ 244 moskhos or musk deer ......... 323 Nalanda monastery 109-11, 192-95, mdaa, AshAdha ..............64, 244 mother goddesses .............. 245 246, 247 , Agvayuja .................. 65 mother of seven sons ............. 151 Nalapanajitaka .................. 120 > , Aavija ..................... 67 mottoes on seals. 243, 244, 277, 279 Nalavadi, d. ........................ 24+ , , Bhadrapada .............. 65 Mrichchhakatika ............... 340 Nalodaya ........................... 370 , , Chaitra ...............63, 243 Mrida, -Siva, g................... 254 names, opprobrious ............ 331f >>, Jyoshtha ...............61, 126 Mrigasikhavara temple......... 110 names, proper ....... . 55 > , Karttika ...... 105, 244, 344 Mpigavarma (Kad. of Ban, and Nandaprabhasjanavarma, k. , Magha ... .....188, 43, 341 | Hang.) .....................249, 253 of Kalinga ........................ 243 .., Margasira ............... 243 Mrisibrahme ..................... 316 Nandi .................................. 62 ., Phalguna .............132, 243 Muchhalinda lake ................ 247 Nandiaraka, v. ................ > , Pushya ...................... 129 Mudugal, v. Nandibail beggars ................ ,,Vaisakha... 157, 244, 286, 346 | Mugatkhan-Hubli, V............ 131 Nandikesvara, V................... 105 Mathurd Memoir, Growse's... 96 Muhammadan marriage cere- Nandisar, v......................... 277 mattar, 1. m...62, 131, 167, 188, 254 monies ........................... Nandivamisa......................... 344 mattiwd, exorcist ................ 288 Muhammadan and Hindu Naqsh-i Rajab insc. ... ...29, 33, 34 Maurusian strait (Gibraltar).. 305 superstition ..................... 371 Naqsh-i Rustam insc. ........ 29 Maurya......... Mukali ................................ 142 Narada, g. ....................... 293 Mavalavaram, Mavalivaram... 36 Mukkanna-Kadamba (Kad. of Naravarma, k...................... 161 Mavindi-tru, v. ...............36, 39 | Ban. and Hang................. 250 Narayana-Vishnu,g.159-161,249, Mkvulideva (Kad. of Ban. and Mdlagandhakuti................. 192 343, 346 Hang.) .....................249, 253 Mulasamgha, s. .................189n Nareyangal, V..................... 167 Max Muller's Dhammapada... 372 mume-perjerepu..............164, 165 Narmada, r........................ 278 MayaravarmA I. (Kad. of Ban. Mundakallu, V. ............... 244 Narsihi, k. ............ and Hng.) ...249, 250, 253, 254 Mundanur, v. .................... 63 Narsinga ..................... Maydravarma II. (K&d. of Mung, king ............ 109, 110, 246 Nats, tr. ..................... Ban, and HAng.) ........... 249 Muni.... Navagraha ....... .. Mayaravarma III. (Kad. of Munindras ........................ 189 Navaratra............... Ban, and Hang.) ........... 949 Munis .......................... 144 | Navanagar ..................... Mehra caste ................232n, 333 Murlie ................................. 286 Nava Vihara ............... 62 49 .***.......... 34-4

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384 INDEX. 53 . .. 50 *. 319 58 ...... . .... 945 ndyaka, o. ..................63, 64, 66 Padagddha ........ paramabhattdraka ...60, 127, 129, NAyakaneri ........................ 991 Padampur, t. 186, 251, 284 Nejd ...........................67, 68 pddapadmopajivin ... 127, 129, 346 paramamdhesvara ............... 283 nelevidu .................127, 129, 252 Padinent- Agrahara ............ 186 Paramaras ..................... 161, 162 Neminatha ........................ 158 | Padmavati, g. ..................... 258 parameevara ...... 60, 103, 127, 129, Nerur plates ......................... 58 pdga, haga ...... 189 165, 166, 186, 251 Nesargi inscription ............189n Pahlavi inscription of Naqsh-i Paramesvara, -Siva, g. ......36, 39 Nestorians .....................13, 338 Rustam....................... Parasurama ....................250n Nijabbe............................... 105 105 Painga ............................... Pardesar caste .................. 87 nikdh................................ Paippaladas ...................45, 46 parebon, parebos or parybos, a Nirgunda, c. .......... paksha, bahula ... 64, 341, 344, 846 plant................. 301, 310, 316 nirmdnakdya ............. .... 193 > , buddha ...... 63, 64, 65, 66, parfshd ordeal .................. Nirpan plates ..................... 67 105, 129, 132, 157, 188 Parnadatta ........................... 222 nirupadim.......................59, 63 | Pakshitirtha or Tirukalakun. parrot ................................ 297 nirvana ...............87f, 94, 95, 340 ram ............................... 198 Parvanatha ...................... 278 nirvana, date of. 153, 341, 344, 347, Paktelos, riv. ...................... 300 Paravanatha, g. .............132, 189n 372, 373 Pala dynasty Parthava ............................ 224 nivedya................................ 254 Palani, in Madura .........365, 366 Parvati, g. ............... .. 73 niyama .............................. 131 Palambi, t....................... 249, 254 Parvativallabha -Siva, g. ... 254 niydmadin ................. 59 Palar, r. ....................36, 38, 39 Parysatis ............ ..... 298 Niyoga ..................... Palgire, V.............................. 244 patta ................................... 164 niyuktaka, o. .............. Palladius .......................... 135 Pattadakal inscriptions ...... 162ff notation of Aryabhata ......... Pallava inscription dated Saka Pattada-Kisuvolal ......... 162, 169 Notes and Queries : 690.................................. 36 paudul ................................. 72 1 Proper names ............ Pallavas.........37-39, 102, 134, 163 Pedda-MaddAli plates ......... 244 2 Gugga Guru .................. Palm leaf MSS. .................. 100 Peguan date of the Nirvana.347&n 3 Shaikh Farid ShakarGanj... 93, Palmaneri, vill. ...............97, 99 Pekkiri-Voradoga, k. ...... 36, 39 Parhdyas ............................ 272 Pentya, n. ............... ..... 55 4 Bansa Rani; 5 Origin of Pampd-Ramdyana................ 38 Penukapalu or Penukaparu, v. 244 Panjab castes ............ pana, hana ................. 188, 255n pepper-piperi...................... 323 6 Cinerary urns panchaut ......... .............. 243 Pepperina, Princess ............ 80f 7 Crow language ................ panchamahapataka .........60, 103 permatti-turya ............... 250, 254 8 BrAhmani Duck ............ panchamahasabda 104, 127, 250, Persepolis, C. ..................... 34 9 The Muhammadan Hajj.. 372 254 Petenikas............................ 272 nudid ante-gandan ............. panchamahdyajna ............... 286 Peter the Pedlar............ 190. 191 Panchasiddhantika of Varaha. Phakka (Sdra.) k. ............... 35. mihira ............ Phaselitai..................... 307, 308 Ogotai ....... Panchavastuka .................. 76 Phasis riv. ......................... 299 oil, lake oil .............. panchendra .................. 126n phoko-the seal ............... 323 oil of the skoles ............... Pandara live to a great age... 309 Photios ........................296, 314 Ojhas, exorcists ........... pandita ..................129-131, 255 pilgrimage, Muhammadan ... 372 Okotai ............ pandit and ndpit, story of ... 369 pillars, inscribed ......34, 57,60, 64, Olun Eke, or Koilun........... Pandiya-desa ...................... 365 66, 102, 104 Onesikritos ..................309, 313 | Pandore--an Indian people... 313 piperi-pepper .................. 323 Ongut or Po-ta-ta............... Panduvar mane, Panduvar piriy-arasi ....................... 185 Ooerki, k. ....................... i gudi ............................... 10 P italkhora ........................ 155 Oojalamasi Pandyas.................. 134, 254, 272 Pitamaha,-Brahms, g. ...165, 166 ordeals .............. Pangul beggars .................... 71 | Piyadasi .........................84, 108 Oriental Congress at Berlin... 340 Panini .............................77-78 Piyadasi inscriptionsOrigines du Zoroastrime par Panjab Folklore. 40, 80, 147f, 228, 1st Edict ........................ 105 C. de Harlez.....................274f 331, 347 4th and 5th Edicte ............ 83 Orodes I. .............. .............214n Pan-pan (Banka P) ............... 197 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th Edicts 180 Otojukhu Dorlangi.. ............. 115 panndeu... *** ... 167 10th, 11th and 12th Edicte.. 209 'Orotkvot ........................ 319n pdnsakh, betrothal............. 47 13th and 14th Edicte ......... 269 ovajja ..........................170, 171 pantarba ....................... 297, 316 Poleksi II. (W. Chal.) ...... 244 ox (wild) or agriobous ......... 323 Panthipura, c. 249, 254, and errata Po-li, co............. ox-deer or taurelephas ......... 322 Papanatha, g. .............170, 171 | Po-li-sse, Persia ........... Nydya .. .. DS.

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INDEX. 385 37 ... 143 255 70 158 Po-lu-sse, Sumatra, co. ...194, 197 | rajadhiraja ...... 346 Rudrasimha, Rudrasiha (Ksh.) 157 Polystephanos..................... 313 Rajagriha....... 192 Rugians ....... Ponnakuruva ...................... 188 rdjakiya ............. 284 Rumos ............... potardja .............. 37 rajamalla .............. rundra .............................. Po-ta-ta or Ongut ......... 357, 362 rdjaparametvara ...............65, 66 Rapnath insc................ patavarman........................ Rajapur, Mhasoba of ......... 72 pottery from kistvaens ......11, 12 rdjapurusha......................... 167 Sabari ................ Prabhakara, k. ...................... 244 rajyabhisheka ............ 58 Sabdarnava-chandrika .......... 75 Prajna ...........................187, 274 Rakshasa kings .............. 38 Sabdasdstra........................ 196 Prajna sutra ..................... 247 Rakshasts ....................292-3 Sacha Biki........... 140, 142, 143 Prajlikvarma, Bud. pilg. ...... 110 Rama................. 129, 168, 170 sacrifice to standards............ 358 Prakasamati, Bud. pilg. ...... 109 Ramabhadra ..................... 189 Sadasivadevaraya (Vi...........64-67 Prakrit ................60, 61, 168, 285 Rambhe .............. 344 sadhanyahiranyadeya ......... 284 Pramaras .....................161, 162 Rimesvaram .................. 198 sd likasariumadan ............... 257 pranayama .......... Ratamohan Roy ............... Sagarapota, a merchant ...... 190 Prdnyamula-odstra-tika ...... rana ................................ Sagara .............................. 189 Prasenajit, k. of Kosala ...... Rander ............................. sagotra .............................. 284 pratihara.......... 39 Raujubala, satrap... ... 226 Sahanasiva ..................346, 317 pratyihara ......................... 131 rapaj............ Sahanu Sahi ................ 222, 223 Praty dhdra-Satras ............. 76 rashtrakuta, o................... Sahasaram insc................... 314 Prayaga......................... 188, 189 Rashtrakatas ..................... 168 Saka dates ...61, 63-67, 105, 129, Prester John ........... 14, 336-38 rashtrapati, ................... 284 169, 211, 286 Prithivim dla, k................... 244 Rasopadra, v. Saka era, starting point of the. 57, prithivivallabha...60, 103, 127, 129, Rathanapurachakravalapura, c. 38 214n, 217, 218 164, 165, 166, 167, 185, 251 Ratnagiri, v. ..................... 244 Sakakula ..................... 222, 223 Psithu .............. .............. 285 Ratnasri, dr. of Purushotta- Sakambhari........................ 161 Prithadakasvami .............. 46 masimha ..................343, 344 Sakatala........................367, 363 Prometheus.......................... Rattagiri, v. ..................... 244 Sakaut, tr............................ 114 proper names .................55, 365 Ravaets........... .......... 124 Sakanripakdla ..............104, 28. proverbs, oriental 340 Ravana ...........................168, 170 Sakardsivadi ...................... 167 Psylloi ....... ......******* 308 rdya ............................... 63-66 Sakavarsha ................60, 63, 127 Ptolemy ......................... Redhouse's Mesnavi............ 293f sukhd, Chhandoga ............... 298 pugilu .............................. Rekapalli Taluka ............. 259 60khacharendradhvaja ...250n, 252 Pujdrt ............................ Remains in Central Asia.. 290, 291 Sakra, -Indra, g. ............ 126 Pajyapada, grammarian 78 Renguta, V......................... 244 Sakraditya, k. .................. 192 Pulaha Reukadevi, g....................245n Saktas........................... 73, 287 Pulikesi I. (Early Chal.) ...... 58 Reva......... .. .................. 286 baktis ...........................187, 273 Pulikest II. (W. Chal.) ......37, 58, Revatidvipa ..................57n, 58 Sakun or Sengun ......234-37, 240 61, 133, 135, 244 Rheginos ........................... 313 Sakyaditya ...... ................... 111 Pulindas rhinoceros ......................317, 322 Sakyasramanas ............. 145 Pullappa ........ ............ 168 Riid, t. ......... Salem, Musalman legend of Pulumayi......................... 225-27 Richinari, tr........................ 52 Krishnagiri ................... 191Pulya, n. ......................... 55 Riktantra Vyakarana ......... 45 Sali, riv.............................. 137 Parnabhadra (Chhin.) ........ 345 ring, the wonderful ...........347 Salivahana, k....................... 57 purohita .......................... 47, 48 Rishabha ............................ 145 salivdhana-Sakavarsha .....64, 68 purple from insects ........... 310 Rishis ............ ............94, 120 sam ............ ............... 157 Purushottamasimha, k. son of rocks, inscribed ............59, 61, 62 samadhi ........................ 131 Kamadevasimha ............343-47 Romantic History of Buddha. 293 samadhigatapanchamahdeabda Parvadavalli, v. ............131, 132 Romany, Domnipana ......... 50 104, 127, 252 pygmies......299, 300, 314, 321, 322 Rope-dancers ...................... 146 Samanta (Chhin.) ............... 345 qibla .............. .............. 372 Rubruquis.........................13, 15 samastabhuvanderaya ...127, 129, Quod&h .....................195, 196 rude-stone cemetery ............. 1f 185, 231 Rudrabhati...................... 157 Sdmatantra Vyakarana ...... Rabb = God .................... 290 Rudradama, (Ksh.) 157, 221, 223, Samatatay.co................ 196, 197 rag-bushes ........................ 289 224, 226, 227n sambhagakdya ..................... Rahola ............................... 293 Rudradeva (KAkatya) ......... 211 Sambhu-Siva, g............... 129 rdjadhani .........60, 127, 159, 252 Rudrangoil ......................... 198 Samgamamahdydtrd ........... 244 272 167 .... 145 ......... 68 193

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386 Samgamesvara, Siva, 169 ...189n 343 345 g. .......... samgha...... Samgha....... Samgha (Chhin.) Samkara,-Siva, .251, 254 Samkarasiha, Samkarasimha, k. 160 samkranti, uttarayana......129, 188 samkhakati Sammatiya school ******************* 327 197 219 29 ******** *.. ****** Samudragupta..... samvat 158, 159, 343, 346 Sasankamauli,-Siva, g. 253 samvatsara, Ananda..... sasemird, story of 368, 369 Sassi, a king's daughter......349n Sassi Punnun..... Salvata Kosha , Chitrabhanu Jaya 129 211 105 66 , Nandana 65 64 132 65 Satakanni, Satakarni.. Satavahana dynasty satravahana...... Sattarsal (Jam) Sattiga,-Satyasraya II. (W. Sarvadhari......... 254 Sobhakrit......64, 67 Chal.) 62 169 63 Sattigana-Chatta,-Kundamarasa (K&d. of Ban. and Hang.) 249 Satwai of Chambharganw..... 72 Satyaaraya I.,-Pulikest II. 188 214 (W. Chal.)......37, 61, 244 Satyasraya II. (W. Chal.)...... 249 Satyaaraya Dhruvaraja - Indravarma........................ 57n Satyderayakulatilaka......127, 129, 186, 251 Satyavarma (GA. of Kalinga). 243 Satyavarma (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) ..249, 253 Saud the Wahhabi. 68 Saudasa satrap 226 Saunakas 45, 46 Saurashtra, co. 160 Saurashtra dialect Sauromatae. sava 108 314 346 345 39 " 33 33 " 33 33 33 11 " " 2 7 g. Plavainga Prabhava , Pramadi...... Sadharana Sanabarus, k. San-ch'ing ****** ************* *****....... Subhakrit Subhanu Vikrama Yuva Sangha Sangha (Chhinda) ****** *******...................... ********* ********* ******** *************** ********************* 24 sandhivigrahadhikrita 285 Sandhya ceremonies .......... 340 Sandrokuptos 213, 227n ....................................***** Sanghavarma, Bud. pilg. 73 Sanisi, n.......................... Sankho beggars Sankun or Sengun...... 207-9, 265, 266, 335, 336 San-pdo, 'Three precious ones' 24 Sanskrit MSS................... 43 Sanskrit Text Society Santa, Santaya, Santivarma II. (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) 249, 253, 254 44 340 ********* ****************** ************* ************** Santinath, temp. Santivarma I., (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) ... 249, 253 santri ...152n Sanvare beggara ************* 243 *********...... sunwald, a knifegrinder Sapadalaksha, mts...344-46 Saraja Malaya ............... 95, 96 Sarapalli, c. Sarasvati, g........ ........... 131, 188 Sardous, Sardian mts......2 ..299, 318 Sariastes, Armenian king...... 269 Sariputra... Sarvajnianadeva, Bud. pilg. ... 246 83 *********************** ************ 343 345 248 55 73 228n *************** ....... INDEX. Sarvastivadins, s. 197 sarvamanya..... 63 sarvanamasya ..................................... ......131, 188 39 sarvaparihara...... Sarvasiddhi-Acharyas ...164, 165, 170, 171 ..186, 187 273 ************** ...................................... basana basanadevi Sasanian inscrip. of Naqsh-i Rustam **************** ************* ********** . 371 44 .225-27 225-27 343 46 ******************* .249n ******** *********............... *******... ************ ************* Seng-chi, Bud. pilg. Seres.. ******..... serpent poison. sesha.... *******... setti, setti Seven Pagodas seven mothers, son of seven sons, mother of Sewell's Report on the Amardvati Tope Shahpahari, k. Shah Rukh Sultan. Shahryar Shahzadi Mircha... Sha-li, co..... Shamans 309 160 .185, 188, 189 36 146 151 Shang-tih, Bud. pilg. Shayast la Shayast sheep in India. Shen-hung, Bud. pilg. Sherif Ghalib Shi-li-fo-shai Shi-li-fo-yaou, Malaya shodasata Shorapur Shun-shi Side-an Indian pool. Siddhapur, t. siddham savalakha... Savandurga Rude-stone cemetery... lf, 99 96 Sawela Chala Saxo Grammaticus... 339 Sayyid Ahmad the Wahhabi. 69 seal or phoke 323 seals, emblems on...243, 244, 250n, 277, 279 | Sirens , mottoes on. 243, 244, 277, 279 sechha 119 Siripulumayi sena 285, 346 Sirisavatthu 35 senapati, o.....157, 158, 160, 161 Senart's Inscriptions de Piyadasi Sendrakas 15 247 124 305, 309 196 68 197 197 .284, 286 97 135 313 45 157, 273 129 254 Siddheevara,-Siva, g. Sigt full-moon stha, simha ......157, 159, 160, 343 Sila or Sailoda, r. Silaharas 320 38 195 .319n 171 343 87 ....250n 341 109 Silaprabha, Bud. pilg. Silas fountain. Silemuddas simha Simhakumara simhaldnchhana. Simharaja (Vya.) Sin-che temple Sin-chin, Bud. pilg. .......... 248 Sind Ballads 374 Sinda ............................... 105 Sindhuraaja, k............. singa... .............................................. 249 Sin-ko, Corea Sin-tu, co. Siptakhora tree ......... ..301, 302, 320 160 110 110 *****.................................................. ............................................................. 291 227 292 ********** ***....... ********* 56 .31, 32 337 228 80E 109 *********** *********... ............................................. *******.. ******... ********* **************** 196 305 *************** ************* .............................................................. .................................................... Siriyadevi (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) Sit&. sitar ************ ****...*** 254 276 .......................168, 170 ................................................................................. .................................................. 244 43n

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INDEX. 387 309 284 Siva, g....38, 165, 250, 251, 285, 365 Sivalidevi............................. 119 Sivalika or Sapadalaksha mts. 344, 345 Sivasamudram .................. 363 Sivasinga era ..................... 218 Skandabhata ..................... 281 Skandagupta (Gup.). 125, 126, 219, 222, 223 Ekiatodes.................... 313, 319n skoloz worm ............ 297, 302, 312 Skylax of Karyanda. 313, 315, 319 Slabstone Monuments in Madras ........................... 97f smoking rock ................... 363 snakes ............ snake story .................. 347 addranga ...................... Bojamandalam ............ Solankis Solen, Cholan Solon, tr. .................. Soma................ . . Somadeva-yati .................. Somanath and inse.......... 22, 218 Somesvara II. (W. Chal.)...... Somesvara III. (W. Chal.) ... 131 8parikara ........... Sorgodu or Surkatu Noyan ... sotpadyamdnavishtika ......... spindle whorls...................... 274 spirits ................................. 866 Sramanas ........................ 143ff Srenika or Bimbisara, k. ...... 108 erishthin ............................ 185n Sribhoja................. 194, 196, 197 Sribhojadeva's Sarasvatikan thabharana ..................... Srideva, Bud. pilg. ............ 246 Sri-Dharasena, mot......... Srigupta .................. Sriharsha's Naishadacharita. 101 Srikshetra ......................... 197 srinivasapura (Maisur) inscr. 36 freprithivivallabha ...60, 103, 127, 129, 164, 165, 166, 185, 251 Srf-Sarvasiddhi, mot. ........ 244 Srt-Tribhuvandnkuca, mot.... 244 Srivallabha (Ga.) ............. Srutakirtti ....................... 76 See-pin, Chin. pilg ............... 246 standards, sacrifice to ......... 358 oraupos .............................. 200 Sthanagadhapura, C.............. 250 stone inscriptions, Chaulukya. 158 , Chhinda... 341, 345, 346 stone inscriptions, Early Cha- Sutta Nipata by Fausboll. 372, 373 lukya...57, 59 Sutu Bogda Chinggis Khaghan 116 , Gupta ...... 125 svahasta ........................... Kadamba of svdmin ............................... Banaw&si SvayambhQ-Siddhesvara - and Hangal.249 Siva, g.... , Kakatya ... 211 Svapekas, tr. .................... , Kshatrapa. 157 svara............................. , Mahivali... 36 swastika ........................ 1996 , miscella swine in India............... 309 neous. 59, 61, Sy-Hermaios, k. .............. 216 62, 64, 104, Sz'ling .............................. 166, 167, 170, 171, 189n, 341 Taddevali, v. ...... ... Rashtrakuta 168 tagappu , Sinda ...... 169 Tah-sio temple ... ........... 110 , Strasena... 34 Taichar............................... 137 , Vijayana Taif .................................... 68 gara... 62-65 Tai Tsung, Emperor ...... 339, 340 , Vy&gbra... 341 Taila, Tailapa III. (W. Chal.). 169, , Western 211 Chalukya 60, Taila, Tailapa I. (Kad. of Ban. 102, 162-167 and Hang....................249, 253 , Western Taila, Tailapa II. (Kad. of Ban. Chalukya 126, and Hang............249, 250, 254 131, 169, 249 Tailama (Kad. of Ban, and Subhadra, g....................258, 259 Hang........... ............... 249 Subramanya, g. and t. ......... 366 Tailamana-Ankakara,-KamaSubutaf the Uriankha ......... 113 deva (Kad. of Ban.aad Hang.) 249 suddhdvdsa ...................... 257n Tailana - Singa,-Kirttivarma Sue Vihara inscription ......... 324 II. (Kad. of Ban, and Hang.) 249 Sugata, Buddha.............. 274 Tila --Siva, g. .................. 130 sugata ........................ 130, 189 Talamala, V.......................... 243 Sugriva ............................. 170 Talgund, Ta!dagundi, v. ...... 250 sukhasankathavinada......186, 252 Talupaka, d...................... 244 Sukti................................... Tamarachchheru, V. ............. 243 sule ................................103, Tamaracheruva, V................ 243 bulka ................................ Tamaragere, v. ..............249, 254 sun worship Tambapanni ..................... 272 sun in India Tamil and Maori .............. 46 sun, temples of the........ Tamil castes ....... Sunamukha, people .. . 321 Tamralipti ............... 192, 194-96 Sunni Bohoras Tanagundar, v. ...... ...... 250 bunyalaya 54 Tang, Bud. pilg................... 195 sunka 60 Tangut, co......................13, 14 Supannas, g. ..................... 256n Tan-kwong, Bud. pilg.......... 195 Sup&rava .............................. 168 Tan-tan, co......................... 197 Surangama Sutra ............ 374 Taou-Hi, Chinese Bud. pilg. . 246 Surasena kings .............. 34ff Taou-lih, Bud. pilg........... 247 Surashtra, 160 Taou-lin, Bud. pilg............. 195 Surattha . 222 Taou-sing, Bud. pilg............. 247 Surendra, -Indra, g. ............ 129 Taradevi, g. 185-190, 273, 274, 341 suris, hair curls on horses ... 364 Tarugrama, V...................... 243 Surpanakh ...................168, 170 Ta-shi - Arabe ..................197n sutradhdrin ....................163-165 | Tatalun tr. ......................... 172 Surya Tathagata .....................188, 274 Suryaprajnapti .................. 274 | tatpadapadmopajtoin 127, 129, 346 ........ 85 70

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388 INDEX. Yoaval caste ............ 341 188 314 44 160 191 100 293 3524 244 222 Tattukoti-Maruti, g. .........61, 62 taurelephas or ox-deer ......... 322 Tayang Khan, Naiman Chief. 355, 356, 359-62 Tebumlaura (P), v. .............. 244 teen kord.... Temujin.. 12, 13, 15-17, 19, 111-16, 136, 176, 177, 202, 234, 235, 238 Tenduc .....................14, 15, 202 Ten-Toung, emperor ............ 340 Terkutai Kiriltuk thakkura ......... Thana martyrs 22 Theopompos ..................... Tiastanes ..................... Taroupa, Chittur............... 227n Tigranes, k. 269 tika. 47 Tipu Sultan.. Tirtharkaras ...............126, 273 Tirukalukunram or Pakshitir. tha ........... ................ 198f Tirukovalar ............ Tiruvalluvar's Kurra! tithi, Dhanya ..................... 157 ,, dvadasi ..................... 346 ,, dvitiya ...................... , , @kadast ....................... 64 ,,panichadasi .........64, 65, 243 panichami...... 65, 105, 129, 132, 157, 188 >> paurnamasi. 61, 243, 244, 286 punnami...................... 254 . , pratipad...... >> , pratipada ............ 63, 314 >>, saptami .................... 243 > , trayodasi .................. Toda ................................ 9 Tokhtoa Biki ............17, 18, 112 Tolachgud inscriptions ........ Tondamandala, co.................. Tonga lake ...................... Tong-kien-kang-mu 135 Tooth-relic ......... 248 tortoise-khelone .............. 323 Trablus ................................ 52 trairdjya Pallava ............37, 134 tree attracting metals and animals.............. . Tret&yuga ...................... 189 Tribuana, title..................... 95 Tribhuvanamalla, - Vikramsditya VI. (W. Chal.) ... 127, 131, 185, 188, 249, 253 tridandin ........................... 66 Trilochana, -Siva, g............. 131 Trilochana-Kadamba (K. G.) 250 Trinayana, --Siva, g............ 130 Vaduka 120, 121 trinsa ............................ 125 Vadval caste Tripura................................ 285 Waghari dancers Trispithamoi ..................... 321 Vaghelis ...................... Troglodytes ........................ 313 1. Waghits ........................ Tryaksha, -Siva, g. ........... 254 vahin{pati, o. ............... Tsin dynasty.................356, 357 Vaijayanti, C. .............. Tughrul .....................12-17, 141 vairdeana ................. Tukhera, co.............109, 246, 247 Vairavarma (Chhin.......... Tukobe of Dehu.................. 72 Vaisalt ........................ 192, Tukura, v. ......... 244 vaivadeva ................ Tuljapur, Bhavani of............ 72 Vaisyas ........ Tung-chu............................. Vajrachhedikd............. 340 turam, turam ...............257, 258 Vajradhara, -Indra, g.......... 284 Tas, old cap. of N. Persia...... 212 Vairavarman, k. (Chhin........ 345 Tykkal, ............................. 99 Vajrasana Mahabodhi temple. 111 Vakpati. Ubhaloda, d. ...................... Valabhi, c. Uchchhanga Jataka ............ 370 Valabhi dynasty ......... 227, 2774 udakdtisarga ..................... 284 Valabhi era .....................217-19 Udayapura, C. ...................... 244 Vallabhacharis .................. 46 Udayapura silver mines ...... 315 Vallabharaja (Chhin.) ......... 345Uddandapura, c. ............. 345 | Valahassa-jdtaka Udyana, co................... 195, 319 V&macharis ....................... Uighurs ...............13, 14, 337, 357 Vamana avatdra ............ Uirat, tr. ......................................... 173 Vanapura, c. ................... Ujjayini Vanara kinga ...................... ujjhit..................... 368 vanaramahddhvaja .............. 2500 Ulabi (P), v. .......................... 65 vanarindradhvaja ............... .2500 Ulukchin Chino ................. 115 Vaninatha's Jamavijaya ...... 46 Umapati, -Siva, g. ............ 254 vanea ............................. 125 Umeta plates ..................... 280 vanea ......... ......... 57n Unach Khan, Prester John ... 337 Va panadeva. 160 unicorn or monokeros in India 311, vdra, Adi ...... 312, 323 , , Aditya ..................... 188 unum............ ......... 183 > , Brihaspati ............... 129 upddhydya ................... 288, 346 , , Budha.................. 105, 344 Upaka .. 122 , *** ,Guru .................... 63, 346 Upali..................... , , Sani ........................ 341 upasana ................... . ; Soma ................... 65, 254 updsikd............... Varahamihira ............ ..... 46 UrdabAhus .............. Varihamihira (+ 585) ......... 184 urns, cinerary ............ Vardhavartani, d. ............... 243 Urut, tr. ...... 112 Varahran, k. ......................31, 32 Ushavadata ......................... 225 Varanasi .....................164, 166 uter-veni ................................ 54 Vararuchi and acrostics ......3666 Uttarakuru ................. 319, 320 Vardhaminadeva ................ 65 Uvata's Mantrabhashya ...... 45 Werekari beggars ............... 72 varman ......37, 243, 249, 251, 345 V ach, -Sarasvati, g............. 130 varnas of the castes ............ 85n VachchhikA (Sara.............. 35, 36 Varthema...... ................ 146 Vachchhullika (Sara.) ......... 35 Varttikas ........................... 77 Vadagu-Telugu ...... * 86 vartant .............................. 243 Vadanagar, t............. * 45 Varuna, g. ..... .... ........ 54 Waddar tr. ...................... * 10 vdruni, madird. .................250n valdavyavaharin .............. 188 Vastupala .................... 46 vadi ............ ............... 344, 346 Vasabhatti ...................... 281 ..... 243 ***........ 132

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Vasudeva...160, 189, 213 & n, 214, 216, 217, 227, 344 .....................193n 102 Vasudhara, g. Vatapi, c................... ..58, 61 Vatapi and Ilvala Vatsadama (Sura.).. ............ 36 vatta, batta. Vayu................................. 54 .188n Vedagirisvarar 198 130 Vedangas. *************** Vedas...............130, 188, 189 Vedica und Linguistica by Prof. Benfey Vedidharapitaka velapura .... Vellalar.. Venkataramana, g. ventriloquists *************............................... 170 Vibhishana 38 vidyadhara Vidyadhara kings ................ 38ff 38 Vidyanagara, c................... uhara .185-187 Viharapala or Viharasvami... 192 vihari 186 Vijayabhattarika (W. Chal.). 58 Vijayaditya, (W. Chal.) ...60, 61, 103, 165, 166, 169 Vijayaditya,-Amma II. (E. 156 195 186 86, 87 64 72 ****************** *************** ***************** ************ ********************* ************ *************** **************** 129 60 Chal.) 244 38 Vijayanagara, c................... Vijayanagara kings. ......62-67 Vijayapura, c...................... vijayarajya.......60, 127, 186, 251 vijayarajyasamvatsara Vijayavarma (Kad. of Ban. and Hang.) .....................249, 253 Vijayesvara, Siva, g.......169, 170 vijnapanaya vijyadhara ....36, 38, 39 Vikrama, Vikramanka (Kad.) of Ban. and Hang.)......249, 253 Vikramaditya k. of Ujjayini. 223 | 59 ************* INDEX. Vikramaditya, Mahavali, k. 36, 39 Vikramaditya I. (W. Chal.). 37, 58, 132-135, 244 Vikramaditya II. (W. Chal.). 163-167, 169 Vikramaditya VI. (W. Chal.). 127, 185, 249 Vikramankabhyudaya Kavya. 44 Vikramasamvat 159, 341 Vikramavarsha188, 254 244 Vilendi, v. Vinaya-pitaka .340, 372 318 Vindhya mts. Vira-Balanja 185, 189 86 virudu-banner Virupaksha, Siva, g...163ff 60 visa, visa Visaladeva (Chaul.) ............ 162 vishaya .......57n., 164, 284 284 vishayapati. Vishnu, g....36, 37, 57, 59, 61, 189, 250, 251, 258, 273, 285 Vishnupada temple at Gay&... 341 39 Vishnuvardhana (Hoy.) Vishnuvarma (Kad. of Ban. and Hung.)..................249, 253 244 vishuva.............................. 272 **********.... ...... Vismavasi Viyala-Vijyadhara... 36, 39 Vizagapatam plates vodeya......... Vopadeva's Dhatupatha Vriddhagargiya Samhita. Vulaki, n.. 243 ..62, 63 78 46 55 Vyaghra dynasty vyattadivase.... uyatipata ................................................ 186 341 329 ************ *************** ******************** ******* **********.................... ****************** *************** ............ ************** ************ Wahhabis ........................................................... 671 Wahlstadt, battle of 358 Wanban Wideya ................ 94 Wang Khan ...16-18, 171-75, 178, 202-8, 234-42, 264-68, 334-37, 355 194 248 Wan-K'i, Bud. pilg. Wan-yun, Bud. pilg.. Warnagadh inscription....... 160 weights, iron Welsh's Military Remini 60 ***********. 389 .. ........................ scences....... 9 123 West's Pahlavi Texts .......... Wheeler's Hist. of India. 184 wool-growing trees............... 311 Yabalaha, Nestorian Patriarch 184 35 Yajnika (Sura.) 273 yakshini Yakut, tr........ .19, 20 Yama................................. ***************** 54 131 293 293 44 .327, 330 Yavanas....................... ..197, 272 Yelu Tashi 357 Yen-mo-na.... 197 Yessugei Khan 12, 15, 17, 111, 202 133 Yewar inscription Yih king ................ 374 Yim 124 214 Yndopheres .130, 189 yoga Yogananda ................... .367, 368 187 yogapitha. Yuan Chau, Bud. pilg....109, 110 Yuan-hau, Ch. Bud. pilg....... 246 ***********...... Yuan-hwui, Bud. pilg. Yuan-T'ai, Ch. Bud. pilg.. Yudhishthira Yuei-chi ............................................................. 216 Yugapurana 247 246 129 *******************. ********************. 46 yama Yasada Yasodhara Yasovarman of Kanauj. yathi ****************** **************** ****** ******* ******************* *****... **************** ***********.... ********* ****** Zarathustra......275, 276, 370, 371 Zingan, tr......52, 57 53 Zingari.............................. ...274f Zoroastrism. *********...............................

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ERRATA IN VOL. X. p. 16a, 1. 21, for Merki's read Merkis. p. 44a, 1. 22, for Sripuj Gunaratna Sagara read Sripuj Gunaratnasagara. . 1. 44, for PAda read Padano. p. 445, 1. 12, for Kumdrapaldcharita read Kumd avalachariya. p. 45a, 1. 6 from bottom, dele six. , 1. 2 from bottom, for Lathi, read Lathi. p. 456, 11. 2, 5, and 15, for Maitrayantyas, read Maitrayaniyas. p. 46a, 1. 18, for white Yajurveda, read White Yajurveda. . 1. 34, add A D. after 1608. p. 611, 1. 21, for geting read getting. p. 656, 1. 36, for bright fortnight of the Pra bhava samvatsara, read bright fortnight of the month Bhadra of the Prabhava sanwatsara. p. 90b, 1. 5 from bottom, for v. read y. p. 100a, 1. 39, for MS. of, read MS. in. p. 1006, 1. 11, for Karnadeva read Karnadeva. . 1. 1?; for Jayasingha read Jayasimha: >> 1. 14, for 42 read -42. 1 1. 13, for 12,000 Gr.read 12,000 granthas. p. 101a, 1. 3, for Brihatkalpastra read Byi hatkalpasutra. , 1. 30, for Lalla, the son, read Lalla the son. 1. 47, for Karnadeva read Karnadeva. p. 1016, 1. 8, for Katantravrittivivaranapaujika read Kitantravrittivivaranapaujikd. >> 1. 38, for Katantra read Katantra. ) 1. 41, for sakatayana-vyakarana read Sukutdyana-vydkarana. , 1. 43, for Adhy. I, 1-III, 2, by Hema chandra read by Hemachan dra; adhy. I, 1.III, 2. 1. 47, for Adhy. I, 1-II, by Hema chandra read by Hemachan. dra; adhy I, 1-II. 1. 49, for Mabakavya read Mahakdoya. p. 102a, 1. 6, for laghuvritti read laglouvritti. 1.9 from bot. for Vishnu-pushkarini, read Vishnu-pushkarini. p. 108a, note 1, 2, for dhram-lipi read dharma-lipi. p. 110, note dele the note, and read The Marathe country. p. 111b, 1. 3, for $a ky &- read Sakrap. 125a, 1. 27, for Perepolitan read Persepolitan. p. 1261, L. 40. for Kayotsarga Moodra read the kdyotsarga mudra. p. 1536, 1. 4, for Majjhima nickhaya read Maj hima nikdya. p. 159a, note (a), for nyasthannijamajnam mahipatih, read-nyasthannijamajnar mahepatih. p. 1590, noto l. 1, fortvam Sishe, read tvam Sirshe. p. 159b, note 1. 2, for can, read may. p. 1616, 1. 32, for Thakors read Thakors. p. 1627, 11. 37-38, for and two read and contains two. p. 1626, 1. 43, for mantritre read mantritve. p. 183, 1. 3, for 8 read 7. p. 184, 1. 42, for unsatisfactory. Mr. read un satisfactory." Mr. p. 1996, 11. 31-35, for thee, who are propitious read thee, who art propitious. p. 2026, 1. 7, for Chaldaer read Chaldaea. p. 2106, note for vol. VI (1877), read vol. V (1876). p. 211a, 1. 9, fr. bot. for-of the Bengal Asiatio Society, read-of the Bengal Asiatic Society. - 11. 6 and 7, fr. bot. for-of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Tead-of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. p. 2436, 11. 42-44, for It is dated, in words and figures, in the two bundred and fifty-fourth year, read It is dated, in words in the two hundred and fifty-fourth year, but in figures in the 286th year. p. 249a, 11. 38 and 47, for Parthapura read Pan. thipura. p. 252, transcription 1. 31, for Partthapura read Pa[n]th[i]pura. > note 16, add in writing the above, I was guided also by the fact that, though the Elliot MS. Collection reads Panthipura here and in two other places, yet it reads in four other places Parthipura, and in one instance Parthivapura. Since then, I have received impressions which shew clearly that the reading of the otigi. nals is Panthipura in five of these passages, and Pamiipura in the ro. maiting two; and I have also received another impression of the present inscription which, though it shews again that the letter is damaged in the original, leaves but little, if any, doubt that the upper part of it is ni,-i.e. Panthipura.-Panthipura was another name of Hangal itself; as one of the other passages in question rans Pinthipur-abhidh nan Hunavi galla samastanagaramuman &c. p. 2546, I. 6, for Parthapura read Panthipura. p. 2016, IL for I am, &c., twice, read We are &c. p. 287a, 1. 4, for Karratia read Karnitika. p. 303b n. 81, 1. 1, for Pandanu read Pandanus odoratissimus. p. 335a. 1. 27, for rigorously read vigorously,

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