Mahavira and his Teaching

Author(s): C C Shah, Rishabhdas Ranka, Dalsukh Malvania
Publisher: Bhagwan Mahavir 2500th Nirvan Mahotsava Samiti
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/008019/1

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MAHĀ VĪRA
AND HIS TEACHINGS
Editorial Board
DR. A. N. UPADHYE DR. NATHMAL TATIA PT. DALSUKH MALVANIA DR. MOHANLAL MEHTA DR. NEMICHAND SHASTRI PT. KAILASHCHANDRA SHASTRI
Bhagavān Mahāvīra si 2500th Nirvāņa Mahotsava Samiti, Bombay

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Published by C. C. Shah Rishabhdas Ranka Hon. Secretaries Bhagavān Mahāvīra 2500th Nirvāņa Mahotsava Samiti Mercantile Bank Building 7th Floor Mahatma Gandhi Marg Bombay-400023
Price Rs. 50/
1977
Printed by Shantilal Harjivan Shah Navajivan Press Ahmedabad-380 014

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زبر - Editorial Note
Bhagavān Mahāvīra who as a great religious leader dominated sixth century B. G. in India is one of the greatest champions of dignity of man. According to him even the gods crave for human birth and are inferior to men. To have the freedom from bondage is the exclusive right of man according to him. Thus he is the first amongst other religious leaders to establish the human-right for freedom. Not only this he was the first amongst all religious leader to proclaim that all living beings have equal right to live on this earth and so no one should be killed for the selfish end. This type of non-violence was preached for the first time by him proclaiming the Sāmā yika. i.e., equality for all the living beings. This Samā yika was the basic vow for the aspirant for freedom. And he said that one cannot be a non-violent person unless he rejects all his possessions, i.e., he should be free from desire and attachment.
Science has made great progress in achieving the human comforts no doubt but the human community has become greedy and violent and the invention of the atom bomb in the hand of some is a great threat not only to the human society as a whole but to all the living beings. In such circumstances it is necessary to remember our ancient preachers like Mahāvīra and Buddha who have found out the way of liberation, freedom and peace for the living beings.
In view of the fact that 2500th year of Nirvāṇa of Bhagavān Mahāvīra, the last Tirthařkara of the Jainas was due on 13th Nov. 1974, the Jaina Community established the "Bhagavān Mahāvíra 2500th Nirvāņa Mahotsava Samiti" in Bombay in 1968 for the celebrations of the historic event in a proper manner. Lord Mahāvīra was not the leader of the Jainas only. He was one of the many great men produced by humanity throughout the world in the past. And hence the Government of India also took interest in celebrations and sponsored the celebrations throughout India.

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[iv]
In order to perpetuate the memory of the celebrations it was thought proper by the said Mahotsva Samiti, that literature of abiding value should be published. So, the Samiti resolved to publish two volumes in memory of the celebrations—(1) Jainism through the ages and (2) Mahavīra and his Teachings.--The Samiti established an Editorial Board for the purpose and one senior member of the Board, Dr. A. N. Upadhye was requested to be in charge of the correspondence with the scholars. Dr. Upadhye established the contacts with many scholars and was able to collect the articles from them for two volumes. Dr. Upadhye was keen in publishing the volumes. With the co-operation of other members of the Editorial Board he finalised the press copy of this volume and it was given to the press in March 1974. But it is a matter of great regret that the publication is delayed due to the circumstances beyond our control and Dr. Upadhye passed away on 8th Oct., 1975 without seeing the results of his scholarly labour in producing this volume. Only with heavy heart we have to remember and thank the departed scholar.
We have to thank all the contributors of this volume, which includes only the English Articles. The Hindi articles are to be published in a separatc volume. We must apologise all the learned scholars who have contributed to this volume for the delay in publishing this volume. During these years our contributors Dr. Williams, Dr. Buddha Prakash and Prof. Nilkanta Shastri passed away and we regret for them.
We have to thank Shri Bal Patil who helped Dr. Upadhye in collecting the articles and in editorial work. Our thanks are also due to Shri Ramesh D. Malvania who assisted in Editing and also shouldered very gladly the responsibility of seeing the volume through the press.
We hope that the Samiti will also publish in due course the Hindi articles of this volume and also the volume 'Jainism through the ages' which requires some articles to be added.
Editorial Board is grateful to the Mahotsava Samiti for giving an opportunity to serve a good cause.
D. D. Malvania
Member Editorial Board

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Contents
L. ALSDORF
K. R. NORMAN
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT 21 Dr. Miss V. MUTHUCCUMARU LUDWIK STERNBACH
L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD
ERNEST BENDER
1. Literature 1. JAINA EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
AND THE HISTORY OF THE JAINA
CANON 2. KĀVILIYAM: A METRICAL ANA
LYSIS OF THE EIGHTH CHAPTER OF
THE UTTARADHYAYANA-SUTRA 3. THE BĀRASA ANUVEKKHA OF
KUNDAKUNDA 4. JIVAKACINTAMANI, A CHANNEL
OF MAHĀVĪRA'S TEACHINGS 5. ON SOME NONCANONICAL
SUBHĀSITA COLLECTIONS IN
JAINA LITERATURE 6. VARIANT FORMS OF THE LOCA-
TIVE IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN 7. TOWARDS A LEXICON OF OLD
GUJARĀTI
II. Religion 8. BHAVYATVA AND ABHAVYATVA
A JAIN DOCTRINE OF 'PREDESTI
NATION 9. FASTING UNTO DEATH ACCORD-
ING TO ĀYARANGA-SUTTA AND
TO SOME PAINNAYAS 10. JAINA MYSTICISM 11. RELEVANCE OF JAINA ETHICS
IN THE PRESENT AGE 12. JAINISM AND INFLUENCES FROM
WESTERN SOCIAL REFORMERS IN
GANDHIJI'S WELTANSCHAUUNG 13. HINDU & JAINA CONCEPTS OF
MAHAPRALAYA VERSUS MODERN SCIENCE
PADMANABH S. JAINI
COLETTE CAILLAT
113 KAMAL CHAND SOGANI 119 SHASHI BHUSHAN PRASAD SINHA HEIMO RAU
133
145
G. R. JAIN
157

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187
[vi] 14. How IT WORKS
S. GAJAPATHI
167 III. Mahāyira 15. IN JAINISM, O REJOICE (POEM) LEONA SMITH KREMSER 181
MAHĀVĪRA, THE GREAT PRO- A. L. BASHAM POUNDER OF JAINISM
185 17. LORD MAHĀVĪRA AND THE J. DELEU
ANYATĪRTHIKAS 18. THE AGE OF MAHĀVĪRA
ADRIS BANERJI
195 19. "THUS SPAKE MAHAVIRA"
A. S. GOPANI
199 20. VARDHAMANA MAHĀVĪRA
K. R. CHANDRA 209 21. LORD MAHĀVĪRA AND HIS K. M. PATEL TEACHINGS
213 22. LORD MAHĀVĪRA (Poem) TARA SINGH 'KOMAL' 223
IV. Philosophy THE JAINA LOGIC OF SEVEN- R. N. MUKERJI FOLD PREDICATION
225 24. CONSIDERATION OF SELF INB. J. JHAVERI JAINA PHILOSOPHY
235 25. CONCEPT OF SUBSTANCE IN BASHISTHA NARAYAN JAINISM
SINHA
243 26. NIYATIVADA (PRE-DESTINATION, V. M. KULKARNI
FATALISM, DETERMINISM): A STUDY
253 V. History 27. ACCOUNTS OF THE JAINAS TAKEN R. WILLIAMS
FROM SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURY AUTHORS
259 28. THE GENESIS OF DIGAMBARA- BUDDHA PRAKASH ŚVETAMBARA SPLIT
271 PATRONAGE TO JAINISM BY THE V. V. MIRASHI ŚILĀHĀRAS OF KOLHAPUR
287 30. THE ASCENDENCY AND ECLIPSE K. A. NILAKANTA
OF BHAGAVĀN MAHAVĪRA'S SASTRI AND CULT IN THE TAMIL LAND
V. RAMASUBRAMANIYAM AUNDY'
297

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L vil
347
349
371
389
31. AGASTHYA
V. G. NAIR 32. ANTIQUITY OF JAINISM IN V. G. Nair
TAMILNAD VI. Art FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON THE KLAUS BRUHN
ICONOGRAPHY OF PÂRÁVANATHA 34. EARLIEST JAINA INSCRIPTION H. D. SANKALIA
FROM MAHARASHTRA 35. JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE N. P. JOSHI
STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 36. JINA IMAGES IN THE ARCHA- MARUTI NANDAN
EOLOGICAL MUSEUM, KHAJU- PRASAD TIWARI
RAHO 37. MAHĀVĪRA ICON AND INDIAN B. UPADHYAY
ARCHAEOLOGY 38. FARTHER-EYE IN THE EAST ANAND KRISHNA
INDIAN AND NEPALESE PAINTINGS 39. Is JAINISM AN OPPONENT OF D. N. SHUKLA
HINDUISM?
395
409
429
437
457

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JAINA EXEGETICAL LITERATURE AND THE HISTORY OF THE JAINA CANON
L. Alsdorf, Hamburg
Zeal and sagacity of the followers of Mahāvīra devoted to the study and teaching of their holy scriptures have given rise to a vast literature which apart from its immediate exegetical value embodies the fruits of Jaina scholastic scholarship of more than a millennium and thus contributes an important chapter to the history of Indian thought and learning. That it can be made to yield valuable information on the history of the Jaina Canon I hope to show in the present article.
This exegetical literature is as yet very imperfectly known. The needs of the modern Jaina community as well as of the Western pioneers of Jainology were served by the extensive Sanskrit prose commentaries forming a latest layer. The Prakrit predecessors of these Sanskrit Tīkās, the Cūrnis, had been almost forgotten. Some of them were printed in recent years, but, as Schubring in his “Doctrine of the Jainas" complains, with few exceptions did not come in the hands of Western scholars. Of the third class of commentaries, the voluminous Bhas yas in Prakrit verse, Schubring can only say that their importance for the history of thought and literature will be great when one day all of them will be accessible and subjected to scholarly study. As to the fourth and oldest class of texts, the Nijjuttis, the dwindling of interest in them even in old times is shown by the fact that they are included in the oldest Sanskrit Tīkās, e.g. in śāntisūri's Uttarajjhayana-tīkā, but left out in the younger ones, e.g. in the famous Uttarajjhayana commentary of Devendra. Their study was inaugurated in the West eighty years ago by Leumann, who, to quote once more Schubring, has never had a successor. The reasons for this unsatisfactory state of affairs will become clear when the true nature and mutual relation of the four kinds of exegetical scriptures are understood.
For the explanation of the holy texts, the Jaina acāryas soon developed a more or less fixed form of instruction. It was as little written down as the texts themselves, but its unimpaired
M.-1

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2
L. ALSDORF
transmission was ensured by composing mnemonic stanzas supplying the teacher with catchwords. It is these mnemonic stanzas that are called Nijjuttis. Without the full instruction text on which they are based, of which they are mere extracts, they are as difficult to understand or even unintelligible as are most sūtras of scientific Sanskrit literature. Their language is above the niceties of grammar: to say nothing of syntax, terminations may be dropped, words abbreviated, vowel quantities changed-only the metre must be scrupulously preserved-no doubt because any violation of it would have disturbed the recitation of the stanza and thus impeded its memorizing, a distinct hint that these stanzas were destined for oral transmission. Their number, rather small to begin with, soon increased, partly no doubt due to an increase of exegetical and instructional matter; but also stanzas were added which were actually commentaries on too cryptical original stanzas. In the Nijjuttis such as we have them successive layers of additions and insertions can be discerned, of which the later ones are sometimes expressly called bhāṣja, commentaries.
The traditional account of the redaction of the canon by the Council of Valabhi is a reflex of the gradual introduction of manuscripts into transmission and instruction. Now when the sacred texts themselves were committed to writing, it was at most a question of time when the same must happen not only with the Nijjuttis but also with the full text of the instruction, the wording of which had so far been left at least to some extent to the individual teacher. The result of its written fixation were the Curnis. Curni-said to have been a designation also of Patanjali's Mahābhāṣ ya—means "pulverization" or "flour"-a not inappropriate designation for a commentary grinding the grains of a text into the flour of detailed explanations. In the Curni we come for the first time to know the full text of the traditional exegesis, and it is clear that though the form of the text we have now before us may be centuries younger than the old mnemonic gathas of the Nijjutti, yet originally the Nijjutti is but a secondary mnemonic aid for mastering the primary oral precursor of the written Curni.
Our Curni texts date from the time when, in about the 7th century, the Jainas could no longer resist the trend of the time and were forced to switch over their independent Prakrit tradition to the Sanskrit of their Brahmin rivals. The Curnis we have are still on the whole written in Prakrit but are, in a varying

For Private Personal Use Only

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JAINA EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
degree, interspersed with Sanskrit, in many cases Sanskrit passages being clearly marked as later by their contents, and the amount of Sanskrit a Curni contains being a criterion of its relative age. In the 8th century, the learned Brahmin Haribhadra, a Buddhaghosa of Jainism, inaugurates the period of the classical Sanskrit commentaries, the Tikās. To a large extent, they mechanically transpose Prakrit explanations into Sanskrit; the rich treasure of stories and parables which is such a distinguishing and attractive trait of Jaina exegesis is left unchanged by the classical Tikā authors; only their late successors will translate them into Sanskrit. But at the same time we notice a distinct tendency to modernize: archaic, primitive traits of the Curni are deleted and replaced by a scholarship borrowing its tools and weapons from the armoury of Brahmanical learning, e.g. the Nyaya. A good example is the traditional account of the Seven Schisms. For each of them there is an old Prakrit kathānaka supplying a refutation of the heretical doctrine in the primitive form of an anecdotal story demonstrating more or less drastically its foolishness. The Tikās retain the Prakrit kathānakas unchanged but raise them to the higher scientific level of their time by inserting learned theoretical refutations in Sanskrit proving their familiarity with contemporary philosophy. I need hardly add that just those archaic traits which the Tikās remove as obsolete or primitive may be of particular interest for the student of early Indian thinking. Thus, the systematic study of the Curnis, hardly begun as yet, promises to be rewarding.
3
The Curni as well as the older type of Tikā has assumed the form of a commentary on the Nijjutti as well as on the canonical text itself, portions explaining Nijjutti stanzas alternating with portions commenting on the sutra text. To explain this seemingly odd arrangement for is not the Nijjutti itself a commentary on the Sutra?-it is necessary to add some more remarks on the contents and methods of a Nijjutti.
Its most characteristic and prominent feature is the so-called nikṣepa, no doubt the exclusive invention of Jaina scholars and their most original contribution to scholastic research. The space at my disposal forbids the detailed treatment this subject needs and deserves. Reserving it to a future occasion I can only briefly describe the nikṣepa as a method of investigation to which any word or concept can be subjected by applying different viewpoints. The four original viewpoints are nama or denomination; sthāpanā or effigy; dravya, the material, concrete, non-spiritual aspect; and

For Private Personal Use Only

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L. ALSDORF bhāva, the mental, spiritual, religious one. The list is later on optionally supplemented by inserting between dravya and bhāva the viewpoints of kala, time, and kşetra, space, and any other which the individual case may suggest to an ingenious teacher. Now the word to be investigated is of course taken from or suggested by the canonical text, but the investigation, or if the word-monster may be permitted, the nikṣepization is carried through without particular regard to that text which is almost at once completely lost sight of; instead, the niksepa gives any moderately clever ācārya the possibility to deal with any subject or chapter of the doctrine he wants to include in his teaching. The first and compulsory object of nikşepization is the title of the canonical text, if this is a compound, each of its members; next, the titles of each chapter and subsection; only in comparatively rare cases a prominent word or concept of the text itself. It will by now be clear that the vast majority of the nikṣepas contribute practically nothing to the explanation of the Sūtra text but treat of introductory or downright extraneous matter. And this is hardly less true of most other Nijjutti gāthās, whether they give versified tables of contents or catchwords for tales and distāntas to be inserted or lists of synonyms or, as so-called dvara-gathas, lists of items to be dealt with. It is thus quite correct to say that a Nijjutti is not a commentary in our sense of that term, that it affords little help for the understanding of the text; but there is no reason to complain: the explanation of the Sūtra text was not neglected, but by its nature it did not lend itself to condensation into Nijjutti verse. We do have it in the Sutra comments of Curnis and Tīkās, and the way in which these works alternate between explanations of Nijjutti stanzas and Satra text is after all a reflection of the original oral instruction, of which only certain parts had been epitomized in the form of mnemonic verse. The great importance of the Nijjuttis consists in their being the earliest non-canonical sources of Jaina doctrine and scholastic theology.
The average Nijjutti numbers a few hundred gāthās, and even to this size it has only grown by gradual insertions, part of which, as we have seen. are called bhās vas. Thes bhās ya, however, also designates a fourth class of exegetic works, each of which consists of several thousand Prakrit gathās. It was natural to assume, as did Leumann and Schubring, that the bhās ya was nothing but the result of the continued insertion of bhāş ya verses into the Nijjutti. To quote Şchubring (Doctrine of

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JAINA EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
5
the Jainas, p. 63): "As long as such insertions were limited, the title of Nijjutti remained but when the size of the latter had swollen up owing to an extraordinary number of Bhāṣya verses, it was they who gave the whole work its title." What this explanation fails to make clear is the relation between Bhasya and Curni. According to Schubring, the Curni is a commentary on the Nijjutti as well as on the Bhasya, but in some cases the Curni follows immediately on the Nijjutti without a Bhasya in between. I am afraid these views are based on a misunderstanding of the true character of the Bhasya. My own opinion will be given with some reserve; it may have to be modified after a more extensive study of the whole Bhasya literature. But a comparison of the Viseṣāvasyakabhāṣya with the Avasyakacurni leaves to me no doubt that the former is a mere versification of the prose tradition represented by the latter. I believe that, certainly in this case and probably also generally, Tikā and Bhāṣ ya represent two parallel developments: the Tika changes the Prakrit language of the Curni to Sanskrit but keeps to the prose form; the Bhasya versifies the traditional prose but keeps to the Prakrit language. It is perhaps not too bold to see in the Bhasya an attempt at continuing beside the new Sanskrit exegesis the old Prakrit tradition in a new form. This new form may indeed have been suggested by the progressive insertion of Bhāṣ ya stanzas into the Nijjuttis; but that the Bhāṣya really marks a new departure is shown by its very size which is a multiple of that of the average Nijjutti; it is underlined by distinguishing the 257 Bhāṣ va stanzas inserted into the AvasyakaNijjutti as Mulabhāṣ ya from the Viseṣāvasyakabhāṣ ya of Jinabhadra. Studying this latter work, Leumann has noted that its language is much more correct and its style more intelligible than that of the old Nijjuttis and their Bhāṣya insertions; Jinabhadra, Leumann remarks, "has done away with that old slovenliness". I should prefer to say that the Bhasyas are a new departure also linguistically: perhaps it would not be too much to speak of a kind of Prakrit renaissance.
What I have said so far might have given rise to the notion that there exists for every, or almost every, text of the canon a set of the four types of exegetical works. Actually, tradition has a list of ten Nijjuttis only and ascribes their composition to one Bhadrabahu. If he is at all a historical personality, he cannot be the great father of the church of that name in the third century
1. "Übersicht über die Avasyaka-Literatur", 31b.

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L. ALSDORF
B.C. but must be regarded as a redactor-working according to Leumann (“Übersicht" p. 28) in the first century A.D. at the earliest—who compiled a systematically arranged corpus of Nijjutti tradition. The selection and order of texts treated in that corpus not only reveal sound pedagogical planning but also give valuable information on the history of the canon. The beginning is made by the Āvaśyakas, six short texts designated by their name as “indispensable” because every monk daily needs them and which, therefore, the novice has to learn and study first of all: vows, formulas for intercourse with the guru, a stotra, a confession schedule, etc. Numbers two and three are two anthologies: the first, the Dasaveyālıya, is described by tradition as a manual for beginners, but the second, the Uttarajjhayana, a collection of legendary, disciplinary and dogmatical chapters, is certainly no less suited to the same purpose. Then only follow, as nos, 4 and 5, the two first texts of the canon, Ā yāranga and Suyagadanga. These two and the two anthologies are exactly those four texts which Schubring has called the Seniors of the canon. They are followed by the three oldest disciplinary texts traditionally combined under the dvandva title Dasā-Kappa-Vavahāra. The last two Nijuttis of the list of ten are not available. Their basic texts are said to be the Surapannatti, an old astronomical work, and the Isibhāsıyāim. Now we do possess a text entitled Isibhasıyāim which is no doubt very old, but it does not belong to the canon and no commentary of any kind on it has ever been known, and it is not even certain that our text is identical with the one named in the Nijuttı list. As to the Surapannatti, its commentator Malayagiri states in the 11th century that its Nijjuitr had been lost through the wickedness of the Kali age. I cannot account for the inclusion of these two Najjuttis in the list and seriously doubt that they ever existed. Conversely, we do have two Nijuttis not included in the list of ten and reckoned today as independent canonical works: Pında- and Oha-Nijutti. But of the former it has been shown that it formed originally part of the Āyaranijjutti; it became an independent work when it has swollen so much as to burst the frame of the original Nijjuttı. The case of the Ohanij jutti is more difficult and awaits final clarification, but at any rate tradition maintains that the Ohanijjuttı has to be recited at a certain point of the Avassayanıjutti. Thus both works, Pinda- and Ohanısjuttr, are in some way or other included in the ten, or rather eight, Ninjuttis of the traditional list. Be that as it may, there is not, and there cannot be a Nijjutti which is not at least originally based on a canonical text; but those few texts

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JAINA EXEGETICAL LITERATURE which are provided with a Nejjutti clearly form a kind of nucleus or oldest layer consisting of the oldest and most important texts of the canon. Their unique position will become even clearer when it is realized that there is e.g. no Nijutti on any of the Angas 3-11,
one on any Upānga with the very doubtful exception of the Surapannatti.
It is a well-known feature of Indian commentaries that their authors will accomodate contributions of their own, innovations, extraneous matter, etc. mostly in the beginning of their work, of which this part swells to inordinate proportions while towards the end it shrinks to a brief verbal commentary. The same phenomenon can be observed in the Nijutti corpus taken as a whole. The first, the Avassaya Nijjutti, is, notwithstanding the briefness of its six basic texts, three times longer than any other: it has (in its present, repeatedly enlarged form) nearly 2000 stanzas, of which 257 are called Mūlabhāsya. As the learned monks had no difficulty to drag in any subject they wished to deal with for the benefit of their students, the first half of the Āvassaya-Nijutti and Cūrni has become a comprehensive handbook of Jaina doctrine and scholastic learning, set in the framework of teachings on the origin and nature of the sacred texts, their study and tradition and above all on the methods of their interpretation. That in the designation of the sacred texts as śrutajñāna there occurs the word jñāna is sufficient reason to bring in the whole theory of cognition; the texts originating from Mahāvīra, we get his biography in its more developed form, and this is supplemented by the caritras of the rest of the 63 Great Men that peculiar Jaina Universal History which in the old canonical texts is not yet found in its systematized form. The unique importance of the Āvassaya Nijjuttı has finally led to its being invested with that canonical dignity which properly belongs only to the six brief Avassaya texts underlying it and which, conversely, might be claimed with equal justification by every other Nijjuttı: in the Svetāmbar list of canonical texts the Avassaya Nujutti figures as the third of the Mülasūtras, the basic texts foi beginners.
Nor is this all. In the same list we find before the group of the Mülasūtras two works not belonging to any group which Schubring calls propaedeutical: Nandi and Anuogadārā. If the texts of these works are laid beside those of the Avassaya Nuutti and its Cūnn it becomes soon apparent that they are nothing but parts of the Avassaya exegesis grown independent through amplification. To show that it is not, conversely, the Avassaya

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L. ALSDORF
Nijjutti which has borrowed from the two works it is sufficient to quote from Schubrings's summary of contents of the Anuogadārā (Doctrine p. 115): “Investigations (anuoga) in the sphere of knowledge in general and of Jain doctrine in particular ... Cognition through tradition as an object of teaching. This leads to the Avassaya-suyakkhandha. The author's plan is to deal with all the six Āvassayas, but this plan is realized only for the first of them.” It would be difficult to describe the Anuogadārā more clearly as an original part of the introduction to the Āvassaya exegesis grown independent through amplification. And if Schubring remarks of the other work that its author seems to have chosen the title "Nandi" in order to mark his work as an introduction, we may now add that it is an introduction to the study of the Avassaya Nijjutti, the introduction of which is also called Nandı. Schubring's description of the two texts as “propaedeutical” is thus confirmed but assumes a more definite and precise meaning. And the fact that Nandi and Anuogadārā are not included in one of the classes of canonical texts may now be explained by the fact that they were received into the canon as separate works very late, probably after the Avassaya Ninjuttione more proof of their secondary character as against the latter.
The Āvassaya Nejjutti with its Cunni and Tīkās thus occupies a kind of key position in Jaina exegetical and scholastic literature; it is, as it were, the centre of a circle of late or postcanonical works, surrounded by a wider circle of exegetical, dogmatical, disciplinary and narrative works, Svetāmbara as well as Digambara, the whole forming what Leumann has called the Āvašyaka Literature. To have first recognized this central role of the Avassaya tradition and inaugurated its study 80 years ago was the great pioneering feat of Leumann-an achievement the more astounding because it was based entirely on manuscripts of which Leumann managed to assemble a splendid systematic collection at Strasbourg. It would hardly be too much to say that in his researches he was ahead of his time by at least half a century. It is to be regretted but also only too understandable that in the end he got stuck in the enormous and unwieldly mass of texts none of which was then printed, let alone critically edited. We are today in a much more favourable position, but e.g. the only existing print of the Āvassaya Cunni is still far from satisfactory and stands in urgent need of critical treatment. This should only be one more incentive to resume Leumann's work and continue it, and this is what we are actually trying to do now in Hamburg.

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KĀVILIYAM: A METRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EIGHTH
CHAPTER OF THE UTTARĀDHYAYANA-SŪTRA
K. R. Norman Cambridge (U.K.)
1. INTRODUCTION nad 2 The eighth chapter of the Utlarādhyayana-sūtra, entitled Kāvilī yam "Kapila's verses”, is one of only three chapters of the whole Jain canon written (except for verse 17, which is a śloka) in the old āryā metre. A critical edition of Ā yāramga I, 9 was made by Schubring (Acārānga-sūtra, Leipzig, 1910), and one of Suyagadamga I, 4 by Alsdorf (Indo-Iranian Journal, Vol. II, 1958, 4, 249-70). This paper aims at revising and analysing the text of Uttarādhyayanasutra 8.
No MSS were directly available to me for the production of a critical edition, but I have made use of the following printed editions:
C=Charpentier's edition (Uppsala, 1922). V=the edition by Vadekar and Vaidya (Poona, 1954). This
is a corrected version of C, with some better readings taken
from Devendra's commentary. S=Suttīgame, Vol. II, the Sthānakvāsí edition by Muni
Srí Phūlchandjī Mahārāj (Gurgaon, 1954). N=Uttarādhyayāni śrīmān-Nemicandrācāryaviracitasukhabodhānāmya
vrttyā samalankęlāni (Valad, 1937). This edition tends to print intervocalic -t-, but this idiosyncracy is ignored in
the Critical Apparatus below.
J- Jacobi's edition (Ahmedabad, 1911). Šāntisūri's commentary was not available to me, but I have noted such of his readings as are quoted in the notes to C.
M.M.-2

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K. R. NORMAN
-- II. TEXT adhuvammi moha-gahanāe / samsārammi dukkha-paurāe kim nāma hojja tam kammam / jenam doggaim na gacchejā (1) vijahıttu puvva-samjoyam / na sineham kahimci kuvvejja asineha sineha-karehim / dosa-paðsehi muccae bhikkhū (2) to nāna-damsaņa-samaggo / nissesā ya savva-Jīvānam tesim vimokkhan'atthāe 1 bhāsaī muni-varo vigaya-moho (3) savvam gantham kalaham ca / vippajahe taha-viham bhikkhu savvesu kāma-jāesu / pāsamāno na lippai tāi (4) bhogāmisa-dosa-visanne / hiya-nissesa-buddhi-voccatthe bāle ya mandie mūdhe 1 bajjhaī macchiya va khelammi (5) duparıccaya ime kāmā / no sujahā adhīra-purisehim aha santi suvvayā sāhū / je tarantı ataram vanī yā vā (6) “samanā mu” egě vayamāṇā / pāna-vaham miyā ayānantā mandā nirayam gacchanti / bālā pāviyāhi ditthihim (7) na hu pāna-vaham anujāne / muccě kayāi savva-dukkhānam eu' āriehim akkhā yam | jehim imo sāhu-dhammo pannatto (8) pāne ya nàivāejjā / se “samīë” tti vuccas tai tão sē pāvayam kammam / nijjāi udagam va thālao (9) jaga-nissiehi bhūehim / tasa-nāmehi thāvarehim ca no tesim ārabhe damdam / manasā vayasa kā yasă ceva (10) suddh' esaņāð naccă nam / tattha thavejja bhikkhu appānam jāyāe ghāsam esejjā / rasa-giddhe na si ya bhikkhāe (11) pantāni ceva sevejjā / sī ya-pimdam purāna-kummāsam adu vakkasam pulāgam vā / javan'attham nisevae manthum (12) je lakkhanam ca suvinam ca / amga-vijjam ca je paumjanti na hu te “samaņā” vuccanti / evam āyāriehım akkhāyam (13) iha-jīviyam aniyametta / pabbhatthā samāhi-joehim te kāma-bhoga-rasa-giddhā / uvavajjantı āsure kāe (14) tatto vr ya uvvattittā / samsāra bahum anuparıyadantı bahu-kamma-leva-littānam / bohi hož sudullahā tesim (15) kasinam pi jo imam loyam / padipunnam dalejja ikkassa teņavi se na samtusse / 22 duppurae ime āyā (16) jahā laho tahā loho / lāhā loho pavaddhaī domāsena kayam kajjam / kodie vi na nitthiyam (17)

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KĀVILĪYAM: A METRICAL ANALYSIS
no rakkhasīsu gijjhejjā / gamda-vacchāsu 'nega-cittāsu jãõ purisam palobhittā / khellantī jahā va dāsehim (18) nārīsu novagijjhejjā / zithī vipajahe anāgāre dhammam ca pesalam naccā / tattha thavejja bhikkhu appānam (19) iz esa dhamme akkhāe / Kavilenam visuddha-pannenam tarihinti je u kāhantı / tehim ārāhiyā duve loga'tti bemi (20)
III. CRITICAL APPARATUS (In this apparatus no account is taken of orthographical variants, e.g. -ijja -ejja, -ammi/-ammi, which make no difference to the metre). 1 a: all adhuve; G V N asāsayammī, s asāsayammi, Santisūri states Nagārjunī yās tu padam evam pathanti : adhuvammi moha-ggahanāe. b: N samsārammi. c: all kammayam. d: all jenaham, Sāntisūri quotes v.1. jenaham doggało muccejjā. 2 c: C Sasinehasinehakarehim as one word. d: VN dosa-paosehim, Sāntisūri explains doșa-padain, i.e. reading dosa-paehim. 3 b: C VN hiya-nissesā ya, s hıya-nissesõe, d: S bhāsai. 4 b: śāntisūri quotes v.1. tahāvihe. 5 b: all -nisseyasa-. d: S N bajjhai. 6 a: S duppariccayā. d: all vaniyā, Santisūri quotes v.1. je taranti vaniya va samuddam; N va. 7 a: C samanāmu as one word. c: śāntisūri quotes v.1. narayam. d: all pāviyāhim. 8 b: all muccejja. c: S N evam; CV Nāriehim, Sāyariehim. d: all jehim. 9 b: V N samie. c: all tao. d: Sāntisūri quotes v.1. ninnāi; CVSN thatão, J thālio. 10 a: all -nissiehim. śāntisūri reads -nissiesu bhūesu. b: all -nāmehim, Sāntisūri reads -nāmesu thāvaresu ya. d: C V vayasā. 11 a: N suddhesaņā u as two words; N naccā nam as two words. b: all bhikkhū. d: all siyā. 12 c: S N bukkasam. d: all javan'atthae, śāntisūri reads javan'attham vā sevae mamghum; C mamghum. 13 a; C omits second ca. d: CV S evam; av s āyariehim. N a yariehim. 14 a: S N iha jīviyam as two words. b: C pabhatthā.

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K. R. NORMAN
15 a: V N uvaṭṭittä. b: all samṣāram; C V N bahum, S bahu; N anupariyattamti. Santisūri quotes v.1. anuparicaranti. d: all bohi hoi, Santisuri quotes v.1. jattha for hoi.
16 b: N egassa.
17 a: C lāhā. b: N pavadḍhai. c: all domāsa-kayam.
18 d: all khellamti.
12
19 a: N no pagejjhejja. b: all vippajahe; V N anagare. d: all bhikkhu. 20 b: all Kavileṇam ca. d: all tehim; N logu.
IV. METRICAL ANALYSIS
Alsdorf summarised (op. cit. p. 252) the main characteristics of the old arya metre as follows:
(1) the two halves of the stanza are identical (as in the later giti), i.e. there is no shortening of the 6th gana of the 2nd half;
(2) the caesura falls not after the 3rd gana but (expressed in terms of the later arya) in the middle of the 4th gana.
The analysis of the text of Utt. 8 as printed above is: (a) odd padas (i.e. padas a and c):
gana
1

la 2a 2c 6a 6c 7a 8a 10a 12c 13c 14a 15c 16a 20a 20c
la 3a 3c 4a 4c 5a 5c 7c 8c 9a 9c 10c 11a 11c 12a 13a 14c 15a 16a 18a 19a 19c
18c
2
2c 5a 7c 8a 13c 15a
la lc 2a 3a 3c 4c 5c 6a 6c 7a 8c 9a 9c 10a 10c 11a 11c 12a 12c 13a 14a 14c 15c 16a 16c 18a 18c 19a 19c 20a 20c
4a
For Private Personal Use Only
3
la 2c 3a 4a 5a 7a 8a 13a 14a 14c
1c 2a 3c 4c 5c 6a 6c 7c 8c 9a 9c 10a 10c 11a 11c 12a 12c 13c 15a 15c 16a 16c 18a 18c 19a 19c 20a 20c

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KĀVILĪYAM: A METRICAL ANALYSIS (b) even pādas (i.e. pādas b and d):
gana
1b 3d 6b 15b
20 4b 6b7b 8b 8d 11b 19d
all except 15b
1b Id 2b 3b 4d 5b 5d 7d 9b 10b 11d 12b 12d 13b 13d 14b 14d 15d 16b 16d 18b 18d 20b 20d
id 2b 2d 3b 4b 4d 5b 5d 6d 7b 7d 8b 8d 9b 9d 10b 100 11b 11d 12b 12d 13b 13d 14b 14d 15d 16b 16d 18b 18d 19b 192 206 20d
-
3d 6d 9d 10d 15b 19b
15b
6
(c) totals for odd and even pādas: gana 1
2
3 v 156
10
31 -- - 22 1 28
v
-
5 8 - 24
37
totals
38
38
38
38
38
(d) 4th ganas:
gana
totals
lab lcd 3ab 6ab Tab 8ab 9cd 11ab 14ab 15ab 18cd 19ab 19cd
15
4ab 7cd
Tao
2 ab 5ab 10ab 10cd llcd 12cd 14cd 16ab 16cd 20ab
1,-u
4cd 13ab 13cd 20cd
-.-
2cd 3cd 5cd 6cd Scd Sab 12 ab 15cd 18ab

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K. R. NORMAN
Alsdorf's figures for Sūya. I, 4 show 8 occurrences of -- after the caesura in 106 pādas. The 5 examples which occur in C have been eliminated in the revised text above by reading -m instead of -m before a vowel (jehim 8cd, evam 13cd, tehim 20cd), shortening a final vowel (bohi 15cd), or reading an alternative form (muccē instead of muccejja 8ab). This then gives 13 occurrences of - in 38 pādas of Utt. 8, as opposed to 16 in 106 pādas in Su ya. I, 4.
V.
TRANSLATION
1. In the unstable samsāra, in the thicket of delusion (which is) full of misery, what indeed would that action be by which one would escape a bad transition ? 2. Having given up one's former connection(s), one should not bestow affection upon anything; without affection amidst things which cause affection, a monk is freed from faults and defects. 3. Therefore the best of sages, fully endowed with knowledge and insight, devoid of delusion, speaks for the benefit of all living creatures, for their release. 4. A monk should give up every fetter and contention of such a kind; such a one, seeing (them), is not attached to all kinds of sensual pleasures. 5. Sunk down in faults and the temptations of enjoyment, opposed to benefit, welfare, and intelligence, a stupid deluded fool is bound like a fly in glue. 6. These sensual pleasures are hard to throw aside; they are not easily given up by weak men; but there are saints with good vows who cross the uncrossable (samsāra) as merchants (the sea). 7. Some stupid fools, saying “we are ascetics”, (like) animals not understanding the killing of living creatures, go to hell because of (their) evil views, 8. One should not approve of the killing of living creatures; one may one day be released from all miseries. Thus it has been

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KĀVILĪYAM A METRICAL ANALYSIS
15
proclaimed by the noble ones, by whom this doctrine of the saints has been preached. 9. But one should not injure living creatures; (being) such a one he is called “circumspect". Then his evil action goes away like water from high ground.
10. One should not inflict punishment by thought, word, or deed upon those beings, movable and immovable, who are dependent upon the world.
11. Knowing about (the collection of) pure alms, a monk should establish himself therein. He should seek food for his livelihood (only); a mendicant should not be greedy for savours.
12. He should frequent only solitary (places); he makes use of cold food, old sour gruel, old rice, or mouldy grain, (or) ground jujube for sustenance.
13. Those who practise (fortune-telling by) signs, and dreams, and marks on the body, are certainly not called "ascetics"; thus it has been proclaimed by the teachers.
14. Not having restrained their live here, having fallen away from meditation and concentration, being greedy for savours, enjoyments, and sensual pleasures, they are reborn in an asura's body.
15. And even having ascended from there, they wander much about the samsāra. Enlightment is hard to obtain for those who are defiled by the defilement of much (bad) action.
16. If anyone should give even this whole full earth to one person, he would not be delighted even by that. Thus is this self hard to fill.
17. As is the gain, so is the desire; because of gain desire increases. What has to be done can be done with two māsa (coins); (but) it is not finished even with a crore (of māsa coins).

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K. R. NORMAN
18. One should not be greedy for female demons, with lumps on their chests, fickle-minded, who having enticed a man sport with him as though with slaves.
19. One should not be greedy for women; a houseless one should give up women; but knowing the beautiful doctrine a monk should establish himself therein. 20. Thus this doctrine has been proclaimed by Kapila, of pure wisdom. Those who perform it will cross (the sea of samsāra); by them the two worlds are obtained. Thus I say.
i 1 VI. NOTES 1. In pāda a the reading of S could be regarded as a bad śloka; that of C V N is a classical āryā pāda with the caesura after the third gana. The Nāgārjunīya reading quoted by śāntisūri gives an old āryā pāda (if we read -g- for -gg-), and at the same time provides a locative singular form in -āe with which dukkha-paurāe can agree, although I cannot quote a feminine form gahanā from elsewhere. In pāda d aham doubtless entered the text from a gloss designed to show that gacchejjā was first person singular. Charpentier quotes a v.1. gacchejjam. Sāntisūri's v.l. is metrical if we read jenam doggało mucceijā. 2. In pada c asineha is a nominative singular without a case ending, as Charpentier states (p. 307). It is not clear why, this being so, he prints it as one word with the following word. The commentary in N explains -karehim as -kareșu. For locative plurals in -ehi(m) see the note on verse 10 below. In pāda d dosa-paheim, which would seem to underly Sāntisūri's gloss, is not metrical. 3. In pada b the metre shows that hiya- must be excluded, although it occurs in all editions. It doubtless entered the text because of hiya-nissesa- in verse 5.
4. Pada a is the only odd pāda of this chapter where the second gana is . Although Alsdorf quotes two examples of this gana in Sū ya, I, 4, it is probably out of place here. It can be avoided

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KĀVILĪYAM A METRICAL ANALYSIS
by reading savvam kalaham gantham ca, giving as the second gana. In pāda b Santisūri's v.l. tahāvihe is equally metrical.
5. In pāda b all the editions read -nisseyasa-, but the metre shows that we must read the contracted form -nissesa- as in verse 3. In pāda d bajjhai is also possible metrically, giving a 4th gana“, - and a 5th " 6. In pāda d Santisūri's v.l. is nietrical if we read sāmuddam. 7. Charpentier quotes the commentaries to show that mu=vayam. As he states, Pischel does not list this usage; he seems rather to take mu (and mo) as the first person plural of the verb as- ($ 498), and he is followed in this by Schubring (Acārānga-sūtra, p. 67). Edgerton (Buddhist Hybrid Skt Grammar $ 20.40) quotes mo=vayam from Mahāvastu ji 9, 10, and notes that Hemacandra iii 106 recognises mo as the nominative plural of the first person pronoun. 8. In pada b muccejja, which occurs in all the editions, would give -- as the opening after the caesura. If we read the alternative optative form muccē, the opening would be the more commonPāda c also scans as a sloka. The reading āyariehim in s is doubtless due to evam āyāriehim occurring in verse 13.
9. Pada a also scans as a śloka. For tão in pāda c cf. Alsdorf's note on Therīgāthā 420 (Thera-Theri-gāthā, 2nd edition, PTS London, 1966, p. 241) and Pischel (5 425). The metre can also be corrected by reading tatto as in verse 15. In pāda d śāntisūri's v.1. ninnai is equally metrical. The reading thālīo in J is equally metrical. 10. The instrumentals in padas a and b do not go well with the genitive tesim in pāda c. It is worth noting that not only does Šāntisūri read locative forms in pādas a and b but he also mentions v.11. with the genitive ending -āna(m). This seems to indicative that there was some doubt in the tradition as to the precise case to be read. The most likely explanation is that the original form of the verse had dative plural forms with the Eastern ending -ehi(m). Various branches of the tradition treated this ending in various ways. Some retained it, either recognising it as a dative, or M.M.-3

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K. R. NORMAN
believing it to be an instrumental; others thought it was a locative (which was also -eh (m) in the Eastern Prakrit) and replaced it by -esu; others recognised it was a dative and replaced it by a genitive, which functions in place of the dative in some dialects of Middle Indo-Aryan. Exactly the same distribution of case forms is found in Aśoka's 6th Rock Edict (paragraph F) where the Eastern dialects have mahamatehi 'to the ministers'. This form is replaced by mahāmātresu at Girnar in the West, and by mahamatrana at Shahbazgarhi in the North-West.
11. In pada a the reading suddhesaṇā u (< tu) in N is equally metrical. In pada d I suggest reading siya for siya which is found in all the editions, although other readings giving the same scansion could be postulated. In Pali both siya and assa exist as the optative of the verb as-. The latter form would suit here, but I have not seen assa elsewhere in Ardha-Magadhi. Brough has pointed out that the reading seyyo in Dhammapada 390 is probably based upon a form *siyya, developed metri causa from siya (Gandhārī Dharmapada, London, 1962, p. 183), and a comparable form developing to *sejja on the analogy of other optatives in -ejja could be postulated here.
12. In pada d all the editions read javan' atthae, but the metre shows that Santisuri's reading javan'attham is correct. Santisuri's version of this pada is metrical if we read va for vā.
13. For the reading ayariehim in pada c, compare Pāli ācāriya (Critical Pali Dictionary, Volume II, 1, p. 32).
15. The metre shows that the reading uvaṭṭitta in V and N cannot be correct. The commentary in N explains it as uddhṛtya-niḥsṛtya. In pada b the spelling samsāra is intended merely to show that the final syllable is to be scanned as short, and could equally well have been printed as samsarā. Neither transscription is intended to show how the syllable was actually pronounced. In the same pāda the reading bahu in S is equally metrical. The reading anupariyattamti in N is unmetrical. N also includes a reading anupariyatanti in the commentary, but explains satatyatena paryaṭanti,

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KĀVILĪYAṀ A METRICAL ANALYSIS
which seems to refer to the reading of the other editions. Santisuri's v.1. anuparicaranti is also metrical. In pada d the reading bohi found in all the editions is possible, giving the opening after the caesura. The reading boh, however, gives the preferable opening-., The same scansion could be obtained by reading hot bohi instead of bohi hoi.
--
16. In pāda a jo seems to have the sense of si quis 'if anyone', as the relative pronoun occasionally has in Sanskrit (see Monierwilliams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. yad).
19
17. This is the only verse of the chapter which is not in the old arya metre. Charpentier points out that it is identical with verse 299 of the nijjutti, and it is very likely that the verse has been taken from that source and should be excluded from the chapter. Pada c is unmetrical in all the editions, having only 7 syllables. I suggest that the original reading domāseņa kayam has been replaced by a tat-puruşa compound domāsa-kayam.
18. With the phrase rakkhīsu gamḍa-vacchāsu compare ura-gandapisacini (Theragāthā 1151), explained by the commentary: ure utthita-ganda-doaya-vatī bhayānaka-bhāvato anatthāvahato ca pisaca-sadisi.

20. If ca which is found in all the editions after Kavilenam is retained (to give the translation 'preached by Kapila too'), then the metre can be corrected by reading Kavileṇa ca. The commentary to N, however, explains: cah purane. In pada d the reading logu in N is presumably shortened from logo before tt. In combination with the numer] duve, logo must be a dual. It is usually stated that Middle Indo-Aryan has lost the dual (Pischel, § 360), but in fact traces do still remain, e.g. Kesi-Goyamao samāgame (Utt. 23.88) 'at the meeting of Kesi and Goyama', where -ao is the genitive dual ending < -ayoḥ.
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2
THE BĀRASA-AŅUVEKKHA OF KUNDAKUNDA Chandrabhal Tripathi and Bansidhar Bhatt
(Freie Universität, Berlin)
$ 1. INTRODUCTION". $ 1.1 Among the fifteen Prakrit texts ascribed to Kundakunda, the second position has to be assigned to the Barasa-Anuvekkha (BA), the first being occupied no doubt by the Samayasāra. The BA has been treated as early as 1935 by Professor A. N. UPADHYE in his “Exhaustive essay on the life, date and works of Kundakunda”l. In 1960, A. N. UPADHYE discussed the BA again? while scrutinizing the Jaina literature on Aņuvekkhā.
Recently, we have studied the BA from two directions: BANSIDHAR BHATT3 has traced the “Samayasāra-mysticism”, the main contribution of Kundakunda; CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI4 has dealt with a Kannada Manuscript of the BA at Strasbourg. The Strasbourg Manuscript has already been mentioned by the late Professor ERNST LEUMANNS in an introductory note on the Mulācāra 1. Published as the Introduction to his edition of the Pravacanasāra of
Kundakunda in the Srimad Rājacandra Jaina Šāstramālā (RJS),5.
19643. See pp. 37-8 for the BA. 2. A. N. UPADHYE, Svâmi-Kumāra's Kârttrkeyānuprekşā (SKA). RJŚ 2. 1960.
Introduction (SKA. Intr.), pp. 21-2 and pp. 60 ff 3. BANSIDHAR BHATT, "Vyavahāra-naya and Niscaya-naya in Kundakunda's Works"
An article presently under publication in the ZDMG (Supplementband,
Deutscher Orientalistentag Lubeck Okt. 1972). 4. CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI, Catalogue of the Jaina Manuscripts at Strasbourg
(Leiden Brill, under print as Indologia Berolinensis, Vol. 4), Serial
No 61 (registered by LEUMANN as S 364€, i.e. Foll. 206-211 of S 364). 5. See ERNST LEUMANN, Übersicht über die Āvaśyaka-Literatur (Hamburg 1934: Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien, Vol. 4), p. 156, 57-9.
21

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22
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
(MĀC) of Vațţakera. Some important information about a Kannada Manuscript of the BA at Kolhapur has been supplied by A. N. UPADHYE (SKA. Intr. p. 21).
The two editions of the BA available to us in Berlin are the following: (1) KPS = Kundakunda Prābhịta Samgraha, sampādaka: Pt. KAILASHIACHANDRA Shastri Jaina (Sholapur 1960).2 (2) Sivānā – śrīmat-Kundakundācārya-viracita Bārasa-anubekkhā (sic!) ... (Sivānā 1963).3
$ 1.2. The general information regarding the BA, as collected from the above mentioned sources, may be outlined here (for specifications of these points see our table in $ 2.1):
$ 1.2.1. Both the editions have 91 verses. (KPS has been followed by Sivānā, see p. 4, "dhanyavāda”.)
$ 1.2.2. All these 91 verses are not transmitted in the Kolhapur and Strasbourg Manuscripts. The Kolhapur Ms. omits 7 verses, the Strasbourg Ms. omits 4 verses. Moreover, these Mss. contain one verse which is not included in the editions.“ 1. The Mūlācāra has been published twice: (a) śrīmad-Vattakerâcārya
viracito Mülâcārah sri-Vasunandi-framana-krtayā tIkayā sametah. Bombay sam. 1980: Māņıkacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā (MDJG), Vol. 23 (pp. 1-35. dvādasânuprek sakanāmâştamah paricchedah or prastāvah). (b) Sholapur 1944: Devacanda Rāmacanda Granthamālā, Vol. 1 (with a Hindi translation by JINADASA PARSHVANATHA
PHADAKULE) - We refer to the MDJG edition 2. In the KPS, an anthology of verses ascribed to Kundakunda (Sholapur
1960. Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā, Vol. 9), the BA is published with a Hindi translation on pp 136-153. This edition of the BA contains the Pkt. gātbās with a Sanskrit chāyā, Hindi metrical and prose translations, and a Gujarati translation, etc. and is published by śri Jinadattasūrı Jaina Jñānamandira at Sivānā (Rajasthan), 12 plus 64 pp. This verse has been adopted by us in the text of the Ur-BA as the 8th verse.
4.
1 III

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THE BĀRASA-ANUVEKKHĀ OF KUNDAKUNDA
23
$ 1.2.3. The Sivānā edition characterizes in its footnotes some eighteen verses as “ksepaka”. (Presumably the late Pt. NATHURAM PREMI is the author of these footnotes.)
$ 1.3. From the view-point of contents, the BA has now to be analysed to arrive at the nucleus to which interpolations have been attached at different times, such an analysis being based on the following considerations:
$ 1.3.1. Kundakunda, as a great mystic of his period, not only presented his views in an independent work such as the Samayasara, but also resorted to the traditional set of the Aņuvekkhās and composed a small treatise, viz. the “Ur-BA”, propounding the Aņuvekkhās from his mystic stand which has already been noticed by A. N. UPADHYE, “Self-realisation is the ultimate and the only object of twelve-fold reflection. ..." (SKA. Intr., p. 22).
$ 1.3.2. In the Ur-BA, Kundakunda underlined the niscaya-naya of the Mystic pattern at the conclusion of each Aņuvekkhā, in a few preceding lines he prefixed a pithy reference to the Non-mystic pattern. For the details of the Mystic and the Non-mystic pattern see the article of B. BHATT.
$ 1.3.3. It is highly surprising that till now no old commentary on the BA has come to light. Besides, there are reasons to believe that a close scrutiny of the manuscript tradition would help us to reconstruct the earlier form of the BA only to a certain degree. For reaching the stage of the Ur-BA we have to employ “higher” criticism. The Sivānā edition has already undertaken some steps in this direction (cf. “ksepaka”, $ 1.2.3.). 1.4. The materials available to us at the moment are too inadequate to allow us a critical edition' of the BA; we are yet collecting further data in the form of transcripts of manuscripts etc. Still we submit what appears—at this stage—to be the 1. “A really critical text of this work is an urgent necessity”, A. N.
UPADHYE, (SKA. Intr. p. 21), who adds, "there is an appearance of antiquity about this work”.

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CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
Ur-BA presenting the results of our efforts with a request for suggestions and corrections. Let us emphasise that we do not want to be dogmatic in any respect.
In $ 2 we give a table of correspondence for all the 92 (91 plus 1) verses. A tentative text is appended as $ 3 in Devanāgarī script. — As the table reveals, the present distribution of verses for each Aņuvekkhā is not even, the number varying from two (10th Anuvekkhā) to fifteen (11th or 5th Aņuvekkhā). The table further points to the interpolated character of many verses. Vs. 35 (niccidara : ..) has, for example, been labelled as kşepaka in the Sivānā edition, is omitted in the Kolhapur Ms., and recurs in the Gommațasāra and the Kallānāloyanā?; it is therefore spurious in the BA. Like this brief introduction, our remarks to $ 2 and $ 3 (in $ 2.2-3) are kept to the minimum; detailed arguments of both “textual" and "higher" criticism are reserved for the proposed edition of the Barasa-anuvekkhā which we hope to publish in the near future.
See Nemicandra's Gommațasāra, jivakanda, ed. J. L. JAINI (Lucknow 1927: The Sacred Books of the Jainas, Vol. V), p. 68, vs. 89. Also see the RJŚ edition, 1959, p. 63, vs. 89.--See Ajita-brahma's Kallāņāloyaņā (publ. in MDJG. 21, sam. 1979), vs. 14.

Page #32

M.M.-4
0-1
2
5

+
$ 2. TABLE OF CORRESPONDENCE AND REMARKS $ 2.1. Table (cf. = compare. om. = omitted. += present in thc Ms. but numbering not known. * = "kṣepaka”.) No. and name Nuc- Editions Kannada Mss. Parallel in
Nucleus of Aņuvekkhā leus Sivānā KPS Stras- Kolha- MĀC and other texts “Ur-BA" (total of vss.) bourg pur
in 6 3. (mangala)
1 1 1 + 8.1 (names) 2 2 2 2 + 8.2 Bhár. 1715; cf. Mara- 2
qasamāhi, 572f. 1. addhuva-a. 3 3 3 3 + cf.8.4 (5 verses)
- 4 4 4 + cf.8.4. - 5 5 5 + - 6 6 6 +
4 7 7 7 +. 2. asaraņa-a.
5 8 8 8 + cf.8.51 (6 verses) - 9 9 9 +
- 10 10 10 + 6 11 11 11 + - 12 12 12 +
Moksa-pr. 103; Kallāņā
loyaņā, 241 - 13 13 13 +
Mokșa-pr. 104
1 Lollos a III.
THE BĀRSA-ANUVEKKHA OF KUNDAKUNDA
+
Erős voor two
+
+

Page #33

Nuc- leus
No. and name of Aņuvekkha (total of vss.) 3. egatta-a.
(7 verses)
+ + +
- - -
Editions Kannada Mss. Parallel in
Nucleus Sivānā KPS Stras- Kolha- MĀC and other texts “Ur-BA" bourg pur
in $ 3. 14 14 14
8.9 cf. Maraṇasamāhi, 585 7 15 15 15 t 16 16 16 + 17* 17 17 + 18* 18 18 + 19* 1919 om.
Darśana-pr. 3; BhĀr. 738 om. om. 20 + 20 20 21 +
+ +
+

+
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
4. annatta-a.
(3 verses)
21 22
21 22
22 23
t +
+ + +
cf.8.10 8.11 8.12
cf. Maraṇasamāhi, 58811 BhĀr. 1670
+
5. samsāra-a.
(15. verses)
10 -
cf.8.13
10
24 25 26 27 28
24 25 26 27 28
25 26 27 28 29
t t + + +
+ + + + +
(See 2.2.5.) BhĀr.1776 BhĀr.1778
to

Page #34

No. and name of Aņuvekkha (total of vss.)
Nuc- leus
Editions Kannada Mss. Parallel in Sivānā KPS Stras. Kolha- MĀC and other texts
bourg pur
Nucleus “Ur-BA" in $ 3.
30
31
31
32
- - -- -
31 32 33 34 35*
32 33 34 35
33 34 36 34
+ + + + +
+ + + om.
Gommațasāra, ji, 89; Kallāņāloyaņā, 14

8.19
36 37 38 39 40
+ + +
12
THE BARS A-ANUVEKKHA OF KUNDAKUNDA
39
6. loga-a.
(4 verses)
40
+ +
37 38 39 40 41 om, 42 43 44 om. 45
41
+ + + +
+ om.
t +
to om.
+
Trilokasara, 463
+
7. asuci-a.
(4 verses)
42 43 44 45 46
+ +
+

27

Page #35

Nuc- leus
No. and name of Aņuvekkhā (total of vss.) 8. āsava-a.
(14 verses)
Nucleus “Ur-BA” in $ 3.
+
Editions Kannada Mss. Parallel in Sivānā KPS Stras- Kolha- MÃC and other texts
bourg pur 47 46
BhĀr. 18251 48 48 47 + 49 49 48 + cf.8.45 50 50 49 t. 51 51 50 + 52 52 51 + 53 52 +
cf.8.38 54 53 + 55 55 54 + 56 56 55 +
57 56
-

CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
+
+ +
+
59 60 61 62
9. samvara-a.
(5 verses)
17
cf. Bhār. 1835
59 60 61 62 63 64 65
58 59 60 61 62 63 [64]
+ + + + +
18
04 65

+
18

Page #36

Vuc- Icus
No. and name of Aņuvekkhā (total of vss.) 10. ņijjara-a.
(2 verscs)
Editions Kannada Mss. Parallel in
Nucleus Suvinā KPS Stras- Kolha- MÃC and other texts “Ur-BA” bourg pur
in $ 3. 66 66 65 + 67* 67 om. om.
SKA. 104; cf. BhĀr.1847
19
19 -
20
11. dhamma-a.
(15 verses)
cf.8.62

68 69* 70* 71 72* 73* 74* 75* 76* 77* 78* 79* 80+ 81 82
68 66 6967 70 68 71 69 72 70 73 71 74 72 75 73 76 74 77 75 78 76 79 77 80 78 81 79 8280
+ + + + + + + +
+
THE BÄRSA-AN UVEKKHĪ OF KUNDAKUNDA
+
cf. Gommațasāra, jī. 465
+ +
+ + +
21
+
21

Page #37

No. and name of Aņuvekkhā (total of vss.)
Nuc- leus
Parallel in and other texts
Nucleus “Ur-BA” in $ 3.
22
22
12. bohi-a.
(4 verses)
Editions Kannada Mss. Sivānā KPS Stras- Kolha- MĀC
bourg pur 83 83 81 +
82 85 85 83 + 86 86 84 + 87 87 85 + 88 83 86 +
- 23 24 --
(māhātmya)

(namaskāra)
--
89 90 91 91
90
87 cm. 88 88
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
+ om. om. 85
(Total verses)
91

Page #38

THE BĀRSA-ANUVEKKHĀ OF KUNDAKUNDA
31
& 2.2. Remarks.
12.2.1. A detailed comparison between the BA and the Samayasāra shall be included in our proposed edition.
2.2.2. Vss. 12-13 recur in the Moksa-prābhịta ascribed to Kundakunda, see KPS, p. 191, vss. 103-104. In an edition of the Aștaprābhrta published by “sri gujarāta prāmtiya [sic!) ćāntivīra digambara jaina siddhānta samrakşıní sabha” of Himmatnagar in sam. 2025, pp. 410-11, they are vss. 104-105.--Vs. 121 recurs in the Kallanāloyanā of Ajita-biahma (publ. in MDJG. 21. sam. 1979), vs. 241.
$ 2.2.3. MĀC.8.9. presents a better reading of vs. 14. The Marana-samāhi is published in the Prakīrnaka-dašaka (Agamodaya Samiti, Vol. 46, 1927), a collection of the Svetāmbara texts called Paiņņa.
$ 2.2.4. Vs. 19 recurs as vs. 3 in the Darşana-prābhịta ascribed to Kundakunda, see the Himmatnagar edition of the Astaprābhrta p. 22; and in the Bhagavati-Ārādhanā (BhAr. published as Mulārādhanā in the Devendrakīrti Digambara Jaina Granthamālā, Vol. 2. 1935), vs. 738. For a positive version of the contents compare Moksa-pr. 39 (Himmatnagar ed. p. 363) and BhĀr. 739. 62.2.5 Pūjyapāda Devanandi “cites" (uktam ca) vss. 25-29 in his Sarvārthasıddhı on the Tattvārthasūtra 11.10 (ed. Pt. PHOOLCHANDRA, Kashi 1955: Jñānapítha Mūrtidevī Jaina Granthamālā, Skt. 13, pp. 165 ff.), surely not from the BA,. We presume, these old verses found their way in the BA via the Sarvārthasiddhi. 62.2.6. Vs. 41 is omitted in the Mss. “Trilokasāra, 463” could not be verified by us as the MDJG. 12.1919 edition is not at hand. $ 2.2.7. Vss. 45, 67, and 90 are omitted in the Mss. Vs. 67 recurs as SKA. 104 (ed. UPADHYE, p. 50). 62.3. Notes on the Devanāgarí text in $ 3. $ 2.3.1. For Ur-BA. 8 see supra footnote 9.

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32
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
$ 2.3.2. In Ur-BA, 11 (vs. 37), opimmukko is our emendation; the editions have wvimmukko. $ 2.3.3. In Ur-BA. 13 (vs. 44), KPS:bībhacham, Sivānā: bībhattham. $ 2.3.4. In Ur-BA, 16 (vs. 57), jan nân'āsava-kinyā is our emendation; the editions have jannānavasam kı”. 5 2.3.5. In Ur-BA. 19 (vs. 66), KPS • jana, Sivant ane.
53.
बारस -- अणुवेक्खा
मंगल १ णमिऊण सव्वसिद्ध झाणुत्तमखविददोहसमारे।
दस दस दो दो य जिणे दस दो अणुपेहण वोच्छे ।। २ अद्भुवमसरणमेगत्तमण्णससारलोगमसुचित्त ।
आसवसवरणिज्जरधम्म बोहि च चितेज्जो ।।
१ अद्धव-अणुवेक्खा ३ वरभवणजाणवाहणसयणासणदेवमणुवरायाण ।
मादुपिदुसजणभिच्चसबधिणो य पिदिवियाणिच्चा ।। ४ परमट्ठण दु आदा देवासुरमणुवरायविभवेहि ।
वदिरित्तो सो अप्पा सस्सदमिदि चितए णिच्च ।।
२ असरण-अणुवेक्खा ५ मणिमतोसहरक्खा, हयगयरहओ य सयलविज्जाओ।
जीवाण ण हि सरण तिसु लोए मरणसमयम्हि ।। जाइजरामरणरोगभयदो रक्खेदि अप्पणो अप्पा। तम्हा आदा सरणं बधोदयसत्तकम्मवदिरित्तो।।
___३ एगत-अणुवेक्खा ७ एक्को करेदि कम्म एक्को हिंडदि य दीहसंसारे ।
एक्को जायदि मरदि य तस्स फल भुजदे एक्को।।

Page #40

८ एक्को खवेदि कम्म अइविसमं जोण्हकहियमग्गेणं । मोक्खसुहं उक्कट्ठे एक्को अणुहवदि सुद्धप्पा ॥
४ अण्णत्त - अणुवेक्खा
९ मादा पिदरसहोदरपुत्तकलत्तादिबधुसंदोहो । जीवस्स ण संबंधो णियकज्जवसेण वट्टंति ॥
१०
११
THE BĀRASA-AŅUVEKKHĀ OF KUNDAKUNDA
५ संसार - अणुवेक्खा
पंचविहे संसारे जा इजरामरणरोगभयपउरे । जिणमग्गमपेच्छं तो जीवो परिभ्रमदि चिरकालं ॥
१७
कम्मणिमित्तं जीवो हिंडदि संसारघोरकंतारे । जीवस्स ण संसारो णिच्चयणयकम्मणिम्मुक्को ॥
६ लोग - अणुवेक्खा
१२ जीवादिपयट्ठाणं समवाओ सो णिरुच्चए लोगो । तिविहो हवेइ लोगो अहमज्झिमउड्ढभेएण |
७ असुचि - अणुवेक्खा
१३ दुग्गधं बीभच्छं कलिमलभरिदं अचेयणं मुत्तं । सडणप्पडण सहावं देहं इदि चितये णिच्चं ॥ १४ देहादो वदिरित्तो कम्मविरहिओ अनंतसुहणिलओ । चोक्खो हवेइ अप्पा इदि णिच्चं भावणं कुज्जा ॥
८ आसव-अणुवेक्खा
१५ कम्मासवेण जीवो बूडदि संसारसागरे घोरे । जणाणा सवकिरिया मोक्खणिमित्त परपरया ।। १६ पुधुत्ता सवभेया णिच्छयणयएण णत्थि जीवस्स । उसवणिमुक्कं अप्पाण चितए णिच्चं ॥
९ संवर- अणुवेक्खा
चलमलिणमगाढं च वज्जिय सम्मत्तदिढकवाडेण । मिच्छत्तासवदारणि रोहो होदि त्ति जिणेहि णिद्दिट्ठ ||
M.M.5

For Private Personal Use Only
33
(-)
(२१)
(२४)
(३७)
(३९)
(४४)
(४६)
(५७)
(६०)
(६२)

Page #41

34
CHANDRABHAL TRIPATHI AND BANSIDHAR BHATT
१८ जीवस्स ण संवरण परमट्टणएण सुद्धभावादो। सवरभावविमुक्कं अप्पाण चितए णिच्च ।
१० णिज्जर-अणुवेक्खा १९ बंधपदेसग्गलणं णिज्जरण इदि जिणेहि पण्णत्तं । जेण हवे संवरणं तेण दु णिज्जरणमिदि जाण ॥
__ ११ धम्म-अणुवेक्खा २० एयारसदसभेयं धम्म सम्मत्तपुव्वय भणिय ।
सागारणगाराण उत्तमसुहसपजुत्तेहि ।। २६ णिच्छयणएण जीवो सागारणगारधम्मदो भिण्णो।
मज्झत्थभावणाए सुद्धप्प चितए णिच्चं ।।
(६८)
(८२)
(८३)
(८६)
___ १२ बोहि-अणुवेक्खा २२ उप्पज्जदि सणाण जेण उवाएण तस्सुवायस्स।
चिंता हवेइ बोही अच्चतं दुल्लह होदि । २३ एव जायदि गाणं हेयमुवादेय णिच्छये पत्थि । चितिज्जइ मुणि बोहि ससारविरमणद्वै य ।।
__उवसंहार २४ बारस अणुवेक्खाओ पच्चक्खाण तहेव पडिक्कमणं ।
आलोयणं समाहि तम्हा भावेज्ज अणुवेक्खं ॥ २५ मोक्खगया जे पुरिसा अणाइकालेण बारअणुवेक्खं ।
परिभाविऊण सम्म पणमामि पुणो पुणो तेसि ।।
(८७)
(८९)

Page #42

JĪVAKACINTĀMAŅI, A CHANNEL OF
MAHĀVĪRA'S TEACHNIGS
Dr. Miss. V. Muthuccumaru The literary endeavours of the Jainas in Tamil date back to the post Cankam period.' It cannot be denied that the Jainas have had a greater share than others in Tamil cultural and literary evolution. Their close association with the common mass and the approach they adopted for introducing their religion to them attracted people towards Jainism and led to the acquisition of royal support and patronage. The unstable political situation which caused chaos in the society induced the Jainas to write many ethical works in Tamil. Through these works they tried to teach the ethical and moral codes of Jainism to the laymen. The period which followed the post Cankam period was the time when the Pallavas reigned in the Tamil country. During this period Jainism had to suffer defeat in the hands of Saiva and Vaisņava saints. Though the influence of the Jainas waned considerably due to the success of the Bhakti movement which was propagated by these saints, their ardent zeal for religious propaganda could not be extinguished. The unfavourable conditions they faced during this period forced a reconsideration of the methods they used for spreading Jainism. As a result of this, the literary techniques also took a new turn. The Jaina monks borrowed the best of Sanskrit literature and blended it with the best of Tamil literary traditions. One such pioneer was Tiruttakkatēvar who wrote the Jivakacintāmaņi. This work seems to have been written in the
Cankam works, the earliest extant Tamil literary works extend from the 3rd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. The period following this period upto the reign of the Pallava kings is called the post-Cankam period.
35

Page #43

36
period between the later half of the 8th century A.D. and the earlier half of the 9th century A.D.1
DR. MISS. V. MUTHUCCUMARU
This work deals with the story of Jivaka, one of the twenty four Kamadēvas. Through the life history of Jivaka the poet depicts the spiritual progress of a soul which has been already fettered with Karmas. The motif of this paper is to show how Mahavira's teachings are integrated and explained in this work having Jivaka as the main character.
Jivaka, when born in this world, was fettered by Karmas which he had already acquired in his previous birth by separating a young swan from its mother for sixteen days.2 As a result of it, in this birth he lives away from his mother for sixteen years. His father Caccantan was killed in battle by his own minister, Kaṭṭiyankaran and his mother renounces the world and joins the nuns when Jivaka is taken by the merchant, Kantotkaṭan, in the cemetary where Jīvaka is born.
Jívaka lives as a good Jaina householder and attains salvation as an ascetic. All the struggle he undergoes in this world to get rid of his Karmas are described in the work. The fourteen Guņasthānas through which a soul passes before its liberation are well explained by the poet through the different phases of Jívaka's life. The Ratnatraya, or the Gunatraya which comprises the the right belief (Samyagdarśan) right knowledge (Samyagjñāna) and the right conduct (Samyagcāritra) were his torches on his way to
1. After a careful comparative study of the books dealing with the Jivaka story in Tamil, Sanskrit, Kannada, and Prakrit and from the available external evidence regarding the date of the Jivakacintāmaṇi, the author of this paper has concluded that this work should have been composed in the period stated above:
Refer V. Muthuccumaru "A Study of Jivakacintamani: particularly from the point of view of the influence of Sanskrit language and literature on Tamil". A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Oxford, England, 1972.-chapter 1. Jivakacintamani verses 2859-2888.
2.

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JĪVAKACINTĀMAŅI, A CHANNEL OF MAHĀVĪRA'S TEACHINGS 37
liberation. The knowledge of these three were first imparted to Jivaka by his teacher Accañandi as "the ambrosia for the four kinds of souls is the possession of the three guņas which form the path of Lord Jina."1 Jivaka's acquisition of the knowledge of these three are well explained by the author in a beautiful allegory. It is said that after having locked the door against the bad course of actions which do not destroy birth, by fixing the jewelled door of right knowledge on the doorstep of right faith and bolting it with the lock of right conduct, he, the one who wears the full-bloomed flower garland, opened the way to climb into the boundlessly happy world which is not ruled by anyone.2
Once Jívaka has attained the ratnatraya he is ready for the progress towards salvation. First, he prepares himself for the ascetic life as a householder. Through the life of Jivaka as a householder the poet shows the gradual development of a the first five guṇasthānas. Jivaka never fails from his duty as a good Jaina householder. He imparts knowledge to people and makes them realise the greatness of Mahāvīra's thought. Once he gives knowledge to a hunter and converts him, a flesh eater, to lead a moral life.3 On another occasion he imparts knowledge to the ascetics in the Citrakūta and explains to them how even right conduct would not save the soul if it is not followed by the right faith.4
As a householder he observes the twelve vows, the five partial vows, (anuvratas) the three guņavratas, and the four Śikṣāvratas.5 The eleven stages i.e. the eleven pratimas, which are the steps to the spiritual progress of a soul in its fifth gunasthāna are clearly explained by the poet through the deeds of Jivaka. In the last three stages Jivaka renounces all his passions and his kingdom 1. Ibid. verse 374. 2. Ibid. verse 1436.
Ibid. verses 1233-1236.
Ibid. verses 1426-1436. 5. Muthuccumaru, p. 255 ff.

Page #45

38
DR. Miss. V. MUTHUCCUMARU
which he regained and goes to his spiritual guide, Srivartamāna swāmikal, and performs, penance.
The life of renunciation and the attainment of liberation are explained by the poet using a different literary technique. The process is explained through the answer of the ascetic, Cutanmar to the questions put to him by king Cēņikan about Jivaka. Alongwith this there is also a discussion of Cāraṇa with Jivaka about the rules an ascetic should observe in his ascetic life. These two discussions well depict the nine stages through which a soul ascends to liberation. When Jivaka reaches the sixth gunasthāna viz. the Pramatta samyata, at the beginning of his ascetic life, he observes the five mahāvratas.
In the process of ascending towards salvation in his eighth gunasthāna, Jivaka selects the K șapakaśrēni, with which he can climb up to the highest goal, mokşa, by annihilating all his Karmas. Though the author does not mention the names of different gunasthānas in the text, the order in which the Karmas are eradicated by Jivaka strictly follows the order of the eradication of the Karmas by the soul which follows the Kșapakaśrēni. The whole process is described in the last chapter of Jivakacintamani, the Muttiyılambakam, as a war between Jivaka and his karmas.
Jivaka starts the war against his foes, the karmas, having right knowledge as his chariot, the idea of saving his soul as his horse, right faith as his elephant, kindness as his infantry, right conduct as the support for his body and truth as his sword and shield. When he with his army surrounded the walls of the city of his enemies, the Kaimas, they came out ready for a war, having sleep as their elephant, food as their chariot, forgetfulness as their horses and disease with Vāta, Pitta and śleşma as their infantry.3 The army of these karmas is described as an ocean full of sharks. In this fight Jivaka kills the karmas and ascends towards 1. Jivakacıntāmaņi verse 3074. 2. Ibid. verse 3075. 3. Ibid. verse 3076.

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JĪVAKACINTĀ MAŅI, A CHANNEL OF MAHĀVĪRA'S TEACHINGS 39
salvation and reaches the next gunasthāna, the anivstti-badarasamparāya gunasthāna and fights with some more of his karmas. This fight too is explained through an allegorical expression. It is said that in the battlefield where the fight is going on “seven people fell down unconscious; sixteen of them fell down after fighting. Eight people were overthrown when the elephant kicked with its leg. The neuter sex fell down in the field) crying, the female sex and the six non-passions also fell under the wheel of kind thought."1
Here the poet refers to the annihilation of some more karmas. The four anantānubandhī kaşā yas and the three darşana mohanī ya karmas are the first seven people who fell down in the field. The sixteen people who fell down after fighting with Jivaka are the sixteen karmas.2 which are supposed to be destroyed in the beginning of the ninth gunasthāna, the anivstti-bādara-samparāya gunasthāna. The eight people who were kicked by the leg of the elephant are the eight passions, the four Pratyākhyānāvarana karmas and the four apratyākhyānāvarana karmas. Along with these karmas, Jivaka also eradicates the female sex, the neuter sex the six nokașayas,3 the puruṣaveda4 and the three sam jvalana kașā yas. 5
After this Jivaka ascends to the tenth gunasthāna in which he eradicates the fourth sam jvalana kașā ya, the sam zvalanalobha. The eradication of these four is also described through another allegorical expression as follows: the kurothan, the Mānan, The Māyan the Ulõpan who is covetous, came opposing with pointed fingers.
1. 2.
Jivakacıntāmaņi verse 3075. (1) nidrânidräkarma (u) pracala pracalākarma (111) styānagļddh karma (iv) tiryag gatz kerma (v) naraka gatz karma (vı) ekēndriya nāma karma (vii) duindriya nama karma (viu) trindriya nama karma (1x) caturindriya nama karm (x) iryaganupūrvi namakarma (xi) narakānupūrvi nama karma (xii) sthavarnamakarma (xiii) sūkshma nama karma (xiv) sådhāraña nama karma (xv) ätapa nama karma and (xvi) uddyotanamakarma. Jivakacıntāmaņı verse 3076. Ibid. verse 3077. Jivakacıntāmaņi verse 3079.
3.
5.

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Jivaka killed them with the help of his mind full of control over his passions.
In the twelfth gunasthāna, the Kșinakașā ya-vītarāga-chadmastha gunasthāna, Jivaka annihilates the two kinds of sleep, the nidrākarma and the pracalākarma.' He also eradicates the five Jrānāvaraniyakarmas2. the darśanavaranī ya karmas, and the five antarā yakarmas with the help of the sukladhyāna. The way he uproots these karmas is also explained by the poet as a war. He says that “the kings Uñarvu, Kātchi and Pēru (Jānāvaranī yakarmas, darśanīvarni ya karmas and antara yakarmas) came blazing with anger, with their army which had inferior knowledge, to fight with Jivaka,. But they all fell down when attacked by the roaring flames of arrows of sukladhyāna and lay on the ground surrounded by the infantry.”3
Once he has annihilated the above said karmas he ascends to the thirteenth gunasthāna, the Sayogikevli gunasthāna, where he destroys all the ghātī ya karmas and attains the four infinite qualities anantajñāna, anantadarsana, anantavīrya and anantasukha, and surpasses the three lokas and the aloka and achieves godhood.4 In this stage his queens come to worship him and on their request, he preaches Mahāvira's teachings to them.. After this he ascends to the final gunasthāna, where he destroys all the remaining aghāti ya karmas and attains liberation.
Thus the author has explained the whole progress of the soul on its path to salvation through the story of Jivaka in Jivakacintāmani. This text, by its literary merits, holds a position similar to Valmīki's Rāmāyana in Sanskrit literature and through its religious significance it occupies the position of an ideal religious text for all Jains.
1.
4.
Ibid. verse 3080. Ibid. verse 3081. Ibid. verse 3081. Ibid. verse 3082. Ibid. verses 3105-3111. U. V. Swaminatha Iyer-Introduction to Jivakacinthåmanı-First edition, October 1887.
5.

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Ludwik Sternbach LL. D. Subhāṣita-sangraha-s and Gnomic Subhāșita Literature 1. The non-canoncial subhāșita literature in general, can be divided into two groups: the subhāṣita-samgraha literature (anthologies) and the didactic and gnomic subhāṣita-literature.
1.1. Subhāşıta-s are compositions in stray verses, cach standing by itself,.--containing the essence of some moral truths, practical lessons, or descriptions,—“beautifully turned" 1. e. poetically expressed.
1.2. Subhāșita-sangraha-s are collections of subhāşıta-s, culled from different works and written by different authors and assembled together, in principle, according to a certain plan chosen by the collator.1
1.3. The didactic and gnomic subhāṣıta-literature (which differes from the general didactic and gnomic literature) consists of collections of subhāşıta-s written by a single author assembled by him according to a certain plan.
1. Jaina Subhāșita-samgraha-s
2.1. Jaina subhāṣita-samgraha-s are the earliest subhāṣita-samgraha-s known in Indian literature. The main Sanskrit subhāşıta-samgraha-s, not composed by Jainas, were mostly collected in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, though we know also of the existence of Sanskrit subhāsıta-samgraha-s dating from the eleventh or twelfth century (Vidyākara’s Subhāṣitaratnakoșa).
1.
This plan, generally, follows the three or four purus artha-s, but can be
also quite different.
41
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2.2. Prākrit: subhāṣita-samgraha-s are of much earlier date. Probably the earliest was Hāla's Satta saī, possibly from the second century A.D.1 A. The Vajjālagga of Jayavallabha 3.1. Also of an early date is the Jaina Prākrit subhāṣita-sangraha-- the Valjalagga (Vaj.) of Jay a valia bha (Jayavallaha). sayavallabha was a Svetāmbara Jaina, as was stated by Ratnateva, the comentator on Vaj., he wrote the commentary in the year 1391 (probably Vikrama era, though not so stated). The Vaj. is known to exist in two recensions; in both recensions it contains 1344 verses (692 + 652), of which only 449 are common to both recensions and 389 to all the manuscripts. In the Laber's
The period of the third century A.D. to A.D. 800 is more probable. CE A. B. Kerru, History of Sanskrit Literature; p. 224 who came to thus conclusion on the basis of linguistic grounds; V. V. MIRASHI, The Date of the Gathå saptašati in Siddha Bhāratr, Veśveśvarānand Indological Series 2. p. 173 and Indian Historical Quarterly 23.4, pp. 300 sqq. Cf. also R. G. BHANDARKAR's Commemoration Volume; pp. 189 sqq.; H. LüDERS, Bruchstucke Buddhistischer Dramen; p. 64; H. JACOBI, Ausgewählte Erzahlungen 2 Mahārā stri; pp xiv, sqq. It is possible that there existed in the fifth century a Jaina Prakrit subhāşıta-samgraha, the Chapaņņaya Gāhāo (See p. 44, footnote 2). Edited critically on the basis of 8 MSs. in two different recensions by 1. LABER I Bibl. Ind (work 227), 1914-44 and by M. V. PATWARDHAN 1Prakrit Text Society Series, No. 14, Prakrit Text society, Ahmedabad 1969. First 203 gåthå-s also edited by N. A. GORE in Continental Prakashan. Poona, 1956. CF R. G. BHANDARKAR IV Report (1883-84), pp. 17 and 234 sqq., J. LABER, Ueber das Vajzalaggam des Jayavallabha, Inaugural Dissertation der Universitat zu Bonn, Leipzig 1913. See also Vanjälaggam, a Prakruta Poelical Work on Rhetorics with Sanskrit Version ed. by J. LABER in Brbl. Ind. (work 281). The MS. described by R. G. Bhandarkar belongs to the shorter version which contains 704 verscs dealing with 48 subjects; originally the anthology was intended to be composed of 700 verses (it is so stated in one of the closing verses. saltasayomatto)
3.

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edition, used also by M. V. Patwardhan, it contains 795 verses (gātha-s), to which M. V. Patwardhan's edition added from MS.C. 196 verses. As was usual for all subhāṣita-samgraha-s, the verses were divided into chapters, called in Vaj. vajjā-s (Skt. vrajya-s), 95 in number. The verses included in this anthology were composed by different poets, as stated in verse 3; they were assembled according to the three puruşārtha-s, as stated in verse 4, i. e. dharma, artha and kāma. However none of the verses was ascribed to any individual author, though its prototype, Hāla's Sattasaī, contained ascriptions to different poets. 3.2. The Vaj. was influenced by Hāla's Sattasaī and was written in Jaina Mahārāstrī.2 We find 82 verses identical (though not always word for word) in the Vaj. and Hāla's Sattasaíl. Hāla's work was well known to Jayavallabha and he quotes Hāla in verse 468. 3.3. When the Vaj. was composed is not known, but it must have been composed after Hāla's Sattasaī, but not much later. 4 3.4. The Vaj. is considered to be a Jaina anthology of verses. However, it is not so. Only its author was a Jaina and in verse one he paid homage to Suyadevī and to the Omniscient one (the Jina). In addition, Jayavallabha did not cull the verses included in the Vaj. from Jaina authors, nor did he intend to teach Jaina doctrines; therefore the whole work has seldom a Jaina characters; it is neither in tone nor in its contents Jinistic. Almost all verses included in Vaj. could very well fit non-Jaina subhāṣita-sangraha-s. 1. 63 verses deal with dharma, 347 with artha and 342 with kāma. 2. Cf. J. LABER, Ueber die ... (op. cit. p. 42, fn. 2); pp. 9 sqq for signs
of Apabhraíśa forms see J. LABER, p. 27. 3 M. V. PARWARDIIAN in the Introduction to the Vajjālaggam, p xxvii
The date a quo is AD. 750, 1.e. the date of the Gaudavaho which quotes a verse of Jayavallabha and the date ad quem is the dated Ratnadeva's commentary (para 3.1). Jaina in character are only very few verses, e.g. verse 572. Verse 668, whcih resembles for instance Amitagati's Subhāşıtaratnasaņdoha (24.15) could have been also included in non-Jinistic subhåsıta-samgraha-s.

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It must be even emphasized that some verses of the Vaj". do not fit a Jaina work.2
B. The Suktamuktavali
4. More Jinistic in character, although also not par excellence Jinistic, is the Sūkta muktā vali (A Pearl of Necklace of good Sayings).
1.
2
Eg. all the verses with double meanings in varja-s 50-56 and 61 such as: 509. afu unat #1 Tot efet 775 I
धिद्धित्ति कूडलेहय अज्ज वि लेहत्तणे तण्हा ॥ (५२.२) 534. faust fa strana 3317 POST THI387 378
लट्टी वि सुप्पमाणा कि जतिय ऊणयं वहसि ।। (५५.२) Among other Prakrit Jaina anthologies the following should be mentioned (see also p. 55, footnote 2). The Kuvalayamålā of Uddyotanasūri (A.D, 778 or 779) (edited by A. N. UPADHYF in Singhi Jaina Serier 45, Bombay 1958; p. 3 lines 18 and 25 and p. 177 line 2) refers along with Hāla (called Salāhana) and Pālittaya to Chappannaya who seems not to be an individual author, but a committee of outstanding poets also known by the name of Vidagdhas; this was probably a group of 6 eminent poets (satpraiña) whose stray verses have survived in Setu. The Cha panna y a-gāhão or the Gathā ko sa of Chappanna ya (edited by A. N. UPADHYE, Šivan University Sanskrit and Prakrit Series III. Kolhapur 1970) contains 164 gathā-s written in Jaina Māhāräştri with some verses in Apabhramsa. The original work was probably shorter and several verses were added later. This subhå sita-samgraha is not divided, as the Vajjālaggam was, according to the puruşārtha-s but some topics are grouped together. Also in this anthology none of the stray are ascribed to individual authors.
In the first quarter of the twelfth century Municandra Sūri (died in A.D 1120) did compose a short subhåşıta-samgraha in Prakrit verses called Gathā ko sa or Rasāula gāth ākosa Although Municandra Sūri was a purist in Jaina practice, most of the verses quoted in the Gāthākoda are also not of Jaina character; they are of genral application (cf. P. PETERSON, Three Reports (1884-86) pp. 12-13 with extracts pp. 297-302; cf. J. Klatt in Indian Antiquary XI, p. 253,

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45
It is a treasury of didactic verses on various subjects compiled by some Pūrväcārya, and published as volume 57 of the Sresthī Devacandra Lālbh āī Jaina-pustakoddhāra Granthālamkāra. It was edited by J. S. Jhaveri in Bombay in 1922 in Ms. form. This anthology is divided into 127 chapters and contains 2030 subhāṣita-s, mostly written in Sanskrit, but some also in Prākrit. It is also not a typical Jaina subhāşıta-sangraha; it contains
(Contd) edited in Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, No. 18. Cf. Ferdinando Bellona-Filippi in Grornale della Società Asiatica Italiana (GSAI.) 28; 153 sqq.; cf. Viśvatattvaprakaśa, Jivara ja Jaina Granthamālā 16, Sholapur 1964, Introduction p. 84).
In AD 1630 Sa ma ya sun dar a composed an extensive, partly Prakrit and partly Sanskrit work called Gāth āsa h asri (Collection of One Thousand Gāthā-s); Samayasundara was the pupil of Sakalacandra, pupil of Jinacandra; he was also the author of the Kalpala tā a commentary on the Kalpasūtra and of the Visa m vā da sa ta ka. His Gāthāsahasrl is not exclusively a subhāşata-samgraha but also a collection of verses dealing with events in early Jaina church history. The subhāşıta part was compiled from works of Devendra süri, Haribhadra and other authors who were not always Jainists; they are also mostly of general application (cf. P. Peterson, Three Reports (1884-86) pp. 3-10 and 284-90).
Other Prakrit anthologies are the Bhava vairāgya sa ta ka, a collection of one hundred stray verses, more of Jainistic character, dealing with the vanity of existence and salvation through Jainism (edited and translated into Italian by L P. Tessori in Giornale della societa Asiatica Italiana (GSAI) 22, pp. 179 sqq and 24.405 sqq ; also edited in Vol. III of the Prakaranaratnākara, Bombay 1876) and the modern collection of subhāşıta-s, the Prakrita-s ūk taratna mālā compiled and translated into Euglish by Puran Chand Nahar (Calcutta 1919); it is also non-Jinistic in character.
It should also be mentioned that Guna bhadra composed a religious and didactic anthology, the Ātman u sāsa na; this anthology which contains 267 verses in different metres was composed around A.D. 800. Guņabhadra was the pupil of Jinasena and teacher of Lokasena;

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some well known and current sayings, as well as also some rarely quoted or unknown in other non-jinıstic subhāsıta-samgraha-s verses."
C. Ekādaśadvāranibaddha Upadesa 5. Lately a new subhāṣita-samgraha collected by a Jaina sadhu, but also not of a Jainistic character, was published; it is a collection of 98 verses bearing in its MS. in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Poona an intriguing title “Ekādas advāranibad dha Upa desa. It was published by Dr. V. Raghavan in the second volume of the Malayamārutah (pp. 96-107).
(Contd) he was patronised by the Rāştrakūta kings, Amogha varsa and Nộpatunga; he also wrote the Adipurāņa chapters 43-47 forming the Cūlıkā to the main text of the Mahāpurāņa of his teacher Jinasena; the Uttara purāņa forming chapters 48-77 of the Mahāpurāņa which was the supplement to the Adipurāna, the Jinadattacarita or Jinadatta kathās a mucca y a, a poem in nine chapters; the JI vandhara caritra, the Neminātha caritra and the Pārs vanātha (s vām) caritra (The Ātmanuśāsana was published in Sanātana Jaina Granthamālā No 1 in Bombay in 1905; by Hīrābāg in Bombay in 1916; and in Jivarā ja Jaina Granthamālā 11 in Sholapur in 1961; it was translated into Fnglish in the Sacred Books of the Jainas, Arrah 1928). It may be also mentioned that some Sanskrit anthologies comprise subhāşıta-s of Jinistic character, eg. the Subhāşita vyakhyānasa m graha, published in MS form samvat 1968 (=A.D. 1911); it contains some verses with Jaina teachings; as well as the Subhāşitapa dya-r atnāk a ra by Vija va dharma Sûri published in the Jaina Granthamāla, Ujjain, Vikrama sainvat 1992 in two volumes; this subhāşıta-sangraha quotes many subhāşıta-s of general nature which do not contain Jainistic teachings; and the Pernunthoga i compiled by M. Raghava Ayyangar of Ramnad (published in Madurai in 1935/36), one of the largest colection of verses mostly in Tamii (2214 verses), which contains in its first section invocations to Jaina (other invocations are to Vışņu, Siva, Durgā, Buddha, etc.)

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D. Other Printed Jinistic Subhāṣita-samgraha-s 6. There exist also two Jinistic subhāṣita-samgraha-s which were however not available to me. They are the Sūkta muktā vali (or Sūktio or Sūktiratnāv alí) of Megha prabh a sūri published in the Jain Ātmānanda Sabhā Series, No. 61, Bhavnagar 1918 and the Sūkta rat nāvali of Vijaya sena sūri containing 54 subhâsıta-s and composed in samvat 1647 (=A.D. 1589) published in the Atmānanda Sabhā Series No. 23, Bhavnagar, samvat 1969 (=A.D. 1911).
7. A modern subhāşıta-samgraha, composed exclusively of ethical verses, is the five volume Subhāşit a-p a d y a-r atnāka ra by Munirāja Viśālavijaya, Śrī Vijayadharmasūrı Jaina Granthamālā 27, 31, 34, 48, 52, samvat 1991-1995 (A.D. 1933-7). It contains 4065 verses. This is not only an excellent selection of Jinistic subhaşıta-s with an explanation in Gujarati on Jaina doctrine and teachings from Jaina sources, but also a selection of many subhāşıta-s from the entire Sanskrit literature. A great part of the verses was culled from early and late Jaina works, to mention only a few: the Vivekaviläsa of Jinadattasūri of the Vāyaṇa Gaccha (see p. 75, fn. 1), Dharmabindu by Haribhadrasūri, Dharmakalpadruma, Kalpasūtra tıkā-s (Kalpasūtra-subodhikā by Vinayavijaya etc.), Upadeśatarangiņí by Ratnamandira of the Tapā Gaccha, Prasamarati by Umāsvāti, Adhyātmasāra by Yaśovijayagani, Ācāropadeśa by Cārıtrasundaragani, Adhyātmakalpadruma by Munisundarasūri of the Tapā Gaccha, Uttarādhyayanasūtra-tīkā by sāntyācārya, Vādivetāla of the Thāräpadra Gaccha, Srāddhapratikramaņavrtti, Srāddhaguņavivarana by Jinamayandanagani; as well as the late Upadeśaprāsāda by Laksmīvijayasūri of the Anandasūrisakhā, composed in samvat 1843 (=A.D. 1785), Tattvāmrta by Jyotirvijaya composed samvat 1845 (=A.D. 1787) and even Jñānaśataka by Hīrālāl composed in samvat 1959 (=A.D. 1901). But not only Jaina moral writings (some of which were mentioned above) and verses from subhāṣita-samgraha-s, as the Sūktamuktāvali, Anyoktimuktāvali of Hamsavijayagaội or Subhāşitasamdoha of Amitagatı were included in this subhāṣita samgraha, but also

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even
excerpts from Jaina secular writings, as for instance, the Jaina Pañcatantra (by Pūrṇabhadra in particular), Parsvanatha-caritra or the Jaina drama by Bālacandra entitled Karuṇāvajrāyudhanātaka. In addition, many ethical subhasita-s culled from non-Jaina sources were included in this subhāṣita-samgraha, if they contained teachings more or less ethically connected with Jaina teachings. They were often culled from the Mahābhārata, in particular the Bhagavad-gītā, the Mānava-dharmaśāstra, Yā jñavalkya-smṛti and other dharmasastra-s and dharmasutra-s, Purana-s (Bhāgavata-, Visņu-, Padma-, Markandeya-, Bhāviṣya-purāņa-s, etc.), so-called Canakya's sayings, kathā-works, such as the Pañcatantra, Hitopadeśa, Vikramacarita, Vetālapañcavimsatikā, Sukasaptati and Kalidasa's writings, such as the Raghuvaṁśa, etc., etc. The great value of this subhāṣita-saṁgraha lies in the division of the subhāṣita-s in chapters according to subject matters and the indication of the sources from which the great majority of the subhāṣita-s were culled, so that it is easy to check most of the subhāṣita-s quoted in the original sources. That system has also its drawbacks. And so, for instance, some verses were quoted more than once in various places of this five-volume subhāṣita-samgraha (e.g. a so-called Canakya's verse in 3.1110.2 and in 4.1387.19 where it is attributed to Vyasadeva(?)); other verses originated in other sources than in those to which they were ascribed (e.g. 1.31.13 attributed to Pūrva-mīmāṁsā is a Pañcatantra verse [Tantrākhyāyikā 3.62, etc.]; 1.206.16 attributed to Vivekavilāsa is a Mahābhārata verse which also occurs in the Mārkaṇḍeya-purāņa, Hitopadeśa, etc.; 1.288.3 attributed to Carpațamañjarī is a Mahabharata verse which also appears in the Vikramacarita; 3.827.13 attributed to Vṛddha-harita-smrti is a Mānava-dharmasastra verse (8.125); 3.871.4 attributed to Upadeśaprāsāda is a so-called Canakya's saying; 4.1313.24 attributed to Pārsvanatha-carita is a Pañcatantra verse which also occurs in the Vetālapañcaviṁśatikā and in the Bhojaprabandha, etc.); the origin of subhāṣita-s quoted as anonymous can also be identified in original sources (e.g. 2.686.6 is a Vikramacarita verse; or 4.1450.91 is a Pañcatantra verse) while the readings of others are not always correct (e. g. 2.688.6 is

For Private Personal Use Only

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hypermetric in a and should read 31577 ES 2. Despite these imperfections this modern subhāștta-sangraha is very useful and informative. It can be considered as a companion for Jaina subhāşıta-s of the Hinduistic Subhāsıta-ratna-bhāņdāgāra or Subhāșita-sudhā-ratna-bhāņdāgāra. E. Collections of Anyokti-s: 8. Also collections of anyoktı-s (allegorical verses) should be considered as subhāşıta-samgraha-s. Such a Jaina collection of anyokiz-s is the Anyok timu k tā vals of Hamsa vijay a g a ņ1.1 The Subhāşıtapadya-ratnākara (para 7) refers to it several times. The anthology is divided into 8 parıccheda-s and contains 1199 verses (anyoktz-s), many of the verses are also quoted in other subhasıta-samgraha-s, proving that it is not exclusively of Jinistic character. The anthology was written in samvat 1736 (= A.D. 1679) and was prepared at the request of Vijayarājasūrı (or Vijayānandasūri), the chief priest of Tapā Gaccha; he was also teacher of Hamsavijayagani. From among other collections of anyoktı-s in particular the Anyok tisa taka of Darśa na vijay a gani, published by Hīrālāl Hamsarāja (Jamnagar 1913) is worth noting. F. Unpublished Jaina Subhāșita-samgraha-s: 9. More numerous are Jaina subhāṣita-samgraha-s preserved only in manuscripts; they were not yet published. Many of them exist in various libraries in India and Europe. Amongst the most important are: 9.1. The Sam y a kt v a-k a u mudika thā(na ka); it is an extensive subhasita-samgiaha kept in the India Office Library (A.B. Keith No. 7700); it is written in Jaina nāgari on 141 folia with an interlining bhāṣa. The MS. is dated A.D. 1771; 9.2. One of the oldest is an anonymous Subhāsit asa m gra ha in (MS. 1425 of 1887-91) kept in the Bhandarkar 1. The Anyoktımuktāvali of Hamsávijaya, Ed by Pt Kedāranātha son of
Mm. Pt. Durgaprasāde and Wāsudeva Lahşmaņa śāstri Panašikar in Kāvyamala (K.M.) No. 88. Cf. MA Gunnot in Journal Asiatique (JA)
s. 10; t. 14; pp. 47 sqq. No 1106. M .M .-7

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Oriental Research Institute written on 106 folia (numbered 241 to 347); it contains many verses not Jinistic in character, e.g. as many as 83 verses from Bhartrhari's śataka-s (BMS)", Kālidāsa?, Bāņa3, Bhāsa, Amaruśatakas, Rudrața, Bhallața?, Laksmīdhara, Vasukalpa', Yogeśvaralo, Bhoja", Acalasimha!2, Vinayadeva 13, Kesaţa14, Šalikanāthals, Vāgīśvaralo, Rājasekhara!, Mātsgupta 18 Sūlapāņi'', Dvandūka20 and the Pañcatantra21; 9.3. the Sāra sūktā vali in MS. 1492 of 1886-92 kept in the Bhandarakar Oriental Research Institute in Poona; this anthology was the prototype of most of the so-called Jaina anthologies; it was compiled by Sri Municandra ganī and was written by Pt. Śivahamsa; the MS. kept in the Bhandarakar Oriental Research 1. AJS =the anonymous Jaina subhâsıla-samgraha
AJS. Bhś. AJS. Bhś. AJS. Bhś. AJS. Bhś. AJS Bhś. AJS. Bhś.
1.31 662 1201 725 175.3 524 214.11 31 263 1 240 304 2 303 13.12 72 120.2 380 175.5 202 217 5 62 264 8 26 304.4 155 13.18 194 131.2 151 1759 277 218.2 93 266 11 332 304.5 186 10.23 44 131.3 231 177.6 33 237 3 751 266.12 193 304.6 188 30.2 570 134.5 104 182.2 402239.2 157 266.13 776 304.126 32.3 310 134.6 296 182.3 18 240.3 588 284.3 433 304.13 218 67.1 76 140.2 149 182.8 471 241.1 687 287.3 75 304.16 326 67.2 70 146.7 50 182.
9 72 241.12 79 290.4 20 306 2 542 81.3 242 168.1 546 1988 27 241.17 91 296.5 236 99,1 598 168.2 34 198.13 565 247.1 728 296 6 599 99 5 534 168.5 21 208 3 334 259.7 695 301 1 526 102.1 464 172.7 75 209 1 659 261.8 587 301.3 10 109.1 219 173.1 226 209 2 357 262.2 285 302.2 668 119.1 420 173.4 265 2094 759 262.3 22302.3 136 119.4 53 173 5 23 209 6 431 262 5 40 302 5 82
272 3
227.1 10. 292.3 14. 302 2 18. 259 (var.)
3. 273.1 7. 291.5 11. 268.4 15 169 3 19 185 4
4. 274.2 8. 276.3 12. 2851 16. 172.1 20. 277.2
5. 222.2, 229.1 9. 294.1 13. 279.1 17. 291.2 21. 1098

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51
Institute in Poona is dated samvat 1650 (A.D. 1592), but the anthology itself is propably of an earlier date; it was also the prototype of the Sūktimuktāvalí mentioned before publisehd in 1922. This anthology contains also many non-Jinistic verses, e.g. culled from Bhartshari's Sataka-s (116 verses)?; several verses of the Sārasūktāvalí are also found in non-Jinistic subhāṣita-samgraha-s3; 9.4. the Subhāşit a k h anda of Gaņeś a bhatta (in the MS. the author is called Gaņebhatta) is another unpublished subhāṣita-samgraha written by a Jaina author. The MS. of this 1. para 4 2. SM=Śri Municandragam's Särasūktavali
SM. BAŚ. SM. Bhs. SM. Bhś. SM. Bhś. SM. Bhś. SM. Bhś.
16 72 18 558 22 22 31 43 84 37 124 194 125 200 164 151 242 773 243 499 270 342 279 587 284 26 293 49 298 285 331 429 335 56 364 45 367 228 380 277
386 202 389 226 405 728 406 270 407 805 416 14 417 18 426 19 430 36 434 599 443 376 464 801 517 27 518 32 525 24 550 458 554 248 556 271 558 671 654 33 667 320
683 431 695 8 712 407 746 673 749 70 750 13 760 5 761 759 767 659 886 291 888 190 889 607 891 239 892 243 893 213 894 185 895 165 1068 186 1081 283 1091 156 1094 149
1096 712 1109 155 1112 683 1115 242 1141 51 1161 423 1188 314 1203 400 1264 792 1270 535 1276 304 1287 527 1296 313 1332 324 1334 26 1335 41 1338 816 1343 322 1365 112 1366 296
1368 71 1369 95 1370 117 1372 103 1376 79 1377 336 1380 588 1382 94 1383 368 1391 722 1393 348 1396 369 1401 247 1416 229 1418 109 1420 110 1425 158 1428 522 1429 157 1430 160 1445 222
1446 224 1448 582 1451 632 1467 153 1521 559 1526 60 1538 255 1546 433 1617 157 1621 562 1622 35 1660 74
3.
E.g. verses 292, 454, 460, 526, 1183 or 1187.

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
anthology is kept in the Rījapur MS. Library (No. 105). The MS. is written in Jaina nāgari; it has 22 folia (plus 1 folium 17 numbered so twice and minus two folia missing, i.e. fol. 1 and 3). The collator of this subhāsıta-samgraha did not mention poets nor works from which the verses were culled, but 30 verses are also found among Bhartrhari's epigrams', proving that this anthology also is not of Jaina character; 9.5. the Subhāşita-sā gara, an anonymous anthology
vided into 77 adhikara-s; the MS. is kept in the Bhandarakar Oriental Research Institute in Poona (No. 424 of 1889-1915); its first two folia are missing and therefore its title is doubtful; folia 3 to 48 are in good condition. This subhāşıta-samgraha is also not Jinistic in character; it quotes among other 64 verses from Bhartrhari's epigrams2; 1. SG.=Gaņeśabhatta’s Subhāşitakhanda. SG Bhs. SG. Bhs. SG. Bhś. SG. Bhś.
fol.
fol.
fol.
fol.
46 56 66 7a 70
571 45, 68 598 568 562
9a 96 11a 116 12a
597 606 10,54 15, 647 50, 70
13a 14b 16a 166 17a
33 712 38,512 527 28, 62, 221
1763, 270, 276 18a 48, 56 216 675 22a 19, 66
2.
SS. Subhāşıta-Sāgara. SS. Bhś SS Bhś.
SS. Bhś.
ss. Bhś.
SS. Bhs.
26.26 27.3
702 62
29.2
6 37 71 10 17 310 10.20 47 10.32 570 134 568 14.5 70 146 632 14 13 447 14 15 407 14.16 250 15.1 659 15.2 759
17.14 50 17.15 400 17.42 423 23.9 773 23 10 481 23.13 382 23 16 378 23.20 194 23.42 189 241 64 24.13 471 26.9 44 26.23 801
29.5 42 29.6 45 29 11 596 34.5 149 35.7 148 35 10 571 36.8 607 39.7 621 39.12 25
39 29 512 42.2 28 42.22 312 43.3 770 43.44 770 44.2 114 44.5 336 44.11 774 44.22 687 44.26 348 45.1 158 45.3 330 45.4 797
45 5 78 45.29 751 46.12 590 46.14 40 46.20 48 50.12 200 54.5 17 54.6 277 55.3 288 56.24 772 57.1 76 57.9 452 6 2.1 242

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53
9.6. the Sub h āşitä valí written by a Jaina and dated samvat 1673 (A.D. 1615); it also contains many non-Jinistic subhāṣita-s, among them 25 Bhartyhari's epigrams and some verses which also occur in non-Jinistic subhāṣita-samgraha-s;2 9.7 the Subhāśitārņa va, a Jaina subhāşıta-samgraha preserved in three MSs. all kept in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute; the first is MS. No. 1498 of 1886-92 dated samvat 1689 (A.D. 1631); the second is MS. No. 1156 of 1884-8 dated samvat 1601 (A.D. 1543); and the third is MS. No. 1695 of 1875-76 dated samvat 1772 (A.D. 1714); the latter is ascribed to Subhacandra and the two former are anonymous. Also this subhāșzta-samgraha is non-Jinistic in character; It quotes, for instance, 34 Bhartrhari's epigrams and some verses which occur also in the Vasavadattā of Subandhu' and non-Jinistic subhāṣita-s5; 1. SV=Subhāşitāvalī.
SV. Bhs. Sv. Bhś. Sv. Bhs. Sv. Bhś. SS. Bhs.
10
550
43
562
26
46 429 19
370 375 386 392 393
322 117 103 79
394 336413229 474 433 395 588 415 109 508 397 94 417 158 513 35 398 368 459559644 37 404 348 463 60 409571
71
2.
E.g. 429. SA.=Subhāşıtārņava. SA. Bhś. SA. Bhś. SA.
Bhś. SA.
Bhś.
SA. Bhś.
7 10 7.11 8 48
8 51 15 2 158 16.13
407 697
41 570 194 228 376
18 5 50 18 67 242 24 46 34 24 63 16 24.81 42 24.97 14 24.117 276
24.119 265 27.14 674 27.15 471 27.27 785 27.44 37 27.46 431 27.51 27
27.67 27.78 27.81 31 4 33 2 36 11 37.5
642 519 759 119 8 279 598
38 6 200 38.24 181 38 35 294 38.68 323 38.71 156 114.3 51
4. 5.
E.g. 26.24 E.g. 26.30

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54
9.8.
Three incomplete subhāṣita-samgraha-s and, therefore, without an author and a title. The first is a subhasita-samgraha of which the first two folia (1 and 2) are missing; the rest is numbered 3 to 37; this MS. is kept in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Poona (MS. 423 of 1887-91). The second is also kept in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Poona (No. 1396 of 1884-87); of the latter MS. the first 20 folia with some 800 verses are missing, both anthologies do not cite authors but the second anthology quotes Bhartrhari as author of some verses'; These two anthologies were written by Jaina compilers but quote many non-Jinistic verses: the first anthology quotes, for instance, 59 Bhartṛhari's epigrams2
12
LUDWIK STERNBACH
There, the name of Bhartṛharı is cited before quoting the verse. 2. AS.I. Anonymous Subhāṣita-samgraha (MS. BORI No. 423).
AS.I. BhŚ.
AS.I. BhŚ.
18 550
175 407
246 251
249 113
251
2
252 296
254 77
255 95
257 336
258 79 260 588

AS.I. BhŚ.
262 94
268 82
270 368
274 722
275 348
282 229
284 109
291 282
298 151
308 157
320 560
AS.I. BhŚ.
332 148
334 149
394 382
400 587
407
160
410
191
413 224
414 632
444 423
463 50
512 527

533 724
557 255
568
106
572 242
622 372
692
70
693 15
695
8
699 659
709 482
725 427
AS.I. BhS.
747 45
749 228
798 22
799 285
802
26
803 49
805 261
806 56
810 713
811 171
841 468
843 562
844 260
871
33
879 419

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHAȘITAand the second 50 Bhartrhari's epigrams. The third anthology is a fragment (3 folia only) of a south-Indian subhāṣitatype collection of ethical verses kept in the India Office Library (A. B. Keith No. 8167); the MS. is from the eighteenth century; it is written in Malayalam characters. Some of the verses included in this work, of which only two chapters are preserved (the vidvat-and daiva-pramāna), contains well known subhāsıta-s; 9.9. The Sūk tā valī is an anonymous anthology of 150 stray didactic verses, kept in the Bibliotheca Nazionale di Firenze (MS. G. 135) described by P.-E. Pavoliniz; it is also non-Jinistic in character; eight of its verses occur also in Somaprabha's Sūktimuktāvalid and in the Subhāṣitāvalī4 and other non-Jinistic subhāṣita-saņgraha-s (e.g. in 0. Bohtlingk's Indische Spruche); some 80 out of 150 verses could have been traced in some known nonJinistic subhāṣita-samgraha-s. Several other anonymous Suktāv ali-s are also mentioned in the Jinaratnakośa, mentioned below:
1.
AS.II=Anonymous subhāşıta-samgraha (MS. BORI No. 1396). AS.II Bhś AS.II Bhś AS.II Bhś. AS II Bhś AS.II Bhś.
905 291 907 190 908 607 909 239 910 243 911 213 912185 913 165 1083 186 1095 283 1127 683
1129 242 1155 51 1175 423 1203 314 1218 400 1303 527 1312 313 1335 586 1350 324 1353 41 1376 25
1380 112 1381 296 1384 95 1385 117 1388 77 1390 103 1391 79 1392 336 1397 94 1398 368 1408 722
1433 109 1436 110 1440 158 1444 157 1445 160 1446 253 1462 222 1463 224 1465 582 1468 632 1484 153
1553 60 1566 255 1572 34 1574 433 1663 35 1676 74
2.
Una Sūktāvali granica anonima in Miscellanea linguistica in onore di G. Ascoli, Torino 1901; pp. 315 sqq. Cf para 13. Cf Vallabhadeva in Bombay Sanskrit Series, No. 31.
3. 4

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9.10. The Vivek a-śāstravicāra - s u bhāşit a-gāt hā is an incomplete (2 folia only) anonymous collection of ethical verses on Jaina scriptures; it is written in Jain devanāgarī characters on brown paper, 22-24 lines to a page; it dates from the seventeenth century and is kept in the India Office Library (A. B. Keith, No. 7699/3397); 9.11. The Jınaratnakośa, an Alphabetic Register of Jain Works and Authors, edited by H. D. Velankar (Government Oriental Series, Class C. No. 4), Poona 1946, mentions additionally the following unpublished Jinistic subliāșita-samgraha-s (pp. 445-6; 448-9): (1) Su bhāşita mentioned in the Alphabetical Catalogue prepared by K. H. Jhaveri (1.4.5.) and in the List of Jain works prepared under the auspices of the Jaina Svetāmabra Conference and published by the same body at Bombay Pydhoni, 1909 (JG.), No. 341, (ii) Subhāşitak u la ka by Jina pra bh a written in Apabhramsa and kept in the Jain Bhandar at Patan (Catalogue I.; p. 264; (111) Subhasitakoś a by Rām a candra, mentioned in JG, p. 342; (iv) Subhāsita giantha by Kirtivija ya kept in the Hāja Patel's Pole Ahmedabad (A List of MSs. in the Bhandar of the Vimala Gaccha Upāśraya 18 (22); (v) Subhāşita ratna kosa by Munideva Ācārya, composed of 58 kārika-s, kept in the śāntināth Temple of Cambay (Catalgoue 31 (8) and also mentioned by P. Peterson in his First Report (A.p. 74); (vi) S u bhäsitarat nāv ali also called (Subhāsitā vali) by Sakala kirti which contains 392 Sanskrit verses. This MS. is kept in Arrah (Nos. 156, 160, 187), in the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Nos. 1534, 6633), in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona (Nos. 1157 to 1159 of 1884-87), in CP. and Berar (Catalogue p. 712), in Bhandar of Dhannālāl of Bombay (18), in the Digambar Bhandar of Idar near Ahmedabad (121, 7c), in the Pannālāl Jain Sarasvati Bhavan, Bhuleśvara (Bombay) No. 39. The MS. is also mentioned in P. Peterson's Fourth and Fifth Reports (Nos. 1497 and 985 respectively), in the Uebersicht ueber die Avašyaka Literatur, Hamburg 1934, p. 312 and in JG. p. 342. According to the Catalogue of the Government Oriental

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHĀȘITAManuscript Library in Madras (No. 12139) there exist other MSs. of the same work; it is said to have been written by the Jaina Srí Ācārya Sakalakírti in samvat 1938 (=A.D. 1880) at Śravana Beļagoļa by Kâmarāmajayacandra, son of Jayacandra Hiracandra; in its appearance the MS. is of later date and contains on 40 pages subhāşıta-s mostly non-Jinistic in character; (vii) Subhasita vija ya mata śāstra, kept in the Digambar Bhandar at Idar near Ahmedabad (No. 121); (v111) S u bhāsitaś atak a mentioned in the Catalogue of the Punjab Jaina Bhandars I (Lahore 1939) (Pb.) (No. 3015); (ix) Subhāşitaşaţtrimś i kā of Jñāna sāgara kept in the Dela Upāśraya Bhandara, Ahmedabad No. 35/1 28 also with a vsttı; (x) Subhā sitaşaţtrim śikā of Yasa svig aņī of the Luňkā Gaccha mentioned in Pb. (No. 1721); (xi) a nonymous Subhāsitaşaţtrimś i kā, also with a vítti, mentioned in JG. (p. 342); (xii) Subhāşita sa mudra by Dharma ku māra mentioned in Brhattipanikā (Poona 1925) No. 642 and in JG, p. 342; (xiii) S u bhāşita säroddhāra mentioned in JG. p. 341; (xiv) Subhāsitā vali of Tila ka prabha of the Pūrņımā Gaccha composed in samvat 1307 (=A.D. 1249) mentioned in P. Peterson's Fifth Report (A. p. 122); (xv) Subhāṣitā valí of Somes vara deva mentioned in JG. p. 342; (xvi) Subhasitā valí, anonymous, kept in the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta (No. 3977), in Bikaner (No. 1527), in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona (see above), at the Pannālāl Jaina Sarasvati Bhavan, Bhuleśvara (Bombay) Nos. 2206 and 2714 and in the sāntināth temple in Cambay (31/8); (xvii) Sūkta mālā by Kesa ravim a la gani of the Tapā Gaccha, composed in samvat 1754 (=A.D. 1698) of which 9 MSs. are known to exist in several MSs. libraries (xviii) and (xix) Sūk taratnāka ra of Meghasim ha (also called Manmatha sim ha) and of Ratna sim ha sūri of which several MSs. are known to exist in several MSs. libraries; (xx) Sūkta rat nāka ra of Dharmaku māra mentioned in JG. p. 342 and in the Bịhattipanikā, Poona 1925 (No. 642); (xxi) Sūkta ratnāvali by Kşa mākalyāņa of the Kharatara Gaccha of which several MSs. M.M.-8

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
(some of which with a víttı) are known to exist in several MSs. libraries; (xxii) Sūkta sam graha (also called Sūk tā vali) by Laksmana kept in the Jain Bhandar at Patan (I. 407) and in the sāntināth temple in Cambay (No. 96/IV); it is also mentioned in P. Peterson's Third Report (A. p. 54); (xxiii) Sūkta sa mgra ha by Lakşmikallolagani (also called Sūk tā vali) kept in the Delā Upāśraya Bhandar, Ahmedabad (No. 36/118 and 39/118); (xxiv) Sūkta sa mgr a ha, a non ymous kept in the Limbdı Bhandar, Limbdi near Ahmedabad (No. 1682); (xxv) Sūk tasa m do ha kept in the private library of Muni Srī Kāntivijayaji in Baroda (No. 1210); (xxvi) Sūktas a mucca ya by Vibu dhacandra Kavi alias Narendraprabhasūri of the Maladhāri Gaccha also called Viveka pāda pa mentioned in the Descriptive Catalogue of the Jain Bhandar in Patan I (No. 187); (xxvii) Sūktāni by Ra vigupta Ācārya kept in the Sāntināth Teple in Cambay (No. 1071); (xxviii) Sūk tāv ali by Tattva v alla bh a mentioned in Pb. (Nos. 3031-2), (xxix) Sūk tidvātrim śikā by Muni Sāranga Kavi containing 32 verses in the dodhaka metre, kept in the Delā Upāśraya Bhandar at Ahmedabad (No. 35/127) and also mentioned in JG. 192/193 and in P. Peterson's Fifth Report (p. 169); (xxx) Sūkti mu k tā vals of Somasena kept in the Bhandar of Lakşmísena Bhattārakaji's Jain Matha at Kolhapur; (xxxi) Sūktimuktā vali of Soma deva and (xxxii) Sruta muni, both kept in Arrah (Nos. 972-3); (xxxiii) Sūktiratnak a ra by Siddhicandra gani of the Tapā Gaccha containing 377 verses kept in the private Library of Muni Śrī Kāntivijayají of Baroda (1613). Subhāṣita-s are culled from several Sūktisamgraha-s and non-Jinistic literature, e.g. Amaruka, Bhāravi, Vijjikā, Koka, Kūlıdāsa and many others. It is described by M. D. Desai in the Bhānucandra-caritra (Singhi Jain Series No. 15, p. 73). M. D. Desai mentions also (xxxiv) the Prākr ta-s u bhāşit a-s a m gra ha (ibid, p. 73) by the same author being a collection of elegant witty or enigmatic prākrit gātha-s-verses selected by the author”; (xxxv) Sūktiratnā vali of A b h a y ac andra hept in the Digambar Bhandar at Idar

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(near Ahmedabad) (No. 121); and (xxxvi) Sūktiratnavali by Hema vijayagani mentioned in the prasasti to the vṛtti on Vijayaprasasti Kavya (cf. M. Krishnamachariar, History of Sanskrit Literature, para 370). These are only a few of many other Jaina subhāṣita-samgraha-s existing in MS. form.
II. Jaina Didactic and Gnomic Subhāṣita-Literature:
10. We see that all the subhāṣita-saṁgraha-s written by Jainas, who pay homage, usually in invocations to Jina, are, generally speaking, non-Jinistic in character and contain mostly, if not exclusively, non-Jinistic teachings; they pay only a lip service to Jainism by invocations to Jina in the opening or closing verses. That is, however, not the case with the Jaina gnomic and didactic subhasita literature which is more numerous than the Jainistic subhāṣita-samgraha literature. These works are not only written by Jainas who pay always tribute to Jina, but also promote Jaina teachings and propagate Jaina ethics. The main gnomic and didactic Jaina works, some of which were quoted above in connection with the Subhāṣita-padya-ratnākara which cited from them frequently, are collections of stray verses. They are in particular:1
A. Amitagati's Didactic Works:
11.1.
Amitagati2 was a prolific Jaina author. He was the pupil of Madhavasena of the Mathura sangha. His spiritual genealogy was as follows: 1. Virasena, the best of the monks of Mathura; 2. Devasvamin; 3. Amitagati; 4. Nemişena; 5. Madhavasena; and 6. Amitagati (the author)3. Since in this genealogy there were two Amitagati-s, it was suggested that there
1. Here only the main Jinistic gnomic and didactic works are analyzed. Others, some of which are mentioned below, will be analyzed in the second part of this study.
amita+gatı "of boundless ways" (TH GOLDSTÜCKER, Dictionary SanskritEnglish, Berlin-London, 1856, p. 366.
R. G. BHANDARKAR, Report 1884-87, p 19, P. PETERSON, Three Reports (1884-86), p. 11.
2
3.
59

For Private Personal Use Only

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
existed also two Jaina authors by the name of Amitagati. To Amitagati 1 was attributed the Yogasāra and the Sāmayikapāthal and to Amitagati II. all the other works known to be written by Amitagati. 11.2. Amitagati lived in the tenth century A.D. His Subhāsitaratna-samdoha (SRS.) is one of the rare works of Sanskrit literature which is clearly dated. In the colophon, as already H. T. Colebrooke2 pointed out, the "poem entitled Subhāşitaratna-samdoha by a Jaina author named Amitagati is dated in the year 1050 from the death of Vikramaditya in the reign of Muñja who was uncle and predecessor of Raja Bhoja". The date Vikrama 1050 is equal to A.D. 993-994. This date is generally accepted as the date of SRS. and is universally used in Indian chronology as one of the certain dates for the reign of Muñja (of Dhārā)3. 11.3. Amitagati is, among others also the author of the Yoga sār a4 and of the Dharma pariksās. The first of these works is a didactic work, being a collection of didactic precepts of the Digambara Jainas written in 9 chapters in simple śloka-s; the second is a polemical work; although intervowen with fables it is a diatribe against Brahmanism and Brahmanical ethics, often ruthlessly expressed. Amitagati, wrote also the 1.
Jarna Siddhanta Bhāskara 7.1, pp. 29-36, Introduction, p. 71, fn. 3 of the edition of the Paramarthaprakāśa; in Rayacandra Jaina Šāstramāla 10. Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II, London 1873, p. 48. COLEBROOKE's Miscellaneous Essays, p. 416, C. MABEL DUFF, The Chronology of India, Westminister 1899; R G BHANDARKAR, Miscellaneous Notes III in Transactions of the IX International Congress of Orientalists, London 1893, p. 475; Nilakantha Janārdan Kırtane's on Three Mälwa Inscriptions in Indian Antiquary (1877) 6; p. 51; G. BÜHLER, The Udepur Prasasti of the King of Malwa in Epigraphica Indica I. 228. Published in Sanātana Jaina Granthamāla No. 16. CF N MIRONOW, Dre Dharmapariksa des Amitagatz Ein Beitrag zur Litteratur und Religionsgeschichte des Indischen Mittelaters., Inaugural-Dissertation, Leipzig 1903; R. G. BHANDARKAR, Report 1884-87, pp. 13 sqq and 134 sqq The Dharmapariksa was written in A.D. 1013

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Dvà trimsatikā, the Pañ ca-s a mgr a h az, (written in A.D. 1017), the Sāmāyik a pāțh a3, the Upās a kā cāra (or Šrāva kācāra). Also the Para māt mas va rūpa and the Bhagava tyārādha nā are ascribed to Amitagati. However he is best known by his
Subhāṣita-ratna-samdoha:
12.1. The Subhāsit a-r at na-s a mdoh a of Amitagatis is a collection of didactic and polemic subhāṣita-s; didactic as far as they proclaim the ethics of the Digambara Jainas for laymen (śrāvaka, grahamedhin, gļhastha) and monks (muni, sādhu, yogin, tapodhana, yatı) and polemic as far as they contain criticisms of Brahmanical rules of conduct.
12.2. The subhāsita-ratna-samdoha- The Collection of Gems of Beautiful Sayings is a typical collection of didactic subhāṣita-s written by a single author--Amitagati, and assembled according to his plan, fitting well the Jaina doctrine. The SRS. is divided into 32 chapters (each 20 to 30 verses long“) dealing with:
3.
Ed. in Manik. Dig. Jaina Granthamālā, No. 13 Ed. in Manik. Dig. Jaina Granthamala No 25. Ed in Manik. Dig. Faina Granthamala No. 21. Ed. in Anantakirtz Granthamala No 2, Bombay 1922 Critically edited and translated into German by R. Schmidt (upto chapter 16 by R. Schmidt and J. Hertel) in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaendischer Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 59 and 61 and issued separately in Leipzig in 1908. Also published in KM. 82. Cf. J. HERTEL, Ueber das Amitagati Subhāşıtasamdoha in Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (WZKM) (1903) 17, 105-34, E LEUMANN, A List of the Strassburg Collection of Digambara Manuscripts in WZKM 11; p 311, E. LEUMANN, Zum siebzehnten Kapitel von Amitagati Subhasıta-samdoha in ZDMG 34 578-88. Cf. M A GUÉRINOT, in JA s. 10, t. 14. No. 285. With the exception of chapters 7 (52 verses), 9 (13 verses), 14 (32 verses), 31 (117 verses) and 32 (36 verses).
6

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
verses
25
20
20
25
25
33
verses 1. विषयविचार (senses) 21 16. जीवसंबोधन (knowledge 2. कोपनिषेध (anger) 21 of living) 3. मानमायानिषेध (arrog- 17. दुर्जननिरूपण (the wicked) 24 ___ance and deceit)
18. सुजननिरूिपण (the good) 24 4. लोभनिवारण (greed)
19. दाननिरूपण (Giving) 24 5. इन्द्रियरागनिषेध (sensual 20. मद्यनिषेध (Spirituous passion)
liquor) 6. स्त्रीदोषविचार(good and 21. मांसनिरूपण (Meat)
bad qualities of 22. मधुनिषेध (Honey) women)
23. कामनिषेध (Love) 7. मिथ्यात्वसम्यक्त्व निरूपण
24. वेश्यासगनिषेध (Attach(error and truth) 52 ment to prostitutes) 25 8. ज्ञाननिरूपण (knowledge) 30 25. द्यूतनिषेधैक (Gambling) 2 9. चारित्रनिरूपण (good
26. आप्तविचार (Aptas) 22 conduct)
27. गुरुस्वरूपनिरूपण (Guru) 26 10. जातिनिरूपण (family) 26 28. धर्मनिरूपण (Dharma) 22 11. जरानिरूपण (old age)
29. शोकनिरूपण (Grief) 28 12. मरणनिरूपण (death)
30. शौचनिरूपण (Purification) 22 13. सामान्यानित्यता-निरूपण
31. श्रावकधर्मकथन (Dharma. (transitoriness)
24
of the śrāvaka) 117 14. दैवनिरूपण (fate) 32 32. द्वादशविध-तपश्चरण 15. जठरनिरूपण (stomach
निरूपण (Penance) 36 belly)
26 आशिस् (colophon) Thus the entire ethic of Digambara-Jainas was dealt with in this anthology. 12.3. It is possible that Amitagati was influenced by Brahmanism and in particular by Bharthari!; he certainly knew the the Brahmanical literature but whether, as J. Hertel suggested some of his stray verses were influenced by Bhartrhari's epigrams or the kävya parts of the kathā literature is doubtful; some similarities 1. J HERTEL, Uber das Amatagati . . . (op. cat, p. 61 fn. 5), p. 110.
24

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHĀŞITAin the verses cited by J. Herteli between SRS. and BhS. or some kathā works are rather due to the lack of originality on the part of Amitagati in depicting, often discussed in Indian literature, topics, such as the faults of women, transitoriness, dangers caused by drinking, eating, etc. (so often expressed in stereotypical manner in the subhāşıta-literature), then by any intentional borrowing from Bhartrhari or the Pañcatantra. The only case of intentional borrowing by Amitagati from Bhartshari's epigrams2 is in verse 13.19 and Bhs. 170, not noticed by J. Hertel. The verse reads:
1.
SRS.
BhŚ
SRS.
Pañcatantra and
Hitopadesa
43 (65)
149
14.4 (346)
6.24 (126)
94
10.9 (251) 10.26 (268)
235 311
14.19 (361)
PT. 2.5; PTem 2.5; PS. 2.3; PN. 1.3; PP. 2.12. Pts. 2.17; PtsK. 2.18; PRE. 2.3, PM. 2.5; HJ 1.41. PS. 2.67; PN. 1.63; PP. 2.158, PRE. 2.69; HJ. 1 91. PT 1. 108; PTem. 1.100; Ps. 1.96; PN. 2.73; PP. 1.285; PRE. 1.107; HJ. 2.164.
136 (324) 14.21 (363)
332 46
17.11 (436)
14 22 (364) and
14.32 (374) 24 5 (600)
48 247
It is possible, but not likely, that Bhartrhari's verse was borrowed from Amitagati, since we do not know when the so-called Bhartshari's individual verses were composed while we do know when Amitagati's verses were written (A D. 993-4) However Bhś 170 belongs to those verses which are considered by D D. Kosambi as the original verses of Bhartrharı.

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
Bhs. 170: वय येभ्यो जाताश्चिरपरिगता एव खलु ते सम यै सवृद्धा स्मृतिविषयता तेऽपि गमिता.। इदानीमेते स्म. प्रतिदिवसमासन्नपतना गतास्तुल्यावस्था सिकतिलनदीतीरतरुभि.॥
SRS. 13.19: वयं येभ्यो जाता मृतिमुपगतास्तेऽत्र सकलाः समं य. संवृद्धा ननु विरलता तेऽपि गमिता । इदानीमस्माक मरणपरिपाटी क्रमकृता न पश्यन्तोऽप्येवं विषयविरति यान्ति कृपणाः ।।
Other similarities noticed by J. Hertel, perhaps with the exception of verse SRS. 14.21 and Bhs. 46, are due to the existence of similar thoughts floating among the masses of oral tradition well represented in the whole gnomic and didactic Sanskrit literature.
12.4. Although Amitagati did not prove to be always an original author and a literary artist', he was an expert and master in composing his verses in perfect metres. In his 922 subhasita-s he used 22 different metres and only six imperfections in the metrics were noticed?, if we accept that Amitagati purposely composed each chapter, or part of a chapter in a specific metre. Amitagati in his SRS. used in almost each chapter another
1.
Cf. R. SCHMIDT's and J. HERTEL's edition, pp. 267-8. And only in the very difficult äryā verses, i e. 14.4 and 15 20, where instead of an āryā verse, a giti-âryâ, verse was used; this is generally accepted; the other imperfections are in chapter 8 where not all the verses were written in upajātz metre (indravajra and upendravapra), but verses 8, 12, 23 and 27 were written in pure indravajrå metre and 8.24 in pure upendravajra metre; the eleven syllabic upagāti metre can always be mixed with the cleven indravaprā or upendravajrâ metres.

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metre (with the exception of the exceptionally used more than one
1.
12.5.1. Amitagati's style is ascetic, caustic, severe and often even ruthless; many of his verses, of which each is an entity in itself, is a diatribe against those who do not follow Jaina precepts and is couched often in an unpleasant language. Particularly bitter, unrelenting and even repulsive are his observations about women.
12.5.2. Offensive, if not revolting, is, for instance, Amitagati's description of women in 6.22 reading:
ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHĀȘITA
संज्ञातोऽपीन्द्रजालं यदुत युवतयो मोहयित्वा मनुष्या
नानाशास्त्रेषु दक्षानपि गुणकलितं दर्शयन्त्यात्मरूपम् । शुक्रासृग्यातनाक्त ततकुथितमलैः प्रक्षरत्स्रोत्रगर्ते : सर्वैरुच्चारपुञ्ज कुथितजठरभृच्छिद्रित यद्वदत्र ||
(1)
J. HERTEL in huis Ueber das Amitagati... (op. cit. p. 61, fn. 5) (pp. 108-9) pointed out the different metres used in SRŚ., but his list is sometimes not correct (e.g. in chapters 9 and 32). Therefore, the following list of metres used by Amitagati in SRS. is given below:
8 Syllables to a pada.
(6)
(7)
last verse or verses) and only metre in the same chapter.'
(8)
(2)
(3)
(4) svagata: chapter 24
(5) upajati (indravajrā and upendravajrā): Chapters 8 (with the exception of verses 12, 23, 24 and 27). 9 (with the exception of verses 13, 14 and 23), 21 (with the exception of verses 13, 14 and 24)
indravajra: 8.12, 8.23, 8.27, 21.14, 21.24 upendravajra: 8.24, 21.13
12 syllables to a pada:
Vamsastha chapters 7; 32.1 to 28 and 29.27
M.M.-9

śloka: chapters 22, 31 (verses 1-116) and āsis verse 42 11 syllables to a pada: dodhaka: chapter 23
rathoddhata: chapter 25
For Private Personal Use Only
65
Number
of verses
139
26
21
25
852
78
81

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
or in 6.19 which proves an excellent knowledge of Amitagati of similes generally used in the secular Sanskrit subhāṣita literature:
वक्तु लालाद्यवद्य सकलरसभृता स्वर्णकुम्भद्वयेन मांसग्रन्थी स्तनौ च प्रगलदुरुमला स्यन्दनाङ्गेन योनिः । निर्गच्छदूषिकास्त यदुपमितमहो पद्मपत्रेण नेत्र तच्चित्र नात्र किचिद् यदपगतमतिर्जायते कामिलोक. ।।
25
2)
eu.
12.5.3. According to Amitagati, women should be avoided because (6.23): (Contd.)
Number
of verses (9) drutavılambrta. chapter 20 (10) toțaka. chapter 29. 1 to 26
13 syllables to a pāda: (11) rucirà: chapter 27
14 syllables to a pāda. vasantatılakā: chapters 2, 3, 4, 5 and 30
15 syllables to a pāda: (13) målini . chapter 1, 28 and aścs 41
17 syllables to a pada: (14) mand akrāntā : chapters 18 and 19 (15) prthvi . chapters 10, 13.6 to 10 and aśis 38 (16) harini : chapter 11 (17) śikharıņi chapter 13.11 to 24 and aśıs 44
19 syllables to a păda. śårdulavikridita, chapters 12, 13.1 to 5, 17; 29.28 and ašis 39, 40, 43
21 syllables to a pāda. (19) sragdhara : chapters 6, 16, 26 and 31. 117, 32. 29 to
36, aśis 37 (20)
pañcakávali : 14.32 and 15.26
Matrāvștta (21) ārya : chapters 14 and 15 (with the exception of 14.4
and 15.20) (22) giti-āryā: 14 4 and 15.20

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHAȘITAया सर्वोच्छिष्टवक्ता हितजनभषणा सद्गुणास्पर्शनीया पूर्वाधर्मात्प्रजाता सततमलभृता निन्द्यकृत्यप्रवृत्ता। दानस्नेहा शुनीव भ्रमणकृतरतिश्चाटुकर्मप्रवीणा
योषा सा साधुलोकैरवगतजननैर्दूरतो वर्जनीया ।। It is difficult to call such verses su-bhāșita-s, though they were included in SRS.
12.5.4. However not all the teachings of Amitagati in the SRS. are of this kind; speaking for instance on a similar subjectkāma, though he could have used a stronger language (23.20) he said:
एवमनेकविधं विदधाति यो जननार्णवपातनिमित्तम् । चेष्टितमङ्गजबाणविभिन्नो नेह सुखी न परत्र सुखी सः ।।
12.5.5. The Yogasāra of Amitagati, another of his didactic poems, and his Dvātrimsatikā, a short didactic poem were couched in refine and elegant language, appropriate for a collection of subhāṣita-s; this proves that Amitagati was able to use in his didactic verses a softer language but purposely used in the SRS. the puritanical approach. B. śrgāravairāgya-tarangiņi of Somaprabha 13.1. Another didactic Jaina poem is the Śrågār a-vairāgyatarangini of Soma prabha (śrn g.). This poem, written around A.D. 1246 is concluded in not such a harsh language, though it is a diatribe against women; diatribes against women were favorite topics in Jaina didactic literature.
1.
Edited in KM.V. 142 and translated into German by R. SCHMIDT in his Liebe und Ehe im alten und modernen Indien, Berlin 1904; pp. 36-43. Also published in Bombay in 1886 with the commentary called Sukhabodhika, Ahmedabad 1891 Cf. M. A. Guérinor in Essar de bibliographie Jaina (Musee Guimet) No. 268; and in JA; s. 10; t. 14; No. 923.

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68
LUDWIK STERNBACH 13.2. We come across similar ideas in Srig. and in SRS., but the language used in these two works is quite different; and so, for instance Śróg. 43 (similarly as SRS. 6.22)' speak about the bad qualities of women; in Srig. we read:
यामोऽन्यत्र द्रुततरमितो मित्र यत्कण्ठपीठे नाय हारश्चकितहरिणीलोचनायाश्चकास्ति । नाभीरन्ध्रे विहितवसतिर्योऽस्ति कदर्पसर्पस्
तन्मुक्तोऽय स्फुरति रुचिर किन्तु निर्मोकपट्टः ।। 13.3. Different parts of the body of women are expressed in Srig. 16 quite differently from those in SRS. (6.19);2 we read there
अलं प्राप्य स्पर्श कुचकलशयो. पङ्कजदृशा परां प्रीतिं भ्रात' कलयसि सुधामग्न इव किम् । अवस्कन्दं धर्मक्षितिपकटके दातुमनसा प्रयुक्तं जानीयाः कलुषवरटेन स्पर्श मिमम् ।।
The advice to shun women is exrressed in Srig. (12) in the following, how different from SRS. (6.23)3, manner:
यियाससि भवोदधेर्यदि तटं तदेणीदृशाम् अहीनमधरं धरं परिहरेः परं दूरतः । इहास्फलनतोऽन्यथा विशदवासनानौस्तव व्रजिष्यति विशीर्णतां न भविता ततो वाच्छितम् ।।
13.4. Most of the verses in Srig. which teach, in general, as SRS. did, Jaina ethics are expressed in severe and ascetic, but ornate and “beautifully turned" language, appropriate for a subhāṣitasangraha. Real subhasata-s are for instance verses 15, 31, or 36.4
Quoted above para 12 5 2.
Quoted above para 12.5 3 3 Quoted above para 12.5.3 4. कस्तूरिकातिलकितं तुलिताष्टमीन्दु
चित्ते विचिन्तयसि सौख्यनिमित्तमेकम् ।

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ON SOME NON CANONICAL SUBHĀȘITA13.5. Srig. mentions twicel Siva almost in a devotional manner, so that it could be argued that Srng. was originally a Sivaite work, later changed into a Jaina work3; that forced, probably, the Jaina commentator to explain that शिवपुर (used in verse 38 equals मुक्तनगर. It may be noted that SRS. also mentioned in some cases Siva, Visnu, Hari, etc.4 but in another context, so that there cannot be any doubt that the latter work is purely Jinistic in character. There, the Brahmanical gods are not considered as worth worshipping, since they lusted after women and were devoted to the sensuous and voluptuous world. 14. In all these above mentioned didactic and gnomic subhasita works the verses, each standing by itself, are written in kavya style and with the exception of some parts of SRS., can be
(Contd.) वामध्रुवां यदलिक तदहो अलीकम् इत्याख्ययैव परया प्रवदन्ति रूपम् ।। (५) या स्त्रीति नाम्ना बिभृते शयादी शस्त्री प्रबुद्धैरवबुध्यतां सा। एनां पुरस्कृत्य जगत्यनङ्गभटो यत: पुण्यभटं भिनत्ति ॥ (३१) स्मरक्रीडावाप्यां वदनकमले पक्ष्मलदृशां दृढासक्तिर्येषामधरमधुपान विदधताम् । अद्रस्था बन्धव्यसनघटना क्लेशमहती विमुग्धाना तेषामिह मधुकराणामिव नृणाम् ॥ (३६) Verses 33 and 39 प्रीति तन्वन्त्यनलसदृशो यास्तरुण्यस्तवैता देहद्युत्या कनकनिभया द्योतिताशा किवेकिन् । सत्यं तासामनलसदृशां सयमारामराज्यां या भू. पाश्र्वेऽप्यसि यदि शिवावाप्तये बद्धबुद्धिः।। (३३) यातुं यद्यनुरुच्यते शिवपुरी रामानितम्बस्थली मुञ्चेर्दूरमिमामनङ्गलभक्रीडाविहारोचिताम् । (३९) Today it shows clear traces of Jinistic influence E.g. 11.183; 12.73; 12.12%; 141; 16.23, etc.
1.
3. 4.

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
considered as subhāṣıta-s suitable to be included in any secular non-Jinistic subhāșita-samgraha'. C. Suktamuktāvali of Somaprabha 15. Somaprabha, but probably another one than the author of Sråg.2, was the author of a didactic poem the Sūkta muktā vali or Sin dūra pra ka ra.3 This work was well known among the Jainas and its stray verses were and still are repeated by heart by many men and women of the Jaina community. In this work Somaprabha proclaimed in 99 verses written in different metres the Jaina teachings in a form of stray verses, of which many can be considered as subhāṣita-ss. These subhāṣita-s, unlike the subhāsıta-s of SRS. and Sråg., do not deal with women at all; they are couched in polished, cultivated language and some are appropriate to be included in non-Jinistic subhāşta-samgraha-s.
Other Jaina Didactic Poems 16. Among other Jaina didactic poems the following must be mentioned in the first place6 :
However none of such subhāşıta-s were quoted in any of the known subhasıta-sangraha-s. who lived around A.D. 1270. Edited in KM, VII, pp. 35-51; also published in Bangalore in 1892; translated into Italian by E.-P. PAVOLINI with an introduction by F. L. Pulée in Studi Italian di Filologia Indo-Iranica 2; pp. 33-72 (Gl scrittori di Somaprabhācārya) Cf A WEBER. HSs. Verzerchniss 2.3; 1132 sqq.; R. G. BHANDARKAR Report 1882-83; pp. 42 and 225 sqq.; M. A. GUERINOT in JA. s. 10; t. 14, No. 932 and Indian Antiquary 11; p. 254. Munirà ja jinavijaya, Kumārapāla-Pratıbodha ed.; Introduction; pp. vii sqq. Mostly between verses 26 and 92. They are not treated here in detail. Cf. p. 59 fn. 1.
6.

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHĀȘITA
71
16.1. Hema candra's Yoga śāstra', of which chapters I-IV are similar to SRS.; they give a clear account of Jaina philosophy, while the latter eight chapters deal with various duties and ascetic practices of the Jainas. Hemacandra used the term "yoga" in a general sense of religious effort, including the whole duty of a pious Jaina of which meditation is duly one part2; 16.2. Jinadatta Sūri's (contemporary to Hemacandra) Upadeśara sāyana Rāsa in 80 Apabhramğa verses, Kālasva rūpa kulaka in 32 Apabhramśa verses and Caccar 13 in 47 Apabhramsa verses; 16.3. Soma prabh a's Kumāra pāla-prati bodha in Prākrit and Apabhramša in prose and in verse; this poem is divided into 5 sections, called prastāva-s. Somaprabha, the author of the Kumāra pāla-pratibodha, is identical with the author of the Sūktim uktāv a 114; he was the pupil of Vijaysimha who occupied the seat of the High-priest after Ajitadeva; he was also the author of a hymn to Pārśva in Apabhramśas and of the ša tārtha kā vya of which most verses were written in the vasantatılakā metre and can be explained in different ways.
Published in Bombay in 1899; in Bibl. Ind. in 1907 by MUNI MAHĀRĀJA ŚRI DHARMAVIJAYA SŪRI; ed. partly by E. WINDISCH with a German translation in ZDMG. 28.185 sqq.; by F. BELLONI FILIPPI with an Italian translation in GSAI 21, pp. 113 sqq., 22.123 sqq.; 23.171 sqq. Cf. F. BELLONI FILIPPI in ZDMG, 62, pp. 187 s
VIJAYADHARMASŪRI in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 6.6; 267 sqq.; J. HERTEL, Ueber das Amitagati ... (op. cit. p. 61, fn. 5); pp. 105 sqq.; M. A. GUÉRINOT in JA. s. 10; t. 14; No. 1105. M. WINTERNITZ. The Jainas in the History of Indian Literature (Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka Pratışthan, Ahmedabad 1946, p. 20. Or Carcari or Cācari or Dharmara sāya na. Quoted in para 15. Munırā ja Jinavijaya (op. cit. p. 70 fn. 4), p. vi.
4. 5.

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
16.4. There exist also other didactic? Jaina poems, as well as other numerous writings which contain intermingled 1. As well as some Jaina subhāşıta-sangraha-s not discussed in detail in the
present study. Cf. p. 55, fn. 2. Also worth noting are:
the Upa i esa mālā pra ka rana (Uva ēs a in āla), a didactic collection of stray verses by Dharma da sa; this collection contains 544 Prākrit stray verses comprising amplified brief teachings by Mahāvīra for laymen and monks, probably from the eighth century (published in Ahmedabad in 1878; in the Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha in 1915, by L. P. TESSITORI in GSAI 25; 167-297; and with commentaries of Siddharşı and Rāmavijaya Gani in Jamnagar in 1936. (Cf. M. A. GUERINOT in JA, s. 10; t. 14; No. 893);
the Silova esa mālā of Jay a kirti, a pupil of Jayasımha containing 116 Prākrit gåtha-s to which Somatılaka Sūri wrote a commentary in A.D. 1337;
the PūJ y a pāda 's Istopades a and Sa mādh is a ta ka; these are collections of stray verses on Jaina ethics (the first was published in Sanatana Jaina Granthamålā; 19-20; with Hindi and English translations in Allahabad 1925; in Stotrasamgraha No. 16, published by the Digambara Jaina Grantha Bhandar, Gucchaka 1, Benares and with Hindi word for word interpretation in Farnamitra, Vol. XXIII, Sürat 1923; the second was edited in the Sanātana Jaina Granthamala No 20, Calcutta 1922 and translated into English by CHAMPAT RAI JAIN, Hardoi 1925,
Haribh a dra Sûri's thirty-two Aşta kän 1-s, poems of 8 verses each on Jaina doctrine (Haribhadra by birth was a Brahmin; he was instructed in Jaina doctrine by Jinabhata, among others, he also wrote a Prākrit collection of 1040 gåtha-s, the U pade sa pa da (the first was published in Sürat in 1918 and the second, partly with a Hindi translation, in Bhavnagar in 1909; Cf. P. PETERSON, Three Reports (1884-86); pp. 34 sqq. and 46).
Jaina Vairāgya - Ś ata ka of Śri Gulāla candra containing 100 verses being "teachings regarding renunciation according to Jainism” (published in English translation by Lala Bihari Lal at Bulandshahar; M. Harprasad Press in 1910). The “teachings are with exception of some verses (e.g. 1, 13, 18, 46, 65 and the latter part of

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73
(Contd.) the collection) non-Jinistic in character and some occur also in nonJinistic subhäşıta-sangrahas (e.g. 14, 29). The title Vairāgya-sataka is not very well suited to the contents of this collection, for numerous verses deal also with nitr; preferably this collection of didactic verses should be called "ni ti-vairāg ya-śataka”.
Verses on śrngära and vairagya were also collected in the Śị ngāra-vairāgy a-t a rangini by a Jaina Divāka ra Muni (Sriduvākaramuni pranità Śľngāravairāgyatarangini, sa ca abhayacandrabhagavānada sena prakāšitā, Ahmedabad 1916).
Other works which are setting forth the doctrines of Jainas are not mentioned here, with the exception of some works which have some bearings on the Jinistic didactic literature, such as:
Via ya la kşmi sūri's Upa de sa prasāda, a collection of stray verses in 24 sections on Jaina ethics, a kind of a Jaina breviary for every day reading, comprising aphorisms, as well as homilia and legends. Vijayalaksmisūri was the pupil of Vijayasaubhāgyasūri and completed his work in A.D. 1787; it was published in Sanskrit and Prākrit with a Gujarati translation by Cimanlāl Sākalcand Marphatīyā in Bombay in 1902/04 and in Jaina Dharmaprasāraka Sabhā, Bhavnagar. Bombay 1915-23 (Cf. M. A. GUÉRINOT in JA. S. 10; t. 14; No. 1030 and No. 1098;
Amrtacandra's Puruşārth a-s id dh y u pāya, or Jin a pra va can ara h a sy a ko sa containing 226 stray Sanskrit verses not only dealing with Jaina ethics (duties of a householder) but also with general moral precepts. The work was published with a Hindi translation by NATHŪRĀM PREMI in Bombay in 1906; in the Ra yacandra Faina Sastramala 1; in Sanātana Jaina Granthamala 1; it was translated into English and published with notes by AJIT PRASĀDA in the Sacred Books of the Jainas 4; (cf. M. A. GUERINOT in JA, S. 10; t. 14; No. 1081);
Also worth noting is the VI vidha bol ratnākara in two volumes containing stray didactic verses (aphorisms) in Sanskrit, Prākrit on the Jaina doctrine with a commentary in Gujarati, published in Ahmedabad in 1890 (cf. M. A. GUERINOT in JA; s. 10; t. 14; No. 921).
Also claimed as Jaina is the well known didactic poem, the Praśnottararatna-mālā ascribed to Vimala or
Vimala candra, king Amogh a varsa, as well as San ka ra. M.M.-10

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LUDWIK STERNBACH
(Contd.) This is a poem in various texts of a different number of verses, usually, in äryä metre; the poem is written in simple language and contains questions and answers on ethics in general; these verses do no promote specifically Jaina morality but general ethics and therefore the poem was claimed by the Jainas, Buddhists and Brahmans. Probably in the tenth century A.D., it was included in the Tibetan Tanjur as Dri-ma med-pahi dris-lan rin-po-chehi phren-ba shes-bya-ba by Don-yod hchar and translated by Kamalagupta, Rin-chen bzan-po; it begins there with the invocation to Manjusri. There exists also a Jaina version of this work with an invocation to Mahāvīra and a Brahmanic version with an invocation to Gaņeśa. The Jaina version is ascribed to Vimala, a Śyetambara, but probably this work was originally not a Jaina work. It was very often published, particularly in the version attributed to Sankara (c.g. in Lucknow in 1875, in Lahore in 1880; in Lucknow in 1881, in Bankipore in 1884; in Benares in 1887, in Madras in 1909, in Bezwada in 1910, in Moradabad in 1911, in Coconada in 1913, in Moradabad in 1914 in Allahabad in 1923, in Madras in 1927, in Tanjore in 1927, in Allahabad in 1928, in Gorakhpur in 1928 and in many others, as well as in collected works (Minor works ankarācārya-different collections) as well as in KM. VII; pp. 121-3, attributed to Amoghavarsa BȚhat-stotra-muktahāra I and II, Bombay 1914, 1916 and 1923, Bțhatstotra-ratnakara I, Bombay 1888; Grantharatnamåla I, Bombay 1887, A Jaina recension was published in Calcutta in 1905 and by P.-E. PAVOLINI in GSAI i1; 153-63; this is a Prākrit recension. The Tibetan version was edited and translated by A. SCHIEFNER in Academiae Janensis Saecularia Tertia deibus XV, XVI, XVII Aug. Anni. MDCCCLVIII celebranda gratulatur Academiae Caesarea Scientiarium Petropolitana and by SUNITI KUMAR PATHAK in the Journal of the Greater India Society 17.92 and by P. E. FOUCAUX (La guirlande précieuse des demandes et des réponses publiéss en Sanskrit et tibetain, in Extrait des mémoires de l'Académic de Stanislas, Paris 1967. Cf. A. WEBER, “Ueber die Praśnottararatnamāla, Juwelenkranz der Fragen u. Antwort Monatsberichte der kon. Akademie der Wiss. zu Berlin 1868; 92-117 and in Indische Streifen L 210-27, J. Christian in JASB 16 (1882); 1228; and L. STERNBACH, The Spreading of Canakya's Aphorisms over “Greater Indra", Calcutta 1969, paras 5 and 22.

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ON SOME NONCANONICAL SUBHĀŞITAgnomic sayings both on morality and on wordly wisdom.' 17. From this short outline of the Jaina subhāșita-literature we can see that the so-called Jaina subhāṣita-saṁgraha-s, although collected by Jaina authors, habitually with invocations to Jina, were usually collections of stray verses not culled from Jaina authors, but from non-Jinistic sources, as well as from the floating mass of oral tradition and as such were of general application and character, while the didactic poems written by individual Jaina authors, either in Sanskrit, or in Prākrit or in Apabhransa were (with some exceptions only) specifically of Jaina character.
1.
To this category belong in the first place the narrative works e.g. the numerous Pārsvanāth a-caritra-s (carita-s); the extensive encyclopaedic work Vivek a vilās a by Jinadatta (published in Benares in 1875); the work is divided into 12 ullāsa-s some of which contain numerous highly moral and gnomic verses; Jinadatta was the pupil of Räsila and Jivadeva from Vāyada, lived probably in the first half of the thirteenth century (cf. R. G. BHANDARKAR's Report, 1882-3, p. 42 and 1884, pp. 156 and 464; E. HULTZSCH's Report III 128; No. 2088; Berichte des VII. Internationalen Orientalisten Congresses, pp. 65 sqq.); his subhasrta-verses contain mostly Jinistic teachings; the Prakrit Kuvalayamala (edited and supplied with a comprehensive introduction by A. N. Upadhye in SJS. 45 and 33; p. 78) where we find some Sanskrit subhasita, otherwise unknown; as well as the Ā bhāņa sa ta ka-s.

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VARIANT FORMS OF THE LOCATIVE IN
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L. A. Schwarzschild
A. INTRODUCTION The concept of 'free variation' in linguistics (e.g. Lyons 1969: 72) is very old. The Sanskrit grammarians were fully aware of optional rules called vibhāsā (Pāṇini) and vikalpa, quite apart from the much-discussed free word-order of Sanskrit (Staal 1967). The term vibhāṣā is used 112 times by Pāṇini, which is surprising in view of the well-known economy of wording, and this shows clearly the importance attached to this concept in Sanskrit grammar. But these optional rules only refer to very minor points: the majority are rules of limited application referring to certain compounds. A typical example of this restricted application is furnished by the very first rule involving vibhaşa in Pāņini (I.1.28):
Vibhāṣā diksamāse bahuvrīhau ‘Pronominal adjectives of the type sarva may optionally follow the pronominal declension if they occur in a bahuvrīhi compound designating a region'.
Optional rules of this kind are frequent, but there is little free variation over the major features of Sanskrit phonology and morphology; among the most prominent examples one could quote are the oblique endings of the neuter of adjectives in -i, -u, both in the singular and the dual. In Middle Indo-Aryan the position seems to be totally reversed, and there appear to be numerous free variants, particularly in morphology. Some of these forms are not really in free variation with one another, they might at least originally have been regionally and chronologically separate. But often, even within one single text there seem to be
77

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L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD
a number of variant morphs. Scribal and metrical features may be involved, but these do not account for all cases. It is possible that such forms were not in completely free variation with one another, but were syntactically and semantically conditioned, however subtly, An attempt is made here to illustrate this from the evidence of the locative singular masculine-neuter endings of nouns and adjectives in -a in Jaina Prakrit.
Two main types of endings are involved: i. -e corresponding to the Sanskrit -e.
ii. -msi, -mhi. -mmi and mmi derived from the Sanskrit
pronominal ending -smin.
B. REGIONAL VARIATION OF THE ENDING -smin The different forms derived from -smin are without doubt dialéctally conditioned. The clusters sibilant + nasal, as in -smin, have undergone changes in Middle Indo-Aryan, but owing to the intricate pattern of dialectal diffusion it is difficult to assess the exact regional distribution of the various developments. That such widely different forms cannot belong to one and the same dialect has already been stressed in the case of -Sn- by Lüders (1952: 130):
'Ich halte es für ausgeschlossen, dass die Verbindung des Zischlautes und n in demselben Dialekte und noch dazu in demselben Worte bald zu -sin- bald zu -nh- entwickelt haben sollte.'
Lüders comes to the conclusion that the forms retaining the sibilant are eastern in origin, and those showing the change -sn>-nh- are western.
The situation with regard to -sm is basically similar: the change of s to h in a sibilant + nasal cluster is characteristically western in origin. This is shown by the Asokan inscriptions (Mehendale 1948: 26):

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VARIANT FORMS OF THE LOCATIVE IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN 79
northwestern
western
elsewhere
-smin
But in the literary Middle Indo-Aryan dialects the situation was more complex, and there was even some differentiation in the development of -smin according to whether it occurred in the nominal declension system on the one hand, or in combination with monosyllabic pronominal stems on the other. The situation can be summarised as follows:
Magadhi
Sauraseni Jain Sauraseni
Pāli
Ardha-Magadhī
Māhārāṣṭrī,
Jain Māhārāṣṭrī
Apabhramsa
Nominal Declension
-ahim
(-e)
-mmi, -mhi (rare)

-smi
-mhi
-si
Pronouns ja-, ta-, ka
11.
-ssim
-ssim
-mmi, -mhi
-mhi, -smim (Sanskrit borrowing)
-msi, -mmi, -mmi
-mmi, -mmi
-him, (-em)
C. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ENDING -smin
1. The Sauraseni and Magadhi locatives of the type tassim, tassim, like the Aśokan -si reflect 'regular' phonetic changes with the assimilations of -m- to the preceding sibilant (Pischel: § 65, Sen: 69). The corresponding Magadhī nominal ending-āhim shows the further development of -sm- to -ss->-->-h-. This has been explained by 'the phonetic weakness of terminational elements in Indo-Aryan' (Turner 1927: 230). But the status of terminational element is not in itself connected with phonetic weakness: after all -smin is a terminational element in the
locative pronominal form ta-smin. It is mainly a matter of accentuation. In tasmin the consonant cluster -sm-occurred at the beginning of the second syllable where it was in the immediate vicinity of the stress accent (Pischel 46), hence the
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L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD
'regular' phonetic change to -ss-, -śś- in Šaurasenī and Māgadhi; but in a word like *gharasmin 'in a house' the same consonantal group -sm- occurred in a less accented environment, hence *gharasmin> gharāhim in Māgadhi.
80
Lack of accentuation also accounts for the loss of the sibilant in the most common forms of the locative in Middle Indo-Aryan: -mmi and mm. In Māhārāṣṭrī and Jain Māhārāṣṭrī the more accented Sanskrit pronominal forms of the type tasmin show exactly the same development as is found in -smin after nouns, hence tammi, jammı, kammi. This may be accounted for by analogical extension. The locative singular tassim is found only very rarely in Mahārāṣṭrī (e.g. Līlāvaikahā 244, 281) alongside the more common tammi. There remains only one general exception and that is asmin> assim, the locative singular of the demonstrative pronoun of vicinity, e.g. in Jain Mahārāṣṭrī: assim ceva desakāle 'at this place and time' (Ausgewählte Erzählungen 67.8). This form assim thus contrasts with the entire declension system of the central dialects which is characterised by the locative singular masculine-neuter endings -mmi, -mmi. A form *ammi, *ammi 'in this' is never found, there are however two new forms of equivalent meaning, aammi and iammi (Pischel 429). A locative singular demonstrative pronoun *ammi would have been ambiguous and mistaken as an ending in many contexts, and this probably accounts for the exceptional retention of assim as the one phonetically 'regular' form.
Owing to the analogical extension of -mm there is therefore uniformity in the locative endings derived from -smin in Jain Mahārāṣṭrī with only the very minor hesitation between -mmi and -mmi. Another very minor variant is -mmī (with compensatory lengthening of associated with the loss of final -n). This occurred in the Mahārāṣṭrī of the Paumacarıya of Vimalasūri, the Dhurtakhyāna and the Naṇapañcamikahā. There is thus little free option with regard to this particular ending in the most important literary Prākrits belonging to the Central region.

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VARIANT FORMS OF THE LOCATIVE IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN 81
2. In the Jain Saurasenī dialect of the Digambara texts locative singular forms in -mh are not uncommon, they occur particularly in the Bhagavatī Ārādhana and in the Kattıgeyānupekkhā their occurrence is now so well attested that they can no longer be dismissed as a mistake, as was done by Pischel (§ 366). They show a survival of the western traditions of the Girnar inscriptions and of Pali, and they continued to exist alongside the forms in -mm which had spread from the central dialects. The Jain Saurasenī texts thus show optional variants in the locative forms due to regional literary influences.
3. The regional variants of the locative singular ending as listed above fall into two main groups:
a.
b.
those forms of the old ending -smin in which the nasal consonant has become the initial and dominant member:
-msi, -mmi, -mmi, -mmi, -mhi.
It can be seen clearly that the final nasal has invariably disappeared by dissimilation in this second group of endings which all begin with a nasal. This evidence is confirmed by Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit where we find the same two groups of endings:
a. --asmin, -asmim and probably -esmin.
Arguments in favour of the existence of -esmin have been put forward by Roth (1966: 44) and there is also a probable occurrence of a similar ending in Māhārāṣṭrī: eesim ceya ciyanalammi 'in this fire which had been heaped up' (Kuvalayamālā 48.3: an interpretation of eesim as eteṣām is however just possilbe here).
-amse, -amhi
b. M.M.-11
Those forms of the old ending -smin in which the sibilant (or -h-) has remained the dominant initial member of the consonant cluster -sm-, namely,
-ssim, -ssim, Pali-smim, Māgadhi -āhim, Apabhramśa -him.

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These Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit endings confirm the following general rule for Middle Indo-Aryan:
In locative singular endings beginning with a nasal conso
nant the final nasal consonant is lost by dissimilation. 4. The Apabhramsa ending -ahim is of interest in that it clearly belongs to group a) and has retained the final nasal. It must be derived from -asmin by means of a development through -assim > *āsim āhim > ahim. This is already foreshadowed by the pronominal forms of the type tassim, the adverbially used and relatively unaccented Māhārāstrī tahim < tasmin “there', and by the Māgadhī ending -āhim. There can be no doubt that in this respect, as in other features of morphology, Apabhrama differed totally from the literary traditions of the central dialects, where endings of group b), notably -mmi, were prevalent.
It seems therefore that the list of locative singular endings derived from -smin is only apparently diverse and complex, there is in fact great uniformity in the central dialects. The peripheral dialects show diversity only as a result of the influence of the important literary traditions of the central dialects.
D. THE LOCATIVE ENDING - The main problem of optional usage in the locative in Middle Indo-Aryan arises from the survival of the Sanskrit nominal locative ending -e alongside the derivatives of the original pronominal ending -smin. It has sometimes been stated (Pischel 366a) that there is complete liberty in Māhārāştri, Jain Māhārāstri and Jain Saurasens with regard to the locative singular ending, nouns and adjectives in any position in a phrase or sentence can be used with either –mmi or -e, and evidence can be quoted to prove this fact. But this does not take into account the relative chronology of the texts and the stylistic aspects of Prākrit usage.
1. THE USAGE OF THE EASTERN DIALECTS
Throughout the literary Middle Indo-Aryan dialects the derivatives of the old pronominal ending -smin were well

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VARIANT FORMS OF THR LOCATIVE IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN 83
established in the locative case of nouns of the -i and -u declension (aggimmi, bahumme). They gradually spread to nouns of the -a declension at the expense of the original -e ending, particularly in the east, as is evident from the Asokan inscriptions (Bloch 1950: 19). In verse, owing to the contingencies of metre, usage seems to be very free; -smin and -e can occur in Pāli verse, and they occur quite indiscriminately even in the most archaic Jain verses: Ā yāramga-sutta 9.1.1.
sisiramsi addha-padivanne tam vosajja vattham 'when the cold season has half begun he should abandon
his outer garment' here -msi and -e are used side by side.
Although the use of the derivatives of -smin is slightly more limited in Ardhamāgadhī prose., it is nevertheless comparatively wide-spread, e.g. logamsi occurs more frequently than loe in the meaning 'in this world': -e remains mainly in fixed formulae such as antie 'in the vicinity of' (I.1.8.) and in place-names. This is characteristic of the eastern dialects: the other extreme is represented by Saurasenī where only -e occurs.
2. THE USAGE OF MAHĀRĀŞTRI
It is in the central and western dialects that the subtle distinctions between the two types of locative ending are most noticeable. In the early Jain Māhārāstrī of the Vasudevahindi the distribution of me and -smin is practically the same as in Sanskrit, with -smin confined to pronominal adjectives and pronouns, e.g. p. 80.17 eyammi ya desayāle 'and at that time and place', 178.17 tammi ya vamse 'and in this family'. The locative of a noun like majjha 'middle' is invariably majjhe. -mmi is extremely rare in both nouns and adjectives and seems to convey a certain emphasis on the location when it does occur: simantammi samthio sattho 'the caravan was stopped right at the edge

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L A. SCHWARZSCHILD
(148.26). In the few verse sections of this text locatives in -mmi are found without any special emphasis: bhavanasamuddamajjhammi 'in the middle of this ocean of existence' (322.26). The same situation prevails in the Māhārāstrī texts edited by Jacobi (1886). The distribution of locative endings in the Vasudevahindi is thus not a random one, the use of -e as opposed to -mmi shows the difference between early Māhārāştri prose and verse style.
In later narrative texts -mmi is more prevalent but the usage is still not indiscriminate. The locative in -e prevails in the following conditions:
(a) in nouns rather than in adjectives (b) in formulaic expressions and fixed locutions
(c) in the immediate environment of the verb. This is evident as a general tendency, though not as an absolute rule in Māhārāstrī, Jain Māhārāştrī and Jain Saurasenī, though there are numerous stylistic differences between the various texts. There is evidence of this tendency sometimes even in verse, e.g. in the Dharmopadešamālā-vivarana where the distinction in the locative ending may serve as a means of differentiating a noun from an adjective: patte pattammı (p. 2, v. 3) which is rendered in the commentary by pătre (noun, locative), prapte (adjective, locative). This distinction is most noticeable in the prose of the Kuvalayamālā:
ruddammi bhava-samudde tulagga-laddhammi kaha vi manuyatte (adj.) (noun) (adj.)
(noun) ‘in this most dreadful ocean of existence where birth as a human being is obtained only by the rarest chance' (p. 2.1.12). erisammı ya samaye 'and at such a time' (195.1) (adj.) (noun) dīharammi samsāre 'in this long circuit of mundane existence'. (adj.) (noun)

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VARIANT FORMS OF THE LOCATIVE IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN 85
But this differentiation between nouns and adjectives is by no means an absolute rule, even in this text. The ending -mmi does occur with nouns, though rarely, and it seems to convey greater emphasis and urgency: gahio kumāro kanthammi 'the prince was seized by the neck' (137.20).
There is abundant evidence throughout narrative Jain literature of the other closely linked tendencies, the survival of the ending -e in the immediate environment of the verb and in fixed locutions, thus antie 'in the vicinity of usually occurs before the verb and is very common, while antiammi is hardly, if ever, found. In fixed locutions such as place-names and times of day or of the year, the ending -e is used almost exclusively, e.g. paose ‘in the evening', Mayanamahusave ‘at the time of the great springfestival. That this usage was basic to Middle Indo-Aryan prose is proved further by the Niya inscriptions, where -e occurs mainly in samvatsare, māse, divase used in dating formulas (Burrow 1937: 24).
E. CONCLUSION A glance at the paradigms listed in Prākrit grammars may give the impression that there are a variety of different endings which could be used indiscriminately in Middle Indo-Aryan. The texts, however, show that many of these are regional and chronological variants possibly indicating scribal traditions, and some of them are of stylistic significance. The cases of optional usage emphasise the fact that the Jain texts reflects a living and evolving language, and have subtleties of expression that may often escape us.
REFERENCES
Texts quoted:
Acaranga-Sūtra, ed. W. Schubring, Leipzig 1910 (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des
Morgenlandes, Vol. XII, No. 4).
Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Maharastri, ed. Hermann Jacobi, Leipzig 1886.

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L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD
Āvaśyaka-Erzählungen, ed. E. Leumann, Leipzig 1897 (Abhandlungen für die Kunde
des Morgenlandes Vol. X, pt. 2).
Munisri
Anantakirtt
Digambara
Jain
Granthamala,
Bhagavati Ārādhana, in
Bombay 1933.
Chappåhuậa of Kundakunda, ed. Pannālāl Sons, Bombay 1920 (Manikcand
Digambara Jain Series, no. 17)
Dharmopadeśamåla-vivarana of Jayasimhasūri, ed. L. B. Gandhi, Bombay 1949
(Singhi Jain Series, vol. 28).
Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadrasūri, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay 1944 (Singhi
Jain Series, vol. 19)
Kärttikeyanuprekşå by Svāmi-Kumāra, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Agas 1960 (Srimad
Rajacandra-Faina Sastramala)
Kuvalayamālā by Uddyotana-Sūri, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay 1969 (Singhi
Jain Series, vol. 45)
Lilāvai by Koühala, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay 1966 (Singhi Jain Series,
vol. 31)
Nānapamcami kahão by Mahesvarasuri, ed. A. S. Gopanı, Bombay 1940 (Singhi
Jain Series, vol. 25)
Paumacariyam by Vimalasūri, ed. H. Jacobi, Bhavnagar 1914 (Jain Dharma
Prasaraka Sabha)
Vasudevahindi by Sangha dāsa, ed. Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya, Bhavnagar
1930 (Atmānand Jain Granthamälä, vol. 80)
OTHER REFERENCES
Bernhard, F.
1964 "Gab es einen Lokativ auf -esmim im buddhi
stischen Sanskrit? (Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, 1 Philol.-Hist. Klasse No. 4) pp. 199-209
Bloch, J. Bohtlingk, o.
Bohtlingk, o.
1950 Les Inscriptions d'Asoka, Paris. 1887 Pāṇini's Grammatik, Leipzig.

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VARIANT runs ur in LVUM TYD IN WULL-
IV-Anlar
Burrow, T.
1937
The Language of the Kharoşthi Documents from Chinese Turkestan, Cambridge.
Hinüber, O. von
1968
des
Pali, besonders
des
Studein zur Kasussyntax Vinaya-Pitaka, Munich.
Lüders, H.
1954
Beobachtungen über die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons, aus dem Nachlass herausgegeben von Ernst Waldschmidt, Berlin.
Lyons, J.
1969
Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics, Cambridge.
Mehendale, M. A. 1948
Historical Grammar of Inscriptional Prakrits, Poona.
Pischel, R.
1900 Grammatik der Prakritsprachen, Strassburg.
Roth, G.
1966 'Bhikṣunivinaya and Bhik şu-Prakirņaka and Notes
on the Language', Journal of the Bihar Research Society, vol. LII.
Sen, s.
1960
A Comparative Grammar of Middle Indo-Aryan, Poona.
Staal, J. F.
Sanskrit and Universal Grammar,
1967 Word Order in
Dordrecht.
Turner, R. L.
1927 'The Phonetic Weakness of Terminational Elements
in Indo-Aryan', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

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TOWARDS A LEXICON OF OLD GUJARĀTĪ
Ernest Bender Of the contributions of Jainism to Indian civilization and culture significant is its kathā-literature. This literature was composed over the centuries in several Indian languages, among them Old Gujarātī, interest in which has been produced in recent decades a number of studies. These studies have not only furthered Jain investigations, in general, but also provide information for a clearer understanding of the early stages of the Modern Indo-Aryan languages and Apabhramsa, as well. The number of researchers active in this field is few—and this is understandable in view of recent reports of activity in related fields. Nevertheless, it is imperative that interest in Old Gujarātī studies be sustained and encouraged.
I suggest that towards this and among the desiderata one of the top priorities be assigned to the compilation of a lexicon of Old Gujarātī.
The beginnings for this have been made. See, for example, the list of Old Gujarātī words in the Indexes to R. L. Turner's Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages compiled by Dorothy Rivers Turner, the glossaries of the publications in the Prācīn Gurjar Granthmālā of the Mahārā jā Sayājīrāv Viśvavidyalaya, Baroda, those of the series published by the Gujarāt Vidyasabhā, Ahmedabad, T. N. Dave's Study of the Gujarātī Language in the 16th Century, the Gurjararāsävalī by B. K. Thakore, M. D. Desai and M. C. Modi, and my edition of Rșivardhanasūri's Nalara yadavadantīcarita. 1. See, for example, R. N. Dandekar and A. M. Ghatage, Proceedings of
the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, June 23-27, 1969, Poona, 1970, and E. Bender's review in JAOS 91.4 (1971) pp. 565-6.
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To make available further data for the compilation of a lexicon of Old Gujarātī and to attract interest to it, in view of the time-lapse involved in the appearance of a published study, perhaps researchers should plan on pre-publication lexical reports.
In the course of preparing a glossary for an edition of the Dhannasalibhadracarita, composed by Matisāra in V.S. 1678 (1622 A.D.) I have encountered Old Gujarātī forms which, to my knowledge, have not been reported elsewhere.
The following is intended, therefore, as a preliminary report.1 āsvädatau: pres. pt., nom. sg. msc., 'eat'. A denominative stem; cf. Modern Gujarātī (MG.) āsväd, msc., 'taste'. surataru phala āsvādatau re ham anna-tanau ācāra (28.14) 'You were accustomed to eating the fruit of the Divine Tree'. āhīṭhāņa:
nom. sg. msc., 'state of longing'; cf. Ardhamāgadhī (Amg.) ahi, Skt. adhi; and Pkt. ṭhāņa, Skt. sthāna.
sāla-taņi pari sālisyai jī e mujha ahīṭhāņa (23, 28) 'My longing for you will pierce me like a thorn.'
asamgaita: adj., nom. sg. msc., 'devoted'; cf. Skt. āsamga, āyata. asamgäita je husyai te kahisyai sau vāra (20.6) [A man] who is devoted [to a woman] will tell [her] a hundred times'.
aulajau: opt., 2 p. pl., 'to end'; cf. MG. olavvũ, holavvu. tau lyau samjama bhāra jau bhava bhamatām aulajau (14.28) 'Undertake restraint [of the senses] if you wish to bring an end to your wandering about in the samsar'.
1.
auha: adj., obl. pl. msc., 'unbounded' (var. sp.: uha, aūā); cf. Pkt. aua, Skt. ayuta.
jího auha leṣa le vahai jího kasturi ghanasara/
jího atha pahura-lagi sāmaṭhā jiho nāṭaka-nā domkāra (4.22) 'Their bodies drenched with musk and camphor, they
Numbers within parentheses refer to the locations of quoted matter in the edited text (unpublished).

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TOWARDS A LEXICON OF OLD GUJARĀTI
91 spent every hour of the day [listening] to the tunes of
nāțakas.' ājuņau: nom. sg. msc., 'only son'; cf. Pkt. ajjuna, Skt. arjuna.
ājuņau dīsai tisau kahai tisī para vata (22.29) 'My only son reveals himself to be like this! He says such strange things!
ulagānau: nom. sg. msc., 'servanť (var. sp. : ulagano, oligano,
õlagāņau, olagāņau); cf. Mh. (Māhāraştri) olaggi, Skt. avalāgin. See also Shatavdhani, An illustrated Ardha-Māgadhi Dictionary, (Amg. D.), olagga 'servant'; ulagai 'service', S. Jesalparā, Laghu Kavyakstio; ulag- 'serve', B. J. Sandesara Nala-Davadantī Rās; ulag 'service', B. J. Sandesara and S. Parekh, Pracin Phāgu-Samgrah; B. K. Thakore, M. D. Desai, M. G. Modi, Gurjararāsāpalī, ūlag ‘service'. calyau vadhāū re ulagāṇau sāū re (7.18) "The king's servant brought the good news'. uveșīyai: pass., 3 p. pl., “abandon, neglect (var. sp.: ūveșii, uvesii, ūvesiyem, uvesīyai); cf. Pkt. uvekkha, Amg. uvikkha, Mh. uvikkh, Skt. upeks-, MG. uvekhvu. See also R. L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Language (T), 2319.
abalā kema uveșīyai viņa avaguņa gunavamta (12.2) 'Why
are women who are virtuous and without fault neglected ?' dhāmalā: acc. sg. msc., 'blankeť (var. sp. for dhābalā); cf.
MG. dhābļo.
te tau mārī, dhābalā pahirai kema tamāsai re (6.9) 'If she wore the blanket Mārwārī-style what a spectacle [she’ld make]!
gauņa: nom. sg. nt., 'going' (var. sp.: gauņa, guuna, gumna
gona); cf. MG gavan. vamdhava duşa dādhi hutí upari prītama gauņa (20.20) “My husband's departure overwhelms me [even now] burning with grief for my brother'.

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gaha pūrita: obl. sg. nt., 'entire household'; cf. Skt. grha and
pūrti (ifc.). gaha pūrita giņatī nahī jī hum kiņa-hi-nai gāni (23.1) 'If I do not tend to the entire household, of what use is my
knowledge? dhrāpem, dhrāpii, dhrapai: var. sp. for dhāpai, pres. indic., 3.
p. sg., “satisfied'; cf. Brajbhāşa (Brj.) dhāpnā, H. dhāpnā, Skt. trp-. ujha sāse-hi kāi na dhāpai tau evadau dușa syā-nai āpai (13.7) “They are content in only your sigh, so why should
they suffer such pain ?' dhāta: adj., obl. sg. nt., 'accusation'. Cf. R. L. Turner,
Dictionary of the Nepali Language (ND), dhāti 'an accused person, the accused in a court of law'. jau e na mițai dhāta tau āpanapau nímdīyai (14.25) *If you
do not disparaging others you, yourself, will be defamed.' ucarai: pres. indic., 3. p. sg., 'undertake, accept, utter' (var.
for dharai); cf. Amg.D. uccaria-Skt. grhīta, upātta ‘accepted, taken, and MG. ucсārvu futter, speak'.
paravadivasa posadha anusarai avasari bāraha vrata piņa dharai (ucarai) (14.25) "They observed the Poşadhas on the Parvadivasas and undetrook the Twelve Vows at the proper time'.
hūņi: var. for dhūņi, c.p., 'shake'; cf. MG. dhunvū, Skt. dhū.
trījī baithī bihum-pāsai iņi pari sira dhūni (hūņi) vimāsai (17.41) 'The third wife, shaking her head, reflected in this
way as she sat beside the other two'. dhīrapa: obl. sg. msc., 'steadiness, firmness'; cf. Skt. dhíratva,
and Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, 300, for -tv-~-p-. dhīrapa detí jīva-naim ji tujha-naim deși sudhīra (23.12) ‘My heart was strengthened at the sight of your resolution'.

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TOWARDS A LEXICON OF OLD GUJARATI ūvarisyai: fut., 3. p. sg., 'disregard’; see under T. 2356, H.
ubarnā; MG. ugārvű, ugarvũ. For g ~ V, see Pischel, 231. (Note var. sp.: ūvarasyaim, ūvarasyai, ūbarisyai, ugarisai, ugarisem.) kahivau ūvarisyai jikum jāņām chām niradhāra (23.35) 'He will disregard whatever we say, for we know his determination'.
etha: adv., 'here' (var. for cha); cf. Amg, ettha, M. ethể; and
see T. 1564. Bhadrā āví-nai kahai syum jovau chau eha (etha) (7.39) ‘Bhadrā approached him and said, “What do you see
here?". õlī jai: pass., 3 p. sg., be broken apart;' cf. MG. uļvū, M. ulnē,
Amg. ullakka 'broken' and ullia 'torn apart; see also T. 2036. rahitām jima tima prāņa jiņi gāmamtara hālīyai (14.6) olījai samasāņa ghari ābhoșau ghālīyai
(14.7) “The man who lives thoughtlessly is carried, after his death, out of the village and cracked open in the burning-ground. He brings disgrace upon his house.'
kadi: obl. sg. f., 'purse, pocket (more precisely, the end of the
garment into which money or valuables are tied and then tucked into the waist); cf. MG. ked. te to kadi-nai mūmki-naim āsā-ūpari daudai re (16.29) "Throwing away what he has in his pocket, he runs after mere expectation'.
kāgada: nom. sg. msc., 'crow' (var. sp. for kāgali); cf. H. kāglī,
M. kāvļa, Pkt. kāyala, Skt. kāka; and see Tessitori, GG 145, 146, for -da, -la suffixes. āmdhí giņai na mela āyai kāgali (kāgada) uthi calai (20.32) He cares not for rain nor storm, he comes and, then, springs up and flies away like a crow.

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kunajara: nom. sg. f., funkind or malevolent look’; pejorative
prefix ku + najar 'look, sight, glance'; MG, najar, nazar (Perso-Arabic loanword). jau āpaņa-upari teha-nī kahiim kunajar hoi (8.21) 'should he, at some time, look upon us with disfavor.' (Note also sunajara of the line preceding: tām-lagi āpaņa vasi achai jām-lagi sunajara täsa (8.19) "[These possessions] are yours as long as we remain in his favor.'
jācamdha: adj., nom. sg. mac., 'blind from birth'; cf. Pkt. jacca,
Skt. jātya, and Skt. andha; note the var. sp. jācamda and see Pischel, 213, for loss of aspiration. e visaya visa phala-jisā jāņai nahī jācamdha (9.15) 'One who is blind from birth does not know that the enjoyment
of the senses is like a poisonous fruit. joậavedau: obl. sg. nt., 'time for matching (prospective) bride's
and groom's horoscopes' (lit., 'time for matching or putting together'); cf. MG. jod and veļā. bīja paļau josí-taņai re patadai-ūpari kāi
(24.26) joļāveļau jotām pāņtaryau re lobhaim cīta lagāi (24.27) ‘May lightning somehow strike the book of that astrologer who through his greed was led to match these couples !'.

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BHAVYATVA AND ABHAVYATVA A JAIN DOCTRINE OF «PREDESTINATION”
Padmanabh S. Jaini
One of the most fundamental doctrines of the Jains is their division of souls (jīvas) into two unalterable categories called bhavya and abhavya: those who are capable and those who are incapable of release from the bondage of transmigration (samsāra). Adherence to such a belief of 'predestination is fraught with serious consequences and must be a liability to any religion, especially to Jainism, which is considered highly rational on account of its rejection of the theistic doctrines of a Creator and His Grace, and its espousal of the efficacy of free-will of a striving soul. Yet one looks in vain for any satisfactory discussion of this topic among the works of the great ācāryas, whether of the Digambara or of the Svetāmbara tradition, who seem to urge its acceptance solely on the authority of the Omniscient (sarvajña) Jina. An attempt will be made in this paper to summarize this doctrine and to discover a possible rationale underlying its institution.
Although the Jain agamas abound in stray references to the terms bhavya and abhavya, the most familiar scriptural source for this doctrine is the Tattvärtha-sūtra of ācārya Umāsvāti. The terms bhavyatva and abhavyatva occur here in connection with the description of the distinctive characteristics of the soul (jīva) as opposed to the non-soul (ajīva). Umāsvāti enumerates five kinds of dispositions (bhāva), four of which arise in the soul respectively from subsidence (upašama), destruction (kşaya), destructioncum-subsidence (kşayopasama), and the rise (udaya) of karmas. The fifth, called the pārināmika disposition, is inherent in the nature of the soul and exists independent of the operation of karmas. Jivatva, for instance, is a pārināmika-bhāva of a soul, since 1. Sarvarthasıddhı II.1
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PADMANABH S. JAINI
'soulness' is not dependent on the fluctuations of the karmas, whether a soul is bound or free, it will never cease to have the quality of ‘soulness', i.e., consciousness. Umāsvāti includes bhavyatva and abhavyatva also under the same category, which confers on these two mutually exclusive dispositions as innate and inalienable a character as is accorded to jīvatva. A soul thus must not only be a jīva at all times, but must also be a bhavya or an abhavya. A bhavya, by definition, means one who is capable (at some indefinite time) of either suppressing or destroying the mohani ya-karma to such an extent that he gains the corresponding 'self-realization' (samyaktva=bheda-vijñāna) which eventually must culminate in liberation (mokṣa). An abhavya on the other hand is one who totally lacks such ability and is never able to overcome his 'wrong-faith' (mithyātva), and thus remains forever chained to the wheel of transmigration. Capacity for liberation (bhavyatva), therefore, is not something to be acquired by any means whatsoever by any soul; rather it is something that is either built into a soul as inalienably as consciousness, or is absent from a soul as eternally as is consciousness (caitanya) from matter (pudgala).
This incomprehensible theory of so radical a distinction between souls is rendered even more inscrutable when we realize that the system does not provide any clear signs by which a soul might be identified as a bhavya or an abhavya. The terms are not restricted to the 'faithful (i.e. a Jain by birth) and the 'non-faithful' (1.e. a non-Jain), nor to a 'meritorious' (pun yavān) and a 'sinful (papin) person. According to ācārya Kundakunda (and his commentator ācārya Amrtacandra) an abhavya may learn by heart all the twelve Angas (the Scriptures of the Jains), keep (outwardly of course) the precepts and the five great vows (maha-vratas) of a recluse (muni), and perform all the penances and austerities prescribed by the Jina, and yet not be able to overcome his mithyātva. In the course of his transmigration an abhavya may by dint of his mighty virtues be born in the highest of the heavens, even in the Graiveyakas, yet never attain the
1.
Ibid II.7

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BHAVYATVA AND ABHAVYATVA
state of the liberated souls (siddhas). Sobering as these thoughts may be for those who are given to over-confidence regarding their spiritual achievements, the doctrine cannot but have a most debilitating effect on the spiritual career of an aspirant who must always live with a terrible uncertainty regarding his status as a bhavya or an abhavya.
It is unlikely that a doctrine of such blatant predestination could have become part of the tradition without giving rise to some controversy, however mild, about its validity and its compatibility with other Jain tenets of bondage and freedom. Unfortunately we know of only a single work, namely, the Visesavas paka-bhāṣ ya of ācārya Jinabhadra (6th cent. A.D.), which contains a rather meagre treatment of this topic. In a short but celebrated part of this work entitled the Ganadharavāda2 (v.v. 1549-2024) there appear some seventeen verses (1820-1836) devoted to the controversy of bhavya and abhavya. The question is put by Mandika, the sixth ganadhara, prior to his conversion to Jainism By Bhagavan Mahāvīra.
Their supposed dialogue, in the light of Maladhāri Hemacandra's Vivarana (1231 A.D.),3 brings out some salient points of the controversy:
Question: Is the union of jiva and karma eternal like that of jīva and ākāśa (space), or non-eternal (i.e. without a beginning but with an end) like that of gold and dirt?
Answer: Both these examples aic correct and there is no contradiction in it. The former (eternal) refers to the abhavya souls whereas the latter (non-eternal) refers to the bhavya souls
Samayasāra 273, 274; Atmakhyātitikā, 275, Viseṣāvasyakabhāṣya 1219 also Vivarana
Gaṇadharavada, Translation and explanation, by E. A. Solomon, Gujarat Vidya Sabha, Ahmedabad 1966.
I have used the text of the Gaṇadharavāda as given in Solomon's edition. She also gives a literal translation of the Vivarana.
Gaṇadharavada 1820-21 ab.
1.
2.
97
3.
4.
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PADMANABH S. FAINI
Question: A distinction between souls exists on account of their karma, as for instance, between a human being and an animal or a being in hell. But you maintain that the distinction between a bhavya and an abhavya is not caused by karma. When the soulness (jivatva) is common to all, why make any distinction (between a bhavya and an abhavya)".
Answer: This is not a valid objection. The soul (jīva) and the space (ākāśa), for instance, share several common properties, e.g., 'substanceness' (dravyatva), 'objectness' (prameyatva), etc., yet there are innate differences between the two. The ākaša, for instance, is devoid of consciousness (cartanya), whereas the jīva has it as its very nature. The same is true of the bhavya and the abhavya. Soulness (îvatva) is their common property, yet there is an innate difference between them.2
Question: According to you bhavyatva is an innate disposition like jīvatva. Being innate it must also be eternal. But unless the bhavyatva (capacity for release) is terminated there can be no emancipation, since the liberated soul (siddha) cannot be said to be a bhavya (capable of release) or an abhavya. How can you terminate that which is innate to a soul?3
Answer: This too is not a valid objection. Although beginningless, the antecedent non-existence (prāg-abhāva) of a jar comes to an end with the coming into existence of the jar. Similarly, bhavyatva is terminated by some proper means (such as faith, knowledge and conduct) together with the attainment of mokşa.4
Question: If all bhavyas attain mokșa won’t there come a time when the world like the decreasing hoard of a granaryis emptied of all bhavyas and will consist of only the abhavya souls 25
1.
Ibid., 1821 cd-1822 Ibid, 1823. Ibid., 1824 with Vivarana 1824 Ibid., 1825 Ibid, 1827 ab. Vivarana 1827 ab
4 5.

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BHAVYATVA AND ABHAVYATVA
99
Answer: There is no fear of that happening, since the number of bhavya souls is infinite (ananta) like that of future time. Being infinite this number is inexhaustible even when an equal number is deducted from it. Moreover, past time and future time are equal in extent. Although the number of the bhavyas is infinite (ananta), only an nth part of that number (which is also infinite) has attained liberation in the past and a similar number of them will become siddhas in the future, 1
Question: How can it be established that the number of bhavyas is infinite and yet only an nth part of them will attain moksa ?2
Answer: It is established on the analogy of time (i.e. the extent of time and bhavyas is inexhaustible). Or rather you should accept this as true because it is my word, the word of an omniscient (sarvajña) being, like the findings of an impartial arbiter who knows the facts.3
Question: If as you maintain, some bhavya souls will never attain salvation, what good is their bhavyatva ? Surely, they are to be considered abhavyas ?4
Answer: By the term bhavya is meant a soul who is capable (yogya) of attaining liberation; the term is not restricted only to souls who actually attain liberation. Having the potentiality alone does not guarantee its realization, as the latter depends upon the co-ordination of favourable conditions. Take, for
1.
yasmāc câtītānāgatakalau lulyāv eva, yataś catitenapr kälenarka eva nigod anantatamo bhāgo dyapi bhavyānām siddhah, es yatapi bhavis yatkalena tavan mätra eva bhavyanantabhāgah sıddhim gacchan yukto ghatamanakah, na hinādhikah, bhavis yato ' kalasyätitatulyatvättata evam api sati na sarvabhavyānām ucchedo yuktah, sarvenäpi kälena tadanantabhāgasyaiva siddhigamanasambhavopadarśanátVivaraņa 1828 Vivarana 1829 Ibid. 1830 cd. 1831 Ibid, 1833
3. 4.

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PADMANABH S. JAINI
instance, the example of impure metals. Not all impure metals have the capability of purification (=not all souls have the capability of liberation, e.g. the abhavyas). But in all cases of impure gold (comparable to the bhavyas) there is a potentiality of purification. Nevertheless, purification takes place only in those cases which have access to the purifying agents, such as fire and chemicals.1 In the same manner, not all bhavyas realize their potentiality, but only those who obtain the co-ordination of favourable conditions.2 The rule here is that when the favourable conditions do indeed become available, only the bhavya soul will be able to benefit from them, and not the abhavya who is devoid of the potentiality for liberation.3
100
It is hardly necessary to point out the glaring flaws in the above arguments, weakened further by an unwarranted appeal for faith in the words of the omniscient Jina. The central problem, namely, the basis for the division of bhavya and abhavya, remains unanswered, or rather is deliberately evaded. An extra-ordinary admission has been made that despite its status as an innate bhava, bhavyatva can somehow be terminated at the time of liberation. This is certainly a major concession, for no other pārināmika-bhāva is allowed to lapse; granted doubtless more for expediency than out of the demands of logic. This accords bhavyatva an unique status, although for all practical purposes it resembles the other three mundane dispositions, namely, the aupaśamika, kṣā yopaśamika and the audayika, which also are destroyed at the cessation of all karmas. Is it possible that at some stage of its development Jainism found it necessary to introduce bhavyatva, a unique property, innate and yet terminable, unlike any other
1. Ibid. 1834
2.
3.
4.
Ibid. 1835 Vivarana 1835
Ibid. 1836
aupaśamıkadıbhavyatvānam cal Tattvartha-sutra X, 3.
bhavyatvagrahanam anyapārināmikanıṛtty artham
tena pāriņāmıkeşu bhavyatvasyaupaśamıkādinām ca bhāvānām abhavan mokṣo bhavatity avagamyate] Sarvarthasiddhi X, 3.

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bhavas? The uniqueness of bhavyatva probably holds the key to unravelling the mystery that surrounds the problem of predestination in Jainism.
BHAVYATVA AND ABHAVYATVA
Certain theistic systems profess multiple categories of souls, as for instance Calvin's distinction between the salvable and the damned, or, in the Indian context, Madhva's tripartite classification, namely, salvable (Muktı-yogya), ever-transmigrating (nitya-samsārın) and damnable (tamo-yogya). The doctrine of predestination in these systems is a corollary of the belief in the omnipotent power of the Creator God. The determining factor here, namely, the Grace of the Almighty God, or His sovereign power of Election, lies outside and independent of the human soul. The Madhva doctrine of mukti, for instance, has as its foundation the famous Katha Upamṣat text in which Yama declares to the aspirant Naciketas:
"By him alone can He be won whom He elects:
To him this Self reveals His own true form".3
Salvation in these schools is not to be won by exertion, not even by devout faith, but is a divine gift flowing from the free choice of the Deity.
2.
How does an atheistic system like Jainism (or Buddhism) account for salvation? Tirthankaras may be omniscient (sarvajña) human beings, able and willing to teach; but they are not omnipotent like the God of the theists who withholds or effects the salvation of His own creation, at His sweet and unimpeded 1. See Emil Brunner: The Christian Doctrine of God (on the history of the doctrine of predestination, pp. 340 ff.), The Westminister Press, 1949 B. N. K. Sharma: Philosophy of Sri Madhvacārya, Bharatiya
Vidya
3.
101
Bhavan, Bombay, 1962.
nā yam ātmā pravacanena labhyo
na medhaya na bahuna śrutenal
yam evaisa vṛunute tena labhyaḥ
tasyaiṣa ātmā vivṛṇute tanum svām//Kathopanisat II, 23.

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will. Salvation for a Jain must come from within, and must therefore be inherent in the self. During the state of bondage, however, which has no beginning in time, the inherent qualities such as knowledge (iñāna) and bliss (sukha) are vitiated (vibhāvaparinata) and suppressed "like a gourd tied to a heavy stone in water"i by the equally beginningless power of the karmic matter. With the inherent qualities perpetually held in check and without recourse to an outside agency like the Grace of a Deity, how can a soul be considered able to achieve freedom?
Bhavyatva would appear to provide an escape from this impasse confronting the Jain. It is innate to the soul and yet it is not affected in any way by the forces of karma. It is beginningless in time and yet it can be brought to an end (anādı-sānta). It exists in a parallel relationship to karma and terminates itself at the disappearance of the latter. Bhavyatva should be looked upon as a special force of dynamite as it were, planted into the soul as an inherent force to demolish the oppressive mountains of karma.2 This force could remain dormant for ever, but it could also be ignited by an appropriate spark; then, having accomplished the destruction of the karmas, it would burn itself out. The recognition that bhavyatva is indispensable but not wholly competent by itself for the attainment of moksa is highly significant; it prevents bhavyatva from assuming the characteristic of mechanical infallibility. The doctrine thus is able to provide a good measure of scope for the free play of the human will, the timely presence of a teacher and such other factors (kāla-labdhi, etc.) deemed necessary for the emergence of samyaktva, which together act as the crucial spark activating the dormant force.
This interpretation of bhavyatva gains credibility when it is compared with the theory of kušala-dharma-bīja, a device
1. 2.
Sarvarthasiddhi X, 7. Cf. “... bhettāram karmabhūbhịtām”, Sarvārthasıddhı 1, 1.

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employed by Buddhists confronted with a similar problem. This revolutionary doctrine was introduced by Vasubandhu, the Sautrāntika author of the Abhidharma-kośa-Bhāş ya,2 to explain the following sūtra passage:
“A person is endowed with kušala (wholesome) as well as akušala (unwholesome) dharmas. His kušala-dharmas disappear. But there is in him the root (mūla) of kušala not destroyed. Even this kušala-mula is in course of time completely annihilated, whereupon he comes to be designated as a samucchinna-kausla-mūla."3
Here arises a problem regarding the rise of a new wholesome thought (kušala-citta) in the thought-series (santatı) of such a person. An unwholesome citta cannot be followed by a kusalacitta, or vice versa, as the law of causation demands a certain homogeneity between two succeeding (samanantara) moments. According to this theory a person who has exhausted all his kušala-mulas has no chance of conceiving a new kušala thought (for good cannot immediately succeed bad). The Buddhist here must either modify the law of causation pertaining to immediate succession (samanantara-pratyaya), or must let such a person drift forever in samsāra for want of a new kušala-citta. Vasubandhu solves this dilemma by postulating his innovative theory of kusala-dharma-bija.
1.
See my edition of the Abhidharmadipa with Vibhasā prabhà-vsiti. Tibetan Sanskrit Works Series, Vol. IV, pp. 166-170. See my paper “The Sautrantika theory of bija” in the BSOAS, University of London, Vol. XXII, Part 2, 1959, pp. 236-249. Abhidharmakośa-Bhas ya, II, 36. (Pradhan's edition, Patna, 1967) “samanvigato 'yam purusah kusalarr apr dharmaih” itt vistarah. ../ te 'sya pudgalasya kusală dharma antardhäsyantz . . . asti cāsya kusalamūlam anusahagatam anupacchinnam upapattilābhikam/ tad apy aparena samayena sarvena sarvam samucchetsyatelyasya samucchedāt samucchinna-kušala-mula iti samkhyām gamis yatitt Abhidharmadi þa-Vịttı, kā. 199.

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PADMANABH S. JAINI This new theory is based on the admission of two kinds of kušala-dharmas. The first consists of those dharmas which are acquired by exertion, like the practices of meditation, etc., and are therefore called prā yogika. The second variety, advocated by the Sautrāntika, consists of those dharmas which are described as subtle (sükşma), which do not presuppose any effort (ayatna-bhāvi), and which persist throughout the series of existences (upapattılābhika). The Sautrāntika maintains that when a person falls so low as to be called a samucchinna-kušala-mula, as in the sūtra passage quoted above, only the former, i.e., the acquired (prā yogika) kusala-dharmas are totally lost. As for the innate kušala-dharmas, these are never destroyed (na samudghātaḥ) and will remain intact in the santati of such a person; from these will arise new kusala-dharmas. We have shown elsewhere2 that the innate and incorruptible kušala-dharmas of the Sautrāntika must be super-mundane (lokottara or anaśrava) elements capable of producing the states of Arhatship or Buddhahood. These are accordingly described in the Mahāyāna texts as “roots of the good that lead to liberation" (mokşa-bhāgi ya-kušala-müla), or simply the "seeds of salvation” (mokșa-bīja),3 The yogācāra
kušalā apr dharmà durprakārā ayatnabhävino yatnabhāvinaś ca ye ta ucyante ulpattılambhikâh prayogikaś ceta/ tatrā yatnubhavibhir asrayasya tadbi jānupaghātât samanvāgata upaghatád asamanvāgala ucylate samucchinnakusalamūlah/tasya tūpaghāto mithyadrst på veditavyah/ na tu khalu kusalānām dharmanām bi jabhāvasyātyantam santatau samudghâtah/Abhidharmakośa-Bhas ya, II. 36. This view comes under a severe criticism by the Vaibhāşıka author of the Abhidharmadi pa-Vğili. "sūkşmam kuśaladharmabi jam tasminn akusale cetasy avasthitam yataḥ punah pratyayasamagrisannidhane satı kuśalam cittam utpadyate" itt kośakārah) yuktyagamavirodhat tan netz Dipakāraḥ/ (kā. 199).
See "The Sautrāntika theory of bija' (See fn. 1, p. 103). 3. mokşabi jam aham hy asya susüksmam upalaksaye) dhātu-päsāna-vivare nilinam
iva kāñicanam|| Quoted by Yašomitra in his Sphuţārthā--Abhidharmakośavyakhyā, p. 644.

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doctrine of innate (dharmatā-pratilabdha) gotras, particularly its distinction between a śrāvaka a pratyeka-buddha and a bodhisattva, is a further development of this Sautrāntika theory of mokșa-bīja.1
It would be repetitious to enumerate the many points of resemblance between the Buddhist concept of mokşa-bija (or gotra) and the Jain concept of bhavyatva. Mention must be made, however, of the interesting fact that the Mahāyāna texts liken the mokşa-bāja to a seam of gold hidden in metal-bearing rocks, 2 a comparison strongly reminiscent of the Jain metaphor to describe bhavyatva in the Ganadharavāda. The correspondence between the two concepts becomes even more striking when we realize that the Sautrāntika also looked upon the mokşa-bija merely as a potency (cetasaḥ sāmarthyam) which did not automatically produce new kušala-cittas, but like the Jain bhavyatva had to be activated by the presence of favourable circumstances (pratyayasāmagrī-sannidhāne satı).
Assuming that we have found a logical basis for the concept of bhavyatva, we may now examine the nature of its opposite, the abhavyatva. Abhavyatva is declared to be an innate disposition (pārınāmika-bhāva) of those souls who are not bhavyas. Although the literal meaning of the term is 'absence of bhavyatva', it should probably be regarded as a positive force forestalling the presence of bhavyatva. In its function it resembles the mohanî ya-karma. since both hold the soul down in the bondage of muthyātva. 1. tatra prakstistham gotram yad bodhisattvānām
sadāyatanavise şah/ sa tādīšah paramparàgato 'nādıkalıko dharmată pratılabdhah/ tatra samudānitam gotram yat pūrva
kuśalamūlābhyāsāt pratılabdham) . . . tat punar gotram bijam ity ucyate dhâtuh prakļlır ity apil ... asati tu gotre sarvena sarvam sarvathä bodher aprāptır eva veditavyā
Bodhisattvabhūmi, p. 1. (Dutt's edition, Patna 1966). See fn. 3, p. 104. Sautrāntikāḥ punar varņayanti 'bijam sāmarthyam cetaso gotram' iti
.... Sphutartha, p. 583 4. See fn. 2, p. 104. M.M.-14

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Yet, abhavyatva is not karma as it partakes the nature of soul, resides in the soul, and prevents the soul's 'self-realization', the key to salvation. We will probably never know the precise reasons which led the Jains to institute such a category, which places an infinite (ananta) number of souls in perpetual bondage 1 Even the Mahāyānists, with all their seeming idealism (expressed in the bodhisattva's vow of leading all beings to enlightenment) admit the existence of such 'incurable' (acıkıtsya) beings, albeit a small number, and indeed use the term abhavya as their appellation. The Abhisamayalankāra, for instance, declares that an abhavya will not attain salvation even in the presence of a Buddha, as a dead seed does not grow even when there is ample rain. The term abhavya in this passage is identical with the Yogācāra term agotra-stha, described by Asanga as referring to a person who is totally devoid of the "condition of salvation (hetu-hina), and hence doomed forever to dwell in samsāra 3 Such
3.
icceryammi duvālasamge gampıdage ... anamtā jivā anamtā ajivå anamtā bhavasiddhıya anamtā abhavasıddhiya ... þannatta/ bhāvamabhävà heumaheū kāraṇamakārana ceva/ jivārīvā bhaviyamabhaviyā saddha asıddha ya// 82/1 ... bhavyāh anādipannāmikabhāvayuktāḥ, ele ananta prajñapläh/ tathì abhavyāḥ anádipāniņāmıkābhavyabhavayuktah, ete anantâ prajñaptāh... Haribhadrasüri-Vğltı on Nandi-sūtragathā 82, Prakrit Text Series, Vol. X. var şaty apı hi parganye naivābijam prarohati/ samutpäde 'pr buddhānām nàbhavyo bhadram aśnutel VIII.10. (a) agotrasthah pudgalo gotre 'satı cıttolpade 'pr yalna
samaśraye saty abhavyas cānuttarāyāh samyaksambodheh parıpürayel Bodhisattvabhūmi, p. 1. (Dutt's edition, Patna, 1966) agotrasthavibhāge slokaharkāntiko duścanto “sti kaścit kaścrt samudghātutasukladharma/ amokşabhāgi yaśubho 'stı kaścın nihinaśuklo 'sty api hetuhinaḥ||11/1 aparınırvånadharmaka etasminn agotrastho 'bhipretah/sa ca samasato dvividhah/ tatkālā paninirvanadharmå atyantam cal ... atyanta parinirvanadharma tu hetuhino yasya parinirvanagotram eva nästa/ Mahayana-Sūtrālankära, III.11 (Paris, 1907).
b)

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a person, says Asanga, should be matured by the Bodhisattva not for pari-nırvāna but only for wholesome states (sugatz) within the mundane existence.1
The remarkable concurrence between the Jains and the Buddhists on the concepts of bhavya and abhavya, and the conspicuous absence of such a doctrine in any but the later theistic darśanas, such as of Rāmānuja? and Madhva, points to the possibility that belief in 'predestination' in some form or other originated with the ancient śramaņas. It is even conceivable that these theories developed as plausible modifications to the absolute determinism or Niyatı-vāda of the śramaņa Makkhali Gosāla,3 a contemporary of both the Buddha and Mahāvīra. This doctrine finds concise expression in the Samanna-phala-sutta, 4 a Buddhist text of great antiquity:
“There is no cause, either ultimate or remote, for the depravity of beings; they become depraved without reason and without cause. There is no cause, either proximate or remote, for the rectitude of beings, they become pure without reason and without cause. The attainment of any given condition, of any character, does not depend on one's own acts, or on the acts of another or on human effort. There is no such thing as power or energy, or human strength or human vigour. All animals, all creatures (with one, two or more senses), all beings (produced from eggs or in a womb), all souls (in plants) are without force and power
tatra paripácyâh pudgalah samāsataś catvārah/srävakagotrah Śrāvakayane, pratye kabuddhagotrah pratyekabuddhayane/ buddhagotro mahāyāne paripácayıtavyah/ agotrastho'pi pudgalah sugatīgamanāya paripácayılavyo bhavati Bodhisattvabhūmi, p. 55. On the admission of a class of ‘nitya-samsārins' in the system of Rāmānuja, see Sharma: Philosophy of Sri Madhvacārya, p 209. See A. L. Basham. History and Doctrine of the Ajiurkas, London, 1951. Digha-nikaya I,=Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, translated by T. W. Rhys Davids, London, 1956, (pp. 65-95)
4.

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2.
PADMANABH S JAINI
and energy of their own. They are bent this way and that by their fate, by the necessary conditions of the class to which they belong, by their individual nature, and it is according to their position in one or other of the six classes that they experience ease or pain.
It is not surprising that the rigid fatalism of Makkhali Gosāla was severely condemned by the Jains and the Buddhists, who found in it a total rejection of the efficacy of karma. The main thrust of their attack was no doubt directed against the doctrines it implied, namely (1) 'salvation through transmigration'-samsāreņa suddhi as the Buddhist text aptly puts it3, and (2) salvation for all
3.
"There are fourteen hundred thousands of the principal sorts of birth, and again six thousand other, and again six hundred. There are eighty-four hundred thousand periods during which both fools and wise alike, wandering in transmigration, shall at last make an end of pain (dukkha). Though the wise should hope: 'By this virtue or this performance of duty, or this penance, or this righteousness will I make the karma (I have inherited) that is not yet mature' -though the fool should hope, by the same means, to get gradually rid of karma that has matured-neither can do it. The ease and pain, measured as it were, with a measure, cannot be altered in the course of transmigration; there can be neither increase nor decrease thereof, neither excess nor deficiency. Just as when a ball of string is cast forth it will spread out just as far, and no farther, than it can unwind, just so both fools and wise alike, wandering in transmigration exactly for the allotted term, shall then, and only then, make an end of pain."1
Digha-nikaya I, pp. 53-4.
For a complete bibliography and an exhaustive treatment of this doctrine, see Basham. History and Doctrine of the Ajivikas. (See fn. 3 p. 107).
(a) "ittham kho me, bhante, Makkhali Gosalo sanditṭhikam
samaññaphalam puṭtho samano samsārasuddhim byākāsı"
Digha-nikaya I, 54.

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109 beings, 'fools and wise alike'. The Jains (and also the Buddhists) evidently found both these claims repugnant and might have taken a counterposition (1) that salvation was not for 'fools', and (2) even for the 'wise it was not automatic. It is impossible to be sure, given the present state of our knowledge of the ājivika scriptures, whether the terms bala' and 'pandita' (as reported by the Samañña-phala-sutta) had any special technical meaning in the system of Makkhali Gosāla; nor if these were two categories as fixed in character as bhavya and abhavya. The Buddhist texts would lead us to believe that the term 'bala' indicated a person given to the most gross forms of evil views (miccha-diţthi), precisely those views which were held by their rivals, particularly by Makkhali Gosāla. As a matter of fact the Buddha considered Makkhali the most dangerous of all tirthikas and is reported to have said: "I know not of any other single person fraught with such loss to many folk, such discomfort, such sorrow to devas and men, as Makkhali, the infatuate”.1 Buddhaghosa, in his Atthakathā on the Puggalapaññattı singles out Makkhali Gosāla as an illustration of a person that can be called a Buddhist ‘abhavya'. While commenting on a sutta passage which describes a person who is called 'once drowned, drowned for ever',2 Buddhaghosa states that such a person is possessed of totally evil views (such as nihilism, the theory that there is no cause, and no efficacy of karma) and is consequently 'drowned for ever'. As if he was reporting an ancient belief, Buddhaghosa further adds: "For such a one they say that there is no rising
(Contd) (b) n'attht duaram sugattyä niyatim kankha, Bi jaka/
sukham vā yadı và dukkham, niyatıyä kira labbhatı
samsārasuddhi sabbesam, mâ turittho anāgatel/Jätaka, VI, p. 229. nāham bhikhave aññam ekapuggalam pi samanupassamı yo evam bahujanahithya patıpanno bahujanāsukha ya bahuno janassa anatthaya ahıta ya dukkhāya devamanussänam yathaydam bhikkhave
Makkhalı moghapuriso/ Anguttara-nika ya, I, p. 33 2 idha bhikkhave ekacco puggalo samannāgalo hoti ekanla-kalakeht
akusalehi dhammehi, so sakım nimuggo nimuggo va hot/ Puggala-paññattt, VII, 1.

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from [the mire of] transmigration. Like Makkhali Gosāla and others they become the food for the fire of lower and lower hells."1
The choice of Makkhali Gosāla to illustrate an 'abhavya' may not be purely accidental. It is quite likely that both the Buddhists and the Jains considered such mithya-dịšțins as totally 'incurable', the number of whom might have been very small, as the word kascit2 employed by Asarga to indicate the hetu-hina (=agotrastha) beings would seem to indicate. In the course of time, the class of such beings who were doomed for ever might have developed into the category of the abhavya in Jainism and the agotrastha in Mahāyāna Buddhism.
The early Buddhists, in keeping with their well observed habit, seem to have refrained from theorising on these cetegories. The Jains on the other hand, being more ancient and much more closer to the Ajīvikas, appear to have pushed the belief in the categories of bhavya and abhavya to its logical conclusion. The fact that the Buddhists were content to leave the number of the abhavyas undefined and that the Jains replaced this unspecified and arbitrary number with infinity
'sakim nimuggos ir ekavāram nimuggol 'ekanta-kālakehi' tr ekanten, eva kālakehr natthikavāda-ahetukavāda-akırıyavādasamkhăteh niyata-micchäditth-dhammehr/ evam puggalo .. nimuggo va hoti/ etassa hi puna bhavato vutthānam nāma natthi tt vadanti/ Makkhalı Gosalādayo viya hetthā hettha naraka’gginam yeva ahārā hontil Puggala-paññatti-Atthakatha, VII, 1. See fn. 3(b), p. 106.
The Kathavatthu contains many controversies allied to the topic of the kusala-müla-samuccheda and sandhāna See kappattha-katha, niyatassa niyāmakathā, accanta-niyama-katha, etc The Uttarāpathakas are accused of entertaining a belief somewhat similar to the Yogācāra doctrine of the ago trastha.

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111 (ananta) points to the thoroughness of the Jains in defining and modifying an ancient Sramaņa doctrine of 'predestination'.1
For a distinction between the niyativāda of the non-Jains, and a modified Jain version of this doctrine (in the light of the anekāntavāda of the Jains) entitled 'samyak-niyatiåda', see Jaina-tattva-mimamsă (in Hindi) by Pandit Phoolcandra Siddhāntāśāstrī, Benares 1960, In this work the author examines the following Jain text which seems to support a doctrine of 'niyatı':
jam jassa jammı dese jena vihānena jammı kälammil nādam ji nena niyadam jammam vă ahava maranam vă//321// tam tassa tammt dese te na vrhänena tammı kalammi/ ko sakkai cāledum indo va aha jinindo vā//322// evam jo nicchayado janadı davvânz savvapaji ayel so sadditthi suddho jo samkadı so hu kuddiţthil/323||
(Dvadaśanuprekşå of Svāmī Kārttikeya) The conclusions presented in this remarkable work provoked a great deal of controversy among the community of the Digambara Jains as a result of which a 'debate' sponsored by prominent Jain scholars took place in Jaipur. The proceedings of this debate are given in two volumes entitled Jarpur (Khāniyā) Tattvacarcă, Shrı Todarmal Granthamālā, pushpa 2 and 3, Jaipur, 1967. Pandit Phoolcandra takes up the problem of ‘niyatı' once more in this debate and relates it to the Jain doctrine of ‘kramabaddha-paryāya', according to which the infinite modifications of any given substance (dravya) such as a soul are fixed in a sequential order which cannot be altered, (See vol. 1, pp. 160-375). This interpretation of 'niyati' is of considerable significance for a historical study of ‘predestination', and opens a new field of research for a comparative study of the Ājivika and the Jain doctrines of bondage and salvation.

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FASTING UNTO DEATH ACCORDING TO AYARANGASUTTA AND TO SOME PAINNAYAS
Colette Caillat
In a recent paper "On Samlekhanā or Suspention of Aliment", Dr. Tatia considered the rational aspects of this "important item of the Jaina code of spiritual discipline", and referred to a similar practice in Brahmanism and Buddhism.1
It is here proposed to sketch a comparison between the teachings which are imparted on this subject in one of the oldest, and, on the other hand, in some of the more recent parts of the Svetambara Siddhanta, viz., in the so-called Vimoha, "eighth" chapter of the Bambh (aceräim)2 and in the often short disciplinary treatises which, grouped in the P(ainnayas) deal, as the titles show, with the rituals of voluntary death.3
To the modern reader, the general conditions appear to be much more rigorous, stern, in the Ãyar, which, in fact, exclusively deals with the niggantha, whereas the P also consider the conduct of the faithful sävaka.
In the latter, both layman and monk seem to be admitted to this form of religious "suicide": after the preliminary rites
1.
2.
3.
Shri Mahavir Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume, I, pp. 139-142. Or Ãyār(anga 1): Acârânga-sūtra. Erster Śrutaskandha. Text, Analyse und Glossar, von Walther Schubring, 1910 (AKM 12.4): references are to page and line.
Catuhsaran' adı-Maraṇasamadhy-antam Prakirṇaka-daśakam. Bombay s. 1983 (AgS): Caus (arana), A(urapaccakkhāṇa), M (ahāpace) Bhattaparinna), S(amthāra), Mar (aṇasamâhı). Sırı C(andāvejhaya) Painṇayam, ed. Caturvijaya, Patan, 1941. The P, especially the Bh, S (eventually A, M) are critically analysed by Kurt von Kamptz, Über die vom Sterbefasten handelnden alteren Painna des Jaina-Kanons. Hamburg, 1929
M.M.-15

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are over (they differ according to the case) both "go forth" to the death-bed, and are termed sādhu when they take leave from the world:
samtharaya-pavvajjam pavvajjai ..... aha so.................. sāhū ........ carimam paccakkhāmi ttı (Bh 33-34).
Moreover, according to these later texts, any Jaina monk who really wishes to do so can successfully undertake the mahā paccakkhana, even though his life in religion has not altogether been satisfactory (Bh 15; S 52; etc.). In fact, Bh S admit that the last rites are resorted to when the individual's span of life is drawing to its end, whether because of old age, or of disease, or of external circumstances (Bh 14; S 32). The case is absolutely different in the Vimoha, where only the religious who is perfectly trained and tested is allowed to fast unto death: this will take place only if he is undoubtedly apt and prepared, physically and spiritually. Ā yaranga, (p. 37-38) recalls the hard and continuous austerities which the niggantha must have successfully gone through: they have contributed to reduce and annihilate his passions ("kasãe payanue kuccā”, 37, 17); spiritually pure, the monk has gained true knowledge, realised the fundamental distinction between the soul (appā) and all extrinsic accretions, though they are intertwined in the empirical existence; he knows he is "one and alone", "ego aham amsı: na me atthi koi na yaham avi kassai" (37, 7-8).1 Now, his training being complete, he can well conclude: “enough of dragging this body. ..." (37, 15). At this point, he will beg grass, lay it down in a "pure” place, and will conduct a limited fast in order to test his possibilities, ittiriyam kuija (37, 26). In case he succeeds, he is allowed to wait for death, fasting and, at the same time, restricting his movements, less, and less, or even remaining altogether motionless, kāyam ca jogam ca iriyam ca paccakkhāejjā (38, 21). 1. Cp : annam imam sariram anno ziva tu .. S 100,
... anno pivo sariram annam tr, S 113, cf. Markandeya Purana, 37, 38; etc.

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Whether he resorts to the paccakkhāna, the inginī, or the pãovagamana, the "muni", fasting, must have abandoned all; he will rely on nothing but his own fortitude, be rid of all feelings, bear all pains with perfect composure, be free from all delusion. Knowing the unsurpassable worth of forbearance, he will gain the true good (38, 23-40, 8, verses).
Let us now turn to the P. Voluntary death appears to be the only reasonable one, considering the dreadful dangers which beset the last moment of earthly life, when the atoms desintegrate (C 150; A 53).' Here also, a long preparation is required theoretically: it is the sādhu's whole life (4-116) which culminates in the sam jama-maranapainna (117-173). Nevertheless, in most of the P, the moribundus does not seem to possess, or to have beforehand acquired, the strength needed to face death alone, in the right dispositions, peacefully (infra). Hence there arises the absolute necessity--unheard of in Āyar-for him to be guided along the right path by the advice of the guru (and by the sympathy of the Community). The guru will take part in all the ritual. External observances (detailed in Bh S) are to be performed, indeed: they serve as necessary means in the purifying and appeasing process. The P especially stresses the importance of sincere and complete confession and ... repentance, in the presence of the spiritual teacher (passim, C 151), some of them quoting the well-known gāhā:
jaha bālo jampanto kajja-m-akajjam ca ujjuyam bhanai, tam taha āloejja . . . . (M 22=Ā 32=Ohanijj 801, etc.),
“just as a child telling his deeds and misdeeds, speaks straightforwardly, thus he should confess. ..."
Pardon is repeatedly asked for and granted. The texts insist on the necessity to accept the right pāyacchittas, and to accomplish them, again under the supervision of the guru (C 152). 1. Matsya-Purāņa, 182, 22-25 (quoted Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra 4,
6.11 f.)

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COLETTE CAILLAT
Through all these observances, the "darts” of hidden sins will be removed (C 131), complete catharsis will take place, and spiritual welfare will be conquered (C 131; 173). It will be incumbent on the guru, who is compared with a therapeutist or with a wise pilot, to heal the patient (C 171-2), to help him peacefully cross the samsāra, with encouragements and religious discourses (Bh 52). They will both focus on these themes of meditation called anupekkhas for instance, on the "oneness" of the jīva, etc. (C 160-9 cf. Ā 25 ss.; M 43; S 100; etc.; cp., supra, Āyār)". Together, they will remember the heroic end of valiant ones (S 58 ss.; Bh 50, etc.; cf. Sterbefasten, 24 ss.; also Deleu, Viyāhapannatti II 16; and Antagadadasão, Uvāsagadasão, Anuttarovavāi). When such a controlled death has taken place, the kamma accumulated through many koțīs of rebirths is annihilated: it will be remembered that the layman, or the previously unworthy monk are not denied, according to the P, the benefit of this observance.
The Āyar had stressed the obstacles to be vanquished, the courage required from the penitent, the unique importance of the issue: so do the P. But, whereas the samaņa had been expected, in the Āyār, to fight incessantly, strenously, his whole life through, a shift of emphasis is evident in the Paiņņayas. The latter mainly consider the ultimate struggle which has to be fought at the hour of death: then, one has to be armed with decision (M 129; etc.), then, delusion must have been repelled (M 66; 129), and, also love and hate (Ä 56; Caus 47; C 133; etc.), and the four passions (M 134; C 135; etc.); then, the horde of troubles, parisaha-camū, must be torn to pieces (S 24; M 134, cf. C 121). Not missing the mark (cf. Caus 26), the well instructed, well trained, well controlled archer will hit the aim, even though the target is as difficult to reach and pierce as the apple of the eye:
vindhar candaga-vejjham (C 128, and ss., cf. Ā 54)2 1. Cf. Mahābhārata, critical ed. 12, 309, 84-85 (and v.1.) 2. A traditional simile, cf. Mundaka Up 2, 2, 3-4; Märkandeya Pur 42,
7-8; etc.

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FASTING UNTO DEATH ACCORDING TO AYARANGA-SUTTA ... 117 The issue of this fight is decisive: from it depends the final liberation, the victory towards which the Jainas strive, the raising of the flag of full attainment (harah ārahana-paļāgam, M 129); for, says S 9.
laddham tu tae eyam pandiya-maranam tu Jinavar'akkhāyam
hantūna kamma-mallam, siddhi-padāgā tume laddha, “you have seized the wise's death, . . .; having smitten kammathe wrestler-, you seized the flag of success."
Thus, from the Ā yāranga-sutta to the Painnayas, the ways and means to Perfection have changed, the goal has remained the
same.

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JAINA MYSTICISM
Kamal Chand Sogani In the cultural history of mankind, there have been persons who regard spiritual quest as constituting the essential meaning of life. In spite of the marked environmental differences, their investigations have exhibited remarkable similarity of experience and expression. Such persons are styled mystics and the phenomenon is known as mysticism. Like the mystics of Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam etc. Jaina mystics have made abundant contribution to the mystical literature as such, though unfortunately the well known Encyclopaedia of Religron and Ethicsi does not make mention of Jaina mysticism along with Hindu mysticism, Buddhist mysticism, Muslim mysticism, Christian mysticism etc. So far as I know, it is Dr. A. N. Upadhye who has for the first time discussed, though briefly, the nature of Jaina Mysticism.2 It will not be amiss to point out here that the Jaina Acāryas have handled this topic quite systematically and in great detail.
The equivalent expressions in Jainism for the word 'mysticism' are: Suddhopayoga, Arhat+ and Siddha states, Pandita-Pandita
1.
2.
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics by J. Hastings (Edinburgh, 4th edition, 1958) Paramātmaprakāśa of Yogindu, Introduction, PP, 39, 40, 41. (Rayacandia Jaina Šāstramālā, Bombay) Pravacana såra of Kundakunda, 1. 14. (Rāyacandra) Dravyasangraha, 50 (Sacred books of the Jainas Vol. 1) Bhagavatı Ārādhanā, 2144 (Digambara Jaina Granthamālā, Sholapur)
119
3. 4. 5

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Marana', Paramātman-hood, 2 Svasamaya3, Parādīsț24, Samarthya-Yogas, Ahimsāó, Ātmasamāhita state?, Sambodhis, Samatva', etc. . . . All these expressions convey identical meaning of realising the transcendental self. The traditional definition of Jaina mysticism may be stated thus: Mysticism consists in the attainment of Arhathood or Siddha-hood through the medium of Samyagdarśana (right attitude), Samyagināna (right knowledge), and Samyakcārtra (right conduct) after dispelling Mithyādarśana (wrong attitude), Mithyājñāna (wrong knowledge), and Mithyācārıtra (wrong conduct)10. Kundakunda (1st cent. A.D.) records departure from this terminology when he says: Mysticism consists in realising the Paramātman (transcendental self), through the Antarātman (internal self) after renouncing the Bahırātman (external self11). Haribhadra (7th cent. A.D.) also employes a different terminology when he announces. Mysticism consists in arriving at the, state of Vittisamkşaya (cessation of mental states) through the stages of SamyagdȚsţi and Cārıtrī after abandoning the stage of Apunarbandhaka12 (Mithyādrsti in transition13). At another place he says
1. Ibid 27 2. Moksa Pahuda of Kundakunda, 5, 51. (Patņi Digambara Jaina Grantha
malā, Mārotha, under the title 'Aşta Pahuda')
Pravacanasāra, II. 2, 6. 4. Yogadt stisamuccaya of Haribhadia, 178. (
L D . Institute of indology, Ahmedabad) 5. Ibid. 8 6. Purusārthasıddhyupa ya of Amritacandra, 44 (Rāyacandra) 7. A cârânga Sutra, 1.4,18. (Jaina Svetambara Teräpanthi Mahāsabhā,
Calcutta) 8. Sūtrakstānga, 1.2.1.1. (Sacıcd books of the East Vol. xlv) 9. Jñânārnava of Subhacandra, xxlv, 3. (Rāyacandra) 10. Tattvärthasūtra of Umāsvāti 1.1. (Bhāratiya Jñāna Pītha, Kāśi under
the title “Sarvärthasıddhi') 11. Moksa Pahuda, 4, 7. 12. Yogaśataka of Haribhadra, Hindi edition, P 111 (ed. Indukala Jhaveri,
Gujarāta Vidyā sabhā, Ahmedabad) 13. Yogabindu of Haribhadra, 31,252,366. (L. D Institute of Indology,
Ahmedabad.)

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Mysticism consists in attaining to Parādrsti (transcendental insight) through Sthírā (steady spiritual insight), Kāntā and Prabhā Drstis (elementary and deep meditational insights) after passing through Mitrā, Tārā, Balā, and Diprā? Distis.2 All these definitions of mysticism are fundamentally the same. Paramātman refers to Arhat-hood, Siddha-hood, Parādrșți, and the state of Vịttisamks ya; Antarātman points to Samyagdarśana, Sthirādrşti, and Samyagdrste; and consequently to Samyagjñāna, Samyakcārtra, the state of Cantrī and the kāntā and Prabhā DỊştis; Bahirātman, refers to Mithyadarśana the state of Apunarbhandaka along with Mitrā, Tārā, Bala and Diprā Džșțis and consequently to Mithyā jñāna, and Mithyācārtra.
Thus we may say that the Paramātman is the true goal of the, mystic quest. The journey from the Antarātman to the Paramātman is traversed through the medium of moral and intellectual preparations, which purge everything obstructing the emergence of potential divinity. Before this final accomplishment, a stage of vision and fall may intervene. Thus the whole mystic way be put as follows: (1) Awakening of the transcendental self, (2) Purgation, (3) Illumination, (4) Dark-night of the soul, and (5) Transcendental life. According to Underhill, "Taken all together they constitute the phases in a single process of growth, involving the movement of consciousness from lower to higher levels of reality, the steady remaking of character in accordance with the "independent spiritual world”3. But the Jaina tradition deals 1. The type of enlightenment accruing from eight Drsțis may respectively
be compared to the type of light given out by the sparks of straw fire. cow-dung fire, wood fire, the light of a lamp, the lustre of a gem, the light of a star, the light of the sun, and the light of the moon. (Yogadrstisamuccaya 15) Thus it varies from the indistinct enlightenment to the most distinct one. The first four D93țis (Muira, Tārā, Balā, Diprà) occur in the stage of Apunarbandhaka (Mithyādssti in transition) hence they are unsteady, while the last four, in the stages of Samyagdt stı and
Caritri, hence they are steady. 2. Yogad? stisamyaccaya, 13, 19,178. 3. Mysticism by Underhill, P. 169 (Methuen, London) M.M.-16

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KAMAL CHAND SOGANI
with the mystic way under the fourteen stages of spiritual evolution, technically known as Gunasthānas. However, these stages may be subsumed under the above heads in the following way: 1. Dark-period of the self prior to its awakening:
Mithyātvat Gunasthāna (First) 2. Awakening of the self-Aviratasamyagdīştı Gunasthāna
(Fourth) Fall from awakening: (a) Sāsādana Gunasthāna (Second)
(b) Mišra Gunasthāna (Third) 3. Purgation: (a) Viratāvirata Gunasthāna (Fifth)
(b) Pramattavirata Gunasthāna (Sixth) 4. Illumination: (a) Apramattavirata Gunasthāna (Seventh)
(b) Apūrvakarana Gunasthāna (Eighth) (c) Aniv?ţtıkarana Gunasthāna (Ninth) (d) Sukṣmasampara ya Gunasthāna (Tenth) (e) Upaśāntakaşā ya Gunasthāna (Eleventh)
(f) Kșinakaṣāya Gunasthāna (Twelfth) 5. Dark-period post illumination: Fall to the first or the
fourth Gunasthāna. 6. Transcendental life: (a) Sayogakevalī Gunasthāna
(Thirteenth) (b) Ayogakevalī Gunasthāna
(Fourteenth)
its awakening or
(1) Dark-period of the self prior to Mithyātva Gunasthāna:
In this Gunasthāna the empirical souls remain in a perpetual state of spiritual ignorance owing to the beginningless functioning of Mohanī ya (deluding) Karma. This Karma on the psychical side engenders a complex state of Moha' having perveted belief (Mithyadarśana) and perverted conduct (Mithyācāritra) as its ingredients. Here the effect of Mithyādarśana is so dominant that the self does not evince its inclination to the spiritual path, just as the man invaded by bile-infected fever does not have liking for sweet

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juicel. This Mithyādarsana vitiates knowledge and conduct alike. In its presence both knowledge and conduct, however extensive and suffused with morality they may be, are impotent to disintegrate the hostile elements of the soul and to lead us to those superb heights which are called mystical. Consequently the darkest period in the history of the self is the one when the self is overwhelmed by Mithyādarsana. It obstructs all our mystical endeavours. Thus the plight of the self in Mithyātva Gunasthāna resembles that of a totally eclipsed moon or a completely clouded sky. It is a state of spiritual slumber with the peculiarity that the self itself is not cognisant of its drowsy state. Led astray by the perverted attitude, the soul staying in this Gunasthāna identifies itself with bodily colour, physical frame, sex, caste, creed, family, friends and wealth2. The consequence is that it is constantly obsessed with the fear of self-annihilation or the annihilation of the body and the like3 and is tormented even by the thought of death4. Besides, it is the victim of the seven kinds of fears and the eight kinds of pride. Again under the influence of Mithyādarśana “One accepts the Adharma (wrong religion) as the Dharma (right religion), the Amārga (wrong path) as the Mārga (right path), the Ajīva (non-soul) as the fiva (soul), the Asādhu (nonsaint) as the Sadhu (saint), the Amukta (unemancipated) as the Mukta (emancipated) and vice versa?,” Kundakundaand following
2.
3.
Gommatasāra Jivakânda of Nemicandra, 17 (Rāyacandra) Paramātmaprakāśa, 80 to 83 Jñanārnava xxxll, 18 Samādhisataka of Pūjyapāda 76 (Virā Seva Mandıra). Mülācāra of Vattakera, 53 (Anantakirti Digambara Jaina Granthamälā, Bombay). Fear of (1) this world (2) other world, (3) death, (4) un rest from disease, (5) accidental occurrence (6) insecurity, and (7) loss of affluence or self-control Ratnakarand a Sravakācāra of Samantabhadra, 25. (Vira Sevā Mandır Pride of (1) learning, (2) honour, (3) family, (4) caste, (5) power, (6) opulence, (7) penance, and (8) body. Sthånânga Sutra x-1-734 (vide Nathmal Tatia, Studies in Jaina philosophy, Banaras, P. 145) Moksa Pahuda, 8.
8.

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him Yogíndu, Pūjyapāda, Subhacandra, Kārttikeya etc. recognise this Mithyatva Gunasthana as the state of Bahiratman. In this Gunasthāna there are such souls as will never triumph over this darkest period and hene will never win salvation. They are technically called Abhavyas.1 Haribhadra aptly calls them Bhavabhinandis (welcomers of transmigratory existence2). In contrast to these souls, there are, according to Haribhadra, Apunarbandhakas who are also occupying this Gunasthana3. The difference is that the latter are moving in the direction of becoming Samyagdṛṣṭis and consequently do not commit sinful acts with much strong inclination, do not attach undue value to the worldly life and maintain proprieties in whatever they do1; whereas the former are Mithyadṛṣṭis proper, and consequently they are mistaken as to the nature of things, evince no disgust for worldly existence and are like the man to whom unworthy acts appear worthy of performances. The Apunarbandhakas may be further said to have developed first four Yogadṛṣṭis, namely, Mitra, Tārā, Balā, and Dipra. It may be noted here that the spiritual darkness of the Apunarbandhakas is not so intense as that of the Bhavābhinandīs.
KAMAL CHAND SOGANI
(2) Awakening of the self or Aviratasamyagḍṛṣṭi Gunasthāna:
Spiritual awakening or conversion is the result of Granthibheda (cutting the knot of ignorance"). By virtue of cutting the knot, the Bhinnagranthi sees supreme verity and acquires unswerving conviction in the true self. This occurrence of Samyagdarśana (spiritual conversion) is consequent upon the instruction of those who have realised the divine within themselves or are on the path of divine realisation. Yogīndu points out that insight is attained by 1. Samayasara of Kundakunda, 273 (Rāyacandra)
2.
3
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Yogadṛṣṭisamuccaya, 75
Yoagadṛṣṭisamuccaya, Introduction, K K. Dixit, PP 5 to 11.
Yogasataka of Haribhadra, 13 (L D. Institute)
Yogadṛstisamuccayya, 78, 79,80.
Yogabindu, 252.
Ibid. 205
Tattvarthasutra, 1.3 (L. D. Institute)

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the Atman, when, at an opportune time, delusion is destroyed. It may be noted here that when there is Ardhapudglaparāvartana Kāla, for the deliverance of the self, it prepares itself for three types of Karanas (Bhāvas), namely, Adhahpravrttakarana, Apūrvakarana, and Anivttikarana, which guarantees for it spiritual conversion.2 Each of these Karanas lasts for an Antarmuhūrta (less than forty eight minutes*). Just after the process of Anivsttikarana the soul experience the first dawn of enlightenment or spiritual conversion. It is by these Karanas that Granthibhedha is effected. “Even as a person born blind can see the world as it is on the sudden acquisition of eyesight, so can a soul having experienced the vision the truth as it is. Even as a person suffering from long-drawn disease experience extreme delight on the sudden disappearance of the disease, so does a soul eternally bound to the wheel of worldly existence feels spiritual joy and bliss on the sudden dawn of enlightenment."
This is to be borne in mind that the spiritual conversion is to be sharply distinguished from the moral and the intellectual conversion. Even if the man in the first Gunasthana gets endowed with the capacity of intellectual and moral achievements, it cannot be said to have dispelled the spiritual darkness. The characters portrayed by Jaina Ācāryas of Dravya-lingi Muni and some of the Abhavyas who have attained to the fair height of intellectual knowledge and moral upliftment illustrate this sort of life without spiritual conversionó. Thus the flower of Mysticism does not blossom by the water of mere morality and intellectuality, but requires spiritual manure along with it.
Paramātmaprakāśa, 1.85 Labdhesāra of Nemicandra, 33 (Rāyacandra) Ibid. 34 Ibid. 2 Studies in Jaina Philosophy, Nathmal Tatia, P. 273 (Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banaras) Samayasara, 273, 274.
6.

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KAMAL CHAND SOGANI It will not be idle to point out here that the soul in this Gunasthāna is called Samyagdrști, Antarātman', Bhinnagranthi?, and the occupant of Sthırādrsț23. Being spiritually converted, the Samyagdrșți considers his own self as his genuine abode. regarding the outward physical dwelling places as artificial4. He renounces all identification with the animates and inanimate objects of the world and properly weighs them in the balance of his discriminative knowledges. His is the only self that has acquired the right of Mokşa“. Besides, he practises universal compassion (Anukampā)?, does not hanker after worldly opulence and empyreal pleasuress, shows no feeling of disgust at the various bodily conditions caused by disease, hunger etc., and is free from all fears. 10 Again, being overwhelmed by fear, inferiority and greed for profit, he does not recognise Himsā as Dharmalı. Apart from this, he has deep affection for spiritual matters and strengthens the conviction of those who are faltering in their loyalty to the path of righteousness12 and disseminates spiritual religion through various means best suited to time and place13.
Fall from awakening or (a) Sāsādana Gunasthāna and (b) Misra Gunasthāna:
If the spiritual conversion is due to the total annihilation of Darśana Mohani ya (Vision-deluding) Karma, the self has thrown 1. Kärttıkeyānupreksa, 197 (Rāycandra)
Yogabındu, 266. 3. Yogadtstisamuccaya, 155.
Samadhisataka of Pū jyapāda, 73, (Vira Sevā Mandıra, Delhi) Moksa Pähuda, 17. Yogabindu, 342 Rä javäritika of Aklanka, 1 2/30 (Bharatiya Jnana Pitha, Kası) Puruşārthasıddhyupaya of Amrtacandra, 24 (Rayacandra)
Ibid. 25. 10. Samayasāra, 228. 11. Kärttikeyānupreksa, 418. 12. Purusārthasiddhyupa ya, 29; Karttıkeyānuprekşå, 420 13. Kärttikeyānuprekașa, 423.

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over all the chances of its fall to the lower stages. This is called Kșã yıka Samyaktva”. It is SthirādỊsţi proper3. But if the spiritual conversion is consequent upon the suppression of Darsana Mohanī ya Karma, the self after one Antarmuhurta either falls to the lower stages or remains in the same stage with the emergence of certain defects ordinarily incognisable. This is known as Upašama Samyaktvas. Here four Anantānubandhi passions and the Vision-deluding Karma which is divided into three qualitatively different fragments of Mithyātva (impure), Samyaktva-PrakȚtı (pure), and Samyaka-Mithyatva (semi-pure) are suppressed. When the impure piece comes up, the self again decends to the first Gunasthāna where again darkness overwhelms? him; if the semi-pure piece, the self falls to the third Gunasthāna, namely, Misra Gunasthāna wherein total scepticism as regards matters spiritual prevails. If there is the rise of the Anantānubandhi passion the soul sinks to the second stage known as "Sasādana Gunasthāna'. This is the intermediatory stage of the self which has fallen from the peak of the mountain of Samyagdarsana, but has not arrived at the stag of the Mithyātva Gunasthanalo. In this stage the peculiar taste of the fall from Samyagdarśana like the peculiar taste of sweet food after its vomiting is experienced"1. Lastly, when the pure piece rises up, it continues to be in the fourth stage, but has lost the purity of Upašama Samyaktva. This is called Kșā yopašamıka Samyaktva!2. 1 Gommațasara Jivakānda, 647 (Rāyacandra)
Ibid, 646 Yogadtstisamuccaya, 154 Bhāvanāviveka by Pt. Chainsukh dass, 93, 100. (Sadbodha Granthamāla, Jaipur) Gommațasāra, Jivakānda, 650. Bhavanāviveka, 98 Labdhisära, 108 Ibid. 107
Gommatasara Jivakanda, 19. 10. Ibid. 20 11. Darśana aur Cintana, Pt. Sukhalal P. 276. 12. Labdhısára, 105.
ai
no

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KAMAL CHAND SOGANI (3) Purgation or (a) Viratāvirata Gunasthāna and (b) Pramattavirata Gunasthāna.
After dispelling the dense and intense darkness caused by the vision-deluding (Darśana Mohanī ya) Karma, the passionate and ardent longing of the awakened self is to purge the conduct deluding (Carītra Mohanīya) Karma which now stands between it and the transcendental self. Only those who are in possession of sturdy will are capable of doing so, says Amộtacandra'. In the fifth Gunasthāna, the aspirant who is a householder is incapable of making himself free from all Himsā root and branch2. In consequence, he adopts the five partial vows (Anuvratas) along with the seven Śila vratas in order to sustain the central virtue of Ahiṁsā as for as possible. This state of the self's journey has been called Viratāvirata or Deśavirata Gunasthāna, since here the aspirant avoids intentional Himsā of two to five-sensed Jivas, but he has to commit the intentional Himsā of one sensed Jivas namely the vegetable bodied, fire bodied etc.4 Besides, the Himsā which is committed in being engaged in a certain profession, in performing domestic activities and in adopting defensive measures, cannot be avoided by hims. This shows that the householder's life is a mixture of virtue and vice, which obstruct the purgative way pursued by the mystic. Hence the aspirant, being motivated by certain incentives to spiritual life (Anuprekşās) gradually renounces the householder's type of living, becomes a saint in order to negate Himsā to the last degree?. In consequence, the saint observes five Mahāuratas, five Samitis, three Guptis and practises 1. Purusärthasiddhyupa ya, 37. 2. Ibid. 75
Ratnakaranda Sravakåcåra, 51; Purusärthasiddhyupaya, 136. Gommatasara Jivakānda, 30, 31 Fainadarśana by Pt. Chainsukhdass, P. 65. (Sadbodha Granthamālā.
Jaipur.) 6. Ethical Doctrines in Jainism by K, C. Sogani, P. 87 (Jivaraja Grantha.
mālā, Sholapur) Ibid. P. 120.

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129 internal and external austerities with special attention to meditation, devotion, and Svādhyāya. Besides, he gets food by begging, eats only a little, gets over sleep, endures troubles, practises universal friendship, adheres to spiritual upliftment, and turns away from acquisitions, association and life-injuring activities. Thus from the life of Muni, “vice totally vanishes and there remains virtue which will also be transcended as soon as the flight into the realm of spirit is made2.” Since in this stage complete meditational selfsubmergence is lacking, though there is complete self-restraint (Saṁ yama), this stage is styled Pramattavirata Gunasthāna”, i.e. here Pramāda exists with self-restraint4. Nevertheless this stage may be regarded as the terminus of purgative way. It may be noted here that the self in the fifth Gunasthāna and onwards is called Caritrī.5
(4) Illumination or (a) Apramatta Virata (b) Apūrvakarana, (c) Anivíttıkarana, (d) Sūkşma-Samparāya, (e) Upašānta Kasa ya and (f) Kșinakaṣāya Gunasthāna:
These Gunasthānas from the seventh to the twelfth are the meditational stages or the stages of illumination and ecstasy. In other words, these are the stages of Kantā and Prabhā Drstis. It is to be noted here that the self oscillates between the sixth and the seventh Gunasthānas thousand of times and when it attains steadiness, it strenuously prepares itself either for suppressing or for annihilating the conduct-deluding Karmas.? This oscillation is the result of the struggle between Pramāda and Apramāda. By 1. Mülacara, 985, 896.
Ethical Doctrines in Jainism by K C. Sogani, P. 129 Gommațasira Jivakanda, 33 Satkhand âgama of Puspadanta ard Bhutabalı, Vol 1, PP. 175, 176. (aina Sahitya Uddharka Fund Kün yalaya, Amraoti) Yogabindu, 352
rogadrstisamuccaya, 162, 170 7. Labdhısāra commentary Candrıkā by Todaramalji, 205, 217. (Gandhi
Haribhai Deva karana Jaina Granthamalā, Calcutta) M.M.-17

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the time the aspirant reaches the seventh Gunasthana, he has developed a power of spiritual attention, of self-merging and of gazing into the ground of the soul. It is through the aid of deep meditation that the mystic now pursues the higher path. In consequence, he arrives at the eighth and the ninth stages known as the Apūrvakarana and the Anivșttıkarana Gunasthana, where exists the state of profound purity. In the tenth Gunasthāna known as Suksma-Samparāya there is only subtle greed that can disturb the soul.2 The soul suppresses even this subtle greed in the eleventh Gunasthāna known as Upaśānta Kaşā ya and thus absolves itself from the rise of all types of passions. If the self follows the process of annihilation instead of suppression it rises directly from the tenth to the twelfth Gunasthāna known as Kșinakasā ya Gunasthāna.4 Here the conduct deluding Karma is destroyed instead of being suppressed. Pujyapāda rightly observes that meditation produces supreme ecstacy in a mystic who is firmly established in the self. Such an ecstatic consciousness is potent enough to burn the Karmic fuel: and then the person remains unaffected by external troubles and never experiences discomposure.5
(5) Dark night of the soul post illumination:
Owing to the suppressed passions gaining strength, the illuminated consciousness of the eleventh Gunasthāna falls to the lowest stage of Mithyātva or to the fourth stage of Aviratasamyagdışți Gunasthana. The consequence is that the ecstatic awareness of the transcendental self gets negated and an overwhelming sense of darkness envelops the mystic. It may be noted that not all mystics experience this dark night. Those of them who ascend the ladder of annihilation escape this tragic period, whereas those who ascend the ladder of suppression succumb to its dangers and pains. Mystics of the latter type no doubt will also reach the 1. Gommațasara Jivakända, 50, 57.
Ibid. 60 3. Ibid. 61 4. Ibid. 62 5. Istopadeśa of Pūjyapāda, 47, 48 (Rāyacandra)

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pinnacle of transcendental life, but only when they climb up the ladder of annihilation either in this life or in some other to come.
(6) Transcendental life or (a) Sayogakevalī and (b) Ayogakevali Gunasthānas :
The slumbering and the unawakened soul, after passing through the stages of spiritual conversion, moral and intellectual preparation, now arrives at the sublime destination by dint of ascending the rungs of meditational ladder. In the thirteenth stage the soul possesses dispassionate activities (Yoga) and omniscience (Kevalajñāna), hence it is known as Sayogakevali Gunasthānal. It is a state of Jivan-Mukta, a supermental state of existence and an example of divine life upon earth. The fourteenth stage is called Ayogakevalī Gunasthāna, as there the soul annuls all activities (Yogas), but preserves omniscience and other characteristica. In this stage the soul stays for the time required for pronouncing five syllables-a, i, u, r, Ir3. After this, disembodied liberation results (Videha Mukti). To be more clear, the self in the Sayoga Kevalī and Ayoga Kevali Gunasthānas bears the title of ‘Arhat and after this, the title of ‘Siddha'.4 This state of Siddha is beyond all Gunasthānas.5
It may be noted here that the self in these Gunasthānas is called Paramātman“, the doer of Vrttisamkşaya?, and the possessor of ParādỊstis. This perfected mystic is established in truth in all directions'. He experiences bliss, which is supersensuous, unique, 1. Satkhand agama, Vol 1. P. 191 2 Gommatasara Jivakānda, 65
Iñānārnava, Lxi 59 Bhavanàviveka, 234 Gommatasāra Frvakanda, 10 Ibid. 63, 64
Yogabindu, 405, 8. Yogadtstisamuccaya, 178 179 9. Ācāranga Sūtra, 1.4.20.

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infinite, and interminable. Whatever issues from him is potent enough to abrogate the miseries of tormented humanity. His presence is supremely enlightening. He is the spiritual leader of society3. Just as a mother educated her child for its benefit and a kind physician cures diseased orphans, so also the perfected mystic instructs humanity for its upliftment and dispenses spiritual pills to the suffering humanity. He is always awake5. He has transcended the dualities of friends and foes, pleasure and pain, praise and censure, life and death, sand and gold, attachment and aversion. Since he is the embodiment of spiritual virtues, he leads a life of supermoralism but not of a moralism?. Thus we may conclude by saying that the cognitive, conative and affective tendencies of the perfected mystic reveal their original manifestation in supreme mystical experience, which is ineffable and transcends all the similies of the world.8
1.
4.
Pravacanasära, 1.13 Jñanarnara, 34 Svayambhūstotra of Samantabhadra, 35 (Vira Seva Mandıra, Delhi) Svayambhūstotra, 35 Acaranga Sūtra, 1.3 1 Pravacanasära, 3 41 Svayambhūstotra, 10 Jñanârnava, 33. Acaranga Sūtra, 1.5.73. Jñânārnava, 76, 77, 78
7.

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RELEVANCE OF JAINA ETHICS IN THE PRESENT AGE
Shashi Bhushan Prasad Sinha
It is desirable to evaluate the relevance of Jaina ethics in this grand and auspicious year of Jainism. As a matter of fact, ethics, in general and Jaina ethics in particular has to be given its due importance in this age of meta-ethics which is trying to undermine traditional ethics. It is well-known that after 1930 there has been evolutionary developments in the realm of philoshophy due to logical positivistic trends. Not only metaphysics is being dethroned as full of pseudo-statements, but ethical judgments are also being under-rated on the basis of emotivism. According to this view, ethical or moral judgements are expressions of our emotions and so they are like our appreciation of beauty, ugliness etc. They express nothing but our likes and dislikes. This trend in philosophy in general and ethics in particular can be rightly attributed to scientism. This is the view which explicitly or implicitly holds that science sufficies as the basis for our action and belief.
So, it is appropriate firstly to briefly and critically discuss the relevance of ethics in general in this age of science. In other words, it will not be out of place here to show briefly the relationship which we can conceive between the two, namely, science and ethics. In introductory books of ethics, this question has been raised whether ethics is a science and it is seen that rightly it is pointed out that ethics is certainly science if this term is understood in the wider or liberal sense. In other words, ethics is science if science stands for systematic and rational study of a specific subject-matter. But science in the narrow sense means only empirical and natural science. This is perhaps the prevalent meaning of the word and in this sense ethics is obviously not a science. We may add in this context that ethics is rightly regarded as a
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normative science because it is concerned with the norm of conduct-'goodness' like those of logic and aesthetics. So, it is clear that ethics is not science if science means only emp
nce means only empirical and natural sciences. Now, taking this fact into background, when we try to see the relationship between ethics and science (in the narrow sense), we find that votaries of science namely logical positivists and linguistic analysists sometimes describe ethical statements or judgements as endowed with emotive significance only. A. J. Ayer observes thus:
“They are not in the literal sense significant, but are simply expressions of emotion which can be neither true nor false.” Stevenson also harps on the same string in his celebrated work on ethics2. But a critical student of philosophy cannot agree with these views blindly. No doubt, positivism, empiricism and scientism have their relative importance and significance but these have their limitations too. To say that sense experience is the only criterion of knowledge is to limit the vast area of knowledge. Verificationism and positivism have their own limitations. Similarly, it is unfair and unjustified to believe that empirical sciences alone are custodian of knowledge. So, it ican be easily realised that as metaphysics cannot be regarded to be full of meaningless statements in the unqualified sense of the term, likewise ethical statements cannot and should not be deprived of their real meaning and purpose. Here, we may just refer to present day Oxford scholars namely S. E. Toulmin, R. M. Hare, A. I. Melden, H. D. Aiken and others. They have rightly tried to refute the view that ethical judgements are mere expressions of emotion or attitude. No doubt they also rightly point out that ethics is not a science (as pointed out here earlier) but this does not mean depriving ethical statements of their appropriate rationality and significance.
Now, it is clear that ethics and science have two distinct and independent realms. But this does not mean that there is the 1. Language, Truth and Logic, p. 103 by A. J. Ayer (London, Victor
Gollanoz Ltd., 1960) 2. Ethics and Language by Charles L. Stevenson (New Haven, Yale
University Press, 1944)

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relationship of incompatibility between the two. In other words, this does not mean that either Science is unethical or that the ethics is unscientifict. These two statements are not mutually exclusive to each other. As a matter of fact, ethics can be benefited by scientific knowledge in the sense that it can be more realistic and practical if it takes into account studies made in the realm of science. To simplify this point, it may be observed that in this age of scientific advancements, no moral or religious sanction or command can afford to be unscientific and irrational. But science cannot boast or brag on this account. Ethical naturalism has its limitations and it cannot be defended in the unqualified sense of the term. John Dewey2 and R. B. Perry), are notable among those who advocate 'ethical naturalism' and try to unsuccessfully make ethics scientific. Even at the cost of repetition, it may be observed that this attempt on the part of Dewey and Perry is not only unjustified but also unwarranted. This is because science in the narrow sense) and ethics are different and distinct in their approach as well as in their contents. As a student of Indian Philosophy and religion, one must be conscious of limitations of rational approach. Rational approach is not omnicompetent in each and every sphere of life. Here, it will not be out of place to quote Niebuhr who has observed thus: “The world of history, particularly in man's collective behaviour, will never be conquered by reason, unless reason uses tools; and is itself driven by forces which are not rational.”4 But this does not mean advocating irrational approach in the domain of morality. That cannot be sane approach to things. But it must be reiterated
1.
Vide article 'Ethics' in an age of Science' by William K. Frankena from World Perspectives in Philosophy Religion and Culture', pages (109 to 124) edited by Dr. R Singh (Bharati Bhavan, Patna, 1968). 'The Quest of Certainty' by John Dewey (New York, Minton Balch & Co., 1929) 'Realms of Value by Ralph Barton Perry (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1954) Moral Man and Immoral Society, p. xxl, xx. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1932).

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that scientific approach or rational approach cannot exhaust the domain of ethics. Here, we may safely mention supra-scientific or supra-rational approach in this context. This does not contradict the ordinary scientific and rational approach but it includes and transcends this ordinary empircal and rational approach. So, it becomes clear that there is place of ethics even in this age of science. In a sense, science, particularly scientists (their actions, decisions etc.) are not above the realm of moral judgements We have every right to say that scientist's particular decision to invent or use particular scientific theory is good or bad. As a matter of fact, there is greater need of ethics in the nuclear age. No doubt, there has been tremendous and stupendous developments in the field of science and technology. Time and space have been conquered. Science has really contributed much to human comforts and his material well-being. But despite these man is not happy ultimately. This is mainly because there has been decline of ethical or moral virtues. We have become more self-seekers, envious etc. This decline of moral qualities is not confined to individual and social levels but also to national and international levels. That is why there is unrest and suffering everywhere. Now, it is needless to overemphasise that ethics can play pivotal part in all these planes of humanity-individual, social, national and international levels. We as students of philosophy are aware of social, political and international morality and know that they are useful and important not only theoretically but also practically. The ethical virtues like truth, non-violence, love, kindness etc. are useful and desirable not only for individuals but also for society, state and the world as a whole. So, it is obvious that ethics is all the more useful and important in the present age of science which is being torn and tormented by violence, hatred, jealousy, discord etc. The following remarks of Mr. K. Bala Subramania Aayer is also applicable to ethics particularly. He observed thus: “The experiments of nuclear explosion have affected the health of the present generation and the future generations as well. Philosophy should, therelore, occupy a

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RELEVANCE OF JAINA ETHICS IN THE PRESENT AGE 137 pre-eminent place in this nuclear age". Now, it is beyond any shadow of doubt and dispute that ethics should get pivotal position in the present age.
After thus showing relevance of ethics in general in the present age of science, now it is in fitness of things to show the role of Jaina ethics, specifically in this present era. As a matter of fact, although Jainism is much more than a code of ethics but it is true to say that ethics occupies here the most important place. Dr. Radhakrishnan has rightly observed thus: "The name Jainism indicates the predominantly ethical character of the system"2. We see that except Cārvāka and some less important materialists hedonists, almost all systems of Indian philosophy attached considerable importance to ethical idealism or universalism of Upanisads. Ethics, in Indian thought, has been the unifying force. Rightly, it is claimed that metaphysics has divided Indian philosophers but ethics has united them. But the credit goes to Jainas for their over-enthusiasm and earnest zeal in this respect. That is why, sometimes their ethics is also described as one-sided, extreme and ascetic in character. There may be some truth in these criticisms but this can be defended and justified by pointing out that the moral path of self-gratification has its befitting reply in the path of self-abnegation or something like this. Besides this, it can be rightly shown that Jaina ethics cannot be branded as one-sided and ascetic in character in the unqualified sense of the term in view of the fact that there is clearcut distinction between the code of the monks and the code of the commoners and there is marked relaxation of virtues and vows meant for commoners.
After thus presenting Jain ethics, now it will be desirable to specifically discuss it because that will enable us to appreciate
1.
2.
Future of Philosophical Studies in India by Sri K. Bala Subramania Aiyar (Bhavan's Journal, Vol. XI, No. 17, March 14, 1964, page 39)
Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, page 286 by Dr. Radhakrishnan (George Allen & Unwin Ltd., London, Reprinted in 1951)
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its importance all the more clearly. At the very outset, it must be mentioned that the Jaina ethics is a vast subject and it is not possible to mention every detail in this brief paper, hence we shall confine here mainly to ‘Tattvārtha sūtra' of Umāswāti. This book is really historically and philosophically important so far as Jainism is concerned. Although this book discusses various aspects of the Jaina philosohy yet it is seen that this begins with the path of liberation. The very first sūtra runs as follows: “Samyagdarśanajñānacārtrānı mokşamārgah”. This means that the road to liberation consists of right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. These three are known as 'three gems' of Jainism. In fact, they are the three jewels or gems as they contain every thing that is needed for moral or spiritual perfection or realisation. If we study these three a bit seriously and sincerely, it becomes crystal clear that essentials of Buddha's eight-fold path or Patañjali's eight-fold path of yoga or any other such path are explicitly or implicitly included in these three jewels of Jainism. Before evaluating this path, it is appropriate to briefly discuss these three. Right faith is not blind faith or something like that. Manibhadra clearly emphasises this point when he says that Jaina approach is rationalistic and never dogmatic or something like that. It is belief or conviction in things as they are. It is an attitude of respect towards truth and is very much needed during the present times which is characterised to a great extent by lack of confidence in truth. This element of respect is not only a moral or spiritual pre-requisite but this is also of pragmatic or practical significance in each and every sphere of our activity today also.
Coming to right knowledge, we see that it is the true and certain knowledge of reality as presented by jaina philosophers. It is “the detailed cognition of the real nature of the ego and 1. Tattvärtha Satram By Umasvati Acharya, page 3.
Originally edited by Late J. L. Jaini. Republished by Barrister Champat
Rai Jain Trust, Delhi, 1956. 2. Ibid, sūtra 2, page 4

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non-ego, and is free from doubt, error and uncertainty”1. The importance and utility of knowledge is beyond any shadow of doubt. Socrates in the west long ago asserted that knowledge is virtue. Indeed, it is not only indispensable for spiritual freedom or emancipation but it is also necessary condition for material and mundane success and prosperity.
So far as right conduct is concerned, it is like central steps of the ladder, of which two side poles are those of right belief and right knowledge. The value of right conduct is something eternal or perennial. It was important during the time of Jinas and perhaps it is all the more important in this present age which needs cultivation of moral virtues. Without being very much pessimistic, it can be observed that many maladies of the present world can be truly attributed to moral ills or vices like those of falsity, violence, hatred, distrust etc. It is needless to say that the present generation can be profoundly rejuvenated and reinspired by these lofty ideals of conduct, as preached by Jaina preachers and teachers. It is well-known that five vows occupy central position here. They are non-violence, truth, non-stealing, non-hoarding and calibacy. Umāsvāti clearly describes them thus—"Himsāntāsteyābrahmaparigrahebhyo Viratır vratam."2 These mean vow to be free from injury, falsehood, theft, unchastity and worldly attachment. Their significance and utility is obvious not only in the moral scheme but in all spheres of mundane life. Although, these find place in ethics of Upanişads and in other systems of Indian philosophy in their own ways, but credit must be given to Jainas for systematically presenting them. Besides this, the sense of details on the part of Mahāvīra and other Jaina teachers and preachers is also something which is unique and worth-mentioning. They clearly mention two types of these vows lesser vows or 'anuvrata' and full vows or ‘Mahāvratas'. The above 1. Referred by Dr. D. M. Datta and Dr S. C Chatterjee from 'Dravya
Samgraha'. (An Introduction to Indian Philosophy, p 105, Seventh Edition,
Calcutta University, 1968) 2. Op. cit Chapt. VII, Sūtra 1, page 113.

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five vows in relaxed forms are known as lesser or partial vows and they are meant for householders whereas the above in their rigid form are meant for ascetics and they are therefore full vows. This is quite realistic to make such distinction and relaxation because the entire world cannot be expected to be inhabited by monks and ascetics only. Besides this realistic note, as pointed out earlier, their sense of detail in the context is also worthpraising. We see that the Jaina teacher recommends five meditations or bhāvanā' for each of these vows'. 'Vāgguptı' (preservation of speech), 'Manoguptı' (preservation of mind). "Irya' (Care in walking), 'Ādāna-nıksepana-samiti (Care in lifting and laying down things) and 'Alokitapāna-bhojan' (seeing to one's food and drink thoroughly) are meditations for the vow against injury. Secondly, we see that Krodha-pratyākhyāna (giving up anger), Lobha-pratyākhyāna (giving up greed), Bhirutva-pratyākhyāna (giving up cowardice or fear), Hāsya-pratyākhyāna (giving up frivolity) and Anuvīchi-bhāśana (speaking in accordance with scriptural injunctions) have been prescribed as meditations against falsehood. Thirdly, Umasvati mentions Sunyāgāra' (residence in a solitary place), "Vimochita vāsa' (residence in a deserted place), 'Paroparodhākarana (residence in a place where one is not likely to be prohibited by others or where one cannot prohibit others), 'Bharks ya-suddhi' (purity of alms according to scriptures) and 'Sadharmāvisamvāda' (not disputing with one's co-religionist as to mine and thine) as meditations against theft. Similarly, he mentions 'strīrāga-kathaśravanatyāga (renouncing of reading or hearing stories exciting attachment for Women), 'Tanmanoharānge-nirākṣaṇa-tyāga (leaving of seeing their beautiful bodies), “Purvaratānusmarana-tyāga' (Giving up remembering past enjoyment of women), 'Vrsyeștarasa-tyāga (Renouncing intoxicating drinks etc.) and 'Svasarīrasaņskāratyāga (renouncing of beautifying one's body) as meditations against unchastity. Lastly, giving up or self-denial of love and hatred in the pleasing and displeasing worldly objects of the five senses are five meditations against attachment.
1.
Ibid, pp. 114-15.

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IT
We have deliberately mentioned these meditations concerning these vows in order to see that modern society can be really benefitted if we take into account atleast some of these meditations, atleast to some extent. It is not possible to go into details of these meditations but by way of illustration, it can be observed that our present generation lacks proper moral guidance. That is why they became addicted to drinks and to exciting pictures and books. We can mend their ways to a great extent if these undesirable and exciting drinks, books, pictures are eliminated at least to some extent. We do not mean complete selfexterpation. That is neither possible nor desirable in the present context. Real virtue means moderation--following the golden mean between the two extremes. So pictures should not be banned but they should also include something morally high and inspiring also. There should be less sex-provoking scenes. Similar moderation is required in other spheres as well. Our makers of society will do something really commendable if they popularise these meditations and vows because the present generations can really be inspired and moulded by these noble ideals of conduct.
Even at the risk of repetition, we may again observe that these five vows are really of profound significance even today. That is why, Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the nation-tried to restress on these ideals of truth and non-violence. Jainas have treated them in their comprehensive senses. For example, nonviolence or truth means practising these lofty ideals mentally, vocally and physically. Again, they are not merely negativistic in their approach. They have their positive aspects as well. For example, non-violence is not merely non-killing. It is also kindness, mercy, love etc. Jainas very much laid stress on their positive aspects as well. Their application and importance in the present age can be hardly denied by any one because evidently the present world needs these ideals as this age seems to be the age of growing moral and spiritual bankruptcy.
After briefly and critically discussing these vows and showing their application in the present world, now it would be proper

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to mention some other points in this context. We see in this context that Jaina moral philosophers also mention "Samitis' or co-rules and 'Guptis' or implied rules in this context besides these vows. We can just mention some of them for lack of space. Irya Samiti (caution in walking for avoiding violence). Bhāsā Samiti (caution in speech). Eşaņā Samitr (careful checking of food to assure that the food given to him was not specially prepared for him), Ādāna-nikṣepana samiti (using articles carefully to avoid any violence to subtle lives) and Parişthāpānikā samiti (throwing away unnecessary articles with care and caution) have been mentioned as among 'Samitis'. These are undoubtedly useful even now even if they are cultivated even partially.
After briefly mentioning these, now it will be befitting to discuss some general points in this context. We saw that there is some note of asceticism in Jaina ethics and we defended Jaina asceticism, now again we see that the Jaina ideal of ascetic is not very far from the Gītā's ideal of 'Sthita-prajña' and it is well-known that even according to Gītā such a noble and perfect soul has social and cosmic utility and significance. He works for others—for the entire humanity-for world synthesis (Lokasasgrah). Indeed, asceticism stands for service and self-sacrifice the twin coveted ideals which is needed by the present day humanity all the more. Now, in the end, we may observe here that Jaina ideal of liberation is not an abstract ideal. It is seen that according to them, the state of mokṣa is characterised by infinite faith, infinite knowledge, infinite power and infinite bliss. It can be said in this context that this concept of mokṣa in some sense tries to synthesise asceticism or rationalism of Kantian ethics and hedonism of hedonists barring its unqualified materialistic notes. Rightly Dr. I. C. Sharma says thus—"Such eternal and universal self-realisation accommodates the rational
1.
Ethical Philosophies of India by Dr. I. G. Sharma, pp. 138-39 Revised and Edited by Stanley M. Daugert (London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1965)

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RELEVANCE OF JAINA ETHICS IN THE PRESENT AGE 143 form of Kantian ethics and the material content of happiness envisaged by hedonism"1.
Concluding, we may observe here that Jaina ethics is very much useful and important historically and philosophically. This is really regarded to be one of oldest system of thought based on non-violence. As a matter of fact, this virtue of non-violence may be safely regarded to be the central or pivotal among various virtues preached by them and the importance of nonviolence is well-known in the present world. Indeed, its importance and application cannot be said to be confined to ethics alone. It has its use and importance in politics, economics and in international affairs as well. Nation can be peaceful and prosperous if takes non-violence seriously and sincerely. Similarly, economic revolution based on non-violence (as envisaged by Vinoba) can be also a boon to us if it is practised sincerely. Likewise, nonviolence can contribute a great deal in fostering relationship of peaceful co-existence among different warring nations. Similarly, non-possession and other virtues preached by Jainas are significant and relevant in the present era. The ideal of non-possession and non-hoarding can be really useful today as we are very much concerned with the problem of economic inequality. This is bound to foster socialism in its own way.
Thus, we have tried to show that ethics in general and Jaina ethics in particular has its due relevance in the present age. As a matter of fact, ethics in general and Jaina ethics in particular will be useful and relevant for all times to come. With these words, I pay my homage, to the great master of Jainism, Mahāvīra, in his 2500th year of Nirvāņa.
1.
Ibid., p. 136

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JAINISM AND INFLUENCES FROM WESTERN SOCIAL REFORMERS IN GANDHIJI'S WELTANSCHAUUNG
Dr. Heimo Rau
Dealing with some outlines of Gandhiji's Weltanschauung I have first to dwell on the Mahatma's Indian heritage before entering the western scene with some remarks on Gandhiji's relations to Ruskin, Thoreau and Tolstoy. Commemorating the centenary of Tagore's birth, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote that Gandhi had struck the Indian scene like a thunderbolt that had dazzled the mind and set aglow the heart. He compares him with Tagore and declares that the poet's influence had not shaken the country with the suddenness of an earthquake, but had spread its light over the Indian landscape like the gentle dawn creeping over the mountains. Nehru sees in Tagore the thinker, in Gandhi the man of action: Tagore represents the cultural tradition of India in all its profuse diversity while Gandhi stands for the tradition of asceticism and self-abnegation. ... Each is in his own way altogether and entirely Indian.
Gandhiji's Indian Heritage
When Jawaharlal Nehru termed Gandhiji as a man of acuon he was in full accordance with the Mahatma himself, who considered himself to be a Karma-yogin and thus placed himself in the traditional system of the Indian path to salvation. The goal for all men is the same, only the paths vary. Man feels himself drawn more to one or the other path of yoga according to the stress of one's spiritual and mental capabilities and will guide his striving in the direction desired. Even Gandhi chose. He chose the path of action, in the sense of Karma Yoga, the path of selfless action which has been defined by Vivekananda in his famous lectures on yoga. But Gandhiji got his inspiration from
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the Bhagavadgitā since he discovered this book of books during his stay in London.
The Gītā became Gandhiji's “Spiritual reference book”, his daily guide. It condemned inaction. It showed how to avoid evil, which accompanies all action. Selfless action is its central teaching: “Bear joy and pain, profit and loss, victory and defeat in like manner. Thus you should act, 0 Arjuna, without attachment, firmly in yoga, the same in victory or defeat.” For the Karma Yogin Gandhi the selfless deed was as a matter of course ahıṁsā, which he found again in Indian tradition especially in the Jain religion which impressed him very much in his childhood and youth. Selfless action and ahımsā belong to the most decisive principles of Gandhi's Weltanschauung which came to him from Indian tradition. Lord Mahāvjra
It was the knowledge of various religions which was handed down to Gandhiji by his parents that became the foundation for tolerance which guided him during his life time. His father and mother were not narrow and one-sided in their devotion to Vishnuism. They also performed pūjā before Shiva and took their children to various mandırs. Gandhiji's father especially, developed friendly relations with the Jain monks whom he invited for long discussions on religious and secular problems. The Jain monks, on their part, liked the non-Jain Gandhi household so much that they even accepted food from them. The close relations with the Jain “Weltanschauung” in which Mohandas participated, mostly as a silent listener, was of great importance to the growing boy. No other Indian community has evolved a practice of living without the use of force and killing (ahimsā), even with regard to the lowest living creature, as strictly and uncompromisingly as the Jains. As a reform religion in protest against the Brahmins and the castes of Hinduism, it had won importance and form in the Sixth century BC, at the same time as its sister religion of Buddhism. Unlike the Dharma and Sangha of Gautama Buddha the followers of Mahāvīra have

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always remained confined to limits and have never attempted to proselytize beyond the boundaries of India. However, the Jains had intensified their principles and inspite of the small number of followers gained an important influence on their environments. Jain monks are not an unusual sight on the roads of India, especially in Gujarat. They are only allowed to walk and are not permitted to use other means of transport. They may wander only by daylight, in order to avoid the unconscious killing of small animals in the dark. With a small switch, which they carry with them constantly, they brush aside insects from their path. Before their mouths some of them wear a mask to refrain from breathing in insects and thus endangering life. These white clad figures are the uncompromising apostles of ahimsā. The intensive contact with them laid the foundations in the child's soul for the growth of the ideal of ahimsā which was to take the central position in Gandhi's Weltanschauung and practice of life. Moreover, there was yet another occasion when Jainism played a major role in Gandhiji's life. It deals with the decisive resolve to go to London for further studies. This was, in those days, not a normal thing for students from Kathiawar. But Mohandas over-came all obstacles with the tenacity, which in his own words, the banas have. As the family had lost the father, it took the advice of friends regarding the choice of professions. Gandhiji himself would have loved to have become a medical doctor, but he was told that Vaishnavas should not deal with dead corpses. So as to follow in the footsteps of his father, who had succeeded in gaining the highest office in the state, the son
1 to study law in the most efficient and fastest way in England. His uncle, the highest authority in the family, was not sure whether it was possible for somebody studying in England to do so without harming his religion. After all that he had heard, he was doubtful of this. He remembered the fat lawyers with whom he had to deal and saw no difference between them and the Europeans in their way of life. They had no scruples regarding the purity of food, the cigars were never removed from their mouths, they clad themselves as Englishmen without

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hesitation. All these circumstances would not fit in the Gandhi family's tradition. But inspite of this, he told the young man that he would not stand in his way. If Gandhiji's mother gave him permission, he too would do the same and wish him bon voyage.
But even the mother, Putlibai, to whom the father's brother transferred the responsibility was deeply disturbed when she visualised what her youngest child would have to face in the dangers of the ocean and the opaque distance. She had the most terrible imagination of the moral standards of the British Isles and saw her son already succumbing to all the temptations of this Sodom and Gomorrah. At this juncture another personality came into the picture. Becharji Swami had already often been the adviser to the widow. Like Gandhi he was originally a Hindu from the Modh Bania caste; later he became a Jain monk. So, the Gandhis, and especially Putlibai, trusted in him doubly. He found the way out and silenced Putlibai's unrest. He made the young Gandhi solemnly swear that in England he would not touch wine, women and meat. Since Mohandas vowed, his mother gave her permission and the young student left for Bombay. Gandhi kept his vow without a breach, as difficult as it was. Very often he preferred to go hungry to bed instead of taking meat. The way in which Swami Becharji's advice was followed shows again the high respect that was alive for Jainism in the Gandhi family and proves once more the strong influence which this religion had on Mohandas Gandhi's life and his moral fundamentals according to which he modelled his whole life. The education leading to the non-application of force, the inclination towards asceticism and fasting were anchored in the deeply religious tradition of the parental home, which was ruled by the mother. It would be permitted to say that it was the earthly mother through whom the doors to asceticism and ahimsā were opened and the spiritual mother as he called the Bhagavad Gītā who showed him the path of inherent action to selfless deeds. Against this background of Indian traditions we may now look at the influences, which Gandhiji received from the West. Here Ruskin, Thoreau and Tolstoy play a major role.

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Ruskin
In 1903 when Gandhi was travelling from Johannesburg to Durban, his colleague, Henry S. L. Polak accompanied him to the station and gave him the book “Unto This Last" by John Ruskin, to read on the journey. Ruskin was born in London in 1819 and died in 1900. From 1870-1884 he was appointed Professor of the History of Art in Oxford. Then he had pleaded for the Pre-Rapaelites and praised the expression of a believing age in medieval art. To the surprise of all who knew him, he suddenly turned to sociology and fought for a new ethic in economics. He wanted work to be considered as a moral obligation and not as goods. He stressed the creative value of manual labour. He demanded colleges for workers, garden cities, and many other things which are a reality today.
What he held of the society in which he lived can be seen in the following words which are to be found in his book "Sesame and Lilies”.: How much do we spend in your opinion for public and private libraries in comparison to that what our horses cost? Or to give another example: what are the contents of the book shelves (public and private) as compared to the contents of the winecellars ?
He paid no attention to taboos, and this Gandhi says of Ruskin's book “Unto This Last”. Four Essays on the first Principles of Political Economy (appeared 1860/62), that is was written with “blood and tears". We read for example: Richness is a power like electricity. It works through inequality. The power of the guinea which we have in our pocket depends on the lack of a guinea in your neighbours pocket. If he would not need it, then you even would not have use for it. If he is poor and unemployed for a long time, then the guinea is of more value to you and thus what in reality is sought after in the name of richness is mainly power over men. The rich should remember that what one person has, the other cannot have, and avoid every luxury till all, even the poorest have enough. For Gandhi this demand appears thus: Whoever eats too much, steals this

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excessively enjoyed meal from another who has to hunger then. Gandhi was very surprised that Ruskin praised the manual labour and showed that the life of a worker of the soil or a craftsman was worth living. Thus Gandhi arrived at an appreciation of daily manual labour which he made for himself and his followers a duty.
Let us return to the station at Johannesburg. Gandhi, who had not heard anything of Ruskin before, began to read and read throughout the night and asserted later: The book was a turning point in my life. However, he found fault in the fact that Ruskin was satisfied with “revolutionising his spirit” and that he did not find the power to change his life. Gandhi did not suffer from this fault. In order to bring his life in harmony with the ideals of the book, he went and bought Phoenix Farm, and moved in with his family and colleagues. How can one describe the lightning-like effect of Ruskin's book on Gandhi? It awoke in him slumbering thoughts deeply founded in his mind by education and tradition sharpened them and proved the direct impulse for action. Gandhi mentions the following method of dealing with books: I had the habit of forgetting what displeased me and of putting into action what pleased me.
Thoreau
Gandhi was imprisoned in Volkerust in South Africa for civil disobedience from 10th October to 13th December 1908. Here he had the time and leisure to read and among other books he read the essay “Civil Disobedience" by Henry David Thoreau, a fellow-countryman and friend of Ralph Waldo Emerson. The American poet was born in 1817 and died at the age of 45 of tuberculosis. He was opposed to Negro slavery and hated the servile dependence of the individuals on the church, state, property, tradition and customs. With his own hands he built himself a small house on the outskirts of Concord, Massachusetts, in Walden Pond, did all the work himself and nourished himself from that what nature offered. For two years he felt free in the solitude there. When he returned to Concord,

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in order to ascertain whether he could feel free with the community, he landed in prison for refusing to pay taxes. A friend got him released. But this experience led him to write the essay on Civil Disobedience. It is claimed that Gandhi received the idea of Satyagraha, as the Mahatma called his method of Civil Disobedience, from Thoreau. Gandhi however, refutes it: The assertion that I took my idea of Civil Disobedience from Thoreau does not correspond to facts. The resistance against the South African powers existed before I got acquainted with Thoreau's essay on Civil Disobedience. But the movement was called passive resistance then. As this connotation did not suffice for its meaning I coined the word Satyagraha for the Gujarati Readers. Then when I read the title of Thoreau's significant essay I used the term to explain our fight to English readers. But I found that the expression “Civil Disobedience" did not interpret the full meaning of the fight. So I decided on the term “Civil Resistance”.
Again it is elucidating to observe, how much Gandhi clarifies in a discussion of Western Ideas, how he formulates his own ideas thereby more keenly and how he is also satisfied to see confirmed and to find related thoughts in the West. What he brought along from his own Indian tradition ideals of non-violence and Jain ascetism and what he read in the books of the West interwove inseparably with one another. The following explanation on the definition of civil disobedience which comes from Thoreau's pen, could well have been word for word by Gandhi: One thing I know for a fact, if 1000, 100, 10 people, whom I could name --if only 10 honest human beings, only one honest man in the state of Massachussetts desists from keeping slaves and surrenders his partnership and would be imprisoned in the country prison, then this would mean the abolition of slavery in America. It is of no importance, how small the beginning may be, what is done well remains forever. But we only talk about it. Tolstoy
"But we only talk about it was fuel for Gandhi's fire. For he considered words and ideas very seriously. He was Karma

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Yogin and when he accepted an idea in principle, then he considered it dishonest not to act according to this idea. The dissonance between faith and action was unbearable for him. To create harmony between words and deeds, that was his main problem. He found this ideal realised in Count Leo Tolstoy, of whom he simply writes: It is of special importance that Tolstoy, practised what he preached. Gandhi studied Ruskin and Thoreau, they made a deep impression on him, but he looks up to Tolstoy as to a sublime example.
In Gandhi's chambers were several books by Tolstoy on religious subjects. But it was only in prison in 1908 that Gandhi found the time to make a study of the teachings of the great Russian. Count Tolstoy, though blessed with worldly possessions, success and world fame, did not have any peace of mind. In 1885 when he was 57 years old, he renounced his bourgeois way of life and turned to a simple life. He went barefoot, wore an overall and trousers similar to that of the poor peasants, ploughed, harrowed and sowed with them. He no longer smoked, he stopped eating meat, gave up hunting and took long walks and bicycle tours through the wide countryside. In order to escape the unbearable luxury, he bestowed his vast possessions on his wife and children. He devoted himself to the education of the villagers and wrote on vegetarianism, marriage and theology. Many men and women who were in search of a revival of their faith came to his house in Jasmaya (Yasnaya) Polyana from all parts of the world. Even the German poet Rainer Maria Rilke and Thomas G. Masaryk, later President of Czechoslovakia, set at his feet.
His attraction lay in the attempt to create a synthesis between belief and behaviour in his own way of life. That necessitated manual labour, a minimum of needs, no property, no killing of any kind. He considered the possession of large landed property as a sin, condemned military conscription, defended war-resisters, taught in the village school and refused the Nobel Prize, because he never accepted money. The orthodox

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Russian church excommunicated him. Here are a few titles of some of his discourses: You shall not kill. Love one another. Why Christians have fallen on evil times generally and the Russian folk in particular. Christ's teaching to the children. Death penalty and Christianity. Religious tolerance. One could add the "Folk Tales" in which Tolstoy's maxim: Do not forgive evil with evil, nor force with force, love the evil with good: has been exemplified so often.
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Gandhi came to know Tolstoy through his discourse "The Kingdom of God is in you." There Tolstoy says "The history of the church is the story of gruesomeness and horror. Every church with its teachings of redemption and salvation, the orthodox faith above all with its idolatry shuts out the teachings of Christ."
Since time immemorial men have greeted each other with "Peace be with you", but despite that 28 million men are armed in Europe in order to solve their problems with the sword. Tolstoy's theme is the same as Thoreau's: the gulf between teaching and action. What is the solution? Tolstoy's reply: A Christian does not quarrel with his neighbours, he knows neither aggression nor force. On the contrary he suffers without offering resistance and through his attitude towards evil he frees not only himself, but also helps to free the world as such from all external powers. Tolstoy preached peaceful resistance, even if it were combined with sorrow, then serving or obeying evil governments.
Gandhi's first personal contact with Tolstoy was a long letter written in English on 1st October 1909, in which he reported to him on the civil disobedience movement in Transvaal. Tolstoy's reaction can be seen in an entry in his diary on 24th September (7th October) 1909. "Received a charming letter from a Hindu in Transvaal." And in a letter four days later to his close friend Vladimir Chertkov he writes: "The letter from the Hindu in Transvaal has moved me deeply." Tolstoy's reply of 7th (20th) October reads: "May God help our dear brothers and colleagues in Transvaal. The same fight between the soft and
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the hard, between humility and love against pride and force seems to be here increasingly from year to year. I greet you as a brother and am happy to be in touch with you."
In his second letter of 4th April 1910 Gandhi enclosed a copy of his booklet “Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule”. Tolstoy read it and informed himself on Gandhi and classified him in a letter to Chertkov as “a man, who is very close to us, to me.” Gandhi in his third letter of 15th August 1910 reported on the initial stages of the Tolstoy Farm. Tolstoy was so enthusiastic that he dictated his answering letter the same day. The letter went via Chertkov to Gandhi. It is the longest in the entire correspondence and bears the date of 7th (20th) September 1910. Chertkov translated it into English and sent it to a friend in England who was supposed to forward it to Gandhı. This man was ill and posted it on 1st November. Thus it happened that Gandhi received the letter only several days after the death of Count Leo Tolstoy who died on 20th November 1910. The letter states:
"The longer I live, and specially now, when I keenly feel death approach, I would like to tell the others what I feel so distinctly and what is of importance to me---passive resistance is in reality nothing other than the teaching of love, which is not ruined by misinterpretations. This love is the highest and only law of human life.”
A very old man wrote this, a man with already one foot in the grave, to a person who stood just at the threshold of his career, his experiments with truth. It was a legacy. Tolstoy doubted that he could change himself and others, but Gandhi believed he could do so, and he proved it on India's stage.
East West Dialogue
How was this possible? The western reformers did not succeed in abandoning the use of force, since the idea of ahimsā was absolutely alien to their traditions and their contemporary society. This was not the case for Gandhi. He could revive

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over a gap of two and a half millenia the tradition which has found the deepest expression in Jainism and proved to be still valid. The experiences of his childhood enabled him to appreciate the revolutionary social ideas in the west. He amalgamated them to his own traditions. And he succeeded to put them into practice because his own people had not forgotten the foundations laid by Lord Mahāvīra and Buddha.
Asia and Europe, East and West are contrasting halves of the world. They are, however, not contrasts which exclude each other. They are rather poles of an entire organism, which supplement each other. Rudyard Kipling's hasty assertion: East is East and West is West and ne'er the twain shall meet, overlooks world events and the needs of the hour. Therefore it would be expedient to take advice from Goethe, who proclaimed: Orient and Occident can no longer be separated. Prophetic words which none can contradict in our ever-contracting world. Both sides of the poles which have long been separated seek a supplement in the other. It is a chance for mankind to awaken to a new childhood through such an encounter. We have to mutually learn from one another without giving up our personal principles, just like Gandhi, who in full possession of his Indian heritage studied the western philosophers and roused his own thoughts through them. From the millenia old Indian tradition of Jainism he created his power of asceticism, non-violence and self-less deeds and connected them with the intelligence of western social crtics. It appears to us as if the Mahatma in his Weltanschauung offered a dialogue between East and West. And thus we may call him who considered himself to be a Karma Yogin, in the western equivalent of the term which he had applied to himself, a practical idealist.

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Prof. G. R. Jain
A
In Hindu Trinity, Brahma, Visņu, Mahesa have been allotted specific functions of Creation, Preservation and Destruction of the Universe respectively, i.e. these are the attributes of Godhood. There are fixed times for creation and destruction. few words with regard to Brahmā and His life are detailed here and in order to understand the subject, we begin with the division of Time, according to Surya Siddhanta. This universe under-goes cycles of Time, each cycle being divided into four great epochs, called Kaliyuga, Dvāpara, Tretā and Satyuga. The number of years in Kaliyuga is 4,32,000. If we represent this number by x, the number of years in Dvapara is 2x, in Treta 3x and in Satyuga 4x. The total of all these four epochs is 4x + 3x + 2x + x = 10x. The sum is called a Mahayuga and the number of years in a Mahāyuga is, therefore, 4,320,000. 71 Mahayugas make a Manvantara.1 Before and after the birth of each of the 14 Manus, the world is submerged under water for a period of years equal to 432000 × 4 i.e. 4x years. Thus the total number of times that the world is submerged under water is 15 and the corresponding total period is 4x X 15 60x years. Since one Mahayuga is equal to 10x years, 60x years are equal to 6 Mahayugas. Since there are 14 Manus in each Kalpakala and they are born at intervals of 71 Mahayugas, the total period of the epoch is equal to 71 x 14 994 Mahāyugas and 6 Mahayugas elapse during the floods which occur 15 times in one Kalpa. Thus the total period of a Kalpa is equal to 994 +6 i.e. 1000 Mahāyugas where one Mahayuga is
www.
1
=
The word 'Manvantara' denotes the interval of time between successive births of Manus-the Law-givers. 14 Manus are born in one
Kalkpa Kala.

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equal to 4,320,000 years. Therefore the number of years in a Kalpa is equal to 4,320,000 X 1000=4,320,000,000 years. This is the duration of Brahmā's day and a similar figure for Brahmā's night. In other words, corresponding to our 24 hours, Brahmā’s day is of 8640 million years. According to Hindu Purānas, Brahmā creates the universe afresh at the beginning of a day and the universe is submerged into water during the night, the disappearance of the universe in this manner is called Naimittika Pralaya. In this phenomenon the entire matter of the universe is concentrated at one place but is not destroyed. During one such Pralaya the great sage Mārkaņdeya alone was alive and all other celestial and terrestrial objects ceased to exist. There was water and water everywhere and the sage wandered through the empty space. He saw a baby in yogic sleep on a banyan leaf. The sage was all the time wondering as to the fate of the rest of of the Universe. The baby opened his mouth wide enough for the sage to enter. On entering the mouth, he saw all the three worlds inside the stomach, thus proving that during a Pralaya all objects merge into the Supreme Being. He then releases all these objects at the time of new creation.
Lord Visņu has a sankha and a Cakra in two of his hands. In a Sankha all lines drawn on its suface end at its centre and it is therefore indicative of Pralaya, whereas in the case of a Cakra lines radiate in all directions from the centre towards the periphery and it therefore symbolises an act of creation of the universe.
An account of universal Deluge is also found in the Old Testament, in the Genesis, when the whole world was submerged under water, although historically it is not known when it occurred. The survivers of the great Flood were removed into Noah's Ark for safety. When the floods subsided, all the surviving creatures spread themselves all over the world and multiplied. Thus the new creation started again.
There have been such occurrences about four times since the beginning of the earth, is a fact accepted by the modern

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geologists. They have given it the name of 'Glacial Epoch'. The reason for the glacial epoch is assigned as follows: All the creatures of the Earth tend to increase the quantity of carbon-dioxide in the atmosphere, during the various metabolic processes going on in their bodies; also the various industrial operations increase the quantity of carbon-di-oxide. With this increase of carbon-di-oxide in the atmosphere, the rate of loss of heat by the earth from its surface is reduced and the earth grdually warms up so much so that the ice caps on the Poles melt and the resulting flood envelopes the entire earth.
In Pingala Upanışad there are mentioned two types of Pralaya—incidental and total. As already remarked, in the incidental dissolution of the universe, life of every form is destroyed but not the substance. The universe is thus alternately created from and dissolved into its material cause at the end of every Brahmāratri and Brahmādina.
The Prākştıka or Mahāpralaya occurs at the end of the life period of Brahmā, which is of 100 yearsduration, each day and each night of the year being of 4,320,000,000 years. In this absolute Pralaya everything in the universe, material as well as non-material, is dissolved into atoms. The earth is resolved and drawn in into water, water into fire, fire into air, air into aether, aether into egoism (ahankāra), egoism into intellect (Mahat), intellect into productive principle (avyakta) and lastly Avyakta into Puruşa. (The Supreme Being). Not only the matter and space are dissolved into Him, but also the Time. “The Supreme Being Himself now becomes the universal Time. The heaven of Vişņu with all its inmates is absorbed into the Paramātman (Supreme Self). According to Hindu theory, the Supreme Self is the cause and the source of the whole universe. In other words we may say that the universe is the projection of Lord God Himself.
After the dissolution of the Earth, the Supreme Self goes into Yoganidrā, enjoying perfect bliss. At the end of the yogic sleep a
1
The life period of Brahmā, according to our reckoning, is 315 trillion years, 1.e 315 X 1012 years.

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lotus plant emerges from the naval of Lord Viṣņu (Parmātaman). Out of this lotus is born Lord Brahmā. He then performs hard penance; He has four faces; the four Vedas issue therefrom. The creation of the universe again starts. The process of dissolution and creation goes on cyclically for eternity.
There is one more special feature of a Mahayuga which we have not mentioned so far. As already mentioned, each Mahayuga consists of four epochs, respectively called Satyuga Tretā, Dvāpara and Kaliyuga. When we proceed from Satyuga, to Kaliyuga, there is a gradual running down of the universe both physically and spiritually, but the cycle is not performed in the reverse order.
In the Jain Terminology this running down of the universe is called Ava-Sarpim Kala. During the downward flow, the heights of human beings and other creatures, the span of life and the physical strength dwindle down slowly. For instance, at the beginning of Satyuga the maximum of span of life is 10,000 years and the height about 10 ft. In the beginning of Kaliyuga the height is reduced to 6 ft. and the span of life to 120 years. At the end of Kaliyuga, the man will be reduced to thumb size and his span of life will be only a few days.
The concept of Mahapralaya in Jaina Siddhanta is a different story. In what is called as Bharata Kṣetra by the ancient writers, the cycle of Time is first divided into two parts-called Avasarpini and Utsarpini. Then each of them is further divided into six epochs. During the Utsarpini Kala there is a gradual progress and during the Avasarpini Kala there is a gradual decline. Utsarpini comes again and so on alternately. We now begin with the declining cycle. During the first epoch which is of 4 X 1014 Sagaras1 of years, the human span of life is of 3 Palya2 and the height of the human body is 36,000 ft. Hunger is excited after an interval
1.
2.
"Sägara" means 'Sea of years' and is a gigantic unit of time and is equal to 1015 Palya.
'Palya' is another large unit of time.

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of three days and is immediately satisfied by taking a pellet of food of the size of a jejube obtained from Kalpavṛkṣas1 (celestial trees). The beings of this age have not to answer the calls of Nature and are free from every kind of disease. Twins are borna male and a female and behave as husband and wife after they grow up. The clothes and other necessities of life are all provided by the celestial trees. The parents die together soon after the birth of the twins and the latter grow up within 50 days by sucking their thumbs.
The second epoch is of 3 x 1014 Sagaras of years. The height of the human body is reduced from 36,000 ft. to 24,000 ft. and the span of life is of two Palya. The beings of this Age also get all their requirements from celestial trees.
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In both these epochs, there is no ruler or the ruled, the status of all people is equal. The luminosity of the celestial trees is so great that light from the sun and the moon is obscured. Even the cruel animals like lions have peaceful temperament.
The third epoch is of 2 X 1014 sagaras of years. The height is now reduced to 12000 ft. and the span of life is of one Palya. It should be noted that the figures given are for the beginning of each epoch. There is a very slow decline all along the entire epoch. The beings of this Age take their food on alternate days and the quantity of food is increased from jejube size to that of a myrobalan. It is in this epoch that the fourteen KulakarasLaw givers (called Manus in Hindu Sastras) are born. Before the birth of Kulakaras there are no names of individuals. The wives address their husbands as Arya and husbands call their wives as Arye. There is no caste distinction. They all belong to one
1.
Kalparṛkṣa is not actually a tree of the vegetable kingdom. It is a mound of bright shining minerals. It is of 10 types. There are trees which give the desired quality of food, fruits, flowers, utensils, ornaments and garments without effort. There are also trees which give light and sing songs. There are trees in the form of several storeyed buildings where one can live.
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caste--Humanity. All comforts of life flow freely and are equally available to all persons. Man has not to exert himself for his livelihood. This Age is known as Bhoga Bhūmi (UTOPIA).
The fourth epoch is of 1 X 1014 sāgaras of years minus 42,000 years. The height is now reduced to 3300 ft. and the maximum span of life is 84,00,000 Purval. At the end of the epoch the height dwindles down to about 10ft. Karma Bhumi begins as man has to work now for earning his livelihood. with the beginning of this epoch, States are formed, rulers come into existence, people begin to perform religious functions and begin to marry. New and improved methods of trade and industry are devised. There is material progress, no doubt, but spiritually the man deteriorates. It is during this epoch that the 24 Tirtharkaras are born at intervals of time who enlighten the world with their divine knowledge. Attainment of 'Mokşa' (Salvation) is possible only upto the end of this epoch. At the fag end of this epoch some new seas (upasāgaras) are born i.e. great land masses are submerged under water. This is called Khanda Pralaya.
The fifth epoch in this declining cycle is of 21,000 years. In this epoch the height, the age, and the physical strength of man are very much reduced. The maximum span of life is 120 years and is gradually reduced at the rate of 5 years after every one thousand years. By the time the epoch ends, the maximum age is 20 years and the height of 3 ft. At this time men become carnivorous and live upon trees like monkeys. They do not observe any kind of religion. All virtues are lost in them. We are at present living in the 5th epoch.
During the 6th epoch of 21,000 years2 things worsen still further. During the last 49 days of this epoch there are dust 1. One Pūrva = (8.4 million)2.
In the opinion of the writer, the magnitude of epochs, the maximum height of persons and their span of life (as given above) should not be interpreted literally. The relative figures in general indicate that during the Avasarpini Kala all these quantities steadily and gradually decline.

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clouds for the first seven days, violent storms for the next seven days, heavy rains during the 3rd week and rains of fire during the 4th week. During the next 3 weeks there is rain of stones, earth clods and wood respectively. The result is that all living beings, animals and birds are destroyed. In fact the whole cities are razed to the ground. The Jaina Tīrthankaras have called this period as Pralaya. Only the sexual beings are removed to places of safety by the devas where they multiply again after the storm is over. Here the cycle of Decline ends.
After this, the cycle is repeated in the reverse order and after undergoing six similar stages of time, status-quo is restored.
In the description elaborated so far, we have discussed the ideas of Hindus and Jainas with regard to the eternal cyclic changes in the universe. The following points of difference emerge out of the discussion:
1. According to Hindus the whole Earth is submerged under water 15 times during one Kalpa, whereas according to Jainas it is only once at the end of the 4th epoch and that too partially.
2. According to Hindus at the time of Maha Pralaya all matter, Space and Time are engulfed into the Supreme Being and then it is He who unfolds the universe again, whereas according to Jainas the nature of the universe itself is such that after it has completely run down, it regenerates itself by carrying out the cycle in the reverse order.
According to Modern Science, the universe is gradually running down in the material sense of the word. In the language of science we say that the entropy of the universe is tending towards the maximum. This has been proved mathematically by Maxwell from the Second Law of Thermodynamics. In Nature heat is constantly flowing without interruption from a body at a higher temperature to a body at a lower temperature and air automatically flow from a region of high pressure to a region of low pressure. Thus there is a tendency towards equalisation of

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PROF. G. R. JAIN temperature and pressure all over the universe. Efficiency of a heat engine is greater, if the difference of temperatures between the source and the exhaust is large i.e. greater the difference of temperatures, the higher is the efficiency. In other words we can say that the availability of energy for doing work is becoming less and less every moment and when the entropy of the universe reaches its maximum, no work will be possible because the temperature and pressure will be the same everywhere. The state of affairs will correspond to the idea expressed in Mariner's poem, "Water water everywhere, but not a drop to drink.” The sum total of the energy in the universe will be the same as before but it will not be available for work. No motion of any kind will be possible. The whole universe together with its inmates will be at a stand-still. Living beings will neither be able to move nor to breathe. Blood will not circulate in their veins. Life of all forms will be extinct. What next?, is a glaring question before the scientists. They believe that the Universe can not end. Thus, some unknown force must rewind the dock of the universe so that it may be set running once again. According to Hindu belief, the rewinding is done by the Almighty God, whereas according to Jainas, the process is automatic.
There is another line of thinking in Science. According to this Sun is the source of energy for all life on earth. It is on the advent of the Spring season that buds open; it is the heatenergy which brings forth new life from within an egg; it is the energy of the sun which the human beings, animals and vegetables utilize for their growth. The sun is a hot body with its surface temperature of 6000° C. and in the interior the temperature is two crores of degrees centigrade. It is radiating energy incessantly in all directions and as such it ought to cool down some day to the temperature of its surroundings. But it has been maintaining this temperature for billions of years and will continue to do so for a few billions of years more, when it will altogether disappear. The reason is this: Several millenniums before Christian era, our Tírthankaras taught that heat and light are fine forms of matter and thesefore, have weight. This discovery was made by

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Einstein in modern times. Sun is losing heat by radiation and its temperature is constant. It means that it is losing weight. It has been estimated that its mass is being reduced by 46,000 tons per second and therefore it will disappear after a few billion years. The total mass of the sun is 2 × 1027 tons. When universe becomes devoid of solar energy all life on earth will disappear and it will be a sort of Pralaya.
In recent years another interesting discovery has been made. It is well-known that magnetic North Pole does not coincide with the geographical North Pole. There is an angle between them. Now it has been found that the magnetic poles of the Earth are slowly rotating and a time will come when the North Pole will go into the position of the South Pole and vice versa. In between there will be a period of 100 to 200 years when the Earth will have no magnetism at all because when we go from a negative quantity to a positive quantity, zero comes inbetween.
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The Earth's magnetic field acts like an umbrella for the showers of destructive cosmic rays which are coming profusely from inter-stellar space. The Earth's magnetic field deflects them to one side and it is only in very small numbers that they are able to reach us. The rotation of the poles has a period of about 75,000 years and the last reversal took place some 70,000 years back. After three or four thousand years, it is likely to Occur again. At the time of zero magnetic field, all the cosmic rayshowers fall upon the Earth with full destructive force and the latter is completely scorched to death. This is Mahapralaya. At the time of reversal of the poles, there are very great genetic mutations with the result that the creatures born are either too small in size or too large i.e. either the Liliputians are born or brobdingnagians.
On 30 June, 1908, there was an unusual explosion in Siberia in the Soviet Union. The explosion may be compared to a 30 magaton hydrogen bomb explosion i.e. equal to 1500 Hiroshima atomic bombs exploding together. American scientists

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are of the opinion that it was an explosion caused by an antimatter intruder of about one kilogram weight, that entered accidentally into our atmosphere and fell upon the earth. If some day a lump of antimatter weighing about 10 tons enters into our universe, it will create such a violent explosion that the whole world will be reduced to dust. This is the latest view of science on the subject.
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1.
The matter of our universe is an assemblage of electrons, protons and neutrons with different number of protones and neutrones in the nucleus and electrons moving round and round the neucleus. In an atom of antimatter the nucleus is formed by antiprotons and antineutrons in the nucleus with positrons going round. When an atom of antimatter comes in contact with ordinary matter, there is explosion and both of them are annihilated. It is presumed that beyond our universe there is its counterpart made of antimatter and called the anti-universe.

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S. Gajapathi
1. Introductory
How it works' in Lord Mahavira's teachings known as Jainism, relate to that how the six substancesi composing the universe work and maintain their peculiar attributes. Here is a short account of that natural mechanics.
The six substances are space, medium of motion, medium of rest, real time, soul and matter. Medium of motion and medium of rest correspond to ether and electro-magnetic and gravitational field respectively. The first three are single substances and the rest are categories. There are countless number of real time particles, infinite number of souls and infinite times elementary particles of matter either free or combined into molecules.
The physicists in the course of their research on the only visible substance matter, conceived the existence of space for the accommodation of matter, ether for the transmission of energy phenomena with wave properties, the electro-magnetic and gravitational field for electro-magnetism and gravitation to act and real time for modification and continuity of matter.
Some modern biologists maintain that life itself is something additional and different neither material process nor organized matter, something that cannot be isolated and examined in itself. Mr. Alexis barrel, Noble Prize winner, French research scientist, in his world famous book 'Man the Unknown expressed that consciousness is an immaterial substance, more important than light, neglected by the physicists. Some psychologists consider mind almost synonymous with soul i.e. a thing apart from the body. 1. Jaina terms-Ākāşa, Dharma, Adharma, Kala-anu, Jiva and Pudgala
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Physicists present controversy over the first four entities need not bother us, that as yet the use of these terms with their sense are quite indispensable for all the scientists. Only these six substances of the Jainas come within the purview of modern science and no more.
Souls help themselves and other souls. Matter serves souls only as body, nutrition and objects of comforts etc. Space gives accommodation to all the other substances. Real time particles stand for modification and continuity of all the other substances. Medium of motion helps souls and matter in their motion. Medium of rest helps souls and matter in their rest.
To remain useful the substance has to do some work or the other ceaselessly, every moment. To do some work the substance necessarily has to undergo some modification every moment. Modification of the substance implies the triple unity2 i.e. the appearance of a new mode, the simultaneous disappearance of the old mode and the continuance or permanence of the substanc
Jainism states that this triple unity is accomplished in every substance every moment by the inherent, momentary, imperceptible and ceaseless stationary3 wave motion happening in the parts of the substance itself, similar to the waves of the ocean. There are two kinds of stationary wave motions. One exists in all the six substances and the other is restricted to souls and matter. Hence one is a common stationary4 wave motion and the second is a specials stationary wave motion.
2. Common Stationary Wave Motion
Substance is the sum total of all its attributes and modifications. There are six common attributes in all the six substances.
1. 2.
Paryā ya Utpâda, Vyaya and Dhrauvya Vide Prof. G. R. Jain's 'Cosmology Old Aguru laghu Sad gunahānivsddhiparyāya Vyañjana Parya ya
New' p. 102 & 233
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They are existence, functionality, changeability, knowability, individuality and speciality. These are permanently maintained in all the six substances by the common stationary wave motion in the following manner.
Imperceptible rhythmic rising and decaying of the wave crests of this stationary wave motion that are repeating ceaselessly every moment in the parts of the substance itself, produce appearance of a new shape with the simultaneous disappearance of the old shape and the substance persists flowing through these continuous modal changes. In this way the trinity unity that is necessary for the substance to remain useful and be in existence is fulfilled.
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This stationary wave activity itself forms as a function of the substance. This is functionality.
Substance like liquid flows through all modifications decided by this inherent and ceaseless momentary stationary wave motion. This ever modifying nature is changeability.
This common stationary wave motion happening in all the substances and objects impart all information concerning them to all types of energy waves that contact or pass through them. The soul that tune in these energy waves convert their signals into perception and knowledge of the respective substances and objects. This manifesting or exhibiting nature of the substance is knowability.
This ever natural unceasing wave activity safeguards the substance and its several attributes from modifying into any other substance or attribute. This safeguarding nature is called individuality.
This stationary wave motion backed by perpetual energy of the substances endows the substance with the requisite capacity to occupy the necessary area of space equal to its extension. This pervading capacity is spaciality.
1.
Common Attributes: Jaina terms: Astitva, Vastutva, Dravyatva, Prameyatva, Agurulaghutva and Pradeśatva.
M.M.-22

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S. GAJAPATHI 3. Special Stationary Wave Motion
Let us now look into that how this special stationary wave motion confined to souls and matter cause their special attributes.
The special attributes of emancipated souls are eight. They are infinite knowledge, infinite perception, infinite happiness, infinite energy, subtlety, accommodation, absence of weightiness and lightness and non-injury.
The special attributes of matter are colour, taste, smell and touch.
As the stationary wave motion provides souls exclusively with consciousness and matter exclusively with sensibility, it is of two different kinds. They are special stationary wave motion of soul and special stationary wave motion of matter. Therefore the souls are conscious but remain invisible and matter is visible but remains unconscious. Because of the absence of both these types of special stationary wave motions in the other four substances, they all remain unconscious and invisible.
Stationary wave motion happening in the parts of the substance is technically called as Dravya Vyañjana Paryā ya. The wave cycles repeat every moment. There are countless moments in a micro-second. Hence the wave cycles of this wave motion are also countless per micro-second. These wave cycles set up every micro second countless vibrations in the parts of the substance and the disturbance carrying energy waves are known as Guna Vyanjana Paryā ya. For the sake of simplicity we shall call the Dravya Vyañjana Paryā ya as special stationary wave motion and the Guna Vyañjana Paryā ya as super energy wave motion. These two types function normally in all the omniscient souls, embodied and disembodied and abnormally in all the mundane souls. Likewise these two wave motions are normal in all the free elementary particles of matter and abnormal in all the elementary particles of matter within the molecules. Taking all these into
1.
Jiva Vyañjana Paryā ya and Pudgala Vyañjana Parya ya

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HOW IT WORKS consideration the sub-divisions of the special stationary wave motion number eight. They are as follows:
1. NORMAL SPECIAL STATIONARY WAVE MOTION OF SOUL 2. NORMAL SUPER ENERGY WAVE MOTION OF SOUL
ABNORMAL SPECIAL STATIONARY WAVE MOTION OF SOUL
ABNORMAL SUPER ENERGY WAVE MOTION OF SOUL 5. NORMAL SPECIAL STATIONARY WAVE MOTION OF MATTER 6. NORMAL SUPER ENERGY WAVE MOTION OF MATTER 7. ABNORMAL SPECIAL STATIONARY WAVE MOTION OF MATTER 8. ABNORMAL SUPER ENERGY WAVE MOTION OF MATTER.
Bondage between soul and matter and between elementary particles of matter themselves, account for the abnormal functioning of special stationary wave motion and super energy wave motion. Bondage does not change one substance into another or produce a third substance, but only the normal functioning of the special wave motion is affected.
The beginningless relation between spirit and non-spirit is responsible for the worldly existence of manifold sufferings. Apart from the gross organic body there is a subtle body which serves as a link between the spiritual and the non-spiritual. It is discarded only at the time of final emancipation. The disintegrating matter particles of this subtle body get replenished in un-interrupted succession and thus it remains intact. This process will be described latter.
There are eight main types and one hundred and forty-eight sub-types of karman (matter molecules of peculiar potency in subtle state, more mysterious than the wonder molecules D.N.A. and R.N.A.) Hence karma or destiny is not an unseen potency in Jainism.
The main types of karman are knowledge obscuring, perception obscuring, deluding, obstructive, feeling producing, age 1. Classification according to Alapa Paddhatı

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determining, body making and family determining. The first four obscure the nature of the soul. The rest four are non-obscuring. Absence of the four obscuring karman endow the soul with the first four special attributes out of the eight stated already. He is the embodied omniscient. In the emancipated soul (disembodied omniscient) all the eight karman are absent and he shines with all the eight attributes.
With this short digression we shall now revert to the subject proper.
The special stationary wave motion adapts itself to the multi-dimensional modifications such as expansion, contraction and variation in shape the two substances soul and matter undergo from time to time. In Jainism soul's process of expansion, contraction and shape variations are generally compared with that of the light waves of a luminary. This serves as a clue that this special stationary wave motion spreads out from the central point to all the extremities of the substance in the manner of expanding light waves of a luminary.
The omniscient soul embodied or disembodied is free from the four obscuring karman, the consequent passions and quivering.1 In such a condition of the omniscient soul, the special stationary wave motion is free to impose its rhythmic wave patterns evenly in his entire space points right up to all his extremities. This results in the omniscient soul's surface, assuming a mirror like perfect medium for image reflection. This is normal special stationary wave motion of soul. It has the full backing of the omniscient soul's infinite energy. It has three fold functions. It maintains the soul's surface as a perfect reflecting medium as described above. It generates the normal super energy wave motion as mentioned earlier. It aids and energizes soul's tuning? faculty.
Omniscient soul's disturbance carrying normal super energy waves spread in all directions to the very edge of the universe,
1. 2.
Parispanda Upayoga

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then recoil and reach back the source. This two way journey of the normal super energy wave motion is instantaneous. The process can be guessed and it is as follows:
The soul's powerful vibration set up by the normal special stationary wave motion is reciprocated by the medium of motion. Medium of motion being indivisible, pervasive and homogeneous single substance, the super impact of each wave cycle of the soul is responded to by it in its entire space points at the very same moment. These normal super energy waves due to the absence of the medium of motion, cannot extend beyond the universal space, that they recoil and reach back the source.
These normal super energy waves bring all information concerning all substances and objects of the whole universe, imparted to them in their to and fro journey by the fourth common attribute of the substances i.e. knowability. These normal super energy waves impose an exact replica or image of all the substances and objects with their states, afresh every moment on the mirror like surface of the omniscient soul. As these normal super energy waves pass through all the substances and objects, visible and invisible far and near, open and concealed, that they reveal all of them, with all their internal and external details. These normal super energy waves form the omniscient soul's own perfect illuminant.
Tuning faculty that comprises attention, perception, knowledge, recollection and determination, is in direct tune with the normal super energy waves of the soul. As such it decodes all image and message symbols into perception and knowledge respectively simultaneously.
Knowledge and perception unlimited by space, objects and modifications added with instantaneous perfect recollection and determination capacities supercede limitation of time too. Hence omniscience2 is unlimited by space, time or objects.
1. 2.
Pravacanasāra 30 Kevala Jñana

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It is stated in science that musical sound waves are periodic i.e. they repeat periodically in time. Music is pleasant to us. It means that rythmic vibrations have a bearing on our experience of pleasure. To be in response to or in tune with the physical stimulus of music the soul reciprocates or undergoes similar rhythmic vibrations. Hence soul's rhythmic vibration itself is experienced as pleasure. In the omniscient soul, the special stationary wave motion backed by infinite energy functions most rhythmically. This generates most rhythmic vibrations in him continuously and he is possessed of infinite happiness to eternity.
Every substance is possessed of inherent perpetual energy. The speciality with regard to soul is that not only his energy is inherent and perpetual but also infinite. The normal special stationary wave motion acts as a momentum. Hence they are complementary to each other. In this way the embodied and disembodied omniscients are possessed of infinite happiness and infinite energy.
Special stationary wave motion of soul does not provide the souls with the attributes of colour, taste, smell and touch. Therefore the souls are devoid of them and their resultant attributes of grossness, obstruction, weightiness and hindrance.
Because the embodied omniscients are possessed of the four non-obscuring karman and organic body, these negative attributes remain latent in them. Emancipated souls are free from all karman and organic body, that they are subtle accommodating, absolutely weightless and non-violent.
In this way the special stationary wave motion of soul causes in the emancipated souls all the eight special attributes.
In the mundane soul the presence and rire to activityl of the four obscuring karman offer obstruction to the natural functioning of the special stationary wave motion of soul and considerably reduces the expression of the soul's innate energy. Hence the 1. Udaya

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special stationary wave motion undergoes wobbling. It does not possess rhythm, vigour and uniform pervasion. This is abnormal special stationary wave motion of soul. It neither keep the soul's surface suitable for image reflection, nor generates the super energy waves powerful enough to cross the viels of perception and knowledge obscuring karman. Its aid to the tuning faculty is insignificant.
These short comings to a minor extent are compensated by the sense organs, light and sound waves etc. Hence the mundane soul's perception and knowledge is confined to gross material objects of limited range.
According to Science the interference of a wave with another wave may reinforce it or neutralize it. Whenever the feebly working abnormal stationary wave motion of soul gets reinforced by the interference of the amplified waves or pulsation of the sense organs, its vibration set up is near periodic or slightly rhythmic. On such occasions the mundane soul experiences pleasure to the degree of reinforcement effect. On the other hand if the interference effect ends in neutralization of his special stationary waves, displeasure or pain is experienced by the mundane soul.
A short account of the special stationary wave motion of matter is given below:
In a free elementary particle of matter the special stationary waves do not encounter any interference with the stationary waves of any other particle. With the result, the special stationary wave motion of matter function's quite normally and generates normal super energy ways.
This normal special stationary wave motion of matter maintains steadily the natural cubical or symmetrically six faceted shape of the free particle. The normal super energy wave motion of matter enables the free particle to reveal any one of the five natural colours, 1. Satkona

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any one of the five natural tastes, any one of the two natural smells and two out of the four natural touches one moment and another one natural colour, another one natural taste, another natural smell and another two of the four natural touches. The next moment and so on in repetition, admitting in addition momentary variations in their intensity reckoned in infinite intensity gradations."
In the case of the particle within the molecule the special stationary wave motion is subjected to interference by the special stationary waves of the adjoining particle or particles. This is abnormal special stationary wave motion of matter. This admits in the elementary particle of matter within the molecule, shape variations after crystalline or otherwise. Likewise the abnormal super energy wave motion of matter allows the particle to persist with any one colour, any one taste, any one smell and two natural and two resultant touches, either in natural or complementary shades, for a shorter or longer duration. This also admits infinite intensity gradations in colour, taste, smell and touch.
As matter particles are eternally possessed of positive or negative electric charge forming the natural binding forces or stickiness their free state is short-lived. Matter being unconscious ever remains unaffected in any state. 4. Conclusion
From the foregoing we can infer that space, medium of motion, medium of rest, every time particle, every soul and every elementary particle of matter are independent wavy units. It is the different inherent wave types that account for the various attributes marking the distinction of the substances.
We shall now look into the process of successive replenishment of the disintegrating karma molecules leading to the continued existence intact of the beginningless subtle body. 1. Ananta-avibhāga-praticcheda
Snigdha and Ruksa are the two kinds of electricity Positive and Negative. Refer page 209 of Prof. G. R. Jain's Cosmology Old and New.

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Nature of elementary particle of matter is combination, separation and movement. The karma molecules embedded in the soul, like the radio active elements undergo disintegration of their own accord. They discharge uninterruptedly every moment in mathematical series certain number of particles until they exhaust themselves. This is rise to activityl of 'karman'.
Rise to activity of the sub-type belief deluding karma thwart the natural function of the mundane soul's breath of consciousness2 i.e. the special stationary wave motion of soul. Rise to activity of the sub-type energy obstructing karma impairs the soul's infinite energy. The result is that the special stationary wave motion of soul is unable to overcome or resist the disturbance of the belief deluding karma. The breath of consciousness being struck in this way, the mundane soul experiences a partial state of swoon or delusion. The viels of knowledge obscuring and perception obscuring karman obstruct the information bringing energy waves and also hinder the mundane soul's tuning faculty. The disturbed tuning faculty taking help of the sense organs and material energy waves, provide him with limited knowledge and perception. Due to delusion and imperfect knowledge i.e. ignorance, the mundane soul has no knowledge of his own true nature. He therefore identifies himself with his organic body. For the comfort, safety and survival of his organic body, the mundane soul desires to acquire and hold objects living and non-living limitlessly for himself. As there are numerous other mundane souls with similar ambition, there ensues severe competition. Whenever the mundane soul is confronted with failure to obtain the desired object, he begets aversion and he either plans or commits violence on other living beings that stand in opposition. These triple defects delusion, desire and aversion, subject the mundane soul to quivering or cyclonic type of unnatural vibration. Quivering does more harm to the mundane soul's special
1. Udaya 2. Caitanya Prāna M.M.-23

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stationary wave motion than what all the obscuring karman can do collectively. This is self injury.!
Mundane soul's quivering creates in him an artificial binding force or stickiness similar to that of matter. Quivering in addition enables the mundane soul to suck in fresh karma molecules existing within his space points and bind with them. The acquired sticky state of the mundane soul and the natural stickiness of karma molecules incoming and already in association with him, promote fresh bondage.
Out of the seven truths of Jainism soul and non-soul, the mundane soul's process of influx of new karman and his bondage with them have all been explained already. Soul's stoppage of influx of new karman and effecting gradual dissociation of the old ones lead the soul to emancipation. These are described now.
Under an opportune moment any five sensed living being with mind when the belief deluding and the four lifelong passions are in subsidence, the mundane soul experiences an unprecedented state of calmness and at the same time gets a glimpse of the truth. This does not last longer than forty-eight minutes. Yet the fleeting experience leaves a strong mark on the mundane soul. He hence forward exerts to regain that experience and possess it permanently. This particular fondness goes by the name Right attitude or Right belief in Jainism.
The soul hence forward takes interest in philosophical enquiries and gains more knowledge of the truth and the path way leading to liberation. This discriminative knowledge is Right-knowledge.
The mundane soul's exertion or practice of vows, control of activity3 of body, mind and speech, self regulation“, penances etc. to 1. Suahınsa 2. Upašama
Trgupti
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eliminate delusion desire and aversion and to attain his peace and purity is called Right Conduct. These three gems Right belief, Right knowledge and Right conduct, together constitute the path way leading to liberation.
The process of subsidence thus occupies a very important place in the spiritual speculation of Jainas. The triple control i.e. steady posture, channelling the thought activities on the meditation of the soul's true attributes and maintaining absolute silence lead to the stoppage of influx and gradual dissociation of karman. The process is as follows:
Triple control release that energy left unobscured by the partially obstructing energy obstructing karma, but so far wasted in the passionate activity of body, mind and speech. This released energy go to the help of the special stationary wave motion of soul and with this help the soul's special stationary waves gains momentum and overcomes the disturbance of the belief deluding karma. The soul gains more belief, knowledge and conduct. He becomes equanimous and calm. The soul's quivering and artificial stickiness vanish. In their absence no fresh influx or bondage of karman can happen. In addition because of the absence of the artificial sticky state of the soul or its hold, the embedded karman too move away without affecting the soul in any way. On the complete dissociation of the four obscuring karman the soul becomes an embodied omniscient. In this stage he reveals the truth to the aspirants.
After the expiry of the age karma that synchronizes with the other three non-obscuring karman, he is released from his body. Pure soul being absolutely weightless in an instant reaches the top most universe. He stays there to eternity possessed of eight special and other attributes, that include infinite happiness. This in short is the state of liberation.

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IN JAINISM, O REJOICE Leona Smith Kremser
Obeisance to the Great Hero of Jaina Bhārata ... Behold Within a poet's meditation A vision begins, a vision of Jaina Ahimsā. In a colour of dusts Here rests a little temple. Dust to the dim doorway, Dust to the clay lampwick. Relic incense, powder marigold, One hundred eight Mahā-mantras, rest them. In dust, all things seem much like the others.
Hushed, the poet wonders Who was the devotee here come -Graying by the years, To strike the wick against the karmic bondage That obtains from thought, word and deed Done in the violent company of the body Till the body, too, made a colour of dusts.
Alas, little temple Without a spiritual heir In this cycle of descending dharma That lives and dies in materialism. Spiked materialism, the yoke within the garland! Who would not flee? Yet the self-induced yesterday Bequeaths karmas to today and tomorrow. Even the devotee made jinapūjā. Hence, the soul transmigrates To learn freedom from karma,
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Even the desire-karma for curling incense. The Self upon the Selfsame fixed, In-knowing ... here ends the space-time world That karma built, the delusive world That overlays the Pure Soul. Indeed, did ever live a Wondrous One, Purified of cause and effect, a historical person? Awestruck, the poet sees, Like floating lotus stone, The temple image of the Great Hero, Victor of the karmic battle of self-liberation. -For within is the worthy battlefield, Within is the anger, pride, deceit and greed That plunge the soul into suffering rebirths. Freedom Knower, he put down guideposts For all following him, the merciful Mahāvīra.
No more, no less a god, He was born the son to Siddhārtha of Bihar And to Trišala of the lotus dreams. Ruby cups, he drank for thirty years Till spiritual famine forced his soul, By way of twelve years on the thorns, To kevala-knowledge, O spiritual vision of truth! Thirty years skyclad, then, he dedicated To Right Faith, Knowledge and Conduct, -The Three Jewels and the flesh penitential Making the One, the Liberated Soul.
Thus the hero of the spiritual world Made answer to the primeval question of the universe.
Yes, God is the in-knowing soul, The transcendence beyond the senses, In every living being, —Pure from beginningless time, Individual as a lamp in a cave of lamps, Eternal in or out of the temporal body.

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Alas, attachment and aversion Again and again impel the infatuated soul Into the great misery of body bondage. Be pleased, therefore, of the Jaina way out: Non-violence, truthfulness, honesty, Chastity and non-possession-- By these vows, the Bhavya soul may sever The karmic ties that bind body to soul, -Free soul, freed by way of inner detachment. Meditate thyself, the poet says, Upon this dust and relic marigold. Ah, the heredity of the soul. ... Here, the poet's own temple After the poet's body makes dusts. Yet everlasting is the ideal within the Jina image And in venerable truth, in every age existing. Hence, gladly forget the body heretofore, For Jainism forever shall exist for the body hereafter. And the poet chants, Joy, joy In Jainism, sweet, sweet butterflies of joy'. Yes, to all body and soul beings, Mobile or immobile, visible or invisible, Ideal Jainism offers an Ahimsā all-embracing,
Likewise, a holy freedom Ahimsā That allows all living beings to work out Their own karmas in their own ways Without the ill winds of interference. Hell beings to penance, peace to them, Creepers, to climb inward walls, Animals, the only hand lifted to help them, Humankind, to righteous meditations While welcome are alien gods To garlands of spiritual restraints. When karmas are checked. And the motionless real is realized Over the passional ocean of the unreal,

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Then the soul will rise to its inherent home, Without return, blissful and eternal Pure Soul to the top of the universe. Twenty-five hundred years ago, Nirvāņa lifted up the Great Hero, Twenty-fourth teacher of the Jaina Ahimsā That extends liberation to all living beings. Great Benefactor, for good and all He bequeathed the thinking lotus of joy, Joy in the Sramanic culture that decrees Let live, let live all living beings. Yes, that holy freedom Ahimsā, That joy of soul, that stirs the universe to chant, Rejoice ye, rejoice Ye every living being, ye every lifted voice In Jainism, O Rejoice. ... Behold Within the poet's meditation The vision ends, the vision of Jaina Ahimsā. Yet the living universe shall rejoice in Jainism Into Eternity ..: Obeisance to the Bhagavān Mahāvīra.
Summary in English
Obeisance to the Great Hero of Jaina Ahimsā.
The poot sees a vision, a temple in a colour of dusts. Yet like floating lotus stone is the temple image, bearing witness to the pure and everlasting ideal Jainism. The poet chants ‘Joy' to recognize the Mahāvíra image in the poet's own temple-after the poet's body is dust. Likewise, eternal and exalted as the venerable image, is the holy freedom Ahimsā that Lets live ... lets live all living beings. Thus into Eternity shall all living beings In Jainism, O Rejoice.
Obeisance to the Bhagavān Mahāvīra.

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MAHĀVĪRA, THE GREAT PROPOUNDER OF JAINISM
A. L. Basham
Mahāvíra, the propounder of Jainism in its present form, produced a very important effect upon India and it is fitting that the 2500th Anniversary of his nirvāna should be commemorated throughout India and the world, out of respect for the memory of one of India's greatest teachers. Ever since, he propounded his religious movement, Jain scholars have contributed much to the general culture of India. The Jain Order has produced philosophers, logicians, grammarians, mathematicians, astronomers and scholars in many other fields, in large numbers all through its history. In order to maintain the moral standards of their lay members, the austere Jain monks have, in earlier days, made their mark on India as poets and story-tellers. Their monastic libraries preserve to this day many priceless manuscripts which otherwise would be lost.
The importance of Jainism, however, much exceeds its contribution to learning. It is and always has been essentially a religious movement, teaching, unlike most religions, not an intense devotion to God but an intense care for the life and welfare of all living beings. Despite the great contributions which it has made to learning, which I have mentioned above, its primary attention has always been fixed upon the things of the spirit. All the activities of the sincere Jain are directed to the ultimate goal of freeing his soul from the bondage of the world in order that he may enjoy the profound and eternal bliss of Nirvāṇa. The essential teaching of Mahāvīra was that the only way to achieve this was through what a great Christian theologian called “respect for life” and through the progressive development of the personality towards the abandonment of clinging to temporal things and a deeper and deeper concentration on the things which are eternal.
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A. L. BASHAM In this day and age, when the world is preoccupying itself more and more with material things, and when traditional values are more and more being questioned, it is good that the message of Mahāvīra should be spread abroad as widely as possible. He himself taught that there was no prospect in this cycle of the world's eternal history for all men to achieve the final goal. Indeed, if I interpret Mahāvīra's doctrine aright, very few will ever reach the final goal among the infinite number of beings throughout the universe. Yet, by ordering his life rightly, any individual may in some manner transcend suffering and help other living beings to rise above the world of pain and evil, In days like these, when, for all the efforts of statesmen and political leaders, human suffering seems as great or greater than ever, it is good that the message of the Great Hero should be spread abroad.
1.
From the letter dated 17 Aug. 1971 of the author to Dr. A. N. Upadhye.

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LORD MAHĀVĪRA AND THE ANYATĪRTHIKAS
J. Deleu
In the introduction to my critical analysis of the Viyāhapannatti! I have pointed out the significance of the stray fragments dealing with the refutation of anyatīrthikas2 that have come down to us in this remarkable work. In my opinion the chief interest of these texts is in the fact that they give us the answer, or at least the Jaina answer, to the question which were the oftenest and most ardently disputed tenets proclaimed by Lord Mahāvīra, consequently which of these tenets did, in his day, rival teachers hold to be his most characteristic, original and personal doctrines. The 2500th Mahôtsava of the Lord's Nirvāṇa is, I think, a festive occasion to reflect on the meaning of these texts.
Refutations of tenets3 held by the anyatīrthikas are found in Viy. I 94, 101-2; II 51.7; V 31, 52, 65, VI 101.3; VII 101; VIII 74, 101; XVII 22–3; XVIII 71.4, 82. References to the dissidents are, of course, found in several other canonical works too, but there, more often than not, they bear upon the attitude Jaina monks are expected to assume regarding such adepts of another creed4. Exceptions to this rule are Thāņa (ed. 1937) 129b and Jivābhigama (ed. 1919) 142b. 1. The AUTHOR Viyahapannattı (Bhagavai), the Fifth Anga of the faina
Canon. Introduction, Critical Analysis, Commentary and Indexes (Brugge, 1970),
p. 38 seqq. 2. AMg annautthiya (seldom annatitthiya) or parautthiya, S. R. PISCHEL,
Grammar par. 58. The numbers refer to the sayas, uddesas and further subdivisions of the text as analysed by the author, o.c. Infra, for convenience sake, I will also quote the page numbers of the Agamôdaya Samiti edition of the Viyahapannatti. Thus for instance in Nisiha, s. W. SCHUBRING and C. CAILLAT, Drei Chedasūtras des Faina-Kanons (Hamburg, 1966), p. 96
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Little need be said about the stereotyped form in which the records of such old disputes have been handed down. The situation, almost invariably, is the one we know from other texts of the pannattı type: Mahāvīra answering Goyama Indabhūi's questions. In this case Goyama, as a rule, will ask his master to pronounce upon such-or-such heterodox view and Mahāvīra will simply, without any argumentation, reject it and proclaim his own view on the topic in question. Four fragments, though, are of a somewhat different nature: occasionally Mahāvīra does not interfere before his disciples (viz. Goyama himself in VII 101 – 323b and XVIII 82 – 754b, some unnamed therā bhagavanto in VIII 71 – 379a, and a layman called Madduya in XVIII 74 = 750b) have been confronted with questions posed by the anyatīrthikas, or have had to plead the Jaina cause against their accusations; moreover, two of these texts supply the names of the heterodox interlocutors. These remarkable exceptions to the conventional style of the ordinary pannattis prove, I think, that the anyatīrthika fragments have transmitted to us some genuine information about what Mahāvīra's teaching activity actually was like. Therefore they supplement the knowledge that we may gather, in this domain, from certain conversion stories in the Viy.1 as well as from other canonical works such as Sūyagada etc.
Let us now consider the said texts from the content point of view. The topics under discussion prove to be of a great diversity, ranging say from the origin of a hot spring in the neighbourhood of Rajgir (II 57 – 141a)2 up to the essence of matter and soul 1. The great majority of these stories, which must no doubt be reckoned
among the most fundamental parts of the Anga's old nucleus, have been inserted in sayas IX-XVI, where no passages dealing with the dissidents are in evidence. This obviously implies that the redactors of the Vay. placed both kinds of texts on the same footing. The space of a short article does not allow me to enter into such minor clashes of opinion, the more so as some of the allegations of these an yatirthikas sound rather absurd; thus eg. V 65 = 230b and XVIII 71 = 749a. Or do we, in such cases, miss the necessary background to understand exactly what is meant?
2.

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(VII 101 – 323b). They pertain to knowledge and moral conduct, for Mahāvīra contends, against the anyatīrthikas, that the truly loyal man attaches equal importance to both of these (VIII 101 = 417a).
existence and bey
One can, of course, try to restore order to these scattered scraps of evidence. Schubring, for instance, was the first author to point out that what he called 'the simultaneity of actions and conditions' seems to play an important role in these controversies? : e.g. one cannot simultaneously effect (1 94 = 98a) or experience (V 31 = 214a) a quantity of life both in one's present state of
stence and beyond that state; or, one cannot simultaneously perform an action in agreement with the correct monastic way of life and a profane or sinful action (1 102 = 106a)2. These fragments, though, need not therefore derive from one and the same context, I think. That they express seemingly kindred ideas may well be the effect of the extreme formalization that is characteristic of the pannatti style; and when we look at them closely, they indeed formulate tenets of a totally different nature. The first two texts referred to bear upon the theory of rebirth, which is itself, as clearly appears from VII 61 = 304a, very much linked up with the notions suffering and happiness (VI 103 = 285b). As for the utterance on the incompatibility of the iriyāvahiya and the samparāiya way of life?, it probably must be interpreted in the light of VII 13 = 288b, where we learn that a layman, even if he practises what we might call the temporary retreat into religious life, performs a samparāiya action, not an iriyāvahiya action. Both in its wording and its tenor the latter text again is 1. W. SCHUBRING, Worle Mahäviras: kritische Übersetzungen aus dem Kanon der
Jaina (Göttingen-Leipzig, 1926), p. 20, n. 3. 2. I will not go further into such other related texts as I 101, section
d = 103a (speech exists only while being spoken, not before or after speaking) and II 51 = 131b (a god cannot transform himself into a
bisexual being). 3.
Possibly also that on the incompatibility of orthodox and heretical actions (Jiv. 142b).

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closely connected with VIII 51
367a. Here for the first time. we meet the Ajīvikās: VIII 5 in point of fact is the only place in the Viy. except of course Viy. XV, the well-known story of Mahavira's dealings with Gosala Mankhaliputta-where the otherwise anonymous anyatirthikas are actually mentioned by name. (We may only suppose that the anyatirthikas in VII 101 = 323b and XVIII 74 750b are Ajivikas, because at least three of the proper names recorded there are found among the names of Ajivika laymen mentioned in VIII 53 = 369b.) The point they raise, addressing the Theras, is of a particular interest. It comes to the insinuation that Jaina laymen lose every claim to their property, and even their wives, during the said temporary retreat into religious life. Now this almost exactly corresponds to what also the Buddhists reproached Jaina laymen for: taking account of Viy. VIII 51 we consequently cannot say that the passage Anguttara Nikaya III, 70, 3, discussed by H. Jacobi in vol. XLV of the Sacred Books of the East (p. xviii seq.), 'contains some mistake or a gross misstatement'.
J. DELEU
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Mahavira's idea of the iriyavahiya action seems to have met with a great deal of incomprehension on the part of his contemporaries. It sometimes even puzzled his own disciples, for instance Mandiyaputta in III 31 = 182b. One of its implications was the obligation, for the monk, to move carefully while discharging such religious duties as the begging-tour etc. (X 2 = 495b). Apparently the Jaina conception of this so-called iriya-samii was often attacked by the anyatirthikas (VIII 71 = 380a and XVIII 82= 754b), although Mahavira's explanation of its real tenor sounds reasonable enough (XVIII 81 754a): if a monk hurts some small living being while walking in the prescribed way, the action still is in aggreement with his religious duties. In my. opinion texts such as Viy. XVIII 81 and in another context, dealing with the laity, VII 13 288b - somehow put the old controversial issue regarding the unconsciously committed sin (that divided, as is well known, the Jainas and the Buddhists) in quite a different light.1
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1.

In XVII 22 Mahavira defends another very moderate opinion on the respect of life against the extreme views of certain anyatirthikas.
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As against the Ajivikas the Buddhists have not been mentioned by name in the Viy. and it is rather difficult to decide whether any of the dissident views exposed in that work may be pinned on them. A little while ago we already touched upon the notions suffering and happiness. Mahavira's conception of these two of course would likely contend against the Buddhist view. Maybe the Buddhists are meant where we hear some anyatirthikas say that all beings only experience suffering (VI 103= 285b). But we cannot be sure. Neither can we in the case of I 101, section c (= 102a), where we are told that the cohesion of four or five atoms results in an aggregate (khandhattae kajjanti), not in suffering (dukkhattae k.) as the anyatirthikas The whole idea and esp. the linking of the terms dukkha and khandha (even if the latter here of course is used in its Jaina connotation) somehow reminds us of the Buddhists. Still, since the text in a way remains curiously enigmatic, we cannot be sure. In the Jina's opinion, as he himself explains in the lines that follow the ones we have just discussed, the notions suffering and action cannot be separated', that is own suffering and own action, as is expressly stated in I 21 38a. Whatever the anyatirthikas may contend, thus we learn from VI 101 284b, nobody in the whole world can show that he has produced an amount of suffering or happiness as big as the kernel of a jujube fruit.
say.
In this connection we must refer to a few other important tenets of Mahāvīra's lore that over and again crop up in the texts dealing with the rival teachers. To begin with, the expressions sayam-kaḍa dukkha (I 21) and atta-kaḍa dukkha (XVII 42= 728a), and a good many others indeed, imply his belief in the existence of a self (which the Buddha rejected, s. his dialogue with Kassapa, Samyutta Nikaya XII, 17) as well as in the uncheckable character of karmic development. On several occa
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1. Cfr. also Thāņa 129b. This does not mean that perception (veyaṇā) always corresponds with the actions performed, as certain heretical teachers contend; s. Viy. V 52
224b.

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sions the Lord had to explain and uphold these two principles against the anyatirthikas incomprehension and disbelief. The self, he says, is identical with the soul in all such circumstances as may arise from moral conduct, mental functions and the like (XVII 23 = 723b). To Kālāsa Vesiyaputta, a monk of Parsva's creed, he shows that it therefore is the indispensable basis of selfdiscipline etc. (I 95 99a). On the other hand, the tenet of the uncheckable process of action (E. Leumann's 'irrevocabile factum'), which from of old the Jainas have held in such high esteem that its solemn enunciation was given the honour of opening the Viy. itself (I 11=13a), apparently was one of the greatest stumbling blocks to Mahāvīra's contemporaries. Not only was it flatly rejected by the anyatirthikas (I 101, section a= 102b), the same even denied the Theras to draw the most self-evident conclusions from it, e.g. (VIII 7' 379a) to regard as their property something that had been given to them but did not reach them by some cause or other (as for instance the case described in VIII 62 = 374a). Even Mahāvīra's kinsman and disciple Jamāli (IX 332- 485a), as is well known, could not accept its truth, yea even the gods in heaven quarrelled about the validity of its implications (XVI 5 706a seqq.).
The irrevocabile factum principle shared that great popularity as a topic of debate and a basis for attacking the Jaina faith only with one other tenet, viz. the doctrine of the so-called atthikayas. Unfortunately the two anyatirthika fragments dealing with it (VII 101 323b and XVIII 74 750b) give very little information about its real tenor1. The difficulty of the atthikaya theory, in my opinion, also appears from the fact that in both cases the people first addressed by the dissidents (among which there probably were Ajivikas as has been stated above) do not answer their questions at all: Goyama advises them to thrash out the question among themselves and Madduya only shows that certain things that lie beyond imperfect people's sensory perception (e.g. the fire in the arani wood) prove to exist all the same.
For which s. Viy. II 10
147b seqq.
1.
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What we gather from Mahāvīra's explanation in the first of the two texts referred to only bears on the corporeal inanimate character of matter and the living incorporeal essence of the soul as a basis for karmic retribution.
In conclusion I would like to state, that the great diversity of topics discussed in the anyatirthika texts is illustrative both of Mahāvīra's personality as a thinker and a teacher, and of that wonderful time of creative ferment. in religion and philosophy that was his. It would seem that Mahāvīra, more than anyone around him, even more than the Buddha, was inspired by the spiritual unrest and eagerness of his day. Speaking of the Buddha, and probably comparing him with the Jina, Frauwallner, in his History of Indian Philosophy, expressed the opinion that 'his (the Buddha's) contribution to the enlargement of the range of philosophical ideas in his time was a rather small one'1. A severe verdict indeed, which, however, is soundly based on the Buddha's well-known stern refusal to consider a great many questions that occupied his contemporaries. Because of his systematic approach to all these questions Mahāvīra has, I think rightly, been called 'the most versatile thinker we know of in ancient India'2.
1. E. FRAUWALLNER, Geschichte der indischen Philosophie (Salzburg, 1953), vol. I, p. 247; cfr. also p. 253.
W. SCHUBRING, The Doctrine of the Jainas described after the Old Sources (Delhi etc., 1962), p. 40.
2.
M.M.-25
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THE AGE OF MAHĀVĪRA
Adris Banerji
The one hundred years in approximate round numbers, 600 B.C. to 500 B.C., for many reasons was a brilliant epoch, not merely in our National History, but, in the whole Asian continent. The philosophic orient was torn by great movements of heart searching, political, economic and religious integration by ferment. In India, we have become habituated in dividing the dynamic process of thinking, called HISTORY, by well defined periods and personalities. We refer to Mauryan Age-when did it commence and when did it end? With Asoka, Samudragupta, Maukharis, Harsa, the Pālas and the Pratihāras we include archaeological materials which are "detritus of contemporaneous conditions” and which require to be more precisely interpreted. We have failed to define them as centuries with definite dates in terms of their characteristics as well as their failures and frustrations. In fact, yuga dharma. This century saw a tremendous transformations in philosophical speculations, social reforms, political ideologies in a remote corner of Bhāratavarsa, which early Vedic intolerance labelled as “No man's land'. It is this century, again, that witnessed Magadha, regarded as anārya deśaḥ, launching itself in that great career of imperialism as defined by Engels; which terminated, when in the neighbourhood of Ghosrāwān (ancient Yasovarmapura of Gaud avaho) Jivítagupta II was killed and defeated by Yasovarman of Kanauj. Arabia has its holy Prophet, Israel and Jordan (former Palestine) its Jesus, China its Confucius. But in very few countries, in well clarified centuries, so many religious reformers and so many luminaries distinguished themselves, by original speculations, within a course of centuries. All their dates, again can be fixed by two great leaders: Buddha and Mahāvīra.
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That Mahāvīra and Buddha two kșatriyas did become successful religious leaders, opened the way for further social reforms, not properly analysed in the social organizations that existed over the chaos that represented the decadent Vedic socio-religious conditions. If Ksatriyas could preach religions then why not the Sudras wear the purple (that is become royalties)? And, this is what happened, in Magadha, when Nandas ascended the throne of Magadha. Prācya deśa (Eastern India) by all accounts had become vast crucible of race admixture and culture complex. The next logical step was taken by Lord Mahāvīra to bring about a more disciplined existence based upon ahimsā and self-attainment by self-dedication. He was not merely an aspirant to ultimate knowledge, but, taught the way to attain the same by the masses, by rules of behaviour for the secular householder or laity, but also by an emphasis on austere asceticism, The moribund materialism and useless gory sacrifices of Vedic ritual was not merely attacked, but its uselessness exposed. The Aryans being numerically inferior, prohibited asceticism in youth encouraging production of progeny for their preservation, but the asceticism preached by Mahāvīra struck at its very root because, he realized that a life of parigraha-parimāna, the dangers of 'desire', in a materialistic world, vrata, nirjarā belief in Karma-phala, which has totally disappeared from our population, leading to the present murderous conflicts, are the ways by which the society can be preserved. The inequalities amongst men which caused all the trouble and sense of frustration was preached not in the 19th Century Europe but by Lord Mahāvīra in the centuries before the birth of Christ.
The ascetic ideal of Lord Mahāvīra was based upon the supreme knowledge, that while the five anuvratas were sufficient for the secular homes; long training, dedication to the cause of salvation, by the doctrine complete renunciation of all worldly things, was imperative and should not be resorted to only in old age (vānaprastha). To day we are living in a world of mad lust of power, greed, murder and massaccre. But his supreme self did anticipate these conditions in a society which in our egotism

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197 we regarded as primitive and warned mankind about it; and not merely that, how to avoid its pitfalls. Jainism has given India, a long line of kings, patrons of art and literature. Buddhism had disappeared from the face of its nativeland but Jainism survived in the jungle tracts of Manbhum in remote rural areas of Burdwan (Deolia), in inhospitable Maru-deśa thriving as peaceful householders, as men of piety and honesty carrying their humble trades, as statesmen, financiers and defenders of faith. That it has been able to stand the strain and persecutions of more than a millenium is the greatest justification of the teachings of Lord Mahāvīra,
If we do not keep our researches on Jainology confined merely to learned tomes, but make its tenets well known to the masses, emphasising on self-analysis, causes of suffering and creed of anuvratas, the chasm that modern India is facing can be avoided. But its germ lay in the jungle covered terrain of Magadha, Sumha and Rādhā. Only it has to be resurrected. That is why the importance of the "Age of Mahāvīra”.
The message of Mahāvīra was made possible not merely by the political revolution that was impending, but a revolution on ideological basis, magnitude of which has never been estimated. This period presented an inchoate relegious conditions, giving birth to contradictory philosophical speculations, many of which could never have produced that utopia of spiritualism which, was their objective. Our knowledge about them is chiefly derived from rival theologians. Even if we accept them cum grano salı, their existence can not be denied. First, were the Vedic materialism, the Lokāyatas, and the school of Ajita the Kesakambali. Then were the Parivrājakas and Sañjaya the Agnostic. The basic investigations being the human soul and its ultimate end. Then there were the Eighteen schools regarding primordial and ultimate beginning of things, the 'Eternalists' (šasvatavāda), the Extensionists' (Santa-Anantavāda), the Eel wriglers, the fortuitous originists (Akāranavāda). Others were Pūraņa Kāsyapa, Kātyāyana and finally Mankhali Gośalaputra, the leader of

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ADRIS BANERJI the Ājivikas. Then there were the dualists and monotheists amongst the followers of the Brahminical religion.
In these chaotic theological and religious conditions, two luminaries appeared in Magadha, one teaching extreme asceticism, and the other so-called majjhima patha. That they were received by a distracted people joyously is evident from the history of its (Jainism) survival throughout a period of genocide, persecution and conversion. It shows the depth of his teachings, which commenced, as the seals of Mohen jo-daro demonstrate in the milleniums, before the birth of Christ. The Age of Mahāvíra was the epoch that sent India with her teeming millions, on the path to meet their destiny. Its importance in the history of Indian civilization and culture is undoubted.
1.
A. Banerji-Origins of Jain Practices-- Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. Vol. I, No. 4., pp. 308-316

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"THUS SPAKE MAHĀVĪRA"
A. S. Gopani
The sixth century B.C. is one of the most outstanding periods in the history of the whole world. It was marked by mental stir and spiritual urge everywhere. Socrates in Greece, Zoroaster in Persia, and Confucius in China sparked a revolution in the thoughts of their countries. Mahāvīra and Buddha did the same thing in their lands of birth. The whole nation in the country was undergoing fundamental transformation. Arbitrary distinctions of caste were openly condemned by Mahāvīra and Buddha who asserted that full scope should be given to all human beings to achieve peace and progress. Admission of women into their Sanghas followed as a corollary of this basic principle. People were fed up with the excessive devotion to the ritual as it deprived the religion of the element of real ethical values. Mahāvira and Buddha vigorously voiced their protest against priestly oligarchy which exploited the people for its own ends in the name of chaotic and disturbing ritualism. Such a state of things in all the fields of human activities provided to Mahāvīra an additional reason to spell out his message of deliverance with force and frankness. It was in the background of these circumstances that Mahāvīra, the last and twentyfourth Tirthankara, who came on the scene, fought with vision and vigour more than what Pārsva, his predecessor, two hundred fifty years before, had displayed.
Jainism is as old as Time. It sometimes, receded in the background while at other times it occupied the vanguard. This depended on the situations and circumstances developing at particular times. The Tirthankaras came and went according to the inexorable law of Karman, of course, leaving the world better.
In the Jaina system the Cārvāka view that perception alone is the valid source of knowledge has no place. It takes percep
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tion, inference and testimony as valid. As a matter of fact it is on the authority of the teachings of the omniscient liberated saints technically called the Jinas that one can have unerring knowledge about certain spiritual matters lying beyond the compass of human perception and reasoning. According to it there are as many souls as there are living bodies. Consciousness in all of them is of a varying degree. However developed the senses may be, the soul inhabiting the body has limited knowledge which becomes infinite with its innate power and happiness increased infinitefold, once the Karmic barriers are removed. Liberation is, according to it, a final goal. It is the consumation, secured with the help of the simultaneous and full cultivation of right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. Jainism believes in godhead, though not in one single God. It has respect for all opinions as it believes in every object having infinite aspects. It is a kind of realism as it takes the external world to be real and is pluralistic in nature.
The teachings of Mahāvíra were first transmitted in the form of a tradition which was later put into writing. The Angas constituting the canon are the only authoritative source containing them. Despite the occasional accretions, these Angas as also the Upārgas present an essentially correct picture of what Mahāvīra thought, spoke and did.
The foundation on which Jaina Metaphysics rests is formed of nine categories namely Jiva, Ajíva etc. The soul in its pristine purity is possessed of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power. Of Jiva, there are many divisions and subdivisions.
It is the union of Jíva with the matter which is responsible for his wanderings in this worldly cycle. Karma and its intensity are the determining factors of this union. It is formed of atomic particles which behave in such a way that every change which they undergo leaves an impress which itself becomes the germ of future career. When the soul is completely stripped of the

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Karmic bondage, it is restored to its original state which is one of eternal bliss and unending calm. This is called Siddhahood in Jain terminology and it is attainable equally by one and all irrespective of caste or creed, if they have disciplined themselves in accordance with the injunctions laid down in Jaina Šāstras. This type of catholicity is unparallelled in the sense that it is found in no religious system anywhere.
Looking differently, Jainism is a system of ethics much more than a religion. It is characterized by the strictest discipline and severe austerity, not only for the monks and the nuns but also for the laity. To be called a true, bona fide Jaina, one must cultivate faith which should be total. If one has faith, everything else will come in due course of time but if he has no faith, it is useless if he is Jaina in other respects. This accounts for the fact that Right Faith is the first of the three requisites required to lead one on to the final goal of emancipation.
Right conduct means, in addition to other drills and disciplines, the practising of the Five Vows which are Noninjury, Truth, Non-stealing, Continence and Possessionlessness. These vows are not the special features of Jainism only. They are enunciated and enjoined in other faiths also but the point is that their application according to Jainism has the utmost rigours and fine subtleties to be rarely found elsewhere. The way in which the principle of non-injury is elaborated in Jainism bears this out. Ahimsā does not merely mean Ahimsā in action. It means much more than this. It also includes Ahimsā in words and Ahimsā in thoughts even. There is a general misbelief that the Jaina principle of Ahimsā is a negative one. It is not so because it also implies that it is as good as injuring a person if he is not helped when we are in a position to do so but do not do so intentionally. Final aim of an individual being his own redemption, it is true that more accent is put in Jainism on individualistic aspect than on the social objective. Purity of mind more than anything else is the sine qua non of the Jaina ethics. Ascetic processes and procedures without it do not take one any farther. M.M.-26

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One can reach it only through the gateway of self-control. Evenmindedness and meditation go hand in hand in Jainism. One is crippled without the other and is effective only when in company. Ethics and metaphysics are not completely divorced from each other in Jainism as is the case with Hinduism. This is evidenced in the Jaina texts while discussing into details the rationale of Bandha (Bondage) and Moksa (Emancipation)--two of the nine, categories. The anger, egoism, deceit and greed are the four cardinal sins ranking above all the vices in their harmfulness and horribleness. The strangeness about them all is that while committing the one, a person commits the other also automatically and immediately. A person falling and remaining for ever into the clutches of these four sins forfeits once for all his right to heavens and to emancipation. The significantly moral character of the whole ethical code is clearly brought home when one remembers the fact that Mahāvīra ruled that both-ascetic and householder-should not only make a daily confession of the acts of omissions and commissions but also should atone for them. One would be convinced of the hollowness of the argument contained in the accusation that Jainism is a negative creed, if at all he cares to go through a formidable list detailing the pious and positive social duties as part of Punya which one is called up on to perform without demur and deceit. One has to admit “Not in vain is practical ethics wedded to philosophical speculation in Jainism”.
Five vows referred to above collectively constitute the ethical code of the Jainas. They contribute to the furtherance of the social uplift as much as they do individual's. As said before, the world consists of two kinds of reality, the living and the non-living. Every living being has a soul, however imperfect or insignificant, the body, its habitat, may be. Avoidance of injury, even the least, plays, therefore, an important role in Jaina ethics. Ahimsā as enunciated and elaborated by Mahāvīra, comprehends Ahimsā in thought, word and action. The application of the principle of Ahimsā has sure, visible effects in

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other fields also. In non-technical language it also means the maximum kindness or reverence towards or for the animate world. Every living being has a sanctity, a dignity, a divinity of its own. Life is sacred, however, big or small, a living being may be socially or otherwise. Use of brute force implies a standing negation of the worth of personality as personality, the dignity of man as man. We have witnessed this negation many a time during the last hundred years and it poses a formidable problem. Competition in armaments, secret diplomacy, aggressive nationalism, imperialism, exploitation and blackmailing, racial discrimination etc. etc. What are all these—if not the various forms of the negation of the principle of Ahimsā? A tremendous effort, rational and moral is, therefore needed to bring home to the world that a way out of the present turmoil and trouble leading to real peace and progress lies in installing the Jaina principle of non-injury, non-violence (Ahimsā) in place of violence (Hiṁsā). This principle of non-injury also means that equal regard may be paid to the welfare and good of every single man, woman or child. In sum, the principle of Ahimsā really implies that life should be elevated completely from the plane of force to that of reason and reverence, adjustment and accommodation, service and sacrifice. This can be achieved exclusively through the sincere and solid application of the principle of Ahimsā, the cornerstone of Jainism, to all the fields of human activities. It should be noted that the principle of Truthfulness is inseparably linked up with the principle of non-injury, non-violence. Truth is the highest divinity and is of the ten types as stated in the Pannavanī sutta. Violence begets fraud which is but another form of untruth. We say in our daily talk that truth only conquers. It is true when it means that truth prevails in the long run. But it is a wrong interpretation if it is meant to signify that truthfulness in thought, word and deed is a road to success. The path of truth is strewn with thorns, is beset with difficulties. It demands courage and conviction, stoicism and sacrifice. It is one thing to speak the truth, in private but it is quite an another thing to say and stick to it in public. However ideals are ideals and they

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cannot be tempered with. Lofty aims are the wings of the soul aiding it to soar higher and higher. The wings, therefore, should never be clipped even partially. To those who argue that in a society which is permeated in and out with vice and wickedness, vile and violence, it is well nigh impossible to stick to truth, and therefore the society should be so organized as to facilitate the truth to prevail, it can be with equal force advanced that a society is made up of individuals and if these improve, the society is automatically improved. The principle of non-stealing is but another name of honesty. In Uttarajjhayana, the Lord had said "To abstain from taking what is not given, even so much as a tooth-pick etc. and to accept only such alms as are free from all faults; this is a difficult vow (to observe)". If the conditions of right living are to be sustained, one has to see that one does not so enjoy the rights as to deprive the others of them. What is a right in regard to oneself is a duty in regard to others. Rights and duties are interdependent. They go hand in hand. If one adheres to this principle strictly and with sincerity, there will be no problem of plunder, or loot, or robbing. The fourth vow is named continence, another form of it being self-control which, like the pruning of a shrub, assist the beauty and flowering of the soul. One must grow in self-control. One must not suppress the instincts but sublimate them and this is what exactly results from the observance of celibacy or continence. Sublimation is the organic device of attaining self-control without disintegrating personality. It renders possible the all-round organisation of self which is the mainstay of morality. Celibacy directs the flow of energies into specific channels and helps the person in continually recreating the moral order in which he has his being and in contributing immensely to the moral life of the society of which he is a part. Aparigraha is the last of the five vows. It means absence of acquisitiveness, or a state of possessionlessness or stoicism. It enjoins on a person to exercise restrain on accumulation. An ideally religious man is totally devoid of a lust for hoarding. His wants are bare and his needs are few. This will save him from getting lost in the pursuit of material gain.

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If this vow is observed in strict conformity with the scriptural injunctions it will halt that ruthless and lustful competition for wealth and property which is the curse of the present age and is responsible for its heinous crimes. The attitude of mind resulting from the observance of this vow is perhaps more required today than before. Expressed in slightly different terms, this vow may be described as the right sense of proportion, a perception of the true scale of values. It will be clear from the foregoing description that these vows are interdependent and supplementary. The application of one to human relationship leads necessarily to that of the others. But it must be said that priority goes to Ahimsā, non-injury or non-violence whatever you may call it. This is the very bedrock on which is erected the edifice of higher, nobler life. It is not mere humanitarianism but much more than that because it covers the entire sentient creation. Its comprehensiveness illustrates that ethical life and it only is the very foundation of mental attitude, outlook and approach. Asteya (Non-stealing) and Aparıgraha (Possessionlessness) also like Ahimsā, appear to be negative but they are really positive when applied. The five vows taken together constitute a single, whole conception of life, moral and spiritual.
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Mahāvíra has put the same emphasis on the application of the principle of Ahimsa in regard to Mind as he did in regard to character. He achieved this through his enunciation of the principle of Anekānta or Syādvāda. Different kinds of immediate and mediate knowledge of objects prove only one thing that every object has innumerable aspects. Imperfect beings as we all are cannot comprehend an object in its totality. Our view of it, therefore, is limited and we are wrong when we say that our view is full and final. This fact is very well brought home by a popular illustration of the blind men who formed their idea of an elephant by separately touching its legs, ears, tail and trunk. Every one of them claimed credibility for his idea and quarrelled when the claim was repudiated by the other. But they laughed over their own folly when every one realized that his knowledge was only of one of the many parts of the animal.
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This also applies to various systems of philosophy which are dogmatic in their assertions. This created bitterness amongst the followers of different philosophical schools. They never saw eye to eye on many a point and this hostility created factions in society. Seeing that this also is a type of violence in the realm of thought, Mahāvīra advanced his theory of Manifoldness of Aspects, technically called Syādvāda, and silenced zealots of one school or the other. “Truth”, he said and meant, "is not anybody's monopoly with tariff walls of denominational religions". This was the greatest contribution of Mahavira so far as the mental plane of speculation is concerned alongside his principle of Ahimsā which has done so much as nothing else has done to raise the standard of dignity of every being under the sun, however small and insignificant. This catholicity of outlook is the very soul of Jainism. It harmonizes all conflicting interests, sees unity in diversity, rejects absolute arbitrary claims and knits into one whole the seemingly contradictory doctrines. It is, indeed, a way of life aiming at democratization of the process of thought, word, and act. The fact that Mahāvīra spoke in the tongue of the people is another example proving that he championed the cause of the masses against the totalitarian trends of the society. He spared nothing to take out the wind out of the sails of monopolistic tendencies of the elite.
Jainism as professed and practised by Mahāvīra recognized that Karma by itself and without the intervention of any outside agency, divine or mundane, is adequate to explain the whole world of experience. It throws on the individual himself the whole burden of responsibility for what he thinks, speaks and does. He is thus the architect of his own fortune and needs not wait for God's mercy. This Jaina theory of Karma gives unqualified religious independence and freedom to an individual. It also saves the individual from being victimized by the autocratic and despotic sections of the society. It is only merit that counts and not the artificial status symbols based on arbitrary distinctions created by caste, community, colour and sex.

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If atheism means an unbelief in a life beyond, then a Jaina is not at all an atheist. If again atheism means an unbelief in the authority of the Vedas, a Jaina is, of course, an atheist. Jainism has no quarter for a creative God, accommodating at the same time the concept of godhead.
Thus spake Mahāvíra. All, excepting the Abhavyas (unredeemable), are potentially capable of attaining perfection without the God's grace or good will. Portals to emancipation are open to all. One is exclusively responsible for what one thinks, speaks, and does. Merit and not the birth is the determinant of status in society. Inherent ability and not the sex is the standard for admission into the order. Reverence for the life of all beings howsoever small and insignificant one is, is the first law of ethics. Sacrifice of the animal is to be substituted by the sacrifice of one's own brute self. For the attainment of the end the means cannot be sacrificed. One should be tolerant of the other's point of view. 'Mortify the flesh to develop the spiriť—he declared. Mahāvīra delivered his message in the tongue of the people. He led a frontal attack against priestly oligarchy, aristocratic society and mystifying thinkers of the day, In short, he lived and died for working out and propagating a virtual spiritual democracy in the form of Jainism. Without sacrificing substance, Mahāvīra reoriented the principles of Jainism traditionally received from his predecessor, Pārsva, so as to be an effective weapon with which to counteract successfully the complicated techniques employed since long by the spiritual monopolists to perpetuate their hold on the people who were passing through a crisis of faith. Mahāvīra's contribution, from this point of view, is sound and sizeable. In the world of thought, he ushered a republican era.

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K. R. Chandra Jainism is one of the oldest indigenous religions of India. It belongs to Sramana thought current which developed and flourished in East India. Jainism teaches that the man is his own master, he can spoil or improve his future by his own deeds and the path of his action is moral and ascetic. Man or Heroworship is its salient feature.
Jaina tradition records that there have been twenty-four Tirthankaras. Rşabha was the first among them, who wandered naked with matted hair on his head. Certain references in the Vedas and the Purāņas corroborate it. Nemi was the twentysecond Tirthařkara who was the cousin brother of Krşņa. Pārsva, the twentythird Tirthankara has been well accepted as a historical person. The last Tirthankara was Vardhamāna Mahāvīra who was the contemporary of Lord Buddha and Ajīvika leader, Gośālaka.
Mahāvīra was born in the royal family of king Siddhartha of Kuņdapura which was a suburb of Vaiśāli situated in the north Bihar. He was a prince of the Jñātr clan. His mother Trišalā also known as Priyakāriņī was a sister of Cetaka, the head of Licchavi Republic and President of the Confederacy of the republics of Licchavís and Mallakīs as well as the Gaņarā jyas of Kashi-Koshala. Mahāvīra's elder brother was Nandivardhana who married a daughter of Cetaka. Sreņika Bimbisāra, the mighty king of Magadha was also related with Mahāvīra as the former had married Cellanā, a sister of Cetaka. Supārsva was Mahāvīra's uncle. Mahāvīra had a daughter Priyadarśanā (or Aņujja) who was married to prince Jamālī, the son of Sudarśanā, the sister of Mahāvīra. Priyadarśanā had a daughter Seșamatī or Yašomatí.
Mahāvira's birth-name was Vardhamāna. He was known as Jñātrputra because of his clan, Vaišālika on account of his
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K. R. CHANDRA birth place, Videhajātya as he was born in Videha country and Mahāvira since he tolerated patiently all hardships and calamities.
All the princely comforts were at his disposal but Mahavīra did not like to lead worldly life. His soul was hankering after higher truth. As he did not like to cause slightest grief to his parents, he decided to leave the household after their death. But his elders did not allow him to renounce the world on such a sad occasion. For two years he led a celibate and pious life. With compassion he offered gifts to the poor and needy. At the age of thirty he renounced the world and became a monk.
His career for the next twelve years was of hard penances. He observed fasts of various durations ranging from two days to six months. The total period of his food-taking during these twelve years was hardly one year. While accepting food at the time of breaking his fasts he did not make any distinction between the families of higher and lower status. He accepted alms from the Brahmins, farmers, cowherds as well as from common householders. It did not concern him whether he got sumptuous or dry, fresh or stale food. He spent all these years in deep meditation observing various postures of Yoga. He moved from place to place in the Gangetic region staying at various places either for some days or for four months of the rainy season.
He had great compassion for living beings. At Morāka due to shortage of fodder some cows began to destroy the thatched cottage where Mahāvīra sojourned. But he remained in meditation and did not deprive them of their food. This behaviour of Mahāvíra was not liked by the head of the Tāpasas of Morāka. He abused Mahāvīra. This incident shook his heart and he made resolution that he would never stay with anyone if his sojourn was unpleasant to him. He decided to take no help from others and to observe silence. He even gave up the use of utensils and started taking food in his own palms. Throughout his wanderings he did not seek shelter with any householder. Places of his sojourn were groves, gardens, shrines dedicated to popular deities, work-shops, factories, deserted houses, desolate places,

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trees etc. Thus he was quite free from any hindrance in his independent activity of continuous accomplishment--sādhanā.
He was quite fearless. Fear leads to so many untoward actions and destroys the very instinct of freedom. Despite the cowherd's request Mahāvīra who was quite confident of his
did enter the terrible forest near Uttarayacala. There he faced the calamity caused by the poisonous Candakausika snake, with all the patience and courage and emerged victorious.
He possessed forbearance and tolerance, magnanimity and forgiveness. As a monk he had embraced the vow of equanimity towards all living beings. During his wanderings he silently tolerated various hardships. In the Rādha country (Bengal) people pelted stones at him, beat him with lathis and set dogs after him but he did not swerve from his path. As a stranger he was sometimes caught by the city guards as if he was a spy or a secret agent of their enemies. Quite strange and peculiar were his ways of life and naturally people looked at him with suspicion. Sometimes dacoits and thieves on being caught red-handed tried to involve Mahāvīra for their own safety. And as Mahāvīra remained in contemplation he did not answer any question addressed to him by the king's men and naturally the latter rounded him up. His silence invited many troubles for him. At Karmāragrāma a cow-herd beat him simply because of the suspicion that he had stolen his bullocks. At Chammāni another cowherd struck wooden nails into his ears as he did not answer when the former enquired about his bullocks.
After passing twelve years in deep meditation and severe austerities he attained perfect knowledge at Jşmbhikagrāma on the northern bank of the river Rjupālikā in south Bihar. It was not possible for common men to understand his doctrines. Therefore he walked over to Pāvā-madhyamā to deliver his first sermon to suitable persons like eleven great Brahmin scholars of different places who had gathered there with their hundreds of pupils to attend the celebrations of a great sacrifice. They put a number of enquiries to Mahāvīra and the latter explained

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his doctrines with multiple view-points. All of them got convinced and became the first disciples of Mahāvīra; later many others became his disciples and lay-votaries. Thus he established his fourfold congregation (caturvidha sangha).
He travelled from place to place with his large following for preaching his doctrines through the popular language of the masses called Ardhamāgadhi (Prakrit). In popularising his religion he obtained great support from the then ruling families of Rājagrha, Campā, Kaušāmbī, Avanti etc., who were related to him from his mother's side. Besides, his great compassion, austerities and self-discipline created great impression among the people of all classes and creeds.
His followers belonged to different grades of the society. His disciples were kings like Śivā of Hastināpur (formerly a mendicant) and Anārya Kirātarāja of Koțivarşa; queens like Sivā of Ujjaini and, Mrgāvatī of Kausāmbí; princesses like Jayants of Kausāmbi, and Candanā of Campā, as well as Seth Sudarśana of Vāņijyagrāma, Poggala, a merchant of Alabhiyā; Gangeya, a monk of the tradition of Pārsva; Skandaka, a Brahmin mendicant of Rājagrha and Metārya, an untouchable, Ānanda, an agriculturist and multimillionaire of Vāņijyagrāma; Varuņa, a warrior of Vaiśāli; another Seth Sudarśana of Rājagrha and Saddālaputra, a rich potter of Polāsapura, formerly a follower of the Ajīvika sect were his lay-votaries. King Sreņika Bimbisāra of Rājagrha, Kālodāyī, a heretical householder and Ambada, a Brahmin mendicant belonged to the class of believers of the faith of Mahāvīra. Besides them, the Licchavís and the Mallakis were the popular followers of Mahāvīra.
For thirty years Mahāvīra wandered as a travelling teacher spreading the gospel of Ahimsā (non-violence) throughout the plains of north India. At the age of 72 he attained Nirvana at Pavā. On that occasion all the kings of the Ganarājya of Vaiśālī showed their love and respect for the Master by instituting an illumination on the day of Dipāvalī. Since that day Dipāvalī is celebrated with illuminating lights in the memory of that great soul.

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K. M. Patel
Many difficulties have to be faced while attempting a sketch of the life of any prophet in India from the historical point of view. In ancient times, factual history was almost non-existent. Luckily information about Lord Mahāvíra's life can be gathered from both Śvetāmbara and Digambara works. Some references to Lord Mahāvīra are present in Acārānga Sutra and Uttarādhyayana Sūtra both of which are accepted as authoritative by the Svetāmbaras. Some information can also be obtained from the Mahāpurāna of the Digambara. References to the life of Lord Mahāvīra are again to be found in Kalpasūtra and Hemcandrācārya's Trşaşțišalākāpuruşacarita. Of the books published by the western scholars William Hicks Sanctuary Vol. II and Stevenson's 'Navatatva' and Kalpasūtra are equally helpful. These, then are the various sources for compiling information about Lord Mahāvīra's Life.
In Kundagrāma, near Vaiśāli, situated in the Videha or the Magadha, in the north, Mahāvīra was born to Trišalādevī, the queen of king Siddhartha in 598 B.C. In Jaina Āgmas he frequently bears the surname of Vaiśālika. His true name, the name by which he was known afterwards, i.e. Vardhamāna indicates how his birth succeeded an abundant prosperity in his father's realm. The queen was a sister of Cetaka who may be called the constitutional king of Vaisāli. Cețaka's daughter Celanā had married Bimbisāra (Srenika), king of Magadha. Thus through his mother Lord Mahāvīra was connected with the ruling dynasty of Magadha. The influence and support of his powerful relatives were of great use to Lord Mahāvīra in spreading and propagating the Jaina Religion. He belonged to the clan of Jõātrkas, who are called Nātrkas in Buddhist works and who were a powerful
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clan in ancient times. It is why Lord Mahāvīra is very often called Jñātrputra or Nātputta in Buddhist works.
The Svetāmbara Jaina religious scholars are of the opinion that the Lord was first conceived by a Brahmin lady; but that the angels had to transfer the fetus to the womb of the queen as the Brahmin family was considered to be less respectable. This phenomenon of the transfering of the fetus does not find favour with the Digambaras.
According to both the sects the fact is that Mahāvíra was born to Trišalā Devi. Five nurses were engaged to rear him. Care was also taken to make him fond of songs glorifying valour. As the Digambaras believe, at the age of eight, he was initiated into the twelve vows of the Sravaka. At such a tender age thus, he planned for offering his life for the religious welfare of the world; that is, he took the vow of celibacy and remained celibate throughout his life. On the other hand as the Svetāmbaras believe, he enjoyed the happiness of the world till he attained the age of thirty, that he married and attained fatherhood, that he set an ideal of uninvolved family life. His declaration of renunciation pained his parents and hence he postponed it till they died. His elder brother Nandivardhan again prevented him from renouncing life when he was twenty-eight. He thus put into practice the accepted maxim of the day that obedience to the parents and the elder brother is the mark of a householder. Thus, what was accepted as a mere code of conduct was raised to the status of a religious ideal. For two more years he remained within the bounds of the family and continued his religious practices. Then for one more year he went on giving alms. That he, in no way deviated from the obligations of the family life is to be seen in the fact that he became father of a daughter and that his daughter was given in marriage. He thus set an example of excellent family life discharging obligations of love as a husband and as a father.
The Svetāmbara texts bear evidence to the fact that he had given 3888 millions of gold coins by way of alms. These facts

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215 the delay in renunciation and formal initiation and the alms of the gold coins—must be pondered over. As Lord Mahāvīra has preached, alms, chastity, penance and devotion are the four pillars of religion. Of these, the first, the way of alms is the easiest and as easy as the cutting off of the external nail. To be a man of character is as difficult as the discarding of the necessary covering of the nail at the top of the finger. Penance is like the severance of the finger itself. Devotion is like the complete abstraction of soul and the relinquishing of all rights on the body. The transformation of the soul from the role of the sufferer into that of the spectator. This is, then, the most difficult of all. Those who cannot, without the desire of reward, help others lovingly, physically or by means of money or guidance can never attain blotless character. A man without character cannot do penance which comprises of labour for the general good, meditation and self study. Supreme devotion is again impossible without penance. Lord Mahāvīra, doubtless, wanted to emphasize this staging of religious attainment by his own example, and hence he began with the giving away of alms and then came to the stage of self-control. Even so, thwarted in his desire for complete renunciation by his elders, he did not practice selfcontrol till he succeeded in getting the consent of the elders, thus exposing the hypocrisy of the merely outward form of self-control.
At the age of thirty, Lord Mahāvīra renounced the world and was formally initiated. As a part of the discipline of the religious orders that he embraced, he plucked out his own hair. Though this would appear to be painful, the endurance, it is believed, symbolises religious introversion. The patriots who faught for the Indian independence used to sign the pacts of brotherhood by their own blood made to flow freely by self-injected sword wounds. The plucking of the hair is a similar test of endurance to be passed by those seeking initiation as a means of assurance that those who passed the test would not flinch at the moment of self-sacrifice for the religious uplift of the world. It does not mean that plucking out of hair leads to salvation. It only means that, without the endurance required to pluck one's

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own hair, one can hardly hope to liberate himself from the clutches of the body or the karmic bondage.
For a period of twelve years following this renunciation, he kept himself engaged in meditation and penance. His penances testify to his self-control. Only then he embarked on the task of propagating his preachings. Lord Mahāvīra thus sets the example that self-knowledge and self-control must precede any project of helping the people and exposes the empty sloganmongering of the present day politicians, social workers and religious leaders. Hardly any thing can be achieved even if one ignoramus succeeds in winning over a thousand ignoramuses for social welfare or religious uplift. The Jains as well as the nonJains must learn that no public work can be worth the effort if the leader is not qualified to lead his adherents.
Lord Mahavira thus spent twelve years in qualifying himself for the task he wanted to undertake and for thirty more years he pursued it. He planned for the success of his mission ensuring its stability and permanence. He divided his followers into the Sravakas-both male and female-who maintained themselves by lawful means and could sacrifice little, and the Sadhus, both male and female, who would be initiated and expected to sacrifice more. He organised the latter into a group, the sangha and designated eleven sangha leaders, to be known as 'Ganadharas'. They taught, according to tradition 4,200 monks without taking account of the lay followers, whose numbers increased with the years. This establishment of a new religious order was perfected within thirty years, in the times when modern means of communication, such as the rail or the air transport or the telegraph or the telephone could not even be dreamed of. This bears the testimony to Lord Mahavira's enthusiasm, diligence endurance, knowledge, valour and impressiveness.
Lord Mahavira first taught in Magadha. He would move about on foot, curing the people of their dogmatic and superstitious beliefs and winning them over to the path of knowledge. He battled with temptations, doubt, ignorance, misunderstanding

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217 and persecutions. Kings like Satānika of Argadeśa, Śreņika of Magadha and millionaires like Prasannacandra became his followers. He rubbed out caste and sex differences. He also moved about the tribals triumphing over all sorts of dangers and difficulties and sought to win them over to the path of salvation. He braved many dangers to his life such as the nailing by the ears by shepherd, and other Upsargas. His forbearance and fortitude, his impartiality and mercy were boundless. Master of all the Labdhis, he would have easily reduced to impotence the serpent like ruthless Caņdakausika but he endured the unutterable hardships without any mental fermentation. The Gośāla, the heretic, disowned his belief in the deservingness of Mahāvīra and left no stone unturned to molest him but he uttered no word, blamed no individual and asked mercy of no follower. He attained the highest status because he conquired the greatest difficulties. All these give some idea of what Lord Mahāvīra must have endured in persuading the people to give up their superstitions and come to the path of knowledge. The incidents also prove that nothing could deter Lord Mahāvīra from his mission.
In the Caņdakausika episode, the Jain scholars describe an incident that a serpent, finding Lord Mahāvīra's blood to be very sweet, ultimately ended by gaining absolute knowledge. This is obviously a metaphor. It is possible that a terribly angry man—'Caņda' means terrible-was disarmed and calmed by the purity of an illustrious personage like Lord Mahāvīra, and under the influence of his spiritual power grew religiously interest and veered round to the path of knowledge. Further, the sweetness of blood is indicative of the purity of the illustrious personage, the personage of the order of supreme puritySuklaleśyā.
In more than one place, the Buddhist writings speaks of the Nurgrantha sect as one of the most important at the time when that religion was struggling into existence. The Nirgranthas existed before Mahāvīra. Lord Mahāvīra himself must have been M.M.-28

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instructed in the doctrines of the Nirgrantha-Pārsva. It is thus not surprising that he retained the great portion of the dogmas of Paráva. But Mahāvīra was not tradition-bound preacher who rarely deviated from the sole function of imparting traditional preachings. Nor did he ever stick to accepted forms and rites. He changed entirely the set-up of the preceding Tirthankara and evolved a completely new set-up, described in the form of a report on the conference between Kesiswāmi and Gautamaswāmi in Uttarādhyayanasūtra. There are certain other means also of knowing the radical changes brought about in the old set-up by Lord Mahāvīra. The part of Lord Mahāvīra is thus clearly marked. It was that of a reformer. Initiated from his youth in the doctrines of Paráva, the observances of this order soon appeared to him insufficient. Hence his followers differentiated themselves from the older school of Nirgranthas. Also, Mahāvīra accepted the local vernacular-the Māgadhi-as the medium of his preachings, prefering it to the sophisticated sanskrit favoured by the court and the elite as also the Brahmin Pandits.
Lord Mahāvīra was thus a very practical man as also a man of vision. His explanation of the six groups of elements, şatdravya—is actually a microcosm of his comprehension of the cosmic system, accepted today by many of the advanced thcosophists. His maxim, “the speed of the word extends unto the end of the Loka” is perhaps suggestive of the telegraphic system. His understanding of the language as a combination of phones, which are in his terms, nothing but sound particles anticipates not only the telephonic and the sound recording systems but also modern linguistics.
His teaching that microscopic germs are bound to be engendered in the excreta, the sputum, the urea and the like is once again in anticipation of the modern theories of bacteriology, the science behind our allopathic system of medicine. His theory that vegetables are living things today stands proved by the researches of Dr. Bose. Not only that but vegetable also has reflections-Leśyās. Vegetables entertain feelings of joy,

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sorrow, fear and worries as we do and these feelings also affect their conduct of life. Feelings cannot evolve without reflections or Lesyas. His spiritualism and the Syadvada or the theory that every judgement is relative, today, guide the spiritual thinkers. His descriptions of the grades of reflections or Lesyas are confirmed today by some of the psychic researches of the theosophists. One must have experienced that the soul passes over from auspicious reflections to evil ones and vice versa. His teachings again anticipate the present day physics, psychology and psychiatry. For him, science and psychology were as important as spiritual knowledge. Not only that, he also believed them to be contributory to the spread of religion. Of the types of religious leaders engaged in the propagation of religion enumerated by him, one is the "Vidyaprabhāvaka” meaning the Authority on science.
His teachings appear to be so practical and so comprehensive as to include the physical, the moral, the psychical the political and the sociological uplift of the multitude-besides of course the religious counterpart of all those that those who have the very modern and far-reaching mass media at their command are indeed in enviable position if they would but think of propagating them. A true follower of Mahāvīra will hardly be aware of the contentions for supremacy among followers of different religions nor would he be aware of a similar insistence on only one religion being the true one, since Lord Mahavira has evolved the principle of syādavāda or the theory that every judgment is relative and has taught his followers to think in different ways. partial knowledge about some one of the innumerable aspects of an object or the judgment based on such partial knowledge is Naya. Every judgment is true only in reference to the stand point occupied and the aspect of the object considered. It is because one forgets this limitation and regards one's judgment as unconditionally true, which results, into quarrel and disagreement very often in life. The story of the blind men who formed their ideas of an elephant by touching its legs, ears, tail, and trunk respectively and thus came to quarrel about the real shape of the animal, illustrates this truth. They quarrelled because each
The

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thought that his knowledge was the only true and complete knowledge and should be accepted unconditionally. The quarrel was over as soon as each of them realized that his knowledge was only one of the many parts of the animal.
Lord Mahāvīra also advised his followers to adopt themselves to the condition of substance (Dravya) the time (Kāla), the space (Kșetra) and the mental development (Bhāva). He has not prescribed unchangeable does and don's. No moralists or religious leaders and thinkers can ever prescribe rigid rules of behaviour for the very idea of rigidity is unnatural, since soul is free. It can only be guided and instructed to look for changes in time and place, always ready for modification and adaptation. This is the real function of a mature religious leader, that is, the leader who can adopt and preach the fundamental principle of Syādvāda or the theory that every judgment is relative. Further, he has taught in the “Daśavarkālıkasūtra” that even the everyday functions such as eating, working or sleeping must be performed with attentiveness of a balanced mind. All functions merit a concentration and balance. No better rule of the thum! can be prescribed by Psychology. As the first step towards a pure and higher life, be prescribed that one must win one's bread by lawful means, and called him who did so, a lawful devotee or "Mārgānusāri". At a step higher than this are the "Srāvakas" who have to observe the twelve vows. At third stage are found those who embrace complete renunciation the "Sadhus”. What a fine practical arrangement! Few today know the secret of the twelve vows of the "Srāvaka”. For the monks he has prescribed a very simple., inexpensive life and control of senses. One of the principal vows stresses patriotism. The second extols brotherhood; the third prescribes celibacy with a view to conserving energy; the fourth puts a bar against a child marriage, the remarriage and the old-marriage; the fifth one insists on conservation of energy by abstaining from all deeds or cogitation about deeds that lead not to economical, national or spiritual gain and forbids brooding of unreal conditions, distraction and gloominess; the sixth one advises the practice of equanimity.

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The rest also have their special values. One who practices all these vows is indeed the true "Srāvaka”.
Lord Mahāvīra led an exemplary life. His early life teaches us obedience. Let us be obedient to the spirit of what he taught and how he acted. He teaches broadmindedness. He respected his age and time. Let us study comparative religion and let us make our thought about his life and action more scientific in view of our age and thus restore it to its pristine logical vigour, rational foundation. His has been perhaps the lone example of equanimity of the highest order. Needless to say, the ideals of equanimity and non-violence emplified by his life should never have led to groupism among his own followers. That it has done so is a sad reflection on the nature of man.

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LORD MAHĀVĪRA
1.
Tara Singh "Komal' But for Mahāvīra Jealousies and heart-burnings would increase in the world, Destruction would spread everywhere, Moses would not reach Mount Tur, Travellers of life would be exhausted. Blackness is being proclaimed whiteness. Whiteness is dubbled blackness Man would be tenderless, (merciless) Brother would have swallowed brother,
Peace and Prosperity's way would be lost. Had not the world found the Star of TRIŠLĀ. There would be no distinction between man and beast. But for Mahāvīra's way.
2. Had not Vardhamāna blessed mankind with his gospel,
Hearts would inflame with boundless passions. If Mahāvīra had not shown the way of Truth, Everyone would be fighting the other, Nightingale's haven would not be safe, Lightenings would appear as from clouds. To share unhappiness and suffering of the unhappy. No compassionate bosom would heaved.
Waves would be overwhelming each other. If man had not found the sheltering brink of his NAME. Bhārat could not have raised high her head. But for Mahāvīra's showing the way.
3.
World would be a slaughter-house, Daggers would be swimming the blood of innocence, Had he not caused bloom in life.
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Life's forehead would be ever in wrinkles. Kill, cut, finish and burn. Such would ever be the trailings. Innocence would be unsafe from such devilry, Evil reports would hold the day.
Gandhi would not have seen his way of life. Had not he inspiration from his peaceableness, Frightfulness would be dancing everywhere. But for Mahāvīra's teachings.
4.
Had he not delivered his message of life to world, Had not songs of Love echoed, Neither life nor happiness would have smiled, Had not the inspired drunk deep his message, His name could not be obliterated, Eras have appeared and gone. Whoever catches his self-denial and pennance, Forgets difference between own and else.
Anyone trading his name, Would not suffer a loss. Life's successful sport would be lost, But for Mahāvīra's message.
5.
Life's aim is service and assistance. He taught tenderness and mercy towards helplessness. He laughed even on thorns, He bloomed in autumn too. He a flower blooming in all seasons, When his penance reached highest pitch, Indra's seat was affected. Merciful, renunciating and helpful. Come to protect the honour of the downtrodden.
‘Komal' sees many a star in the firmament of heaven. But never a star so bright as He, Temples would be devoid of scent of Love. But for Mahāvīra's way of love and tenderness.

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THE JAINA LOGIC OF SEVEN-FOLD PREDICATION R. N. Mukerji
1. Partial and All-round View-points in Jainism, Vikalādesa and Sakalādeśa
According to Jainism every object of experience is complex, and it can be viewed either analytically, part by part, or wholly in an integral vision. The first is covered in the doctrine of nayas (nayavada), the second in that of syadvāda.1 While there is no harm in considering one aspect of a thing at a time, to regard it as the sole nature of the thing is nayābhāsa, like blind men coming to take parts of an elephant as the whole creature (andhagajanya ya). According to the Jainas, Nyaya Vaiśeṣika position represents naigamanayābhāsa in that universals and particulers are both admitted but in an isolated and non-relative sense. Advaita Vedanta and Sankhya represent sangrahanayabhasa in that the former reduces all diversities to one sat, and the latter to one cause in prakṛti, Cārvāka is a case of Vyavahāranayabhāsa and Buddhism of ṛjusūtranyābhāsa. The grammarians represent extreme form of sabdanayabhasa in that they regard not only synonyms as of one import, but also non-synonyms, all being referred to a single primary word sphoța.2
an
The all round view is also possible in two ways, discursively or indirectly (asākṣāt) and integrally or directly (sākṣāt). The first is the method of syadvada, also called sāpekṣavāda or relative approach by combining in seven-fold predication all possible partial stand-points. The second is the completely integral view of many-faceted reality by the kevalin or realized
1.
2.
Siddhasena Divākara, Nyāyāvatāra, kā. 30, with commentaries of Devabhadra and Siddhaṛşı
Malliṣena, Syadvādamañjarī (SM), with Hemacandra, Anyayoga-VyavcchedaDvātriṛśikā (AVD), Ed. A. B. Dhruva (1933), XXVIII, 155-165.
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man in his omniscience (sarvajñatva)". We have thus a four fold classification, according to an increasing degree of correctness in understanding the complex reality, nayābhāsa, naya, syādvāda and kevalajñāna. The difference between the two ways of having the all round view accounts for the predicate of the inexpressible (avaktavya) in syādvāda. What cannot be uttered together (sahārpana) can be directly known together by the omniscient. 2. The Doctrine of Nayas (Nayavāda)
Naya is a partial view point where it is not mistaken for the whole. There are seven nayas from naigama to evambhūta, whose referents become more and more specific. Naigama is nondistinction of the universal and the particular at the popular practical level; sangrahanaya, the stand-point of the universal or general; vyavahāranaya of the particular; jusūtra of the momentary or the specifically present; sabdanaya takes synonyms as of one meaning. For instance kumbha, kalaśa and ghata denote the same object from this stand point as also Indra, Sakra and Purandara. In samabhirūdhanaya, the meaning of synonyms are distinguished on the basis of their etymological derivations. Indra signifies one who is 'all prosperous', Sakra, ‘all powerful and Purandara 'the destroyer of enemies'. Evambhūta stand-point regards etymological synonyms as different words, applicable only when the object is showing corresponding function. Thus Indra is to be regarded as Purandara only when actually engaged in destroying enemies, ghata when actually producing ghata ghata sound in pouring water, the word "worshipper” is appropriate only when the person is engaged in worship, and potter when engaged in making pots. But, for the potters son, he is a 'father rather than a 'potter'. A tactless man might ask him “Is the potter present?”, where he ought to ask “Is your father present?” In stating that 'Sri Krişņa cut off Siśupāla's head', it would be hardly appropriate to say, 'Madan Mohan cut off Siśupāla's head', unless the aim is to evoke the mood of surprise. 1. Samantabhadra, Āpta-Mimāmsā, kā. 105. 2. S. M. XXVIII

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When Kālidāsa describes Pārvatī's bashfulness on Saptarși's conveying to her father Siva's request for her hand, he writes
Pārvatī sitting by the side of her father, with lowered face.' This is entirely appropriate because the name Pārvatī also means daughter of Himālaya'. If, instead, the name Jagadambā or ‘Mother of the world' were used here, it would hardly be appropriate. 3. Syādvāda
Jainism emphasizes the importance of an integral viewpoint that reconciles the extreme views of philosophical doctrines that arise due to an acceptance of any one aspect of experience as the sole principle of reality. In considering the richness of a manyfaceted fact, it is quite legitimate to relate the different aspects one by one, because according to Jaina system a word can represent only one thing at a time, provided two reservations are explicitly made: (1) That the partial aspect of a thing is a partial aspect only, and does not arrogate to itself the title of the whole reality. This is taken care of by adding syāt before every predication which is also called kathancit, in a way, or from one standpoint or partially (2) that the discursively stated partial view points are together in the object, and not isolated in it, as they become separated in verbalization. All the trees in a grove of mango tree are simultaneously present and do not themselves become serial because they are counted serially. That in words the partially grasped aspects are stated serially (kramārpana), and cannot be stated together in their integral un (sahārpana) does not mean that the different aspects of the object stand apart. For instance, even a single subject may have to be divided in different chapters while presenting it in a book, but that is only a contingency of writing, as every author knows, and does not represent chapters of the subject matter. This incapacity of simultaneous statement of the rich multiplicity of reality is meant by the predicate of avaktavya (inexpressible in the totality). The partial aspects are vikatādeśa while the totality is sakalādesa.
1.
Akalanka, Laghi yastraya, Si, 33

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4. Nayavāda and Syādvāda
It is generally held that these two are complementary, and what nayavāda does analytically, syādvāda synthesizes into a complete view-point. This, however, is true of the first four nayas only in a general way and not specifically as term to term relation, except in cases of the relations of universal versus particular, unity versus difference, and permanence versus change, where it has a more specific application. The last three nayas, sometimes referred as sabdanayas, in fact, between them cover the case of avaktavya in general and avaktavya aspects of the above three problems in particular.
With respect to the problems of the universal and the particular, Jains reject the theories that universal alone is real (Advaita Vedānta), particular alone is real (Buddhism), universal and particular both are independently real (Sankhya, Yoga, Nyāya-Vaiseşika). According to the Jains, the two are dependently or relatively (sāpeksa) real. Neither is found without the other. Generality is known by an inclusive cognition (anuvsttipratyaya), particularity by an exclusive cognition (vyāvrttipratyaya). For instance, a man as sāmānya is seen as similar to other persons, and as viseșa as different from other persons. By the first he is recognised as a man, by the second as the particular individual.1 Similarly, the earth which is moving round the sun, is also at rest for those living on it, but not so independently, but relatively. Man who is one as engaged in conversation, is also relatively two while putting on shoes, for he should distinguish between the left foot and the right.
What is covered by relativity (sāpekșatva) in Jainism is a wide class of relations depending upon the matter that constitutes a thing (dravya), and its state (bhāva), for instance, earth will be brown when unbaked and brick-red when baked, kşetra (place), and kāla (time). An entity is positively determined with 1. Manikyanandi, Parikṣāmukha Sūtra, with Laghu Anantavīrya's, Prameya
ratnamālā, IV, 2.

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respect to these four conditions so far as they belong to itself (svadravyādicatuștaya), and negatively determined so far as they qualify a different (nı şedha-pratiyogi) object (paradravyādicatustaya).1 According to Jainism this negative differentia belongs as much to an object as its positive nature. One can no more be possible without the other than one bank of a river can be possible without the other bank. That is why positive and negative aspects are predicated together in two ways in the third and fourth modes of predication. The fourth mode of avaktavya is in fact negative, but it helps to express the positive, just as this bank will be referred as the other bank, from this other bank.
According to Jains there is no contradiction involved and no violation of the Law of Non-contradiction in applying opposite predicates to the same thing, because they are applied to its different aspects according to matter, state, space and/or time. In fact, the positive and negative aspects must both belong to every thing. If only the positive aspect belonged to it, there would be nothing to distinguish it from another, and all things would become one sat as in Advaita Vedānta. If, instead, only the negative aspect belonged to a thing, it would have no intrinsic nature, and so become niņsvabhāva as in Sūnyavāda Buddhism.* In fact, within Buddhism itself, Dinnāga's and Dharmakīrti's theory of pure negative definition of things (apoha), had to be modified by Sāntarakṣita and Ratnakīrti, so that the negative was seen to be relative to the positive.s
The Jain contention is that what is universal under one set of matter, place, time and state, is particular (non-universal from the view point of another set of matter, place, time, or 1. Vasunandı, Āpta-Mimāṁsā-Vịttı, 15
Vidyānanda, Astasahsr on Apta-Mimamsā, I, kā. 9
Vasunandı, op. cit. 47 4. AVD, 180-222 on XIV
Dharmakīrti, Pramāna-Vārtika, II, 164-65 śāntaraksita, Tattvasangraha, 1012-23 Ratnakirti, Apohasiddhr

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and state. That is why seven-fold predication is possible under syadvada, as 'somehow is', 'somehow is not', 'somehow both is and is not', 'somehow inexpressible', and the first three in combination with the fourth. Here 'somehow inexpressible' is also kathañcidvyapades ya, which means that the object can be expressed to a good extent, but not in its entire complexity and not together in its both aspects of being and non-being.
Since every object is equally determined by its positive nature, and by its negative differentiation from every thing else, and all other objects are thus covered, Jainism accepts that each object contains references to the whole universe, and therefore, by knowing any object thoroughly, it is possible to know the whole universe:
जे एगं जाणइ से सव्वं जाणइ । जे सव्वं जाणइ से एगं जाणइ ।। एको भावः सर्वथा येन दृष्टः सर्वे भावा. सर्वथा तेन दृष्टाः ।
सर्वे भावाः सर्वथा येन दृष्टा एको भाव सर्वथा तेन दृष्टः ।। And, therefore, each object is a many-faceted gem, irradiating the universe, in multi-coloured lights,
'मेचकज्ञाननिदर्शनेन ।' 'यथा मेचके नीलाद्यनेकप्रतिभासे सति नहि शक्यं वक्तुं यद्येन रूपेण पीतप्रतिभासस्तेन रूपेण पीतप्रतिभासश्च नीलप्रतिभासश्च। भिन्नाकारेण प्रतिभासश्चास्ति । तथैकस्मिन् वस्तुनि भेदाभेदव्यवस्था सुघटा।'
'सकलावरणपरिक्षये सहस्रकिरणवद्युगपन्निखिलार्थोद्द्योतनस्वभावत्वात् तस्य कारणक्रमव्यवधानातिवत्तित्वाच्च ।'
5. Syadvada and Modern Many-Valued Logics
Nayavāda and Syādvāda have been taken as disjunctive and conjunctive dialectics. While we made some reservations 1. SM, XXIII, AVD, 150 2. AVD, XIV, 195-200, p. 92
Laghu Anantavīrya, op. cit. IV, 1 with ancient Sanskrit comments
(Varanasi, 1964) 4. Y. J. Padmarajiah, Jaina Theories of Reality and Knowledge, p. 334

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regarding this statement in the last section, we might roughly take it as correct. Then taking the seven predicates of syadvada together with fuil knowledge in omniscience, disjunctively, we can assign to them the following values corresponding to a probabilistic interpretation of many-valued logic.1 In this scheme we assign the same value to double negation as to affirmation, though they do not mean the same thing in Jain philosophy. We also take a negative value for avaktavya for reasons already explained in the last section, sahārpana is symbolised as o, and kramārpana as ..
а,
1/6
1/6 ~(~A) b (=2a) A.~(~A)
2/6 or 1/3 ~[AO~(~A)]
3/6 or 1/2 di A ·~[A@~(~A)] 4/6 or 2/3
a l~(~A). ~[AO~(~A)] 4/6 or 2/3 e (=c+b) A•~(~A) • ~[AO~(~A)] 5/6 f (=2c) AO~(~A)
6/6 or 1
a
)
These can be operated as a six-valued probability logic, rather like the throw of six-faced dice in games of chance, with certain additional rules, some of which are shown in the table. Then the first value 1/6 represents the chance of getting a specific number in a single throw a^ b^c^ d^e^f=1/6. The second value, the chance of getting any one out of two a 1 bicada a 1 c etc. Similarly other cases, the last being just, a ^ b^C^ d^ e^f.
This discussion, incidentally, reveals three-fold ambiguity in the use of 'or'. Even in its disjunctive use, it might mean either any one indifferently or any one specifically. The former has 1. Nicholas Rescher, Many-valued Logic, p. 184f. for probabilistic interpreta
tion of Many-valued Logic.

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been symbolized A the latter A. Consideration of such cases would be a good extension of 'sabdanaya'.
The above account might be taken for nayavāda. For Syādvāda, disjunctions have to be replaced by conjunctions. In this case, sahārpana is to be taken as a further addition of a to b. Thus kramārpana is b or 2a, and sahārpana, a +b, or 3a.
This treatment has an added advantage that on the basis of four values, as shown in the table, all eight values including complete knowledge, which might be called prajñā, can be obtained.
+ 1/6 1/6 1/3 1/2
1/6 1/3 1/3 1/2 2/3
1/6 1/3 1/3 1/2 2/3
1/3 1/2 1/2 2/3 5/6
1/2 2/3 2/3 5/6 1
This table gives the interesting idea that kramārpana repeated twice gives sahārpana together with either being or non-being. This repetition might be taken as in reversed order.
[A •~(~A)] • [~(~A) · A] = A · [AO~(~A)]
V~(~A) · [AO~(~A)]. It also suggests prajña as a result of sahārpaņa repeated in the same way, thus becoming avaktavyascāvakatavya. It should be noted that in the verse quoted above (p. 230) the statement is repeated twice in reversed order. Thus the necessity in language of discursively starting from one end concept is overcome. For instance, what was inexpressible from the point of view of the universal, when combined with the in-expressible from the point of view of the particular, carries language as far as possible towards prajna. The parallel from probability is that of throwing a coin, when the chance of getting either a head or a tail is }, because each curtails the other's 1. cf. AVD, XXIII, 155-170, p. 145

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THE JAINA LOGIC OF SEVEN-FOLD PREDICATION 233 chance by }. Therefore, by combining both these probabilities, we get 1. The corresponding case for the die would be the division of the six marks into two groups on 3 planes meeting at diagonally opposite edges.
An alternative formulation is by assigning symbols to the three basic modalities, is, is not and inexpressible, a, b, and ~ c, when we get an eight valued logic of a, b, a +b, ~c, a :~c, b.~c, a + b .~c, c. Here one might think, why not take it as 3-valued logic. The reason is that, then, there is no reason why it should not be reduced to 2-valued logic. But in 2-valued logic all the eight predications, are elaborations of identity statements. But Jaina logic does not admit this It admits two forms of conjunction, and regards all the eight forms of predication as distinct.
This section is presented tentatively as an incentative to further development along these lines
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CONSIDERATION OF SELF IN JAINA PHILOSOPHY
B. J. Jhaveri Jaina philosophy of Self contributes uniquely to worldphilosophy in general and Indian philosopủy in particular in its propounding a reconciliation between materialism and spiritualism. Jaina philosophy is one with other philosophies of spirit in establishing the supremacy of inner and subtle reality over that of gross and bodily sense-organs. The significance of Jaina view of Self is to be evaluated looking at the times when it was put forward. On the one hand there was scepticism looming large in the minds of people and on the other hand there was one sided spiritualism being advocated by certain Upanishadic thinkers. Jainism during such a critical time steered clear of two extreme positions and forged successfully the unity of body and self and upheld the pervasive nature of consciousness in the body.
What is the nature of self? Is it identical with what we mean by the terms body, mind and intelligence? Is it superior to mind-body complexity? Is it ultimately one or many? Is it identical with consciousness? These are some of the questions raised often by people searching for the knowledge and reality of the universe. Metaphysics is an attempt to know the reality underlying our day-to-day living and experience.
No new data are unwelcome in metaphysics provided they are true and open to verification. Just as natural and social sciences are dependent upon well found out data which can be felt perceptually or inferred on perceptual grounds, in like manncr philosophy or metaphysics articulates its system and arrives at conclusions regarding the nature of Rcality as a whole while relying upon experiences such as physical aesthetic, intellectual, moral, cultural and spiritual. Every human being possesses needs, desires and implicit sense of values to feel and appreciate
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the infinite realm of physical, vital, moral and cultural objects. Philosophy to become adequate to comprehend the infinite nature of Reality takes into account various data of experiences possessed by either one or several human beings. In this regard Jaina mctaphysics is thoroughly valuational and experiential.
The Jaina holds that the self is an object of internal perception. When I feel that 'I am happy or 'I am unhappy, I have a distinct and immediate apprehension of the self as an object of internal perception. But how can it be an object of direct and immediate apprehension or perception, though it has no form at all? The Jaina replies that just as pleasure can be perceived though it is without any visible form, so the self also can be perceived though it is without any form. When pleasure is perceived it is not perceived apart from the self. It is perceived always as belonging to the self. Pleasure is never perceived as 'this is pleasure' as a jar is perceived as 'this is Jar'. Pleasure is always perceived as 'I am pleased', or 'I have pleasure'. Hence the perception of pleasure in the form 'I am pleased' not only reveals pleasure but also the self. Thus the self is an object of internal perception.1 Herein the approach of Jaina thinkers is clearly found to be observational and experiential.
From the point of view of Ontology Jaina thinkers make the self (Jiva) and not-self (ajīva) as two absolutely different substances. The former is conscious, incorporeal and immaterial, while the latter is unconscious, corporeal and material. Every embodied self (Saṁsārī Jiva) has a soul and a body. It has a gross body and a subtle body composed of infra-sensible particles of matter (karma), called kärmana sarira. Both gross body, and subtle body change. When the self achieves perfection (siddhi), it transcends both. In discussing the relation between the states of the self and the states of karma-matter, the Jaina makes a distinction between a substantial cause (upādāna kartā) and an external cause (nimitta kartā). Mental states are the modifications of the self, 1. Prameyakamalamārtanda (Prabhācandra), Pp. 31-3, Javji's edition, Bombay,
1912. as quoted by Jadunath Sinha in 'Indran Psychology', p. 245

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CONSIDERATION OF SELF IN JAINA PHILOSOPHY 237 and organic states are the modifications of matter. The self is the substantial cause of psychical states, and matter is the substantial cause of organic states. And yet psychical states and organic states are external causes of each other. One psychical state is produced by an immediately preceding psychical state, and determined externally by an organic state, In like manner, one organic state is determined by immediately preceding organic state and yet conditioned externally by a psychic state.
Parallelism as well as interactionism have both been accepted as adequate theories for accounting the nature of physical and mental series in human and other living personality. The mental series and the physical series are independent of, and parallel to each other and, yet they are determined externally by each other. The Jaina emphasizes the causal interrelation between self and body, even though the relation between them is external; so that a change in one always involves a physical antecedent one being the substantial cause and the other being the external cause. The self is the substantial or constituent cause of an emotion, while karma-matter is its external or indirect cause.2 A change in dravya karma or physical karma immediately produces a change in bhāva karma or consciousness. Dravya karma is objective physical karma. Bhava karma is its subjective counterpart in consciousness. It produces an er (bhāva) in citta. An emotion is the effect of kārmic thought which is the effect of kārmic matter. The direct and immediate cause of an emotion is bhāva karma or kārmic thought. But its indirect or external cause is dravya karma or kārmic matter. There is psycho-physical parallelism between mental states and organic states which are two independent series. And yet mental states are the indirect and external causes of organic states, and organic states are the indirect and external causes of mental states. The two series, though independent of, and parallel to, each other, are causally interrelated to each other. 1. Pañcāstıkā ya (Kundkunda Svāmı), 59 (P), Bombay, samvat 1972, Op.
cit, p20 Pañcâstika ya, p65

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B. J. JHAVERI
It can well be appreciated that the activities have their origin in not only physical senses but in psychical senses too. In order to make these distinction crystal-clear and to adequately grasp its import it would be proper to understand the concept of self according to Jaina philosophy. The Jaina recognizes six substances: (1) soul (jīva), (2) the principle of motion (dharma), (3) the principle of rest (adharma), (4) space (ākāśa), (5) matter (pudgala), and (6) time (kāla). The first five substances are extensive like body (kaya), and occupy more than one unit of space. So they are called astikayas. Soul, matter, dharma, adharma, and space are extensive substances. Time is unextended; it has no extent in space. It is composed of innumerable moments which are not co-extensive with one another. So time is a substance. But it is not extensive (astikāya).
The soul (jiva) is an eternal spiritual substance. It is incorporeal or formless (amurta). It is immaterial. It is different from the body or the sense-organs. But it is co-extensive with the body it occupies (svadehaparimāṇa), even as the light of a lamp is co-extensive with the room in which it exists.1 Cognition, conation and feeling are its attributes. It is the knower (upayogamaya), the enjoyer (bhoktṛ), and the active agent (kartṛ). It possesses knowledge (jñāna) and perception (darsana). Consciousness is not the accidental quality of self as the upholders of Nyāya-Vaiśeśika philosophy hold. It constitutes its essence. The soul is not indifferent (udāsīna) or inactive (akartr) as the Sankhya philosophers hold. It is the enjoyer of the fruits of its actions. It experiences pleasure and pain. It is active. It has freedom of the will. It can freely do right actions or wrong actions and acquire merit (punya) or demerit (papa). It is the master (Prabhu) of its own destiny. It freely enters into bondage. It freely liberates itself from bondage. It is united with particles of karma-matter in the state of liberation. The liberated soul moves upward to the summit of mundane space (lokākāśa).2
1.
2.
Tattvärthadhigamasara, V. 16. as quoted by J Sinha. History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. II, p 218
Dravyasamgraha, 2; P. 27 (pañcastikāyasamayasāra)

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CONSIDERATION OF SELF IN JAINA PHILOSOPHY
Jaina philosophers recognize five different states of the soul. The first of them is its essential state. This is the state in which the soul possesses the characteristics belonging to it by its very nature which can never be changed through the manifesitation of karma. The soul, for instance, can never become unconscious. The second state is the result of the manifestation of karma. All accidental qualities of the soul that are produced through the rise of karma belong to this state. The third state is produced by the suppression of karma (Aupaśamika Bhāva). All states of the soul arising through the subsistence of karma come under this category. The state resulting from the destruction of karma is the fourth one (kṣayika karma). This is the consequence of the total annihilation of a particular type of karma. The fifth state is a mixed form of the second, third and fourth states. In it the process of the destruction-cum-subsistence (kṣyopasama) of a particular kind of karma occurs. The completely obscuring (sarvaghatin) karmic particles that are manifesting themselves are annihilated, those existing in potentia are suppressed, and the partially obscuring (Desa-ghatin) ones are continued to manifest in this state.1
Lord Mahāvīra points out to Gaṇadhara that it is not correct to maintain that consciousness is produced by the collection of the bhūtas, material elements like earth and water, as intoxication is produced by the mixture of the ghataki flower and jaggery, although it is not found in their constituents separately. On the contrary, cetana is the quality of the soul. It is different from the bodily aspect. In this we find the refutation of the Lokayata view. Every Jiva is a composite of body and souls of which the soul is the active partner, whereas the body is the inactive passive one. Jainism avoids the limitations of both mentalism and materialism by recognising the correlativity of mind and matter.
The self is indeed a substance but in its relationship with action and feeling it enjoys the momentariness of its states and conditions. As a spiritual entity, it has neither beginning nor end. It is eternal. It has both beginning and end, as endued with the
Tattvartha-raja-vārtika. II.5.3.
1.
239

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B. 7. JHAVERI
psychical qualities in the state of emergence (audayrka), subsidence (aupašamika) and destruction and subsidence (kśayopšamika) of karmic matter. But as endued with the psychical qualities in the state of annihilation (kāyika) of karmic matter, it has beginning, but no end. When it is disentangled from karma-matter, it realizes its true nature and becomes immortal.
The soul is said to be perfect in every respect, but ordinarily we find that it is not so, except in the case of a few jīvamuktas (released even while in the world) or siddhātmans (perfect beings). This is because other souls have their purity obscured by a veil of subtle karma-matter which has been accumulating since time beginningless. Subtle matter clings to the soul and defiles its purity and excellence. 'Karman' does not mean 'deed, work nor invisible mystical force (adrista) but a complex of very fine matter, imperceptible to the senses, which enters into the soul and causes great change in it. The karman is something material (karma puagala), which produces in the soul certain conditions, even as medical pill which when introduced into the body, produces therein many effects. The fine matter which can form karman pervades the entire universe. Through the disturbance caused to the soul by its modifications, the pudgalas are attracted and are drawn to unite themselves to it; they become karman and enter into union with the soul.
Karma affects the soul in eight different ways. Herein mohanī ya (deluding) karma requires certain elucidation as that stands as the most significant postulate in Indian thought in general. It is named as Avidyā in Vedānta to read the thought from comparative standpoint. The mohanî ya karma obstructs true faith (darśana) and right conduct (carita) and the soul is so infatuated thereby that it cannot distinguish between what is right and what is wrong. It is accordingly of two kinds-darśana mohanī ya and carita mohani ya. The darsana mohanī ya karma is sub-divided into (a) mithyātvamohanī ya, which by its rise makes the soul see a 1. The Doctrine of Karma in Jaina Philosophy, Dr. Helmuth Von Glasenapp.
Translated by G. Bary Gifford, P. 3.

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CONSIDERATION OF SELF IN JAINA PHILOSOPHY 241 thing as it is not, (b) Samyakatva mohanî ya, which is a state of purity with a very limited mithyātva, (c) samyakatva-mithyātvamohani ya, a mixed state of right-cum-wrong belief. Carita mohanī va is sub-divided into kaṣāya vedaní ya and no-kaşā ya-vedanī ya. It is accompanied by the reign of passions (kaşā yas) such as anger, pride, deceit and greed. Darśanamoha karma arises when a person defames a kevalin, śruta, sangha, dharma and devas. We have seen that dravya karman in the Jaina view is material and beginningless and presupposes a psychical karman which is again beginningless and inseparably connected with the soul, Panditji Sukhlalji enlightens us regarding this and holds that Ajñāna comprising rāga (love), dveșa (aversion), etc., which resides in the soul and is the cause as well as the effect of dravyakarman, is psychical." Such a psychical karman is ignorance or Avidyā in Advaita Vedānta of Samkarācārya.
A person is deluded when he identifies the Jiva and ajīva, or when he looks upon the ajīva as jīva. When he identifies himself with his body, karmic particles, etc., he is said to have darśana-moha. The deluded have false notions about the identity of extraneous objects with the soul and thus become the agents of various karmans. The undeluded however knowing the truth do not do so. Thus the self should not be identified with the psychic states or with the material karmans.2 Right knowledge is the cause of liberation. This right knowledge is produced by faith in the teachings of the omniscient Tirthankaras. Hence faith is necessary. And it is right conduct which perfects knowledge since theory without practice is empty and practice without theory is blind. Right faith, right conduct and right knowledge all the three together form the path of liberation which is the joint effect of these three.
The soul is regarded as possessing pure consciousness, pure bliss and pure power. The matter is regarded as unconscious, lifeless and a dangerous obstruction. Karman is supposed to be the link which binds the soul to the matter. Karma is due to 1. Tñanabinduprakarana Introduction: Yashovijayajı p. 15 2. Samayasāra: Kundakundacārya 44 (P.) M.M.-31

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passions. Passions are due to moha or ignorance. Now the question is that how can the soul which is pure consciousness and power be really tinged with ignorance, passions and karma? If ignorance and karma are inseparable from the soul, liberation does not seem to be in sight. If ignorance and karma are entirely alien to the soul then bondage is impossible. In reply it may be held that it is a matter of real experience that matter and spirit, body and soul are experienced not as separate but as united. It is suggested by Jaina philosophy that matter is potentially conscious. Like Leibnitz Jaina thinkers maintain consciousness as of varying degrees. Reality is consciousness but everything is not equally conscious. Vegetables and plants are not as much conscious as human beings are. There is growth of consciousness from microbe to human beings. Apart from vegetative life, matter itself is potentially living. Thus Jaina philosophy propounds panpsychism which attempts to reconcile body and soul, matter and spirit, universal and individual, macrocosm and microcosm.
The reality and value of self as conscious and pure have an immense bearing on ethical and metaphysical pursuit of mankind. Wrong knowledge and wrong conduct lead the self astray and distort the true vision of Reality and the world. It is by true and integral reorientation of modes of cognition, passions, emotions and epistemological fixations that personality becomes serene and equanimous. The Jainas are realists as far as their views on the objective reality of the world are concerned. The things of the world are permanent substantially, though their modes are ever changing. It is only the attitude towards the world and its constituents that is determined by the right or wrong outlook (darśana) of the soul. For realizing higher values of truth, beauty and goodness and articulating them in the fields of literature, science, philosophy, politics, social service, national and international fields of life and knowledge, it is imperative to train the modes of cognition and other instruments of knowledge and action so that they may be transformed and be made proper channels of consciousness. In this regard the concept of self as propounded in Jaina philosophy is at once real and valuational.

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Page #250

CONCEPT OF SUBSTANCE IN JAINISM
Bashistha Narayan Sinha
Jainism is one of the Sramanic traditions of Indian Culture. It is a heterodox school of thought, which believes in 'Jina' not in God. Etymologically the term "Jina' stands for a 'conqueror'. It means a 'Jina' is he who has controlled his desires and passions. In other words, the man who has made himself free from all worldly affections and attachments or who has obtained liberation, is known as Fina'. The followers of 'Jina' are addressed as “Jainas'. They have accepted twenty-four 'Tirthankaras', or prophets among whom Rsabhadeva and Mahāvīra are regarded respectively as the first and the last. The time of Rsabhadeva is not known definitely but Mahāvíra as the contemporary of Buddha, born in the sixth century B.C. and focused a new light upon the ideologies of his predecessors, which provided undoubtedly a fine orientation to Jainism.
Jaina metaphysics affirms that a thing has innumerable characters' which are put into two classes--positive and negative. The positive characters are those by which the objectivity of an ojbect is known or the personality of a person is determined. A man is known by his shape, size, colour, constitution, weight, age, family, heredity, race, nationality etc. These are his positive characters. He has also some negative characters which prove him what he is not. But an ordinary man cannot know a thing or a person fully. Only 'Kevalī' can know all the aspects of a thing because he possesses omniscience. That is why the Jainas are of opinion that the man who knows all the aspects of one thing, knows all the aspects of all things, and the person 1. Anantadharmälmkam vastu Anantadharmātmakameva tattvaml/
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who knows all the aspects of all things, knows all the aspects of one thing.1
BASHISTHA NARAYAN SINHA
The technical terms used for the character or characters of a thing is 'Dharma' and the thing itself is known as 'Dharmi', because it possesses different 'Dharmas'. It is also addressed as 'Dravya' (substance). 'Dravya' or substance has two types of characters-(i) essential and (ii) accidental. They are known respectively as 'Guna' or attribute and 'Paryaya' or mode. Therefore a substance is defined as that which has 'Guna' (attribute) and Paryaya (mode).2 The essential characters or attributes of a substance cause its existence. No substance can exist without its attributes. It exists in and through its attributes. It means attributes of a substance may be considered as unchangeable i.e. substance and attributes can never be separated. They are interdependent. If there is some substance, there must be some attributes, in the same way, if there are some attributes there must be some substance. According to Radhakrishnan 'the chief qualities (Gunas) are: (1) Existence, (2) Enjoyability, (3) Substantiveness, (4) Knowability, (5) Specific character or identity or essence, (6) the quality of possessing some kind of
form.'3
'Paryaya' or 'modes' are changeable characters which are sometimes possessed by a substance but sometimes not. Time to time they meet with a substance and separate from it. Thus a substance, being the possesser of attributes and modes, may be regarded as both permanent and temporary. It is permanent because its attributes are always there. It is temporary because its modes are changeable and temporary. Again a substance is real because it exists with its permanent qualities and it is also unreal because it has its temporary modes. In the same way it is both one and many. Thus viewed from the point of attributes
1. Eko bhāvaḥ sarvatha pena dṛṣṭaḥ sarve bhāvāḥ sarvathā tena dṛṣṭāḥ| Sarve bhāvāḥ sarvatha yena dṛṣṭāḥ eko bhāvāḥ sarvatha tena dṛṣṭaḥll
Gunaparyayavad dravyam
S. Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, p. 313
2.
3.

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CONCEPT OF SUBSTANCE IN JAINISM
245
a thing or a substance is permanent and one and observed from the point of modes it is temporary and many. It means Reality is an unity-in-difference or difference-in-unity'.1
A substance is known as Reality or 'Sať, which has three characteristics-permanence (dhrauvya), origination (utpada) and decay (vyaya). Due to its unchangeable qualities it possesses permanence and at the same time it holds both origination and decay because its changeable modes sometimes originates while other times decay. In this way Jainism stands in between Buddhism, which affirms the theory of change and maniness, and Vedānta which is in favour of permanence and oneness. It criticises Vedan tin's view which asserts that neither reality is changeable nor the thing which is changeable is real. Jainism is also against of Vaisesika-theory of substance which considers substance and attributes as separate elements, because from Jaina point of view they are interdependent and co-existent.
Viewed from the point of its universality a substance cannot be put into any class. It is classless, one and unchangeable. Thus the theory of Monism is supported here. But, considered from the point of its duality or plurality, a substance is divided into two classes such as 'extended' and 'unextended'. Time or Kāla is the only substance which is known as unextended otherwise all others are extended. The technical terms used respectively for 'extended' and 'unextended' substances are 'Astikā ya' and 'Anastikā ya'. The word "Astikā ya' consists of 'Astr' and 'Kaya'. 'Asti' means to 'exist' and 'Kaya' means 'pradeśa' or body. Therefore 'Astıkā ya' is that one which is existing and having body. Astıkā ya-substances which possess extension are divided into two classes viz. 'Jiva' or that which is living and 'Ajīva' or that which is non-living. "Jiva' is conscious while 'Ajīva' is unconscious. 'Jīva' is enjoyer while 'Ajiva is enjoyed. Some scholars like Radhakrishnan are of opinion that 'Ajīva' is that which can be known by sense-experiences. In other words the thing which can be seen, smelt, tasted and touched is 'Ajiva'. But, actually 1. Indian Philosophy, Dr. C. D. Sharma, p. 55

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Ajīva' is something more than these four sense-experiences. These characteristics are applied to only one of the two classes of 'Ajīva'. The two kinds of 'Ajīva' are “Rūpī' and 'Arūpī. 'Pudgalāstikā ya' is named as 'Rupī' which can be seen, smelt, tasted and touched. 'Rupī' is divided into two classes-- Anu' and ‘Sanghāta'-Arūpīs' which are different from sense-experience are put into three classes— Dharmāstikā ya' (medium of motion), 'Adharmastika ya' (medium of rest) and 'Akāśastikā ya' (space). 'Jīva' which is similar with soul, is divided into two classes--Mukta' (liberated) and 'Baddha' (suffering from worldly bondage). 'BaddhaJivas' are again subdivided as 'Trasa' (mobile) and 'Sthāvara' immobile). The mobiles possess bodies of different degrees. Therefore they are put into four classes such as five-sensed, four-sensed, three-sensed and two-sensed. The immobiles have also different bodies in which they live, such as water, fire, air, earth and plants.
They have tactual sensation only. To know this classification more clearly one may see the following table: (See page 247).
Animate (Jiva)
Umāsvāti defines "Jiva' as that which possesses 'Upayoga'.1 'Upayoga' means consciousness. Therefore a 'Jiva' or a soul may be known as a conscious substance. The other word which stands technically for consciousness is ‘Bodha'. 'Upayoga' is put into two classes determinate and indeterminate. The determinate 'Upayoga' consists of its eight categories Mati-jñāna' (Sensoryknowledge), 'Śruta-jñāna' (Scriptural knowledge), 'Avadhi jñāna' (Limited direct knowledge), 'Manaḥparyā ya jnana' (Direct knowledge of mind), Kevala-jñāna (Perfect knowledge), ‘Mati-ajñana' (Sensory wrong knowledge), 'Sruta Ajñāna' (Scriptural wrong knowledge) Avadhi-ajñāna' (Limited direct wrong knowledge). The indeterminate 'Upayoga' is also divided into four classes, viz. 'Caksurdarśana' (Visual Intuition), Acaksurdarśana' (Nonvisual Intuition), Avadhi darśana' (Limited direct Intuition), “Kevala darśana' (Perfect Intuition). Though all the 'Jivas' have 1. Upayogo lakṣaṇam-Tattvärtha-sūtra II.8. 2. Sa dvivrdhoşğacaturbhedaḥ--Ibid, II, 9

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Emancipated (Mukta)
Animate (Fiva)
Moving (Trasa)
Extended (Astikaya)
Five-sensed (Pañcendriya) Caturindriya
Substance (Dravya)
Unemancipated (Baddha)
Four-sensed Three-sensed
Atoms
Non-moving (Sthavara) (Anu)
Non-extended (Anastikaya) = Kala
Two-sensed
Trindriya Dvindriya
Having form (Rūpi)
Inanimate (Ajiva)
Compounds (Samghata)
Having no Form (Arupi)
Medium of Motion
Space (Akāśās
(Dharmastikāya) Adharmastikāya) tikāya)
Medium of Rest
CONCEPT OF SUBSTANCE IN JAINISM
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consciousness, they possess it in various degrees,. Consequently they, according to the different degrees of consciousness they hold, may be seen in a continuous series. Earth, water, fire, air, vegetables etc. are at the lowest level of consciousness. They have only tactual sensation and nothing more than this. They have such a short degree of consciousness that sometimes they seem to be lifeless. The 'Kevalīs' or omniscients and 'Muktajīvas' or the liberated souls possess the highest degree of consciousness. In between the Jivas possessing the highest and the lowest degrees of 'Upayoga' there come the Fivas having senses from two to five such as worms, ants, bees, and human beings.
Jīvas are innumerable and every one of them has numberless 'Pradeśas'. 'Pradeśa' means unit or point. A soul, when it occupies a big space, expands itself and at other time while it possesses a small space, it contracts itself. It is identified with the light of a lamp. As, according to the proportion of the space a lamp is kept into, its light is found to be either extended or contracted, a Jiva also either expands or contracts itself according to space of a body it possesses. It means a Jiva can cover the smallest portion of space as well as a big hall. It is found in bacterium as well as in a big fish.
A Jiva is eternal, yet it passes through the different stages of worldly life. Its existence is proved by its own consciousness. It means a soul is self-proved. Though it lives in a particular body, it is totally different from it. We often see a body busy with various activities, but actually it is Jiva or soul which acts. It is the enjoyer of pleasure and the sufferer of pain. As the result of its various "Karmas' done, it either enjoys or suffers, but being free from the all worldly karmas it obtains liberation.
Inanimate (Ajiva)
The world in which Jivas or souls reside is a physical one and is constituted by material substances. But only material substances cannot satisfy all the conditions which are needed by a soul in order to exist in this world. Therefore more than the

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249
material substances or material objects, there are found space, time, medium of motion and medium of rest also, which may be discussed in the following way.
Matter (Pudgala)
‘Pudgala', in Jaina philosophy, is the technical term used for matter. Etymologically it means that which is capable to integrate and disintegrate itself. It is also named as “Rūpi', because it is touched, tasted, smelt and seen. It is the combination of innumerable parts. The smallest part of a 'Pudgala' which further cannot be divided, is called as 'anu' or atom. An atom occupies simply one 'Pradeśa', but not vice-versa. A ‘Pradeśa may have one atom or more than one. The combination (sṁghāta) of atoms is known as “Skandha' or molecule. There are three methods of formation of 'Skandha.'-(1) 'Bheda' (division), (2) 'Sanghāta' (union) and (3) 'Bheda' and 'Sanghāta' (both division and union) happening at the same time.
Medium of Motion (Dharma)
Ordinarily the word 'Dharma' is used for 'duty' or 'morality' but here it has been used in some technical sense. According to Jainism, 'Dharma' is the 'medium of motion'. Umāsvāti defines it as a permanent, eternal and fixed substance. 'Dharma' consists of numberless (asankhya) 'Pradeśas' and is without consciousness. It is immaterial. Though it helps other objects to move, it is itself helpless to move. It cannot move from one place to another. It pervades the whole universe, because where there is movement there is 'Dharma'. It supports souls and the matter while they make any movement from one place to another. Though it helps all souls and matter to move, it cannot make them move. It is only the helper of Jivas, as water is the helper of fish.
1. “Pūrayanti galanti ca', Sarvadarśana III M.M.-32

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Medium of Rest (Adharma)
Like 'Dharma', 'Adharma' is also a technical word. It is used generally for that which is unreligious or unrighteous, but in Faina literature it is used technically for the medium of rest. It helps souls and matter when they come in position of taking rest. As a tree helps a man coming from a long distance, to rest under its pleasant shadow, 'Adharma' helps a soul to take rest. But it is capable of helping only, not of forcing any being for taking rest. Thus it is called an auxiliary cause of rest or the medium of rest of soul and matter. It pervades the whole of this universe. It is eternal, formless and non-moving substance.
Space (Ākāśa)
Akasa' is that one in which all jīvas, pudgalas, dharma, adharma and kāla are accommodated. It is eternal and all pervasive. It is formless and imperceptible. It is known simply by knowing that the substance which has existence, cannot be accommodated without space. It has numberless 'pradesas' and it is dwelling place of all the objects of this universe. “Akasa', according to Jainism, is divided into two divisions—'Lokākāśa' and 'Alokākāśa'. The 'Lokākāśa' is the same universe in which we are living. But beyond this universe or 'Lokākāśa', there is another division of 'Akāsa' which is named as 'Alokākāsa' in which there is no substance like that of 'Lokākāśa'. That is why, it is called 'Alokākasa'. 'Ākāśa' helps a substance to exist in space. So it is known as the condition or the cause of accommodation.
Time (Kāla)
As Umāsvāti defines, "Kāla' or time is an essential condition of duration, motion, change, newness and oldness. It is 'Kāla' which causes change or modification. A thing is new at present but it will be old after passing through a time either short or long. Time marks the continuity. When there is no continuity, newness and oldness, sooner and later, fast and slow cannot be observed.

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"Kala' consists of innumerable minute particles which are indivisible. “Akāśa' is fully packed with these particles. The only one has covered the whole universe.1 Thus time is devoid of extension and for this reason it is called as "Anastıkā ya' or unextended.
Many Jaina scholars like Nemicandra has made distinction between ‘Kala' and 'Samaya'. 'Kāla is the real time which is known by continuity and 'Samaya' is that one which is marked by change. Technically, 'Kāla' is named as 'Pāramārthika Kāla' while 'Samaya' is known as 'Vyāvahārika Kāla'. 'Paramārthika Kāla' is one. It has neither beginning nor end. It is eternal and formless. The 'Vyāvahārıka Kala' or emperical time is limited and conventionally it is divided into years, months, weeks, days, hours, minutes, seconds, moments etc. According to some other Jaina scholars, 'Kala' is not an independent substance rather it is a mode of other substances.?
'Substane' has also played an important role in the Rationalism of Western philosophy. Like Jainism, Rationalism presents substance as the possessor of attributes and modes. Here, too it is permanent, real and having existence. But there is a great difference between the substance of Rationalism and that of Jainism because Rationalism accepts it as God while Jainism negates even the theory of God. Descartes, the father of modern Western philosophy and a great advocate of Rationalism declares—'God alone is a substance in the real sense of term'.3 In the words of Spinoza 'God alone is substance, and substance is God'.4 And, in Jainism there is nothing like God. In no form it is ready to accept God. In this way substance may be considered as a central point which causes both meeting as well as separation of Jainism and Rationalism.
1. 2. 3. 4.
Gunaratna on Șad, p. 163 Gunaratna on Șaļ, p. 162 History of Philosophy, Webber and Perry, p. 249 Ibid. p. 260

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NIYATIVĀDA (PRE-DESTINATION, FATALISM,
DETERMINISM): A STUDY
V. M. Kulkarni
The Svetāśvatara upanişad records in a verse various theories of Causation such as Time (Kāla), Nature (Svabhāva), DestinyDeterminism-(Niyatı), Chance-Accident-(Yad;cchā), the Elements (Bhūtāni) and (The Supreme-Highest) Person (Puruşa).1
Siddhasena Divākara, one of the top-ranking Jaina Logicians, mentions in his Sanmati-tarka2 five theories of Causation which include the first three Theories recorded in the Svetāśvatara Upanişad and are in the same order. We find this very verse with slight variations in Haribhadra-sūri's Vimsati-vimśıkā (IV 14).
Of these various first Causes there is some difference of opinion among interpreters regarding the nature of Purușa. A. L. Basham3 refers to it as the Sānkhya category of Puruşa. B. Bhattacaryya+ renders it as 'Anthropomorphic God'. Pt. Krsnamacaryas speaks 1. Ars: Fantat farefiços para afat: geu sfa ferest सयोग एषा न त्वात्मभावादात्माप्यनीश सुखदु खहेतोः ।।
Svetāśvatara 1-2 Cf. also स्वभावमेके कवयो वदन्ति काल तथान्ये परिमुह्य माना. । देवस्यैष महिमा तु लोके येनेद भ्राम्यते ब्रह्मचक्रम् ।।
---Svetäśvatara VI-I 2 Freit herafuar göqtini gfee PiT RUNNTATT I मिच्छत्त ते चेव समासओ होति सम्मत्त ।।
-Sanmatitarka III.53 3. History and Doctrines of the ĀJIVIKAS (p. 229) 4. GOS edition of Tattvasangraha with the Commentary Pañjika-Introduction 5. Summary in Sanskrit of the text of Tattvasangraha
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V. M. KULKARNI of it as “Aupanişada Puruşa' The author of Pan jikā on the Tattvasangraha of Sāntarakṣita refers to this Cause as the Vedavādimata and supports his view with two quotations:
“As the spider is the cause of the cob-webs, the moonstone of water and the banyan tree of its off-shoots so is the purusa the cause of all born things.” And,
“The Purusa was all that is and all that will be". Most probably the word Puruşa in the Svetāśvatara denotes this Purusa in the very well known Purusa-sūkta of the Rgveda.
It is curious to note that the translation of the verse in Sanmati-Tarka quoted above understands the first part of the expression ('purisakāraṇegantā' as purisakāra (SK; puruşakāra: Human Effort) whereas the commentary understands 'purisa' as the first part and explains: “Some are Puruşavādí who advocate a theory that Puruşa only is the cause and in support of their theory argue that God creates, destroys and keeps this world stable.” In his notes to the text of Vimsati-vimsikā IV.14 (p. 11) Prof. K. V. Abhyankar understands the first word of the expression as purisa and renders it as 'the soul. Be that as it may, I confine the paper to a discussion of the doctrine of Niyati (predestination) and Free volition or Human Effort.
The word Niyatı or Daiva Adışta stands for Fate, Destiny, the mysterious but irresistible power of the acts done in previous lives, which rules unnoticed. Niyativāda or Daivavāda is, therefore, the Doctrine of Fatalism, Predestination or Destiny, all embracing overmastering Fate, a mysterious Cosmic power which controls 1. Vol. I, p. 76:
ऊर्णनाम इवांशूनां चन्द्रकान्त इवाम्भसाम् । प्ररोहाणामिव प्लक्षः स हेतुः किल जन्मिनाम् ।।
TT – “gen går af CHO TO 7247" fa ( Tara 80.80.7) 2.
Eng. translation from Gujarati published by Svetāmbar Jain Conference, Bombay is wrong. See, Gujaratı Tr. published by Gujarāt Vidyāpītha, 1932. Ed.

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NIYATIVĀDA (PRE-DESTINATION, FATALISM, DETERMINISM): 255 every action and all phenomena in this universe. This doctrine leaves no scope for Human Effort or Free will as it regards Niyati as the only determining factor in the universe, the motive factor of the universe and the sole agent of all changes. By this ruling principle of the Cosmic process all things are in a predetermined pattern. It is the controlling agent responsible for rigidly fixed form of everything.
This doctrine is fundamental to the Ajīvika sect, whose leader was Gośāla, who was the contemporary of Mahāvīra and Gautama Buddha. Gośāla and his Niyativāda were extremely popular as it seems from the Buddhist and the Jaina attacks on them.
As a corollary to Niyativāda Gośāla held the view that "there is no room for effort, nor deed, nor strength, nor courage, nor human action, nor for prowess. All things are unalterably fixed." "Just as a ball of thread when thrown will unwind itself to its full length, so a fool and a wise man alike will take his own course and come to the end of his cycle of life". Every soul is fated to run the same course through a period of 8,400,000 mahakalpas”. “Virtuous conduct, vows, penances, chastity are absolutely of no avail in winning salvation.”
The Jainas (the Buddhists and the Hindus too) who hold fast to the inexorable Law of karma could never fully subscribe to this Niyativāda as its acceptance would render all their mokşa-śāstras and ethical code meaningless. “Since there is no possibility of modifying or reshaping one's destiny by good works, self-control or asceticism, all such activity is wasteful. The Ajivika doctrine may in fact, be conducive to luxury and licentiousness alone.”
According to the Jainas' (the Buddhists' and the Hindus', too,) doctrine of Karma, an individual's present condition is determined not by any immutable principle but by his own actions performed either in his past lives or in this life; by freely choosing the right course and following it faithfully he could improve his destiny and ultimately win salvation.

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The Jainas' refutation of the doctrine of Niyati should not lead us to conclude that they totally reject that doctrine. As pointed out by Siddhasena (and Haribhadrasūri) in the wellknown verse quoted above, the doctrines of Kala, Svabhāva, Niyatı, Pūrvaksta (=Adịşta) and Purusa, as the First Cause of the Universe are false when they are taken singly but are true when they are accommodated, adjusted and related to each other in accordance with their well-known doctrine of Syadvāda or Anekānta.
Incidentally it may be inferred that Niyatı, as understood and interpreted by Gośāla, means—“The invisible, overmastering Cosmic Power-Destiny.” It may also stand for one's own destiny, the sum total of past good or bad deeds performed by an individual.1 Destiny in this sense could certainly and directly be moulded, shaped by our own deeds in the present life by freely choosing and faithfully pursuing the right course. “We are the architects of our own fortune.” Destiny and Human Effort both therefore, have a place in our life. Gośāla's doctrine means in practice, All human activities are ineffectual and both the sinner and the saint, the fool and the wise are on equal footing as far as the winning of ultimate liberation is concerned. The doctrine turns out to be predominently pessimistic, whereas the doctrine of karma brings some comfort and solace to a man in distress and operates as a spur to moral conduct to improve his destiny and win his salvation by his own efforts. The doctrine is thus full of optimism and conducive to social morality and good conduct.
In the Hindu and the Jaina Literatures we come across passages and verses by scores that treat of Fate or Destiny. The Mahābhārata declares, in one place, that only eunuchs worship Fate. In other places it upholds the paramount power of Destiny. In the Anušāsana parvaz, however, we have a fine discourse 1. Streha pot agafafa etdi
तस्मात् पुरुषकारेण विना दैव न सिद्धयति । 2. Ch. VI. Vy 6-13:
यथा बीजं विना क्षेत्रमुप्तं भवति निष्फलम् । तथा पुरुषकारेण विना दैव न सिद्धयति ॥ and so on

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NIYATIVĀDA (PRE-DESTINATION, FATALISM, DETERMINISM): 257
discussing the relative importance of Fate and Human Effort. In the Rāmāyaṇal too we have passages describing the power of Fate. The philosopher poet Bhartrhari gives us some of the finest verses on fate in his century called Nīti.2
The climate and geography of India seem to be conducive to the growth of this fatalist attitude towards life. Heavy floods, cyclones, droughts and famines occur frequently on a gigantic scale causing misery and suffering. The big gap between the rich and the poor, diseases and epidemics that frequently visit the people seem to encourage this attitude.
It should, however, be remembered that no part of Gosala's writings in the original is available to us. But it is true he has made a very deep impression on the Indian psyche. The Jaina commentators have quoted from the writings of Cāņakya, 3 1. Ayodhyākānda, Canto XXII 2. Nitisataka: Daiva paddhatu and Karma paddhati
(1) नमस्तत् कर्मभ्यो विधिरपि न येभ्यः प्रभवति । (v. 91.d) (ii) ब्रह्मा येन कुलालवनियमितो ब्रह्माण्डभाण्डोदरे . . . तस्मै नमः कर्मणे ॥
__ (v. 92) (iii) तद् व्यक्तं ननु दैवमेव शरणं धिग् धिग् वृथा पौरुषम् । (v. 81.d) (iv) दैवमेव हि पर वृद्धौ क्षये कारणम् । (v. 82.d) (v) गजभुजगविहगमबन्धन . . . विधिरहो बलवानिति मे मतिः। (v. 85) Vide also Subhâsıtaratna-bhāņdāgāra: TEUTATE (p. 90 vvi-131) and
Subha șitävali (vv 3079 to 3156) pp. 509 to 522 3. सा सा संपद्यते बुद्धिर्व्यवसायश्च तादृशः। सहायास्तादृशाहूया यादृशी भवितव्यता ।।
--ज्ञानविमल on प्रश्नव्याकरणसूत्र (सूत्र ७)
--आप्तमीमांसाभाष्य (Pariccheda VIII) This verse is found in the Canakya-nitr with a few variant readings: तादृशी जायते बुद्धिर्व्यवसायश्च तादृशः। सहायास्तादृशाः सन्ति यादृशी भवितव्यता ।। In Vikramacarita we have: सा सा संपद्यते बुद्धिः सा मतिः सा च भावना।
सहायास्तादृशा एव यादृशी भवितव्यता ।। M.M.-33

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śrí Harşa', and Bhartshari, when they tried to present as objectively as they could the niyativāda of Gośāla for purposes of refutation.3
1. द्वीपादन्यस्मादपि मध्यादपि जलनिधेर्दिशोऽप्यन्तात् । आनीय झटिति घटयति विधिरभिमतमभिमुखीभूतम् ।।
--ज्ञानविमल on प्रश्नव्याकरणसूत्र (सूत्र ७) This verse belongs to Ratnavali (Act. I.6) 2. न हि भवति यन्न भाव्यं भवति च भाव्यं विनापि यत्नेन । करतलगतमपि नश्यति यस्य तु भवितव्यता नास्ति ।।
-- अभयदेव on उवासगदसाओ This verse is found in the edition of Bhartrhari (v. 569) published in
Singhi Jaina Series as No. 23 (in 1948). 3. I gratefully tender my sincere thanks to Dr. A. L. Basham, whose splen
did work on The AjIvikas has been very useful to me in the preparation of this paper.

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ACCOUNTS OF THE JAINAS TAKEN FROM SIXTEENTH
AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURY AUTHORS
R. Williams
The title of this article is identicall with that given by the Viennese orientalist Theodor Zachariae to a paper which he contributed to the Festschrift Moriz Winternitz published in Leipzig in 1933. On the same theme he had, in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes2 for 1910, shown that, in the terminology of the earlier Europeans in India Vartia or Vertea was currently used of a Jaina monk. It is proposed here to summarise Zachariae's references and to discuss some others in greater detail.
Ludovico di Varthema, in India between 1505 and 1507, wrote an account of his eastern travels which appeared in Rome in 1510. Though his veracity was impugned by his contemporaries his picture of India is held to be reliable and based on firsthand evidence.3 “The Guzeratis," he says (meaning the Jainas), "are a certain race which eats nothing that has blood and never kills any living thing; if they were baptised they would be saved by their works, for they do unto others that which they would that others do unto them.”4
Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese in India from about 1500 to 1515, describes the “banyans" (a designation often used restrictively of the Jainas) as "great merchants who eat neither fish nor flesh, slay nothing and will witness no slaughter . . . they do not eat, or even light a lamp, by night.”
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Berichte ueber die Jarnas bei Autoren des 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts. Vertra, eine Bezeichnunger Jainas reprinted in Kleine Schriften Bonn 1922. See the translation by C. Schefer Paris 1883 pp. XXXV-xxxvii trans. J. W. Jones Hakluyt Society, London, 1863 p. 108 trans. M. L. Dames Hakluyt Society, London, 1918 Vol. 1, p. 110
259

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The Portuguese Jesuit father, Manuel Pinheiro, in two letters1 'written whilst on a mission from Goa to the court of the Moghul emperor in 1595 described a congregation of some fifty Verteas he encountered in Surat. He was impressed by their life of poverty and celibacy and their practice of tearing out the hair of the head and beard, and was amazed to see their superior, before sitting down, brush the ground with a small besom "like a paint-brush made of cotton threads". He heard the reason for this and why, too, they wore mouth-veils, and learned that they drank hot water, not from fear of catching cold, but because water had a soul which would perish if the liquid were swallowed unboiled. Since the beginning of the world, hundreds of thousands of years earlier, God had sent twenty-four apostles of whom the last, two millennia ago, had left behind a written scripture.
The rajoharana and mukhavastrikā figure also in the account of the Vartias given by the famous Portuguese historian, Joao de Barros,2 which itself is based on the narrative of another Catholic missionary.3 These Indian monks, he explains, "live by begging their food which they may not keep over from one day to the next. They attach such importance to saving life that they reprehend the construction of tanks lest fish should perish in them, and will not have a candle lit by night lest some insect be burned in it."
A French priest, Pierre du Jarric, who compiled a history of missionary activities also used this description of the Vartias, stressing the sincerity of their faith and their insistence in entreating Christians to prevent the taking of life. Another Frenchman, 1. Given in G. Peruschi's Informazione del regno e stato del gran re di Mogor, Venice 1597 pp. 21
Decadas de Asta; Decada IV Madrid 1615 p 276
F. Guerreiro Relação annual das cousas da India dos annos 1606 e 1607, liv. III, cap. 12
Histoire des choses plus memorables. Bordeaux 1608-14 Vol. I pp. 494-6 & Vol. III, pp. 222-3
2.
R. WILLIAMS
3.
4.

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261
Jean Thevenot, perhaps the first European to be attracted to India simply by a thirst for knowledge, gave more or less the
e details in his picture of a Vartia community in Lahorel.
Pedro Teixeira, a Portuguese voyager translated a Persian history into which he inserted random jottings from a lifetime of wandering in the east. He was responsible for the statements that there were three sects in Gujarat: Lonka, Mexery and Bamen (brahmins), and that the Lonka did not worship images. These facts was incorporated into a description of the Moghul empire by a Dutch writer, J. de Laet.3 The choice of names is curious: Mexery must stand for Maheśvarí, a merchnt caste, generally Vaişņaya but including some Jainas.
J. H. van Linschoten, an official of the Netherlands East India Company who was in India from 1583 to 1588 published in 1596 a narrative of his experiences which included a brief mention of Jainism.4 Another Dutch official, W. G. de Jongh who was in India for a longer period (1623-1648) gave a more extensive accounts which remained in manuscript until the present century. Much of the information in it, however, was utilised by his contemporary in India, Johan van Twist who compiled a general description of Gujarat.6 Being essentially the same, their accounts may conveniently be summarised together: strangely both use the term Ceurawach (which is a corruption of svetapațas) for Jaina monks. Jainas, they said, prayed to a saint called Thiel Tencker (Tírthankara) but considered that everything was governed by chance: in their view there was no heaven or hell, but good 1. See Surendranath Sen. Indran Travels of Thevenot and Caren, New Delhi,
1949, pp. 86-7. Relacion del origen, descendencia y succession de los reyes de Persia 1610 pp. 96-7 De impero magni Mogolis, trans. J. S. Hoyland, Bombay, 1928. The 1598 translation of Linschoten's travels was reprinted by the
Hakluyt Society, 1885 5. De Remonstrantie ed. W. Caland The Hague 1929 pp. 75-82 6. Beschrijvinghe van het Coninnghrijke Gusuratte Amsterdam 1647 pp. 3-7
con de los reves de Persia
Antwerp

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works such as fasting or almsgiving brought their own reward in the next reincarnation as man or beast. Some fasted for 20, 30, even 40 days, drinking only water in which a bitter herb had been infused. Any layman could enter religion if he put on the monk's robe and led a godly life, boys beig admitted at seven or eight years of age though women must be over twenty. The same source provided the basis for the brief comments on Jainism made by two other Dutchmen, the chaplain Baldaeusand the trader Volquard Ivesen.2
An Anglican chaplain, Henry Lords, who was in India from 1624 to 1629 spoke of the Verteas as "more special brahmins”; he appears to be the first traveller to name the Tapā Gaccha and the Kharatara Gaccha as well as the festival of Putcheson (Paryuşaņa). It was left for another Anglican clergyman, Thomas Ovington to offer the most percipient comments on Jainismo yet made by any European:
“One sort of brahmins at Surat which are by much the strictest sect among them do far exceed the rest in abstraction from sense and abstemious living; and, refrain from entering the conjugal state lest some animals, as they tell us, might be crushed to death by their mutual embraces. . . . This sort of brahmins are sparing of their speech and will rarely speak for fear of killing some invisible creatures which, they affirm, float in the air, and which some of their holy men have seen though
rs cannot. ... And for the same end a cloth is always across their mouth and fastened at each ear ... [and they cannot be brought] to wash their bodies and cleanse themselves with water for fear of murdering some creatures which, they fancy, live in that element."
1.
Afgoderye der Oost-Indische Heydenen ed. A. J. de Jong The Hague 1917 p. 2 Ostindische Reise und unglueckliche Schiffahrt Hamburg 1698 Cap. XII, p. 160. A Discovery of the Sect of the Banians London, 1630. A Journey to Surat in the year 1689 London 1929 (reprint of 1696 edition) p. 196
3.

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263 The Discalced Carmelite, Philippus de Santa Trinitate who wrote in Latina narrative of his travels outside Europe between 1629 and 1641 found, living in a community in Gujarat, "whiterobed priests who tore out the hairs of the beard and ate no meat nor even any red herb.”2
The Capucin, Vincenzo Maria di Santa Caterina di Siena, pointed out that "the Gujaratis have a special sort of cloistered monks who live in dependence on superiors in solitary places passing most of the day in underground temples, reading and meditating on the law. ... They live by begging, for even the water they drink or wash in has to be donated as alms,"3 These Jaina monks were on friendly terms with the Capucins of Surat and frequently begged them to try to stop Christians from taking life. Another Italian Capucin, Giuseppe di Santa Maria also found communities of monks and nuns at Surat who passed their time in spiritual exercises and, so he was informed, practised auricular confession.
The story of a tour by a Roman Catholic prelate in the East, published by his secretary in 1666 offers a glimpse, again at Surat, of Jaina congregations "devoted to the cult of images and ruled by superiors. . . . The morality inculcated by them conforms well with justice: to do hurt to no man, to be compassionate, to control the five senses in order to close the door on sin, to purge one's soul of evil thoughts, to have recourse to prayer, and above all not to stain one's hands with the blood of animals."5
.
2.
3. 4.
Itinerarum orientale Lyon 1649 This quotation is taken from the German version published at Frankfurt 1673 pp. 355-6. Viaggio alle Indie Orientali Venice 1683 Lib. III, Cap. II p. 272 Prima spedizione alle Indie orientali Rome 1666 Lib. II, Cap. 17 p. 155 P. de Bourges: Relation du voyage de Monseigneur 1 'Eveque de Béryte Paris 1666 pp. 104-5

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A final glimpse of Svetāmbara ascetics in the seventeenth century is provided by Alexander Hamilton, a Scots sea captain, in the Indies from 1688 to 1722, who has described their paraphernalia in detail, including a small earthen pot with powdered saffron and oil to mark those on the forehead that have received their benediction."1
On the Digambaras the reports are more meagre. An anonymous Portuguese text, the Breve relação das escrituras dos Gentios da India Oriental e dos suos costumes2, dated by Zachariae in the second half of the seventeenth century, contains a chapter devoted to the “Zainas” to which sect the banyans of Diu are said to belong. Some legends are recounted centring around a personnage Digambara who taught the falsity of the brahmin tenet that sin could be removed by bathing. Mention is made of 24 saints who are worshipped, including one called Adimat (Ādinātha) and there is a reference to fasting unto death. Though there is no quite conclusive evidence that this treatise applies to the Digambaras the employment of the word Jaina points in that direction, for it was not normally used by the Svetāmbaras until a more recent date.
A sect more patently Digambara is mentioned in another anonymous work, the Relation des erreurs qui se trouvent dans la religion des gentils malabars which Zachariae believed might be a French adaptation of a treatise by the famous Jesuit, Roberto de' Nobili. Here are the details as given :3
“There exists a caste of people called Nastiguers who not only may not be seen when they are eating, but may not hear 1. A New Account of the East Indies, Edinburgh 1727, p. 150
See W Caland: Drie oude portugeesche Verhandelingen over het Hindoeisme 1915 for a Dutch translation. The Portuguese text is given as the first tract in Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das nacoes ultramarinas
Lisbon 1812. 3. See W Caland: Twee oude fransche verhandelingen over het Hindoeisme 1923
p. 134

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265
any human voice whatever : for this reason when they are at meals they shut themselves within their homes and cause men stationed at their doors to beat hard on brass bowls so that no other noise may be audible. The men of this caste use neither razors nor scissors to cut their hair and beard but pull it out with their fingers. If a man groans or weeps in doing this he is not received into this caste but if he betrays no sign of pain he is accepted."
An almost identical passage is to be found in an account of India by the Italian adventurer Manucci. Clearly the notion of being admitted or accepted rules out the idea of a caste. Some religious group must be intended and the tearing out of the hair suggests a Jaina sect. The English translator of Manucci thought that for Nostiguer should be read Nastika; and even Zachariae accepted this view though he did not give the term its usual meaning, assuming a mistake in usage.
However, another version of the same passage, extant in a letter written in 1709 by a French Jesuit Pierre Martin?, replaces Nostiguer by Nagastagher. This spelling would rule out completely any connection with Nastika; and Nostiguer might then be interpreted as an unattested synonym for Digambara of the form *Nāka-vastrika, to which has been appended a Dravidian animate plural termination.
Another group of Digambaras is discernible in the description given by the Capucin Vincenzo Maria of a sect he encountered near Cannanorez: “There are certain priests called Gurugelar, dedicated to the cult of a god called Basti, who has the form of a man, naked and shaven all over, with only a bunch of peacock's feathers before his loins and a copper vessel, like those used by Indians for drinking water, in his hand. To 1. Storia do Mogor trans. W. Irvine (Indian Text Series) 1907-8 Vol. III
p. 44
Given in J. Bertrand's Mission de Madure IV. p. 193 3. op. cit. Lib. III Cap. 21, p. 319 M.M.-34

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conform to the pattern of their idol the priests who serve him shave head and beard and wear nothing. They practise the greatest austerity, sleeping on bare slabs of black stone without a cloth of any kind even as a pillow or sheet. All they carry is a bunch of peacock's feathers with which they cover their privities when speaking to anyone.” It would seem in this passage that the Kanarese tadbhava form basti meaning "Jaina temple” has been mistaken for the name of a divinity.
Jaina temples, at least the conventional smaller temples of Gujarat, are described in the works of De Jongh and Van Twist. They are pictured as generally square and flat-roofed, there being over the middle of one facade a small square domed superstructure, generally tiled, and beneath it a kind of altar with niches for images, these last being for the most part of stone or wood. There are no windows and the door through which one enters is usually on the west side. Such a temple is styled in the different editions of Van Twist derace, derale, rale but these hopelessly corrupt forms appear in De Jongh's text as deera which may be understood as an Old Gujarati form intermediate between the modern derū and the Sanskrit deva-gha.
The same writers go on to describe the temple festivals celebrated particularly in August. The faithful pray before the images of the saints who are held to have achieved fortune in their lives, in the hope that the same fortune may fall to their lot, and when they have offered their alms in a big copper bowl sandalwood and other fragrant substances are applied in token of respect to their bodies and garments. The priests who sit in the centre wearing their mouth-veils do not read from books but deliver discourses about the dead saints, whilst the community are gathered together in the temples professional performers, men and women, engaged for the occasion and remunerated from the alms contributed, dance, sing and play on various instruments in the course of a ceremony which may last three or four hours.
Pietro della Valle, an Italian gentleman who for twenty years travelled in the east but spent rather less than a year (he

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ACCOUNTS OF THE JAINAS TAKEN . . .
arrived in Surat in 1623) in India, often saw and recorded more than the traders and missionaries who were his contemporaries In a village called Cansari he was attracted by a temple1 "the finest I have ever set eyes on ... with domes and balconies soaring into the sky. . . It belongs to the sect called Vertia who shave their heads. Within there is but one figure seated high above an altar at the summit of a flight of steps in rather dim light. Lamps always burn before it, and when I entered a man was devoutly occupied in burning incense to it."
Near Surat Della Valle noted anothr temple very similar to the small village fanes described by the Dutch writers, and probably also Jaina2. Within there were, each in a large niche, "three white marble statues, naked as it would seem the Indians always represent their images and seated in a oriental fashion on the ground with the legs folded underneath. . . . The principal idol-that of the middle niche-is called Mahāvīra from whom the temple takes its name." The author then goes on to speculate whether Mahāvīra is synonymous with Mahādeva. It can of course be employed as an epithet of Visņu, and in fact this usage is probably a conscious Vaisņava borrowing from Jainism; but the occurrence of three images together, and their nudity, suggest a Jina with his attendant sasana-devatās. The author who had some notions of Hindu iconography identified other statues as Brahma and Gaṇeśa, but it is not impossible that he mistook for them the yakṣas of the tenth and twenty-third tirthankaras.
The German, J.A. von Mandelslo, member of an embassy to the court of the Shah of Persia obtained leave to travel in India for his own account. He was there in 1638-9 but his observations were only published posthumously in 1658. Though more interested in social conditions than religion he has left a description3 of
1.
2.
3.
Letters ed. G. Gancia, 1843, p. 560 (I have quoted from this, the last Italian edition as the old English translation reprinted by the Hakuyt Society, London 1892. omits some sentences.)
Ibid., pp. 537-8.
For this see M. S. Commissariat. Mandelslo's Travels in Western India, Bombay 1931 pp. 24-5.

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the temple of Pārsvanatha at Saraspur just outside Ahmedabad which had only recently been built by the Jaina banker Santi Das, one of the richest men of his age, and which by a curious chance was visited by Jean Thevenot' a qaurter of a century later (in 1666) after it had been desecrated by Aurangzeb.
R. WILLIAMS
It is desirable to look for a moment at the establishments of Indian traders to the north of the great mountain barriers, particularly in Persia and Eastern Anatolia. Though these are of very ancient date there are records of an Indian colony in Armenia before 400 A.D.2-it was under the Safawi dynasty in Iran that they were perhaps most notable. As the centre of radiation of their activity lay in Gujarat it would seem almost inevitable that Jainas should be of their number; and this is proved conclusively by the report of at least one foreign traveller.
In the middle of the seventeenth century an Englishman, Thomas Herbert was struck by the prevalence at Amol in Persia of foreign communities "Scythians, Jews, Kurds, Banyans and Indians" (what he meant by this last differentiation is not clear); and about the same time Thevenot4 calculated that there were in Isfahan more than 1500 banyans who followed no trade or calling and whose sole business lay in lending money at interest. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the French painter Corneille le Brun encountered in Isfahan banyans who take no form of life not even that of fleas and lice. And, as late as the reign of Catherine the Great of Russia, a Scots soldier of fortune in her service noted that the banyans ("a sort of pagan Indians") had a factory at Astrakhan on the north of the Black Sea.6
1. Voyages Amsterdam 1727 Vol. V p. 27.
2. Sylvain Levi in the Revue de 1 'Histoire des Religions XXIII (1896)
3.
4.
5.
6.
pp. 45-6.
Some Years' Travels London 1665 p. 198
op. cit, Vol. III, p. 390.
Voyages en Moscovre et en Perse, Paris 1723, Vol. I, p. 251. P. H. Bruce: Memoirs of Travels, Dublin 1783, p. 299.

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ACCOUNTS OF THE JAINAS TAKEN ...
269 But the voyager who has provided irrefutable evidence of a Jaina presence in this region is the Netherlander Johan Struys! who visited Russia and Persia about 1670. Himself totally ignorant of India, he found an Indian community at Scamachi in the Safawi empire (the modern Shamakhi in Soviet Azerbaijan) some of them being brokers and some money-changers. In walking these people took great pains to avoid crushing any living creature under foot. If they met a hunter or fisherman they always tried to get him to desist from his calling, and if he rejected their proposals to buy his gun or nets, they would do all in their powers to scare away fish or birds. “They would rather die than kill any animal, even vermin and in this they are zealous observers of their law. ... This great charity extends not only to beasts but to the human kind. ... During the festivals which they celebrate seven or eight times a year they light no fires or candles for fear that flies might perish in them". On one occasion Struys notes, they had unsuccessfully offered the local ruler a considerable sum to impose a ban on the killing of all living creatures for the duration of one day,
Lack of space forbids more than the briefest comment on these travellers' reports. Their contents cover references inter alia to loca, bhikṣā, rātribhojana, mukhavastrikā, rajoharana, ālocanā, sallekhanā, and vāsaksepa. Many errors are of course apparent, especially in differentiating between various sects, and many others such as the inclusion under Jaina abhaks ya of all herbs of a red hue, are induced by confusion with Vaisnavas. Except in a very few comments like those of Ovington any intuition of the principles on which Jainism is based is lacking. Yet the reader is left profoundly impressed by the striking concurrence of the reports in voicing the respect which the ordinary Jaina layman's way of life and the monk's inflexible pursuit of ahimsā extorted from uncomprehending observers who were in no way initially predisposed in their favour.
1.
Glanius: Voyages de Jean Struys en Moscovie en Tartarie et en Perse Amsterdam, 1681, pp. 270-1.

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THE GENESIS OF THE DIGAMBARA
ŚVETĀMBARA SPLIT
Buddha Prakash
The Jaina community is divied into the two main sects of the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras. Both of them respectively claim antiquity and originality for their own sects and depict each other as schismatics and dissenters. According to the Digambara tradition the Svetāmbaras came into existence when, in the hurly-burly of a famine in the North, the bulk of the monks, led by their pontiff Bhadrabāhu, migrated to the south and, taking advantage of their absence and feeling free from their control, those, who remained behind, became lax in conduct and loose in discipline and began to adopt such practices as wearing white clothes.1 Originally, according to this view, they clad themselves partially, being called ardhaphālakas, but later in 136 of Vikrama era or 80-81 A.D., at the instance of a king of Valabhīpura, Lokapāla, and his queen Candralekhā, they began to dress themselves fully and came to be known as Svetāmpațas or Svetāmbaras?. On the contrary, the Svetāmbaras claim to represent the original tradition and hold that the Digambaras came into being when, 609 years after the demise of Mahāvīra, which took place in 528 B.G. according to the traditional view), or in 82 A.D., one Sivabhūti of Rathavīrapura, being rebuked over the use of a shawl by his teacher Kapha (Krspa), tore it to pieces and became naked and started the sect of naked monks or Digambarast. The earliest enunciation of the Digambara tradition 1. Brhatkathakośa of Harisena, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Introduction, p. 118. 2. Darśanasära of Devasena, ed. Nathuram Premi, p. 60. 3. Muni Kalyāņavijaya, "Vira Nirvāņa Samvat aur Jaina Kālagañanā',
Nagari Pracāniņi Patrikå, Vol. X, No. 4, pp. 744-45. Vijayendra Sūrı
Tirthaikara Mahavira, Vol. II, pp. 319-324. 4. Muni Ratnaprabhavijaya, Šramaņa Bhagavān Mahavira, Vol. IV, p. 272.
271

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is in the Brhatkathakosa of Harisena, written in 942 A.D.1 whereas the earliest reference to the Svetāmbara anecdote is in the Uttaradhyayana Niryukti of Bhadrabāhu II who flourished about 500 A.D.2 Thus it is clear that both of them are attested in fairly late sources.
The incongruous and legendary character of these traditions is manifest from the contradictions they harbour within themselves. Harişeņa says that the famine, attending the schism, occurred in Ujjain and, as a consequence of it, Višākhācārya led the monks to Punnata region in South Mysore, while his master, Bhadrabahu, along with his other disciples, repaired to Sindhu. This Višākhācārya is said to be the king Candragupta of Ujjain. But Hemacandra transfers the scene of the famine to Magadha and brings Bhadrabāhu into relationship with the Maurya monarch Candraguptas. On the other hand, old texts like the Avasyakacūrnī show that, as a result of the famine, Bhadrabāhu went to Nepal rather than the South4. Besides this, whereas the Titthogālipainnaya places the advent of the Mauryas 210 years after the demise of Mahāvīra”, the Yugapradhānapattāvali or Sthavirāvali shows 1. BȚhatkathâkośa, op. cit., pp. 317 ff. 2. Uttaradhyayanasūtra, pp. 152-178; Niryuktı, verses 164-178, Āvaśyaka Niryukti,
verses 778-783; Viseşāvaśyakamahābhāśya of Jinabhadra Gaņi, Vol II,
pp. 676 ff. 3. Parśıştaparvan of Hemacandra, ed. H. Jacobi, VIII, 444.
समाधिमरण प्राप्य चन्द्रगुप्तो दिवं ययौ Āvas yakacūrņi, p. 252. तमि य काले बारसवरिसो दुक्कालो उद्वितो संजताइतो य समुद्दतीरे आच्छेत्ता पुणरवि पाडलिपुत्ते मिलिता अण्णस्स उद्देसओ अण्णस्स खंड एवं संघाडितेहि तेहि एक्कारस अंगाणि संघातिताणि दिद्विवादो नत्थि नेपालवत्तणी मयवं भद्दबाहुस्सामी अच्छति चोद्दसपुवी। Titthogālipaınnaya, verses, 320-321. ज रयणि सिद्धिगओ अरहा तित्थकरो महावीरो। तं रयणिमवतीए अभिसित्तो पालओ राया ।। पालगरण्णो सट्ठी पुण पण्णसयं वियाणि णंदाण । मुरियाणं सट्ठिसयं पणतीसा पूसभित्ताणं ॥

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that the headship of Bhadrabāhu began 156 years after that event and lasted for 14 years. This would mean that Bhadrabahu had ceased to be the head 40 years before the accession of Candragupta Maurya and that they could not be contemporaries. On this showing the famine of Magadha of the time of Bhadrabahu would prove to be different from that which is said to have occurred at the time of Candragupta according to the Nisīthacūrnī. At all events it was distinct from that which took place in Ujjain and carried the monks to South India as Harişeņa reports.
As regards the Svetāmbara story of Sivabhūti, it is contradicted by their own texts, like the Uttarādhyayanasūtra where Kesin connects the practice of nudity with the system of Mahāvīra and that of putting on clothes with that of Pārśva and questions Gautama as to the cause of this difference and in reply the latter states that both are permissible but the essential thing is that one should strive for liberation through right knowledge, faith and conduct. The Ācārāngasūtra also refers to the practice of 1. सिरिवीराउ सुहम्मो वीसं चउचत्तवास जंबुस्स ।
पभवेगारस सिज्जभवस्स तेवीस वासाणि ।। पन्नास जसोभद्दे संभूइस्सट्ठ भद्दबाहुस्स । चउदस य थूलभद्दे पणयालेवं दुपन्नरस ।। Uttaradhyayanasūtra, XXIII, 29-33. अचेलगो य जो धम्मो जो इमो सन्तरुत्तरो। देसिओ वद्धमाणेण पासेण य महाजसा । एगकज्जपवन्नाण विसेसे कि नु कारणम् ? लिगे दुविहे मेहावि ! कहं विप्पच्चओ न ते ? केसिमेवं बुवाणं तु गोयमो इणमब्बवी। विन्नाणेण समागम्म धम्मसाहणमिच्छियं ।। पच्चयत्थं च लोगस्स नाणाविहविगप्पणं । जत्तत्थं गहणत्थं च लोगे लिंगप्पओयणं ।। अह भवे पइन्ना उ मोक्खसब्भूयसाहणे ।
नाणं च सणं चेव चरित्तं चेव निच्छए । M.M.-35

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going naked, the BỊhatkalpasūtrabhās ya states that the first and the last Tīrthařkara insisted on nudity whereas the intervening ones allowed the option of wearing clothes, the Buddhist text Anguttaranikā ya calls the niganthas ahırka or without the sense of shame3 implying that they remained naked, and the Vişnupurāna mentions both the naked and the clothed followers of the Jaina order.4 Thus it is clear that nudity as the symbol of complete detachment from the world, was regarded as the highest ideal of conduct from the time of Mahāvīra and many followed it as the core of the Jinakalpa. The view that this practice originated with Sivabhūtı in the first century A.D. does not carry conviction.
Both the Digambara and the śvetāmbara versions of the split being tendentious and unconvincing, it follows that its genesis should be traced in the very process of the evolution of the Jaina order from the sixth century B.C. onwards. At the time of Mahāvīra, in the sixth century B.C., there was a tendency among some ascetic orders to equate physical abnegation and corporeal suffering with the pursuit of spiritual liberation or emancipation from the cycle of being. Often the spiritual attainment 1. Ācārāngasūtra, VI, 3, 6.
vi za afafas TET U ficar o tai 293, Ibrd, VIII, 4, 53,
अदुवा अचेले 2. BȚhatkalpasūtrabhāşya, ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Vol VI, verse 6369
आचेल्लको धम्मो पुरिमस्स य पच्छिमस्स य णिजस्स ।
मज्झिमगाण जिणाण होति अचेलो सचेलो वा। 3. Anguttaranakaya, X, 8, 8.
अहिरिका भिक्खवे निग्गण्ठा Vişnupurâņa, III, 18, 10. दिग्वाससामय धर्मो धर्मोऽय बहुवाससाम् । Daśavarkālikasūtra, VI, 19-20. जं पि वत्थ व पाय वा कबल पायपुछणं । तं हि संजमलज्जट्ठा धारति परिहरंति य ।। न सो परिग्गहो वुत्तो नायपुत्तेण ताइणा। मुच्छा परिग्गहो वुत्तो इइ वुत्तं महेसिणा ।।

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of an ascetic was measured in terms of the bodily indifference that he exhibited in his conduct. Even slight concern with physical comfort was construed as a departure from the established norm and a surrender to sin. Hence we find Devadatta breaking away from the Buddha on the score of what he felt as laxity in monkish discipline, and we observe Gośāla leaving Mahāvīra because, in his opinion, he did not conform to the strict code of conduct2. In this atmosphere it was natural for Mahāvíra, as also for other teachers of that time, who wanted to make a mark on the people, to lay down and insist upon as austere and abstemious a course of life as possible. Therefore he hardened and tightened the rules of his order by adding brahmacarya or celibacy to the Fourfold Code (Cāturyāma) of Pārsva, insisting upon the chedopasthāni ya cārıtra in place of the sāmā yıka cāritra, emphasizing abstension from taking food at night, placing premium on living naked, prescribing pratikramana twice daily, prohibiting monks from accepting food prepared for them or of food from the king's kitchen and from staying at a place for more than a month and also from moving about during the paryusana period from the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada to the same date of Kārttika or better from the full-moon day of Āsādha to that of Kārttika3. His whole approach was to be hard and fast in conduct and discipline and to show no softness or laxity in matters pertaining to physical comforts. But, inevitably, it evoked a reaction among his followers analogous to that which seized the Buddhists when Devadatta wanted the monks to lead a more austere life than what the Buddha prescribed or when Subhadra chuckled at the demise of the Buddha thinking that he and his fellows would be free from the network of do and 1. T. W. Rhys Davids, 'Devadatta, 'Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,
ed. James Hastings, Vol. IV, p. 675. 2. A. L. Basham, History and Doctrines of the Āzurkas, p 75, B M. Barua, 'The
Ajivikas, Journal of the Department of Letlers, Vol II, pp 18-21, Prolegomena to Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, pp 297-318. Ācārya Tulasi and Muni Nathamal, Uttaradhyayana, Eka Samiksatmaka Adhyayana (in Hindi), pp. 122-123.

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don't that he had devised.1 As soon as Mahāvīra breathed his last at Pāvā, discord and dissension raged in his order an account of which is found in the Sāmagāma Suttanta of the Majjhima Nikāya (III, 1, 4), the Pasādıka Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya (III, 6) and the Sangītiparyā ya Sutta of the same Nikā ya (III, 18). These texts state that on the death of Mahāvīra his followers divided, formed two parties and clashed and quarrelled, piercing each other with sharp arrow-like speeches, saying that they respectively knew the true doctrine and discipline and represented the right approach and others were living in error. They also point out that his white robed lay followers were also showing disgust and indifference towards the tenets and codes of his order showing that they had also some stake in the dispute3. In this respect Jaina sources throw some light over the issues involved. Whereas the Svetāmbaras say that the successor of Mahāvīra in the leadership of the order (Pattadhara), was Sudharman, the Digambaras hold that that position occupied by Indrabhūti Gautama". Thus it is clear that after Mahāvīra dispute arose among his followers over the question of succession and Sudharman and Indrabhūti Gautama advanced their respective claims to it and were supported by their camps consisting of the clothed and the naked. In this way the order broke in two parts with two heads and two traditions represented respectively by the clothed and the naked. It seems that this disruption lay at the basis of the reports of dissension among the Jainas given in Buddhist texts. 1. E. Lamotte, Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, pp 134-140. 2. Majjhimanıkā ya, III, 4, 1.
तेन खो पन समयेन निगण्ठो नातपुत्तो पावाय अधुनाकालड्कतो होति । तस्स कालाकिरियाय भिन्ना निगण्ठा द्वेधिकजाता भण्डनजाता कलहजाता विवादापन्ना अञ्जमधे मुखसत्तीहि वितुदन्ता विहरन्ति 'न त्वं इमं धम्मविनयं आजानासि
अहं इमं धम्मविनय आजानामि' 3. Ibid,
ये पि निगण्ठस्स नातपुत्तस्स सावका गिही ओदातवसना ते पि निगण्ठेसु
नातपुत्तियेसु निब्बिनरूपा विरत्तरूपा पटिवानरूपा 4. Muni Nagarāja, Āgama Aur Tripitaka, Eka Anušilana (in Hındı), p. 81.

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It is clear from old texts that in early times monks and nuns could wear clothes. The Sthānānga Sutra permits garments in certain cases', the Ācārānga Sūtra lays down rules for the begging of clothes and the Uttarādhyayana Sutra refers to the clothes of monks getting worn and torn and counsels them not to worry about it?. But the clothes which the Jainas used at least at the time of Mahāvīra, were white in contrast to the red robes worn by the Buddhists. It is significant that in the Darśanasāra of Devasena Buddhakīrti (Buddha) is called raktāmbara (redrobed)4 while in Pali texts the lay followers of Nigantha Nātaputta (Mahāvīra) are called Odātavasana (white robed). It appears that the Buddhists and Jainas adopted red and white as the colour of their respective clothes to emphasize and accentuate their distinction. However, among the Jainas there was difference of opinion about being clothed or living naked, which is clear from the dialogue of Kesin and Gautama, cited above, and which burst into the dispute over succession and the attendant division of the order after the death of Mahāvīra.
The history of the Buddhist and Jaina orders, following the death of Buddha and Mahāvīra, reveals a parallelism which can be utilized to understand their underlying trends. We know that in the very first year of the death of Buddha, a council was held at Rājagrha to codify the law (dharma) and the discipline (vinaya) with a view to setting at rest the controversies and dissensions that had become rampant But all monks did not accept that version of the teachings of Buddha and some challenged the accent 1. Sthånāingasūtra, II, 71. 2. Ācārängasutra, II, 5, 1-2. 3. Uttaràdhyayanasūtra, II, 12. 4. Darśanasära, ed. Nathurāma Premi, verse 7
तिमिपूरणासणेहि अहिगयपवज्जाओ परिभट्ठो। रत्तबरं धरित्ता पवट्टिय तेण एयंतं । See also Pravacanasäroddhāra, verse 732. सक्का य सुगयसीसा जे जडिला ते उ तावसा गीया। जे धाउरत्तवत्था तिदडिणी गेरुया ते उ ।।

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on austerity in it and advanced the Ten Tenets (dasavatthani) which included the possession of wealth and property and thus cut at the very root of ascetic life! This necessitated another convention to give a clear verdict on the true doctrine and the result was the second council at Vaisalī, 100 or 110 years after the death of Buddha. This council condemned the Ten Tenets and reaffirmed the canon codified at Rājagrha but the dissenters convened another great council (mahāsangiti) and compiled a new canon with their own version of the texts and interpretation of their meaning. In that atmosphere of tension and dissension one Mahādeva, son of a merchant of Mathurā, dealt a blow at the monks by propounding his Five Theses relating to the physical impurity of the monks, their ignorance, their doubt and their insufficiency of spiritual attainment necessitating the help of preceptors and the capability of every person, monk or layman, to advance towards liberation through a genuine realisation of the misery of worldly life3. Behind the Ten Tenets of the Vaiśālians and the Five Theses of Mahādeva we find the unrest of the laity and those who stood for soft and easy life. Eventually they formed the school of the Mahāsānghikas which became the percursor of Mahāyāna in the first century A.D.
As regards the Jaina order, its texts were taught by the teachers to their pupils in various recensions, called vācanā. However, the process of their codification reached a decisive point 160 years after the death of Mahāvīra when a famine broke out at Pataliputra and dispersed the Jaina monks in various directions. As they assembled after the famine they felt the need of codifying the canon, because those who knew it by oral tradition were becoming sparse, and accordingly held the vācană of Pāțaliputra. 1 A Bareau, Les premiers conciles bouddhiques, pp 68-71, p Demiéville, 'A
propos du concile de Vaiśāli, T'oung Pao, Vol. 40, pp. 239-296. Dipavamsa, V, 30-39. Louis de la Vallée-Poussin, 'The Five Points of Mahadeva and the Kathāvatthu,' Journal of the Royla Asiatic Society, (1910) pp. 413-423, A. Bareau, Les sectes boudhiques du Pent Véhicule, pp. 64-65.

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Through mutual contact and consultation they settled the text of the eleven angas but could not codify the twelfth called dặstivāda because the only person who knew it was Bhadrabāhu and he was not available. With a view to taking down notes from him they sent a mission to him under Sthūlabhadra. At first he demurred to disclose the text but eventually gave out some parts of it to Sthūlabhadra. Through it Sthūlabhadra once changed himself into a lion whereupon the master reprimanded him and commissioned him not to reveal it to others lest they should misuse it. Thus the knowledge of it died out".
The Sthānakavāsí tradition affirms that when Sthūlabhadra and his companions codified the eleven angas and tried to piece together the twlefth missing one also in the absence of Bhadrabāhu the latter on his return felt annoyed and in a mood of anger declared the twelfth anga as hopelessly lost.2
The Digambaras reject this canonical tradition in toto and hold that all the ancient texts are irretrievably lost, only a portion of Drstivāda has survived in the form of the Șațkhandāgama and even in Kaşā yaprābhịta3.
In this way in the First Council of Pataliputra the dispute about conduct synchornized with the difference on the canon with the result that the clothed (Svetāmbara) and the naked (Digambara) branched off in different directions.
This doctrinal and literary difference is almost parallel in Buddhist and Jaina orders and may be the consequence of identical stimuli and motivations. Though links are missing, we can visualize a dialogue between the Buddhists and Jainas in which they reciprocated the influences of each other. A streak of light in this direction is the fourth schism of the Jaina order, 1. Tutthogälı Painnaya, Verses 714-802. 2. Margaret Stevenson, “Svetāmbaras', Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethices,
ed. James Hastings, Vol. XII, p. 123. 3. J. C. Jain, Pråksta Sahitya Ka Itihasa (in Hindi) pp. 272-73.

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called Samucchedi ya, started by Aśvamitra at Mithila, whose doctrine that everything is destroyed soon after coming into existence recalls the Buddhist theory of universal flux. This may not be the solitary instance of exchange of ideas and intercommunication of trends of development of the two orders. They might have acted and reacted on each other on wider planes which sectarian bias has obscured from our views. As a result the forces working in Buddhist circles must have had some repercussions on the Jainas so far as the crystallisation of their sectarian differences is concerned.
After the first council of Pāšaliputra, the scene changes to Mathurā where, under similar circumstances famine, dispersal and oblivion—the second council is said to have taken place under Skandila between 827 and 840 years after Mahāvīra's death. Almost at the same time another council is said to have been held at Valabhī, under Nāgārjuna, to settle the text of the canon. Mathurā was a centre of trade, culture and art where cosmopolitan influences were at work at least from the Maurya period. According to the Ašokāvadāna the Buddhist community of Mathurā was agitated by a monk who propounded the Five
Theses and whom the Vibhāṣā shows to be Mahādeva.2 Paramārtha and his pupil Ki-tsang state that his followers at Mathurā outnumbered the sthaviras (Arhats) and that the emperor Asoka as well as his queen also shared his view, as a result of which the sthaviras had to leave for Kaśmīra from where they did not return as Hiuen-tsang adds.3 All this shows that the Buddhist community at Mathurā was in the throes of a great revolution which brought about the schism of the Mahāsānghikas and the Sthaviravādins and paved the way for the formation of Mahāyāna and Hínayāna. It is impossiblle to think that this convulsion of thought did not have any effect on the flourishing Jaina community of Mathurā.
1. 2. 3.
A. C. Sen, Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p 44. J. Przyluski, La Légende de l'empereur Asoka, pp. 366-369. E. Lamotte, Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, pp. 304-309.

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At Mathura the prosperity of the Jaina community is attested by an old Jaina stūpa which underwent numerous restorations. About the beginning of the Christian era it became a centre of art, charity and culture. Round it were set up sixteen ayagapaṭas or tablets of worship, four in each direction, corresponding to the pūjāsilā of the Vaisnava temple and pupphādhāna or platforms for offering flowers of Buddhist topes.1 The earlier āyāgapaṭas consist only of symbols, a central sixteen spoked chakra surrounded by three bands of triratnas, cherubs and garland, but in the latter, a seated tīrthankara was depicted in the centre with a circle of four triratna symbols and a big svastika disposed round it. From the figures of the seated tirthankara developed the standing images in kāyotsarga mudrā, seated images in padmāsana mudra and fourfold images, pratimā sarvatobhadrikā in standing and seated postures.2 With the solitary exception of the torso of a standing Tirthankara, found at Lohanipur near Patna, these are the earliest Jaina images having a history of development. Their most significant feature is that, though the monks mentioned on the pedestals of some of them belonged to the gaņas, sākhās and kulas mentioned in the Kalpasūtra and acknowledged by the Svetambaras, the images of Tirthankaras, they worshipped were naked with the private parts clearly shown.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Vasudeva S Agrawala, Indian Art, pp. 231-232.
It has been suggested that the Buddha image had also its origin at Mathurā, V S. Agrawala, 'Origin of the Buddha Image', Śatābda Kaumudi (Central Museum, Nagpur, Centenary Volume, 1964), pp 29-35. V. S. Agrawala, Studies in Indian Art, p. 181.
The Nagabhūtikīya sect of a Kusana record (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 391) may be identified with the Nagabhūta kula of the Kalpasūtra. Likewise the Paridhasika sect of epigraphic records (Luders, Epigraphic Notes', Indian Antiquary, Vol XXXIII, p. 109) may be the same as the Parihasika Kula. These kulas belonged to the Uddeha gana.
The Mehika-kula of the Vesavätika gana is also referred to in a Kusāņa inscription (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 382). Several śākhās of the Caraṇa gana, equated by G. Buhler with Vāraņa gaṇa of epigraphic records, (On the Indian Sect of the Jamnas, p. 55), like Hārītamālākārī,
M.M.-36

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This shows the eclectic nature of the Jaina community of Mathura cutting across sectarian division and shunning doctrinal rigidity. However, in the first century A.D., particularly after the advent of the Kuṣāņas, when the division of the Buddhists into the two major schools of Mahāyāna and Hinayana became clear-cut and the sects of the Saivas and Vaisnavas also headed towards independent development in regard to scripture, ritual and hagiology, the Jainas also began to show signs of sectarian demarcation with crystallized traits. Hence whereas the Títhankara
BUDDHA PRAKASH
image was nude the figure of the 'Sramaņa Kapha (Kṛṣṇa) was shown to be holding a piece of cloth to cover his privity
after the arddhaphalaka fashion.1 This indicates the process of sculptural articulation of the difference in the two main branches of the community regarding the wearing of clothes. On it the tendency of the formation of distinct and comprehensive schools within other religious systems of the age must have exercised an appreciable influence. It is highly significant that both Digambara and Svetambara tradition place their final division in the last quarter of the first century A.D. when this tendency was in full swing.
The aforesaid developments at Mathura must have created a confused situation which necessitated the fixation of canonical texts in the second vācană. But during that period some new influences were at work in Indian social and cultural development. The wave of material prosperity, which swept in the Kuṣāņa period and gathered momentum in the Gupta age, gave a new aesthetic
1.
Vajranagari and Sāṁkaśikā, and many kulas, like Puśyamitrikā, Āryacetika, Pratidharmikā, have their counterparts in kuṣāņa inscriptions (Epigraphia Indica, Vol I, pp. 385, 87, 96, 97, 289). Though the Manava gana is not so fully represented in epigraphy, the sakhas of the Kautiya gana, Vajra, Madhyamikā, Uchhänagari and Vatsaliya, and its kulas, Vāņiya, Brahmalıptıka and Prṣṇavahanaka, are mentioned in inscriptions (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, pp 385, 87, 88, 96, 97, 289).
V. A. Smith, Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities from Mathura, plate XVII, figure 2, R. P. Chanda, Śvetāmbara and Digambara Images, p. 179.

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THE GENESIS OF THE DIGAMBARA-SVETĀMBARA SPLIT 283
orientation to Indian culture which cast it in a classical mould. One of the values of this classicism was a sense of dignity and grace and an abhorrence of crudity and nakedness. Hence we observe that the nude female figures of Kusāņa times were replaced by those draped in diaphanous clothes in the Gupta period. In fact one of the salient features of Gupta statuary is the use of fine transparent clothes which cover the nudity but bring out the contours of the body. This vogue embodied the new value that nudity was the sign of crudity and drapery was a constituent of grace. Accordingly we find that the vogue of naked Tirthankara images, attested at Mathura in the opening centuries of the Christian era and also at Chausa near Buxar in Bihar some time thereafter, gave way to the style of carving them with diaphanous drapery of the Gupta type the notable specimens of which are the five standing Tīrthankara figures from Vaļā, ancient Valabhī, and a bronze image of Rsabhanātha from Akoțā, near Baroda.2 In this way, in the Gupta period, in response to the dominant trends of that time, clothed images of Tirthařkaras began to be made giving a final, concrete and crystallized form to the Svetāmbara belief in contradistinction to the Digambara doctrine.
These development must have given rise to fresh controversies and new researches and approaches, which were bound to generate heat and arouse passions and even lead to acrimonious confrontations, an instance of which is the dispute over the ownership of images at Mount Girnar at the time of Bappabhațți Sūris. In that atmosphere it again become necessary to fix the text of the canon and the result was the fourth vācanā at Valabhs under Devarddhiganin Kşamāśramaņa 160 years after the 1. V. S. Agrawala, Studies in Indian Art, pp. 197-254, Gupta Art. 2. U P. Shah, 'Age of Differentiation of Digambara and Śvetämbara Ima
ges and the Earliest Known Svetāmbara Bronzes', Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, No. 1 (1950-51), pp. 36-38. 3. Prabhāvakacarıta of Prabhācandra ed. Jinavijaya Munı (Singhi Jaina
Series, No. 13), pp. 80 ff.

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BUDDHA PRAKASH
the second and third vācanā in which the Svetāmbara canon was given its final form. It is significant that in this Vācanā Devarddhiganin did not give the first place to the Nāgārjunīya recension even though he belonged to its paramparā'. This show how confused things would have been at that time.
It is clear from the above discussion that the differentiation of the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras was a long drawn out process spread over almost a millennium from the death of Mahāvīra to the fourth vācanā at Valabhī. During this period a number of influences, internal as well as external, liberal and conservative, latitudinarian and orthodox, shaped its main tendencies and contributed to its final characterization. In particular the general course of Indian cultural evolution involving the development of chief religious traditions played a dominant part in its genesis and growth. As a result it became a permanent feature of the Jaina community in all its orientations, religious, cultural and literary and divided it on some salient issues. According to the Digambaras, a monk who owns any property, for example, wears clothes, cannot attain nirvana while the position is different from the Svetāmbara point of view. Besides this, the Digambaras deny the right of Nirvāṇa to women, perhaps because their remaining naked is obnoxious, while the Svetāmbaras consider men and women equal in this respect. In accordance with this view the Digambaras consider the nineteenth Tirthařkara Mallinātha male and the Svetāmbaras regard him as a female, the former hold that Mahāvīra never married but the latter believe that he had Yaśodā for his wife and had by her a daughter named Aņojjā or Priyadarśana?. In addition to this the Digambaras consider the Svetāmbara literature spurious and unauthoritative. But both of these sects treat some works like the Tattvārthādhigamasūtra of Umāsvāti as authentic. Indeed, there is no significant divergence among them as regards doctrine. On basic premises they 1. W. Schubring, The Doctrine of the Fainas, p. 77. 2. V. A. Sangave, Jaina Community, A Social Survey, pp. 52-53, H. Jacobi,
'Digambaras,' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV, p. 704.

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are at one and their philosophical background is one and the same. They do not differ on fundamental postulates like the Mahāyānists and the Hīnayānists nor do they vary in approach like the Catholics and the Protestants. It is remarkable that notwithstanding their differences, which have given them the form of two distinct sects, they have preserved a common framework of ideas and doctrines and acted as virtually one community. This unity in diversity has been a notable feature of the Jainas as a religious community and social group.
1.
Margaret Stevensons' analogy of Catholics and Protestants in this connection is not very happy. (Svetāmbaras,' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. XII, p. 123).

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PATRONAGE TO JAINISM BY THE SILAHĀRAS OF KOLHAPUR
V. V. Mirashi
Like all great kings of ancient India, the Silahāras of Konkan and Kolhapur extended liberal patronage to the different religions current in their kingdom. They were themselves followers of Puranic Hinduism, and naturally built temples of Hindu gods and goddesses, made grants for their worship and offered liberal patronage to Vedic scholars and revered sages of the Vaisnava and Saiva sects living in their kingdom. In the present article we confine ourselves to the patronage extended by the Silāhārās of Kolhapur to the different religions flourishing in their kingdom, and especially to Jainism, as known from the literary and inscriptional records of the age.
The Silāhāras of Kolhapur declare in their records that they had obtained a gracious boon of the goddess Mahālakṣmi of Kolhapur. The temple of the goddess had become a well-known Sāktapitha in that age. It is not definitely known who built the temple and when. That the goddess was famous as early as the beginning of the ninth century A.D. is evident from the reference to the offering to her of the little finger of his left hand by the Rāṣṭrakūta king Amoghavarṣa I (A.D. 814-878).2 The present temple may have been built by a Sinda king of Karahāṭa (modern Karhāḍ in the Sātārā District). That the Sindas were occupying the Southern Maratha Country before the advent of the Silahāras of Kolhapur is known from an incomplete grant of the Sinda king Adityavarman dated Śaka 887 (A.D. 965) found somewhere in the Poona District and published by us. 1. See e.g. श्रीमन्महालक्ष्मी लब्धवरप्रसादादिसमस्तनामावलिविराजितः the Talale plates of Gandarāditya, J B.B.R.A.S., Vol. XIII (Old Series), pp. 1 f. Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, p. 248.
2.

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The Silāhāras of Kolhapur not only mention with pride that they had obtained a gracious boon from the goddess Mahālakṣmi but are known to have made liberal grants for her worship and naivedya. They built temples of other gods also. Thus, Gaṇḍarāditya built a temple of Siva, together with those of the gods of other religions to be noticed later, at the village of Irukuḍī (modern Rukaḍi, near Kolhapur) and made grants of land for their worship.1 He also donated land for the temple of the god Kheḍāditya (evidently a form of the Sun) at Brahmapurí, a suburb of Kolhapur.2 At the request of his minister Maillapayya who had repaired the temple, adding two more shrines of Brahmā and Visņu to it. King Vijayaditya is said to have built the temple of Koppeśvara, a few miles from Sirol.3 King Bhoja II, the last known member of this branch of the Silāhāras, made grants of land for the naivedya of the goddess Mahalakṣmī and also for the worship of the god Uma-Maheśvara installed in a matha in the court-yard of her temple. It is needless to multiply instances of patronage to Puranic Hinduism by the Śilāhāras of Kolhapur as they were themselves followers of that religion.
288
It is, however, noteworthy that they extended their patronage to other religions also which were flourishing in their kingdom. Thus, the aforementioned king Gandaraditya, when he built a temple of Siva at Irukuḍī, erected also similar shrines of the Buddha and Arhat (Jina) in the neighbourhood and made similar grants for their worship.5 This is one of the few references to the flourishing of Buddhism in that age.
But references to the flourishing of Jainism are many more. We have already referred to the erection of a shrine of Arhat
1. JB B.R.A.S. Vol. XIII (Old Series), pp. 1 f.
2.
Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 28 f.
3.
K. G. Kundangar, Inscriptions from Northern Karnataka and the Kolhapur State, p. 14.
Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIX, pp. 13 f.
J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. XIII (Old Series), pp. 1 f.

4.
5.

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at Irukudi by Gandarāditya. He built another temple of the Jaina Tīrthankara Neminātha at Ājurikā (modern Ajre, the chief town of a mahāl of the same name in the Kolhāpur District), and named it Tribhuvanatılaka, which was one of his own burudas. This is explicitly mentioned in the grammatical work Šabdārnavacandrikā of Somadeva, who was a contemporary of the last king Bhoja II of the Kolhāpur branch.1
Several other Jaina temples erected at different places in the Silāhāra kingdom find mention in the records of the age. Thus, there was a temple of Pārsvanātha at the village HāvinaHeriļige (modern Herle), which was built by one Vasudeva, the Hadapavala (betel-box carrier) of Samanta Kāmadeva, who owed allegiance to the Silāhāra king Vijayāditya.2 Another temple of Pārsvanātha was at Mandalura (modern Maďur in the Bhudargad tālukā of the Kolhāpur District). At the request of his maternal uncle Samanta Lakşmaņa, king Vijayāditya granted some land to the disciple Arhannadi Siddhāntadeva of Māghanandí Saiddhāntika, who officiated as the pontiff of the temple.3 A third temple of Pārsvanātha was at Kavadegolla, built by Nimbadevarasa, a Samanta of Gaņdarāditya. It received several donations of rates and taxes from the famous merchant-guild of the age, viz., the Vīra-Baņañjas of Ayyavoļe (modern Aihole in the Bijapur District).*
Nimbadevarasa was a brave Samanta of the Silāhāra king Gandarāditya. He took part in the latter's campaigns against the Cholas. He is, therefore, described as 'an awful rutting elephant to the beds of lotuses, the barons of Tondai'. He was 1. See statesti del radicafofilHETFATAUfoorraa TheT40502T-status
रादित्यदेवनिर्मापितत्रिभुवनतिलकजिनालये . . .। 2. Ep. Ind , Vol. III, pp. 207 f.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 211f. He is probably identical with the minister (Mantrin), Lakşmaņa who patronised Karņapārya, the author of the
Nemināthapurāna. 4. Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 30 f. 5. Loc. cit. M.M.-37

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v. V. MIRASHI
as devout as he was brave. His construction of a temple of Pārsvanātha at Kavadegolla has been mentioned above. He erected two more Jaina temples in Kolhāpur. One of them was in the back yard of the temple of Mahālakṣmī. The shrine is now occupied by an image of Seṣasāyi Vişņu, but that it was originally a Jaina temple is shown by the inscription on the beams of the mandapa in front, which states that Nimbadeva, a Samanta of Gaņdarāditya, built the Cartyāgāra. Nimbadeva was a lay disciple of the Jaina Muni Maghanandī of the Kundakundanvaya. Nimbadeva claims that he had obtained the boon of the Jaina goddess Padmāvatī. He erected another temple of Pārsvanātha at Kolhāpur and named it Rūpanārāyana, which was a biruda of his suzerain Gaņdarāditya. This is explicitly stated in an inscription at the Jaina vasati at Terday in the former Sānglī State.? Nimbadeva belonged to the Sarasvati-gaccha, the Deśnyagana and the Mūla-sangha, and was of the anvaya (line) of Kundakundācārya. He placed his guru Māghanandi Saiddhāntika in charge of the temple of Rūpanārāyaṇa at Kolhāpur. This temple is identical with that near the former Sukravāra Gate of Kolhāpur. It was then known as the temple of Rūpanārāyana and was a famous centre of Jainism. It is mentioned in several records of the age. It is now called the temple of Mānastambha from the pillar erected in front of it.
Māghanandī Saiddhāntika was a great Jaina ascetic, highly venerated for his learning and piety. He is thus described in the aforementioned Terdāļ inscription3: “As though the famous Jaina faith has produced a new Tīrthařkara, he preached the principles of Jainism to all people, and was saluted by the Samanta Nimba. Is not the distinguished and shining Māghanandī, the 1. An. Rep. Ind. Ep. for 1945-46, p. 40. 2. See ŚrI-Kollāpurada Nimbadeva-sāvanta māļısıda ŚrI-Rūpanārāyana
devara basa diya, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 19. This temple at Kolhapura was probably known also as Savantabasadi of Kollapura. Ep. Carn.,
Vol. II, Introd., p. 61. 3. Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 23

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chief of the Saiddhāntikas, a moon to the Jaina religion, resembling an ocean of nectar?”
Māghanandī is also greatly extolled in an inscripton at Śravana-Belgola.i “The prince of ascetics Māghanandī, honoured by the learned and by the whole world, a solar orb to the lotuses of the blessed, whose fame resembling the Himālayas, a glittering necklace of beautiful pearls, the moon and the white jasmine, spread to all the regions, was a new fillet of brilliant gems to the forehead of Sarasvati.” He had several powerful lay disciples such as the Sāmantas Kedāra-Nākarasa, Nimbadeva and Kāmadeva.2 Several of his religious disciples are mentioned in inscriptions of the period such as Srutakīrti-Traividya, Gandavimuktadeva, 3 Māņikyanandi-paņdita* and Arhannandi siddhānatadeva.5
Māghanandí is said to have founded a tīrtha (holy place) in Kolhapur. He was evidently the founder of the matha at Kolhāpur which became a powerful centre of Jainism in that period. When Nimbadeva erected the temple of Parávanātha near the Sukravāra Gate in Kolhāpur, he placed Māghanandī, his guru, in charge of it. This temple was known as Rūpanārāyaṇa, a biruda of Sāmanta Nimbadeva's Suzerain Gaņdarāditya. Later, Māghanandī appointed Srutakīrti-Traividya as the priest of the temple of Rūpanārāyaṇa.? The latter also was a learned man. He is thus described in a Sravaņa Belgoļa inscription: "Who attained fame like Srutakīrti Traividya, who on three occasions of contact with disputants, leaning on the support of his learning, cut off with the Syāduāda weapon, to the delight of the 1. Ep. Carn., Vol. II, p. 17. 2. Loc. cit.
Loc. cit. 4. Ep. Ind , Vol. III, pp. 207 f. 5. Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 211 f. 6. Ep. Carn., Vol. II.
Loc. cit. 8. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 18.

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learned, the wings of the mountains, the hostile disputants, like Devendra ?” This Srutakīrti-Traividya is in that inscription credited with the authorship of the Rāghavapāndavī ya, but we shall examine this question later.
The temple of Rūpanārāyaṇa became the centre of Jaina religious activities in that period. Srutaksrti-Traividya, though he was the priest of the Rūpanārāyaṇa temple in Kolhāpur, received the gifts of rates and taxes levied on commodities sold in the market of Kavadegolla for the benefit of the temple of Pārsvanātha at that place. The stone tablet which records these gifts was set up not at the temple in Kavadegolla but in the front yard of the temple of Rūpanārāyaṇa in Kolhāpur, where it still exists. This shows that the affairs of the temple were controlled from the centre at the Rūpanārāyaṇa temple in Kolhāpur.
Another disciple of this Māghanandī Saiddhāntika, viz., Māņikyanandī Pandita is mentioned in another stone inscription placed in the front yard of the Rūpanārāyaṇa temple at Kolhapur.2 He was the priest of the caityālaya of Pārsvanātha erected probably at Hāvina-Herilige (modern Herle in the Kolhāpur District) by one Vāsudeva, the betel-box carrier of Samanta Kamadeva. The inscription records the gifts of a field and a house in favour of the temple, but the inscribed stone was set up not at the site of the vasatı in Hāvina-Herelige but in the front yard of the Rūpanārayaņa temple in Kolhāpur. This also shows what influence was exerted by the Jaina religious centre in Kolhāpur.
One other disciple of Māghanandī Saiddhāntika, viz., Arhannandi Siddhāntadeva is known from the stone inscription originally belonging to the Jaina vasati of Pārsvanātha at Bāmaņ1,3 a village near Kāgal in the Kolhāpur District, but now deposited near the temple of Rūpanārāyaṇa in Kolhāpur. The temple had been 1. Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 30 f. 2. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 207 f. 3. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 211 f.

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erected by one Chaudhore-Kāmagāvunda, and the gift of a field together with a flower-garden was made in its favour by King Vijayāditya at the request of his maternal uncle Samanta Lakşmaņa for the spiritual benefit of the latter's family.
Another temple dedicated to the Tírthankara Candraprabha was built by Nemagāvunda at the instance of Nāgaladevī, who was probably the mother of Gandarāditya. It was at HāvinaHerilige, modern Herlel, a village about 11.25 Km. west of Hātakanangale in the Kolhapur District. Like the Rūpaārāyaṇa temple of Kolhāpur, it was named after a biruda of Gaņdarāditya, viz., Tribhuvanatilaka. Its priest Sāntivīra-siddhāntadeva, was a disciple of Balachandra-vrati, who is glorified in the Nemināthapurāna of Karnapārya, who was patronized by Lakşmīdhara, a minister of the Silahāra king Vijayāditya. The inscription at Herle records the grant of one mattar of land and a garden for the worship of the Tirthařkara Candraprabha. It is dated in Saka 1040, (A.D. 1118).
The foregoing account of gifts made to the Jaina priests who were disciples of the Jaina Muni Māghanandī Saiddhāntika will show what influence this centre of Jainism exerted on the religious life of the adherents of that religion in the territory of the Kolhāpur Silāhāras.
Māghanandī Saiddhāntika was venerated beyond the dominion of the Silāhāras of Kolhāpur. Gonka, who, like the Silāhāras, claimed descent from Jímūtavāhana, was a feudatory of the Chalukya Emperor Vikramāditya VI. He erected a temple of Neminātha, called Gonka-Jinālaya after him, at Teridāla, modern Terdal in the former Sangli State. The inscription set up near the temple states that Goňka invited the venerable Māghanandi Saiddhāntika of Kollagira (i.e. Kolhāpur), the preceptor of Samanta Nimbadeva, evidently for the consecration of the temple. The Terdal inscription mentions several disciples of this 1. Graham, Kolhāpur, p. 349. I owe this information to Dr. G. S. Gai. 2. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 14 f.

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Kanakanandi-paṇḍitadeva,
Māghanandi Saiddhantika such as Candrakirti-paṇḍita, Prabhācandra-paṇḍitadeva and Vardhamāna. The last-mentioned disciple received the grant made to the Gonka-Jinālaya. In later times also the Gonka-Jinālaya continued its contact with the Jaina vasati of Rūpan ārāyaṇa at Kolhapur as explicitly stated in a supplement dated Śaka 1109 (A.D. 1187) of the aforementioned Terdal inscription.1
V. V. MIRASHI
Not only kings and Samantas but ordinary people also erected Jaina temples, some of which are known from inscriptional records. Thus, an inscription on an abhişeka-stand of the image of Pārsvanatha at Honnur near Kagal in the Kolhapur District records certain gifts made by the Silāhāra brothers Ballāla and Gaṇḍarāditya for the temple erected there by one Bamma-gāvuṇḍa, who, judging from his title, was only the chief of a district. At Sheḍbāl in the Athaṇī tālukā of the Belgaon District, then included in the Silahāra dominion, there was a Jaina temple erected by the Kottaligas of the place. A stone inscription discovered at the place records certain rates and taxes voluntarily granted to the temple by the local guilds and also some more levied on the marriages performed locally.3
Some of the Munis connected with these Jaina vasatis were engaged in literary activities. While editing the Terdāļ inscription dated Saka 1045 (A.D. 1123-24), K. B. Pathak put forward the suggestion that Śrutakīrti-Traivdya, the disciple of Māghanandī Saiddhantika mentioned in the inscription, was identical with the homonymous author of the kavya Raghavapāṇḍavīya mentioned by the Kannada poet Abhinava-Pampa in his Pampa-Rāmāyaṇa, and that he was the same as the poet Dhananjaya known as the author of that kavya. This view has been adopted by
1.
2.
3.
4.
Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 25.
Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 102.
An. Rep. Ind. Ep. for 1953-54, p. 31.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 4 f.

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Winternitz, Keith2 and S. K. De3 in their histories of Sanskrit literature, but it has been disproved by A. Venkatasubbiah on cogent grounds.4 Srutakírti-Traividya of the Rūpanārāyaṇa temple was different from his namesake praised by Abhinava-Pampa, because the guruparamparās of the two are not identical.5 Secondly, Dhanañ jaya, the author of the extant Rāghavapānd avī ya, cannot be identified with either of them as he flourished much earlier in circa A.D. 750-800.6 In fact, it is not quite certain that SrutakīrtiTraividya wrote a kāvya of the name Rāghavapāndavī ya; for the only evidence of it is furnished by two verses cited wrongly in a Sravana Beļgoļa inscription from the Pampa-Rāmāyana.? The whole question has been discussed by us elsewhere.
We have, however, incontrovertible evidence about the literary activities of two other Jaina authors who flourished in the Silāhāra dominion in that age. One of them was Karṇapārya, the author of the Kannada work Neminātha-purāņa. He apparently 1. C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 75.
History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 137.
History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 340. 4. J.B.B.R.AS, Vol. III (New Series), pp. 134 f.
Loc. cit. His Dvisandhāna alias Raghavapāndavi ya is referred to by Bhoja (c. A.D. 1015-1055) in his Srigåraprakāśa and by Rājasekhara (c. A.D. 915-950) cited in the Sūktimuktavali. A verse from Dhananjaya's Anekārthanāmamāla is cited in the commentary Dhavalā (AD. 816). So he may have flourished
about A.D. 750. 7. Verses 24 and 25 of the first āsvāsa of Abhinavapampa's Ramacandra-carita
purāna (popularly known as Pampa-Rāmāyana) have been cited in glorification of Srutakirti-Traividya of Kolkhāpur. They say that "SrutakIrtiTraividya spread his pure fame by composing to the astonishment of the learned, the Raghava-pånd avi ya in such a way that it could be read both forwards and backwards.' But A. Venkatasubbiah has shown that this Srutakirti was a different Jaina Muni, as Pampa flourished much earlier than ŚrutakIrtı-Traividya of Kolhāpur. Their guru-paramparās were also different. J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. III (New Series), pp. 142 f.

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V. V. MIRASHI
wrote his work in the Jaina vasatz Tribhuvanatılaka presided over by the Jaina Muni Bālacandra Rāddhānta of Kollāpura. He had the patronage of Lakşmaņa, the Karanāgranī (the Chief of the Secretariat) of the Silāhāra king Vijayāditya. In this poem Karņapārya gives much historical information about his patron and also the latter's Suzerain Vijayāditya.
The other Jaina author who flourished in this period was Somadeva, the author of the Sabdārņavacandrikā, a commentary on the Jaina vyākarana Sabdārnava, a later recension of the original Jainendra Vyākaraña. He completed his work at Ājurikā (modern Ājare in the Kolhapur District) in the Jinālaya called Tribhuvanatilaka built by the Silāhāra king Gandarāditya, in Saka 1127 (A.D. 1205).2 He flourished in the reign of the last Silāhāra king Bhoja II, whom he glorifies at the end of his work. Somadeva's commentary is called Laghu-vřittı, to distinguish it from another larger commentary called Mahāvřittı composed by Abhayanandí.
I owe this information to Dr. A. N. Upadhye, who has sent me a summary of the relevant information in the Nemináthapurāna. This temple Tribhuvanatılaka was dedicated to the Tırthankara Candraprabha. Balacandra's colleague Subhacandra was a disciple of the aforementioned Māghanandt. See Ep. Carn., Vol II, Intro. p. 61. See श्रीमच्छिलाहारकुलकमलमार्तण्डतेज पुञ्जराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकश्रीवीरभोजदेवविजयराज्ये शकवकसहस्रकशतसप्तविंशति ११२७ तम क्रोधनसंवत्सरे . . . श्रीमत्सोमदेवमुनीश्वरेण विरचितेयं शब्दार्णवचद्रिका नाम वृत्तिः । (Sabdārņavacandrika, ed. by Srilal Jain, p. 221).

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MAHAVIRA'S CULT IN THE TAMIL LAND
K. A. Nilakanta Šāstri
and V. Rāmasubramaniam 'Aundy' I. Some Postulates and Definitions 1. “The doctrine of spontaneous generation of culture is, we are coming to see, false and misleading." says W. J. Perry in his book, Growth of Civilization. [Page 2, Methuen & Co., London). “Far from spontaneous development having taken place in all parts of the earth, all that is known of the growth and spread of culture goes to show that most communities in any part of the world that have advanced beyond the food-gathering stage of culture and practise any of the fundamental arts and crafts, owe their cultural capital to some other community.”
2. Mr. Adris Bannerji enunciates another postulate. “The role of history is not merely to state the factual evidence of certain events, but also to explain not only why it happened but why something totally different did not happen." [Origin of Jain Practices, J. O. I., Baroda)
3. We endorse both the postulates and believe, accordingly, that the ascendency of Bhagavān Mahāvīra's cult and its subsequent eclipse in the Tamil Land, were not accidents but results of a chain of events that had preceded them.
4. The ancient followers of the cult of the Bhagavan, who now go by the name fainas, were known to the Tamilians of the pre-Christian epoch as Nikkantas (Skt. Nirgrantha) and 'samanas' (Skt. śramana). Nirgrantha, signifying ‘unfettered in Sanskrit, is commonly believed to have been first applied exclusively to the
297
M.M.-38

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298 K. A. NĪ LAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY' Jaina Digambara hermits. The term occurs in the Pāli texts of the Buddhists and in the Pillar Edict VII of Asoka. But Rāi Bahādūr P. C. Divānji of Bombay, in his paper on 'The Origin of the Bhagavata and the Jaina Religions, read at the AllIndia Oriental Conference, Hyderabad, (1941), opines that there is sufficient evidence as to the existence of a sect of nirgranthas in India long before Mahāvīra, practising austerities similar to, if not identical with, those of the Bhagavān himself. He quotes the following verse (1-7-10) from the Bhāgavata Purāņa, where the term occurs, and explains its implications:
Ātmārāmāśca munayaḥ nirgranthāa pyurukramel Kurvantyahaitukīm Bhaktimittham Bhūtaguno Hariḥ//
'Here', says Divānji, "The term Nirgranthāḥ is significant. It is an adjective, qualifying the noun munayaḥ, and means 'those who are without bonds'. The context in which this verse occurs shows that the said term could not have been used here in the sense of Jainas, as in the Buddhist Pali literture, and that the bonds here spoken of are the bonds of attachment to one's family, to the objects of sense-enjoyment etc. The context is that, when Sūta says that Dvaipāyana-Vyāsa, having composed the Bhagavata-Samhita, taught it to his son, Suka, who was 'Nivrittinirata', Saunaka asks him why, though he was so, Suka studied this great Samhitā, and the above is the answer of Sūta to that query. . . . Lastly, there are in the 'Bhāgavata Purāņa' several illustrations of great devotees of Vishņu or Nārāyaṇa, such as Kardama and Kapila, Dhruva and Prithu, Priyavrata and three of his sons (Kavi, Mahāvīra and Savana), Rsabha, Bharata and Sumati and the nine Yogesvaras and Avadhūtas, (111-21-33, IV-8-12 & 44, V-1-15, XI-2-5 and XI-7-9), which go to show that the Bhāgavata Dharma was originally so strict in the matter of discipline that i was inconsistant with its tenets to lead the life of a householder. It is true that some of these, such as Dhruva, Prithu, Priyavrata, Rsabha and Bharata, did live the life of a householder for some time, but it is also true that they had been persuaded to

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do so for some time for the benefit of humanity, and that the predominant feature of the dharma was 'pāramahamsya', a life of perfect detachment from social environment.
We are not quite sure, however, whether the above-said nirgranthas were named so during the life-time of Sanatkumāra and his disciples; but it is quite certain that they were referred to as such in post-Vedic Hindu tradition, and the Purāņa has only recorded that tradition.
Ammanan (a naked man) is also another significant term used in Tamil literature for a nikkanta.1
5. Sramaņa connotes in Sanskrit a mortifier of one's flesh, and Samana was its Tamilisation. Devotees of Murukan, (Lord Subrahmanya), and Korravai, (Goddess Durgā), often flayed themselves with whips, or walked on red-hot embers, or pierced their bodies with hundred spikes (vels). These had been practised as rituals from time immemorial in the land of the Tamils. These facts clearly indicate that the Nirgrantha and Sramana cults had their prototypes, not only in the post-Vedic Aryan society, but also among the ancient Tamilians. These latter, however, did not develop into distinct denomination marked off the rest of the community.
6. Sittar (Skt. siddha), and aivar (a group of five persons), were also occasionally used in Tamil literature to denote the community of Jaina hermits. The famous 'sittanavāsal' is but a corruption of 'sittan-vasati'. "Siddha' in Sanskrit has many meanings, but the Tamil sittar conveys two meanings only; viz. Faina recluses and the inventors and developers of the siddha system of medicine. There had, however, been many instances of over-lapping of the two meanings, because many of the Jaina hermits were medicinemen also.
1.
The 'Mahābhārata', (XII-3-46-16- to 20), refers to the existence of a distinct work on Tyāga-Šāstra, known as “Samyoga-Vadha”, composed for the guidance of the Brāhmaṇas of the Bhallavi Śākhā.

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300 K. A. NILAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, 'AUNDY
7. JIVABANDHU T. SRIPAL, the Tamil Jaina, gives the following history of the term arvar in an article of his, Jainism in TamilNādu in the Hand-Book of the Exhibition committee of the Second World Tamil Conference, Madras (1968): “In the earliest period, these recluses used to stay in their cave retreats in batches of five. That practice became obsolete when their sects multiplied into hundreds. But the name aivar persisted. And when Jainism itself became extinct in the later centuries, the Hindu residents in the neighbourhood of these retreats could not grasp the significance of the name aivar-kuli (cave of the five). They, therefore, equated the place with the retreats of the exiled five Pandavas. That is why almost all the Jaina caves and retreats in the Tamil Land are even now called Pandukkulis (Pāņdupits)"
8. Adikal (holy feet) stood for a monk and āśiriyan (ācārya) and kuravar for a teacher, while kufattiyār connoted a woman-teacher and pillaikal stood for her girl-students. Palli and Kottam
skt. Gostham) were interchangeably used for a Jaina monastery as well as a temple, and, again, pattini stood for 'ritual fasting' (anaśana) and vadakkıruttal (to sit down in the north) signified the ritual of fasting unto death. (prāyopaveśa).
9. And, lastly, 'drāvida', the tell-tale Sanskrit name, applied in mediaeval Sanskrit literature to the Brāhmins of the TamilMalayāļam regions, is a derivative of 'drāvi', connoting 'to run away' or 'to retreat, and 'drāvida-brāhmanas' must have been those who had settled in the Tamil Land as recluses. 'Drāvi' itself is a derivative of the root 'dra', 'to sleep' or 'to retreat'. 'Tapani ya' is another technical term, occurring in epigraphs and connoting the same meaning as 'drāvida' etymologically, but also applied to the nirgrantha recluses hailing from the south. Dr. K. P. Jayaswal tells us that they adopted Digambara habits only after coming into contact with Bhadrabahu's disciples.
10. It stands to reason, therefore, to conclude that the ‘nivrittimārgi' hermits of the post-Vedic Bhāgavata school had already penetrated into the Tamil Land during the centuries preceding

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the advent of Mahāvīra, or at least before the departure of Bhadrabahu and his twelve thousand from Magadha to the south (3rd Century B.C.).
II. The Cult in the Pre-Christian Era:
11. The twenty-three Tirthankaras, who preceded Bhagavān Mahāvīra, had ended their worldly career as Paramahamsya recluses. Mahāvīra, the 24th and the last, not only co-ordinating the tenets of these twenty-three, but brought into being a 'samgha' also, regulating the ways of life, beliefs and even the day-to-day food, dress and manners of his followers. Jainism and Jaina, thenceforward assumed distinct denominatioal individualities throughout northern India-that phenomenon, however, did not percolate into the southern regions during the Bhagavan's life-time.
12. Jaina tradition declares that the monk, śrutakevalin Bhadrabahu, with 12,000 of his disciples, had to emigrate from Magadha to southern India due to an unusually long drought of twelve years' duration, during the reign of Candragupta Maurya, (Circa 300 B.C.). It further asserts that the Maurya himself arrived at Śravana Belgoļā in the Mysore State to fast himself unto death as a Jaina recluse. It is irrational to assume that Bhadrabāhu had not already established contacts with the south before he and his batch of 12,000 started on their 1500mile-long trek to Mysore. Several months of pre-planning must have preceded the exodus. One must imagine such an army of mendicants, roaming about the land, begging their daily bread, to comprehend the full significance of the new impact between the north and the south. And, when the immigrants arrived, it must have been easy work for them to co-ordinate the activities of the already-existing nirgrantha recluses and integrate them into the fold of the followers of the Bhagavan. The old and the new came naturally under a central organization, which in modern, parlance, can be called 'the Jaina Church of Dravida'.
13.
Whether Bhadrabahu ever visited the land of the Tamils or not, Visakha-Muni, his follower, is said to have co-ordinated

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302 K. A. NILAKANȚA ŠĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY: the various nikkanta and samana hermitages of the Chera, Chola and Pāpaya territories of that period. We have pointers, again, to indicate the prevalence of Kundakundācārya's evangelistic work there, as we discover his name and his sacred foot-prints worshipped even now at Ponnūr Hills of the Sahyādri Range. Basing his arguments on the Pattāvalis of the ‘Kunda-Kundānvaya', cited in the Mysore inscriptions, Dr. P. Bannerji of the Delhi National Museum holds that Kunda-Kunda must have flourished about the end of the first century before Christ. [Indo-Asian Culture, Vol. VII, No. 1, page 41] 14. Dr. Champakalakshmi of Madras recounts in a compilation about 90 'less known Jaina Centres', spread over all the districts of the Tamil Land. [Journal of the Madras University, Vol. 34, Nos. 1 and 2, July 1962, and January 1963, Section A, Humanities]. But they, barring one or two exceptions, are not assignable to a date earlier than Christ. Archaeology has, however, unearthed about 75 cave inscriptions in Tamil-Brāhmi script around the stone beds of departed recluses. Identified decades ago as Jainistic by the veteran Archaeologist, Mr. K. V. Subramania Iyer, these epigraphs were deciphered in 1967-68 by Mr. I. Mahadevan, I.A.S., and the script itself has been baptized
Dāmili,' based on a Jaina Prākrit document. ['Corpus of TamilBrāhmī Inscriptions', 1966, Books India, Madras 1]. And these inscriptions, which have been assigned dates ranging between the 3rd century B.C. and the 2nd century A.C., confirm the completed nature of the integration of the southern Jaina church. Such technical terms as "Āsiriyan' (ācārya) 'Upāsakan', 'Palli' (nonHindu temple), &c., occur in the Mānkuļam, Kilavaļavu and Konkarpāļayam epigraphs. The term Kutumbikan' (a farmer) and ‘Ammañan' (naked one) occur in Tirupparankunram and Pukalur respectively. The latter even reveals that a prince of the Chera line had gifted that cave to a Digambara hermit on the occasion of his anointment as the crown-prince of his land.
15. It is true that there are a few Jaina traditions to indicate that Bhadrabāhu had gone back to Pāšalīputra after the famine

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVAN MAHAVIRA’S CULT 303 and rectified the erroneous decision of the Jaina Council regarding the reconstructed text of the lost Jaina canon. But we have enough evidence to assume that the majority of the 12,000, who had migrated to the South, had chosen to settle down there. What mundane vested interests could these selfless monks have had in the north to take the risk of another 1500-mile-long journey back on foot ?
16. The first activity which must have naturally appealed to them was to learn Tamil, the language of the locality. We do not know whether Tamil had a written script at all before that time, even though 'Tolkāppiam', the earliest extant grammar of the Tamil language, ascribing to circa 2nd century B.C., has a section on 'Eluttu' (Script). There is a school of thought, however, which believes that the 'Elutlu', refers but to the Brāhmí script introduced by the Jainas. Whatever be the truth, the Jaina immigrants did use their own Tamil-Brāhmí script only, with certain modifications, to learn the new language, which they called 'Damila'. For teaching themselves the new language, they used their own 'Pallis' as their school campuses. That is why even today the only Tamil term most popular for a school is 'pallikkūdam'.!
17. Those who taught them and those whom they continued to teach in turn afterwards were the earliest Tamil Brāhmin settlers (Antanar) and the minstrels (pānar), besides a few of the leisurely intellectual classes. These Jaina schools became, in a few decades, the repositories of the literary output of the whole region. Since their learning had been at first confined to the grammatical, 1. The evolution of Pallikkūdam' is interesting. 'Palli' in Tamil means 'A
Sleeping Place' of a God or king. “Pallıyafar' is the special bedroom of a God in Hindu temples or of a king in palaces. 'Paļļikondan' (the sleeper) is a synonym of God Padmanabha lying in a trance (yoga-nidra) on the coils of a snake. Many of the oldest rock-caves of the Tamil Land had been either the ‘nishıdhıs' or the places of prayopaveśa' of Jaina hermits.

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304 K. A. NĪLAKAŅŢA ŠĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, ‘AUNDY etymological and literary aspects of the Tamil language, the emphasis was on the pedantic 'sentamil' (purified Tamil).
18. As in all primitive cultures, the schoolmaster, besides the medicine-man and the priest, was the most respected individual. And the Tamil Jaina monks were all the three combined into one. Their fundamental religious tenets too were universal, non-sectarian and easily understandable; viz. not to injure life, not to steal, not to tell an untruth and not to own property. And when Bhadrabahu's insistence on life-long chastity and nudity was added, the psychological effect was simply marvelous. 'Tuṛavikku Vendan Turumbu' (the king is but a trash to a hermit) had been one of the oldest of Tamil adages.
19. Hemacandra, in his 'Parisiṣṭa Parva', (XI-vv. 63, 102) tells us that Aśoka's grandson, Samprati, was a staunch Jaina and that he not only built Jaina temples and organized festivals all over India, but also sent Jaina missionaries to the land of the Tamils. This information helps us to explain the continuity of link between the Jaina churhes of the North and the South from the time of Bhadrabahu. It also proved the plausibility of the southerner Samantabhadra's oratorical 'Digvijayas' in North Indian cities.
III. The Sangham Age:
20. The first four centuries of the Christian era are collectively called 'The Sangham Age', because a literary 'Academy' of scholars and poets, called 'The Tamil Sangham', is said to have flourished at Madurai, the Pandyan capital, in that epoch. Its very title 'Sangham', indicates that its constitution had been patterned on the then existing Jaina and Buddhist religious Sanghas of the region. A good number of remarkable masterpieces of Tamil literature, ascribable to that epoch, have come down to us. Although their themes are mostly panegyric, lyrical, or ethical, some of them contain historical material, though not actual history. The mysterious lull of inscriptional activities, after their first appearance in the Tamil-Brahmī Jaina cave Epigraphs seems, to

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have been perhaps compensated to some extent by the quasihistorical material imbedded in the above-said literary pieces.
con
21. Jaina scholars and poets seem to have had a lion's share in the development of this literature. But, being monks, their tributions were mostly in the field of ethics and didactics. With but a few exceptions, confined mainly to musical compositions, the whole of the Sangham literature seems to have been secular. Presumably, they had a healthy convention not to indulge in religious controversies. It is, therefore, very difficult to find out the religious persuasions of hundreds of these poets.
22.
Nevertheless, from these secular masterpieces, which must have undoubtedly represented the spirit of the times, we are able to surmise that it must have been an epoch of Jaina Idealism pervading the atmosphere of the land, irrespective of caste or creed and uncontaminated by even political forces. This was the age when Ko-p-perum-Colan, a Chola monarch, starved himself to death (performed prāyopaveśa) along with his courtiers and poet-friends, non-violently protesting against the fratricidal war between his two sons for the possession of his throne. This was the age when Kapila, a sage-poet, immolated himself into a fire to be re-born as a friend of his dead patron, Pari, who had fallen bravely in a battle of self-defence against aggression. This was also the epoch, when the said chieftain, Pāri, had shown pity and solicitude towards a wayside Jassmine Creeper (mullai), which was about to be uprooted by a violent cyclone, by driving his chariot towards it and, after helping it to wind round the wheels, walked on to his palace in that selfsame weather. Another chieftain, Pekan, is reported to have been so kind to a stray peacock, found deserted in the woods, shivering with cold, that he took out his very costly imported shawl with which he had been covering his bare body, and, after covering the helpless bird with it, returned to his palace bare-bodied in that severe weather.
23. There were, however, a number of Tamil poets, whose general outlook had been universal, but did not care to hide their M.M.-39

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religious persuasions. Nāladiār', an anthology of 400 ethical quatrains (venbās), has come down to us, each of which had been composed by a paina monk. These 400 pieces were said to have been selected by another hermit, Patumanār (Padman), out of 8,000 pieces, composed by as many monks! The unselected ones are lost to us. “Palamoli nānūsu', (400 proverbs), is another extant garland of 400 verses, composed by one munturai Arayanār, in which a separate proverb dangled in the last line of each of the verses. 'Nan-mani-k-kadikar' is yet a third extant collection of 103 quatrains of one Viļambi nākanār, each line of which incorporating a universal truth. These gems, possessing such literary and educational values, unquestionably presuppose a couple of centuries at least of syllabii-making and literary activity in the Jaina monasteries. They suggest further that the monasteries around Madurai must have had not less than 8000 inmates within their campuses.
24. Devasena, the later Jaina writer, in his 'Daršanasāra', says that there was an independent Faina Tamil Sangham' also at Madurai, founded by the monk Vajranandin, a disciple of Pujyapāda. Prof. P. T. Srīnıvāsa Iyengār and other Tamil scholars suggested the date of the foundation of this Sangham as circa A.D. 476. But the Paļļankoil copper-plate grant of Simhavişņu Pallava mentions one Vajranandin of the 'Nandisangha', a pontiff (kuravar) of Paruttikkunril, (Jina-kāñcí), near Kanchīpuram, as the recipient of a grant of lands in 'Sramanāšrama' to the Jaina Monastery there. Mr. T. N. Subramaniam, the epigraphist, in a paper read before the Archaeological Society of South India in 1956, fixes circa A.D. 550 as the date of the grant. The two dates are not irreconcilable. Presumably, Vajranandin, who founded the Jaina sangham at Madhurai in youth might have become the head of the Jina-Kāñcī monastery in about his hundredth year of age.
25. We have reason to believe that the Kāñcí Jaina Pitha was higher in rank than that at Madhurai at that epoch, because JinaKāñcī was one of the four great seats of learning (Vidyāpītha)

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of the Digambaras, the other three being Kollāpura, Penukonda, and Delli. [Burgess, in 'Indian Antiquary', Vol. XXXII, Page 460, quoted by Dr. Champakalakshmi in her paper.]
26. Mr. P. B. Desai, however, in his Jainism in South India', places the above foundation in the middle of the 7th century, while Salactore, in his 'Mediaeval Jainism', assigns it to the 10th century. The name of this Sangha figures in the Karņāțaka inscriptions from the 8th to the 13th centuries. The conclusion is, therefore, inevitable that it continues to exist for at least eight centuries after its foundation in A.D. 476. The absence of its name in the list of the “Tamil academies" enumerated in the 8th century commentary on 'Ițayanār Ahapporul, a treatise on erotic poetry, said to have been discovered in the 7th century, by a Pāņdya king, need not worry us, as the commentary itself is of doubtful authenticity.
27. The above-mentioned Jaina ethical works of the Sangham age have not cared to include any historical material for obvious reasons. But in 'Silappadhikāram', considered as the earliest and the greatest of the ten extant and non-extant classical epic poems, and ascribed to a Jaina monk of the Sangham Age, we are confronted with a multitude of complex historical data. Epigraphical and archaeological evidences too are accumulating day by day either to confirm or to re-interpret the textual references. As the present thesis has a direct bearing on its contents and treatment, the following synopsis may be of some help to non-Tamilian readers:
28. Kovalan, a young merchant-prince of Pukār (Kāverippūmpattinam), the oldest sea-port capital of the ancient Choļas, neglects his young wife, Kaņnaki, and lives for about a dozen years with a courtesan-Danseuse, Madhavi, and loses all his wealth. In poverty, he suspects the fidelity of the courtesan and returns to the chaste Kannaki. They both leave the city and, after a tedious journey on foot for about 70 days, arrive at Madhurai, the Pāņdyan capital. Leaving Kapnaki in the hut of a kind

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cowherdess, living in the suburbs of the city, Kovalan goes alone into the city to sell one of his wife's anklets. A wily goldsmith of the Pandya court, covetous of the costly anklet, gets him executed without trial on a charge of having stolen the queen's own anklet. Hearing this shocking news, the unfortunate Kaņpaki rushes to see her husband's body and thence to the palace to demand justice. Producing her other anklet before the great Nedunceliyan, the then Pagdya king, and showing its unique make, she proves the innocence of her husband. The disillusioned Pandya falls down dead on the spot with remorse for his hasty judgement without trial. His queen too follows suit. The irate Kaņñaki, thereupon, plucks out her left breast with her right hand and throws it at the city, which instantly catches fire and burns. Proceeding next westward towards the hills of the Chera land, she arrives on the 14th day at the foot of a sacred tree. A celestial chariot, carrying her husband's disembodied spirit, appears above and takes her also into it and vanishes. The then Chera king, Senkuttuvan, erects for her a shrine in his capital city of Vañchī, after fetching a special holy stone from the Himālayas for her image. The spirit of the deified heroine, speaking through a possessed devote blesses the ruler and his younger brother, who was the author of the epic also. 29. The last chapter of the poem informs us further that the same crown-prince of the Cheras had taken holy orders years earlier in a monastery situated near the eastern gate of the Chera capital, with a view to appease the apprehensions of his royal elder brother on hearing the prophesy of a soothsayer, which declared that the younger prince would ascend "A Ruler's Seat” earlier. But neither his name, nor his religious persuasion, is given. In a poetic prologue (Patikam) also, composed by a contemporary Buddhist poet and prefaced to the epic, the author is referred to simply as 'ilanko-adikaľ (crown-prince-hermit), who had entered the ‘kunavā yir-kottam'. (monastery at the eastern gate). But in the latter, both these terms occur as proper nouns. And till this moment, no inkling nor hint of his real name has been

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revealed to us through any other source. In the historical geneologies of the ancient Cheras, occuring elsewhere, we find no trace of the existence of such a hermit-prince, even though we find a 'sel-keļu-kuttuvan', answering partially to the descriptions of the character ‘senkuttuvan' of the poem. But our bias in favour of his Jaina persuasion has been based on the interpretation of the term 'Kunavā yir-kottam; as tirukkuņavāyil, or kuņavāy, or kuņakkaņvāy, as a Jaina monastery, by Adiyārku-nallar, the erudite 12th century-commentator of the epic. 30. In the major epilogue (katturar) at the end of the poem, as well as in the three canto-epilogues, the epic is declared to have been deliberately composed to exemplify the various literary forms, styles and devices of poetics and folk art and there is not even a hint anywhere in the body of the poem or in the katturais' that it was chronicling a true story or history. It is the Buddhist author of the prologue who declares that he too had witnessed the 'Divine Vision of the patron-deity of Madhurai talking to, and appeasing the anger of, the heroine, Kaņnaki, and advising her to take a 14-day trip to the hills of Keraļa to rejoin her husband's divine spirit! 31. As there are a number of passages, in the extant version of 'Silappadhikāram', which are absent in some manuscripts of it, there is justification enough to conclude that more than one hand had touched up its arche-typal text. Nevertheless, as a Ceylonese prince Gajabāhu, is also mentioned in the last chapter as having attended the consecration ceremony of the heroine's image at Vañchī, it is surmised that the author must have flourished about the end of the 2nd century after Christ, which was the date of the Ceylonese king. 32. The three cantos of the epic depict, almost photographically, the cultural mileus of the three ancient kingdoms of the Chola, the Pāņdya and the Chera of a particular epoch of history besides making the rulers themselves important characters thereof. The author, Iļanko-Aạika! himself, reveals in one context that he had been entrusted with the composition of the poem because of his

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310 K. A. NILAKAŅȚA ŚĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY
well-known impartiality towards the three Tamil monarchs of his time. There is also a conscious attempt on the part of the author, or the authors, to be impartially cosmopolitan and pantheistic in religious outlook. 33. Our special interest in noticing this poem in extenso is due to its many references to the several active Jaina cultural centres and monasteries at various strategic localities of the Tamilian area. In spite of the author's attempts to remain cosmopolitan, the Jaina bias glistens through the poem. The Hindu hero and the heroine, have been made to circumambulate, besides a Hindu and a Buddhist shrine, an Asoka tree-platform, surrounded by an arhat temple, situated within the city of Pukār, before commencing their ill-fated journey to Madurai. Passing out through the city's outer gate, they are made to offer obeissance to one Kaundi Aờikaļ, a Jaina Nun, residing in a convent. And she, thereupon accompanies them to Madurai, on the outskirts of which was situated her own permanent convent. In another Jaina hermitage at Srirangam, near Trichināpaļļi, the above-mentioned nun is said to have met three Jaina 'caranas', who, after discoursing with her an aspct of Jaina philosophy, 'vanished into the air'. There is another situation in the poem, where the nun is made to expound Jaina doctrines. And the concluding 'benediction' too, spoken by the author himself, is a cent per cent Jaina 'Bharatavākya' though apparently universal in its outlook.1 34. Among the 75 Brāhmi Tamil Jaina inscriptions, noticed by us in para 14, there are two (see Appendix A and B, Mānkulam 1 and 2], which confirm the historicity of king Nequm-Celiyan of Madurai.
IV. The Pallava Pandya Imperialisms: 35. Chronology places the Pallava monarch, Mahendra Vikramavarman of Kāñcípuram, between circa A.D. 604 and 642.
We are deliberately retaining for more elaborate notice, in a later section, cosideration of the famous 'kunava yir-kottam of the Chera land, for special reasons.

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He was a staunch Jaina before, and for some time after, he ascended the throne. The degenerate state of the then Buddhistic monasticism and Tantric Hinduism had turned his mind to the non-violent self-denying puritanism of Bhagawan Mahāvīra's cult. His aesthetic turn of mind prompted him to excavate caves with stone-beds in them for the residence of Jaina ascetics in many inaccessible rock-retreats. His love of art induced him to inscribe a whole treatise on music on a rock in the Pudukkottah state. He composed two dramatic satires too in Sanskrit and had them performed by professional actors and actresses during temple festivals. In both, he caricatured decadent Hinduism and degenerate Buddhism.
36. The targets of attack on monasticism all over the world had always been the ubiquitous mendicant and the weak-willed nun. In his 'Mattavilāsa-Prahasana', Mahendra Vikrama Pallava caricatured a drunken kāpālika mendicant, walking hand in had with an equally drunken nun-friend of his on the streets of Kāñci. They fell out with a decadent Buddhist monk, who had been eyeing the nun with amrous envy. In his second farce, 'Bhagavad-Ajjukīyam', he illustrated the ludicrousness of a prostitute preaching Buddhist philosophy and of a Buddhist monk reciting love-poems! Though written in Sanskrit, both the pieces reflected 7th century cultural decadence, of all religious sects, except Jainism.
37. 'Manimekhalai', the Buddhist Tamil epic, not only inadvertently reveals that the Buddhist pontiffs and their agents sought out and admitted rich, attractive and accomplished courtesans into their monasteries, but also takes pride in declaring that they admitted even fallen women into them. It ridicules the puritan cruelty of the Jaina church in expelling such characters. Popular imagination is such that even a single case of sexual lapse in a nun or monk, even under extreme duress, will be exaggerated so as to condemn the whole community of hermits. Buddhism was, therefore, the first casualty in the conflict between Hindu renaissance and non-Hindu monasticism.

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312 K. A. NILAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY
38. It must, however, be said to the great credit of Jainism that we do not find even a single instance of a Jaina nun or monk caricatured in either Tamil or Sanskrit literature of the south. Such was the high level of personal character and conduct maintained by the inmates of the Jaina monasteries. Nevertheless, Mahendra Vikrama Pallava reverted to neo-Brahminism not long after he ascended the throne, due to the influence of his friend and adviser, Dharmasena, who had also left his Jaina monastery to embrace Saivite mysticism. The melodious hymns, sung by the latter in Tamil, got for him the titles of ‘appar (father) and 'Tirunāvukkarasu' (Master of the Tongue). And he was destined to become later the first of the four great Saivite saints (Saivasamayācāryas).
39. That was an epoch of great political turmoil. Even the great literary giant, Dandin, had to leave Kāñci and wander about for about a decade due to the Chaļūkya and other invasions and wars. The Choļa region, which had gone under the Pallavas from the Kaļabhras, had not yet regained its stability. The Pandyas too, though relieved of the Kaļabhra nuissance, had troubles with the Cheras and their neighbouring minor chieftains, besides the growing threat of the powerful Pallavas themselves. The atmosphere of the Tamil Land was thus quite congenial for all sorts of hope-giving, miracle-mongering and mystic theologies. And when the Vaishnavite Ā! wārs and Saivite Samayācāryas began to sing their Tamil hymns of ecstacy, addressing a personal God, the Tamil Hindu renaissance was fairly on its feet in the Pallava and the Choļa realms.
40. There was, however, a different picture in the Pāndya kingdom. From the pre-Christian epoch of Visakha Muni and Kunda-Kundācārya, the suburban hilly tracts of the city of Madhurai were studded with Jaina caves, housing hermits and novices. We have noticed the epigraphs of Neduñcheliyan and other chieftains recording their donations to the then Jaina recluses. After Mahendra-Vikrama's reconversion to Hinduism, the Pāņậya-Pallava confrontations became more and more

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frequent. As almost all the earlier Alwars and Saivite saints were hailing from the lands of the Choļas and Pallavas, the inevitable process of regionalism also worked and it became easy for the leaders of the then Jaina church to get into the favour of the Pāndya court. Arikesari-māra-varman, one of the most powerful monarchs of the Pandya line, embraces the Jaina faith. Some of the later Hindu chronicles declare that even the famous MīnāksiSundareśvarar temple was closed for a long period.
41. But the Pāņdya king had married a Choļa princess, who was a staunch Saivite. Her elderly Chamberlain too was of the same faith. The chronicles inform us that they sent a secret letter to the boy-saint. Gnānasambandha of Sīyāli, inviting him to Madhurai. He had been making whirl-wind tours all over the Chola and Pallava lands, singing hymns in Tamil and even dancing them in ecstacy before the presiding deity of each shrine he visited. There were instrumentalists also to accompany him during his recitals. And these were interspersed with the performances of miracles also.
42. The arrival of the boy-saint at Madhurai, with all his retionue, synchronized with an attack of a mysterious fever on the Pāņdya himself, which could not be cured either by medicine or by incantations. The desparate ruler had no other go but to accept the advice of his queen to invite Gnānasambandha to the palace. The guest sang a few hymns in praise of Siva, administering a few pinches of holy ashes and a few spoons of holy water to the ailing king. The effect was miraculous. The monarch was cured within a couple of days.
43. It was the flawless logic of Bhagavān Mahāvira's philosophy that has captivated the intellect of the strong-willed Pandya and it had no place for a personal God interfering with human affairs. As a Jaina, he had been convinced that the laws of karma and re-birth could be made inoperative by severe penance and mortification of the flesh. But the spectacular cure of his illness was explained by the boy-saint himself as the direct result of the M.M.-40

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314 K. A. NILAKANȚA SĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY infinite "grace of God Siva, the personal deity of the entire Universe. It was further added that the said Lord had never failed to respond to the call of his mystic-saints. Whether this mysticism satisfied the Pandya or not, the doors of the temple of Madhurai were thrown open at once for public worship. 44. But it was not so simple for the populace. A miracle never fails to intoxicate a mob. The citizens of Madhurai divided themselves into rival factions,-Saivites and Jainas,--each glamouring for a more crucial test. Each party agreed to throw into the Vaigai river-flood a palm-leaf manuscript of their respective sacred texts, and await the result. The Jaina palm-leaf, it is stated, was washed away, while the Saivite script, containing a hymn of the boy-saint, floated against the current and stopped at a place a few yards up the river. The wager was the impalement of the defeated party. Eight thousand Jainas, the Saivite chronicles declare, were thus disposed of. 45. The above story occurs in three different Tamil Hindu chronicles and in a Sanskrit 'Halāsya-Māhātmya'. All composed three centuries after the date of the alleged genocide, the plausibility of the one copying or at least influencing the other not being ruled out. It is irrefutably clear, however, that all the four are later Hindu chauvinistic literature, specifically composed to glorify the ‘might of Siva, rather than his grace. It is true that the chronicles contain historical material. But they can never be history. The episode of the mass impalement could never have been condoned by Gnānasambandha. Much less permitted by an ex-Jaina ruler in his own territory. The Jainas themselves would never have agreed to the wager itself, because it involved the possibility of murdering their rivals. We may, however, concede that a Hindu mob, intoxicated by the delirium of triumph, could have perpetrated such an atrocity on a few Jainas, the rest having fled.
1.
The kalpa sūtra and other Jaina literature mention the existence of thousands of disciples to the Tirtharkaras. Jaina tradition also tells us that, after the return of Bhadrabāhu to Magadha from the South,

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46. Even if we brush aside, for argument's sake, the problem of the exact location of the Jaina Tamil Sangham' after the Jaina reverses at Madhurai, we have yet to explain the appearance of a number of monumental reference books by Jain authors, besides at least two more major epic poems. One Divākara of the same period has compiled a Tamil dictionary (nighantu) by name Sendan Divākaram', by prefixing his royal patron's name also to its title. This sendan is equated by Tamilologists with a Pandya king of that name (Jayantan). This work explains 9000 terms. 'Pingalantai' by Pingaļantai Munivar, a hermitson of the above Divākara, explains some more terms in 4121 verses. “Neminātham and "Vaccanandi-malar' are two Tamil grammars, written by one Guņavira Pandita. Exhaustive treatises on Tamil prosody and Alaskāra Šāstra appear in 'rapparunkalam' and its ortti', composed
(Contd.)
they met in Council to reject the text of Sthūlabhadra. It is clear, therefore, that in northern India they had a corporate body. There are, however, dozens of references in Tamil epigraphs to legally-constituted corporate bodies of Jainas, such as 'the forty-eight-thousand', ‘the cight thousand', 'the two thousand', 'the seven hundred', and 'the six hundred'. These corporate assemblies seemed to have possessed not only management powers over the Pallis and their property, but also some sort of Policing and defending powers. From one Kerala inscription we learn that they had been recieving cash and gold remuneration for their services, before it was abolished at a later date and recorded in that epigraph. The record further states that they were continuing to manage the temple and the estates. Another Kerala inscription also tells us that the famous 'Kunavāyirkottam' monastery itself was founded and managed by the forty-eight-thousand' and other 'Palli' officials and dignitaries. This prompts us to surmise that 'the 48000' was the technical name of the corporate body of the whole South Indian Jaina Church, and the smaller number must have been the names of the other subordinate local churches. Not all of these were monks and nuns. These formed only a small minority. The Madhurai episode may, therefore, be a reference to the forcible supression of the local Jaina church of 'the eight thousand,

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316 K. A NĪLAKANT A SĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, `AUNDY by one Amitasāgarar, in the 9th century. “Jivaka-cintāmam' and 'Perunkathai are the two epic poems by Tiruttakka Devar and Konguvelir respectively.--Could these major literary productions have seen the light of day, if the followers of Mahāvīra had been so mercilessly put to death by a royal ordiance?-Our surmise, therefore, is that the "Jaina Tamil Sangham" must have been continuing to function from Madhurai itself or from some other locality, even if we concede the disappearance of the local unit of the Jaina Church from the city of Madhurai.1 V. At the Land's End of India: 47. Cape 'Komar' and the 'Aioi', who ruled over it, are mentioned in the anonymous greek 'Periplus of the Eurethrean Sea', (Circa A.D. 50). Ptolemy (Circa A.D. 125) refers to the Cape and the emporium of Kottiara', but not the Āyí ruler, implying thereby his subjugation by that time by the Pandya ruler. The Āyí chieftains were very famous patrons of learning (vallals), who used to give away elephants, instead of gold or cash, to poets. There are inscriptions to prove their continued existence at least upto the twelfth century after Christ. These tell us that their territory was often changing hands from one to the other of the Chera, Choļa and Pandya monarchs, and yet there were periods when they were independent also. One epigraph reveals that Arikesari Māra Varman, the contemporary of Gnānasambandha, had to his credit victories over Nelveli (Tirunelveli) and Kottāru, near modern Nagercoil, long before his reconversion to Hinduism. These were also the regions where the cults of Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra had been flourishing. Saint Gnanasambandha, who visited Koțțāru soon after his triumph at Madhurai, describes that city in his hymn "Tiru-k-Kottarğu-p-patikam' as 'Tolil Malku Kottāru' (Flourishing industrial Koţtāru), and adds that it was overflowing with dancers, magicians, acrobats and naked šamanas, 1. Tamilologists postulate the date of Gnānasambandha as the end of the
7th century A.D. His contemporary Pāņdya must, therefore be placed in the same epoch, but his reign might have extended even upto circs A.D. 740.

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moving unchecked over its thorough-fares. Koţtār is now the name of the southern half of the city of Nagercoil, but it was the former name of the whole city.
48. Prof. K. K. Pilļay, M.A., D. Phil. (Oxon), Madras, suggests that the Ayi-vel chieftain, who first came under Pāņdya overlordship, might be sadayan Karunandan of the Kalugumalai inscription, dated 23rd year of Māran Sadayan, who was Arikesari Māra Varman's father. After the death of Arikesari, says Dr. Pillai, the Āys might have reasserted his independence, as, in the Huzūr office plates, his successors, Ko-Karunandadakkan and Varaguşan are described as having no overlord.
49. In another record, found at Tirucchāņāttu-malai, now called 'Chitarāļ, situated five miles to the north of the 22nd milestone of the central highway, running from Nagercoil to Trivandrum, we read that the hill was peopled by Jainas till as late as the 11th century after Christ, and had attracted monks, nuns, and pilgrims, From such distant places as Tirunarumkoņdai (South Arcot Dist.) and Kodavāsal (Tanjāvūr Dist.) These people have left votive images on the rock, with inscriptions under each of them, giving their names and addresses. One of them reads: Śrī Tirucchānāttu-p-pattini Bhatārar, sättan varagunan selvitta śrīmeni'. [T. A. S., Vol. 11, Page 126]. (See figure 6). This proves that varagunan, the Āyī king of the 8th century, was an independent Jaina chieftain and that Jainism was flourishing in his territory with his royal patronage.
50. A Kalugumalai epigraph (Tirunelveli Dist.) declares that one Puţpanandi Adikal (Puspanandi Yati) of Tirukkottāru, Santisena, a disciple of Uttaranandi Adikal of the same place, Kanakanandi Adikaļ, a disciple of Tirtha-bhatārar of Tirucchāņāttumalai and many nuns (Kurattīs) had made Kalugumalai their headquarters for Jaina evangelistic work [S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 316]. Another inscription at Samaņar-malai (Madurai Dist.) reveals that one Guņavīra Deva conducted a large university at

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318 K. A. NĪLAKAŅṬA ŠĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, ‘AUNDY'
Kurandi, a place 8 miles north of Kanyākumārī. An epigraph from Tirunandikkarai, (five miles to the north of Chitarāl) proclaims that the rock-cut cave-shrine of Siva there had originally been a Jaina shrine, but converted into a Śiva temple at a later date. (See Figure 5.) In another 9th century inscription of the same place, it is recorded that the land on which the bigger structural Śiva temple stands had been gifted by the head of the Jain church of that epoch. [S. Padmanābhan, Forgotten History of the Land's End, 1971, Kumaran Pathippakam, Nagercoil].
51. Our object in quoting these epigraphs is to prove that the cult of Bhagvan Mahavir continued with vigour in and around Kanyakumari district for at least three cenuries after Gnanasambandha under the active patronage of independent Ayi chieftain. -But before closing this section, we have to notice an unforgettable vestige of former Jaina glory in that selfsame area.
52. Nagercoil means 'the Temple of the Nagas'. The great Nāgarāja temple of the place encloses within it tens of thousands of stone votive images of multi-headed cobras, with or without human figures in standing or sitting posture, carved under their hoods. Sixty years ago, when the temple was renovated, there were many thousands more of these Naga stones, which probably lie buried now under the circumambulating courtyard. This temple had, it seems, been dedicated to Parsvanatha. The 23rd Tirthankara, whose lanchana (emblem) was the serpent.
53. The standing image on the first pillar of the main mandapa in front of the deity, Nagaraja, carved under the hood of a five-headed serpent, is certainly Pārsvanātha. (See Figure 1). The seated figure in another adjoining pillar is undoubtedly that of Bhagavan Mahāvīra, with sculptured lions at its base and the triple umbrella over its head. (See Figure 2). And the image of the lady under the hood of a serpent is that of Padmavati. One of the inscriptions in the temple indicated that the temple passed into the hands of the Hindus but after 696 Malayāļam era (A.D. 1520). [T. A. S., Part VI, Page 163]. Some archaeologists

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of the former government of Travancore, have declared that the remnants of a large colony of Jainas were found in the vicinity of this temple. [See Appendix C.)
54. The innermost sanctum sanctorum of the above 'Nāgarāja' Temple, (which is now an all-stone edifice), is even now a low thatched sun-shade, less than five feet in height, covered over with dry cocoanut leaves spread on half-a-dozen bamboo poles. It houses about a dozen stone Naga images with and without human figures carved in them. The sand of this small hut was, and is even now, distributed as 'prasādam' to the devotees, along with a leaf of the 'Nāgatāli' creeper, which had once been bowering over the thatched shed. Since hundreds of millions of devotees had been receiving this sand every day for the last twenty centuries, the wet surface had been going down in level year after year and it is always refilled with river-sand periodically. It needs, therefore, no great imagination to conclude that the sanctum sanctoram had been the ‘nishidhi' (Samādhi) of a most revered devotee of Pārsvanātha.
VI. In the Land of the Chera:
55. In a paper entitled “New Light on Kunavayir-Kottam and the date of Śrlappadhikāram', contributed to the Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum. [Vol. XLVII, Part III, December, 1970], by M. G. S. Nārāyaṇan, (Calicut University) the identification of the monastery of 'Kuņavāyir-Kottam' with the ancient "Trikkaņāmatilakam', near modern Cranganore (the Musiris of Ptolemy) and its Jaina religious persuasion, have been confirmed. The above conclusion have been based on five independent inscriptional and archaeological evidences, studied In-Situ by Mr. Nārāyaşan, aided by a few other experts of the Archaeological Survey of India. (See Appendices D, E, F.) His studies have yielded, further, the following unexpected results also: (1) An inscription at Kinalūr, near Calicut, dated A.D. 1083, states that it was inscribed in the 189th year of the establishment of a town called ‘Kuņavāy-Nagaram'. (2) Another inscription from Putāditālakkāvu,

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320 K A. NILAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RAMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY near Kuņavāy Nagaram, states that the said Nagaram was founded 137 years after the foundation of Tirukkuņavāy temple. That gives the result (1083-189--137=757) A.D. 757 as the date of the foundation of the famous "Kuņavāyir-Koțgam' monastery-temple.' 56. The 14th century poem, 'Unnıyacchi and the 15th century Manipravāla-Kāvya, 'Kokasandesam', mention Tirukkuņavāy Nagaram as a notable place inhabited mostly by Banias, rivalling in importance even Quilon, Cranganore, Mangalore and Dorasamudram. The latter kävya states further that the Tirukkuņavāy temple (called 'Matilakam' also) was under the management of two nāyar families and that the twice-born were not allowed to have 'darsanam of the image of its deity. It is, therefore, clear that the temple was of non-Vedic persuasion. And, AdiyārkuNaļļār, the 12th century commentator of 'Silappadhikāram', who was himself a native of Kongu-Nādu, (not very far from the land of the Cheras), must, therefore, have had very intimate personal knowledge of Kuņavāyir-Kottam, when he wrote that it was a Jaina monastery.? 57. It is relevent at this stage of our inquiry to take notice of another major Tamil epic of Jaina authorship,-viz. the 'JivakaCintāman' (the Concept-Jewel of the Jivaka-story), of Tiru-ttakkatévar (Skt. Sri Daksha Deva), of the 10th century A.C. This poet was also a younger brothr of a king of the Coļa line and has become a monk. He composed this epic, accepting the
1.
Basing our arguments on some 7th century elements occurring in the texts of 'Sılappadhikaram' and 'Manimekhalai', the late Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai and myself had arrived at the conclusion long ago that the composition of the twin epics could not be assigned a date earlier than the 7th century A.C.-K. A. Nilakanta Sāstri. Since the early Portuguese regime is said to have used the materials of the 'Matılakam' for building their forts and factories, in the 16th century, the date of destruction of Konavāyırkottam must be the end of the 15th century. Thus the Kottam, founded in A.D. 757, was destroyed in A.D. 1500.
2.

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challenge of his co-poets that a celebate hermit could not handle successfully the erotic sentiment in a kavya. He won the bet.
two
58. This episode naturally suggests that the extant version of the 'Silappadhikāram', which contains many erotic chapters in its first two cantos, and yet composed by a Jaina monk, Iļankoaḍikal, did not exist at the time of Tiru-t-takka Tévar. An alternative conclusion is also plausible,-viz., that the first cantos of Silappadhikaram' were not the handi work of Ilankoaḍikal, but has been tacked on to the third canto, 'Vanchi-kandam', composed by him. This 'Vanchi-kāṇḍam', by itself, possesses all the requisites of an independent poem. This redactor must be posterior to Tiruttakka-dévar in date. It is also very likely that the author of the first two cantos, (barring a few obvious interpolations) has composed them as an independent 'Tonmar' type of poem and names it 'Silppadhikāram', long anterior to Ilanko aḍikal. Iļanko aḍikal's main objective is also quite patent from the contents of the 'Vanchi-Kandam',-viz. to glorify his national as well as family deity, the famous 'Kodungallur Bhagavati and to make her a common deity acceptable to not only the Cheras, the Pandyas and the Chļas, but also to the Hindus, the Jainas and the Buddhists. The later redactor seems to have combined the two independent poems into one, with appropriate pantheistic touches here and there in both.1
59. Irrespective of the correctness or otherwise of our conjctural solution to the problem of the authorship of this epic, the epigraphical data cited above confirm our general conclusion that
It was the late Professor P. T. Srinivasa Iyenger, who first mooted the idea of multiple authorship to the extant text of ‘śılappadhikāram’-The ancient Tamil Grammar, 'Tolakāppryam', defines 'Tonmar' as a type of archaic narrative poem, dealing with dharma, artha, kāma and mokṣa. Naccinarkiniyar, the great commentator of that grammar cites 'Silappadhikaram, as one of the examples of a 'Tonmar' poem, but does not mention the name of its author. Presumably it was the archetype version of the epic. M.M.-41
1.

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the cult of the Bhagavan has been a strong force to reckon with in and around the Chera capital of Vanchi and that it was not a passing phase, but a rapidly-growing power from the seventh century to the tenth of the Christian era.
60. We have been noticing so far how the growing cult of Mahavira has been shifting its geo-centre of activity from the Pallava to the Pandya court and thence to the Ayi and the Chera capitals. Though Kunavāyirkkoṭṭam has been dated circa A.D. 757, it could not have bloomed into existence overnight, unless an influential body of Jaina ascetics of that area had already felt the need for it. Hieung Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, had, in circa A.D. 646, seen with his own observant eyes a number of 'naked heretics' (non-Buddhist Digambars), in Kerala. Indian Historians of an early epoch, who were not in possession of the data which we now have, has brushed aside this plain reference to the Jaina hermits as a fanciful interpretation of the Chinaman's text and declared that the 'naked heretics' meant only the scantily-clothed Nambudhiri Brahmins of that epoch. But the above-cited epigraphs confirm the natural meaning that they were Digambara Jaina monks.
61. Could such a huge, walled monastery as the KunavayirKoṭṭam have come into being without the active initiative and support from the then ruling royal house of the Cheras? Will it be far-fetched if we pose the suggestion that Ilanko aḍikaļ, the ex-crown-prince of the Cheras, who has been reported as 'having renounced royal life and sitting (irubtu) in the eastern monastery, was himself its founder and first pontiff too? The Soothsayer's prophesy could come true only if 'the Ilanko' had 'ascended a governing seat', (pitha) even before his elder brother ascended his throne.
VII. Tamilian Jaina Monastic Life:
62. Jaina monasticism is and had always been a puritan way of life, shunning even the sight of meat, fish and alcoholic beverage. Its essence was not only not to own property,but to curb

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all attachments to, and joys of, life too, with the added injunction to mortify one's own flesh. It strove for the annihilation of the lower self, but interdicted even an unconscious injury to others' lower selves. On the positive side, it enjoined kindness to all creatures, including the minutest bacteria, and its food and hygienic regulations were based on this fundamental dogma. Even the Buddha, who attempted to practise it, left it off in favour of what he called a 'Middle Path'. 63. Nevertheless, tradition and epigraphy proclaim that the cult had thousands of followers of both sexes till at least the end of the 13th century after Christ in the Tamil areas. The 'Bhagavati-sūtra' (2-5) and the ‘Kalpa Sūtra (160-166) tell us that there were, even in the days of Pārsvanātha, 545,000 Sramaņas, wandering in groups under various leaders. There were, besides the above, hundreds of sages who had specialised in one sphere of knowledge or another,-kevalin, avadhi, the four pūrvas, perfection, transformations, prophesy and reading of past lives. [Dr. B. C. Law in 'Pārsvanātha, His Life and Doctrine”, Journal of Indian History] 64. The psychological cause for this paradoxical mass attraction was the clarion-call of Bhagvān Mahāvīra to all peoples, irrespective of caste, colour, creed or sex, to practise asceticism (tapas) to get themselves liberated from the cycle of births and deaths (Samsāra). The "Aupapātika Sūtra' says: "To all those Aryans and non-Aryans, he (the Jina) taught law untiringly." This freedom to perform tapas had seen denied to all except the male members of the three higher varnas in the popular Hinduism of that age, and it was even penal to do so. "The Uttara-Kānda' of the 'Rāmā yana' (Chapter 76, Sānti-Sadan, Edition, Translated by H. P. Šāstri, 1959, London), refers to the summary execution of such a 'sūdra' by Sri Rāma himself. Kāļidāsa in his 'Raghuvamsa' (Sarga 15), and Bhavabhūti, in his 'Uttararā macarita' (Act II), confirms the existence of such a penal law.
The secondary, though equally important, cause was the guarantee of protection by law to all tapasvins given by the Siśu

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324 K. A. NĪ LAKANȚA ŚĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, AUNDY
nāgas, Nandas, Mauryas and Khāravelas of the pre-Christian era. This legal protection existed in the Tamil kingdoms also.
65. It may well be asked here why people should get enamoured of 'tapas' ? Our answer is this: It was true that Jaina philosophy had explained clearly that tapas was the means for expiating one's sins and for qualifying oneself for the next stage towards 'adepthood'. But the popular notion in South India and South-East Asia about tapas was that it enabled one to secure supernatural powers and insight into the happenings of past and future lives. When such a tempting prospect had been denied by law to all but the males of the twice-born, it became all the more attractive.
66. The 48,000 adherents to the monastery of Tirunarunkondai (South Arcot District) could not have escaped the above temptation (para 10). The same number occurs in a Kerala inscription also as adherents to Kuņavāyirkottam. And, again, in the statement of Dr. B. C. Law (in para 63), we notice that the 'Bhagavatı Sutra and the 'Kalpa Sūtra' had been declaring that hundreds of sages had acquired specialised knowledge in 'trnsformations' and foretellings.
67. These śramaņas were using Tamil as their major medium of instruction and communication. Some top leaders were, of course, hailing from northern India and they were masters of Sanskrit and Jaina Prakrit, but the rank and file of the above congregations were Tamilians with but some knowledge of Sanskrit. We have, however, reason to believe that the novices and the upāsakas were drawn from the then-existing Tamil-speaking Brāhmin and other aristocratic communities. 1 Hindu and Buddhist chronicles boast of low-born and untouchable devotees attaining emancipation. But such a claim is very rarely met 1. A Kerala inscription (See Appendıx G) records that, in one Jaina Palli,
provision had been made for the feeding of one Brāhmin ever day, besides the employees.

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVĪRA'S CULT 325 with in South Indian Jaina literature, which often takes pride in being born of a Kshatriya caste.
68. Spiritual instruction at the Jaina Pallis was not all morals and discipline. Entertaining anecdotes from and stories about the lives of the Tirthankaras and Salākā-Purusas were also included in the syllabi of studies. These narrations attracted hundreds of listeners from outside. But the forest retreats could not accommodate them all. As the Jaina canon did not permit urban dwellings for its teachers and pupils, koṭṭams with spacious halls had to be built in the outskirts of cities. Festivals and pageants naturally followed.
69. Could all these be accomplished by the advocates of voluntary poverty? Royal and aristocratic philanthropy supplied the need. But that made the pontiffs psychologically dependent upon some ruling dynasty or other. Any political calamity for that dynasty became a set-back to the Jaina church also. It was, however, easy work for the Tamilian Jain church to get residential monasteries and temples built for them in many centres through the generosities of ruling kings (vendans), chieftains (vallals) and commercial magnates (chetties). But being built of wood, brick and mortar, and having no patronage for renewal in stone after a millenium of existence, they have perished.
70. These Tamil Jainas, except for the few 'ammana' pontiffs and their assistants, were wearing loin-cloths and kaupinas. The church did not compel its upāsakas and donors to discard their caste-symbols. The Brahmin upasaka wore his yajnopavīta, the merchant-princes and their wives displayed their jewellery and even the courtesan donor continued to ply her trade.
71. In spite of its undoubted influence over royal houses and aristocracies, the Jaina church seems to have overlooked one vital long-term need,--the stabilisation of its free kitchens. We come across inscriptions referring to tax-free land-grants (pallicchandams) ear-marks for such petty purposes as maintenance of perpetual lamps, offerings of flowers, fruits and cooked rice to the deities. But no donation of any big estate is mentioned in any epigraph

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326 K. A. NILAKANȚA SĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, `AUNDY for the boarding of the thousands of inmates and pupils of the monasteries. It is true that a Jaina monk is forbidden to accept alms from a king. 'Rajapinda' is the contemptiable term for it. (Prabandha-cintāmam of Merutunga, 95-10). But royalty had not been the only patrons of the Jaina church. Presumably the expenses of feeding had been borne then and there by corporate bodies and individuals. And, before they could perpetuate the grant, Jainism must have been eclipsed. 72. Vidal or Vidar-palli in the North Arcot District was a great Jaina centre. ... “An inscription from this place (S.I.I., III, No. 92) dated in the 14th year of Aditya, records that there were about 500 students (pillarkaļ), studying under a ladyteacher, Kanaka-vīrakkurattiyār, who was a disciple of Guņakírti Bhatára. Along with these students, there were, it seems, about 400 nuns, also living in the nunnery. According to the inscription, there seems to have arisen misunderstanding between the teacher and the students on the one hand, and the 400 nuns on the other. We do not know the cause for their quarrel, but, later, it was put an end to at the intervention of the Jainas of the locality, who undertook the responsibility of giving food and protection to the teacher and her pupils. The nunnery was also called 'koil in the inscription." [S. Gurumurti M. A., M. Litt., In "Faina System of Learning in South Indra', in The Bulletin of the Institute of Traditional Cultures', Part II, July-December, 1971). From the terms of the settlement of the above dispute between the nuns and the students, we can very easily surmise that the dispute related to the problem of feeding the pupils, for which there seemed to have had no permanent provision. The local Jaina public had to undertake the responsibility temporarily. We can take the above instance as a pattern and we think that it was the most vulnerable spot in the organisational set-up of the then Jaina church of the Tamil Land. VIII. The Advent of Sankara: 73. It was in this atmosphere of ascendent Jaina power that Sankara, the famous Advaita philosopher, was born in a

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Nambudhiri Brāhmin family at Kāladi, a village less than twelve miles distant from Kuņavāyir Kottam, within 30 years after its foundation. 1
Tradition, recorded in literature, tells us that he spent his childhood and boyhood there. We are not interested in his trials and tribulations in northern India. That which concerns us is his later return to the South to establish a 'mutt in that quarter.
74. It is acknowledged by all schools of Sankara biography that he established his first mutt at Badarikāśrama in the Himalayas.
The second at Dwārakā, the western end of India, and the third at Jagannātha-puri, the eastern end. Having chosen the above three cardinal points appropriately for founding his monasteries, why did he forget the southern land's end, The Cape Kanyākumārī, and choose instead Sringeri and/or Kāńcī, which are each five hundred miles to the north of the cape ?2
Is it not natural to postulate that there was a formidable physical force operating against his project in and around Kanyakumārī at that period of history?-_What was that force ?
75. Since Sankara is considered to have passed away in his 32nd year of age, and since he took to hermit life in his 16th, it stands to reason to calculate that he must have been about 27/28 years old at the time of his return to the South. When we take into account that he had but four or five more years to live, it is enough for our purpose to prove that the above-said adverse force was in existence during that short period i.e. between circa A.D. 815 and 820. 1. 'Kāladi literally means 'a foot-prinť. We do not know the original
name of the place. This name, which implied the foot-print of Sankara,
must have come into vogue but after Sankara's death. 2.
For obvious reasons, we are deliberately by-passing the irrelevent sideissue o geri versus Kāpcr' in this discussion.

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76. But the history of the Ayi dynasty of Kanyākumāri district in that decade is unfortunately obscure and confusing. Dr. K. K. Pillay of the university of Madras says, "The history of the Ayi-vel kings, down to the eighth century A.C., remains to be reconstructed. ['Two Early Ay-vel Inscriptions', in 'Seminar on Inscriptions', Madras, 1966] We have already referred to a votive image at Tirucchānāttumalai, with the following inscription underneath: 'Varagunan servitta śrīmeni', (Holy image made under orders from Varaguna). This Varaguņa has been identified as the Vikramāditya Varaguņa, the Ayī king, whose name appears in another epigraph at Tirunandikkarai, which was also a great Jaina centre of the same area in the same epoch. He was one of the successors of the Ayi king, subjugated by Arikesari Märavarman, the Pandya contemporary of Gnanasambandha. A Kalugumaļai (Tirunelvely district) inscription mentions an Ayi vassal of a Pandya Monarch, Saḍayan Karunandan, of the latter half of the eighth century and he was a Jaina. (K. K. Pillai). Since yet another independent Āyī king, Ko-karunandaḍakkan, who assumed the name Sri Vallabha, has been the founder of a Vaișnava temple and Veda-pāṭhaśālā at Parthiva-Sekhara-Puram in Kanyākumāri district, in circa A.D., 866, he must certainly have been a Hindu successor of the Jaina Varaguņa. (Huzur Office Plates, Travancore Archaeological Series). We have, therefore, to place the Jaina Varaguņa in the period between circa A.D. 810 and 825.1
77. All the 'Sankara-Vijayams' (Biographies of Sankara), mention several debates of his with such great philosophers as Kumārilla Bhaṭṭa, Mandana Miśra, Padmapāda, Anandagiri, Toṭaka, Śaktibhadra, Govinda and others, including the one at Kanchipuram, where he establishes a pillar of victory (Jayasthambha). But the later eleventh century 'Madhurai Chronicles' had not cared to mention his name at all!
1.
Even if the Ayi problem is solved, the basic problem of Sri Sankara's date itself remains still floating. The generally accepted period,circa A.D. 788 to 820,-assigned to him, is only approximate and tentative.

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVAN MAHĀVĪRA’S CULT 329 78. Tradition declares that Sankara himself was very unpopular at his own birth-place and that he had to cremate his own mother's dead body without the co-operation of the people of his own caste. How could he then dream of establishing a mutt in that area at least, if not at Kanyākumāri? 79. Presumably the various persecutions of the Jainas at Madhurai a few decades earlier must have been lingering in the minds of the rulers of Kanyākumāri and Keraļa and it is very likely that they were organising defence measures. And, again, even though the later Palļava and Chaļūkya monarchs were actively assisting the Advaita pontiffs by inviting their successors to establish mutts in their respective territories, it certainly needed at least a non-partisan government at Kanyākumari to enable Sankara to establish a mutt there. How could a Jaina king, influenced by half-a-dozen big Jaina monasteries close by, be expected to be so foolish as to permit an inimical movement to get a foothold in his soil ? IX. Hindu Assimilation of Jaina Motives: 80. It is necessary at this stage to state briefly what a Sankara mutt was and how it copied the Jaina church in its technique of organization. It was a legally constituted body, Pītha, headed by a bachelor hermit (Brahmacārī sanyasin), exercising absolute control over all the Hindu hermits of the entire quarter. This pontiff and his local representatives, practising asceticism themselves, were to tour their respective regions supervising the religious rites (Saṁskāras) and daily practices (Dinacaryās) of the four varnas. They co-ordinated the worships of Siva, Vishnu, Saktí, Sürya, Kumāra and Ganapati and recommended the consecration of the images of all these deities in every home and temple. But the most important and epoch-making innovation was their advice to all performers of Vedic sacrifices to substitute vegetable offerings for live animal victims. The ‘Manimekhalar', one of the five great Tamil epics, tells us that some orthodox Brāhmins of that age were performing sacrifices, involving the killing of many animals, including the cow. One Brāhmin M.M.-42

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boy, it is said, successfully set free a cow, an intended victim and he was, therefore, hounded out of the locality as well as the community by the other Brāhmins. Where actual blood had been spilt in certain atharvaņic rituals, the Sankara-mutt recommended coloured mineral water (ārati) and the breaking of cocoa-nuts and ash-gourds. Where intoxicants, such as soma juice, had been used, they substituted 'pañcagavya' and 'madhuparka'. In food habits too, vegetarianism and prohibition were strictly enforced, with penalties of ex-communication for their transgression. Ahimsā, satya, triple baths every day and free teachings of Sanskrit were rewarded with ecclesiastical honours and grants. Except for the doctrinaire difference, the pattern of the mundane aspects of the mutt was but a replica of the Jaina church. 81. It is true that there existed many orthodox Hindu institutions, called 'ghatikas', even before and after Sankara's time, but they were never controlled nor co-ordinated and were, therefore, subjected to schisms and factions. The Saiva and Vaispava Samayācāryas of the Tamil Land had, of course, dreams of such co-ordination, but they were too linguistically regional to influence public opinion. Even their own hymns and Compositions had to be unearthed 250 years after them from the archives of temples by their later successors! In fact, even Sanskara's southern mutts did not succeed overnight in achieving their objectives. The Pallava-chālūkyan imperial rivalries seem to have split them into two factions, functioning from two independent centres. 82. When, however, the powerful Chera emperor, Cheramān Perumāļi of the 9th century, became the overlord of the Ayí, the Pandya and the Choļa kingdoms also, and began his spectacular tour of pilgrimage through all the Hindu shrines of Tamiļiana in the company of his equally-famous saintly friend, Sundaramūrti 1. Mr. M. G. S. Narayanan identifies him with the “Rājasekhara" of
Sekkılār's “Periyapurāņam”. The “Tiruviļayāda! Purāņam” also refers to him as a royal dance-critic for whose satisfaction Lord Siva pleased to dance on his left foot instead of the usual right.
Siva was

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVĪRA’S CULT 331 Nāyanār, singing and preaching Saivite mysticism, the Jaina church was overwhelmed. And what finally clinched the issue in favour of Hindu ascendency was this Chera Emperor's initiative in establishing, in the Hindu Temples within his territory, what were called 'salais' and 'oottuppuras' (religious schools and free feeding houses) to feed sumptuously day and night all Brāhmins and all non-Brāhmin temple-employees and perpetuating the practice by suitable land and other grants. His successors too continued the practice, covering one by one all the major and minor temples of the Chera land. This charity-technique not only effectively stopped the inflow of new recruits to the Jaina fold, but also induced many hundreds of the then Jaina Brāhmins and 'Pilļaika! to 'cross the floor', as 'defectors'.
83. Non-violent social pressures too might have worked actively to make the Jaina church inert. We have stated in an earlier context that the famous Kuņavāyir koţtam itself had gone somehow into the possession of two Nāyar families, which did not admit Brāhmins to see the sanctum sanctorum. Tradition says that, following a dispute between the Nambūdhiri Brāhmin elders (ūrār) or Iriñjalakkuda, a neighbouring village, and the abovesaid trustees, the former began the age-old form of satyāgraha, called 'pattini (indefinite fast) for the downfall of their enemies, and that the ruin of the ‘kottam' itself was accomplished in forty days! ['Raszka Ranjini', Book II, quoted by M. G. S. Nārāyanan in his paper on 'Kunavā yir-kottam']
84. Another great political event too, which occurred about a century after Cheramān Peruma!, helped to further the revival of neo-Hinduism. The great Choļa emperors, beginning from Rāja-Rāja I, conquerred the Ayis, the Pāņdyas and the Cheras of Vañchi. The successors of Cheramān Perumal, who extended the system of ūţtuppuras to almost all the Keraļa temples, were able to absorb thereby the Jaina-Brāhmins and other temple employees only, and not the more numerous Tamiļian non-Brāhmin reconverts to Hinduism. By including the study of the Tami! hymns of the great Šaiva-Samayācāryas and the Vaisnava Alwārs

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in the syllabii of studies at the various sālais' and devasthānams of the Choļa, the Pandya and the Pallava regions, the Chola emperors enabled the re-converts too to enjoy the benefits of their endowments.
85. We have inscriptional evidence about the existence, even before Rājarāja I, of a “Kānda lūr-śālai' at Trivandrum, a ‘Pārthivasekharapuram sālai'at Munchirai [Huzur Office Plates, T, A, S.] and a Sri-Vallabhan salar' at Kanyākumāri, re-baptized later as 'Rajarā jap-perum-salar'. Each of these was probably working under a sanjāsi, although we have records for that convention at Munchirai only. Rājarāja and his successors prided themselves in having fixed the number of seats to be reserved for each department of studies at Kāndalūr-śālai, ['Kāndalūr-śālai kalam aruttaruliya', was one of the titles assumed by them]. This fixing of seats by a royal charter necessarily involved suitable land grants also for their daily feeding and clothing.
86. What Sankara failed to do at Kanyākumāri in the 9th century was accomplished, two centuries later, by Rāmānuja's successors. They established a Mutt at Vānamāmalai, (modern Nanguņeri), a place less than twenty miles to the north of the Cape. Their enterprise was patronised by the imperial Cholas, the later Panayas and the Naik vassals of the Vijayanagar emperors. They latter built massive stone temples and satrams (free resthouses) in the various pilgrim centres of the Tamil contry, regardless of their Hindu religious sectarianism. These were richly endowed not only for keeping free kitchens, but for spectacular festivals and pageants too in each of them. No wonder that the unostentatious puritan cult of Bhagavān Mahāvīra had been eclipsed and left un-noticed in its fastly-decaying monasteries! We
1.
The Tanjore Brihadīs vara temple inscriptions enumerate the names and addresses of more than 500 courtesans and their vocal and instrumental accompanists receiving permanent grants of lands and other emoluments. Thousands of other more important non-Brāhmin employees of all temples were also receiving more substantial grants.

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have come to learn the bitter lesson that pomp and pageantry not only win political elections but also bull-doze spiritual attainments.
87. It must, however, be said to the credit of the abovementioned rulers that they never swerved from their policy of religious toleration. The emperor Rājarāja's own sister, Kunadvai, was a staunch Jaina, who had endowed richly Jaina monasteries. Rājarāja himself seems to have supplemented the above endowments with his own donations. Anapāya Kulottunga was a lover of Jaina kathā literature. The Chera empreror, Sthāņu Ravi, gave his daughter in marriage to a Jaina warrior, Vijayarāga Deva. Tiruttakka Devar, the famous Jaina composer of 'JivakaChintāmanı', was an younger brother of a Chola king. There were, of course, caste conflicts, but not many persecutions of nonHindus.
88. Inter-religious impacts, however, inevitably result in mutual absorptions of each other's doctrines and practices. When, in the age of the Mauryas, the manufacture of divine image and their sales became a nationalised industry, (according to 'Mahābhāş ya'), the Jainas too did not lag behind. Their monasteries and paļļis were studded with Bas-reliefs of the forms of their Tirthankaras, their symbols and their attendant Yakşas and Yaksinīs. Indra, Kubera and other Hindu Gods also were included among the Parivāra-devatas. The images of Sarasvati and Lakşmi were not ignored. And this convention naturally percolated to the land of the Tamils within a few decades. 89. This veneration for Hindu gods attracted Hindus also to the Jaina Paļlis. But the latter vaguely equated Pārsvanātha with their ‘Anantakrsņa', and Rsabha Deva with their Bhiksātana Siva of the bull-mount whom they also called 'Adideva' and ‘Digambara'. The various attendant Yaksīs were equated by them with their 'Śaktīs'. (Yakşi-Isakki Saktı). In many Tamil villages there are images of Padmāvati-devi, shadowed by the hoods of five-headed serpents, worshipped as Māri-amman. At Periya-Pāļayam, a village some miles distant from Madras, there is a tell-tale rite surviving still. The devotees circumambulate the

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334 K. A. NILAKAŅȚA ŚĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, 'AUNDY shrine, on certain days of the year, (in Ašāda-māsa) lying down and rolling on without clothes, as digambaras! But animal sacrifices crept in when the people forgot the original identity of the deity they were worshipping. 90. At the Nāgarāja temple at Nagercoil, among the tens of thousands of votive Nāga stones, implanted within the precincts, there are about a dozen with the naked Pārsvanātha carved in his kā yotsarga posture. But the Hindu worshippers regard them as those of Ananta-Balakrşņa, without realising that there was no situation in Hindu purāṇic lore where the baby Krsna had to stand all naked on the coils of a multi-headed cobra. When Kaliya-Nāga was subdued, Krşņa was already a boy-cowherd with clothes on. In fact, he even objected to the practice of the Gopas and Gopis bathing naked. If the Nāga stone is to represent Adifesa, shielding baby Krishna from rain when crossing the Jamunā, it will not suit, because baby Krsņa was neither alone, nor was he standing, but was carried in his father's arms. When, however, the Nāgarāja temple came under the management of the Hindus, the convention of 'Nāga-Pratishthā' continued but the Balakrsna was carved naked with a ball of butter in each hand !1
91. The hymns of the Saiva and Vaišnava saints bristle with allusions to mythologycal and legendary episodes, and yet, paradoxically, all the ten Tamil epics of the classical epoch happen to be non-Hindu in authorship. In spite of the Hindu Statesupported activities of the Tamil sangham for more than five centuries before the Pallava epoch, Tamil Hindu literate seemed to have ignored the art of story-telling. They did not care even to preserve their older 'tonnar' ballads, such as 'Takadūr-yāttirai', 'Irānacharitai' and 'Pandavacharitai'. We have suggested the plausibility of the existence of a non-Jaina arche-type of 'Silappadhikāran'. But even that work seems to have been tempered with by Jaina, Buddhist and Hindu redactors of a later epoch. We have reason to 1. I have a family heirloom of such an Anathakrşņa in silver which is
being worshipped daily along with an Ananta-Śiva. (See Fig. 2).-V Rāmasubramaniam.

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVĪRA'S CULT 335 believe that even 'Takaḍur-Yattirai' was a poem of Jaina authorship.
92. Umāpati-Sivācārya, a great Śaivite pontiff of about the 13th century, informs us that Sekkālār, the famous minister-poet of the court of the Chola king, Anapāya Kulottunga (Cira A.D. 1150) had been prompted to write his great poem 'Periya-Purāṇam', with a view to divert the mania of his royal master for reading such Jaina epics as 'Jivaka-Chinṭāmaṇi' and others of the same type. This epic was but an adaptation of the story of Jívaka, occurring in the 'Uttara-purana' supplement of the famous 'Mahāpurāṇa' of Jinasena, Almost all the stories of the Tamil Jaina epics, except ‘Šilappadhikkāram', had been drawn from the 63 charitas of the 'Mahāpurāṇa'. This latter poem, though not written in Tamil, seems to have excrcised a profound spell over the Tamil poets of that epoch. The very title, 'Periya-Purāṇam', given to Sekkilār's composition, is itself a literal translation of the Sanskrit word 'Mahā-purāṇa'. (Maha = periya = great).
93.
The contents of the 'Periya-purāṇam' are a series of life-stories of 63 Saivite saints, called 'Nāyaṇārs', who included the four great Samayacāryas (Gnānasambandar, Appar, Sundarar and Māņikkavāśakar) also, on whose behalf Lord Siva interceded and performed sixty-four miracles (leelas). Miracle-stories were not new to India at that late date. But what was new was the alleged 'historicity' of the 63 Nayanārs, their dates ranging from the fifth to the tenth centuries after Christ. The saivite mystic, Sundaramurti (9th century) had already enumerated the names of 62 of them, but Nambi-Aņdār-nambi, and, following him, Sekkilār also, added Sundaramurti's name too to that list and made it up as sixty-three. While the 'leelas' were 64, the Nayanārs were but 63 in number!--What was the magic behind this number 63?
We know that the Jainas has their own collection of biographies of 63 Salākā-Purusas, (Book-mark men), current long before even the birth of Christ. It included the lives of their 24 Tithankaras, nine Vasudevas, nine Prati-Vasudevas, nine Baladevas,
94.

For Private Personal Use Only

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336 K. A. NILAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY
Inine Nāradas and three others, incorporating within it a Jaina 'Ramā yana' and a Jaina 'Harivamśa'. Jinasena of the sixth century A.C. rewrote the whole mass of their 'kathā literature' as two epics, viz. 'the Mahāpurāna' and 'the Harivamśa'. What were highlighted in these chronicles were the 'victories' or the partial victories of these 63 personalities over their own lower selves. The victors were called 'Jinas'. But, as their achievements were happening within their own inner selves, invisible to mundane eyes, They were dubbed by their Saivite critics as ‘untrue' and 'mythical'. But as the miracles of Siva were said to have happened 'visibly', they were called “true biographies”. 95. One of the greatest, if not the greatest, pageants of Tamil Saivism was, and still is, the grand festival of the sixty-three (arupatti-mūvar-vilā), usually celebrated at Mylapore for ten days before the full moon of the month of Phālguna. On one of these days, the bronze images of all the 63 saints are taken in procession in 63 'vehicles' (vāhanas), borne on the shoulders of four to thirty-two men for each vāhana according to its weight and size, with all the paraphernalia of pomp and display. Almost all the prominent Siva temples of the Tamil area possess, not only a full set of these 69 bronzes, but also their consecrated irrenovable stone proto-typed (mülasthānas) within their inner sanctum sanctorum. Anapāya Kulottunga and his successors have liberally endowed these temples with enough funds for the celebration of the above festivals.
Sekkilar's 'Periya-purānam' was thus, not a mere imitation of the 'Mahāpurana' of the Jainas, but proved ultimately to be a tremendous machinery employed to take away the wind out of the sails of the ship of Jaina evangelism.
X. Conclusion 96. We do not dare to propound a prognosis.-But has the real cult of Bhagavan Mahāvīra vanished from the land of the 1. Instead of nine Nāradas etc. 12 cakravartis are included to make the
number 63 by the Jainas. Ed.

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVAN MAHAVIRA'S CULT 337
Tamils ? Our answer is an emphatic ‘no!'. It is true that, as a denominational congregation of people with mundane vested interests, it is almost extinct, with but 0.08 per cent of the population of Tamil Nadu surviving (1972 census). But the immortal spirit behind it,--the cults of ahimsā, ahatyā, asteya, matsya-māmsamadya-vivarjana, nityakarmānuşthāna and, not the least of all, profound faith in asceticism as a cleanser of sins and as a means of supermanhood,-these have only been temporarily eclipsed. But, having taken roots invisibly, they survive unobtrusively, but with tenacity. In the hereditary vegetarian and non-violent rites, rituals and habits of the South Indian Brāhmins and Pillaimārs, evoking sub-conscious deference from the rest of the population, even though provoking psycho-complexes in a few.
97. Social history tells us that the remote North Indian ancestors of the modern South Indian Brāhmin had been partly non-vegetarian in their food intakes. It was only after later impacts with the cult of the Jina in the South that the Southern Brāhmaṇa absorbed, with fanatic zeal, almost all the puritan dinacaryās of the Bhagavān's canon, styling themselves 'Drāvidas', among the Pancha-Drāvida-Brāhmanas,-Gujarāti, Māhārāshtri, Tailanga, Kannadiga and Drāvida,-in contra-distinction to the 'Pancha-Gaudas' of the North. 98. Of all the areas of India, Keraļa and Tamil Nadu were the earliest to abolish animal sacrifices within the Hindu temples, and no punitive measure was found necessary to enforce the legislation. The habit of smoking is still foreign to the mores of the Southern Dwijas. Prohibition too would have continued with success if alien political forces had not intervened.
99. The earliest Piļļaimārs of the extreme South were the descendents of the followers of the Saivite saint Appar, who had come back to the Hindu fold after their short sojourn within the Jaina church. Non-Brāhmins by caste, they were very strict vegetarians and claim to have been so long before the Brahmins took to it. The term 'Pillai' itself, now suffixed to the personal names of most of the non-Brahmin communities, including the M.M.-43

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338 K. A. NĪ LAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RAMASUBRAMANIAM, `AUNDY'
Harijans, as a mark of respectability, was, as we have said in para 8, of Jaina origin and connoted Jaina pupils only. The geographical sections of the Matsya-purana' locate them near about Kanyakumari and even call them ‘Kumāras'. (Skt. Kumāra = son = pillai). Tamil Jaina epigraphy applies the term to both the sexes. Such a peculiar usage of the term persists at present in the two pillar' communities only, viz. the Nāyars and the Nanjināļu veļļalas. Epigraphy and tradition inform us that these two communities were once in charge of many Jaina temples also.
100. The Na yars, again, are the only caste, besides the Nambūdhiris, who worship living serpents and reserve for them a bit of their residential premises as "Kāvus' (groves). The matrimonial alliances, referred to in epigraphy, between theogratic pontiffrulers and non-Brāhmin women, obtain even now in the Travancore and Cochin royal families, where the male members marry Na yar girls only. The kings bore the theocratic title of ‘tamburān' and in Travancore the tell-tale title of 'Venațțu-adikal was included among the royal burudas.
101. And, furthermore, the term 'Na ya', was the Jaina prakrit for 'nāta', the sub-clan of the Licchavis to which Bhagavān Mahāvīra belong. He was very often referred to as 'Nayaputa', a scion of the Na yas. It need not, therefore, suprise us if, within the next decade itself, archaeology unearths more positive evidence of the Jaina antecedents at least, if not the origin, of the Nayars and the Tamilian Pillais.
102. Even though there are a thousand vestiges of "the glorious Jainism that was" in the Tamil Land, we find today but a couple or two of living Jaina pockets, where a few hundreds of the followers of the Bhagavān carry on a losing battle against the forces of neo-Hindu mysticism. Chittāmūr, in the South Arcot district, is the present headquarters of the Jaina church, where a Jaina temple and a library survive under the management of a pontiff. The original seat of the guru was at Jina-Kāñci (Kānchípuram),

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVAN MAHĀVĪRA'S CULT 339
but it had to be shifted to the present locality during the iconoclastic epoch of Islamic rule. Our learned friend, Dr. K. K. Pillai, tells us that, when he visited the spot recently for area studies, he was surprised to see some of the local Jaina laymen smearing themselves with Saivite holy ashes (vibhūti). At Jina-Kāñci itself, the great Jaina temples and their employees alone survive to serve the Jaina pilgrims who visit the place. There are a few more smaller shrines too elsewhere which keep the flame of Jainism alive. 103. Sankara, the Keralite,---perhaps a junior contemporary of the famous Ilarko-Adika!, did his best to absorb Jainistic 'ways of life', but not its philosophy, into his six-footed 'şanmatha'. He did not and could not destroy its basic spirit. He was often dubbed by his superficial critics as a 'pracchanna-Bauddha'. It would have been nearer the truth, if he had been called 'pracchanna-faina'. 104. Time, that indefatigable tarnisher of memories, has converted the Jaina goddesses, Kaņņakī and Padmāvatí Deví, into Sāktā deities, and Parávanātha into an Ananta-Krsna. Is it inconcievable if the self-same time could also revive older memories due to a concatenation of other circumstances? We have inserted the word 'eclipse' in the title of this paper, suggestive of the transitoriness of the phenomenon of disappearance of the Bhagavān's cult from the Tamil Land. Who can assert that it was its last phase ?
APPENDICES
А
Two of the 75 recently-deciphered Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions confirm the historicity of the Pāņdya king, Neduñcheliyan. Nos. 1 and 2 of the Mānkuļam epigraphs have been read and translated as follows by its decipherer, Sri I. Mahadevan, I.A.S., in his 'Corpus of the Tamil Brāhms Inscriptions' appearing in the "Report of a “Seminar on Inscriptions", Madras, (1966)— 'Mankulam 1-"Kani-y nanta asiriy-ik-uvan kē dhammam
Itta-a netun jaliyan pana-an katalan Valuti-y koțțūpitta-a pali-iy."

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340 K. A. NILAKAŅȚA ŚĀSIRI
V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, `AUNDY
[Translation.--- Dedication (dhammam) to kaniy nanta, (the) monk
(asirıyika), (living) younder (uvan), this monastery (palli-2y) (was) caused to be given (hy) katalan valuti-iy, (an) officer (pana-an) (literally servant)
(under) netuñcalian,').] Mr. Mahadevan suggests the 1st century B.C. as the earliest limit ascribable to the above epigraph. He interprets the words ‘katalan valuti' as a personal name, and 'panavan', coming immediately after it, as 'an officer'. He is literally correct. But there are other connotations also to these three words. On page 124 of the 'Hand-book' (kai-edu), published under the auspices of the exhibition committee of “The Second World Tamil Conference”, (1968), Madras, Sri Sāw Ganesan M.L.C. interprets these three words as interchangeable generic titles of all the Pandya Kings of old. We endorse the view and take the Pandya king, Neļuñcelian himself, as the donor of the grant and not his officer' or vassal.
B
'Mānkulam 2'.-Kani-y nant = āsiriyk = u-an dhamam
Ita nețuncalian sālakan
Iļaficatikan tantai-y cațikan cei-zya pali-y? [Translation.- Dedication (to) kaniya nanta, (the) monk (living)
yonder; this monastery (was) made (by) caţikan, (the) father (of) Iļañcaţikan (and) brother-in-law
(sālakan) (of) netuñcaliyan.'] Of the three Nequñceliyans of Pāņdya history, the 'Arya-p-paļai Kadanta Neļuñceliyan' was the one who had died of remorse before Kannaki.
I distinctly recollect that, in about A.D. 1905 or 1906, when I was a boy of eight or nine, I had an occasion to enter an almost collapsing wooden cottage, surviving in the midst of a mango garden, situated to the south of the Nagarāja temple of Nāgercoil where the devastliāna office now stands. There were

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVĪRA'S CULT 341 but two priests (arcakas) there, white robed and bare-bodied.
There was no woman in the house. They looked exactly like the other Tamil temple pujārīs of the locality, whom we usually call 'the namsiyārs'. I do not exactly recollect whether they were front-tufted or back-tufted, probably because they were very old and bald-headed. They never allowed any non-Brāhmin into their residence, and even the Brāhmins had to enter immediately after taking a bath in the tank opposite. They did not smear themselves with either holy ashes, or sandal paste, or yellow gopiclay. They gave me a spoon of diluted sugared milk and a nāgatali leaf as prasādams'. I did not then knew that they were Jaina priests.
All sundays, (ādivāras) especially those of the Srāvana-māsa (August-September), were, and still are, sacred festival days, when at night there used to be a colourful procession of the deity, Nāgarāja, called 'kongu-nāttu-vilakku', (the lamp-festival of kongunādu). A bevy of 25 or more gaily-attired devadāsīs, hailing from all the surrounding government temples of the district, stood in two parallel rows, each holding a brass ornamented lamp in her hands. The deity, carried on men's shoulders, passed between the two rows, with all pageantry and pomp, preceded by a bharatanāt yā sanseuse, dancing to the accompaniment of what was then called a 'chinnamelam' (a smaller orchestra'). The latter includes a vocalist, a flutist, a Mukhavīna player, a snake-charming drone (makudi) and a mídangam player. I was not able to understand at that time the real significance of the name 'kongu-nättu-vilakku'. It was only after fifty years that I was able to connect the Jaina religious festivals of South Canara, Coimbatore and Mysore with those at Nagercoil.
The frontage of the present structure, reconstructed about 40 years ago, has even now a wooden roof with ornamented facades of the Kerala and South Canara styles. The 22-foot high stone ramparts around the temple here erected between A.D. 1910 and 1925, after demolishing the older six-foot brick-andmortar wall.

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342 K. A. NILAKANȚA SASTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMANIAM, 'AUNDY
The forty-foot high three-storied gateway at the southern entrance to the premises has one more tier, beautifully carved in wood, above the third storey. It was roofed over with the older type of small flat tiles, having about a dozen terracotta pinnacles over its top. The whole edifice must have been over 75 feet in height. I had the privilege of climbing up its shaky, and creaking stair-cases, constructed on either side of the fifteen-foot wide gateway. The Travancore durbar demolished its topmost floor and erected four brick-and-mortar walls around the two stairways on either side during the last reconstruction. The dilapidated wooden cottage of the Jaina priests were also pulled down, because there was no one to occupy it after about A.D. 1910.
Dr. Fergusson refers to a Jaina pavilion at Guruvāyankeri (South Canara) standing in front of a Jaina temple, having similar, but less ornate architectural features ['History of Indian and Eastern Architecture", Book V, Chapter 5, Page 79). The Nagercoil structure is a double pavilion, connected with each other over the second tier, so as to form a gateway (gopuram).–V. Ramasubramaņiam.]
D
Extracts from the translation of Kínalūr Vatteļuttu inscription, 18 miles from Calicut:
“Hail! prosperity in the one-hundred and eighty-ninth year after the sacred bath (tiru-abhisekam) of Tirukkāliyappațārar, when jupiter stood in Makara, on Wednesday, Avittam Nakşatra (sravista) in the month of Meşa (Caitra). For the paļļi of Vijayarāgesvaram at Kuņavāy-Nallūr. Forty poti of rice (are) required. . . . for daily offering of two nāli of rice, two nandāvilakku (perpetual lamps), and other items like sribali, śāntı, kuța, candanam ... chättanarukkați of Tiruvanchikkulam .... is to pay for the above expenses ... chattānārukkati shall not fail the tevar ... cháttan firikaştan shall take up the karāņmai of arappan kunchi and institute the daily feeding of one Brāhmin, two ordinary feedings,

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVĪRA'S CULT 343
besides the daily offering of two nāli and a performance of koottu at Kuņavāy-Nallur ... the seven hundred, the Kārāļan and the thousand shall supervise the measure.”
E
The pūtaời talakkāvu inscription in Wyanad taluk, (Vatteluttu):
“Hail prosperity!'-In the year one hundred and thirty seven of Tirukkuņavāy-tēvar, the forty-eight thousand founded a nakaram and instituted a vilakku (lamp) and twenty-four potz from kudampāļi and twelve poti from nakarporai are set apart for the purpose. If anyone obstructs the same, he shall be deemed as having violated Tirukkuņavāy temple.”
F
.. The nature of the Tirukkuņavāy temple is clarified by some new finds made by the Department of Archaeology of the Kerala State. ... The State department ... noticed in Alathūr, Palghat district) in 1960, a ruined Jaina temple in the size, popularly known as 'chākkiyar thotjam or 'kundam', on a hillock, known as 'pallikkunnu'. They found beams, slabs, pillars, &c. scattered in that place. They also collected from the site two beautiful sculptures of Mahāvīra and Pārsvanātha, and these, along with a fragmentary vatteluttu inscription, have been placed in the Trichur archaeological museum. ... the Government of India epigraphist observed that it (the fragmentary inscription) might be placed in circa 10th century A.C., and gave the following details.' ..."(It) states that this is the ślā-lekhai arranged to be engraved by an assembly of several bodies, such as the 'nārpattennā viravar' (the 48000), padipādamūlam of Tirukkunavāy Tēvar, Attıkośam and Adikanmār of Nālanjiyār, and it seems to lay down that the right of collecting levies, such as ularkkalam &c. from the Nalanjiyarpalli and other connected establishments shall not be mortgaged to others.”—[Extracts from the paper of Mr. M. G. S. Nārāyanan, Calicut University, J. I. H., December, 1970]

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344 n. A. NILARANTA SASIRI
V. RAMASUBRAMANIAM, `AUNDT
ILLUSTRATIONS
Fig. 1. Standing Pārsvanātha, Nāgarāja temple, Nagarcoil (Courtesy Sri S.
Padmanabhan, B.A. Tirunelveli) Fig. 2. Ananta Bālakṣşņa. An ill-Suited adaptation of the Pārsvanätha
image Eye-copy of a Silver icon, 34, owned by V. Ramasubramaniam Fig. 3. Pārsvanātha (Seated)., Monolithic image (I feet) at the entrance
to the Nāgarāja, temple, Nagercoil (Photo: Sri Padmanabhan, B.A.,
Trunelveli) Fig. 4. Mahāvira (Seated) Nāgarāja temple, Nagercoil (Photo Sri S. Pad
manabhan B.A., Tirunelveli) Fig. 5. Rock-cut Jaina cave at Tirunandıkkarai, Kanyākumārı dist., con
verted into a Sıva-shrine (Photo by Sri S. Padmanabhan, B.A.) Fig. 6. Jaina Rock-Panel, with images inscribed with names and addresses
of donors— Tiruechānāttu-Malai, Kanyākumari dist. (Photo: Sri, S.
Padmanabhan, B.A.). Fig. 7. The Thatched roof Sanctum Sanctorum of the Shrine (Nāgarāja
Temple Nagercoil) (See Para 15) By Courtesy of Shri S. Padmana
bhan. Fig. 8. A Map of Land of the ancient Tamils from A.D 1 To 1000

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K. A. Nilakanta Sastri & V. Ramasubramaniam 'Aundy'
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K. A. Nilakaộta Sāstri & V, Rāmasubramaniam, 'Aundy'
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www.jainelibrary.on

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K. A. Nilakanta Sāstri & V. Rāmasubramaniam 'Aundys
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K. A. Nilakanta Sastri & V. Ramasubramaniam, 'Aundy'

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THE ASCENDENCY & ECLIPSE OF BHAGAVĀN MAHĀVIRAS CULT 345
...
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(Fig. 2) Ananta-Bālakṣsna an Ill-suited adaptation of the Pārsvanātha image. Eye-copy of a silver icon, 3", owned by V. Ramasubramaniam M.M.-44

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346 K. A. NILAKAŅȚA ŚĀSTRI & V. RĀMASUBRAMAŅIAM, `AUNDY
THE LAND OF THE TAMILS
(NOT TO SCALE) (FROM CIRCA A.D. 1 TO 1000)
TIRUPATU
KANCHI
MADRAS
ŚRINGERI
VIDARPALLI
PALLAVAS
MANGALORE
NON TAMILIAN AREAS
PONDICHERY ARĪKAMEDU
TRUNARUNKONDAI
PUKĀR KOPAVASAL
KINAL\UR TALA KKĀDU TIRUVAMPUR KONGUNĀRU CALICUT
CHOLAS
ŚRĪRANGAM PALATHUR TĪRUCCHRĀPALLI IRINJALAKUDA
MUZIRIS KUNAVA NALLUR (VANCHI KÁLADI WANGUCAM.
SAMA VARMALA EMADHURAI KUNRVAYIR
TIRUP PARAMKUNRAM коІТАМ
PĀNDYAS
(KALUGUMÁLA! TRIVANDRUM TIRUNELVELI KANDALŪR SALAI Y KOTTĀRU
(NAGERCOIL)
KANYAKUMARI Page #358

AGASTHYA
V. G. Nair
According to a copper plate inscription of the 10th century A.D., discovered at Chinnamannur in Tamilnādu, ascribed to the period of Rājasimha, the Pāņdyan King, Muni Agasthya, who was also known as Tamil Muni, was the spiritual preceptor of King Vira-Pāņdyan. This king is described in the inscription as 'Agasthya Sisya'. Kālidāsa, in his Raghuvamsa has mentioned that the Pandyan king was the disciple of Muni Agasthya. Mankuļi Maruthanar, a Samgham poet in his ‘Mathurai Manchi has also mentioned that the Pāņayan king (probably the first Pandyan who founded the Pāņdyan-kingdom at Kavatapuri) was a disciple of Agasthya. The Iraivanar Kalaviyal Urai of the 1st Samgham has mentioned Agasthya as 'Kuru Muni', the (dwarf ascetic) as the author of a monumental work in Tamil.
The late Rao Sahib M. Raghava Iyangar, the noted Tamil scholar in his "History of Tamil Poets" has stated that the Sutras on the Maha Bhāratam included in the Tolakapyam Commentary of Nachinarkiniyanar were current in the time of the first Sangham, which existed about four thousand years ago, and that this Maha-Bhāratam was translated into Tamil from North Indian language (Vatamozhi), at that time. It seems that on the basis of the pre-historic Sutras of the Sangham Mahā Bhāratam, another Tamil Bharatam was composed in the 9th century A.D., during the reign of the Pallava King Nandi-Varman, the Third.
Another substantial piece of evidence to confirm my findings that Sri Krşņa was a Jaina by faith could be found in the Maha Bhārata, in the following verse:
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V. G. NAIR

आरोहस्व रथे पार्थं गांडीव च करे कुरु । निर्जिता मेदिनी मन्ये, निर्ग्रथा यदि संमुखे ॥
Oh! Arjuna, climb on chariot and take bow 'Gandiva', in your hand, then if you face Jaina Sādhus, believe the conquering of the whole world is in your hand."
For Private Personal Use Only
Mahā Bhārata

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ANTIQUITY OF JAINISM IN TAMILNAD
V. G. Nair
According to literary evidence available from classical works both Tamil and Sanskrit, the antiquity of Jainism in Tamilnad could be fixed between one thousand five hundred or two thousand years before the birth of Christ. This period is generally called pre-historic in the ancient annals of India. Jainism might have been prevalent in Tamilnādu even in much earlier periods but in the absence of authentic literary evidence to substantiate this view, it may sound like writing on the sea shore.
We find references in the Mahā Purānam to the propagation of Jainism by Emperor Bharata, the son of Bhagavān Rsabha, who lived in pre-historic times. Bharata not only propagated Jainism throughout the four corners of India but also in foreign countries beyond mountains and seas. Bharata's missionary activities commenced after the Nirvāņa of Bhagavān Rşabha, the first Omniscient Teacher or Tírthařkara of Jainism. Rsabha relics discovered in different parts of the world goes to prove the fact that Rsabha was worshipped by the people and Jainism, the Religion of Ahinsā, was once the most influential religious faith in the history of mankind.
The Mahā Purānam has also stated that the twenty-second Tirthankara Neminātha or Aristanems of the Yajur Veda visited Kāñcípuram and Madurai, the two notable centres of Jainism in ancient Tamilnad. These two cities were not only citadels of Jainism in the pre-historic period but also continued its dominating influence in the religious thoughts of the people down through the centuries upto the 10th century A.D. or earlier and long before the Muslim crescent began to appear in the horizon of India about one thousand years ago. Jainism began to decline in Tamilnad from the 10th century A.D. in consequences
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350
V. G. NAIR
of the Saivaite revivalist movement and its devastating persecution of the Jainas lead by Sambandhar and Appar, the two Brahmin religious leaders of Saivism in Tamilņādu. Appar was originally a Jaina but later embranced the Saiva faith. After a few years, Appar discarded Saivism and took refuge in his original faith. He was known as Dharma Sena. Tamil scholars relying on a legend have expressed the view that Appar was murdered by the Saivaites. There is substantial evidence in the Saivaite religious literature--Periya Purānam, Thevaram, Thiruvachakam and several other works to prove that thousands of Jaina ascetics were put to death at Madurai, South and North Arcot, Chidambaram and many other parts of the country. Jaina Srāvakas were driven out from pillar to post, their homes destroyed and properties confiscated by the victorious Saivaites. Many ancient temples were razed to the ground and also converted into Hindu shrines. This victory over the Jainas is celebrated even today in some of the Hindu temples. It is called Kazhuvettal or hanging to death, the naked Sadhus, on the gibbet. The Saivaite persecution of the Jainas is the blackest blot and an unpardonable crime in the history of Tamilnād.
Tirthařkara Neminātha is most popular among the Tamil Jainas of the Digambara sect. The ruins of many Neminātha temples have been discovered in different parts of the An ancient Neminātha temple existed near the hillock, at present called St. Thomas Mount in Madras. Mylapore was a noted centre of Jainism long before St. Thomas reached Kerala and Tamilnād in the 1st century A.D. The Neminātha temple was washed away by the sea and the image was removed to the Jaina temple at Sithamur in South Arcot. Neminātha was the presiding deity of Mylapore from time immemorial. A popular poetical work in Tamil, the Neminātha Satakam paying homage to this Tīrthankara is chanted by the Jainas of Tamilnad. The Vihāra of Neminātha in the Tamil country for the propagation of Jainism was an epoch-making event in the annals of South Indian Jainism. But Tamil scholars are not wanting to proclaim that this great event, the first landmark in the annals of Jainism

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in pre-historic Tamilnād is the flimsy product of the imagination of Jaina writers to prove the antiquity of Jainism in South India. These scholars argue that it may be a legend or tradition current among the Jainas of Tamilnād. Another legend tells that Sri Krsņa and Arjuna visited Tamilnād and the latter married a Nāga princess of Madurai. The Nāgas, Kols, Drāvidians, Aryans and many other heterogenous people observing different customs, religious faiths, ceremonies, and ways of life were part and parcel of the indigenous and homogeneous people of ancient India. Some legends may not be trustworthy but the celebrated historian on ancient India, Pargiter in his ‘Dynasties of the Kali Age' has stated that many of the legends and traditions current among the people of India contained truths which could be safely adduced to fix up the chronology of kings and also to prove important cvents in the history of ancient India. Archaeological discoveries have proved to the hilt that Pargiter's opinion is most trustworthy in view of the fact that many of these discoveries were made on the basis of legends and also literary evidence from the ancient scriptures. Several illustrations can be cited to claim that legends carried incontrovertible truths relating to pre-historic India!
Besides the Maha Purānam, we have another authentic Tamil classic in Tolakapyam which contains some references to the advent of Jainism to the Tamil country. Tolakapyam is the most ancient classical work in Tamil literature. It is the first and foremost work extant today in Tamil. Tolakapyam is a grammatical work but it also contains some doctrines of Jainism and glimpses of social conditions prevalent in ancient Tamilakam. The age of this literary work has been fixed as between one thousand five hundred years and two thousand years before the birth of Christ.
Nachinarkiniyanar, one of the commentators of Tolakapyam has stated that it was composed before Vyāsa collected and edited the Vedic hymns after the termination of the Mahā Bhārata war. Historians like R. C. Dutt, Jayaswal, Vaidya, Bhandarkar, Tilak and Radhakrishnan and many others have expressed the

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view that the Mahā Bhārata war was waged between one thousand five hundred and two thousand years before the birth of Christ. According to Tolakapyam, Muni Agasthya, a contemporary of Neminātha, the 22nd Tirthankara and Sri Krsna was the pioneer missionary of Jainism to Tamilnād. Agasthya lived in Dwārakā and practised penance. He was well versed in the philosophical doctrines and ethics cxpounded by the Tirthankaras of Jainism-Rşabha to Neminātha. Śrī Krşņa was a cousin of Neminātha and also his spiritual preceptor. Tolakapyam states that Sri Krşņa deputed Muni Agasthya to the Tamil country to preach dharma and civilize the people. Agasthya Muni migrated to Tamilakam accompanied by his disciples and a large number of Yadavas who were related to Sri Krsņa. These Yādavas were adherents of Jainism. Machinarkiniyanar, the commentator states that eighteen families of Velirs or Vellalas and Aruvalas hailing from Yādava families came to Tamilakam. These Velirs and Aruvalas were agriculturists, artisans, traders and scholars. Agasthya and the Yādavas reached Tondaimandalam and settled down in different parts of the country. Tondaimandalam consisted of Kāñcípuram, Chennai, Coimbatore, Mahābalipuram, Arcot, Nellore and many other parts of Tamilnās. An inscription of the 3rd century B.C. in Prakrit written in Brāhmi was discovered in a cave on Malakuta hill in Nellore, Tamilnāļu. The cave was dedicated by a Chetty (Šetty or Seth), merchant hailing from the Aruvala family. Ptolemy, the Greek historian of the 2nd century B.C. has stated that the people called Aruvanous (Aruvalas) lived in Toandaimandalam. The habitat of Jaina ascetics traditionally had been caves. They lived far far away from the maddening crowd of people and devoted their time to the practice of penance and austerities. Muni Agasthya lived on the Pothiyar hill in Tinnevelly. The rulers of Tamilakam were Pāņdyas and their capital city was in. Thenmadurai. It was called Kumarinādu in Tamil literature. It was destroyed in a deluge and the second capital called Kavatapuri was founded near Cape Comorin. Vālmiki has mentioned Kavatapuri as the capital of the Pandyan kingdom. Kautilya, author of Arthaśāstra has mentioned the city as Pandya Kapatakam. Agasthya revived the Tamil Academy at Kavatapuri

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and promoted the advancement of learning. He was the President of the two Acadamies according to Tamil literature. Literary evidence and legends tell that the Pāņdyan kings were descendants of the Pandavas. Tamil classics state that Agasthya founded the first Tamil Sangham in Kumāri Nādu and promoted Tamil studies. The poets of the first Samgham composed eight literary works. Among them were seventy lyrical songs. Among these songs, twenty are extant today and the rest were lost. Among these twenty songs, six are in adoration of Tirumal, Kannan or Śrī Krşņa. These songs are called Paripadal in Samgham literature. They were sung in accompaniment of instrumental music. A Samgham work, the Iravanar Kalaviyal Urar states that the Paripadal songs were composed during the first Samgham period probably about four thousand years ago. All these facts go to prove that Srí Krsna had been held as the most venerable personage, the national hero, the most worshipful superman and the supreme leader of India somewhat about three thousand five hundred to four thousand years ago. Krsņa figures in the Chandogya Upanişad, Pāņini's Astādhyāyī, Patanjali's Mahābhāśya, Ghatajātaka, Maha Bhārata, and Uttarādhyayana Sūtra. Harivamsa and Bhagavatam have presented the life story of this superman, the God that was Kannan and Tirumal of the Tamil people.
According to saivaite Tamil literature, Lord Siva, who lived on Kailāsagiri, Himalayas deputed Muni Agasthya to South India to civilize the people. A poem of Arunagirinathar, author of Tirupukazh states that Siva taught Agasthya the Tamil language and instructed him to teach it to South Indians. Tirumular, another poet states that Siva deputed Agasthya to Tamilnād for propagating dharma or Aram among the people. Appar, one of the leaders of the Saivaite revivalist movement has also stated that Agasthya preached Aram in Tamilnād. Silappadhikāram, compposed by Ilanko Adikal, the Jaina ascetic and brother of Cheran Senkuttuvan, king of Keraļa, contains references to Agasthya of Pothiyamalai claiming him as the father of Tamil culture and civilization. Kamban, the celebrated author of Tamil Rāmāyana has declared that Agasthya preached the doctrines of the four M.M.-45

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Vedas in Tamilnād. But these four Vedas according to Saivaite scholors are not the four Vedas of the Brāhmīnic culture and that Siva was not the originator of these four Vedas. The Brahminic Vedas which were expounded by Rsis originally consisted of three; the Rig, the Sāma and the Yajur. The Atharva was composed later probably in 600 B.C. and held as the fourth Veda of the Brāhminic culture. According to Saivaites, the Vedas expounded by Siva were four called Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu, or Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Moksa, the Chaturvidha Purusārthas of the Hindus. But these four Vedas as their names indicate are the four secular and spiritual aspirations of man for the fulfilment of which he should obey the commandments, the precepts and instructions of the Nanmarai or the four Vedic scriptures. The Nanmarai are the real four Vedas of the Saivaites taught by Agasthya to the people of Tamilnād. They are scriptures containing secular and philosophical doctrines for promoting human welfare and the emancipation of man from mundane sufferings. The four aspirations or higher
eals of man are Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu. Therefore, the Vedas, the scriptures are entirely different from the doctrines, the ideals and aspirations expounded in them. Tamil scholars while admitting that there are four Vedas for the Tamils have not mentioned their names. I do not find any scriptures called Nanmarai among the Tamil ancient scriptures except an accumulated volume of literature on grammar, history, ethics and philosophy. Therefore, it is as clear as crystal that the Nanmarai, the four Vedas mentioned by Tamil Saivaite Scholars are the four Vedas originally expounded by Bhagavān Rśabha, father of human culture and civilization.
According to the Maha Puranam and other Jaina scriptures Rśabha possessed one thousand and eight names. Among them are Siva, Sankara, Ādideva, Adi Purusa, Ādi Jina, Prajāpati, Brahma and others. Rśabha attained Nirvāṇa on Kailāśagiri, Himālayas. Arjuna in the Gītā has paid homage to Srí Kriņa describing him as "Ādi Deva and Puruša Purāņa.” The Ādi veda expounded by Rsabla contained four parts: Prathamānuyogam,

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Karaṇānuyogam,
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Caraṇānuyogam and Dravyānuyogam. called the Parama Agamas. Because the Adı Vedas consisted of four parts, Rṣabha, its expounder was known as Caturmukhan, the four-headed. Rṣabha expounded the Adi Vedas to his Ganadharas or chief disciples and also to his son Emperor Bharata. The Adi Vedas were orally recited and studied Karna-karņikayā. In the 6th century B.C. Bhagavān Mahāvīra expounded the Adi Vedas to his chief disciple Gautama Swami, who in turn taught these four Vedas to Sudharmā Swāmi, who expounded them to Jambu Swami. Thus the Adi Vedas were preserved Guru-paramparaya, teacher to disciple from pre-historic times to the period of Mahāvīra. The original version, according to scholars was in Prakrit and contained many lakhs of verses. In the time of King Amoghavarsa, 9th century A.D. Jinasena Acarya and his disciple Gunabhadra composed the Maha Purāṇa Samgraham in Sanskrit. Gunabhadra who was a Tamilian rendered the Sanskrit version into Tamil and Manipravāla style in Grantha and Tamil scripts. The Maha Purāṇa Samgraham contains the summary of the original Adi Vedas expounded by Rsabha in hoary antiquity.
are
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Nyāya Tirtha, Nyāya Viśārada, Upādhyāya Śrī Mangala Vijayaji Mahārāj's Jaina-Tattva Pradipa's commentary Arhota Darsana Dipika by Prof. Kapadia in Gujarati has classified the four parts of the Adivedas as Samsara-Darśanam, Samsthāpana Parāmarśaņam, Tattvava-Bodham and Vidya-Prabodham.
The Adi Vedas or Parama Āgamas are the Supreme religious scriptures among all the holy scriptures of the world in the history of mankind. The metaphysical and ethical doctrines of these four Vedas for promoting human welfare and human freedom from mundane sufferings constitute the fountainhead of all world religions, cultures and civilizations.
The Parama Agamas contain the fundamental teachings of Bhagavan Rṣabha, the patriarch among world teachers of religions and philosophy. Rṣabha doctrines or Jinadharmam could be

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studied from several ancient scriptures--the Šāstrasāra-Samuccayam, Padārtha-Sāram, Rşabha Gītā, Ācāranga-Sutram, Tatvārtha-Sutram, Bhagavatī-Sutram, Sūtra-kritānga Sutiam, Kalpa Sutram Uttarādhyayana Sutram and many other holy scriptures of Jainism.
In the time of Muni Agasthya of Pothiyar hill, the spoken and written language of the Tamil people were entirely different from what we find them today. The Tamil language and script have undergone a series of evolutionary changes in the course of centuries. Prior to the advent of Agasthya to Tamilnād, the spoken language and also the written language was called Kadum Tamil, hard or impure Tamil. It was difficult to understand Kadum Tamil without the aid of grammar and lexicon. Kerala, the ancient Chera country was a Kadum Tamil land at the time of Muni Agasthya. The Kadum Tamil is a system of South Indian Prakrit like the Ardha Māgadhi spoken in Northern India during the time of Mahāvīra and the Buddha. Kadum Tamil is now a dead language. Tolakapya Muni has mentioned a number of literary works current in his time. All these works were lost in the deluge which washed away Kumārinādu and Kavatapuri, the capitals of the Pandyas. Muni Agasthya composed a grammatical work known after his own name called Agathyam. But it is not extant today. It might have been also lost in the deluge or destroyed in later centuries. A few Sutras of Agathyam are mentioned in the Tamil scriptures. These Sutras might have been orally current among scholars. With the destruction of the cultural wealth of Kumārināđu and Kavatapuri, the ruling Pāņdyan king revived the ancient culture of Tamilnad from his new capital of Madurai. Muni Agasthya founded the Tamil Academy of Letters both in Kumārinādu and Kavatapuri. He was the President of the two Samghams. He popularised Tamil studies and promoted the advancement of learning in the Tamil country. There were three Samghams; one in Kumārinādu and the others at Kavatapuri and Madurai. These three Acadamies consisted of distinguished poets and scholars. The number of these poets amounted to about 500. They belonged to various parts of Tamilnād-Chera, Cola and Pandyan kingdoms and followed various professions.

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Among them were also women poets and scholars. Aouvvai, the women scholar and bard of the 1st century A.D. is held as the most distinguished savant of her time. Scholars have stated that she was the sister of Tiruvalluvar, author of Tirukural. We find the names of all these poets and scholars in the Samgham literature. Many of them must have been Jainas. Agasthya made a new Tamil script. His grammar, the Agathyam might have been the guide book for the study of Kadum Tamil in his time. The new script made by Agasthya was in round and long letters called Vattelethu and Koleluthu. This script had been the medium of writing for many centuries in Tamilnad, Karnātaka and Keraļa. A number of ancient inscriptions in this script have been discovered in Karnātaka, Tamilnād and Keraļa. It is no more extant today.
A number of inscriptions in Brāhmi have been found in different parts of Tamilnād. Some of them were discovered in the Jaina hills near Madurai city, the Sithanavāsal cave temple in Purukoțțai, the Vijayamangalam Jaina hill near krode and also in Wynad from where some ancient inscriptions were unearthed from a jungle site. All these inscriptions belonged to the 3rd and 4th centuries before the birth of Christ.
Tolakapyam is the premier grammatical work extant today in Tamil. Tolakapya Muni studied the Prakrit grammar called Aiyandram under his Guru Muni Agasthya. Adiyarkunallar, the commentator of Silappadhikaram has stated that Aiyandram was composed by Rşabha and it formed a part of the Parama Āgamas, the Adi Vedas, the original Nanmarai of the Tamil people. Rşabha taught Aiyandram to Indra and to the Gañadharas. By Guruparamparamparayā, it was handed down to the Tīrthankaras. Neminātha must have been well versed in Aiyandram. Muni Agasthya must have studied Aiyandram from Neminātha. This pre-historic grammatical work is no more extant today.
Muni Agasthya was the pioneer humanitarian in the time of Neminātha. It is recorded that once Agasthya proceeded to Naimiņāraṇyam from Ayodhyā, the sacred birthplace of Rşabha

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and the cradle of world culture and civilization. Naimiṣāraṇyam was the hermitage of Aryan Vedic Rshis. It was situated on the valley of the Himalayas. Many Rshis lived there engaged in austerities and performed animal sacrifices. Naimiṣāraṇyam is mentioned in the epics and the Puranas. In Naimiṣaranyam, Agasthya saw some Rsi engaged in an animal sacrifice. Mantras were recited and a goat was brought to the altar. Agasthya persuaded the Rṣis to abstain from performing the sacrifice. He interpreted the word Ajam as rice and expounded the doctrines of Ahimsā, the philosophy of Karma, the blessings fo compassion and mercy. The Vedic Rṣis were convinced that animal sacrifice is sin and released the goat. This incident in the life of Agasthya goes to prove that he was the pioneer humanitarian, the preacher of Jaina Dharma and the torch-bearer of Adi Bhagavan Rṣabha,
the father of human culture and civilization.
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There is literary and epigraphical evidence to prove that Agasthya had visited foreign countries for propagating the religion of Ahimsa. Images of Agasthya were discovered in Cambodia and in some other parts of South East Asia where the people worshipped them. Agasthya was the Parama Guru of Jina Dharmam, the religion of Universal benevolence. Agasthya also visited Sumātrā, Jāvā, Borneo, Bāli, Malāyā and Siam according to Tamil literature. Even in those pre-historic days, India had close cultural and commercial relations with foreign countries. According to the Tamil classic, Manimekhalai written by the Buddhist scholar Shertalai Sathanar, President of the 3rd Tamil Sangham of Madurai, in the 1st or 2nd centuries A.D., Maņimekhalai, the heroine of the epic who was a Buddhist nun went to Cambodia and other South East Asian countries to preach Buddhism. An image installed in a temple in Cambodia is dedicated to Bhadreśvara. There are Jaina Temples in Kathiawād and other parts of Saurastra and also in Gujarat dedicated to Bhadresvara. It is one of the sacred names of Jaina Tirthankaras. Some Jaina Munis even today are called Bhadra Munis. A temple in Java is dedicated to Bhattaraka Išvara. Neminath is called Bhattaraka in the Maha Purāṇam. It is a reverential title

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conferred on the Tīrthankaras to show that they were heads of religion and Sanghas. The name of Agasthya had been most popular in Europe for several centuries. Some Emperors of Rome and also a few Christian saints are named after Agasthya. Agasthya seems to be a popular name in the Vedic, Purānic, Jaina, Tamil and Christian religious literature. There were several Agasthyas in Tamilnādu and some of them were lineal representatives of the Pothiyar hill Agasthya, the father of Tamil culture. According to Sundaramuthi, one of the three leaders of the Saivaite revivalist movement in Tamilnād, Muni Agasthya committed Sallekhanā on the Pothiyar hill in Tinnevelly, Tamilnād. There are many temples in Tamilnād and other parts of the India dedicated to Agasthya--Agastheśvara. A number of works in Tamil on Siddha Vaidyam or the Siddha system of indigenous medical treatment is ascribed to Agasthya. This system is considered as the oldest in the medical annals of Tamilnād. Agasthya of Pothiyar hill according to some Tamil scholars was a Tamiļian. But there is no evidence to substantiate this view. It is my firm conviction that Agasthya who migrated to Tamilnāð together with his disciple Tolakapya Muni must have been born in Gujarāt, Rajasthān, Saurāśtra or in some other part of Northern India. Legends and literary evidence go to prove this fact.
According to Tamil classical literature, Tolkapya Muni reformed the round and long Tamil script and made the present script in which he wrote Tolkapyam. Tolkapyam gives some information about social conditions prevalent in Tamilnādu at the time of its author. There were no caste and class distinctions at the time. It was the beginning of Aryan cultural expansion in South India. Besides people who followed the Arhat Dharma, including North Indians, there were also people who adhered to Brālminic dharma. Sanskrit was not popular at the time. A section of the indigeneous people were animists. They sacrificed animals and birds like those North Indians who followed Brāhminism. There were no temples dedicated to the Purāņic Gods like Śiva, Vişnu, and many other deities. Animism and Brāhminism

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co-existed but Jainism was the dominating religious way of peaceful life followed by a large majority of people. Muni Tolkapyar has classified sentient life under six categories. They are from one to six sensed life. These classifications could be found in some of the ancient Jaina scriptures like the Pannavana Sutra and the fiva Vicāra Prakaranam. Ilampuranar, an ancient Jaina commentator of Tolkapyam has explained these six divisions of life in an elaborate way. I compared the Sūtras of the Jaina scriptures with those of Tolkapyam and found them parallel and equal in their doctrines. All these facts go to prove that Tolkapyam was a Jaina by faith, and he was well versed in the doctrines of Jainism.
Jaina and Hindu writers have identified Rsabha as Siva. Bull is the symbol of both Rşabha and Siva. Rsabha attained Nirvāṇa on Kailāsa and Siva's perpetual abode is also kailāsa. The Šiva-Purāņam has stated that Rşabha is an incarnation of Siva while Bhāgavatam has declared that he was the incarnation of Mahā Vişņu. Rşabha and Siva are Jatādhāris or bore matted hair. Some Rsabha images discovered in India resembled the images of Siva. Many illustrations could be cited from the Jaina and the Hindu sacred scriptures to prove that Rsabha and Siva are one and the same personage. There are Jaina and Saivite hymns or devotional kírtans in which Rşabha is extolled as Siva and also Siva as Rsabha.
According to Tolkapyam, the Tamil Jainas worshipped Kandazhi. It is explained by commentators of Tolkapyam as the one who has reached the highest spiritual stage after destroying all entanglements of Kaimas. The Lord is one who liberates the soul of the aspirant from Karmas and the liberated soul becomes the omniscient self is the dictum of Tolkapyar. Kandazhi is no other than Rsabha, the Omniscient Tīrthankara. Kandan, or Murugan the Purānic deity of Saivaite Hindus, the son of Siva and Pārvati, Kārtikeya, the war God might have derived his name from the word Kandazhi the destroyer of Karmas and was elevated by Saivaites as an all powerful deity. Murugan

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is clean slaven and also carried a Triśūlam, a weapon in his hand. It is called Vel. It is the symbol of his spiritual power. Historic Jainism and Purāņic Hinduism are poles asunder. One is real while the other is mythological. According to scholars, the Purāņas are not older than fifteen hundred years.
Two currents of Jaina thought flowed through the Tamil country; one from Karnātaka and the other from its own soil. The Karşātaka culture is the inheritance from Bhadrabāhu while the indigenous Tamil culture is the inheritance from Kannan, Agasthya, Tolkapyar, the North Indian Jaina Sadhus who lived in Madurai in the 3rd century B.C. and wrote the Naladıyar and also Tiruvalluvar, author of Tirukural. Sri Sarma, author of “Jainism and Karnātaka culture has explained that Jainism is the fountainhead of Karņātaka culture. In the same way, Jainism is also the root and trunk of Tamil culture. Jainism, primitive Animism, Saivism, Vaisnavism and Brahminism prevailed in Karşātaka and Tamilnād for several centuries. These three religions prevail even today in these two regions of South India. The introduction of Brāhminism gave an impetus to the spread and strengthening of Animism. Brāhminic culture according to its own scriptures especially the four Vedas is not rooted on Ahimsā culture but on Himsā or violence. Animal sacrifice is one of the foundations of Brāhminic culture or Aryan culture. Meat eating, Surāpānam or drinking intoxicating beverages were deep rooted among the people who adhered to the Brāhminic way of life. Horses, goats, buffaloes, birds and even human beings were sacrificed by the adherents of the Brāhminic culture. The Brahmanas, a part of the Vedas prove these facts. The Animists forming hill people, hunters, fishermen, traders in meat and fish, the lowest strata of society, who were not vegetarians and teetotallers welcomed the Brāhminic culture. Many of these people were freely admitted in Aryan society and classified as Sūdras, the fourth caste among the Hindus. The rest, the lowest of the low were treated as Pañcamas, the outcastes.
A study of Samgham literature will prove that except the two Jaina works, the Valadiyar and the Tirukural, which dealt
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with Aram or Dharma, the rest mostly dealt with the exploits of Kings, their conquests and tributes paid to them. The Naladıyar consisting of four hundred verses each composed in four lines were written by Jaina ascetics from Magadha who lived in their cave monasteries at Madurai in the 3rd and 4th centuries B.C. They were proficient in the Tamil language and in its grammar. The Tirukural is a Jaina work. The author has paid his homage to Rsabha and also to Kannan, who is no other than Sri Krşņa.
The Naladıyar in its original version consisted of several thousand verses, each composed by each Jaina Sadhu and written on each palm leaf but they were thrown away in the Vaigai river at Madurai after the departure of the Jaina ascetics to Magadha. The rising waves of the Vaigai river brought four hundred palm leaves to the shore and the rest were submerged in the water. Padumanar, a Samgham poet, probably a Jaina Sadhu collected these four hundred palm leaves and preserved them. Neelakesi and Valayapathi are two other important Jaina works in Tamil. Neelakesi is available in fragments but Valayapathi is completely lost for ever.
Tiruvalluvar according to tradition and literary evidence belonged to the backward community of Pañcamas. Panan, Parayan, Valluvan and Pulayan are sub-castes among the Pancamas. Tamil scholars of the Digambara Jainas consider Valluvar as Elācārya or Kunda Kunda Ācārya. This view is incorrect for want of literary evidence and also tradition to support it. According to an inscription found in the Jaina temple at Tirupparuthikundram in Tamilnād, Kunda Kunda is a distinct saint from Elācārya. The name of Elācārya is also mentioned in the inscription. There were three Elācāryas in Tamilnād. Even the view that Valluvar might have been the disciple of Kunda Kunda is also ill-founded. Kunda Kunda lived in the 1st century B.C., while Valluvar belonged to the 1st or the 2nd centuries A.D. Kunda Kunda was a Kannadika. He was associated in his missionary activities with Andhra, Keraļa and also Tamilnādu. The Andhras claim him as their own while the Digambara

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Jainas of Tamilnād and Karņātaka claim the saint as their own. An ancient Karşātaka ballad sung by Kannadikas states that the Padma Prabha temple near the village of the writer at Palghat was built by Kunda Kunda. Valluvar is associated with Tamilnād and also Kerala. He was a Tamilian and hailed from the lowest of the low or the Pañcamas.
The first century A.D. was a turning point in the history of South Indian Jainism. Prior to the Christian era, many South Indian kings were Jainas. But with the advent of the 1st century A.D. Brāhminism, Saivaism, Vaišnavism and also Animism became the popular religious faiths of the people. Many kings,the Pāņdyas, the Coļas and the Cheras—turned to Hinduism. They performed animal sacrifices like the Aśvamedham and Gomedham and honoured the Brāhmin sacerdotal community. There was a setback in the progress of Jainism at the time. Dharma declined and Purāņic Hinduism began to show its head in society. Varna Dharma ruled the people. At this critical period appeared Valluvar, the Jainas bard of the Universal Man. One tradition tells that Valluvar was a resident of Mylapore and he was a weaver by profession. Another tradition has it that he was a resident of Madurai and died there. A third tradition is that he was born in Valluvanad in Keraļa. A locality near Madurai city points out the place where he lived. If the latter view is correct Valluvar might have studied Jainism under some notable ascetics who lived in one of the caves of Madurai hills. According to Sesha Iyangar, author of "Dravidian India,” the "study of the Vedas in the 4th century B.C. was prohibited to the Vellalars or agriculturists". Tiruvalluvar who belonged to the lowest community would have never been taken as a disciple or student in any institution or Aśramam run by Vedic Acāryas of his day. Vedic studies were strictly prohibited to Sūdras. The Smrtis support these prohibitory laws. This law was in force for many centuries in India. The violation of this laws is punishable with death. Tiruvalluvar has extolled agriculturists. Agriculture is the noblest of profession according to Valluvar and also Tolkapyar. In view of all these facts, Valluvar must

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have been a disciple of Jaina Ācāryas from whome he studied Prakrit, Sanskrit and the Agama Sāstras of Jainism.
A tradition tells that after the composition of Tirukural, it was submitted to the Tamil Academy at Madurai. But the members of the Academy did not approve the Kural for release. After Valluvar's passing away, Aouvvai, his sister submitted the Kural to the Tamil Sangham and got it approved. Many notable kings and chieftains were devotees of Aouvvai. The Kural consists of three parts dealing with Aram, Porul and Inbam. Veetu and mokśa is left out. According to the Late Kanakasabhai, the noted Tamil scholar who wrote a monumental work on Tamils entitled "Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago" the original Kural consisted of 2660 lines or 1330 couplets. The present Kural accordingly consists of 1330 couplets. But in my view the Kural might have contained more than the present figure. The last chapter dealing with Veetu or Nirvāņa might have been disapproved and destroyed by the Tamil Sangham.
The first chapter dealing with Aram or Dharma contains many of the moral precepts of Jainism. It has elaborately dealt with the five Mahāvratas of Jainism. Valluvar composed the Kural in revolt against Brahmanism--animal sacrifices to propitiate the heavenly deities, the sin of meat eating. begging for alms without renunciation, the importance of asceticism, the evils of caste and class distinctions and the necessity for building up an uninpeachable and sterling humanitarian character for reaping the blessings of life.
In the Tiruvalluvamalai, an ancient poetical work containing several tributes paid to Valluvar by a number of celebrated Samgham poets, there are some verses which support the contention that the original version of the Kural consisted of four parts dealing with Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu. It might have contained couplets presenting the doctrines of the last chapter Nirvāņa in accordance with the holy scriptures of Jainism. Some Tamil writers have expressed the view that the first chapter dealing with Aram also contains doctrines dealing with Veetu,

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But this view seems to be erroneous because the first chapter contains nothing about Veetu. I give below a few verses from the Tiruvalluvarmala to substantiate my contention that the Kural originally consisted of four parts.
Poet Nariverur Uthalayar:
'Valluvar composed the Kural in simple language consisting of four parts-Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu because it was difficult for the people to understand the ancient Vedas"
Poet Kovvoor Kizhar:
"Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu, the four secular and spiritual aspirations of man are explicitly presented in the Kural." Poet Mamoolanar:
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"The Kural consists of four parts-Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veetu."
Poet Kaveripoompattinam Kasi Kannar:
"God Nanmukhan (the four headed) who sits on the lotus horn as Valluvar composed the Kural rendering it from Vadamozhi (North Indian Language) for the easy understanding of the people."
Nanmukhan is one among the names of Rṣabha who sits over the lotus according to Jaina scriptures.
Poet Ponmudiyar:
The Kural was originally composed by Kasyapa'. Mahāvīra is called Kasyapa in Jaina Agamas.
Poet Seyalur Kodusenkanner:
"Valluvar rendered the Vedas in Tamil for the easy understanding of the people."
The contents of the Kural are diametrically opposed to the contents of the Aryan Vedas whereas they ran parallel to the

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doctrines expounded by Rsabha in the Adi Vedas, the Parama Agama of Jainism.
If we study the Tiruvalluvarmalai, it will be clear that Valluvar was well versed in Prakrit and Sanskrit. He was proficient in the Jaina Agamas current in his time. He was held as one of the greatest Acāryas of his day. He was also held in high esteem by kings, the learned, the rich and the poor. The fact that Valluvar condemned meat eating and caste distinctions and emphasised the necessity of penance instead of external worship might have made the Brahmin dominated Tamil Academy of Madurai to use its scissors on the Kural and even to disapprove it for public study. What happened to the remaining portion of the last chapter dealing with Veetu is shrouded in mystery.
The Saivaites have taken Kural as their own and Valluvar as the follower of their religion. Images of Valluvar are installed in Saivaite temples for worship. The greatest service Hinduism or the Šaiva and Vaishṇava religion has rendered to Jainism is that it has claimed Rşabha, Krşņa, Agasthya, Tolkapyar, and Valluvar as their own and have absorbed many of the moral precepts and philosophical doctrines of Jainism in their religion. Many ancient Jaina temples have been converted into Hindu Shrines. In the same way, Rşabha and some of the greatest Acārvas of Jainism have been elevated as incarnations of Vişņu and Siva, and worship offered to them in temples.
Śrī Krsņa occupies the highest position both in Hinduism and also in Jainism. According to Jaina scriptures, Devakíputra Yādava Kršņa was an adherent of Arhanta Dharma or Jainism. I could adduce an evidence from the Maha Purānam, Srimad Bhāgavatam and the Mahā Bharatam to prove this fact. Mathurā Sri Krsna's birth place and also Gokulam were notable centres of Jainism in these remote days. The Yādavas who lived in Dwarakā were Jainas. They were followers of Neminātha. After the passing away of Srī Krşņa, Satyabhāmā and Rukmiņí took deekşā and became nuns. Pradyumna and Aniruddha also entered the Monastic Order. The Pandavas and Pañcali, Vasudeva and

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ANTIQUITY OF JAINISM IN TAMILNAD 367 Devaks and many celebrated Kings of the Mahā Bhārata period were Jainas according to the holy scriptures of Jainism.
Tirumal of Valluvar is not the Tirumal of Vaişpavaite Hinduism but he is the Kannan, or Sri Kršņa of Jainism. Kannan had been the national hero, the most worshipful national God of the Tamil people from time immemorial. Because of Sri Krsņa's pre-eminence in the society of his time, he was revered as the most outstanding national hero and the supreme leader of ancient India. Preceptor, patron of learning and culture, philosopher, moralist, merciful and compassionate, the man who upheld justice and righteousness, who protected the oppressed and the suppressed, Karma Yogi, who treated everyone as equals and promoted the cause of human welfare, Sri Krşņa in subsequent centuries was elevated as the most worshipful God and made the full incarnation or Pūrņa Avatāra of Mahā Viņņu. Kannan was the superman of his age, the legendary figure and the protector of the weak and the poor. Devakīputra Śrī Krşna who is mentioned in the Yajurveda was a strict vegetarian, humanist and humanitarian. Krşņa respected the Brāhmins although he was opposed to animal sacrifices. Many Brāhmin Rsis were his admirers and friends. He was opposed to class distinctions, and treated every one with kindness and generosity. Srī Krşņa was the greatest humanitarian of his time and observed the Anekānta logic of Jainism in his life. There are verses in the Gitā to prove that he was a Jaina by faith. It is no wonder that thousands of temples are raised throughout India and worship offered to him.
Regarding inscriptions to prove the antiquity of Jainism in Tamilnādu, we have not discovered any relices which would go beyond the 3rd or 4th centuries B.C. Jainism was prevalent in Lankā as carly as the 3rd century B.C. According to the Mahavamsam of Ceylon, King Pandukabhayan, who ruled the Island from 307-377 B.C. built Pallis-Pathaśālās and monasteries—at Anuradhapuram for the use of three Jaina (Nirgrantha) asceticsJyothian, Giri and Kumbhandan. There must have been a considerable number of Sadhus and Srāvakas in Lankā at that time.

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Pandukabhyayan was a contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. These Sädhus probably belonged to the Sādhu Samgha of Madurai. There are vestiges of Jainism in Lankā despite the passing away of several centuries.
In the entire Tamil literature, I do not find any reference to the Aryan invasion of South India and the subjugation of the people. Tamilnād had been ruled by kings who were sons of the soil. There is no scriptural evidence to prove that a single North INDIAN or Aryan king had ever conquered South India in the days of yore although the Pāņdyan kings are said to be the descendants of the Pandavas. The Aryan or Brāhminic penetration into the Tamil country was a cultural conquest rather by means of weapons, bloodshed and wars. Tamilakam had never fallen under the so-called Aryan rule or conquered by Aryan invaders. Sri Rāma never conqucred Tamilnād or the South according to Vālmīki Rāmāyana. He subdued Rāvaņa, the king of Lankā to save Sītā from enslavement and death. The Samgham literature shows that the Kings of Tamilnād--the Pandyan, the Cheras, the Colas, the Pallavas and many others who ruled the country generation after generation, the father succeeding the son to the throne were sons of the soil. There were constant wars among the kings and chieftains of Tamilnād but there is no evidence to prove Tamilakam had ever been conquered by any North Indian King or invader of the Aryan lineage. The only invasion or foreign aggression mentioned in Tamil literature was that of Candragupta Maurya according to some scholars. But Candragupta did not conquer Tamilnād and enslave the people. A few Mauryas came to the borders of Tamilnād and turned back to Magadha. It might have been an expeditionary force to study the social conditions of Tamilnād. In later years, Candragupta accompanied by Bhadrabāhu came to Karṇātaka and practised penance at Belgulam in Mysore state.
According to ancient Jaina scriptures, Indian society was classified into three parts based on profession. These classifications were not based on birth, the superiority of one person over

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369 another. But the Aryan Vedic Seers divided society into four classes based on birth and not on the basis of profession. Sri Krsna who was opposed to caste and class divisions has declared in the Gītā that Varna is based on “Varņa Karma Swabhāvaja”, on profession character and actions. The declartion of Krsna agrees with the dictim of Rsabha and Jaina interpertation of Arya and Anārya found in the scriptures. The Dravidian and Aryan conflict on the battlefield is completely absent in the history of Tamilnād.
The word Arya denoted a saintly person, an ideal man or an Uttama Purusa who led the virtuous way of life. Mahāvīra and the Buddha were called Aryans, the embodiments of unimpeachable and highest virtues. They were called Mahā Brāhmaņas of the 6th century B.C. Jaina nuns are described in the holy scriptures as Arya Anganās. Sri Pujya Pāda, in his Sarvārtha Siddhi, the oldest extant commentary on the Tattvārtha Sutra has classified mankind into two divisions: Aryans and Anāryans. The civilized and the cultured, were Aryanas and Anāryans were barbarians. The Buddha has named his four noble truths as the four Āryan truths. Ādi Bhagavān Rsabha was a son of the soil and not a foreigner. He was the son of King Nābhi, the 14th law-maker of India. The celebrated kings of ancient India Ikşvakus, Raghus and Yadus were descendants of Rsabha. They were not foreigners but sons of the soil. The words Ārya, Dāsa or Dasyu found in the Rig Veda do not mean two separate tribes or races. There is no such classification of Aryans as a distinctive community of invaders or foreign aggressors and Dasyus, the conquered aboriginals, the slaves of the conqueror. The classification is based on profession, learning and character of the person. The Gītā has explained Varņa in the right way. Śri Arabindo has declared that the Aryan invasion of India is a myth and has no foundation whatsoever in the Sanskrit classical literature,
A comparative study of Jaina, Vedic, Vaişņavaite and Saivaite scriptures in Sanskrit and Tamil will prove that many ethical
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and philosophical concepts and also verses from Jaina scriptures have been included in many of the scriptures of Hinduism. The late Dr. Das Gupta, Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Religions, Sanskrit college, Calcutta has expressed this view in his learned writings. This view will be found correct if only we compare some of the Jaina ancient scriptures with those of Hinduism.
The ancient culture of Tamilnād is rooted on Jainism is an historical truth which can not be controverted by any one who has properly studied the religious history of India. The foundations of Indian culture are: Ahimsā, Karunā and MaitrīNon-violence, Compassion and Universal benevolence-originally expounded by Bhagavān Rşabha father of human culture and civilization. Tamilnād had been a notable centre of Rsabha Dharma from time immemorial.

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Klaus Bruhn (Freie Universität Berlin)
There is a wide-spread opinion-more often implied than explicitely expressed-that the iconography of Jainism is not very rich. Such a prejudice is nourished by the practice of including without much enthusiasm a few photos of Jina-images in books on Indian art and of leaving it at that. It is only recently that the discovery of the Jaina bronzes of Western India and their presentation to the world of scholars by DR. UMAKANT P. SHAH have to some extent changed the situation. We have to admit that Buddhist art as well as Hindu art have produced more motifs than the art of Jainism. However, this difference in respect of degree does not justify sweeping judgements. It would of course not be quite correct to say that Jaina iconography is rich simply because in addition to the Jinas many Jaina deities are represented. No doubt this is an important element in Jaina iconography. But one should not overlook the fact that the Jina iconography (iconography of the Tirthankaras or Jinas as distinct from the iconography of Jaina deities) shows in itself much more variety than is generally assumed1. Unfortunately such a statement cannot be substantiated in a short article. Nevertheless, the reader will feel that in the present inquiry two themes are interwoven, one more general (variety in the iconography of the Jina Parsvanatha), one more specialized (a peculiar type of Pārsvanatha-image). Before setting forth the argument I would like to thank DR. GRITLI VON MITTERWALLNER (Munich University) for a few valuable suggestions.
1. KLAUS BRUHN, The Jina-Images of Deogarh, E.J. Brill Leiden (1969), pp. 3-4. Below, this book will be referred to as "Deograh monograph" or (in the case of quotations) as Deogarh.

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I. “Main Divisions":
In $ 233 of the Deogarh monograph (footnote 1, p. 371) it was pointed out that quite a few Parśava-images do not follow the iconographic conventions. Several photos of such images were included in the book. In what follows I shall return to the same discussion.
Every student of Indian art knows that Pārsvanātha is represented with a "serpent-demon” or nāga behind his back. The nāga is Dharañendra, well-known from the legend of Parśvanātha as narrated in Hemacandra's Trişastiśalākāpurusacaritra, in Guņabhadra's Uttarapurāņa, and in other works of Jaina literature. The presence of the Dharanendra motif "attracted" other nāga motifs, and apart from this, the way in which Dharapendra was represented varied a good deal. Furthermore, it would appear that the iconography of Pārsvanātha deviates also in other respects from the iconography of the other twenty-three Jinas. For such deviations we shall use the term "peculiarities" (divisions i-iv below). Besides there are "irregularities”. This term is employed if an individual Pārsva-image ignores either the canon of Parśva iconography (division v) or the canon which is valid for all the Jinas (division vi). An exact definition of the terms used and a full explication of the scheme is not attempted.
(i) The peculiarity of the image consists mainly of the
*hood-circlel, but this is rendered in a conventional manner. The *snake-coils behind the back of the Jina are either indicated in a cursory manner or they are missing altogether. See Deogarh Fig. 225.
(ii)
The image shows one or more of the following peculiarities: unconventional hood-circle and/or pronounced snake-coils and/or other nāga motifs. E.g. compare Deogarh Figs. 338-341.
Terms marked with an asterisk-some are self-explanatory, some notare explained in the Deogarh monograph, See in particular Chapter 1 and the Index of Terms.

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(iii) The image shows, in addition to Dharanendra and other naga motifs, elements which are merely connected with nāga iconography.
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(iv) The image shows, in addition to Dharanendra etc., elements which are not even connected with naga iconography.
(v) The image shows irregularities vis-à-vis the rules of Parsva iconography. E.g. compare Deogarh Fig. 260: Parsva without hood-circle, but flanked by two theriomorphous nägas.
(vi) The image shows irregularities vis-à-vis the rules of Jina iconography in general. E.g. compare Deogarh § 233: rock-cut image showing Parsva seated and holding a book in his hands.
It is necessary to add a few words on the difference between division (iii) and division (iv). The "Rsi" to be discussed in the following Section clearly belongs to (iv), whereas the single jar or kalasa appearing in rare cases below Parsva is a naga motif and must be classified as (iii)1. The female parasol-bearer with a snake-hood (Deogarh § 78), on the other hand, cannot easily be classified. The figure reprsents Dharanendra's wife as mentioned in the Parsva legend. Female parasol-bearers with and without snake-hoods are, however, very common in Indian iconography, and in relation to this context it would be difficult to spot the exact source. Thus we arrive at the typical situation of rivalling explanations: a matter-of-fact explanation on the basis of literature and a zigzag line of associations on the basis of art (also compare Deogarh § 262).
For practical reasons it was necessary in the above discussion to ignore the little-known iconography of Supārśva (the seventh
1.
Compare U. P. SHAH, Studies in Jaina Art (Banaras 1955), Fig. 38 (image from Bankura) with the relevant examples from the iconography of the Hindu goddess Manasa. E.g. R. D. BANERJI, Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture, Pl. 64 b-d.

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Jina) who is likewise represented with a hood-circle. It is said that Paréva (the twenty-third Jina) is shown with seven hoods, whereas Supārsva has only five. This is confirmed for example by a few imags at Deogarh showing side by side one Jina with seven and one Jina with five snake-hoods. "Seven" is the normal number for Pārsva, and there cannot be any doubt that, in these cases, the other Jina is Supārsva. However, we would overload the discussion of Pārsva's iconography by regularly taking the iconography of Supārýva into consideration.
The title of the present Section is "main divisions”. In other words, the six divisions (i-vi) are not just an effort to prepare a table of contents for an essay on the iconography of Parśvanātha, but are intended to demonstrate a specific category. The total number of Pārsva-images must be considerable. We may content ourselves with an identification and stylistic classification of all these images. But this would not give an adequate idea of the extent of variation: quite different images may all show one and the same Jina (e.g. Parśva) or one and the same god. Even Parsva-images following more or less the same style may vary considerably in their iconography. All this is lost sight of if we look only for identity-and-style. Likewise we cannot organize this material on the basis of *types. In the Deogarh monograph, much importance was attached to this category, and it is certainly indispensible in many contexts. However, it neglects the meaning and therefore separates Pārsva-images of different form from one another, while connecting the standard form of the seated Pārsva with images showing the seated Buddha sheltered by the nāga Mucilinda. The common sense category "main division", on the other hand, keeps all Pārsva-images together, and yet helps us to arrange this material and to obtain an overall view. It is natural that, in itself, a new category calls for some definition and clarification, but this cannot be achieved in the context of the present investigation. It cannot even be demonstrated that the emphasis on "main divisions" is more than a commonplace. The reader is, however, referred to p. 372 below where we use the term “main divisions" again (in connection

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with the Navagrahas). The distinction between "Parsvas" and "non-Parsvas" (frequently employed in the Deogarh monograph) is also a case in point. The assumed "competition" between different categories ("identification", "style", "type", "main division") may appear rather theoretical to the reader. However, categorization is not a monopoly of philosophers and grammarians, some such efforts being also necessary in the study of iconography.
II. Three Untypical Images of Pārsvanatha:
The peculiarity to be discussed with respect to these images consists in the presentation to the proper left of Pārsvanatha of a figure which we shall designate as "Ṛsi" (seer). This has been traced on two images (Figs. 1 and 7) and on a small doorframe panel (Fig. 6, for brevity's sake we use the term "image" in this case as well). The "Rsi" has the *hand-attributes.
abhayamudrā (+/- akṣamālā) / kamaṇḍalu protection-affording hand-pose (+/- rosary) / jar.
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Further characteristics: The Rsi is as tall as (and "isocephalous" with) Pārsva. The composition is asymmetrical in so far as there is no figure corresponding to the Rsi on the other side. The Rși appears on Parsva's proper right. His legs are crossed.
The first image (Figs. 1-2) is housed in a temple near Golakot (details on Golakot in Section VII). As the general characteristics of the Rs have been enumerated already and will be subjected to further scrutiny in the following Section III, we shall mention in the present context only features of the image which are not included in the above list. In treating the image, we shall distinguish between the Rṣi-composition and the Pārsva-composition.
(i) Pārsva is shown with curls, and the head is topped by a lotus. Immediately above the forehead there is a small area of untwisted hair. For the terms (*usnīṣa-lotus, *curls, *Deogarhformula for the *untwisted hair) refer to Deogarh Chapter I and § 204 (Chapter 12). In the case of the Rsi, the top of the head

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is broken, but the extant portion shows no deviation from the Pārśva figure. Whether the curls are an essential feature of the Rși cannot be decided on the basis of our limited material.... (ii) The lotus appearing in the *parikara-top of the Rși-composition (immediately above the garland held by the two celestial couples) serves as *central object. Lotuses as central objects are common, but they follow more than one *formula. A parallel to our formula is supplied by two rock-cut images (showing Brahmā and Siva respectively) at Rakhetra-Gadhelna, about a day's journey from Golakot (Deogarha Fig. 390: Map of Madhya Desa). The Sivaimage has been published by CALEMBUS SIVARĀMAMURTI in Ancient Indra No. 6 (1950) on Pl. 25 C. ... (iii) *Garland-bearing couples—one to the left and one to the right, each holding a garlandare common in Jaina iconography and elsewhere. There are, however, also cases where a single garland is held by the two couples. One example is furnished by the present image, another by a Jina-image at Deograh (Deogarh Fig. 204). . . . (iv) On the Rşi's chest the *śrīvatsa-mark is shown. Representation of Jaina gods (i.e. of male deities) are not very common, and it is therefore not possible to say whether the srivatsa-mark was prescribed for them. On the raised hand of the Rsi a palmmark (stylized lotus-flower) is visible. See Deogarh $ 209 (palmlotus in Jina iconography). . . . (v) For a highly artistic image of the medieval period it is unusual to have a plain *pedestal. In the present case, it is not difficult to see why this is so. For the artist apparently did not know which motif would suit the Rsi; the iconographic programme for the Rși was incomplete. ... (vi) Pārsva has *lateral strands. Originally, only Rsabha (the first Jina) was shown with *strands, whereas the other twenty-three Jinas had curls (and only curls)--at least we do not possess counter-evidence for the early periods. Later on the situation changed (Deogarh $265). Leaving aside the—*earlymedieval period, we can say that in the *medieval period strands (i.e. *lateral strands) are quite common in the case of images clearly showing other Jinas than Rsabha. This includes Pārsva-images (distinguished from Rsabha-images by virtue of the hood-circle in a very conspicuous manner), and our image is

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a good example of this. See Deogarh $$ 190 and 186. . . . (vii) The *Yaksa on Pārsva's proper right is *Gomukha. The figure has the head of a bull, and its hand-attributes are probably abhaya/ kamandalu (e.g. compare Deogarh Fig. 195). The *Yakşí on the opposite side remains invisible in our photograph (unfortunately I have not made any note of this figure). The presence of Gomukha on a Pārsva-image is unexpected. No doubt, the system of Yaksas and Yaksīs was not yet fully developed in those days. It would nevertheless appear that Gomukha was already recognized as an attribute of Rşabha and that, in the *medieval period, the bull-headed Gomukha was more or less concomitant with Rşabha's distinguishing mark, the bull-* cihna. See Deogarh $ 181. . . . (viii) It seems that the representation of Pārsva's snake-cihna did not become popular in Madhya Desa before the very end of the medieval period. Its absence on the present image is therefore not unexpected. See Deogarh $ 264. ... (ix) Our image is a combination of two compositions shown side by side without much coordination. An attempt to bracket the two compositions together is apparent only in the *parikara-top: the *tritírthikā (or shall we say "tritīrthika'?) is the crowning member of the entire image: a seated Jina flanked by two standing Jinas. Those who study even the minor details of an image will also notice that the two inner *double-leaves of the two compositions are represented side by side and in identical manner (appearing in the area between the two garland-bearing on the inner sides of the compositions). ...(x) The iconography of the *parikaras (elements surrounding the main figure) of Jaina figures other than finas was largely influenced by the parikaras of the Jina-images (e.g. compare the Sarasvati-image Deogarh Fig. 244). However, the rigid iconographic rules did not permit unrestricted borrowing. Differences had to be made, and the areas of differentiation were mainly the *pedestal and the *central object. See for example the image Deogarh Fig. 210 which combines an *ācārya-composition with three Jina-compositions. In the present case, we see a plain pedestal and a lotus in the case of the Rsi, a *lion-throne and a triple-parasol-top M.M.-48

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plus drum in the case of Pārsva. By contrast, the double-leaf has been transferred without hesitation from the Jina to the Rsi.
The two remaining images (Figs. 6 and 7) belong to Deogarh. The context of the panel in Fig 6 is clear from Fig. 4 showing the entire outer door-frame. The intermediate Fig. 5 shows the temple (Deogarh Temple No. 18) with two pillars mānastambhas in front of it. Some information on the temple was given in the Deogarha monograph (pp. 40-41, pp. 43 foll., P. C. MUKHERJI's plan in Fig. 1). Very little can be said about the small panel, except that it answers to the basic list of characteristics given above. The akşamālā is missing, but this may be due to the small size which sometimes involves iconographic simplification. (Probably the strands of medieval miniature-Jinas have also to be explained by technical factors, the incision of parallel lines being easier than the rendering of minute curls; Deogarha $ 298 A.) The head of the Rşi is crowned with a *mukuţa.
During the time of my visits, the image of Fig. 7 lay amongst numerous debris near the eastern gateway of the *rampart. The piece is badly mutilated and both hand-attributes of the Rsi have disappeared. The crossed legs and the character of the entire image nevertheless leave no doubt as to the connection of the figure with the Rșis of Figs. 1 and 6. Note the miniatureJina at the top of the image a motif which is reminiscent of the tritírthikā on the Golakot image. The hovering figures, serving as it were as attendant figures of Pārśva, are unusual. The image belongs to the medieval period, but it is not possible to narrow down its date.
III. Parallels?
As observed already, the term "Rşi” is not very appropriate in the case of our figure. But it is justifiable in so far as the "Rşi” belongs to the wide range of figures commonly identified as "rsi” and well-known inter alia from early Varāha-images. The Planets or Grahas (here used in the sense of all Grahas except

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the pseudo-Planets Rahu and Ketu) also show a close affinity to the rṣi-type, and by coincidence the Grahas Sani (Saturn) as shown on many door-lintels in Madhya Deśa looks almost exactly like our Rși. Generally speaking, the Grahas appear either seated or standing. In the latter case we get the following "main divisions" when considering their postures:
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(i) All Grahas have straight legs.
(ii) All Grahas except Budha (Mercury) and Sani have straight legs.
(iii) All Grahas except Sani have straight legs.
An additional difference, due to the fact that Surya (Sun) was exempted from the stylistic trend towards the *tribhanga posture, can be neglected. In the case of division (iii) we get two subdivisions: either Sani's lameness (he is the slowest of all the planets known in antiquity) is represented in a fairly realistic manner (formula A) or his lameness is indicated by crossed legs which serve as an "ideogram" (formula B). Whatever the hairdress or head-dress of the Grahas, their hand-attributes often follow the description of our Rṣi: abhaya (akṣamālā rendered but rarely in a clear manner)/kamaṇḍalu. Now the formula B is quite common in the medieval art of Madhya Deśa. Also the Grahas (ignoring Surya) are hardly distinguished from one another in these cases, each one showing as a rule abhaya/kamandalu. Hence the similarity between the Rși and contemporary renderings of Sani. The reader will find a detailed study of the Navagrahas in an article by DEBALA MITRA1 which was also utilized by us for the above survey.
Numerous types have been derived from the original rși-type; again we observe crossed legs with types of entirely different character, although such legs seem to be particularly common in the case of attendant figures. However, both "families" (rsi-types, types with crossed legs) do not show much overlapping,
1. A Study of Some Graha-Images of India . . . (Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. 7, Calcutta 1965, pp. 13 foll.).

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and it was under the circumstances not possible to find true relatives of our Rşi. Leaving aside Sani, the closest parallel found was an image lying amongst the debris of Budhi Chanderi (Fig. 8, piece to the left; for the location of the site refer to Deogarh Fig. 390). Here a seated Saiva ascetic is shown together with an attendant figure appearing on his proper left. However, the legs are not crossed in the true sense, and the hands are badly damaged. Probably the raised right hand of the attendant figure carried a fly-whisk or cámara. On the other hand, the general arrangement of the two figures is strongly reminiscent of our three images with Pārsva and the Rşi.
IV. “Heraldic” Figures:
In Indian art, the main figure of an image is very often surrounded by other figures of smaller size, which shall be designated as "subsidiary figures" even though they may have the same rank as the central figure (from the point of view of their meaning). In most cases, some of these figures have names and can be identified. The others remain anonymous. If these anonymous figures are not purely decortive in character they may be interpreted by reference to an apparent or assumed function. The two following sentences demonstrate the character of modern interpretations: "Indeed, the emotion with which the god and his goddess are gazing at each other affects all the figures, both human and divine, privileged to behold the spectacle. Not only the donors and chowry bearers, but the hovering swarm of Siva's hosts, the heavenly musicians, are filled with exalted bliss." For the ancient iconographic texts the problems of comprehensive and rational descriptions and interpretations hardly existed. The authors concentrated on figures with a name, and even these were mainly described, references to their connection with the main figure being not the rule. The standard phrase used is "kuryāt” or “kārayet” which simply indicates that the artist is expected to represent such and such a figure.
Number and character of the subsidiary figures depend partly on the style of the image, partly on the iconographic section.

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FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON THE ICONOGRAPHY ... 381 Thus the iconographic programme of Vişņu-images is mostly different in character from the programme of Siva-images. The iconography of the Jina-images is characterised inter-alia by the presence of a smaller or greater number of miniature-Jinas surrounding the main Jina. Many of the remaining figures appearing on the images can be explained by reference to ancient descriptions of the preaching Jina as supplied by numerous works (Vyantarāḥ . . . pañcavarṇāni puspāņi sugandhíny akiramś ca te: the gods showered flowers on the earth). However, the figures covered by such descriptions are not necessarily a peculiarity of the Jina iconography. Instead of entering into a long discussion of the subsidiary figures in Jina iconography we shall try to classify them. It may be added that this classification in a way supplements (on a more abstract level) the exposition of the category “main divisions”. These are the classes:
(i) Miniature Jinas (tritīrthikās etc.). (ii) Functional or purely decorative figures (if found mainly
or exclusively in the iconography of the Jinas): cāmara-bearers, lions of the lion-throne, etc.
(iii) Functional or purely decorative figures (if not restric
ted to the iconography of the Jinas): *throne-frame
animals, hovering genii, etc. (iv) “Heraldic" figures. See below. (v) *Yakşa-and-Yakṣī. See Deogarh, pp. 25-26.
Class (iv) calls for a comment. The concept of "heraldic” figures was developed with regard to our Rși although this is by no means a very important instance. Also, the Rsi is not a subsidiary figure in the sense in which we employ this term. But in order to explain the term "heraldic" it was practical to submit a classification of the subsidiary figures as found in Jina iconography. It is easier to explain the meaning of the term "heraldic” in such a specific context than to isolate the relevant figures from the general pantheon of Indian iconography.

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Heraldic figures have an identity (i.e. a name) or not; they may be closely associated with a particular figure (e.g. Pārsva) or not. What distinguished them is the fact that they belong to an intermediate zone between such figures as show a clear theological connection with the main figure (e.g. Yaksa-and-Yaksi in the case of the Jina) and figures which have no theological character at all (e.g. câmara-bearers). This is a definition with regard to subsidiary figures, and here the Navagrahas appearing on many images (Jina-images and others) are one of the best examples. A general definition is difficult, and we shall therefore content ourselves with an enumeration of typical cases in Indian iconography. Apart from the Navagrahas we can mention the following: Ganesa, Lakşmī, Sarasvatī, Garuđa (i.e. Garuda without Vişnu), Gangā, Yamunā, several nāga motifs (including the worshipping nāga transferred from the Kāliyadamana motif to various avatāra motifs: Gajendramokşa, Nșsimha, Trivikrama, Varāha). Some motifs are almost invariably “heraldic”, others only in certain contexts. The term "heraldic" has been chosen without much consideration for its current meaning. This is in no way intended to exclude the employment of an alternative term.
V. Syntax:
The present article offers an opportunity to re-examine some of the theoretical sections of the Deogarh monograph, and as the matter in question shows some analogy to syntactical problems in language we have chosen the above heading.
In the first instance, the present inquiry offers an opportunity to supplement Deogarh $ 233 (unconventional Pārsva-images) by a more systematic discussion of the issue. Again, a few elements of our article simply confirm observations made in the Deogarh monograph. Compare Section II (point x) with Deogarh $ 293: rigidity of iconographic conventions. The Rși is a *contribute of Pārsva in the sense of Deogarh $ 297. The description of the Golakot image in Section II is a demonstration for Deogarh $ 321: necessity of distribution data in the description of isolated images.

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383
The main difference between the Deogarh monograph and the present article is that the latter gives greater emphasis to meaning (as opposed to mere form). This takes shape mainly through the introduction of the category of “main divisions"acting as a rival of the category *type. See Deogarh § 277 (*figuretype) and $ 280 (*motif-type; refer also to 99 281-82). Again, the classification in Section IV acts as a rival of the category *system in certain connections (Deogarh $$ 320 and 262). Finally, the greater consideration given to meaning affects the problem of documentation. In the Deogarh monograph, normal "inventories" were proposed for monuments in general (98 6 and 324). However, "type" was always used in a strictly formal sense. Therefore the chapter on Methods for Practice did include some remarks on the scope for surveys in the field of the category *type, ( 318), but the common sense terms "Jina type” or “Pārsva type” had no place in the methodological system of the book. Thus the most practical and simplest approach to iconographical documentation was not even mentioned. The Section that follows will perhaps compensate this omission to some extent.
VI. Documentation:
In Archaeology, documentation has more than one possible form: lists of sites, lists of monuments, museum catalogues, lists of photographs. Such inventories may or may not include photographic material. Photographs are found in public and private collections. As far as early Indian art is concerned, most of the important objects have been "published" (i.e. illustrated by good photographs). After the Kusāna and Gupta periods the percentage of published objects diminishes. Amongst the most neglected materials are the numerous images and architectural pieces scattered all over Madhya Deśa and belonging to the post-Gupta”, "early-medieval" or "medieval periods. Below we give a list of published and unpublished photographs relevant to the iconography of Pārsvanātha, the theme here under discussion. The list may cover nine tenths of the published and a fraction of the unpublished photographs. The reader will be able to

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judge for himself how many Pārsva-images have not even been photographed (Section VII below). Photographs of sculptured cubes or *caumukhas having Pārsva on one of their four sides are not considered if they show one of the other sides. What is understood by “Madhya Desa" will be seen from the placenames quoted.
(i) Published photographs. K. BRUHN Deogarh: Figs. 22, 36-43, 85, 87, 98, 99 A, 100, 126, 133, 139, 149-50, 167-68, 18384, 198, 205-06, 225-26, 231-32, 238, 243, 260 (read “a-typical” instead of "a typical”), 264-65, 340. All the illustrations mentioned show images at Deogarh.-JAS, BURGESS, The Ancient Monuments ... of India, Part II, London (no year), Pl. 219 (Kahāon).-A. K. COOMARASWAMY, History of Indian and Indonesian Art (Kušāņa image of Pārsva, Mathura).-K. FISCHER Caves and
Temples of the Jains (1957), photo showing broken images at Gyaraspur.-H. VON GLASENAPP, Die Literaturen Indiens (1929), Fig. 14 (Gwalior).- Indian Art (Victoria and Albert Museum 1969), PL. 8 (Gyaraspur).- Indian Archaeology 1959/60, Pl. 60D (Rohtak District).-The Indore State Gazetteer, Vol. II Archaeology (1931), Pl. opp. p. 58 (Pura-Gilana).–K. B. IYER, Indian Art (1958), Pl. 45 (Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras).-Mahāvīra Jayantī Smārikā opp. 132 (Jaipur), opp. p. 220 (Sanganer).-A. C. and B. L. NAHTA Bikānera Jaina Lekha Samgraha (vīrābda 2482), opp. p. (112) (Bīkāner), opp. p. 1 (Bīkāner), opp. p. 160 (Bīkāner), opp. p. 409 (Amarsar).-PRATAPADITYA PAL, Aspects of Indian Art (1972), Pl. 26 (Patnā).-PRAMOD CHANDRA. Stone Sculptures in the Allahabad Museum (1970), Pl. 100 (Gurgi, Rewa District).-RAJASTHAN MUSEUMS (catalogues published before the series of 1960/61). Bharatpur, Pl. 24 (Bachhaina), 25, 32 (Brahmabad). Bíkāner, Pl. 28 right (Amarsar). Jodhpur, Pl. 4. Udaipur, Pl. 30 (Bigod). V. A. SMITH The Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathutrā (1901), PI. 10 (U. P. SHAH, Studies in Jaina Art, 1955, Fig. 12), Pl. 17, 2(=U. P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Fig. 88), Pl. 90, 2.SRI MAHĀVIRA JAINA VIDYALAYA, Ācārya Vijayavallabhasūri Smāraka Grantha (1956), Hindi Section, opp. p. 64 (Udayagiri, Cave No. 20).
SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA VIDYĀLAYA, Suvarnamahotsava Grantha (1968),

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FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON THE ICONOGRAPHY..
English Section, opp. p. 217 (Mahoba).—The Voice of Ahinsa, Lord Mahavira Special Number (1956), opp. p. 107 (Mathura).
(ii) Unpublished photographs. K. BRUHN: Nos. 56 (Siron Khurd), 66 (Siron Khurd), 278 (Pachrai), 350 (Chanderi), 425 (Golakot), 429 (Golakot), 785 (Deogarh), 864 (Deogarh,= Deogarh, Image No. 104), 1057 (Deogarh), 1076 (Deogarh,= Deogarh, Image No. 41), 1233 (Deogarh), 1258 (Deogarh,= Deogarh, Image No. 105), 1323 (Deogarh, Deogarh, Image No. 68), 1421 (Deogarh, Deogarh, Image No. 26), 1447 (Deogarh,= Deogarh, Image No. 101), 1452 (Deogarh, Deogarh, Image No. 119), 1682 (Deogarh, see Deogarh § 233, image with bird-cihna), 1801 (Deogarh, Deogarh, Image No. 288), 1875 (Deogarh), (general No.) 1963 (Deogarh, Temple No. 1), 2308 (Gwalior, see Deogarh 233, Parsva with book), 2605 (Indore), 2609 (Indore), 2915 (Gyaraspur), 3111 (Dudahi), 3144 (Budhi Chanderi), 3161 (Budhi Chanderi), 3179 (Budhi Chanderi), 3206 (Budhi Chanderi). -DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY, Central Circle, Bhopal: 24.1954 and 25.1954 (Bhojpur).-DIRECTOR OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND MUSEUMS, Madhya Pradesh Government, Gwalior: 482 (Gwalior), 2115 (Budhi Chanderi).-DIRECTOR GENERAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA: 71/60 and 72/60 (Raipur Museum), 1677/60 (Khajuraho Museum). -G. VON MITTERWALLNER (Udayagiri, Cave No. 1), (Udayagiri, Cave No. 20, rock-cut image), (Udayagiri, Cave No. 20 = above Vijayavallabhasur S. G.).-MUSEUM OF INDIAN ART BERLIN: KH 38 (5) and KH 38 (9), Deogarh.-U. P. SHAH: (Parsva attacked by demons-image in the Indian Museum, Calcutta)
(iii) There are more Jina-images in the Mathura Museum than in any other collection. See V. S. AGRAWALA Mathura Museum Catalogue, Pt. III, Jaina Tirthankaras and Other Miscellaneous Figures, Lucknow 1952 (U. P. Historical Society). Pārsva-images not listed separately in this publication but designated as such. Reproductions, however, are not included in the book. VII. Forgotten Images:
are
1

385
*
The image shown in Figs. 1-2 was noticed in a structure near Golakot, two miles south-west of Gudar (Deogarh Fig. 390) M.M.-49
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Both Golakot and Gudar (Goodar) are situated in the Picchora Tahsil (Shivpuri District, Gwalior Division, Madhya Pradesh). See the District Census Handbook (1961) for the Shivpuri District (map etc.). Apart from the outer and inner door-frames, the building has no architectural embellishment. It rises on a squarish plan and has two rooms, an oblong "garbhagrha" in the rear (reached by the inner doorway) and a larger room in front (reached by the outer doorway). For this type of structure compare Temple No. 3 at Deogarh (eastern section and western section before the erection of the present temple; Deogarh Fig. 1). The central part of the inner lintel is reproduced in Fig. 3. It shows a Jina on the dedicatory block, while the Navagrahas appear to the left and to the right on the lintel proper. The garbhagrha houses 19 images, and 17 are kept in the room in front. The style of the images corresponds more or less to that of the *Hovering Class (Deogarh Chapter 12 and $ 256). A few images reflect later stylistic developments, and this is particularly true of the image of the *sacred couple (parents of the Jina) standing in the front room. Two images show non-Jinas (sacred couple standing, Cakreśvarī seated), our image shows a Jina and a nonJina, and the remaining pieces show seated (9) or standing (24) Jinas. As usual, the seated images are more elaborate than the standing ones. Especially noteworthy is the seated Jina-image in the middle of the garbhagrha (in Fig. 3 dimly visible below the dedicatory block). The protruding knees (i.e. knees protruding beyond the cushion) are a common feature of this image and of the Jina on the dedicatory block. None of the images shows an inscription, and this is also true of the structure itself.Remains of another Jaina temple were noticed nearby. This was not a plain building but followed the architectural design of the period, having projections etc. No images were found, but the richly carved lintel showed Jinas alternating with goddesses: J-[G]-)--[G]-1-[G]-5-[G]-J-[G]-J.
It would be tempting to write a separate article on the Jaina remains at Golakot. However, my photographic material is far from complete. The present location of the images is also not

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387
known to me, but they certainly suffered during the notorious activities of art-robbers in 1959, so that a complete survey is no longer possible. Moreover, some of the best pieces have been published by now: a seated Rşabha (Deogarh Figs. 213, 213A, 213B) the seated Cakreśvarī (Deogarh Fig. 227), the Jina-Rși-image, the central part of the inner door-frame. Thus Golakot was, is, and will remain a forgotten site, only known to or remembered by the members of the Jaina communities in the nearby settlements of Khaniadhana, Gudar and Pachrai. Archaeological reports supply but scanty information on the place.
Readers of the Deogarh monograph will remember that the necessity of adequate preservation measurements and of adequate surveys was underlined on more than one occasion. We mentioned above that the "documentation" in Section VI was far from complete. Here we can only add a few general remarks. Scattered Jaina images (mainly Jina-images) are found all over Madhya Desa. They could be brought to safer places. However, such modern migrations of mūrtis already involve a certain loss: the piece is separated from its original local context. Clusters of mūrtis which belong together may be separated, while pieces of different provenance are placed side by side in the museums. It would be possible to keep records of the find-spots, but only very accurate notes could permit a full reconstruction of the artistic heritage of a particular site. Small museums on the spot and adequate measures to safeguard the temples and their mūrtis are more satisfactory from the point of view of the arthistorian, but the technical difficulties are obvious. Thus the type of measurement to be taken in each case depends on the specific situation. Complete photographic surveys of movable sculptures are carried out in some European countries to discourage art-thieves; a known picce is sold with difficulty. But the problems involved in comprehensive photographic surveys are too clear to require specification.
To illustrate the situation we shall add a few descriptions from reports. No doubt the records are old, and the present situation

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at the sites mentioned could not be checked. It is, however, unlikely that the general condition has changed considerably during the past decades. The names of the villages are—for obvious reasons-fictitious.
BHAGWANPUR: “Temple (Jaina), 11-12th Centuries A.D.On hill-top; belonging to Digambara Jaina sect. Consists of oblong shrine-room and pillared Verandah in front. The roof is flat. 26 images of Tirthankaras, without lāñchanas, lying in shrine. The central image is of Ādinātha. A pilgrim's record dated VS 1307 (A.D. 1250) on a wall.”'
DeoPUR: “... Inside is a big idol of a Tīrthankara. ... The Tīrthankara is attended by two Yaksas, and five other small figures of Tirthankaras stand in the shrine, ...a fine sculpture of a seated Pārsvanātha ... a sculpture of Ambikā ... a figure of Cakreśvarī. A number of broken images of Tirthankaras. ..."
KALYANPUR: “The other temples were dedicated to Jaina Tīrthankaras. About two dozen mutilated images of these Tirtharikaras, some seated, others standing, some inverted and lying upside down are seen scattered on the site. Judging from the style of carving of these monuments [they] may be assigned to the 10th century as the carving is fairly good. Among the images of Tírthankaras about half a dozen are those of Parsvanātha...."

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EARLIEST JAINA INSCRIPTION FROM MAHARASHTRA
H. D. Sankalia
Early in April 1968, Shri R. L. Bhide, a Superintendent in the University of Poona, showed the author an eye copy of a short Brāhmi inscription', he had discovered together with the cave, near the village of Pāle, Poona District. He further told him that the road was unapproachable even by a jeep, and one had therefore to walk for about 16 miles from the Kamshet Railway Station. This precluded immediate inspection of the cave, owing to the summer heat. Later Shri Bhide published an account of his discoveries in the Marathi newspapers. It was now imperative to see the cave, particularly because the inscription opened with an invocation Namo Arahamtānam, which I thought was a typically Jaina invocation (properly mangalācarana). During the first visit (which was made possible by the kindness, daring and skill of Shri Surajmal Sanghavi, a Jain industrialist of Poona, and the courtesy of Shri Bhide) no estampage of the inscription was taken, as the visit was arranged at a very short notice. Only a photograph of the inscription was taken, but this left the decipherment of a few letters a little doubtful. Shri Bhide also kindly accompanied the party during the second visit, when an estampage was taken by my colleague Dr. (Mrs.) Shobhana Gokhale, and photographs were taken by Shri Nagpuro. Sri P. R. Kulkarni took the measurements of the cave, and assisted in other ways.
The cave is situated about 8 miles off the main BombayPoona Road from Kamshet. Crossing the railway lines and the
1.
The inscription is being edited in the Epigraphra Indica jointly with Dr. (Mrs.) Shobhana Gokhale who has dealt with the palaeography of the inscription. A briefer version has appeared in Dharmayuga and in a publication of the Calcutta University.
389

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Indrāyaṇī river we reach by a kacca road the small village of Govitri on the stream Kundalikā. From here climbing over a broad terrace, called locally Paṭangana and leaving the village of Pāle on our right, we reach the foot of the hill from where the cave can be seen, though its slope is thickly covered by vegetation. A difficult climb takes us to the cave which is about 70 ms. high from this point, and faces the east. Like the Bhājā, Kārlā and other caves, it commands a magnificient view of the valley, for miles around: On our right the small meandering Kuṇḍalikā, and on the left the steep, bare scarp of this group of hills, which form an acute 'V'. Numerous rice fields at various levels lie in between, with their yellow and green tops making the whole scene very picturesque.
The cave is now 22 ms. 75 cms. long and 5 ms. 67 cms. broad, and 7 ms. 27 cms. high.
The ceiling is probably incomplete, as we can clearly distinguish between the finished portion and the lower unfinished portion. Further on the left hand wall of the cave, there is a cell with a bench. The cell measures 1 m. 27 cms. X 1.2 cms. X 1 m. 21 cms.
The inscription is carved on the same wall, just near the original entrance, almost at eye level, about 2 ms. from the ground level. Below is carved out a cistern (poḍhi) which is referred to in the inscription.
The inscription is carved on a specially prepared space which is about 50 cms. X 40 cms. The actual engraved area occupying an area of 39 cms. X 17 cms. It is in 4 lines, the first line containing 10 letters, the second 11 letters, the third an identical number and the fourth only 2 letters. The letters are bold and deeply carved, their average size being 3 cms.
The inscription records that Bhadanta Indarakhita caused the cave to be excavated along with the cistern together with a person who might be Kāhi or colleagues (sāhākāhi).

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EARLIEST JAINA INSCRIPTION FROM MAHARASHTRA 391
The importance of this record lies in its palaeography and still more in the invocation (Mangalācarana) and incidentally in the words kātuna(da), Indarakhita and Kāhi.
So far some 1500 early Brāhms inscriptions have been recorded.1 Of these about 350 are from the caves of Western Maharashtra. From among these, some 105 records are of the pre-Christian period from the caves of Bhājā. Bedsa, Kondane, Kuda, Kol. But it is curious that not one of these inscriptions have any invocation (really mangalăcarana) at all. The records simply say, “This is meritorious gift (dharmadeya) of so and so." Cave No. 10 at Junnar has a svastika symbol at the end of the inscription, whereas in inscription No. 11 there is a svastika symbol at the beginning as well as at the end of the inscription. In all the later records of the Sātavāhanas and the Kşaharāta Ksatrapas, appears the word "Siddham”. This is neither an invocation nor a mangalācarana in the real sense of the word. Thus we have no means to regard a cave Buddhist or of any other faith, except by its other contents and the context or the association in which it appears.
Still later, in the 6th-7th century, we have the proper invocation or mangalācarana "Om Namo Bhagavate”.
As opposed to this invocation Namo Arhantānas occurs in a definitely Jaina context on the ā yagapațas and images from the Jaina stupa at Mathura, datable to the early centuries of the Christian era, and in the inscription of Khāravela from the Udayagiri cave, Orissa, belonging to an earlier period.
This evidence is discussed at some length in view of its importance at Pāle.
In Mathura, there is an invocation to arahamta in five cases, whereas in another case, the word Siddham is added to the 1. Above, Ep. Ind., Vol. X. Appendix by Lüders and some additional inscrip
tions published in Ep. Ind., VII, XVIII. 47-74, 325-29. Above, Vol. X, Appendix, Lüders' List, No. 105-108.

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expression'. In another, the image is dedicated to arahamta.2 At Pabhosa, the cave is meant for the Kaśś piya arahamta.3
At Udayagiri, Orissa, there is a definite invocation to Arahamta and all Siddhas. And this, like Mathura, is a well accepted Jaina cave. In the next record from the same place, the cave is excavated in honour of Arahamtas.
Besides the occurrence of the full expression Namo Arahantānam in a context which is undoubtedly Jaina, the word arhat occurs 8 times, the word spelt as arahat 4 times,? ārahat twice, 8 ārahāta' and ārahat once.10
In the first group (arhat), twice it stands for Jina (37), and Nandiāvarta (47) respectively, whereas in records 59, 74, 76, 94, 83 and 103 there is an invocation to arhat or arahat, and that too in a context which leaves little doubt that a Jaina Tírthankara is meant.
No. 96 refers to the worship of Arahat.
aj o
Thus out of 35 occurrences of the word arahat and arahamta five cases are directly invocations to Arahat, exactly as in the Pāle inscription; and in another group of six cases also there is an invocation to Arahat; in two instances (96, 110), the donation is for the worship of Arahat (Jaina Tírthankara); in two cases (37, 47) the word stands for Jina. 1. Ibid., No. 116.
Ibid., No. 112. Ibid., No. 904. Ibid., No. 1345.
Ibid., No. 1346. 6. Ibid., No. 37, 47, 69, 74, 76, 83, 959. 7. Ibid., No. 59, 94, 96, 103.
Ibid., No. 78, 102. 9. Ibid., No. 78. 10. Ibrd., No. 110.

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EARLIEST JAINA INSCRIPTION FROM MAHARASHTRA
Only in one case (959), where the inscription is said to be in a Buddhist cave at Rajgir. But the actual record refers only to the worship of the images of the Arhat.1
Thus though the word Arahat means both a Jina and a Buddhist monk, still in a overwhelming majority of cases, the word stands for a Jaina tīrthanakra in the first place, or failing that Jaina monks. Very rarely it refers to the Buddha or Buddhist monks or to the Buddhist in general. Moreover, Arahat suffixed or preceded by Namo could only occur in a Jaina record, devoted to the worship of Jina, and not to Buddha. For at this early period, Buddhists did not worship Buddha in the anthropometric form, while the Jainas worshipped the Jinas or Tirthankaras. Hence it is much later than the Buddhists adopted this invocation or mangalacarana.
393
Taking all this evidence, positive and negative, viz. of the occurrence of the expression Namō Arahamta or only Arahamta or Arahata in Jaina records from Mathura, Pabhosa, and Udayagiri, and the complete absence of this expression from the early caves of Western Maharashtra, we reach an inescapable conclusion that in the Pale cave we have the earliest Jaina record in Maharashtra if relying on its palaeographical features, we place the record in the 1st century B.C.
The word Katuna, Indarakhita and Kahi need some comments.
Katuna or Katunam is explained or interpreted by Professor M. A. Mehendale as an absolutive form for Kṛtva (having done or made). For such an usage we may cite from Aśoka's CalcuttaBairat edict the expression.
A reference to the index in the Lüders' List shows that though there are some 12 personal names with the Inda as the first part but this is the first time that it is found suffixed by rakhita. This name shows, as pointed out by the first author,
1.
Luders' List No. 959 citing Cunningham., Mahabodhi, p 59 and pl. XXVII C.
M.M.-50

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394
H, D, SANKALIA
that the Bhadanta before he became a Jaina bhiksu, must have been a kşatriya and follower of the cult of Indra, which later became unpopular.
The name Kāhi also appears for the first time and would stand for Kāšī. If so, this would be the earliest epigraphical occurrence of the name Kāši or if it is read as sāhakehisaha, it will mean together with other devotees.
The cave is situated in the hitherto unknown group of hills. And there cannot be a single Jaina cave. There must be many more, which need to be searched.
The inscription from the estampage as well as from a personal examination of the text in the cave reads as follows:
Text:
(?) 7) Brent figato (-) (२) द भदंत इदरखितेन लेन (3) #TUTTET (-) Tife 7 TAIF
(%) Te. This is a form in many inscriptions from Mathura, Pabhosa and Udayagiri as discussed above. This word might be taken as an absolutive form. Cf. Sanskrit Kộtua. For a precedent we may site Abhwädetunam in Calcutta-Bairat edict of Asoka. Hulutch CII, Vol. I, p. 172. If this suggestion is not acceptable we might read the word as Katunada as a geographical name, though so far no such word for a country or a place has been known. For each of these four alternatives there is some justification. For the first alternative, we may cite the inscription No. 5 in Cave No. V from Kuda which reads:
Lenar podhr cha saha Bodhıya saha
(ASWI. Vol. IV, p. 85). If so Kāhi will stand for Käsi, a woman (disciple or a relative). In inscription No. 6 saha first appears unabbreviated, but later as sa only.
For the second interpretation, there is no early precedent. Probably the word sâdhaka never occurs so early. The word sahakahi for sākha-ka.

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H. D. Sankalia

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM,
LUCKNOW N. P. Joshi
In the collection of the Lucknow Museum, which has got a long standing of more than hundred years, there are twenty three metal images which depict Jaina teachers and divinities. With the depicted subject in view, they can be enumerated as below:
1 each
Ādinātha Pārsvanātha Chandraprabha Vimala, Kuntha Śreyānsa and śāntinātha Ambikā, two-handed Ambikā, four-handed Unidentifiod Yaksiņi Unidentified Tirthankara Some Jaina teacher Fragment of a back slab
Total
23
Out of these nineteen figures bear inscriptions on them in Devanāgarī characters and vary in dates in-between 1157 and 1595 A.D. All the inscriptions, with the exception of one, are in corrupt Sanskrit and are votive in nature. Usually, they give the names of the donors and their castes, gotras, teachers, placos and the Kings. In very few cases name of the artist also appears. The following table gives this information in a Consolidated form:
395

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Acc. No.
0.97
59.86
$59.116
59.117
60.347
G.405
Date
in
A.D.
1159
1465
1510
1513
1526
1538
Donor
Kulacandra Lakhumā
Rupai jesā, Gura
Sri Lakṣṇā,
Malhai
Sahada,
Sahajalada
Pañcayana Ganī
Harakha
Prabata,
Näringa, Läta
Teacher
Punya-Candra Vijaya Candra
Bhavasagara Suri
in Acalagaccha
Hansasūri
Māņikyasuri in Kharataragaccha
in Sanḍeragaccha
Jayati
and Gotra
Srimāla
Kūkaḍa Copadã in Ukeśa vamsa
Place
Campaka
pura
Panna or Patna?
King
Mahāsena
I
396
N. P. JOSHI

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Acc. No.
Donor
Teacher
Place
King
Date in A.D.
Jãyāti and Gotra
60.354
1560
Sahayavāra, Sirāyā
Usavala
Jina Simha- sūrī in Kharataragaccha
10
0.245
1595
Gocara gotra (?)
Habada,
Uttareśvara gotra

46.73
1405
Purņa Candra Suri
JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 397
G.80 60.354
1519
Sahaja Siha sajana Govala
Upakesa Srímāla
1519
8 39.901B 0.106
1530 1595
Paghalawāra
Citaurgarh
Mahārājā dhiraja Indra
49.227
1315
Govana Kamadei
2
Habada, Uttaresvara

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N. P. JOSHI
va.
One of the figures (Acc. No. 0.106) bears a Hindi inscription giving three couplets only. The characters are somewhat cursive but distinct. The couplets convey a few teachings only but do not have any information of historical or cultural significance.
The epigraphs generally appear on the back side of the image. They ordinarily start vertically from the left side and open with the date in Vikrama era. If the epigraph is long enough every available space has been used for engraving the letters but not always necessary in running lines. Very often space has been saved by taking recourse to abbreviations such as
for ‘mahanta' or 'pradhāna mehatā' meaning thereby
the chief of the clan. bhā. bhāryā, wife.
varsa, year. Sam. Samvata, Vikrama year. kā. Kāritam, caused to be made. pra. pratisthitam, installed. je. the month of Jyestha.
the month Phālguna.
vadya or vadi, the dark fortnight. Su.
Sukravāsara, Friday. Śre. Śreșthi, the merchant.
The oldest of the lot is the Caturvimšatika patta (Acc. No. 0.97, Fig. 1), which comes to the museum from Haridwāra and has already been published by Shri Hiranand Shastri. Many of the figures have mainly been acquired through purchase and therefore the style is the only available means for fixing up the provenance. A number of them appear to be coming from Central India and Rajasthan.
pha,
va.
With these opening remarks, let us now proceed to the images themselves,

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM. LUCKNOW 399
Tirthankara Figures: (Fig. 1)
1. Adinatha
(acc. No. 0.97, Size 28 x 18 cm., Sam. 1216 1159 A.D.)
Brass image of Tirthankara Adinatha seated in dhyāna mudrā. Effigy of bull, his lanchana, appears on the pedestal of the seat. On the left of the seat stands Gomukha Yakṣa and on the right the goddess Cakreśvari. By the side of the Jina, Bharata and Bahubali appear as Chauri bearers. Apart from the usual decorative motifs such as gaja, śārdūla, and makarī on the back slab, the figures of the twenty three Tirthankaras cover the entire field. On one of the lower most tiers of the seat are to be seen the miniature figures of the nine planets. Therein Ketu, the last one, appears as a snake which is a Digambara practice.
The image was originally moulded in several pieces which were finally put together.
On the back side of it there appears a Devanagari inscription with three lines, Its middle portion is badly worn out. Rest can be read as follows
सं. १२१६ आषाढ व ९ जनि श्रेष्ठीन प्रणमति चतुर्वंशतिकम् ।
ज्याय साम्नाय भूषणः । कुलचन्द्रो त तस्य भार्या लखुमा तत्सुताः सूप
.
The image which closely follows contemporary stone sculptures comes from Haridvāra and had been acquired for the museum on 10-10-1913.
2. Candraprabha (Figs. 2-3)
(Acc. No. 50.55; Size 12 x 7.5 cm., Sam. 1225 = 1168 A.D.)—

Brass image of Candra-prabha bearing a Chatra on head and seated on a cushioned seat supported by the two lions. In between them appears a crescent, the lanchhana of the deity. On the back slab are to be seen four Tirthankara figures. By the side of the lion-throne are seated the attendant deities
namely Śyāma and Jvalini. On the lowermost platform in front
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N. P. JOSHI
of the throne can be marked five balls, and then a crescentshaped moulding followed by four balls. This entire motif symbolically stands for the nine planets and the Sacred Wheel flanked by a deer in the centre. On some of the other figures (e.g. No. 60.354/10) the entire motif is very distinct.
There exists a small inscription on the back side of the image which runs as follows:
7.8774 ......dare a c ........ garsit tutafa
3. Pārsvanātha
(G. 34, Size 4.8 X 3.2 cm.; Sam 1414 - 1357 A.D.)
Pārsvanātha seated in dhyānamudra with the seven hooded snake canopy. The figure is almost in round. On the back which shows the snake itself there is a small epigraph. It mentions the date as Sam. 1414. A few letters following the date are not distinct.
4. Kunthanātha
(Acc. No.59.86; Size 15.8 X 10.5 cm; Sam. 1522 - 1465 A.D.)
Kunthanātha, the 17th Tīrthankara appeared seated on the cusisioned lion-throne with double arched high back. The inner arch, with chatra in centre, shows at the base two male figures wearing dhotis and standing in kā yotsarga mudra. Usually cauri bearers or some other Tirthankaras occupy this place. Over them on each side, in the middle niche appear a seated Jina and a walking elephant on the top.
In the outer arch, below each of the crocodile faced lintel ends, stands a human figure supporting the arch. In the top centre there is the Kalasa.
A jumping goat, the lanchhana of Kuntha-nātha can be noticed on the pedestal of the seat. By the side of the main seat one can notice the figures of Gandharva and Jayā, the two attendant deities.

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 401
The usual nine planet motif and the two donors appear on the lower platform. Recourse has been taken to applique silver ornamentation in shape of dots to mark the eyes, Srivatsa on chest and cushion decorations.
The inscription on the back runs as follows:
सं. १५२२ वर्षे माघ वदि १ गुरी। प्रा. ज्ञा. मं. जेसा भा० गुरापुत्रसवर्णन भा० रूपार्ह मातृपितृश्रेयसे श्री कुंथनाबिंब का० प्र० श्री साधुपूर्णिमापक्षे श्री पुण्यचन्द्रसूरिणामुपदेशेन विधिना श्रीजयचन्द्रसुरिभिः ।।
श्रीरस्तु॥ 5. Candraprabha---
(Acc. No. 59.116, Size 16 x 10.5 cm., Sam. 1567 == 1519 A.D.)
Figure of Candraprabha seated on double arched cushioned lion-throne as above, but in this case the 'cauri' bearers appear instead of the Jinas. The sāšanadevatās also occupy their usual places.
Applique silver ornamentation marks the Kalasa, sacred wheel, cushion decorations, breasts of all human figures and the eyes of the Tírthankara himself.
The Devanāgari inscription at the back can be made out as follows:
॥संवत् १५६७ वर्षे ॥ जेष्टशुदि १३ सोमे। राजाधिराजश्रीमहसेन । माता श्री लक्षणा तत्पुत्रः श्रीः श्रीः श्रीः श्रीः ॥ श्रीः॥ चन्द्रप्रभस्य बिबं कारितं ॥ मल्हाईभिघा॥ नेन कर्मक्षया ॥थं । श्रेयसेस्तु॥
6. Adinatha
(Acc.No. 59.117, Size 14.2 x 10.1 cm., Sam. 1570 == 1513 A.D.)
Figure of Adinātha seated in dhyānamudrā as No. 4 above (Acc. No. 59.86). The inscription on the back runs as follows:
। संवत् १५७० वर्षे मा (?)ध वदि ९ श्रीमालता (ज्ञा)तीय मं. सहद भा० सहजनदे पुत्र मं. त्रिवरहा श्रीवरहा श्री सुश्रावकेण भा. . . . नाथी भा. हासा काका
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N. P. JOSHI
मुख्यकुटंबयुक्तेन श्रीअचलगछेशश्रोभावसागरसूरिणामयदेशेन श्री आदिनाबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं श्री संधेन ॥ चंपकपुरे ।। श्री वा 7. Vimalanātha—(Figs. 4-5)
(Acc. No. 60.347, Size 20.5x14 cm.; Sam. 1583 = 1526 A.D.)
Figure of the thirteenth teacher Vimalanātha seated on throne with double arched back support. The decorative motifs are same as on no. 4 above with a few additions such as garland bearers and a drummer--probably devadundubhi on the umbrella. Caturmukha and Vairoti, the sasana-deratās of Vimala nātha are seen near the throne. Another four-handed seated figure just at the bottom tier calls for identification.
The figures bears a few applique silver dots on the back also. The record here goes as follows
॥सं. १५८३ वर्षे ज्येष्टसुदि १३ उकेशवंशे कूकडाचोपडागोत्रे मं. गणीयाभार्या तासू पुत्र मं. पंचायणेन पन्न (?) वास्तव्यं भा-कूअरि पुत्र मं. मंगलादिसहितेन पुण्यार्थ श्री विमलनाथ बिंबं कारित प्र० श्रीखंरतरगछे श्री जिनहंससूरिपट्टे श्री श्री श्री जिनमाणिक्यसूरिमिः स्वश्रेयोर्थ च कारिता ॥
8. Adinātha—
(Acc. No. G. 405; Size 8.8 x 10.21; Sam. 1595 = 1538 A.D.)
Figures of Adinātha seated on cushioned throne with double arched back support. Upper portion of the brass image is now missing. In style and decorations, the figure when complete, must have resembled no. 4 (Acc. No. 59.86) above.
The inscription on the back is also not very complete. Whatever remains seems to run as follows:
॥सं० १५९५ वर्षे ।। वेशाष सुदि ३ सोमे उ० मं० . . . भा० हरष मं० परबत भा० तारिग भात्र लातानि मत्रा श्री आदिनाथ बिंबं कारित प्रतिष्ठितं श्री संडेरगछे . . . . . . . . ज • • • • • •
The object was acquired in the museum on 8-11-38.

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 403
9. Sāntinātha
(Acc. No. 60.354/10; Size 15.1 X 10 cm.; Sam. 1617 = 1560 A.D.)---
Brass image showing Sāntinātha, the sixteenth preceptor in sitting attitude. The image, so far its decorations and motifs are concerned, resembles no. 4(59.86) above with addition of a four handed seated female figure at the bottom. Comparatively this brass is in better state of preservation.
The inscription at the back runs as follows:
।। संवत्त १६१७ वर्ष पोस वदि १ गुरु उसवल न्यातीय सा. सह्यवार भार्या सिरायादे पुत्र सा.सकलचंद्र लधा जसा रता युतेन स्वश्रेयस श्री शांतिनाथ बिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं श्री खरतरगछे श्री जिनसिहसूरिभि श्रीरस्तु 10. Sreyānisanātha
(Acc. No. 0.245, Size 6.3 X 4.6 cm., Sam. 1652 = 1595 A.D.)
Tírthařkara scated cross legged on a cushioned three legged Effigy of rhinoceros. His lāñchana—is seen on the pedestal infront of which appear three letters, which could not be deciphered. Inscription on the back of the seat goes as follows:
सं. १६५२ भाद्रसुदि १ गोयर (ल? ) गोत्रे सामे राज प्रणमति
The image came to the museum on 21-12-1917. 11. Caturvimšati patta--
(Acc. No. 0.106; Size 23 x 19 cm.; Sam. 1652 – 1595 A.D.)—
Solid image in bold relief showing twenty-four teachers together, the central one being Pārsvanātha seated on a high seat. At the two corners near the base are seen the cauribearers standing cross-legged and at the top is a small umbrella.
The Hindi inscription starts on the back, but covers all the four sides of the pedestal. It obviously contains a number of mistakes.

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N. P. JOSHI
The record runs as follows:
पचेस्टा ( प्रतिष्ठा ) संवत् १६५२ माराजाधिराज चीतोरगटका काल करत आज कर आज करना अब ओ सखि ताजा तन दमन दे ध्यान दे रखियो धरम बचाय कर । कुधर्मके कारणो सरवस दियो गवाय प्राण जाय तो जाने दे रखियो धरम बचाय । (न) ही सोच निज ह्रिदयमे कहो अरज दुष्पाप । सुरज तपती तपकर वीर मात्र - क जाण सपरस - गसि इन्द्रनृप धरती स
The antiquity came to the museum on 16-4-1914.
12. Tirthankra unidentified
(Acc. No. 59, 87, Size 13.7 cm.)
Tirthankra seated on a lion throne in usual style. The entire figure is so much worn out that it is difficult to recognize the lanchana and identify the teacher. The image once bore an inscription on its back, but now it is totally obbliterated leaving a few traces only. It is impossible to make out any thing of them. 13. Slab showing a Tirthankara with other twenty three teachers (Acc. No. 0.89, Size 27.5 x 15.7 cm.)—
Solid brass image showing a Caturvimsatika patta, with a prominent central figure. It has several decorative motifs such as arches, scrolls, peacock seated on projection, auspicious symbols sacred couples, etc.
The present piece is very bad copy of some metal or stone paṭṭa which would have belonged to c. 12th-13th century A.D. 14. Jaina Teacher-(Fig. 6)
(Acc. No. 0.244; Size 8.5 x 7 cm.)
Brass image of a Jaina teacher seated cross legged on an hexagonal seat. The figures which is in round has sharp features and is a specimen of solid casting. It does not bear any lanchanas.
This brass image is a fine piece and can be very closely compared with a Jaina image, now in Berlin, (Klaus Bruhn the

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 405 Jina Images of Deogarh, Leiden 1967, page 224, Fig. 271). It is also worth noting that because of the absence of any lanchana on such figures Prof. Bruhn takes them to be ācārya images or the images of the teachers and not of any of the twenty-four Preceptors.
The figure came from Bithur in Kanpur District and was acquired in the museum on 21-12-1917.
15. Upper Portion of a Back Slab
(Acc. No. 48.137; Size 12.2 x 14 cm.) -
Upper portion of the back slab showing a kalasa on the top and another big Kalasa with a number of ornamentations on it in the central field. On each side of it appears a sacred tree and an elephant stepping forward with upraised trunk. In the lowest part of the slab there are nine figures of devoties in namaškāra mudrā standing.
Female Divinities
1. Ambikā two-handed-(Fig. 7)
(Acc. No. 46.74; Size 11.4 X 5.7 cm.; Sam. 1214 – 1157 A.D.)
Ambikā seated on high seat with right foot resting on ground, while the left is folded inwards. In her right hand she holds mango bunch, and there is a child sitting in her lap supported by her left hand the child touches the left breast of the deity. By the right side is to be seen a male figure standing with couch and staff like objects in his left and right hands respectively. On the left side of deity is depicted Ambikā and her partner seated under a tree crowned with a miniature figure of a Jina. Below her feet is the lion, her mount. In the back ground are to be seen the miniature figure of seated Jinas.
The inscription runs as follows:
-#. $788 go ao C A...,

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N. P. JOSHI
2. Ambikā Two-handed
(Acc. No. G. 33, Size 11 X 5.2 cm.) -
Ambikā seated on lion with a child in her left lap. The lion and the seated goddess together appear on a four-legged seat with high back. Over the head of the deity there is the foliage obviously of mango tree with miniature figure of a Jina.
The image is very much worn out, but on stylistic grounds it can be attributed to c. 12th century A.D.
On the pedestal there are traces of a few letters, but it is difficult to make out any meaning, from them.
3. Ambikā Four-armed
(Acc. No. 60.49; Size 11.8 X 6.5 cm.) -
Four-armed Ambikā seated on a squatting lion. Her left leg is folded inwards, while the suspended right touches the ground. In her upper right and left hands she holds ankuša and pāśa, while the position of the child and the mango bunch is like the two handed specimens described above. Touching her right knee once stood the second boy, but his figure is now highly corroded. The image appears on a four-legged seat with high back.
-c. 12th century.
4. Ambikā two handed -
(Acc. No. 49.227; Size 14.5 X 8.5 cm.; Sam. 1472 – 1315 A.D.)
Two handed Ambikā seated on a high seat with child and mango bunch in usual pose. The second child is also like the above figures. Her mount lion, is seen sitting enface comfortably. The figure has a high back with Kalasa at its top and a miniature Jina figure in the centre of the arch. The specimen, in general, is somewhat worn out but the delineation on the whole is fine. Rope like heavy mekhalā of Ambikā calls for special attention.
The record on the back runs as follows:

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JAINA METAL IMAGES IN THE STATE MUSEUM, LUCKNOW 407
सं. १४७२ फा० वदि १ शु. हबड ज्ञातीय उत्तरेश्वर गोत्रे श्रे. गोवन भा० कामदेइ सुधनपाल जालली नरपालं नामा शदवडमाल कडखेता जालरुहयेया राजा श्री अंबिका श्रेयाशंकरि पितवासलः। 5. Ambika four-handed___ (Acc. No. 46.73; Size 10.8x8 cm.; Sam. 1462 = 1405 A.D.)___Four-handed Ambika similar to No. 3 (Acc. No. 60.49). But here the deity sits on a stem like high seat, and the lion is seen standing.
The record on the back runs as
॥सं० १४६२ व० वैशाष शुदि ५ श्रेष्ठ चरणा। कत (?) श्री अंबिका गो० का० प्र० श्रीपूर्णचंद्रसूरिभिः । 6. Four-handed Ambika
(Acc. No. G.80; Size 8 x 6.5 cm; Sam. 1519 - 1462 A.D.)
Four-armed Ambikā seated on a high seat in fashion similar to above. There is an effigy of the seated Jina in the centre of the back slab. The figure is much worn out.
The inscription on the back can be read as
सं. १५१९ वर्षे माघसुदि ५ शुक्रे उपकेश ज्ञा. मा. जा. . . . .० सहजू पु . . . . . . क . . . . . आ सहित श्री अंबिका पुत्रिका (?) गतितं प्रति ।
The figure came to the museum on 19-11-25 from Varanasi. 7. Four-handed Ambika
(Acc. No. 60.354/8 Size 16.3 x 9.3 cm.; Sam. 1519 = 1462 A.D.)-(Figs. 8-9)
Four-handed Ambikā as above. But this time the pāśa has been held by the upper right and the ankuša by the upper left.
The inscription on the back goes as follows:
संवत् १५१९ वर्षे वैशाख वदि ११ शुक्र श्रीमालज्ञातीय पि(तृ) वेजा मातृ हीमी श्रेयश सुत शीहासाजण गोवल . . . . . . श्रीअंबिका कारापितं ।।

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N. P. JOSHI
Female Divinity unidentified-(Fig. 10)
(Acc. No. 39.901B (old number G. 474), Size 11 x 6.9 cm.; Sam. 15871530 A.D.)
Brass image of a four-handed deity carrying vara, pasa, and ankusa clockwise. The normal left hand is now lost. The deity sits crosslegged on a lotus seat. Over her head on the back slab is seen the figure of seated Jina.
On the left adjecent side of the pedestal there is a miniature figure of a bird looking like a peacock.
On all sides of the pedestal and also on the reverse of the back slab runs on inscription as follows:
संवत् १५८७ वर्षे चैत्र वदि ५ सुके... पदेतया पुत्र

जाति पधलबार

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JINA IMAGES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM,
KHAJURĀHO Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari Khajurāho has yielded over four hundred Jaina images, spread over the tenth to the twelfth century. Of these, more than one hundred and fifty images represent the Jinas in two customary postures, namely, the kā yotsarga-mudrā (standing erect with both arms reaching up to the knees) and the dhyāna-mudrā (seated crosslegged with upturned palms placed one over the other), the latter being of more frequent occurrence. The Jaina sculptures of Khajurāho are the products exclusively of the Digambara sect.!
The Archaeological Museum at Khajurāho possesses a small collection covering some fourteen of the Khajuraho Jaina images. Of the fourteen, some nine sculptures, including a door-lintel and a Jaina quadruple (Sarvatobhadra pratimā) represent Jinas.2 All these images carved in buff sandstone vary approximately from 56" X 31" to 26" X 16" in dimensions. In the present paper I wish to say about the Jina images.
The Jina images of Khajuraho represent a fully developed stage of representing Jina iconographically with the full cortege 1. It is indicated by the fact that the Jinas are represented as sky-clad, the
nudity being clearly ascertained in some of the seated Jina figures even, where the hands land in the lap are damaged. The association of the building activity at Khajuraho with the Digambaras is further evidenced by the occurrence of the depiction of the sixteen auspicious dreams at the site in place of the fourteen as usual with the Svetāmbaras. These dreams were seen by the respective mothers of all the twenty-four Jinas soon after the origination of their embryo. The remaining five show the figures of Jaina goddesses, namely, Ambikā, Manovegā (more correctly fourteenth Vidyādevi Acchuptā), two Jaina couples (probably the parents of the Jinas) and a Jaina Mātrikā (without any Jaina characteristic)
409
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MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI of their accessory symbols including the aştapratihāryas, and the distinguishing emblems, excepting in some cases where the figures of the yakşa-yakşī pairs are conspicuous by their absence. I may note here in passing that I could find only thirteen out of the twenty-four Jinas in Khajurāho collections. The yakșa and yakşī figures on the images of Ajitanātha, Supārsvanātha, Munisuvrata,
1.
Eight chief attendant attributes are: Asoka tree, scattering of flowers by gods, divine music, fly-whisks, sinhâsana, Prabhamandala, heavenly drumbeating and tri-chatra. Cf. thāyai jattha jiņindo tattha ca sıṁhāsaņam rayaņacittam/ joyanaghosamaņaharam, dunduhı surakusumavutthi ya// evam so munivasaho, atthamahāpādiheraparıyario/ viharai jiņındabhānu, bohinto bhaviyakamalāım//
Paumacarıya, of Vimalasûri (close of the 3rd century), 2, 35-36 (Pt. I. Prākrit Text Society Series No. 6, p. 1 Varanasi 1962) Cf. khe dharma-cakram camarāḥ sapādapitham mțgendrasanam uj-jvalam ca/ chatra-trayam ratna-maya-dhvajo' hi-nyāse ca cām kara-pankajāni//
Abhidhānacıntāmaņi of Hemacandra (c. mid 12th century). Devakřtānatıśayānāha, 61 (Ed. Hargovindadas and Becaradasa, Bhavanagara) sthāpayed arhatām chatra-trayāsoka-pra-kirņakam/ pitham bhā-mandalam bhāşāṁ puspa-vrstim ca dundubhim// sthiretarā-racayo pāda-pithasyadho yathāyatham/ lāñchanam dakşıņe pārsve yakşam yakşīí ca vāmakes/
Pratisthā säroddhāra of Ašādhara (A.D. 1200-1250) 1. 76-77. (No information printed in regard to the editor, place and year of publication). The list of the aştapratıharyas finds mention generally in all the Jaina works dealing both with the iconography and the lives of the Jinas. Rsabhanātha, Ajitanātha, Sambhavanātha, Abhinandana, Sumatınātha, Padmaprabha, Supārsvanātha, Candrapı abha, śāntinātha, Munisuvrata. Neminātha, Pärsvanātha and Mahāvira.

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JINA IMAGES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM, KHAJURĀHO 411
Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra, the second, seventh, twentieth, twenty-third, and twenty-fourth Jinas respectively, are sometimes dropped, while at few others they are substituted by two small Jina figures. The representation of the twenty-four Sāsanadevatās is unknown in Khajurāho. However, the standardized and distinctive forms of the three rakṣa-rakṣī pairs, namely, Gomukha and Cakreśvarī, Kubera and Ambikā, and Dharañendra and Padmāvatī, the Śāsanadevatās respectively of Rsabhanātha, Neminātha (twenty second Jina) and Pārsvanātha, were known to the Khajuraho sculptors. The representation of these three pairs does not correspond fully with any of the available iconographic prescriptions.
Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra, of whom eleven and nine images are available, were relatively less favoured than Rsabhanātha, represented as the Jina is by more than fifty images. This is further supported by the fact that all the three remaining Jaina temples, namely, the Párśvanātha (954), the Ghaņķāi (late tenth century)2 and the Ādinātha (latter half of the eleventh century) were dedicated to the first Jina Rsabhanātha, as indicated by the figure of Cakreśvarī, the yakṣī of Rsabhanātha, carved in the lalāta-bimba of each of the three temples. All other Jinas, barring Abhinandana, Sumatinātha, Padmaprabha, Candraprabha and Munisuvrata who have been represented by one sculpture each, are represented by two to six images.
(Regarding the popularity of the Jaina goddesses, it would suffice us to note that Ambikā, Cakreśvarī, Laksmī, Brahmānī, 1.
The presence of the figure of Cakreśvari, the yakși of Rşabhanātha, in the middle of the door lintel (lalata-bimba) of the mand apa of the Pārsvanātha temple so also of the bull cognizance carved in front of the original throne of the image installed in its sanctum demonstrates that the temple was, beyond doubt, dedicated to Adinātha. This is further supported by the representation of the usual yakşa-yakşi figures of Rsabhanātha, namely, Gomukha and Cakreśvari, in two recessed corners of the original
throne. Hence, the present name is misnomer. 2 Now its ardhamandapa and mahåmaņdapa only being extant.

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Sarasvati and Padmavati-besides the separate images of the former four goddesses-were sculptured on the façades and doorways of the Jaina temples and door-lintels. Among the male divinities Sarvānubhūti was accorded a very high position evidenced not only by his four independent images but also by the fact that figures of the Yakṣas of almost all the Jinas, except Dharaṇendra and sometimes Gomukha, show invariably his purse symbol. The depiction of the sixteen seated Jaina goddesses in the separate pillared niches on the facades of the Adinatha temple is of special interest, and perhaps represent the sixteen Vidyadevis.)
The Jina images of the museum follow a homogenous formula of representation, this being the case with all other Jina images of Khajurāho, in effect elsewhere in India in all ages. Of the eight Jina images, six show the Jinas seated in the dhyānamudra, while the remaining two represent the Jinas as standing in the kayotsarga-mudra. All the Jina figures are marked with śrivatsa symbol in the centre of the chest. In all the five seated images, Jinas are shown on ornate cushions decorated with ratna (jewel-ornament) and floral and rosette motifs. Excepting one case, the ornate cushion is seen placed on a simhasana, lionthrone, with a round pilaster carved at each extremity, now damaged in four instances. A carpet shown hanging from the pedestal bears generally muktā-varāla.1 In the centre of the throne, in all cases, is depicted a dharmacakra flanked by two crouching lions, shown with their backs turning away from each other, excepting in one case where the lions confront. These lions, in five instances, face the observer and in two others their necks are somewhat turned inward. Jinas in all examples are attended on two sides by a pair of standing male figures, each wearing rich jewellery like coiffure, ear-rings, necklaces of different forms, armlets, bracelets, dhoti, upavita, waist-band, long-hanging garland and carrying a fly-whisk, the latter held above the shoulder, by one hand, while the other is shown resting on the thigh.2 In
1. From whose open mouth are suspended festoons.
2.
However, there is an exception to that (Acc. No. 1682) which shows a lotus in the inner hand and a fly-whisk, turned downwards, in the outer one,

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JINA IMAGES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM, KHAJURĀHO 413 each example an elephant with either one or two riders is shown above each shoulder of the principal Jina. The figures of hovering celestial beings holding garlands (mālādharas) are rendered on two sides of the halo of the Jina. These flying figures in four examples are in pairs, while in the rest they are single. Above the head of the Jina, in every case, is carved a three-tiered umbrella surmounted by a drum being struck by a disembodied figure. In four examples, triple parasols have been supported by stands. The throne-back ends are ornamented with the gaja-vyāla-makara trio, the makara surmounted in three examples by a warrior in act of subduing the animal.
Barring Jina quadruple, in all other images the two recessed corners of the pedestal contain the figures of the yakşa-yakşī pairs of the Jinas, all being seated in lalıtāsana with their one leg hanging down and the other being folded. All the yakşa-yakşī figures are bedecked in the customary ornaments described earlier in connection with the fly-whisk bearers. The yakṣī figures show, in addition, stanahāras dangling between the two breasts. Of the nine images representing Jinas, three show Rşabhanātha, three others Sumatinātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra; and the rest three include Jaina quadruple, a pair of standing Jinas, and a door-lintel.
A close study of all the Jina representations of the Museum also reveals important points of difference, besides the aforesaid common features, which pertain to the representation of (a) the cognizance (b) the attendant yakşa-yakşī figures (c) the miniature Jinas and other accessory figures. Now we proceed to the study of all the Jina images separately with a view to seeing their individual details. Rşabhanātha, Standing: (Acc. No. 1682; 54" X 32", Fig. 1)
The nude Jina stands on a lotus placed over a covering cloth hanging from the pedestal and showing the figure of grāsa. Left hand of the Jina below the elbow is damaged. In front of the dharmacakra, in the centre of the pedestal, is carved a bull,

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the cognizance of Rsabhanātha. The two recessed corners of the pedestal have been occupied by the figures of the yakșa and yakşī of the Jina, Sarvānubhūtī and Cakreśvarī. The four-armed yaksi in the left corner rides on garuda (represented in human form) and holds in her two extant upper and lower right arms respectively a disc and the abhaya-mudra. In the right corner sits a twoarmed pot-bellied yakşa, Sarvānubhūtī showing probably a purse (made of mongoose skin) and a matulinga (fruit) respectively in his right and left arms. Customarily, there ought to have been yaksa Gomukha at this situation. Close to the foot of the Jina, on either side, are carved two devotees with their hands clasped in the attitude of adoration, one being seated and the other standing. The figure of the left-hand seated devotee is lost now. The two cauri-bearers bear long-stalked lotus in one hand and fly-whisk, hanging downwards, in the other one. On the flanks of the image stele are seated Jina figures, the head of that on the left being lost. At the top of each framing pilaster is sculptured an elephant with two riders, one holding a vase for lustrating the Jina. The heads and arms of the each pair of the flying vidyadharas, so also of the drum-beater surmounting the Chatratrayī are mutilated.
Beside the flanking attendants stands on each side a Jina figure over which is carved tiny standing Jina figure. On lateral jambs (in vertical row) and top parikara are carved in all fiftytwo miniature Jina figures, including those already described. The standing Jina of the top corner (left) canopied by a threehooded corbra overhead represents Pārsvanātha. All the fiftytwo small Jina figures are provided with nimbus and are all somewhat mutilated. The Jinas represented here, however, do not numerically correspond with the traditional numbers 24, 48, or 72 the latter including the Jinas of the past and future ages. It may provisionally be suggested here that the figure fifty-two might have been adopted from the fifty-two śāśvata-Jinālayas of Nandiśvaradvípa, which has been a very popular representation in the form of plaques or pattas among both the Jaina sects.? 1. Consult, Shah, U. P., Stidies in Faina Art, Varanasi, 1955, pp. 120-21.

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JINA IMAGES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM, KHAJURĀHO 415
The hair of Rsabhanātha disposed in ringlets with small uşnişa shows three unplaited lateral strands thrown over each shoulder. It may be mentioned here that according to the Svetāmbara work like the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu (c. 3rd century) and the Trişasti salākāpuruşacaritra of Hemacandra (c. mid 12th century)2 all the Jinas other than Rşabhanātha tore out their hair in five handfuls at the time of renouncing the world, while Rsabhanātha plucking out four handfuls of hair permitted his back hair, falling on the shoulders, to remain on the request of Indra as it looked beautiful on his person. But, on the contrary, an early work like the Paumacariya of Vimalasüri3 (close of the 3rd century: combines the traditions of both the sects)* and the Jaina 1. ... asogavarapāyassa ahe jāva sayameva caümuţthiyam loyam karei, ...//
Kalpasūtra, 195
(Ed. Devendra Muni, Sri Amar Jain Āgam Sodha Sansthān, Shivana, 1968) 2. “... the Lord tore out the hair of his head in four handfuls, as if
intending to give the remains of the sacrifice to the four quarters. ... As the Lord of the world was on the point of pulling out the rest of his hair in a fifth handful, Namucidevis asked him, “O Lord, this hair. creeper brought by the wind to your golden shoulders shines like an emerald. So let it remain". The Lord kept the creeper of his hair just as it was. ..."
Trişaşțišalakä purūşacaritra, Ādiśvaracaritra, 3. 60-70. (Trans. by Helen M. Johnson, GOS, No. LI, Vol. I, p. 166, Baroda, 1931). 3. Siddhāņa namukkāram, kāūņa ya pañcamuthiyam loyam/ caühi sahassehi saman, patto ya jiņo paramadikkham//
Paumacariya, 3.136 Dr. V. M. Kulkarni writes in his introduction to the Paumacariya that the work was composed sometime before the division of the Jaina community occurred. It is due to the noted fact that we find therein the references both to the Svetāmbara and the Digambara traditions. According to Dr. Kulkarni, "If it is insisted that a specific religious denomination be given to Vimalasūri, it would be more correct to describe him as a Svetāmbara writer than as a Digambara writer....
See Introduction of Paumacariya, p. 22.

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Puranas belonging to the Digambara tradition, never mention that Rṣabhanatha allowed his back hair to remain and, he also, according to those works, like other subsequent Jinas, plucked out all his hair in five handfuls.2 As against the latter tradition the images of Rṣabhanatha, from the earliest times, i.e. from Kuṣāņa period, show invariably the falling hair locks, this being noticed in the images of all the ages throughout the country.
The triple parasol decorated with festoons is supported by a stand; and the halo behind the head consists of (from centre 1. nir-lyucya bahu-mohā-gra-vallariḥ kesa-vallariḥ/
2.
MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI
jāta-rūpa-dhāro dhiro jāini dikṣām-upā-dade//
Adipurana of Jinasena (early 9th century), 17.201.
(Ed. Pt. Pannalal Jaina, Jnanapitha Mūrtidevi Jaina Granthamālā, Sanskrit Grantha No. 8, Varanasi 1963).
Cf.
pafica-muṣṭibhir ut-khātān vidaujāh mūrdha-jān vibhoḥ/ prati-gṛhya kṛtān mūrdhni cikṣepa kṣīra-vāri-dhau//
Harivamsa Purana of Jinasena (last quarter of the 8th century),
9. 98.
(Ed. Pt. Pannalal Jaina, Joanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamālā, Sanskrit Grantha No. 27, Varanasi, 1962).

alamkāraiḥ samam kttyavā vasanāni mahā-muniḥ/ cakārā sau pari-tyāgam keśānāṁ pañca-muṣṭibhiḥ// Padmapurana of Ravisena (678), 3.283. (Ed. Vol. I Pannalal Jaina, Jñanapitha Mürtidevi Jaina Granthamālā, Sanskrit Grantha No. 20, Varanasi 1958).
Shah, U. P. "Beginning of the Jaina art', unpublished paper read at the Seminar on the Jaina Art held at Lucknow on Jan. 28 and 29, 1972, p. 9. He writes, "Rṣabhanatha is further identified on account of the hair locks falling on his shoulders, for while the other Jinas plucked out all the hair, the first Jina, at the special request of Indra, allowed his back hair (falling on shoulders), to remain, as they looked very beautiful". But the Digambara tradition, as we earlier noticed, of the Jaina Purāņas and also an early Jaina work-the Paumacariya-clearly mention that Rṣabhanatha like other subsequent Jinas also plucked out all his hair in five handfuls.
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outwards) corolla, blossom circlet, rosette and some floral motif arranged alternately and stellate cut outer band. The figure of the warrior surmounting the makara of the throne-frame-animals of each edge is absent. At the top back slab are sculptured four figures playing flute. The image may on both stylistic and iconographic grounds be dated to the late tenth or early eleventh century. The same date is warranted by the mention of word 'Ghanțāi' beneath the yaksa figure indicating that the figure was procured from the Ghanțāi temple.
Rşbhanātha, Seated: (Acc. No. 1667, 56" X 30", Fig. 2)
Jina with his forearms and legs now damaged is sitting in the dhyāna-mudrā on a lotus spread on a high and ornate cushion. Below the cushion, in the centre, is carved a bull, flanked by two standing figures of worshippers with folded hands. These pilasters near the bull, in the throne, are damaged. In a panel, on either side of bull figure are arranged the figures of Navagrahas. Starting from left (from observers viewpoint) the first figure represents twoarmed Sūrya, seated cross-legged and holding long-stalked lotuses in his both raised arms. Following six figures seated in lalita-pose show the abhaya-mudrā in their right arms, while their left hanging arms bear kamandalu, hanging below the folded knees. The eighth figure Rāhu, whose mere bust is shown, is surmounted by the figure of Ketu with its lower portion, below the waist, resembling a serpent, both the figures being much defaced. Dharmacakra with a beaded row carved in its front shows ribbons suspended from its sides. On the lowermost part of the pedestal is shown a beaded line, below which are delineated lotus petals.
The four armed yaksē at the left corner rides on garuda, (represented in human form) and carries a lotus (?) and a disc in her right and left upper arms, while her lower right and left arms bear respectively a fruit (?) and a ring. In the right recessed corner sits a four-armed bull-faced yakşa, much defaced, on a bhadrâsana. The two right arms of the pot-bellied yakşa are M.M.-53

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broken off but the remaining upper and lower left arms hold resptively a parasu and a fruit.
Above the yakşa-yakși figures there appears, on each side, a seated Jina surmounted by a standing Jina figure, faces of all the Jinas being defaced. Above much mutilated figures of the fly-whisk bearers, on either side, is sculptured, on front of the pilasters, framing the principal Jina, a pair of standing Jinas, much worn out. At the top of each pilaster is carved an elephant with two riders, one holding a vase. A couple of hovering figures of the māladharas, much mutilated, commonly hold a garland; they are surrounded by clouds. Beside maladhara couple at each side, there appears a standing Jina, with head lost. Further up on either side is carved a couple of flying maladharas, much mutilated. At the top back slab were sculptured five seated Jina figures, three of them are lost. These seated Jinas are flanked on both sides by eight standing Jinas, the two corner figures at the right side are gone. The upper part of the parikara is much broken. Trichatra here again is supported by a comparatively less pronounced stand, and the figure of the drum-beater has vanished.
The principal Jina figure with its face somewhat defaced has his hair done in the jatā-jūta fashion with three straight locks of hair falling on each shoulder. Wo meet with fairly good number of Rsabhanātha images where the Jina's hair, is done in Jata-Futa (matted hair). (Sarvatobhadra Jina Pratimā, Chirainti village, Shahdol District, M. P.; National Mus., Delhi; Acc. No. 60-1479) and which may be explained as an attempt to show him as a great yogi and also to hint at the similarity between Rşabhanātha and Siva, this is further stressed by the bull-cognizance and the bull-faced yaksa of the Jina, the bull being the vāhana of Siva. Images of Rsabhanātha at Deogarh in most of the instances show long unplaited strands of hair (jatā) falling from the shoulders and also below the elbow of the hanging arms in case of the standing figures. It may be noted that representation of such a long jatā ocurs only at Deogarh. These images generally exhibit comparatively small jatā-jūta overhead.

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The representation of jaṭā-jūța over the head of Rṣabhanatha, despite the fact that no work prescribes jaṭā-jūta, inidcates some definite bearing of the Siva-iconography on that of Rṣabhanātha. Such an attempt was made from the early mediaeval period onwards. The analogy between Rṣabhanatha and Siva may also be gathered from several Hindu works alluding to Rṣabhanātha (Vrsabha) as a great yogi. Round the head is an aureole with a corolla in the centre, a row of lotus petals, a band filled with dotted and linear designs and a stellate cut circle border. The image can be assigned to the first half of the eleventh century.
Rṣabhanatha, Seated:
(Acc. No. 1694; 42" X 25", Fig. 3)
Jina is seated on an ornate cushion placed on a pedestal supported by pilasters, now lost. Below the dharmacakra is carved a very small figure of bull, which, however, was confused with goat and the image was thus labelled in the museum as that of Kunthunatha, the seventeenth Jina. The presence of the usual attendant yakṣa-yakṣi figures, namely Sarvānubhūti and Cakreśvari, accompanying Rṣabhanatha also warrants our identification. At each extremity of the pedestal is seated a devotee with folded hands, the figure to left being that of a female. Above these figures are carved the figures of yakṣa and yakṣi, sheltered in pillared niches. The four-armed yaksi to left rides on garuḍa, (represented in human form and supporting her feet) and holds discs in upper pair of arms, while her lower right and left arms show respectively the varada-mudra and a conch. The two-armed yakṣa of the corresponding side, though not possessing bull face just as several other figures do, shows the same attributes as usually carried by the two-armed figures of the Yakṣa associated with Rṣabhanatha at Khajuraho. The paksa betrays the abhaya-mudrā and a mongoose-skin purse respectively in his right and left hands. Above these yakṣa-yakṣi figures there appears, on either 1. Consult Editorial Note, Adipurāņa of Jinasena op. cit. pp. 1-14; Manjula, Sadhvi, "The Identity of Rṣabha and Siva", Jaina Journal, Vol. II, No. 3, Jan. 1968, pp. 133-37,

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side, a standing Jina, slightly smaller in size than the middle, now headless. These figures provided with trilinear umbrellas topped by disembodied figures beating the drums and nimbuses consisting of lotus petals and beaded border stand on brackets with beaded decorations in front. Instead of a couple, a single flying vidyadhara holding a garland is carved on either side of each flanking Jina. The heads of the flying mālādharas are lost. Above the flying figures, on each side, there appears an elephant with a rider. Beside elephant figures at each edge is carved, in a pillared niche, a seated Jina figure. At the top, in the centre, also sits a Jina likewise housed in a pillared niche. The upper part of the sculpture is designed like the sikhara of a temple with three successive tiers topped by amalaka.
The hair of the central Jina is treated in schematic curls with a small uşnişa. The absence of falling lateral strands, however, does not go against our identification inasmuch as in some other instances, though very few, also this feature is found to be absent owing to the omission. Round the head of the Jina is a halo composed of a blossom circlet and prominent garland-like band. The entire image is somewhat effaced and crude in execution and may well be ascribed to the early twelfth century.
Sambhavanatha, seated
(Acc. No. 1715; 50" x 34", Fig. 4)
Jina is sitting on lotus spread on an ornate cushion. The two pilasters supporting the pedestal are lost and the lion figures are also damaged. The dharmacakra in the present example is flanked by two devotees, below which is carved a very small figure of a horse, the cognizance of the third Jina, Sambhavanātha. The vakṣa-yakşi figures of the two shallow and pillared niches are of course not shown with the symbols as prescribed in the iconographic dhyānas. The two-armed yakṣi of the left croner shows the abhaya-mudrā and a lotus respectively in her right and left arms. The two-armed yakṣa of the corresponding side holds probably a skull-cup in his right hand, while the other hand shows

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a mongoose-skin purse. The yakșa appears to be Sarvānubhūti, the most favoured yaksa at Khajuraho. Above these figures there occurs, on either side, a standing Jina, slightly smaller in size than the middle Jina, shaded by a canopy of five hooded serpent, all its top hoods being damaged. These flanking Jinas standing as naked on brackets have their hair disposed in curls with uşnīşa-s. Hoods being five, both the Jinas may be identified as Supārsvanātha. Such representations of flanking Jinas also occur in pretty good number at Khajurāho. Beside these Jinas, at each edge, appears a female-figure, wearing the usual jewellery and dhammilla, carrying as she does a fly-whisk turned downwards, the other hand resting on thigh. These female figures are meant to represent the attendants of the flanking Jinas. Further up on the top of the pilasters, framing the middle Jina, on each side is carved a seated Jina, sheltered in a miniature shrine with three successive tiers and throne-frame-animals. One of the two riders of each side is likewise holding a pitcher. Above the trichatra appears a much defaced figure of seated Jina, in a pillared miniature shrine with three successive spires. At each top back slab occurs a hovering figure engaged in playing flute.
Jina's hair is done in schematic curls with a top knot and the halo round the head comprises blossom circlet and prominent garland-like outer band. The image is datable to the latter half of the eleventh century.
Pārsvanātha, Seated:
(Acc. No. 1618, 52" X 31", Fig. 5)
Jina canopied by a seven hooded cobra, all hoods mutilated with its coils going down on the back side, is seated on serpent coils, though not so pronouncedly as generally noticed in majority of the Pārsvanātha images in Khajurāho and elsewhere. Representation of Pārsvanātha as seated or standing on the serpent coils with its seven hoods forming a canopy overhead is

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MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI fully in conformity with the tradition. It is narrated in the Jaina works of both the sects that Dharaṇendra, a snake king, came for the protection of the Jina from heavy rain, an upasarga, calamity, caused by Kamatha demon (Asura Meghamālina), while he was absorbed in Tapas and meditation. Dharanendra by keeping the Jina's both legs in its lap (made of coils) and raising the canopy of seven hoods rescued the Jina from that drastic 1. tam jñātvā vadhibodhena, dharaniso vi-nir-gataḥ/
dharaṇyāḥ pra-sphurad-ratna-phaņā-mandapa-manditaḥ|| bhadram tamasthād ā-vștya tat-patni ca phaņā-tateh/ upary-uccaiḥ sam-ud-dhľtya sthită vajrātapa-cchidam//
Uttarapurana of Gupabhadra (close of the 9th century) 73. 139-40. (Ed. Pt. Pannalal Jaina, jñānapitha Mūrtidevi Jaina Granthamālā, Sanskrit Grantha No. 14, Varanasi, 1968) Cf. ahirãū payāhiņā jiņahā devi/ vandal paya-parikaya navivibevi/ uccāžu salilahā puņu jiņindu/ nam devahi şaha-yalā sura-girindul avisanne jimavara-calana bevi/ acchangahā uppari santhavevi/ titthayara-sirahā laha-laha-lahantu/ kiü uppari phani-mandaü mahantul āsivisu sattahl vara-phanehi/ dhaga-dhaga-dhaganta-bahu-maņi-gaņeht/
Pasandhacariu of Achārya Padmakirti (1077), 14. 26. (Ed. Prafulla Kumara Modi, Prākrit text Society Series No. 8, Varanasi
1965)
“..Dharana, the Indra of the Uregas(Nāgas) ... went with his wives to the Teacher. Dharana bowed to the master and placed beneath his feet a tall lotus with erect stalk, resembling the seat of an omniscient. The serpent-king covered the Lord's back, sides, and breast with his own coils and made an umbrella with seven hoods over his head. ..."
Trişaşțišalakapūrśacaritra, II 247-295 (Vol, V, No. 139, p. 396)

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upasarga; which is why the icons of Pārsvanātha always show from the earliest times (Kuşāņa period) the seven headed corba overhead, and sometimes also the serpent coils being extended down to the figure's base.
The covering cloth in the present example is decorated with garland. In the left recessed corner sits a two-armed yakși Padmāvatī with three headed cobra overhead. Padmāvatī holds a fruit in the left hand while the other arm is hidden. On the corresponding side sits a kneeling figure of a male with hands in supplication and head under a serpent canopy. Above the figures of flywhisk-bearers there appears, on either side, a seated Jina with an elephant and two riders atop. Beside the elephant at each top corner is carved a standing Jina. The male figure of each couple of hovering celestial beings carries a garland while its spouse is shown with folded hands. The figures of the drumbeater with the triple umbrella is somewhat injured.
The wrist of Pārsvanātha is slightly mutilated. Jina's hair is arranged in spirals with an uşnişa-protuberance. Here also the figure of warrior subduing the makara of the throne-frame animals is absent. The image can be dated to the latter half of the eleventh century. Mahāvīra, Seated:
(Acc. No. 1731, Fig. 6)
Jina is seated on an ornate cushion with his left knee damaged and the pilasters supporting the pedestal are completely lost. Beneath the dharmacakra is carved a small figure of lion, the
Contd.
prabhum natvā'tha so'mbhoja ny adhät tat-pādayoradhaḥ/ sva-bhogena punaḥ prştham pārsvau ca pidadhe vibhoặ// cakre’sya sirasicchatram dharañaḥ saptabhiḥ phaņaiḥ| adhastāt tiryag ürdhavan ca sva-yaşaḥ khyāpayann iva||
Parsvandtha Caritra of Bhavadeva Sūri, (c. mid 14th century) 6. 192-93. (Ed. Hargovindadas and Becharadas Varanasi 1911)

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cognizeance of Mahāvīra, which is flanked by two devotees with folded hands. Two-armed yakşa, Sarvānubhuti, carved on the right extremity of the pedestal holds a purse in his extant, left arm while the corresponding hand with the face and lower portion of the figure is damaged. Two-armed yaksi, Siddhāyikā, of the left corner bears probably a lotus in the left arm and with her right she shows the abhaya-mudrā. Here also the portion below the waist of the yakși has been completely damaged. A female figure surmounts on either side the figure of the yakşaand-yakṣī and holds a lotus in the inner hand while the outer hand rests on the thigh. The figures of the attendant flywhiskbearers are severely damaged. On the top of each pilaster, framing the central Jina, sits a defaced Jina flanked by two standing Jinas. Here again the flying figure of vidyādhara carved on either side is single and over that is carved an elephant with two riders, the elephant figure of the right corner being lost. Above the single hovering figure again appears on each side a single flying celestial being bearing a garland. At left upper corner sits a much worn figure of Jina, while the Jina figure of the corresponding corner has been lost with the broken portion of the corner. The figure of the drum-beater surmounting the triple parasol is not visible,
The hair of the Jina is dressed in schematic curls with a small knot. The halo behind the head comprises blossom circlet, rosette and lozenge shaped decoration arranged alternately and beaded hand. The image may be dated to the twelfth century.
Jaina Quadruple (Acc. No. 1588; 32" X 17", Fig. 7)
The Jaina quadruple (caumukha), also called Pratimā Sarvatobhadrikā or Sarvatobhadrikā Pratimā, was a very favoured among the Jaina images and its antiquity can be traced to the days of the beginning of the Jaina art, in the Kuşāņa age at Mathura (Kankāli Tila), and which continued to be preferred during

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all the subsequent ages. During the Kuşāņa age only two of the four Jinas are definitely identified by reason of the falling hair locks and seven headed cobra overhead as Rsabhanātha and Pārsvanātha respectively. A further development in the depiction of the Sarvatobhadra pratimā during the early mediaeval period may be seen in their fashioning in the form of a miniature temple with the top made after a sikhara. Such representations showing three or even more successive tiers and generally depicting several small Jina figures other than the four main Jinas without any uniformity in regard to their number, are reported from other Jaina art centres in Madhya Pradesh and every where else.
The present Caumukha is a solitary example at Khajuraho. Much effaced, it is uniform in composition on all four sides and represents on each direction, in the centre, a seated Jina accompanied by twelve miniature Jina figures. It should be noted here that Jinas of the two directions only can be identified with the help of a seven hooded serpent canopy in the case of Pārsvanātha and falling hair locks in the case of Rsabhanātha. Lower portions of the pedestals of the rest two sides have peeled off, rendering the identification of the Jinas impossible.
In the middle on each of the four sides sits a Jina on a cushion placed on a pedestal borne by two lions, instead of pilasters. The covering cloth of the pedestals shows on all the sides either geometrical patterns or as usual the festoons suspended from the mouth of kirtīmukha. Halo round the head of all the Jinas is plain and the hair in each case is done in curls with a small knot, At each extremity of the pedestal occurs a seated Jina surmounted by a pair of standing Jinas with a seated Jina further above. Above the trichatra of the middle Jina, in the centre, appears a Jina seated in a pillared niche with an arched pediment atop. The Jina is topped by another seated Jina figure. Also at either end of the upper parikara a pillared niche, designed like a miniature shrine, shelters a standing Jina figure. The upper part of the image, on all sides is designed like a śikhara with three successive tiers. M.M.-54

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. MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI
The present Caumukha represents on each side the thirteen Jinas, including the middle Jina, thus making the total number of the Jinas represented as fifty-two. The representation of the thirteen Jinas in each of the four directions here, as found in some Digambara representations of Nandisvara bimba, perhaps reflects some bearing of the Nandíśvara-dvípa plaques on our Caumukha. On the basis of the execution and rendering of forms the Caumukha can be placed in the latter half of the eleventh century. A Pair of Standing Jinas: (Acc. No. 1653, 53" X 32", Fig. 8) : Pairs of standing Jinas are represented at Khajurāho by as many as nine images, all of them being very much analogous with regard to their execution and other details. The fashioning of such images was perhaps most favoured among instances coming from Madhya Pradesh, especially at Khajuraho. It is still a matter of consideration what idea could have worked behind such depiction. This might possibly suggest that all the Jinas are equal in position and, therefore, no line of demarcation can be drawn between any two Jinas in regard to their relative status. This is for this reason that except for in one case in all others the respective cognizances of the Jinas have been omitted, despite the fact that artists of that time were aware of what they were.
Each of the two standing Jinas represented on separate and simple pedestals is accompanied, on either side, by a flywhiskbearer, single hovering figure bearing garland, an elephant with two riders, triple parasol topped by a kalaša, instead of the usual drum, with two drooping leaves on its sides, halo decorated with incised lotus petals and beaded band. The pedestal of each Jina as usual is supported by two pilasters with two lions standing to front. The carpet hanging from the pedestals of both the Jinas show lotus petals decorated with the beaded 1. Shah, U. P. op. cit., p. 120

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pattern. Each of the two Jinas is worshipped by two figures seated close to the feet with folded hands. The hair of each Jina is arranged in spirals with a small uşnişa. Both the hands of the left-hand Jina (from observer's viewpoint) are damaged. Two recessed corners of the pedestal contain two-armed figures of the yaksa and yakşi, holding alike symbols. Both the figures holding water-pot in the right hand show the abhaya-mudrā with their left ones. The right-hand Jina figure has lost his left arm, while the remaining right arm holds a lotus, as usual with the Jina images of early mediaeval period. The figures of the yakșa and yakşī likewise carry the similar symbols. In the intervening space between the two Jinas are shown (from below) a standing Jina, two pairs of standing Jinas, one above the other, and a seated Jina. Further up, between the flying mālādharas of the two principal Jinas appears another hovering figure bearing a garland. On either lateral and of the image are carved two standing Jinas, one above the other. The faces of both the Jinas are defaced and the genitals also are injured. The image may be dated towards the end of the eleventh century. Door-lintel Representing Jinas: (Acc. No. 1724, Fig. 9)
In the middle of the door-lintel is carved a seated Jina sheltered in a miniature shrine with throne-frame-animals. Jina sitting on a cushion with a three-tiered umbrella and foliage on its sides has his hair done in curls with a top knot. The miniature shrine is flanked on each side by two standing figures, three of them being Jinas and the rest one figure to left writhed by the creepers round hands and legs represents Bahubali. Bahubali, the second son of Rşabhanātha, was born of Sunandā. He was venerated by both the sects of the Jainas. The heads of all the standing Jinas are damaged. Above the heads of these figures there appears, on either side, a Jina seated on bracket. The niche of each extremity also contains a seated Jina figure. Moreover, 1. The details are mentioned in my paper A Note on Some Bahubali Images from
North India to appear in the "East and West",

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at right edge again appears a standing Jina, housed in a pillared niche. The present door-lintel representing nine Jinas and Bahubalī may be dated to the eleventh century.*
Acknowledgement
* The author is thankful to Shri M. A. Dhaky, Research Associate, American Academy, Varanasi, for his kind help in preparation of the present paper.

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MAHAVIRA ICON AND INDIAN ARCHAEOLOGY
B. Upadhyay
The later half of the 6th century B.C. seems to be fertile in giving rise to new religious movements in India. Probably all of them were non-Brāhman existing at the time of Buddha. It may be suggested that revolts against thic Brāhman doctrines date from a remote age than the time of Buddha. The reformer of Jaina Church, Vardhamāna, Mahāvīra preached in a spirit against the sanctity of the Vedic lore. Indian Archaeology did not confirm any thing earlier but with tlic advent of the Mauryas we are able to trace step by step the evolution of architecture and of the formative art in India. We must associate with Fergusson that the noblest and most perfect examples of Indian Art are the works of the Emperor Asoka. A most important exponent of Maurya Court ideology in sculpture are the crowning lion figures which were conditioned within a foreign art tradition, but what is described a Lohanipur image of Jaina Tīrthankar belongs to the time of evolution of Indian Art tradition determined in the centuries before Christ. The examination of Lohanipur image shows that Indian folk tradition was in a permanent material hardly conscious of the third dimension and was fully of rounded form. The round volume and flat surface keeps Tírthankar icon at par with Yakşas figures of North India but not in the mass. In the present state of our knowledge, it becomes difficult to ascertain the proper name of the Lohanipur image in absence of any cognizable symbol but the Jaina canon Ācārānga-sūtra clearly states that during the first thirteen months all sort of living beings crowd on the body of Malāvīra who after this period laid aside every kind of garment and went about as a naked ascetic. This is a clear indication that Digambara sect had organised into a permanent branch of Jajnism in the remote period of Indian history. Most probably
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the socio-economic thought influenced the Indian art tradition which appeared in the form of Lohanipur image. It would be worthwhile to suggest that Indian folk artists prepared the icon of Mahāvīra in a crude form without caring for the artistic norm which was followed in the later Mahāvíra images.
Lohanipur icon is a clear proof that in about 300 B.C. the division of Jaina Church into Svetāmbaras and Digambaras had already begun. The Archaeological cvidences are positive on this point that the Jainas were gradually losing their position in the kingdom of Magadha and they had begun their migration to the western side of India. Mathura became the strong hold of Jainas who firmly established in that locality from the middle of second century B.C. The numerous inscriptions excavated in this city deciphered by Buhler tell us about Jaina Community who was wide spread in that area. The pious devotees dedicated shrines to Mahāvīra due to their zeal in the worship of the Arhat. The Mathura Votive Tablet inscription (EP. Ind. Vol. II P. 199) gives a picture of the consecration of the tablet by Amohini. The records begins with the prayer-A# ET TĦ the word 37TFT is used for Mahāvīra Vardhamāna--the 24th Tirthankar. An Arhat is described as सर्वज्ञो जितरागादिदोषस्त्रैलोक्यपूजितः Thus it is apparent that in Mathura area Malāvīra icons were established for worship during the first Century A.D.
In the Amohini Tablet we find the image of Mahāvíra in meditative attitude Dhyāna-mudrā and round the icon all eight auspicious symbols have been engraved. A study of archaeological sources reveals that the history of Jaina art during the centuries (from 300 B.C. to 100 B.C.) was enveloped in total dark. Mathura inscriptions before Amohini tablet mention a number of branches and families of Jaina Community. Even the Jaina work Kālakācārya-Kathānaka tells about some events which are supposed to have taken place in Ujjain during the first half of 1st Cent. B.C. Jainism is atheistic and it never compromised with theism in desiring a pantheon like Mahāyāna or Vajrayāna, from earliest time to the present day,

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From the beginning of the Christian era Mathura produced a large number of Jaina icons mostly digambara in form. The excavations of Kankālī Tilā has brought to light numerous Mahāvīra images as if it was a emporium of northern India. The icons are in Kā yotsarga posture, huge and massive like yakşa figures. Archaeologists are of opinion that it was due to the influence of Mālwā tradition that Vardhamāna images are of voluminous size. Due to the established Jaina tradition the artists prepared the naked icons of Mahāvīra during Kuşāņa period. It is a strange phenomina that the epigraphs after 78 A.D. and from the time of later Kuşāņa kings, afford sufficient proof that the Svetāmbara Community was not only established but had subdivided into smaller sects (Cambridge History, Vol. I, p. 167). The inscriptional and artistic evidences do not express harmony in the two sects of Jaina Community rather a divergent attitude during 1st century A.D. (Kuşāņa age).
The condition in South India during early century of Christian era was very promising and Karnataka and Mysore were the strong holds of Digambara Jainas. This sect has firm footing in Tamil Country and worship of Mahāvira was performed with great pomp and lamp, garland and perfumed ojects were offered to the deity (Mahāvīra). The literary evidences support the contention that South Indian rulers viz. the Gangas and the Kadambas patronised the Digambara sect. Archaeology does not help to an appreciable extent regarding the Devayātrā organised in South India for carrying Mahāvīra image in procession. The socio-religious thoughts are also an indication of the popularity of the sects and during the Gupta period we find Digambara and Svetāmbara branches of Jaina church had important contributions to the growth of Jaina literature. Side by side the Jaina artists introduced new features in Jain iconography and images were installed at the places associated with the life of the Tirthankara. The governing idea of an icon was to remind the devotees the condition through which Tirthankar passed to attain Kaivalya and that encouraged them to follow the ideal path in life.

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From the beginning of the 4th Century A.D. Jaina iconography assumed new characteristics and icons prepared with salient features. It has been pointed out that major Mahāvíra icons from Mathura are naked and drapery did not originate as early as kuşāņa period. After the advent of the Guptas the naked feature did not develop in Jaina iconography along with the appearance of Srivatsa. This shows that (1) Nudity gradually replaced by lower garment; (2) Srīvatsa were the main characteristics of Mahāvīra images during the Gupta age. In North India Digambara Community had a strong footing and records support this surmise. An inscription from Paharpur mentions the donation to the Jaina Vihāra for the worship of Digambara Mahāvīra icon. (Ep. Ind. Vol. XX P. 105). A similar case is recorded in a contemporary document from Uttar Pradesh where five excellent images Pañcendrān namely five naked Jaina Tirthankaras were sculptured on the column i.e. icons of Ādinātha, Sāntinātha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvíra.
पुण्यस्क, स चक्के जगदिदमखिलं संसरद्वीक्ष्य भीत: श्रेयोर्थ भूतभूत्यै पथि नियमवतामहतामादिकर्तृन् । पञ्चेद्रान् स्यापयित्वा धरणिधरमयान्सन्निखातस्ततोऽयम् ।
(Kahanma stone pillar Inscription of Skandagupta)
Thus the archaeology of the Gupta period lay emphasis on the Digambara form of Mahāvīra icons. We have two different classes of Mahāvīra images viz. (i) standing Kayotsarga (2) Sitting Asana which are profusely excavated. Kuşāņa period is famous for massive icons of the Buddha and Mahāvīra, all in standing posture. In case of Jaina icons naked image of Mahāvíra is more prominent from Kankālī Tila. It is to be remembered that no symbol is seen on the pedestal of Mahāvīra and other Tirthankara icons. The pedestal inscriptions were the main source of information. During later Kuşāņa and Gupta period we have the appearance of (coganizable symbols on the pedestal of the icons. Vardhamāna Mahāvíra has lion as symbol and the icon of 24th Tīrthankara were prepared in a very artistic

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manner. The Archaeologists opine that wheel and two deers on either side of the pedestal were copied from Buddha image of Sarnath. Mahāvīra in sitting posture is represented in meditative attitude Dhyana-mudra with tiara and other accessory figures of flying deities. It is much advanced on Kuṣāņa tradition which abounds in naked Mahāvīra images from Mathura area.
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The philosophical thoughts and Bhakti movements in the Gupta period are entirely responsible for the artistic development of Indian Art during early mediaeval period. Jaina Community could not keep themselves aloof and artistic traditions influenced the Mahāvīra iconography. The devotees could not worship and offer articles (garland, lamp etc.) to a deity in Ka yotsarga posture. Therefore from the Gupta period onwards we have more Āsīna (sitting) images of Mahāvīra. The archaeological exploration of Ellora caves has brought to light many distinguished images of Mahāvīra carved in the caves No. 30, 31 and 32. These caves were excavated by Digambara sect of Jaina church.
The most important feature of Mahāvīra icon prepared during early mediaeval period is that they are absolutely screne and everything associated with them is calculated to arouse in the spectator's mind nothing but moral virtues and spiritual purity. Such is the condition of all Mahāvīra icons known from mid India or from the South. Ellora caves already mentioned have unique Mahāvīra images. In all the caves (No. 30, 31 and 32) Mahāvīra is represented (a) Seated on a lion throne, (b) His legs are in Padmāsana and (c) The arms always in Dhyāna Mudra. These featuers are associated with tiara over the head whether the images placed inside the shrine or carved on the door of the tiny Jaina temple in cave no. 30. In Indra Sabha and Jagannatha caves Mahāvīra icon is found in the midst of 24 Tirthankaras in the similar posture. In northern India artists were not behind the scheduled. In Magadha school of Indian art metal icons of Mahavira were casted along with plastic image. The moulds contained all the main characteristics of Jain iconography. Large number of Bronze icons have been discovered M.M.-55

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from Chausa, Dist. Shahabad, Bihar. They are in naked form and Ka yotsarga posture. Man Bhumi (Bihar Pradesh) Bronze icon of Mahāvīra has Śrīvatsa and casted in Nalanda. Mediaeval period has yielded numerous Bronze images all prepared in mould. Nalanda was the nucleus of metallic icons and probably metal was obtained from the district of Hazaribagh (Bihar). Art critics have agreed that the system of moulding of Mahāvīra metal images was very much similar through out northern India. It is a matter of serious consideration that the 1st and 23rd Tīrthankaras also attracted the attention of the Jaina artists because Ādinātha and Pārsvanātha images were casted along with Mahāvīra. In this case the artists were not working on a hypothetical basis, but most probably the historical personalities drew the attention and their images occupied the prominent place in Jaina iconography. However, Vardhamāna Mahāvīra icons appear to be surmountable during the Centuries of the Christian era.
It is strange to notice that various cult icons of mediaeval period express the feeling of rivalry and jealousy. In the Tantric Buddhism some images emphasise the sectarian ill-feeling during the period under review. Attempt at reconcilliation and reapproachment between the rival creeds were being made even from a very early period. Many intellectuals among the followers of different cults knew that the respective God was a different aspect of one absolute God, but the following of the greatness of God of a particular sect helped the mentality of rivalry among the sectarians. This feeling was expressed by preparing the image of a particular sect in the attitude of humiliating the icon of other creed.
Archaeologists have noticed a Mahāvīra icon lying flat and being trampled by the Vajrayāna deity. (This syncretic icon is preserved in Nalanda Museum). Similar cases have been reported with regards to the Hindu deities. Buddhist divinities have been shown more superior to the deities of other cults. In the opinion of Dr. B. Bhattacharya, these conceptions of

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syncretism were for future happiness of monk or the worshippers of Vajrayāna. This attitude of aggressive hostile feeling against Jaina cult was never retaliated and Jaina art has a repulsion towards such heinous activities. This idea is also echoed from the study of other literary and historical works. We very much agree with the statement of Dr. J. Charpentier that Jaina canons do not tell anything about the Buddhist, but the latter frequently mention discussions and controversies between Buddha and disciples of Mahāvíra. In these accounts Buddha of course, always has the last word and is said to have inflicted considerable loss on Jaina Community.
The survey of the Mahāvīra images, clearly shows that there was no pantheon in Jaina religion. The icons can be classified into pre-Kuşāņa and post-Kuşāņa periods on the basis of artistic features. It expresses the social idea of an individual and institutions. Jainism is truely a national religion. The idea was imbibed by Jaina artists and all Mahāvīra images carry the noble sentiment to stimulate the highest idea for obtaining Mokşa. All icons are artistic and are conditioned by the time and circumstances. Unlike Tantrayāna Jaina artists always kept the idea of Kevalin in mind as sole divinity of Jaina Art,

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FARTHER-EYE IN THE EAST INDIAN AND
NEPALESE PAINTINGSI
(Extensions of the so-called Jaina Paintings
in East India and Nepal)
Anand Krishna
A certain class of Mediaeval illustrations appears in the Jaina manuscripts, mainly from W. India on whose basis this style was variously named as Jaina (or Svetāmbara Jaina), Gujarati or W. Indian. My father, Rai Krishnadasa took into consideration the widespread use of a parent style from which the regional styles might have emanated and therefore preferred to call it as the Apabhramśa style (lit., a decadent form of the Classical style at Ajanta and so on). Reference to such a style is found in many other parts of India or even in Greater India and in relation to every possible text, religious or secular and similarly to a variety of themes showing its wide popularity. This paper is devoted to certain unpublished examples of the Apabhramsa style from E. India, to support its national character.
We can recapitulate the characteristics of the tradition by referring to the angular and linear treatments, jerky movements projecting torso, pointed nose or the chin. The dress is emphasized and takes sharp angles. The most outstanding feature is the use of the "farther-eye' or the eye beyond the facial contour of the one and one quarter profile (savā caşma) face, which has been deliberately shown sticking out in the space. As a matter of fact this characteristic of the Apabhramsa painting became a distinguishing feature of the style. I have been able to follow its prevalence in remote corners of India and moreover, in the Greater India, the fact impressive enough to prove 1. This work was done under a Jawaharlal Nehru Fellowship.
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the national character of the style, and the grand impact these traditions made on our art. As an instance to prove my view point, I propose to take up the E. Indian extension of the style, which later on overflowed to Nepal.
It appears that the tradition of "farther-eye” was already known to the E. Indian artists since the later Gupta period. A copper seal of a Kumārāmātya, attributed to the eighth century and now in the collection of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, shows standing figure of Laksmī attended by Yaksas on the sides. It is note-worthy that in the either cases of the Yaksa figures, we find the extending farther-eye and the farther eye brow; as if the artist deliberately tried to transform the strict profile face into an one and one quarter (savā-caşma) face by appending the farther-eye and the farther eye brow. The use of one and one quarter profile (savā-caşma) was similarly popular with the W. Indian Apabhramśa painting.
A. K. Coomaraswamy published2 extracts from the Hua Chi of Teng Ch’un (originally published in 1167 A.D.). The text refers to Buddhist paintings at Nālandā. Although there is no reference to the use of “farther-eye" in these paintings yet it is evident that other characteristics of the Apabhramsa paintings were prevalent in the E. Indian paintings from that centre. The text inform us that "the eyes are larger”: although the E. Indian illustrations themselves do not show such treatments (where the half closed meditative" eyes are the norm), yet it is quite possible that the large-eyed Apabhramóa tradition was prevalent in the local or folk style at Nālandā (also see below for similar examples from Bodh Gayā). Similarly, we find from the above Chinese source that the painters at Nālandā used gold and vermilion as the background colour", a characteristic feature, 1. R. D. Banerji, The Age of the Imperial Guptas, Banaras, 1933, pl. 1
Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, "One Hundred References to Indian Paint.
ing", Artibus Asiae, Vol. IV, p. 57 3. Ibid.
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of the Apabhramsa painting. These are clear evidence to prove extension of the Apabhramsa painting in E. India.
We might refer to the copper plate from W. Sundarban (W. Bengal) dated in saka 1118 (or 1196 A.D.) and which bears an engraving of Visņu and a devotee. The figures have all the qualitis of a line drawing and therefore be helpful to us in determining certain characteristics of the local idioms in painting as distinguished from the classical style used in the main panels of the Pala illustrations. With this etching and the minor panels in the illustrated texts (see below we are able to determine extension of the Apabhramsa traditions in E. India as a side movement to the Ajantasque treatments, preserved in the high Pala style.
The figure showing Visņu, maintains the graceful flex of the Pala tradition yet treatment of the face in one and one quarter (sava caşma) profile can be a change towards the Apabhramsa, which can also be seen in the pointed nose and chin, the elongated and gaping eyes as well as the suggestive use of the ferther eye. The eye type is still more visibly shown in the case of the devotee.
Similarly, it is worth noticing that the treatments are generally, very cursory and stylization can be seen in the thin and pointed fingers or the toes. The linear treatments again point to the mediaeval expressions in E. Indian painting in this late period.
1.
2.
Devaprasad Ghosh, "A Copper-Plate Engraving", Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, December 1934, Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 127-129 and the text plate.
Ibid., p. 128, where this figure has been identified with Garuda. However, the paper does not show any of the characteristics of Garuḍa; namely the bird face, wings and the serpents entwined at his neck wrist
etc.

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Some years back I discovered an incised drawing on a pair of stone sculptures now in the Indian Museum collection (acc. nos. R. 4.1. and 24.214) Calcutta, (figs. 1 and 2; and text figures. ...A-H). These show two sculptured effigies of the Buddha's Foot Prints in dark coloured Gayā stone, over a hemispherical base. According to the information supplied by the Indian Museum, these were collected from Bodh Gayā. From stylistic angles, we may date them in the eleventh century A.D.1 The sculptured "Foot Prints of Buddha" bear the auspicious marks, as signs of his super-human (maha-puruṣa) character and in the present instances have been depicted by means of incised fine drawings. Thus, although a part of the sculpture, for all practical purposes, they can be discussed here, as pictorial representations. It is interesting to find that the artist has actually used pictorial traditions in these representations; for example, we find in them, linear and two dimensional treatments.
The drawings show a number of symbols: a man blowing a conch shell, streamers supported by a pot, a shrine, a tray of sweet-balls, a cakra, peacock over a hill and flanked by hassas etc. (fig. 1, text figs. A-E). The second sculpture shows other symbols in incised drawings: fire altar attended by a cowrie bearer couple, water vessel over a wicker stool, wheel, an unidentified symbol, radiate Sun etc. (fig. 2, text figs. F-H). The drawings share characteristics with the W. Indian (Apabhramsa) illustrations, which can be seen in the linear treatments, jerky movements, conventionalised decorativism and so on. The serrated edges of the flames (text fig. F), the curving peaks of the hill (text fig. D), the fluttering streamers (text fig. A) can be cited as apt examples for the above. But the most interesting instances
Anyway they should be earlier than the twelfth-thirteenth centuries as the quality sculpture at Gayā practically stopped after the first Muslim invasion in the Magadha region. This is a symbol, known from the Punch Marked coins, see in John Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, London 1936, p. xxv, symbol no. 10.
2.

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appear from the human figures, which in their details suggest an established tradition of the Apabhramša style in E. India. As it has already been confirmed by other illustrated manuscripts known from the Magadh region of later date but in the same style (see below).
The human figures in these sculptured Foot Prints, appear only thrice yet they conform to a definite tradition; we find that all of them appear in the one and one quarter profile (savā-caşma), in the case of the male chowrie bearer, the narrow and sloping forehead can be seen. In all the three cases we find, the "farther-eye" protruding out of the facial contour. The chests of the male figures are rounded and bulging as parallel to the Jaina illustrations from W. India. Attenuated waist may be another point of similarity between the two. In the case of the male chowrie bearer, we can see the broad and fluttering end of his dupațjā, as popularly found in the W. Indian examples. Yet it would be wrong to assume these as copies of W. Indian painting; while conforming to the general characteristics of the national Apabhramsa style, of which the W. Indian formed one of the major and provincial schools, the treatments in the present examples, retain their local character. We find that the male figures are dressed in diaphanous draperies, the rhythmic outlines of which, in the case of the conch-shell blower (text fig. B) is particularly note-worthy. This is echoed in the ends of the sāri of the female chowrie bearer (text fig. F). Similarly the elongated and cylindrical legs of the standing human figures in both the sculptures are typical derivations from the E. Indian sculpture, and may be accepted here as a local expression. Similarly, the human figures, as a whole, are tallish particularly in their lowest portion. Unfortunately due to extreme rarity of the examples, it is not possible to discuss the style in greater details yet these are clear proofs for prevalence of such a tradition. It is more so interesting and important as these instances are from Magadha, a region less known for its painting activities in the early period, except for the illustrated manuscript produced at M.M.-56

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Nālandā. Even the illustrations from Nālandā belong to the E. Indian (Pāla) style and therefore our examples are more valuable as they conform to the national Apabhramsa style in its eastern form. Besides, these drawings are non-Jaina (Buddhist), which give us another proof that the style was commonly used by various religions and sects.
Some other treatments in the drawings deserve our attention. The shrine (fig. 1, text fig. C) and the flames (fig. 2, text fig. F) show angular treatments. On the other hand, the hillock (fig. 1, text fig. D) is an instance of decorative treatments in the style, as the peaks curve schematically at the top.2
1.
The Struggle for Empire, Vol. V, (ed. R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalkar, Bombay 1957, pl. LXII, Fig. 140. S. K. Saraswati informs me that this is a manuscript of the Astasahasrika Prajñāpāramit, and is in the collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. 4713) and was first published by Hara Prasad Sastri in Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Government Collection, A.S.B., Vol. I, p. 6. The manuscript has a number of illustrations and is dated in the 6th regnal year of Mahi Pala; I could not see the publication. Stella Kramrisch published onc illustration from the manuscript in "Nepalese Painting", Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. I, No. 2, pl. XXXVII; however she has not given the other details of the manuscript. Curiously the peaks in this sculpture resemble similar treatments in the Maha Purāņa manuscript in the Sri Digambara Nayā Mandir, Delhi (see in Moti Chandra's "An Illustrated Ms. of the Mahäpuräna" etc., Lalit Kala, no. 5, figs. 6-8.
Such treatments again appears in the Mahåpurāna illustrated manuscript in the collection of the Sri Digambar Jain Atisaya Kşetra, Jaipur, (sec in Karl Khandalavala's and Moti Chandra's, New Documents of Indian Painting, Bombay 1969, pls. 148-149). Saryu Doshi discovered certain manuscripts of the Yasodhara Carita from the collection of the S.D.S.A.K. which she attributed to the Palam (Delhi) style. Here again, the treatments of the rocks are similar to the incised drawings in the stone sculpture from Bodh Gayā. Thus, this seems to be a common characteristic among the various sub-styles of northern (and eastern) India.

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The farther-eye has been commonly used in the Eastern Indian manuscript illustrations, which shows that the E. Indian traditions were fully aware of this "mediaeval" mannerism. It is significant that the farther-eye has been carefully avoided in the principal figures of the main panels from the Pala manuscripts. The reason appears to be the use of the paune-do-casma (threefourth profile) faces; these have been reserved for the divine figures, which are shown with "meditative eyes". On the other hand, accessory figures or the "devotees" in the savācaşma (one and one quarter) profile, correspond with the ded h-caşma (one and one half) profile of the W. Indian illustrations. In the E. Indian manuscript illustrations, specific portions were reserved for such “minor” figures, which appear on the smaller panels, usually through which the folios were threaded; unfortunately, due to the above practice, the examples have generally suffered and their faces have been lost.
One must not forget that the smaller panels appear only rarely in the E. Indian manuscript and therefore our study is limited to the scanty material available to us. Moreover, I am indebted to Prof. S. K. Saraswati for the information that the use of the "farther-eye" in this group, appears only since the mid-eleventh century manuscripts onwards. Thus, one has to restrict oneself to the few and rare example from this group. Anyway, it is clear that in the savā-caşma figures from this group, usually, the faces show use of the “farther-eye". This proves knowledge of this cliche among the E. Indian painters.
The tradition of farther eye seems to have been well established in Bengal and Nepal at least from the eleventh century onwards, of which certain examples are being published here. In the earlier group, such faces appear only in the attendant figures of the marginal strips showing the human devotees etc. We may take here from the collection of Bharat Kala Bhavan, the illustrated manuscript of Aștasahasrika Prajñā Pāramitā of the year 1. Parallel treatments of three-fourth profile faces for divinities are known
in the W. Indian painting.

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4 of a Gomindra Pala (acc. no. 4775), the illustrated leaves contained such marginal strips which would have been very useful to our study yet unfortunately, most of the faces were lost as a result of the threading holes bored through these portions (acc. nos. 4782, 4787 and 4790). However, in a single illustrated strip (acc. no. 4775), we find two men tied with a rope and led by a god; in this instance the faces of the victims survive where we find the use of the farther-eye (acc. no. 4775, fig. 3). Although we do not know more about the reigning king, Gomindra Pala yet from the stylistic angles the manuscript can be dated in the twelfth century.
Another illustrated manuscript of Pancarakšā in the same collection had a number of faces with the farther eye; yet regretfully most of such instances again, have been destroyed by the indiscriminate threading through those portions. As the manuscript is dated in the 9th regnal year of Lakşmaņa (Sena), it can be ascribed to Ca. 1187 A.D. The majority of the faces are frontal (do casmi for example in accession numbers 4854, 4856, 4859, 4861, 4909, 4911, 4919, 4921, 5192 and 4594). The attendant figures show use of the farther eye; besides these, marginal figures on the painted wooden covers belong to the same group: we might refer to the accession numbers 4907 (fig. 4) and 4906 (fig 5 a-d). The two other surviving examples from the painted palm leaves are: accession number 4914 (fig. 6) and the obliterated figure (vide accession number 4916, (fig. 7). These leave no doubt about the wide prevalence of the farther eye in the Eastern Indian art yet it was yet not fully acceptable to the painter in reference to the divine representations. In other words, the artist was aware of the two rival styles of expressions which he used alternately, for specific purposes.
We have a few more instances of the use of the farther eye in other manuscript from the same collection. The stray leaf
1.
It is interesting to find that in the colophon page the main and the marginal panels are tete-beche (upside down in relation to the calligraphy), also in the illustrations, bearing accession numbers 4853 to 4857,

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from a manuscript (acc. no. 5488, fig. 8) supports the above view.
Now from the above scenes we find that the Bengali painters retained their formula of the elongated and half-closed type even in the representation of the farther eye; this was distinguished from the broad and staring type found from the western Indian manuscript illustrations. The same Bengali tradition progressed to Magadha as seen in the illustrated manuscript of Kāla cakra tantra from the Cambridge University Collection(see below).
We may refer to certain later manuscripts in the collection of Bharat Kala Bhavan; these are mainly from the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries Nepal, where the eastern Indian tradition was somewhat preserved. The Devi Māhātmya (acc. nos. 4895, 489799) has a number of illustrations. These show at least three main types of treatments: (a) the full faces (acc. no. 5905): these have wooden expressions and resemble the other Himalayan sub-styles in this type of representations, presumably based on the decadent sculpture of the stereotyped tradition, (b) the rare instances of the strict profile faces without the farther eyes: these appear only in two compositions, showing the drooping and dead faces of the killed Rākşasas (acc. nos. 4896 and 4901). These treatments suggest the embroyonic "Rajasthani'' types; moreover the body colour of the Rākşasas is darkish and naturalistic as compared with the idealised complexions of the Devī and other personages in the scenes, and (c) the usual type of the three fourth profile
S. K. Saraswati informs me that main panels having the farther eyed faces are known from a manuscript of Asta-sahasriká Prajnaparamitê dated in the fifth regnal year of a Mahi Pāla; the manuscript is now in the collection of the Cambridge University Library. S. K. Saraswati has attributed this to Mahi Pāla II's reign on stylistic grounds and thus dates it in ca. 1060-70 A.D. This is borne out by the use of the farther eye which is a later characteristic. He informs that the manuscript was published by A. Foucher in his Les Etudes Sur L'Iconographic Buddhique: however I could not get a copy of the same. Pratapaditya Pal, loc. cit.

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(paune do caşma) faces invariably having the farther eye (acc. nos. 4894 and 4897 not illustrated here or acc. no. 4895, fig. 9; no. 4893, fig. 10; no. 4898, fig. 11 and no. 4899, fig. 12). These instances leave no doubt about the wide prevalence of the farther eye in this group of illustrations in treatment they resemble the type already seen in the Lakśmaņa Sena manuscript.
The Kala Bhavan collection has another group of stray four illustrated and stray leaves of a Durga Patha manuscript, which on the styslistic grounds can ve attributed to the fourteenthfifteenth centuries. Here again, we find the above tradition of the farther-eye which in its half closed variety compares well to the eye type of their counter part in the illustrated manuscript of 1446 A.D. in the Cambridge University Library2 and painted in Magadha, yet the latter shows a based type of the same tradition. It is likely that the Magadha artists were copying the above Nepalese form on a folk level. On the other hand, the Swali manuscript of Karandavyuha has the broad projecting eyes as found in the Bodh Gaya engravings, discussed below, Thus, we can distinguish two distinct sub-varieties of the eye-treatments from the same group.
Referring back to the four stray illustrated leaves of the Durga Patha, we find that like the previous manuscript illustrations, here too, the scenes are surcharged with sensitive expressions. We have not reproduced the folio showing the Deví, having grasped him by his hair is about to cut off the Rakṣasas head (acc. no. 9518) nor the folio showing the enthroned Devi (acc. no. 9521). In the former example the farther eye is clearly shown. The two illustrations published here, show devotees praying to the Devi, as they sit under the pedestal (acc. no. 9519, fig. 13). All the human figures bear the farther-eye, which is distinctly delineated and some of them being broad and staring eyes, compare to their western Indian counterparts.3 The other 1-2. P. Pal, loc. cit.
3.
Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, Ahmedabad 1949 pl. 9, Muni Punyavijayaji, Jaisalmer ni Citra Samṛddhi, 1951 fig. 4

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illustration, reproduced here, shows the Devi attended by the (?) donor couple (acc. no. 9520, fig. 14). This panel is specially marked for its angular faces (similar to the western Indian treatments). The cursory drawing of the fingers in both the illustrations (figs. 13 and 14) bears parallelism to the western Indian scenes, and above all the pointed beard of the (?) donor is again very close to the early Jaina illustrations. Similarities can be traced between the treatment of the farther eye in this panel and the western Indian depictions. Moreover, the faces are, now in the one and one quarter profile (savā caşma), which had already assumed an all India characteristic by then.
The avove account leaves no doubt about the prevalance of the farther eye in the Bengali and Nepalese manuscript illustrations from the eleventh to the thirteenth-fourteenth centuries. Several other manuscripts or cloth paintings in this style are available in other collections.
Survival of this style is known from the Kala-cakra-tantra in the collection of the Cambridge University Library. The manuscript is dated in 1446 A.D.1 Even though the manuscript illustrations are removed from the Bodhgayā sculptures by several centuries yet we cannot miss the affinities in the style; for, the Kala-cakra-Tantra, as we know from the colophon, was painted in Arakagrama of Magadha. Thus, the two represent the common style of the south Bihar (Magadha). As a matter of fact it is amazing to find survival of the same style in such a later period (1446 A.D.). The reason could be that the traditional Buddhist painters seemed to have continued the tradition in small pockets.
Pratapaditya Pals has shown a number of affinities between the style of the Kāla-cakra-tantra illustrations and the Apabhramsa 1. Pratapaditya Pal, “A New Document of Indian Painting”, Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society, October 1965, pp. 103-111. 2. Ibid., p. 103, where it is identified with modern Arah of Shahabad
district in S. Bihar. Ibid., p. 109-111.
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treatments from W. India or U.P. He has mainly stressed on the iconography and the treatments of minor nature. It is true that the Apabhramśa style had an established centre at Jaunpur1; certain other manuscript illustrations have been attributed to E. U.P. yet none of them agrees in style with the Kala-cakra-tantra illustrations. On the other hand, with the availability of the E. Indian examples in the form of the Pala and the Post-Pala illustrated manuscripts and the sculptures from Bodh Gaya, (see above) there is hardly any justification in trying to derive their sources in W. Indian motifs or treatments, which can be mere parallelism. The only other centre, which was producing in a related style and for the Buddhist clientale was Nepal; fortunately the expressions in the late Magadha style of the Kala-cakra tantra agree in style with Nepalese paintings of the same period. (See above.)
Another such example of an illustrated manuscript from E. India appears in the form of the Karandavyuha of 1455 A.D. (now in the Swali collection, Bombay).2 Here again we find painted wooden covers which appear in a fully developed Apabhramsa tradition as the farther eyes which are only in the suggestive form in the Kala-cakra-tantra illustrations, now attained a full-fledged form.3 Similarly, the nose is more pointed, the movements jerky or the broad ends of the floating scarves suggest 1. Karl Khadalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting, op. cit., pls. 27-44.
Pratapaditay Pal "Evidences of Buddhist Painting in E. India in the fifteenth century", Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. XXVIII, No. 4, 1966, pp. 266-70.
Moti Chandra, "A Pair of Painted Wooden Covers of the Karandavyūha Manuscript dated A.D. 1455 From Eastern India," Chhavi, Golden Jubilee Volume of Bharat Kala Bhavan.
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3.
For example, we find the interesting treatment of Sibi extracting his farther eye on the cover II of the manuscript (See in Moti Chandra's, op. cit., fig. 8). Further we might note that the farther-eye has the outer end invariably open in this manuscript.

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nearness to the Apabhramsa style. Thus, we sec culmination of the Apabhramớa tradition in E. Indial in the Karandavyuha illustrated book covers from the Swali Collection. However, it is curious that both the manuscripts of the fifteenth century in this style and from E. India should be Buddhist in attribution, when hardly any trace of that sect survived in Magadha or W. Bengal. The discovery of two such examples from E. India, suggests that this tradition must have been entrenched in E. India, yet looking at the mediocre quality of workmanship of the illustrations from either manuscripts we have no doubt left that the Apabhramsa tradition in E. India continued to flourish at the folk level in the fifteenth century as it was in the hayday of the Pala-Sena style.
The surviving angular treatments in the Bengali and Orissan paintings suggest that the above mentioned must have been popular through the intervening centuries yet unfortunately no examples are available in paintings from that group.
However, a continuous development of the style can be traced from the Nepalese paintings; Nepalese painting as we know stylistically was an off shoot of the E. Indian painting. It appears that while the E. Indian suffered downfall and was on the verge of total extinction due to Muslim conquest in that region, the art-style flourished in Nepal and its continuous growth can be traced on basis of the wealth of material. The rare instances of illustrations from E. India, some of which have been discussed above prove existence of Apabhramsa style in that region. This material cumulatively helps us to prove nation-wide prevalence of the style which has been wrongly attributed by certain scholars to a particular class or region.
The manuscript has been universally accepted as a work from E. India, on the basis of the "Bengali script". It offers the name of the village
where it was produced, but the same cannot be satisfactorily identified. M.M.-57

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IS JAINISM AN OPPONENT OF HINDUISM ?
D. N. Shukla
"mere afcaria"
Evolution of the Jina Icons:
A word may be said here on the evolution of Jina Icons illustrating the different phases of the Jina iconography as found in Indian sculpture. This development of Jina-images may be viewed in three stages of development of (1) Pre-Kuşāņa (ii) Kuşāņa and (iii) the Gupta;—corresponding to the three stages of iconography in which they were conceived namely simple images (of course with certain symbols), without any characteristic lanchana the developed paraphernalia of an image for worship and thirdly endowed with lāñchanas together with the accessories and Cihnas etc. The earliest historical representation of the Jinas was found in the Āyāgapatas (the tablets of homage) discovered at the Kankali Tilā of Mathura. Three of them show the Tirthankara figure seated with hands laid in the lap. Some of the Jaina Aştamangalasymobls such as a pair of fish, a svastika etc. also figure here. but there is hardly any specific lanchana characteristics of a particular Jina by which we can recognize him. One tablet, however, show the figure of a Jina, which by its mark of snake-canopy, we can identify as that of Pārsvanātha; Brindāvan, therefore, concludes (J.I. p. 47): The representation of Jinas in these Āyāgapațas of pre-Kuşāņa age, as may be proved from the script of the inscription on them, appear to be the earliest in the stages of Jaina iconography. Thus we can infer that in the first stage of iconic development Jinas had no lānichanas or distinctitive mark, the Pārsva figure had the invariable symbol of snake canopy and some of the Aştamāngalikas had been very primitive in their growth.
457
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The second stage of Jaina iconography is illustrated in the varieties of the Jinas of the Kuşāņa school which may be said to be of three types, first in which the Jina figure form a part of a sculptured panel; second in which figures are represented as
worship and third show figures in the middle of Ayāgapatas. In these the image-type of Jinas have some noticeable perticuliarities such as seated figures have no attendants on sides but have a devotional scene on the pedestal; standing figures are nude and are attended by two Gandharvas. Dharma-cakra symbol in its simple representation is also found on the Kuşāņa images.
The Gupta period shows a marked development in the iconographic characteristics of a Jina figure. Not only do we see in such images, the particular Lāñchanas incorporated but miniature figures of a Yaksa and a Sāsanadevatā invariably included. Other marks such as a trillinear umbrella, a drumplayer surmounting it, a pair of elephants on two sides of the umbrella and a Dharma Cakra symbol attended by a pair of either bulls or deer form parts of a Jina sculpture. “In no sculpture of Kuşāņa age hailing from Mathura, the Tírthankara figure is seen attended by either a Yakşa or a Yakṣiṇī, but in the Gupta, onwards, it was a stereotyped canon with the sculptors.” Jaina Quadruple:
In place of Hindu Trinity the Jainas have also a remarkable representation in art. It is popularly known as 'Caumukhi and has a further name of Sarvatobhadra-Pratimā. The most important of the Tīrthařkaras are represented here on the four sides with their characteristic symbols.
Yaksas and Yaksiņis:
Yakşas as a class of demi-gods had existed in popular belief and in literary traditions of the Hindus much earlier than the rise of Jainism. Hence their association with Jaina images is an interesting characteristics not only of the Jaina Pantheon but also

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IS JAINISM AN OPPONENT OF HINDUISM? 459 of the Jainas themselves. Kubera, the lord of Yaksas and king of Alakā and the treasurer of the Devas is a popular knowledge. Brindavan therefore observes: 'The Yakşas are, in Indian tradition, regarded as the presiding spirits over wealth and therefore it is very easy to see why Jainas who represent a merchantile class specially endeared themselves to the cult and appropriated them specially among the class of their Dundhidevas or highest divinities.
In Indian sculpture the representation of Yakşas as Vyantaradevatās was the most favourite with the sculptors and was also very fascinating to the public. A host of their images are found on every site of renown. In Jaina images their association is two-fold-first as attendants to their masters, the Tirtharkaras and secondly as time passed and the Yakşa-cult obtained greater veneration among the Jainas we also find their detached independent images in the ancient ruins.
According to the Jaina belief, Indra appoints one Yaksa and one Yakşiņī to serve, as attendants, each Tīrthankara. The Yakşa would be on his right side and Yakşiņí on his left. Thus they also came to be called Sāsanadevatās or attendant spirits. According to Hemacandra, a Yaksa originates from the particular religious spirit of a Jina "TATETSTEHT" " TH" Hence we can take in all probability that the Yaksa was the leader of disciples and Yakşiņi was the first female convert. Again “as Yaksas and Yakșiqis were leader-disciples of the Jinas, they had been chosen from the rich merchantile class and some of them had represented as bankers. In actual images, we find them decorated in red jewels and characterised with the symbol of many-bags etc.'
With this introduction to this important element of Jaina iconography—the association of Yaksa-images with the Jinaimages let us briefly tabulate their vāhana-lāñchana as an essential characteristic of their images. In the following table respective vāhana-lanchanas of yakşa-yakşini find place in serial order on the authority of the two important iconographical texts—the A.P. and the V.S.:

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Labchanas:
Vāhanas of the 24 Yaksas Vāhanas of the 24 Yaksinīs
Aparā jita Vastusāra Aparā jita Vāstusära 1. Vrsa
gaja garuda
garuda 2. Gaja
gaja ratha
Lohāsana
(govāhana) 3. Mayūra Mayūra
mesa 4. Hamsa gaja
hamsa
padma 5. Garuda garuda
Sveta-hasti padma 6. Mrga
mrga aśva
nara 7. Mesa
gaja mahisa
gaja 8. Kapota
hamsa Vrsa
hamsa 9. Kūrma
kūrma kūrma
vrsa 10. Hamsa kamalasana sukara
padma 11. Vrsa
vrsabha
krsna hariņa simha 12. Sikhi
hamsa nakra
asva 13. ?
Sikhi vimāna
padma 14. ?
makara hamsa
padma 15. ?
kūrma
Vyāghra matsya 16. Suka
varaha pakşirāja padma 17. Suka
hamsa
Krşņa sūkara Sikhi 18. Khara
samkha simia
padma 19. Simha
gaja
aştapāda padma 20. ?
vrsa sarpa
bhadrâsana 21. ?
vrsa
markata hamsa 22. ?
purusa simha
simha 23. ?
kūrma kukkuta sarpa 24. hasti
gaja
bhadrâsana simha The 16 Śruta or Vidyā Devis:
They are also an important class of Jaina images, their names and luksanas in many respects, correspond to those of the Yakṣiṇīs. Brindavana says: “Of all the conceptions found in the Jaina Iconography, none is so original as the conception of the Vidyadevis or the goddesses of learning” to which the present writer most respectfully would differ. They are a combination of

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461
so many Hindu goddesses modelled on the Yaksinīs by the Jainas. The Jainas make a special ceremony of Sarsvatīpūjā (Sarsvatī heading the 16 śruta or Vidyā devís) on the Sukla Pañcami day of the Kārtika month called by them Jñāna Pañcami.
Without going into their details of the Vahanas, the lanchanas the weapons etc. (which are easily understandable in the writer's Pr. Laks. p. 274-75) let us only tabulate their names:
1. Rohiņi 2. Prajñapti 3. Vajraśrņkhalā 4. Vajrānkuši 5. Apraticakrā
6. Naradattā 7. Kāli 8. Mahākali 9. Gaurí 10. Gāndhárī
11. Mahājvālā 12. Manaví 13. Vairogyā 14. Acchuptā 15. Mānasi 16. Mahāmānasi
Dikpālas:
Like the majority of Hindu gods imported into the Jaina pantheon, the Dikpālas were a direct over taking. They are also called lokapālas and are also worshipped as Vāstu-devatās. Brindāvana says that one śvetāmbara text makes them functioning as Kumāras, who differ very little in nature from the gods of quarters.
A very succinct description of these Dikapālas has been made by me in my Pratimā-Vijñāna and the reader is referred to read them there. The names of the ten Dikpālas however may be enumerated here along with their overlordship of the directions: 1. Indra(E)
2. Agni (S.E.) 3. Yama(S) 4. Nirriti (S.W.)
5. Varuņa(W) 6. Vāyu (NW) 7. Kubera(N)
8. Iśāna (N.E.) 9. Nāyadeva 10. Brahmadeva
(nether (upp. regions)
regions) Other Miscellaneous Deities:
Have also a tradition both in worship and art among the Jainas and a few words may be said on them. Only a few

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among them may be mentioned here: Harinegamesi or Naigameśa is represented in sculpture as a male figure, either with the head of a ram or antelope or a goat. He is accredited for granting the boon of child birth. He is not altogether a new Jaina origin. His affinity with Daksa Prajapati is beyond doubt.
Kṣetrapāla:
He is Bhairava and seems to be the master of the Yoginis. His iconology is bewildering. He has 20 hands with many weapons, matted hair, a snake as his holy thread and he rides on a dog.
Gaṇeśa, Lakṣmi, Santi & Yoginis:
Gaṇeśa and Laksmi are equally adorable among the Jainas; but the conception of Santi Devi is really unique among the Jainas. As regards the Yoginis they are a Tantric influence from which no cult could escape.
With these few points, now let me conclude. In the inception of Buddhism, the Hinyan, Buddha was only aniconic or symbolic, Later on Mahāyan flourished and this second stage got amalgamated into Vajrayana-the third stage-as even continued in China, Japan and Tibet etc. This is the hall-mark of Purāņic influence. Similarly the Jainism did not lag behind to propitiate gods, goddesses and also demi-gods-the first stage aniconic or symbolic, the second stage iconic. Please recollect the above quotation afzad'. All the three volcanic currents are of one Dhārā.
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