Some Topics in the Development of OIA MIA NIA

Author(s): H C Bhayani
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001575/1

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L. D. SERIES 118 SOME TOPICS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF OIA, MIA, NIA By General Editor JITENDRA B. SHAH H. C. BHAYANI L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9 1997

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L. D. SERIES 118 SOME TOPICS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF OIA, MIA, NIA General Editor JITENDRA B. SHAH By H. C. BHAYANI L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9 1997

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Published by : JITENDRA B. SHAH L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad-380 009 1st Edition : 1997 Price : 75-00 Copy : 500 Printed by : Kirit H. Patel Krishna Graphics 966, Naranpura Old Village, Ahmedabad-380 013 (Phone : 7484393) .

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TO BHARATI MODI WITH AFFECTION AND REGARDS

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Foreword The development of Indo-Aryan language from the earliest times down to the present day is a vast and a highly interesting area for linguistic studies. The research literature pertaining to it, data-based or adopting various and changing theoretical approaches, is enormous. Prof. (Dr.) H. C. Bhayani's present work is bound to attract attention of students of the history of Indo-Aryan languages, because among other things, it makes departure from earlier positions and discussions in the areas of Indo-Aryan phonology, morphology and lexicon. We are indeed happy to publish it in the L. D. Series. JITENDRA B. SHAH 2nd October, 1997 Ahmedabad

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Preface I have discussed certain topics in the development of Indo-Aryan, with a view to focus attention chiefly on 'sporadic' tendencies (phonology), analogical restructuring (morphology), 'vector' verbs (syntax) and compound verbroots and varieties of non-standard Sanskrit(lexicon). The discussion is based on data, mostly, from Prakrit and Gujarati. It is hoped that thereby a clearer picture of the development at the Middle and Modern stages will emerge. I will be happy if this modest effort of mine rekindles interest in the historical problems of Indo-Aryan. I am grateful to the Director and the Managing Committee of the L. D. Institute of Indology for publishing this book. My special thanks are due to Krishna Graphics for satisfactorily carrying out the printing of technical and considerably complicated text-matter. H. C. Bhayani

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Introduction 1. The change of -s- to -h 2. -dr- (or * dl) > -II 3. -st--tt-/-mt 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. CONTENTS I. PHONOLOGICAL 1. 2. 3. 4. -sm- > -mh->-mh Stop-insertion in Prakrit clusters Post-labial -u-> -o- in the word-initial closed syllable in Prakrit. Voiceless consonant + nasal/v changed to double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal -a- preceding a cluster with a nasal as the anlaut changed to -i Nasalization of a pre-sibilant vowel in Prakrit and thereafter 10. Aspiration of non-aspirate stops 11. Doubling of a single consonant following a long vowel 12. Prothetic h 13. The assimilative change -i- > -u- in MIA and NIA Replacement of -nd- by -l1 14. 15. Replacement of -b- by -g II. MORPHOLOGICAL (1) INFLEXIONAL A. Developments in Prakrit verb-stems : Passive verb-stems New past passive participle bases Development of new active intransitive verbal stems Phonological explanation versus analogical explanation Appendix 350 1 6 8 15 17 19 wwwww~~ 24 27 30 32 33 35 36 37 46 55 57 64

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1. 66 72 2. * 3. 76 81 6. 7. B. Some aspects of the development of the Gujarati passive : Passive, optative and future imperative stems Origin and development of O. Guj. stems ending in -ija, -iaOrigin and development of a- passives The stative verb-stems in -aStative verbs used actively 79 The passive subjectless reflexive construction The active subjectless reflexive construction Abilitives Intransitives functioning as transitives (2) DERIVATIONAL The nominal suffix -ota- in Sanskrit 85 The Late Middle Indo-Aryan suffix -ana (3) SYNTACTICAL On MIA lagg- used as a 'vector' verb : 101 The Gujarati constructions with marvu as a 'vector' (4) LEXICAL 83 (1) (2) 1. 2. 106 114 1. 2. 121 Compound verbal roots in MIA and NIA Late non-standard Sanskrit usages General considerations (1) The Sungaramanjari-katha (2) The Subhasitaratnakosa (3) The Vasantavilasa (4) Late Sanskrit doublets with the auslaut - Cya- / -Ci APPENDIX Grammatical and Semantic factors as concommitant causes of sound-change. Information about earlier publication of some papers in the present collection. 122. 134 139 140 142 145 -

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1. PHONOLOGICAL Introduction Some definable tedencies of certain 'irregular' sound changes Although I have not consulted earlier discussions relating to the stray cases of aspiration in MIA. or OIA. non-aspirates, I had a strong impression that it has not been explained as noted by von Hinuber. In fact my explanation of MIA, inoganic aspiration and the discussion of the etymology of mahana- and kohamdi form sort of preamble to the discussion of the etymology of Amg. ghinsu. Which Caillat and others connect with Vedic ghimsa-, but which I think can be satisfactorily connected with Sk, grisma- as has been traditionally done. (C. Caillat, ABORI, 78, 1987, 551-557). Although under the influence of the Neogrammrian doctrine of exceptionless phonetic 'laws', the demand of orderliness and rigour in dealing with phonological change was undeniably a revolutionary advance in historical phonology, it was rather a useful theoretical strategy. In real language situations, because languages and dialects are invariably of a mixed character - regionally, historically and due to coexistence of usages of three successive generations in any society, actually no phonological change is without exceptions. In the case of Prakrit also, apart from the explanation of 'deviant' cases with the help of analogy or borrowing, there seems to be scope for limited phonological explanations. Apart from a general 'rule' or 'law', we can point our 'tendencies', which can be accounted for by assuming their prevalence in a particular dialect. For OIA. -r- > ri-, -i-, -a-, u; -ks-> -cch-; i > e, -u- > -- before a cluster, 'spontaneous' nasalization, irregular cerebralization, etc., we can specify a group of instances in which specific phonological conditioning can be shown as the cause. The presence of counter-expamples would not I think nullify the usefulness of the explanation, because where earlier the change was taken to be arbitrary, or where any causing factor could not be pointed out, some positive explanation removes, no

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matter partially, some obscurity. There has been several similar efforts in this direction, as for example those of Turner ("Early shortening of geminates with compensatory lengthening in Indo-Aryan', BSOAS, 33, 1, 1970, 171-178) and Schwarzschild ("Some sporadic changes of vowels in Middle Indo-Aryan', Indo-Iranian Journal, 8, 1 1964, 25-31, reprinted in Collected Papers of L. A., Shwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979, ed. R. Wiles, 1991.

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Pk. 1. The change of -s- to -h(1) In words (pronouns, pronominal doriratives, numerals, certain verbs and nouns) : Sk. idrsa aisa-, ehakidrsa- kaisa-, kehayadria- jaisa-, jehatadrsa- taisa-, tehaetadria eddahakidrsa- keddahatadrsa- teddahayadssa- jeddahasasa- chaha dasa dasa, daha (and similarly in words for 11,12,13,14,15,16,17,18) -saptati -hattari (in the numerals eka-saptati > ikkahattari, etc. up to astasaptati) esaheho *osah ohu (Ap.) karsapana- kahavanadivasa- diahaduhsara- duhaladhanus- dhanuhanissarati niharai palasa- palahapasana- pahanapratyusa- paccuhabhisayati bihei sas sahsnusa sunha (2) In flexional suffixes : si (pre. 2 sing.) -hi -sya (fut. stem-formative) -hi

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-hi -rsi(in aorist forms lika akarsit > kahi) -smat (abl. sing.) -mha, ha -smin (loc. sing.) -inhi, -mini -sah -so, ho (in abl. gen. sing. in forms like manasah) -sam (gen. plu.) -ha -he, hi -se (in dat. sing. forns like manase, (fem, gen. sing.)* * For a detailed treatment and views of Pischel, Turner and Alsdorf see my paper 'A few problems of Apabhramsa reconsidered". "Indian linguisties', 25, 1964, 71-75. In the late Apabhramsa of the Samdesarasaka with slight Early Panjabi influence we get niveh-> Sk. nives-, sannehaya- < Sk. samdesaka, puhapa < Sk. puspa-. *

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2. -dr- (or *-dl-) >-11From IAL we note the following instances (with some comments) : (1) TAL 1340 ARDR- 'wet' : Pkt. alla- : Hindi ala etc. (2) JAL 2057 UDRA- 'water' : Pkt. ulla-, olla- 'wet'. Apabhramba uhavai (with -lla- > - Iha-) is a denominative from ulla, and Gujarati olavvi holavvu presupposes olhava-, (3) IAL 2061 * UDRICYATE, UDRECYATE is poured out": Pkt. *ulliccai, Gujarati ulecvu etc. (4) IAL 2064 *UDRUDHA- "risen' > Pkt. ulladha(5) IAL 3732 KSULLA- < KSUDRA (6) IAL 5005 CHALLI- 'bark'. Turner thinks that CHALLIalong with *CHILLA- and *CHOLL- are of non-Aryan origin, but *chadra- *challa- covering' can well account for CHALLI-. (7) Pkt. chilla- *hole' Page #15
3. -st--tt- / -mt-. Below we will discuss some Prakrit and New Indo-Aryan words (mainly Gujarati) which evidence the change -st->-tt- instead of the usual change -st- > -tth-. (1) IAL 1600 istaka- 'brick'. Turner has remarked, 'BHS ista-, Pkt. itta- and most NIA. equivalents do not have the expected aspiration'. Moreover, the nasalized vowel in several NIA forms (e.g. Gujarati) presuppose the change -st-> -mt-, i.e. nasal + t instead of geminated t (2) IAL 2378 ustra- 'camel'. In Pkt. utta- and in several NIA. derivatives we have de-aspirated forms. In Gujarati ut and in some NIA derivatives (Hindi, some Pahari languages) we have the nasalized form. In Siddhahema 8.2.34 Hemacandra has noted' three special cases of Skt. -st->Pkt. -tt- utta- (Page #16
7 given with the gloss pumsia- (Pk.), pumsita- (Sk.). In view of Hemacandra's remark that eventhough the word is to be derived from udghusta (? It should be obviously udghrsta-: Compare Pk. ugghus mrj-, Siddhahema 8,4,105). (Ramanujaswami has misunderstood pumsitaas 'courage'. It is Sanskritization of Pk. pumsia- 'wiped), Siddhahema 8,4,105 gives pums- mrj-. The variant ugghutta- is to he prefered because there is no point in giving the word as Desi if its form had been ugguttha-, the derivation of which from Sk. udghrsta- is quite obvious. (8) The Gujarati forms rahet, catvu, carothi, and chit- corresponding respectively to IAL 596 arahatta- 'Persian wheel', Pkt. cahuttai 'stick', Pkt. cirihitti 'Abrus precatoris' ('gunja berry'), and IAL 5036 *chitta 'spotted cloth', presuppose nasalized variants as their pre-forms. Supplement 9. Pk. ghuttaga 'stone used to smooth the newly smeared vessel' ( piNDanirmukti 15 ) : vRtti : 'lepita - pAtrANAM ghuTana - pASANa' ), from Sk. ghrstaka-. Compare Pk. ghatta- from Sk. ghrsta- (394: Bollees edition). 10. Turner 8165 pittayati from Sk. pista. Turner's note: 'In view of complete absence of aspiration derivation from pista- (LM 368) is most doubtful'. But this objection is not valid. Pk. pittha- 'flour meal, etc. is due to semantic divergence. 11. Turner 1273 slista- 'cliging'. Pk. *litta-, Guj. lit, lit 'liquid mucus' (cf. Sk. slesman, Turner 12744). 12. Turner 11707 *lutta-; 11708 *lasati. His note: Possibly influenced by musati. But lutta- can be without difficulty derived from ppp. *lusta- ppp. of lasayati (Turner 11094). 13. Turner 11712 vita- (*vitta-) 'impurity'. His note: 'vitka- and vistha (11990: Kum. bit, Or. bit, H. bit, etc.) are not readily distinguished as source'. But Sk. vistha-, Pk. *vitta can easily account for the NIA. forms.

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4. -sm- > -mh- >- mh (1) Amg. mahana "Brahmin' According to Pischel cquating (i.c. deriving) Amg. mahanawith Sk. brahmana-, following Weber and others is linguistically impossible ($ 250). He derives the word from makha- 'pertaining to a sacrifice from Sk. makha- 'sacrifice' and equates it, therefore with makhana "sacrificial' (priest) But, it seems, mahana- can be explained as 'regular' phonological development of Sk. brahmana-. 1. We know that in several Sanskrit forins there was variation of b- and v- in the initial position, for example, the root bih- /vrh- and its derivatives, brsi/vrsi etc. So we can assume a variant form vrahmanafor brahmana 2. vrahmana- changed first lo vamhana- then to vahana > mahana-, involving the change - mha--ha- with the loss of nasaliration due to the following nasal. For -va- > -m- Pischel SS 261 S.N. Ghosal has given a similar cxplanation in a paper referred to below, but simplification of conjunct consonants with lengthening of the preceding short vowel is mostly a later development. We can rather account for the -a- of mahana- with the fact that in Eastern Prakrits a long vowel preceding conjunct consonants was preserved and the conjunct got simplified. (Pischel 87: Bloch, p.92) 2. Pk. kohamda, 'pumpkin, -gourd' We know that the Sk. Ablative ending smat first changed to -maha (Pk.) and then to -ha. So also the locative ending -smin first changed to -hi and then to -hi (Pischel, $8 313, 425) Sk. kusmanda > Pk. kohmda- through the changes -sma > mhaha-, with the lass of nasaligation due to the following nasal (Pischel $ 127, also $8 76, 89, 312; Turner accepts Kuiper's view that the word is of Munda origin (DIAL, 3374; Ghosal acccpts Pischel's view : S.N. Ghosal, The word mahana in Prakrit, Sambodhi, 8, 1989-80, p. 15-20) Sk. kusmanda-is probably a Sanskritization of Pk. kumhamda-.

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(3) Amg. ghinsu PSM. has recorded a lexical item ghini (as the first member of a compound) or ghimsu in the sense of the summer season', or *the sun's heat and has given for its occurrence references to the Ohanijjutti-(bhasya), Uttarajjhayana, Pindanijjutti and Suyagadamga. A passage viz. ghimsisiravase' is also cited: For the occurrence of the forms the following passages can be noted: (1) ghimsu me vidhunayam vijanahi (JAS, II, p. 51. no. 287) (v. 1. ghimsi) Interpretition : ghinsuriti gimhasu (Curni); grisine (Silarka) (2) (a) ghinsu va paritavenain sayam no parideval. (JAS, XV, p. 93, No. 58) (b) ghinsu va pariyavenam satam no parideval (JAS, XV, p. 97, no. 86). Interpretation : ghimsu va tti grisine sabdacchisire va (Santyacarya) : grisme (in the word-index to the above) (3) ti-pamca-satteva ghim-sisira-vase. (Ohanijjutti-310) According to Pischel ghinsu is to be derived from Vedic ghramsa- 'the sun's heat, 'sunshine', 'brightness' ($ 6, 101). Like pilakkhu ($205) and milakkhu ($253) it became an -au- stem in Prakrit ($372; also $379). In the above passages ghimsu stands for locative singular ghinso =Sk. ghramse. Turner following him has also assumed ghramsu (CDIAL 4391). Pischel's etymology leaves the change -a- > -i- unexplained. Besides, the form ghim in ghin-sisira-vase presents an unsolved problem. The derivation of ghimsa- from Sk. grismawith which it is synonynious can be, I think, explained as follows: 1. -sma- > -insa-. Compare the change of the Sk. case ending -smin to Amg. -risi, e.g. Amg. tamsi etc. 2. Long - ;- preceding a conjunct is shortened. 2

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10 3. -s- aspirated the preceding stop see more on this change in the present volume. Hence -g > gh-. These changes would yield the form ghimsa ghimsu as a locative form can be accounted as follows. gimhasu 'during summer' (like vasasu 'during rains') frequently occurs in canonical texts. (e.g. at Dasavealiya (3,12) gimhesu (v.l. gimhasu. Agastyasimha's Curni), hemamtesu. -vasasu, Pali also has the plural form gimhana 'summer'. Accordingly we can assume a locative plural form ghimsasu which can possibly yield ghimsu through the haplological loss of the first -s-, although it would rather require a collocation -sasu instead of -sasu. If following Turner we assume a stem grisman- (after heman-, usman) (CDIAL 4391), its locative plural gris-masu' changed to ghimsasu can give ghimsu. In ghim-sisira-vase, ghim probably appeared for ghimsa due to haplology or scribal error. Note Colette Caillat has discussed in detail the etymology of AMg. ghimsu, taking the earlier views into consideration. The present at-tempt aims at defending on phonological ground the traditional equating of ghimsu with grisme. 1. Vedic ghramsa 'heat' of the sun, Ardhamagadhi ghimsu burning heat', Jaina Maharastri ghim- 'hot season', ABORI, 68, 1987, 55-557.

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11 5. Stop-insertion in Prakrit clusters The tendency of inserting a stop between medial clusters in Prakrit that are made up of a nasal followed immediately or mediately by a fricative, trill or flap, the intrusive stop being homo-organic with the nasal is well-known. See for example Pischel. $$ 267, 295.' This made for ease of pronunciation ('The economy of effort' principle). The present note aims at pointing out instances of such forms that display preservation and continuation of this tendency in Gujarati, taking the latter as typical for some other NIA languages. There are of course numerous instances in Prakrit in the case of which such insertion of stop does not take place under the same circumstances. A classified list of instances exemplifying the said tendency is presented below:1. -nh- > -dhSk. Pk. Guj. madana-phala- mayanahala menahala, 'name of a fruit' midhal/midho! 2. -nh- > - dhabhijnana ahinnana-, *ainhana > 'token of edhan recognition' cihnacimdha cidh-vu 'mark (denominative) 'to point out; slaksna lanha>nanha- nahanu 'smooth'. 'small' nadhlu, nadhaaiu. 3. -mh- > -mgh- ham ho hamgho (Magadhi) (prounounced samhara samghara- samghara (OG.) as -rih-) 'killing' samssamgh sagne (Marathi) 'to tell' (< sanh-) . asams asamgh Page #21
12 slesmana'mucus' simghana( In the presentday Vedic recitation. ganapati-guhavamahe ( -mbh-(pronounced as -mh-) brahman baibha'Brahma' brahmana- bambhana- babhan (Brahmin) samsmarsambhar sabharvu remember' ( -mb- (< mbr-) amraamba abo 'mango' amratakaambadaa ambado 'hogplum *amrad ambad"to upbraid' tamratamba tabu 'copper'

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6. -ml-> -mbl amla 'sour' 13 amba amlika 'tamarind acamla 'sour gruel of rice-water' gulma gumba gubdu 'tumour' salmali sambali, simbali simlo 'silk- cotton tree'. 7. -nn-> -md (followed by r, 1 or d in the next syllable) panacadasa 'fifteen' vanara 'monkey' vrhannala 'eunuch' curna ambilia spotted parna 'leaf' ayambila pannarasa rajni 'Name of a goddess' (Sun's wife) vannara ranna-, ranna+la vamala-,vammala- bambala-(OG.) 'spread over, full of OG.vihamdala cunna- + da'red sari with ambavu (denominative) 'to get sour' abli design' panna- + da janna- + di janya 'woman of the bridegroom's party' abel pamdar vadro radala vyamdal cuddi Notes 1. For a few other references see Sabdaparisilan, p. 41. The paddu jadradi (OG), janardi

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present note is a revised version of the treatment of this de velopment there on pp.38-42. 2. For NIA. derivatives in general pertaining to the instances noted here see IAL Nos. 9777, 4833, 12732, 13063, 13384, 1268, 1275, 1277, 5779, 9325, 9327, 13057, 1280, 1070, 4217, 1235, 7662, 11515, 4889, 7918. H. C. Bhayani. R. Pischel. REFERENCES Sabdaparisilan, 1973. Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, 1965. Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages. (IAL) 1966. R. L. Turner.

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6. Post-labial -u->-o in the word-initial closed syllable in Prakrit I think a tenable (if not strong) case can be made out for recognizing a tendency in MIA. of changing an -u follwing a labial stop in the word-initial position to -o-, provided that -u- itself is closed i.e. followed by a conjunct consonant. Such word-forms are listed below: Sk. putkara puskara pudgala pundra pustaka pugaphala prsthavaha- (prsti) phukka bukka bukkasa bullai (Sk. bru-) Pk. pokkara pokkhara poggala pomda potthaya phupphusa phopphasa phosai phusai (for phussai) phompha-(DN. 8, 86) NIA. forms with phupha (e. g. Guj. phuphado) bhujargalabhurjapatra popphala-/phopphala NIA forms pothi etc. (Turner, 9019) NIA. forms phok- etc. (Turner, 8391) bokka bokkasa bollai bhuaggala, G. bhogal NIA. bhoja-pata etc. (Turner, 9570) bhumda Pk. mukkala (besides the forms mottuna etc.) mudgara bhomda- (Turner, 9530) mokkala muggara-/moggara muktaphala- mottahala muttha/mottha musta Pk. mubbha- (DN. 6, 133) and mobbha- (8, 4) (Guj. mobha) mulya molla

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16 It should be noted that wherever these words have come down to NIA. they have preserved the earlier - 0-. Pischel, Turner and others assume in many a case a vIddhi derivative (that has -au- from -u-) as the source-from. That becomes unncessesary if the explanation put forth here is considered acceptable. There is of course no denying the fact that we hale counter-examples both ways. There are numerous forms in MIA. (and inherited by NIA.) which preserve such an original - U- unchanged (or lengthened where necessary in NIA.). So also there are MIA. words in which an earlier closed -u- is changed to -o- when the preceding consonant in the initial syllable is non-labial. Hence the tendency noted here can be supposed to have a dialectal origin.

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7. Voiceless consonant + nasal/v changed to double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal In MIA- there is a number of instances exemplifying a dialectal trend of changing a nasal consonant or v in the cluster voiceless consonant + a nasal consonant or v> to < a double voiceless stop of the same class as the nasal consonant or v >. They are noted below : sn Sk. trsna 'thirst' vrsni 'A Yadava clan' Compare Bengali kitho vaisnavi) km. rukmi rukmini ksm paksman -tm kutmala 'bud' -tm Sk. atma 'self' -sm usma 'heat, warmth' bhisma slesma 'mucus' yusme/*tusme 'you' Pk. tittha 17 ruppi ruppini pappani kumpala vitthi in amdhakavitthi etc. (Pk. kittha- Page #27
18 -sm asme IAL 986 ap(p)he (Eastern Asokan) 'we' -ty -ppi (Ap.), -ppinu(Ap.) Vedic absolutive suffixe,-tvi, -tvinaVedic Nominal derivative suffix -tvana -ppana-(AP) G. pan Notes For the various changes noted here vide Pischel's 'Comprative Grammar of Prakrit Languages, $SS 277, 300, 588, 597. For a detailed discussion of the change Sk. - sn->Pk. - tthavide L. Alsdorf, Harivamsapurana, 1936, pp. 134-136. There he has referred to Jacobi's view. On the other hand Turner does not accept Bloch's derivation of Pk. vitthu from Sk. visnu (IAL 11991).

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19 8. -a- preceding a cluster with a nasal as the anlaut changed to iAbbreviations: DN. : Hemacandra's Desinamamala. IA. : J. Bloch's Indo-Aryan (i.e. A. Master's English Translation, 1965). IAL. : R.L. Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo Aryan Languages (1966 and thereafter). PG. : R.Pischel's Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages (i.e. S. Jha's English Translation, 1965) The abbreviations of language names are after IAL. Against the general MIA tendency of unchanged preservation of OIA a, sporadic cases of a > i have been noted by Prakrit grammarians, old and new (PG., $$ 101-103, IA., pp. 34-35). According to Pischel most of the cases relate to OIA a in pre-accentual position. For the rest he either resorts to analogy or advances alternative etymologies against the traditional ones. Bloch adds a few cases from Sanskrit and NIA, and suggests the influence of gutturals and particularly palatals'. Evidently some of the instances of this change explained by Pischel on accentual ground find a more satisfactory explanation in analogy or some other factor (e.g. vocalization of -y-) Any way, it is quite obvious that no single factor can account for all the known cases. The problem is to identify separately the various factors and to specify the conditioning where the change seems to be phonological. Here I suggest that in a good number of cases, an earlier a preceding a cluster with initial nasal has been replaced by i. The nasal in such a position has affected the raising and fronting of the preceding a. The pertinent data is presented and and discussed below. At relevant places reference is given to IAL for fuller data. G. dadharamgo and dadharimgo 'cussed' (going back to Pk. daddha- + ramga-, Sk. dagdha- + ramga-)

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G. lavimg G. va-vadimg, A.birin Mid. G. savalimga Sk. lavamga 'clove', Pk. lavamga, H. log, etc. (IAL. 10977) Sk. vidanga-'Embilia Ribes? Pk. vidamga-, H. bidang Sk. syamalanga- dark-bodied', Pk. samalamgaSk, kuranga- 'deer', Pk. kuramgaSk. bhujanga-'snake' PK. bhuyamgaSk. vallabha-husband' (cf. IAL. 11428) Sk. kalanjara- 'name of a mountain', Pk. kalamjara Mid. G. korimga Mid. G. bhorimg Mid. G. valambha, valimbhal Sk. kalinjara-, Pk. kalimjara-, H. kalimjar H. khicna etc. H. chitna etc. Pk. khamc- 'to pull (IAL. 3881) Pk. chamt- 'to sprinkle (IAL.4965, 4970, 5035) Sk. panjara - 'cage' (IAL. 7685) Sk. patamga- 'grasshopper (IAL. 7721) Sk. asru 'tear' (IAL. 919) Sk. pangula= lame' (IAL. 7649) Sk. vakra- 'crooked', (IAL. 11914) Pk., vamkaSk. eranda- 'castor-oil plant (IAL. 2517) Late Sk. pinjra-, H. pijara Late Sk. phadinga, H. B. pharimga, H. phatimga etc. P. imjh P. prgla, S. pingulo P. bimga?, s. vings etc. P. arind, rindi

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21 Sk. rinkh- 'to crawl', Pk. rimkh-3 Sk. rankh- to move to and fro', Pk. rankhol- 'to swing' (IAL. 10735) Sk. angara- 'glowing charcoal', Pk. amgara- (IAL. 125) Sk. naranga- 'orange', Pk. naramga- (IAL. 7073) Sk. mrdanga- 'tabour' Pk. muamga- (IAL. 10289) Sk. lex. ingala-, Pk. imgara-etc. Pk. narimga Pa. mudimga-, mutimga-, Pk. muimgaSk. ring- 'to crawl Pk. rimg-4 Sk. rang- 'to move to and fro', Pk. ramg- (IAL. 10566, 10739) Pk. camca-, cimca-- 'wicker work? Sk. kalanjana Pk. kalimjanas "Tamala' Pa. minja-7. etc Sk. majja- ' marrow'. (IAL. 9712). Sk. kurantaka-'yellow Amaranth', Pk. kuramtaya- (IAL. 3326) Pk. jhamti tuft of short hair' (IAL. 5334, 5388) Pk. korimtaya-, koremtaSk. jhinti 'name of a tufted grass'; S. jhinda 'short hair' Pk. dimdi Pk. damdi-, damda'cloth with old parts stiched together", "G. dadiyu Sk. dindin-8 'vagabond', 'rough and rascally'. Greek Menandros against G. daa Pa. milimda

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22 Pk. kalimba- 'cloud' (DN. 2,59). Pk. simbali Sk. kadambini 'long line of clouds' Sk. salmali-, salmali'silk- cotton tree'. Pk. sambali- (IAL. 12351) Sk. heramba- 'Ganesa' Sk. bhambha-kettle drum', Pk. bhambhaSk. avatamsa- 'ear-ornament' Pk. avayamsa Pk. herimba- (DN. 8,72) Pk. bhimbha Pk. vadimsa-, vademsa Even if some of the forms cited here have uncertain history and undecided priorities, in a large majority of instances there does not appear any reasonable doubt about the priority of the forms with a, and hence there seems to be quite a strong case for assuming a 'sporadic' tendency of changing a to i under the conditions here. specified. It requires further work to establish a regional or dialectal bias that seems to be tentatively indicated by the data from Hindi, Panjabi, Gujarati etc. 1. Besides, we have in Gujarati several pairs of words, mostly of onomatopoetic origin, which show an ali alternation; e.g. admgoaaimgo, khadamg-khadimg, tadamg - taaimg, dhadamg-dhadimg, bhadamg-bhadimg, totamg-totimg, dhatamg - dhatisg etc. See, Jain B.D... A Phonology of Panjabi, 1934, p. 15. Turner, IAL. 11914, connects p. bimga etc. with an assumed vivanka. Compare also Sk. ankh- 'to stir up' and inkh- 'to move'. The priority between Pk. dhamkuna- and dhimkuna- is undecided. But compare M. dhekun (IAL. 5597). Note also Sk. vidanga "clever', A. biringa 'beautiful' (IAL. 11714). 4. Some derive sphulinga- 'spark' from spulanga- (Monier Williams). Compare also Sk. ang-, ing- 'to go'. As to Telinga- and Telanga 'Telingana', the former seems to be prior as shown by Ptolemy's 3.

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23 5. Trilingon and Taranath's Trilinga. See Yule and Burnell, HobosonJobson-, 1968, s.v. Telinga and Kalinga. Between Sk. virinca- (or ci) and viranca- (or oci) the former seems to be prior. 6. DN. 1, 37 records amjania- with the meaning 'Tamala'. DN, 2,29 records kalamjani- and kalimjana- in the same sense. Tamala is dark-barked. 7. The priority between Sk. alinjara-, Pk. alimjara- and Sk, alamjara (cf. Pk. ramjana-) 'water-pot' is undecided. The same is the case with Sk. kilinja- etc. kilanja- etc. 'bamboo' (IAL. 3186) 8. See Agrawal, V.S. Caturbhani (1959), p.50, note 4i and the word index s.v. dindika- etc. Cf. also Sk. andaka- egg', G. idu (IAL. 1111). The relationship and priority between Pk. hamdi 'take and himd- 'to take' is unclear.

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9. Nasalization of a Pre-sibilant Vowel in Prakrit and thereafter 1. This tendency is evidenced by the following Prakrit words'. In those cases where we have NIA. derivatives they are noted and reference is given to corresponding entries in Turner's 'A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages.' Sk. Pk. NIA.derivatives IAL asru-' tear assu, amsu G. asu, etc. 919 asri 'corner' edge' amsi 918 tryasra transa G.trasu, etc, oblique' "three cornered' caturarastra - cauramsa- G. coras, etc. 4598 "square' asva- 'horse'assa-, amsaasvattha- 'the pipal tree' amsotthadarsayati 'shows' damsei 6961 namasyati 'bows' namamsai 7414 nigharsana- 'rubbing' niharsana 7170 parsva- 'rib' pamsulia G. plasli, etc. 7948 pratisrut 'promise'padassua manahasila manamsila arsenic' vayasya- 'friend? vayassa-, vayassa 11306 vimarsita- 'thought'vimamsia 11821 sparsa 'thouch' phassa spasa 'noose' phamsa 13809 G.phaso 'noose phasi 'gallows' etc. smasru ("beard, moustache' inamsu

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svi possessive suffix' jasasvi 'famous', tejasvi brillant, manasvi' tayamsi, manamsi "high-minded' jasamsi hrasva- 'short' hansahesita hisia G. hisrvu etc. 14187 "neighing' 2. NIA. instances without known MIA. precedents. abhi-pis- 'to press closely G.bhisvu busa 'haff. G. bhusu 9293 asiti 'eighty' Pk. asii G. esi 911 tryasiti 'eighty three trasi 6086 dvyasiti "eightytwo' basi 6699 kasa - 'cough' Pk. khasa- G. khasi, etc. 3138 thasvu 'to cram' 5499 G. thoso "knock' H. thusna to cram' G. dhusu 5892 tala-sparsa/Pk. tala-phamsa G. talasvi 'to gently 'touching the soles', tala-pamsa rub the soles' 'rubbing the soles' 6870 svasa Pk. sasa 'breath H. sas hasna 'to laugh', H. hasi "fun' dhursa G.dhuso 6502 dhursara G.dhusru 6869 5511 3. In the Gujarati dialect of Gohilvad (Saurashtra, Gujarat), nasalization of the vowel preceding an intervocaeic -h- (which corresponds

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etc. to the standard intervocalic -s-) is nasalized as a rule. Standard Guj. Gohilvadi ghasvu 'to rub' ghahvu hasvu "to laugh' etc. hahvu ghas 'grass' ghah cusvu 'to such suhvu khosvu 'to push in khohvu 1. Pischel SS 74; noted also by Indian Prakrit grammarians under the vakradi or asrvadi group.

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10. Arpiration of non-aspirate stops (1) A list of instances There is weighty evidence, it seems to me, for recognizing a tendency in Prakrit phonology, presumably dialectal, to aspirate a non-aspirate stop under the influence of a subsequent -5- (immediate or mediate) in the word-stem. Such an explanation of irregular aspiration in a number of cases dispenses with hypothetical sourceforms which the scholars have been forced to assume to account for them. The following list based on Pischel. ($ 209, 210) and a few other sources is presented here as evidence for the phonological tendency specified. Sk. Pk. panasa phanasaparusa pharusa- (also Pali) parasu pharasu- (also Pali) prsata phusaa-/ phusia- (Pali phusita-) prasuka phasua- (Pali phasuka) bisa bhisa- (also Pali) bisini bhisini brsi bhisi (also pali) To these cases the following are to be added : Sk. Pk. kasa khasa grasa pasa nikasapamsanadursa busa ghasaphasanighasa (through *nigasa-), nihasaphamsana*dhussa- (Turner, 6502) *bhusa- (Turner, 9293)

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tusa Pk. pusai/phusai, pumsai /phumsai' palasa palahi phalahi Hemacandra's Desinamamala has recorded the following words. karpasa-phala- (6,70) = 28 (Pali) thusa (Turner, 5892) = karpasa (6,4) karpasa(6,82) In Prakrit literature we find phalahi and phadahi (e.g. Weber, 165, 359, 360, 550); Sukhabodha Com. on the Uttaradhyana, fol. 79; Dk. under phalahi). The varying forms can be explained as follows: *padasa->palasa *padasi->phadasi- > phadahi > phalahi = (2) Pk. phadahi 'cotton' Ford-> -1- see Pischel SS 240 For s--h- see Pischel SS 264 In the Svyambhuechundas the following verse by Udbhata is cited as an illustration of the metre Rohini. : phadahi-gahanam dure chettam rannam karamjaulam saraa-diaho pikka sali vai-jalam sialam vasai sa pio tassim ekko atta-vi tatto saam uaha vigaa bhattam ghettum sue palottam ghaam 'The cotton field is far away and the Karanja thicket intervenes. It is a (clear) day of Sarad. Growing rice is ripe. There is the cool water of the stepwell. My loved one stays alone in that ricefield. His mother who had brought food to him herself has now returned (?). Thus, Ghee has happily spilled into the broth! The expression phadahi-gahanam here supports the variant found in the MS. II (Weber, 165). From Weber 360 also it is clear that the cotton-field was favourite with the lovers for love-making. Weber, 550 is as follows (with a few variants differently chosen):

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29 boda-sunao vivanno, atta matta pai-vi annattho/ phadahi-vi modia mahisaena ko kassa saheu // *The earless dog has died, the mother-in-law is drunk, my husband has gone elsewhere, the cotton-field is destroyed by a buffalo. Who is here who can convey this and to whom ? The commentator rightly interpretes this as spoken by an unchaste woman within the hearing of his lover, implying the facts that the cotton-field was not available as their rendezous and that her house was then quiet convenient for their meeting. Here the desired situation of meeting in privacy without all possible interference is comparable to that expressed in the verse by Udbhata quoted above. In the light of all this, the criticism by NittiDolci and her interpretation of the verse based on the choice of the variant phaliha meaning 'iron-bar', 'bolt (Sk. parigha-) (p. 44-45) is to be rejected: Consequently it also looses value attributed to it for providing an improved interpretation of some of Hala's gathas. 1. Pk. pus- and its variation pums- are probably of Dravidian origin. Compare Kannada (pusu, Telugu puya, Tamil puya 'smlar, besmear' (Dravidian Etymological Dictionary).

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11. Doubling of a single consonant following a long vowel According to Pischel (Prakrit Grammar, SS 90) "when the original word had its accent on the final syllable a long vowel preceding a simple consonant is often shortened and the simple consonant is duplicated'. He has also noted the treatment of this change by indigenous Prakrit grammarians.' Jacobi held a different view but Pischel brushes it aside saying, The entire polemic of. Jacobi, KZ 35, 375 ff. against Pischel, KZ 35, 140 ff. does not alter in the least the situation, which may be explained by stating that a consonant is often reduplicated before a tonic syllable'. (Note 1 on $ 90) Unfortunately I have not got access to Jacobi's paper referred to by Pischel, but in my view the explanation of doubling of the consonant after a long vowel in Prakrit words with the help of accent is very much doubtful and shaky, smacking of arguing in a circle, because we have no positive and reliable information what soever regarding accentuation in Prakrit. So long as the controlling factor or factors cannot be definitely pointed out, it is preferable to account for this sporadic change as a tendency or habit of the speakers. I note below some instances of such Prakrit words especially those in which a single consonant following i or u is doubled. For information on the development of the particular form reference to the relevant entries of Turner's Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages is given (IAL) Sk. Pk. kuluta kulaa, H. kullu 3348 krida- kioda- 'sport' 3592 nida. nedda- 'nest' 7541 styana- thinna- (G. thinu) 'congealed' 13731 sthula- thulla- 'fat 6389 dukula "silken cloth' dugulla

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31 pid- piad- hurt', 'sqneege' 8226 muka- mukka- 'dumb' 10231 vrida- vidda- shame' 12232 kila- khilla G. khilo etc. 'nail 3202 nilanilla- (G. lila) 'blue' 7563 Note that Pk. pahutta- *reached' (Sk. prabhuta-), Pk. jitta'conquered' (Sk. jita-) etc. are of analogical origin. NOTES 1. e.g. Siddhahema, 8-2-98 (the aksti-gana called tailadi) and 8-2-99 (sevadi) 2. Tieken (Hala's Sattasai, 1983, p. 196-197) rejects Jacobi's analogical explanation for pahuppa-, saying that no certain instances of hutta from bhuta are known. The latter regularly becomes (bhua. Insler finds Tieken's objection to Jacobi's view valid ("Prakrit Studies' 1, 'Bulletin D'Etudes Indiennes', 9, 1991, p. 97. Both the scholars accept Pischel's etymology of pahuppa. Besides Insler puts forth the view that the three homopho nous forms pahupp- are of different origins (pp. 97-105). Against these views there considerable evidence in support of the view held by Jacobi, Turner, Schwarzschild etc. In the present note I have tried to make out a case for doubling of post-long vowel single consonant in some Prakrit words.

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12. Prothetic h Pk. This is a sort of supplement to extensive treatment in 11.C.Patyal's 'Prothetic h. in Indo-Aryan' (Vishveshvarnan Indological Paper Series - 472, 1980). Instances from MIA : 'green' SK atta-, hatta- 'market' attaidam 'this' hidan (Asokan) idrsa- 'like this hedisa- (Asokan) amsa- 'shoulder hamsala- 'a neck ornament' evam 'thus' hevam ostha- 'lip' hottha Instances from Gujarati haras 'piles' (Sk. arsa-) havad. "empty well' (Sk. avata-, Pk. avada-) ha 'yes' (H.ha) (Sk. am) hasadi 'neck or nament (Sk. amsa- shoulder') himgoru (Sk. inguda, ingula-) 'fruit of a medicinal plant' heli "continuous rain' (Pk. ayali 'cloudy day') hojari 'stomach (Sk. ubadhya-) (IAL 2417) hoth 'lip (Sk. Ostha IAL 2563, Pk. hottha)

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13. The assimilative change - - > -u- in MIA and NIA The ancient Prakrit grammarians Vararuci, Hemacandra and others have noted the change of i- to u- in Pk. ucchu, Sk. iksu 'sugarcane'. Pischel has explained this change (8$ 117, 177); Amg. usu- Sk. isu- 'arrow' and susu- < Sk. sisu- in Amg. susumarasisumara-' 'crocodile' which is also shared by Pali (susu-, sisu-, susunaga, sisunaga-) As regards the development of iksu however, Turner thinks that because in the MIA and NIA derivative we have initially i, u, a and r, we should assume as the pre-form sksu- instead of Sk. iksualthough he admits that for this assumption there no support from any other source (IAL. 1550). Compare also sisu (12476), sisunaka (12477) and sisumara (12426). But against this view, we find several instances in NIA. languages of i- in the preceding syllable having changed to u- under the influence of -u- in the next syllable, which confirms Pischel's view that the change of i- to u- in ucchu is assimilative. Below are listed the NIA. words evidencing this tendency of change that have come to my notice. 1. Sk. bindu- 'drop', Pk. bimdu-, H. bud, etc. (IAL. 9240) Sk. virupa- 'ugly', Pk. virua-, H. bura etc. (IAL. 9289) Turner assumes -bura- 'defective' as the source form. Sk. amuka- 'certain', Old Guj. umuka- (Sadavasyakabalavabodha, word-index). It is a Tatsama loan word. Pk. kaducchia 'laddle' Old Guj. kudachi. Sk. kancuki "chamberlain' , Old Guj. kumcukiu. Sk. dardura- 'frog', Old Guj. dudara For the occurrence of the Old Guj. words under 4,5,6 see Madhyakalin Gujarati Sabdakos. The change in these words is in my view not due to metathesis, but is due to later change of -u- to -a-. The same is the case with the following instances. Sk. parasurama-, Old Guj. phurasarama, phurisarama- (Virataparva of Sali-suri, line 539) Sk. marudhara, Old Raj. muradhara noted in Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani.

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Sk. raghunatha, Old Guj. rughanatha. This is current as in Modern Gujarati personal name. Mod Guj. naguro, nugaro 'he who is without a guru'. In Pk. dhida, dhuda (Pischel. SS 392) from Sk. duhita daughter' u in the first syllable is assimilated to i in the second syllable or alternatively, i in the second syllable is assimilated to u in the first sylleble. So also in H.ugali from Sk. Pk. amguli, the initial a is assimilated to to u in the second syllable. REFERENCES Jayant Kothari, Madhyakalin Gujarati Sabdakos, 1995 R. Pischel, Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages (English Translation). L. P. Tessitori, Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani. R.L. Turner, Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Lan guages (EIAL) Tarunaprabha's Sadavasyaka-balavabodha (dated 1355 A.C.)ed. P. B. Pandit, 1976. Sali-suri, Virata-parva (published in Gujararasavali, ed. M.C. Modi and others, (dated 1422 A.C.), 1956.

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35 14. Replacement of -nd- by -11 (1) (2) IAL 3999 ganda- 'cheek'. IAL 4089 Galla- ditto'. Skt. gandaki- 'name of a river'. gallaki- 'ditto', galki is in popular use. IAL. 3374 kusmanda- Pkt. kohanda-, kohala- 'the gourd plant'. Possibly -1- instead of -1l- is due to the influence of -hala- < -phala- 'fruit'. IAL 9735 manda-, Skt. mandaka-, Pkt, mamdaa- ' a sort of pastry'. Hindi malpua, Nepali and Marathi malpuva, Panjabi malhpura, Gujarati malpudo 'a kind of rich, sweet cake' pua etc. derive from Skt. pupa-, apupa- (IAL 491). (Turner doubtfully connected mal with Skt. mala- (ND. s.v. malpuva). But it probably derives from malla. (from manda-). IAL 5043 childra- 'hole' Pkt. chidda-, chilla-, chindi- 'opening in a hedge'. Skt. hindolayati, hillolayati 'swings'. Hindi hilor, Gujarati hilolvu. (5) (6)

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36 15. Replacement of -b- by -g (1) IAL 2072 udvartana- 'cosmetic ointment rubbed on the body after bathing'. Pkt. uvvattana-; Hindi ubtan etc.; Gujarati ugatnu, ugto, ukto 'eye ointment'; Maithili ugtan, Bihari uktan. (2) IAL 2082 * udvarayati. Skt. udvarta- 'left over as a remainder'; urvarita-; Pkt. uvvarai 'remains', uvvaria- 'left over'; Hindi ubarna etc; Nepali ubrinu, ubarnu, ubaru, ubro etc. (ND); Gujarati ugarvu 'to escpe, be saved'; ugar, ugaro 'being saved'. In forms with -k- (1.4.1) the -k- is due to Sandhi with the following -t-. The Gujarati forms are wrongly connected with udgirati under IAL 1960. (3) Hindi phabna 'to be suitable, appear at advantage or beautiful'; Panjabi phabbana, Nepali phapnu (ND); Gujarati phagvu 'be infatuated, be rejoicing beyond control'. (4) IAL 4484* ghumbapatta- 'cloth used as a head covering'. Nepali ghumto, Gujarati ghumto etc. 'woman's head cloth'. Gujarati ghaghat, Panjabi ghung(h)at etc. Turner has remarked that relationship between the two groups of words is not clear. But in the light of the other instances noted above this is also a case of -g- substituted for b-. -gh- is due to assimilation. (5) Under 273, Turner has doubtfully set up *Adhyangakaas the source of Hindi jhaga, jhamga (derivatives jhaguli, jhamguli) 'children's loose frock'. Gujarati also has jhago. But besides these, Gujarati also has jabbo, jhabbo 'loose,long shirt' (derivative jablu 'children's frock) which is a loan-word from Arabic jubbah. Possibly the Hindi and Gujarati forms with -g- derive from the latter. (6) IAL 12445 Simba- 'pod, legume' (also IAL 12615 Saimbya) Bengali sim etc. Hindi sem etc., Gujarati sig 'pod, bean, legume'.

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II MORPHOLOGICAL (1) INFLEXIONAL A. DEVELOPMENTS IN PRAKRIT VERB-STEMS Analogically Developed New Verbal Stems * 1. Passive verb-stems 1. The formation and development of the passive verbal stems in Prakrit is quite interesting in that its examination can reveal to a degree some of the complexities of the functioning of analogy in bringing about devastating changes in MIA. morphology over a span of many centuries. The present limited attempt deals with data from Maharastri and Apabhramsa only. Secondly, the formation of passive stems is involved with the development of the MIA. verbal stems as a whole. Thirdly, the soundness of discussion and tenability of conclusions drawn are directly dependent upon the coverage of all attested forms, their chronology and frequency and we lack ready-at-hand reference sources in this regard. But in spite of these constraints we can hope to advance a more convincing explannation for some forms and formations and to clarify some trends and directions in the process of change.' 2. It is well-known that the Sanskrit system of passive formation with -ya- suffix disintergrated in Middle Indo-Aryan because the passive forin lost its structural transparency due to consonantal assimilation in clusters. The active and passive tense forms and the past passive participle forms could not be formally related, because the The is a somewhat modified version of the author's Gujarati paper emtitled 'Prakst-na sadrsya-mulak akhyatik karmani amgo? first published in 'Vidya' (Journal of the Gujarat University), VIII, 2, August, 1965, pp. 1-7; reprinted in the collection Sabdaparisilan, 1973, pp. 138-149.

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perception of the division into the root-portion and the suffix portion was obscured or altogether lost. This created considerable confusion for the language-users, forcing them to seek and resort to handy, make-shift alternatives to recast this part of their internal grammar. 38 3. The Prakrit medial cluster -cy- either became subject to anaptyxis (with -i- interpolated) or it underwent assimilation, the result depending upon the type of the preceding consonant in the cluster. Of these two treatments, the first gradually dominated, becoming productive and pervading. The forms resulting from phonological assimilation became subject to various analogical alterations. labhyate > labhiyai > lahijjai (or lahiyai), for example, and similary developed forms yielded and fixed -ijj- or -iy- as the passive stem-formative suffix. On the other hand the process of assimilation created various strong forms, which were just the regular phonological tranformations of Sansktit passive forms. The stem-final syllables of Sanskrit passive stems yielded through assimilation the stem-final syllables of Prakrit passive stems as follows: -kkhy-> -kkh -cy- > -CC -jy > -jj -ny > -nn -ty > -CC -dy- > -jj -dhy- > -jjh -py- > -pp -bhy- > -bbh -my-> -mm syl-sy-/-sy--ss(-isy-/-isy-/-isy- > -is-) -hy-> -jjh Under the circumstances the original identity of the passive suffix was lost and in the case of most forms the root-portions of the active and passive forms could not be matched. 4. In accordance with the developments outlined above, the

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39 Prkrit passive stems can be classified and illustrated (through pres. 3. pers. sing. forms with indication of the root-meaning ) as under : (1) Stems ending in -ijj- / -iy karai : karijjai ('do') hasai : hasijjai ("laugh") bhamai : bhamijjai ('wander') (2) Stems ending in -kkh lih- : likkhai ('write') (3) Stems ending in -cc-. (i) payai : paccai ("cook')} rayai : raccai ("make') vayai : vuccai ("speak') (ii) muscai : muccai ("leave') simcai : siccai ("sprinkle) (iii) kattai : kiccai ("cut) ghayai : ghaccai ('kill') (4) Stems ending in -jji) khayai : khajjai ('eat') chayai : chajjai ('cover') (ii) bhamjai : bhajjai ("break') ramjai : rajjai ("colour') (iii) chimdai : chijjai ("cut asunder') bhimdai : bhijjai ("pierce') (5) Stems ending in -jjh (i) dahai : dajjhai ('burn')

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nahai : najjhai ( bind') vahai : vujjhai (*flow') duhai : dujjhai ("milk") ruhai : rujjhai ('heal') bamdhai : bajjhai ('bind') ramdhai : rajjhai ("cook')' vimdhai : vijjhai ("pierce') rumdhai : rujjhai ('stop') (6) Stems ending in -^n ganai : gannai ("count) bhanai : bhannai ("tell') hanai : hannai ("kill') (7) Stems ending in -pp(i) tavai : tappai (`be hot') khivai : khippai ("throw') chivai : chippai ("touch') govai : guppai ("entangle') vigovai: viguppai ("harass') vavai : vuppai ("sow') khuvai : khuppai ("bury or pierce the ground') (ii) limpai : lippai (*smear') lumpai : luppai ( 'eliminate') (8) Stems ending in -bbh(i) lahai : labbhai ("get) khuhai : khubbhai ('be agitated)

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41 chuhai : chubbhai ("throw') ii) arambhai : arabbhai (" begin') (9) Stems ending in -mm gamai : gammai ("go') damai : dammai ('control') dhamai : dhammai : ('blow') (10) Stems endings in -r karai : kirai ("do') tarai": tirai (* be able') harai : hirai ("take away') (11) Stems ending in -s-/-ssi) sasai : sisai 'rule') sahai : sisai ("say') u) hasai : hassai ("laugh') 5. From the above listed groups it will be seen that there was no regular correlation evident beteween the final consonant of an active stem and the final cluster (or single consonant) of the corresponding passive stem. For the active stems ending in the same consonant, we have passive stems ending in different consonants and vice cersa. To illustrate. (1) khayai khajjai (2) lihai likkhai dahai dajjhai lahai :: labbhai payai paccai

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karai sahai sisai dahai : dajjhai bamdhai bajjhai chimdai chijjai bhamjai bhajjai kijjai Quite obviously, for such a variety of forms no general rules can be formulated. This lack of any obvious principle to correlate the forms of the active and passive stems resulted in comfusing the users' sense of the structure of those forms i.e. the identification of the root and the formative. This was of course, as we shall see further below, aided also by the changes in the past passive patriciple formation as well as in the net-work of and cross linkings (formal and semantic) within the system of the verbal forms as a whole. As a result numerous passive verbal forms came to be re-analysed and their final parts acquired the value of a formative. From one (or more than one) stem/ stems that was/were in frequent or familiar use they spread to other stems, replacing the earlier end-syllables. In what follows we will attempt to deal with such renovations and figure out the likely process of their formation. 6. 1. -VV- replacing -jjIn the case of the stems illustrated above under 4.3 (ii) , 4 (ii), 6,7(ii) 8 (ii) 9 and 11 (ii), the passive stems came to be interpreted as formed by reduplicating the final consonant of the active stem : mumc : mucc-, bhamj-: bhajj-, gan : gann, limp : lipp-, arambh: arabbh-gam : gamm-, has- : hass-. So on the analogy of, say, the chain gamai : gaam : gammai

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was formed, say a chain thuvai : thuam : thuvvai in which -vv- substituted the earlier -jj-. According to the same process were created new passive stems : dhuvai : dhuam : dhuvvai ruvai : ruam : ruvvai luvai : luam : luvvai Again, the alternative forms thunai/thuvai, lunai/luvai, hunai/huvai, played a similar role : punai : puam : puvvai sunai : suam : suvvai This spread to stems ending in -in- or -an. : cinai : ciam : civvai jinai : jiam : jivvai janai : naam navvai -mm- replacing -enh : Following gamai : gaam : gammai we have khanai : khaam : khammai hanai : haam : hammai cinai : ciam : cimmai sunai : suam : summai" ghummai for the ealier ghunnai was formed also following such a process. (3) -CC- replacing -jja- or -ppa-. On the pattern of (2)

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muttam : muccai, rittam : riccai, sittas : siccai, vuttam ; vaccai were created new forms wherein -cc- (or -nc-) replaced earlier -jj- or -pp-. In some cases the passive form has acquired active meaning." rattam : raccai (for rajjai) mattam : maccai (for majjai) pahuttam : pahuccai (for pahujjai) vihattam : vihamcai (infulenced by vihamjai) guttam : guscai (for guppai) viguttam : vigumcai (for viguppai) Of these Gujarati has inherited the first five (rac-, mac, pahoc-, vahec-, and gucav- and the sixth is found in Old Guj. viguc. lumcia- and lua- being synonymous, luccai could be linked with lua- as the corresponding present passive. Then, following the linkage luam : luccai, succai was created (MP. 65, 9,2; rhyming with ruccai and so ruling out the possibility of it being scribal error for the previous formation suvvai) in the place of summai, suvvai ( passive of sunai). -pp- replacing -cc- or -jjOn the pattern of adhattam : adhappai, vidhattam : vidhappai, samattam : samappai, khittar : khippai, luttam : luppai etc. new passives were formed wherein -pp- replaced the earlier -cc- or -jj- : sittam : sippai (for siccai) (MP. 46,13,6; 80,11,3) virattam: virappai (MP. 46,13,6; 80,11,3; mi 43.8.11) juttam : juppai (4)

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(5) muttam : muppai hittam : hippai vahittar : vahippai pahuttam : pahuppai As rajjai was replaced by rappai, jujjai by juppai, so chijjai (active chimdai) was substituted by *chippai (compare Guj. chipvu 'to allay thirst'; Aphbramsa has chijjai : piasa kim chijjai 'Can the thirst be allayed ?' Siddhahema, 8, 4, 434.1). -bbh- replacing -jjhThe pattern arahai : araddham: arabbhai, lahai : laddham : labbhai etc. gave rise to new passives in -bbh- (in the place of earlier-jjh-): lihai : liddham : libbhai duhai : duddham : dubbhai rumdhai : ruddham : rubbhai vahai : vodham : vubbhai The unsettled state of passive stem formation in Prakrit is further illustrated by the fact that an alternative passive stem lijjhai is also formed (corresponding to lahai) following the pattern duhai : dujjhai etc. It is also highlighted by the fact that the same root is seen to have in course of time several alternative stems, as illustrated by the following instances : For sun- we have summ-, suvv-, succ ; for simc- we have sicc-, sipp- : for pahav- we have pahucc-, pahupp-, pahutt; for ray- we have rajj-, racc-, rapp; for ci- we have cijj-, cimm-, civy

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2. New past passive participle bases (Replacive -gga-, -dha- and a few others) Analogical replacement has been widely recognized as a basic moulding factor of MIA. morphology. Its role in forming certain MIA. finite verbal and participial bases has been clarified previously, in very broad outlines, by a few scholars in a number of regular or casual studies. (See the bihlographical note at the end). The present attempt is confined to the discussion of certain replacive types in MIA. past passive patriciple bases Besides -ia-, which has worked as a great leveller and has ultimately crowed out most of the rivals, we have replacive -kka-, -tta-ddha-, -nna-, -gga-, -dha- and a few other stray types. In the present attempt we shall consider replacive -gga-, -dha- and one or two other straggling formations. Relplacive -gga Analogically developed MIA. bases *ummagga-, ragga*vagga-(1), *hagga - and *pugga- have been noted and explained by Turner. To these are to be added *vagga-(2), *bhigga-, rigga-, *cugga, *pugga-, bhugga-, *rugga-(1), lugga- and *rugga-(2). Of the seventy-odd Sanskrit past passive participles formed with -na-, six are such as have a g-ending root-form before this -na. Their MIA, forms end in -gga-. They are as under : bhagna- 'broken' : bhaggamagna- 'immersed': maggalagna - stuck': laggaudvigna-"sorrowful' : uvvigga(samvigna-'agitated': samvigga-) bhugna-'bent' : bhuggarugna-'sick': rugga- (variant: lugga-)

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2. rajjai Besides the above-listed MIA. bases in -gga-, that have resulted through the working out of the system-wise phonological tendencies, there are several others that have developed through analogy, The working of the analogy in their case can be schematically figured out as under :verbal base pass pres. 3.s ppp. (A) 1. Sk. bhanj- bhajyate bhagna Pk. bhamj bhajjai bhagga(B) 1. Sk. ranj rajyate raktaPk. ramj. rattaUnder the influence of A (2), B (2) becomes (C) Pk. ranj rajjai raggaIn other words ragga- takes the place of earlier ratta-. -tta-in ratta- is replaced by -gga-. All the cases of such replacement with -gga- are tabulated below : ppp.base remarks MIA New MIA. ppp 1. ummagga- presupposed by H.G.S. unmadyati ummajjai ummagga'excited' umang joyful enthusiasin', unmatta- ummatta P. umag. S. umanghu.etc. N.D.S.V. umang (Addenda). sk. rajyate 2. ragga 'coloured' rajjai rakta ratta ragga(DN. 7.3 raggayam = kausumbham .: vastram) vagga 3. vagga-(1) 'struck' 'sounded'. vadyate vadita vajjai vaia presupposed by G.vag- 'strike' (intr.), be played upon' (wir.to musical instruments)

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vagga 4. vagga(2) 'gone", 'moved" vajjai vajjia . presupposed by H.bag 'crawl', P.vag, A.bag. 'crawl', N.bag-'flow, etc. vrajyati (cf. Sk. vrajati) vrajita glide', hagga 5. hagga defecated' presupposed by B.hag, H.G.M.N hag- etc. hajjai hanna hadyati (cf. Sk hadati) hanna 6. bhigga 'wet' presupposed by H. bhig-, abhyajyate abbhimjai bhiggabhig 'be wet'. 'is annointed' bhimjai, G. bhin-'wet', abhyakta- bhijjai (derived through nna 'is sprinkled' replacement) abbhimjiabhijja 7. rigga 'crawled' the source for H.riga rog-, rig-crawl' G.rimg. riyati moves, flows' ria- pass' through', rig-, riggrimg-'crawl' rijjiai rigga'entrance' 8. cugga 'picked' presupposed by H.cug. pick', (H.cun-pick up, glean, select', G. can*pick' etc. are derived through-on-replacement;) cf. Sk. cinoti, ciyate, cita cunai picks', cuggacujjai 'is picked'. pujjai pugga 9. pugga 'reached' punna presupposed by H.G.N puryate pug- 'reach, arrive', pumaP. pugg- etc, (G. pogderives from pot or pahot, pahoac; Pk. pahutta-, pahucca- analogically formed ppp. to Pk. pahujjai=Sk. prabhuyate) bhugga 10.bhugga 'baked' cf. H. bhun-'bake' deriving from bhunna-, bhrjjati bhrsta bhujjai bhuttha

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'parched' (presupposing -n- replacement) 11.rugga-(1) 'wept' presupposed by G. ruga 'weeping', 12.rugga-(2) 'broken' 13.lugga 'broken' cf. Pk. lukka- formed through -kka- replacement 14. chigga- (PSM.) 'touched' 15. sigga siggai 'sunken' (= sranta'- DN. 8,28) gahate gahai ledhi lihai 49 guhate guhai mohayati mujjhai rudyate rudita ruccai, rumcai 'husks, cards' rujjai ruia-, roia-, runna(analogical) luyate 'is cut' lujjai luna luna chivvai (for chippai) sidyate ruccia-rumcia (cf. rumcani 'grinding mill') gahyate (gahijjai) lihyate lijjhai guhyate gujjhai The Sanskrit pattern of certain verbal bases ending in -h- and their past-passive participle ending in -dha- (with the root vowel lengthened) remained untouched by the phonological developments leading to the Middle Indo-Aryan. So we find matching groups like the following in Sk. and Pk. Sk. Pk. Sk. Pk. Sk. Pk. Sk. Pk. gadha lidha 33 rugga gudha muhyate mudha mujjhai rugga lugga chigga sigga

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Sk. rohati ruhyate rudha Pk. ruhai rujjhai Through this sort of association Pk. active bases in -h-, passive bases in -jjh- and ppp. bases in -dha- (with long root-vowel) came to be linked up . Under their influenced newly-developed MIA. bases in -h- (active), -jjh- (passive) also acquired a ppp. in -dha- in place of the earlier one of a different sort. The few cases of this replacive -dha- are listed below : pass.pre S.S Old ppp. chubbhai chuddha new ppp. chudha ppp.base Act.Pre.S.s 1. chudha- 'thrown' chuhai (componded : ucchudha-, 'throws' nicchudha- parichhudha-, vicchudha- etc.) 2. gidha-(Ap.) "taken, seized' gihai gijjhai gihia gidha "takes, seizes 3. uvvidha' thrown up' uvvihai uvvijjhai uvviddha- uvvidha"throws up' uvvihia(from OLA. ud-vyadh-) 4. sannaddhasamnahai samnajjhai sasnaddha- sanadha (Old Guj. sanadhau ) arrmoured', 'equipped' 5. adha-desired ahai ajjhai ahia- adha- (from desires' (cf. ajjha which treat'an excellent ed as a base woman, a new ppp. bride',) adhia'desired' is formed) The following two cases have a short root-vowel : 6. jadha-'abandoned' jahai jadha(compounded: vijadha-, vippajadha )

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7. visadha 'endured' ppp.base galina (Ap.) 'melted' 'dropped' milina", melina-`met, gathered volina- gone', 'passed', papalina- 'run away'12 NOTES: 1. Replacive -ina Pk. has several ppp. in -na- (deriving from OIA) formed mostly from monosyllabic verbal bases in -i-. Instances are khina- dina-, thina, rina-, lina, hina, etc. The verbal base li- combined with prepositions forms nilina-, vilina-, samlina- etc.and the corresponding passive present 3. sing. forms are nilijjai. vilijjai, samlijjai etc. An association between these lijjai and lina- came to be established and consequently some verbal bases in -1- developed a new ppp. in -ina. They are listed below: 2. visahai 3. 51 visajjhai (visahia-) volia palaa-, palana We may note also cadinna (occurring in Apabhrmsa, e.g. in 'Viras Jambusami cariu, 3,6,22; 5,5,14; in 'Kanakamara's Karkamdacariu' 3,3,7, formed on the basis of uttinna which replaced eartier cadiya. pass. pre. 3.s. galijjai milijjai, melijjai volijjai palaijjai visodha- visadha old ppp. new ppp. galia galina milia-melia- melina volina papalina A short reference list of the earlier work in this subject is given at the end. The present effort aims at just updating that work. In a way this paper is supplementary to my earlier paper in Bharatiya Vidya, 19,14,1959, pp. 111-115. These two classes of forms are respectively called Sadhyamanavastha and Siddhavastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians. Crosss-influences are evident from piccai (Pusspadanta's Mahapurana 7.15.3) for paccai (influenced by siccai etc), and from ppp. riddha-, a blend of raddha- cooked' and siddha- 'cooked'.

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52 dummia- and the alternative form dumia- 'distressed illustrate crossinfluencing. Intransitivity was a factor causing such a semantic change. We have in Apabhramsa rappiijai (MP. 89.12.10) 'is coloured a newy formed passive from earlier passive rappai (substituting still earlier raccai) correponding to the active ramjai. cf. Pischel, Grammatik, $ 66. ibid, $ 126. Bharatesvara-bahubali-rasa (ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1941) hayagayarahavari kariya sanalhu (St 87b) 'equipped with cavalry, elephant and chariot forces', Grammatik, $ 67. It occurs in a passage of Svayambhu's Paumacariya (8th cent.) (ed. H.C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain Series, Bombay, part I 1961): dinayare naha-kusume-vva galinae, dime nisi-vairie-vva volinae (Paumacariya 67-1-3) When the sun, lika a sky flower melted' (withered, i.e. slipped down) and the day. like an enemy of the night dissappeared' Pischel (Grammatik, $562) explains this with the help of Sk. asinaPk. usina,Mudraraksasa; 29, 15; 30, 1; Pischel, $$ 346, 567. 11. 12. Bibliographical Note In the section on the verbal substitutes in Hemacandra's Siddhahema-sabdanusasana (VIII 4, 2-258), in his Desimamamala and in other grammatical and lexicographical works of Indian Prakrit grammarians we find rich data relating to passive stems. H. Jacobi was the first to put forth the view of analogical origin of some irregular' Prakrit passive stems ("uber unregelmassige passiva im prakrit', Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 28, 249-256, 1887). He convincingly explained the formation of the form-types sippai, dubbhai, hammai, civvai, on the basis of linkage between the present active, past passive participle, infinitive of purpose, absolutive, etc. of certain

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groups. He has not noted the analogical stems ending in -cca- and his treatment requires some reconsideration of the interrelationship between the various form-types of the verbal system and of the forms that might have triggered the analogical process. Therafter K.F. Johansson acccepted and corroborated Jacobi's explanation in his paper 'Eine analoge Neubildung der verbalflexion im althnindischen und balt-slavischen', Kunh's Zeitschirft , 32, pp 434-513, especially pp. 446-450; 1893). But Pischel rejected outright this analogical explanation, saying it is 'ganz irrig' (completely erroneous), (Grammatik, 8535; also $8266,286 533 ff.). In this matter Pischel was quite evidently under the influence of the neogrammatical doctrine. Hence he tried to account for all 'irregular' forms under discussion simply on the basis of phonological change. The doctrine that 'the phonetic laws are universal and without exceptions' was dominant at that time. But M. Leumann criticised Pischel's stand on this issue and supported Jacobi's view in his contribution 'Zur stammbildung der verben im Indischen', Indogermanische Forschungen, 57 (1940, pp. 205, 237, pp. 235,237). Besides the above scholars, the analogically formed Prakrit past passive participles have been dealt with by R. L. Turner (1. Under various etymological notes in the Nepali Dictionary, 1939; 2. The Comparaive Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, 1963, ff; 3. Some Problems of Sound Change in Indo-Aryan, 1960, pp. 34-37); by L.A. Schwartzschild (1. "Prakrit thakka-' tired', Indian Linguistics, Turner Jubilee Volume I, pp. 311-318; 2. * Middle Indo-Aryan Words in - 11-". Journal of the American Oriental Society, 73, 1957, pp. 203,207) and by the present writer (1. Discussion of the formation of the past passive participle ditta- in 'Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati Studies-1, Bharatiya Vidya XVII, 3-4, 1957, pp. 125-126; 2. Anusilano (in Gujarati), 1965, pp. 123-126; 132-134). Schwartzschild's papers are now available in Collected Articles of L.A. Schwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979, ed. R. Wiles, 1991. 1

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Abbreviations DN. Desinamamala of Hemacandra. Ed. Pischel, Ramanujaswami, 1938." Grammatik. Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, R. Pischel, 1900 Mahapurana of Puspadanta. Ed. P. L. Vaidya, 1937-1941. ND. Dictionary of the Nepali Language, R. L. Turner, 1931. PSM. Paiasaddamahannavo, H. Sheth.

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3. Development of new active intransitive verbal-stems It is evident from the above-given list of the past passive participles regularly developed or analogically formed from the corresponding Sanskrit past passive participle of the anit roots, that a large number of Pk. ppp. had a double or 'long' consonant (unaspirated or aspirated in keeping with the Pk. phonology.) in their end-syllable, e.g. -duh- / -ddha-, -^n-, -nna-, -tt-/-tta-, -ddh- etc. In the case of some Sk, intransitive set roots ending in -t-, we have in Prakrit ppp. in -tta- also besides the regular one with the -iya- (< -ita--) suffix. *ksutati khudai khudiya/khutta trutati/trutyati tuttai tudiya/tutta sphatati phadai phadiya/phatta sphitati phidal phidiya/phitta sphutati/sphutyati phudai/phuttai phuliya/phutta Pischel has explained these as deriving from an assumed ppp. in Sanskrit with the alternative -n- formative presumably current in popular dialect, in line with the ppp. of roots ending in -j-,d, An alternative explanation however also can be considered. In course of time many of the Pk. 'irregular' ppp. came to be regularized i.e. the -ia- / -iya- suffix came to be attached to them. mukkia-, dhukkia-, laggia-, cuggia, vaggia, haggia-, tutthia, baitthia, rutthia, kaddhia, vuddhia-, gattia-, juttia-, tunnia-, punnia-, rumdhia-, bamdhia- etc. In line with these were also formed alternative ppp.

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56 khudia-/-khutta-, tulia-/ tutta- etc. Following the pattern muccai : mukka were formed tudai/ tuttai : tutta phudai/ phuttai : phutta- etc Note also Turner's view : 'Possibly the series started with an adjective *ksuta- used as a past passive participle (compare Pk. chuttha- 'thrown', ~ sittha>srsta-) and forming the basis of a present stem, after which were formed another intransitive present stem, *ksuta- and a transitive stem ksuta- and a similar formation s.v. TRUT, SPHUT' (under the entry KSUT in (IAL). Prakrit was a literary language cultivated for more than a thousand years over various extensive regions. It had several varieties and abundance of variation. A substantial part of Prakrit literature is in verse. Hence we find some of the earliest and latest forms and usages, archaic and newly developed expressions, side by side. If we look at a comparatively later stage, we have a picture of the Prakrit verb-system in which, as a consequence of the regularization of the earlier 'irregular' or 'strong' ppp., their bases were interpreted as verbal roots. Hence we find numerous verbal roots in late MIA. and NIA. which have been derived from what were originally past passive participles. In the following illustrative list the relevant entry number from Turner's IAL is given for MIA. and NIA. data. dhukkai dhukvu (5592) mukkai mukvu (10157) (vajjai) vagvu (11513) (bhamjai) bhagvu (9351) baisai H.baithna (2245) uvvisai ubithna And at a comparatively later stage we have a situation in

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which we find many a Pk. past passive participle identical with the corresponding verb-stems, i.e. without any formative suffix. All of them have a double consonant in their final syllable. An illustrative list of some such participles is given below : thakka- dhukkakhuttapakka- mukka- cahuttaparisakka lukka chutta sakkaa- Ihikka tutta sukka phatta phitta phutta bhitta nivatta lutta jikka pikka cukka 57 budda phulla bhulla khalla- DN.2-6 jhulla khulla ummilla- dulla nimmilla- tulla uvvella bolla solla nolla pella Similar illustrations of bases ending in -gga-, -ttha-, -nna/ -nna-, -tta-, -ddha-. etc. are well known. + 4. Phonological explanation *versus analogical explanation. Two most outstanding consequences of the phonetic wear and tear of OIA. were: (1) A form with the same phonetic shape now conveyed several different case-relations or stood for the meanings of several different persons, numbers etc. (ii) Personal verbforms tended to disapper and participal forms or verbal adjectives took their place. This second process was aided by the fact that in Sanskrit nominal sentence seems to have been more frequent than the verbal sentence. Nouns and adjectives could function as predicates without any need of a copula. When the neo-grammarian tradition dominated there was strong compulsion to seek phonological explanation for phonologically 'irregular' forms. Pischel has strongly favoured and advanced phonological explanation of many a Prakrit 'irregular forms. Against this view we have referred earlier (pp. 52-53) to the scholars who have put forth anological explanation. Turner was among the latest who offerer'

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53 convincing explanations of numerous phonological and morphological "irregular' developments in Indo-Aryan. Below I have given references to data from Pischel and Turner to illustrate both the views. Pishel's view Some relevant data is cited below from Pischel's 'Comparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages' (English Translation by Subhadra Jha, 1965 edition), References are to the paragraphs. pikka- (=pakva-), vivikka-(=vipakva-) and paripikka(-paripakva-) explained on the basis of the phonological change a > i( 101), subbhi = surabhi, according to which has been formed dubbhi, which mostly occurs beside it : subbhi-durabhi or surabhi-durabhi ($148). hammai ("goes to' with the compounds nihammai, ahammai, pahammai (= Pali ghammati) ( $ 188,266) The same sound i ge (i.e. -V->-->-m-) has taken place in the case of the se ry v in the passive cimmai beside civvai from civ and JM. summai beside suvvai from svap (S 536, SS 261). The passive vubbhai = uhyate, dubbhai = duhyate, libbhai = lihyate ( $ 54+61,544) go back to the root-doublets vabh, dubh, libh. bh is related to the original gh, as v is relatd to k, g (8230-231), that is to say here is a case of transforination of guttarals to labialsrubbhai from rudh (8 546), also in the Parasmaipada rumbhai (8 507) is formed on the analogy of the roots in gutturals. ( SS 266) pp in some passive, which .........Jacobi and according to him Johansson wished to derive from false analogy, has regularly arisen fryuvbom py....... sippai = snihyate and sicyate (HC. 4, 255), ....belongs to simpai (HC 4, 96), which is related to Marathi simpnem, Gujarati simpvus and presupposes a root sip, which was parallel to sic, from sik. This is therefore, a case of interchange of gutturals and labials ( 215 )........ vahippai (HC.4,253)........which is derived, with HC. 4,253 from Vhr, is = vyahriyate, is rather vyaksipyate with a somewhat more special meaning than in Sankrit..... As a proof we have M. nihippanta- (R.8,97) = niksipyamana, which is wrongly derived by S. Goldschmidt. A. nihittau .......and M. Amg. J. M.

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vahitta = niksipta, vyaksipta. Possible is also hawever, the explanation from nihita, vyahrta according to $194. ... Hitherto several forms with pp have been falsely regarded as passive, which are so according to neither their form nor their meaning, khuppai........is = ksupyati from ksupa avasadane, sade...juppai (=yoks, HC. 4, 109) is = yupyati from yupa ekikarane, samikarane, M. pahuppai (HC. 3,142, 4, 63....), which has been explained by Weber as a deponentially used passive of bhu with pre, is a denominative from prabhutva = *prabhutvati *exercies authority'..... This is borne out by A. pahuccai (H. 4, 390, 491), which pressupposes prabhutyati with the phonetic change discussed in $ 299. so too M. ohuppanta- (R. 3, 18) = apabhutvanti..... belongs to ohavai = apabhavati, apabhavayati in the sense of akramati (HC. 4, 160) ($286) sugga - is formed according to dugga = durga (SS 329). One *nava, of which the regular passive is navvai, is to be deduced from the causatives such as anavedi, vinnavedi. (The remark in the note ; wholly wrong in S. Goldschmidt, Z.D.M.G. 29, 494, Jacobi KZ. 28.255, Johansson KZ. 32, 449 f.) Pischel derives mukka- from a hyhothetical Sk. mukna-, having -n- instead of -ta- (as in the regular mukta) as the past passive participial suffix. Similarly lukka- is derived from an assumed Sk. mlukna- (from mluc-) nirumbhai, passive rubbhai....( 546) belong to a root rubh, which is an analogical formation according to the roots in guttarals (8 266, $ 535). The derivation of the 'irregular passive', as suppai, juppai, adhappai, dubbhai, rubbhai, etc. from the past passive participles according to false analogy, which Jacobi has given with the approbation of Johansson, is wholly wrong (See $8266, 286, 535). The roots is -u, -u, without distinction of the class, may be conjugated according to 5. class of Sk. and build their passive accordingly : ruvvai from ru; thuvvai from thu; dhuvvai from dhu; puvvai from pu; luvvai from lu; huvvai from hu; suvval from sru. TM has also summau as one sumai beside suvai is presupposed in accordance with $261. According to the grammarians ji and ci too

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have the same formation of the passive : civvai, cinijjai, jivvai, jinijaji, according to Hc. also cimmai, which is to be explained likewise as JM. summai. It is not correct to presume anaogical formation according to the roots in -u, -U with Jacobi, whose hypothesis is erroneous (KZ., 28, 255), and Johansson (KZ. 32, 449). Civvai is a regular passive from civ (Dhatupatha 31, 15, civi adanasamvaranayoh), jivvai apparently from jiv (Dhatupatha 15, 85 jiv prinanarthah), that is equated as jinv. ($ 536). Besides the usual khamijjai from khan is mentioned as passive khammai too (HC. 4. 244). The forin is not to be separated from jammai from jan (HC. 4, 186) and hammai from han. It is wholly improbable to assume a formation on the analogy of gammai from gam with Jacobi and (KZ 28, 254) and Johansson (KZ. 32, 449). jammai points to the fact that there occurred denominatives from janman, Pkt. jamma-, hanman, Pkt. hamma-, khanman, Pkt. khannacf. $440, $447) (3540) pala has also a past passive participle with the suffix -na : palana, for a of which there apears i : papalinu - prapalayita, as in the pres. participle in -mina, -ina ($ 562). mukka from mukna from muc; - ragga (HC. 2, 10) = ranga = Skt. rakta; - M. rikka = rikna from ric (airikka, pairikka, vivikka; -lukka = lukna from lunc. - Thikka beside the denominatives Thikkai, likkai (HC, 4, 55)--sikka = svaskna (osakka, parisakkia-, solla = sudna = sudita, (S 567) Pk. mahana. 'Brahmin' he derives from Sk. makhana (supposed to be a derivative of makha-) 'pertaining to a sacrifice' (from makha- 'sacrifice'). The derivation from Sk. brahmana, given by earlier scholars he considers linguistically impossible. I think however, the development Sk. brahmana. Pk. mahana- can be satisfactorily explained, it we assume a by-form vrahmana- (cf. brhat-1 vrhat-, brsi-, / vrsietc.). In the Eastern Prakrit it would develop first as vamhana(presevation of the vowel length and -inh- as a non-cluster) and then -07- changed to nasalization of the preceding vowel would give us vahana- mahana (compare svapna-suvinasumina-, kabandha

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61 kavandha->kamandha; vanavaitara>vanamamtara- etc.). Several other 'irregular' Pk. forms also can be better explained as analogical change. Turner's view Some relevant data is cited below from Turner's 'A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages', 1966. References are to the entries. 2814 karoti krta- done : ki- < kia- replaced by *kitta- after *ditta 'given', P. kitta;after MIA. dinn-, Mth. kinh, O Marv. kino; after labdha- etc., G. kidhu. 3865 khadati. pp. khadita- replaced by anal, formations in S. khadho, L. P. khaddha, G. khadhu. 6140 datta MIA. *dita- as pp. to deti after Pk. nia- : nei-; *ditta- from datta- with i from dita-. dinna- from *danna ( < *dadna) also with i from *dita- or *ditta. 8716 prabhuta Pk. pahutta- as pp. of pahuvai (after type suvai-sutta-); Pk. pahuppai after type litta-lippai; Pk. pahuccai after type mutta~muccai. 9500 *bhiyagna *bhigga- replaced by* bhinna- as pp. to passive bhijjai *bhiyajyate after type bhijjai < bhidyate-bhinna-, 9577 *bhsgnaReplaced by MIA. bhunna- as pp. of bhujjai after type bhijjai -bhinna10775. ruddha anal. pres. stems : after laddha-labbhai : Pk, rubbhai; type raddha- - rambhati : pa. rumbhati, Pk. rumbhai. 10948 labhate. MIA. deti and neti; Pk. lei, OAw. pp. linha, 0 Marw. pp. dinau (-dinna-), liyo, pp. lidhu. 11083 lupyate. Pk. lutta- replaced in MIA by lukka

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Pk. Thikka- x *lhissai < slisyati ?, Thikkai. 11513 vadyate. Anal. MIA. pp. vagga- after type bhajjai-bhagga13960 hadati In Pali replaced anal. after pp. hanna- by hanati whence pass. hannati, hanna- replaced after type bhajjai~bhagga- by hagga-. 12225 vrajati. MIA. vracc- (? vacc-) either anal. formation for which the starting point is not clear or x vacyate 'moves' RV. MIA vagga - anal, formation after type bhajjai-bhagga- (bhagna-). 1. NOTES So far as the noun-inflexion was concerned ambiguity in the expression of case-relations that resulted from MIA. homophony was sought to be remedied by employing aid-words called postpositions to convey specific meanings. As we pass on from Prakrit proper to Apabhramsa, i.e. Late MIA., we witness increasing use of postpositions with case-meanings, because by that time only a skeleton of the earlier case-system remained. Such form-types were called sadhyamanavastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians. Such form-types were calles siddhavastha by Indian Prakrit grammarians. Intransitivity was a factor causing this semantic change. We find in Apabhraisa rappijjai ("Mahapurana', 89, 12, 10), a newly formed passive from rappai which is itself passive. MP. 46,3, 6, 80, 11-3. MP. 76, 3, 7 MP. 43, 8, 11 mi, 46, B, 6, 80, 11, 3-i. MP. Dhv. 5, 205 (p. 173) : vahippau bhuttho : Guj. bhuttho etc. IAL. 9594. thino : Guj. thijvu thinu IAL. 13731

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* thijjai : Guj. thijvu Old Guj. pahutau (ppp. 'Gurjara-rasavali', Inder. S.V.) Mod. Guj. poti (female personal name). It is based on pahoti 'reached'. It is given to a female child born after a few others, expressing the belief that by naming the child with a terin that signifies 'now we have got enough', there would he a stop to any more fenale child being born. Old Guj. pahuco, Mod. Guj. pahoc-. For pahucc- see 'Gurjara- rasavali", Index. Modi rejects Pischel's and accept's Turner's explantaion. pahugga- : Old Guj. pugau 'reached' ("Gurjara-rasavali' Index, s.v.) guccai. Sk. gup- 'to be confused or disturbed (vyakulatve) ("Dhatupatha'); Ap. gupp- 'to become entangled in, to be embarassed' (DMP., 909). Guj. gucav-' to entangle, to confuse', gucva- (passive). Compare vigutta-, viguc vigutta- : "harassed', Old Guj. vigut-, vagutvigucc- : Old Guj. viguc-, vigucvihacca- : vihamc-, Mod. Guj. vaheckhucc : Guj. khic- 'to pierce'. Differently explained by Turner : IA. 3890 p. 20. pahutta-, pahoia- is given in DN. (6, 26) as synonymous with pajjatta- (= paryapta-) or prabhutva-. pahoiais ppp. to pahavai as hoia- ("Samdesarasaka,' 112) is to havai. Hindi bahutta- preserves the meaning of Sk. prabhuta-. Change of long vowel + single consonant to short vowel + double (i.e. long) consonant in Pk. is attested in the following cases : kiada-, kida (=krida): nidda-/ nedda- : nida-, thinna : thina, thulla- : thula, dugulla- : dugula-, pidd- : pid-, vidua : vida. Inorganic doubling of consonants in general in Pk. is treated by Vararuci, under 3, 52, 58 and Hemacandra, under 21, 98,99. See Pischel $ 90, where the change is attributed to accent. Against Insler ('Prakrit Studies-1', Bulletin D'Etudes Indiennes, 9,1991, 93-106) who assumes different source forms

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for various senses of pahuppai we think this is due to usual semantic change. We explain also pahuppai analogically, as has been done by Jacobi, Turner etc. Tieken's objections ('Hala's Sattasai', 1983, p. 196) also to deriving Pk. pahuttafrom Sk. prabhuta- are not valid. The same applies to his view regarding paralutta-. He says, the derivation suggested by Weber from bhutta (.....Hem. II. 99. hutta for bhuta) fails to convince from the point of the meaning as well as from the fact that hutta for bhata does not actually occur'. But we think pahutta- and parahutta derive from Sk. prabhata- and parabhuta- (= parii + bhota- i.e. paranmukha-). Eventhough the derivation of -hutta < Sk. mukha- in amtohutta- (= adhomukha also according to DN. 1.21), parahutta-, gharahutta-, piyahuttaetc. is wrong: its derivation from -vitta- (Insler, p. 101), is unconvicing P. 21 Tessitori has explained OG. ppp. in -dha- as phonological development ("Grammar of Old Western Rajasthani', $126 (3). M. C. Modi has however favoured analogical explanation following Turner ("Gurjararasa vali', 1956, word-index, under liddha). He has also accepted Turner's explanation of pahutta-, pahucca-. Appendix With regard to the large-scale restructuring that took place in morphology during the MIA. period, the following general observations about the grammatieal change made by Lightfoot in the 'Pinciples of Diachronic Syntax' will be found pertinent : Peacemeal changes resulting in a complication of a grammar. rendering it as a whole more marked, less highly valued. This is followed by a catastrophe, a major re-analysis of grammar, eliminating the markedness and complexity--the symptoms of such a cataclysmnic restructuring will be a set of simaltaneous but apparently unrelated changes (p. 78). Grammars practise therapy, not prophylaxis i.e. changes take place, which, while perhaps having therapeutic effect in one area of grammar, contribute to derivational opacity elesewhere..... When the

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65 limits are apprehended, therapy is performed by some kind of reanalysis, which eliminates the offending opacity. This position has been adopted by some earlierwriters. Samuels observes that it is a conmonplace that grammatical ambiguities arising from sound change may be remedied by selection of new analogical forms and he cites Sapir, Saussure, Hermann, Jespersen, Bally. Paul also denies prophyaxis. Longacker (1977) says, 'a re-analysis occurs in response to a particular set of factors present in a particular class of expressions, it resolves certain structural pressures or exploits the structural potential of those expressions. Speakers do not however redesign their entire language or check the implications of a modification for all other aspects of the linguistic system before adopting the modification. A change which resolves certain structural pressures may, therefore create new ones and lead to further changes' (p. 123-124) Givon (1976) claims that 'main clauses (and in particular declarative-affirmative ones) are the most progressive, innovative environment in language, where innovations are first introduced and from where they spread later on into other emvironments (p. 126) Typically, changes in various places in the grammar may occur and happen to have the effect of making existing initial structure analyses more opaque to the language learner. There seems to be a tolcrance level for such exceptional behaviour or opacity, and when this is reached a radical re-structuring, more transparent, casier to figure out and closer to the respective surface structures results. The structuring is entailed by Transparency Principle and is manifested by a set of simultaneous changes in possible surface structures i.e. only the latter changes result from the Transparency Principle (p. 129).

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B. Some aspects of the development of the Gujarati passive Passive, optative and future imperative stems Development From Prakrit to Old and Modern Gujarati 1. Origin and development of O. Guj stems ending in -ija, -ia-. (1.) According to Panini's Astadhyayi (3,3,161) Sanskrit Optative (potential, lin, vidhi-lin, vidhyartha) is used in the following senscs : (1) Prescription : yajcia; ivam gramam gacchch (2) Invitation : iha bhavan bhunjita. (3) Icavc permission : ihasita bhavan. (4) Duty: putram adhyapaycd bhavan. (5) Politc query : bho vedamadhiyiya uta tarkam ? (6) Request : bho bhojanam labhcya. It should be noted that Sanskrit Imperative as well as Potential Passive Participle also shared these meanings (Astadhyayi, 3, 3, 163). (2.) When optative is used to advise a particular conduct or to preach, it is subjectless : apadarthe dhanam raksci, daras raksed dhanair api / atmanam satatam raksed, darairapi dhanair api 11 (3.) In Prakrit the form ending in -(e)ija, -(e) ja is used as optative. It can also take personal endings :-(C)jjami ctc. (Siddhahoma, 8.3 165; 167). The same form is used as Imperative second person singular (Siddhahcma, 8,3, 175). According to another view these forms are used to convey the meaning of other tenses and moods also (Siddhahema, 8, 3, 177). 4. According to Siddhahema 8.3, 160 - ia-or-ijja-suffixis used

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67 in Prakrit to form Passive stem (intransitive or transitive). But sometimes it takes additionlly the -jja suffix of the optative also, e.g. Pk. navejja, navejjejja = Sk. namyate. Pk. lahejja, lahejjcjja = Sk. labhayate. Pk. acchejja, acchejjejja = Sk. asyate. This will give an idea of the mutual influence of the Prakrit Optativc, Inperative and Passive forms and meanings. 5. With this background we shall examine the origin and development of O. Guj.(1) inherited passive, (2) inherited optative, (3) the new present First Person Plural forin, (4) apanai as the Inclusive First Person plural pronoun, (5) the new passive stem-formative -- and (6) their respective meanings. 2. Stem-formative -ija-, -sa-. (1) Sk. suffix -ya- became - izja- in. Prakrit. Alternatively it became -iyya-, which changed to -iya-, -ia-. For example in the Apabhraisa section of the Siddhahema we have forms like aniyai, bolliyai, maniyai, pathaviyai. From Yogindu's Paramappapayasu we can cite jhaiyai, janiyai, viyaniai, pittiyai. Similar forms occur in the Doha-pahuaa and the Savaya-dhamma-doha. (2) In Prakrit we have Optative third person singular forms with the stein-formative -cija-/-ijja- and personal ending - -- or without the latter, e.g. karejjai/karijjai, kareja/karijja. The former developed as karije in Old Guj. which changed to karje in Mod. Guj. with a future or polite inperative sense. (3) The forns with the stem-formative - ijja- / -ja- used in an optative sense can be illustrated from the Siddhahema. 1. Tahi desdai jaijjai (8, 4, 419-3) (=Sk. tasinin dese gamyate) 'Let (us) go to that country' or (we) should go to that country 2. jai avai to aniyai (8, 4, 419-3)

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68 (= Sk. yadi agacchati tatahaniyate) (=Mod. Guj. 'jo ave to anie': compare H.'yadi aye, to leaiye'.) * If he comes, he may be brought'. 3. tam bolliai ju nivvahai (8, 4, 360-2) (= Mod. Guj. te bolie, je nabhe) "That should be spoken, which can hold good'. 4. jam acchai tam maniyai (8, 4, 388) (= Mod. Guj. je che, te manie) "Whatever there is, it should be enjoyed'. 5. So lekhadau pathaviai (8, 4, 422-7) 1= Mod. Guj. evo lekh pathavie) 'Such a letter should be sent'. That form in the optative sense with injunctive shade is preserved in Mod. Guj. evu na karie 'Such a thing should not be done'. jutthu na bolie. 'Lie should not be told'. In Mod. Hindi the form is used as polite imperative. (3) In the medieval Sanskrit Prabandha works written by the Jainas during the period of about the 13th to the 16th century, we find passive forms with the same meaning force as noted above. Obviously this is based on the contemporary usage in the regional dialect. To cite a few instances : 1. tada sresthi snusam pryatyavag, 'anyatra grhe gamyate' (Panc. 142, 9-10). "Then the merchant said to the daughter-in-law, "let us go to another house." (Mod. Guj. bije ghare jaic). 2. mesa-dvayam grhyate, svarna-dvipe gamyate, tatah svarnam anvesyate (Panc. 89, 8-9). '(We) should take (with us) two lambs, go to the Svarna- dvipa and gold will be brought from there' (Mod. Guj. be gheta laie, svarnadvip jaie).

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3. 'mesavimau hatva'nayor bhastrika-madhye grhita-ksurikabhyam pravesyate. (Panc. 89, 9-10) 'Killing both these lambs, both (of us) should enter, holding knife (in our hand), into the sack made of their hide". 69 3. Emergence of a new Present first person plural form. 1. O. Guj. Present first person plural has the ending -u, which is the same as for the singular. amhe karau 'we do'. amhe padivajau 'we accept'. The fact of-u being common to the singular and the plural could have created ambiguity in practical communicative situations. 2. O. Guj. apanapau/apanapu means 'one self', 'self'. (= Sk. svayam) te muni vadi apanapu dhanya maniva lagi, 'Having bowed down to the monk, she began to regard herself to be fortunate' 3. In one of its usages the Old Gujarati Passive could be employed to convey what was to be said by the speaker, or something to be proposed by the addresser, to the addressee. This construction was subjectless. amhe yatna ghanau karau, pani jani na sakii. (1) 'We make great effort, but it cannot be known (i.e. but (we) are unable to know'). (2) eka vara kanya...magavii. 'Once the girl may be asked for (through somebody)`. i.c. (We) may ask for the girl'. (3) Narmada-sumdari magii. 'N. may be asked for' i.e. (We) may ask for N.' (4) ghari jai. The home may be gone to' ie. (We) may go home`.

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70 (5) calau, joi avii. "Come on, seeing (her), may be returned by us'i.e '(We) may (go) to see her and return'. (6) avi, pase kari vali khelii. "Come, let playing be done again with dice', i.e 'Let (us) play again with dice'. (7) cala tau, e vata joii. 'Then come on, that matter may be looked into', i.e. 'Let us look into that matter.' (8) Svami, Kumdina-puri jaii. 'My lord K. may be gone to',' i.e. "Let (us) go to K.' Conpare with this usage the following: (9) pita-nau viyoga sahasiu, pani prthvi-na kautiga joii. *(Although) we shall suffer separation from (our) father, the intersting things of the world would be seen' (i.e. We shall see'). (10) apanape agai desamtara-ni manasa karata, hiva te saphala karii. 'Since long ourselves used to cherish desire of going abroad, (So)now it may be fulfilled '(i.e)'(we) may fulfil it, let(us) fulfil 4. Emergence of Apane as the First Person Plural Inclusive Pronoun As a conrequence the form with the -iiending came to be linked with apanape, and it gave rise to a new contruction in which the subject pronoun of the first person plural included both the speaker and the hearer. 1. apanape jai sabhalii 'Going (there), we may hear it' (i.e 'Let us go and hear itp.) 2. apanape jue khelii 'Let us play at gambling'

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ing). 71 3. apanape behue yuddha karii. 'Let both of us fight'. 4. inai nagari apanape rahii 'Let us stay in this city'. 5. prabhata-samayi apanape jaii 'Let us go at the morning time'. 6. apanape apanau bala joii 'Let us test our strength'. 7. apanape eka-eka-ni baha namavi joii. 'Let us try to bend each other's arm'. Consequently the earlier Present first person plural verbal ending -u was replaced by -ii. Thus there arose a contrast between the exclusive first person plural pronoun ame and the inclusive one apanape. O. Guj. Future also shares this construction. apanape iha suisii 'we (inclusive) shall sleep here'. In course of time apanape was replaced in this construction by apane. apanai jaii-avii nahi 'We should not go and come' (i.e. undertake going and com apanai..... rajya bhogavii chai 'We are enjoying the kingdom (i.e kingship)'. In these constructions apana expresses the whole side inclusive of the addressor(s) and the addressee(s). Mod. Guj. has inherited this system of first person plural exclusive and inclusive Pronoun.

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72 Origin and development of a- passives* 1. The problem of the origin and developinent of Gujarati apassives and their corresponding past participles (considered now dialectal) with -n-suffix has not been satisfactorily solved so far. These forms are attested in Old Gujarati. As against most of the other NIA languages with pariphrastic passive, Gujarati has like Sanskrit and Prakrit, a suffixal passive.? Hoernle derived thesc forins from Sk. -ay-causatives (payayati etc.). Grierson and Tessitori accepted that view. Bloch did not find that view attractive, but he could not advance any alternative solution, althongh he is inclined to suspect some analogical inflnence. Pandit has referred to the various alternatives considered by Bloch and dismissed Dave's suggestion as unsatisfactory. Dave derived the Perfect participial -ana- from the -ana- ending of the preset participle of Sk. Atmanepadi verbs and O. Guj. mukai etc. were created on the analogy of O. Guj. mukanau etc. This suggestion is phonologically teneble but semantically it faces insuperable difficulties.4 It was K.K. Shastri who happens to have made a correct surinise in this matter. Like Chatterji he has derived the passive suffix -a- from the -ay- of the Sanskrit denominatives, and has supported this with Gujarati denominative formations like kastavi be pained', gamdhava 'stink', sukavu'dry up and has connected the -na-suffix of the perfect participle with the -na-suffix (instead of the usual -ta-) taken by a class of Sanskrit verbs. Both these suggestions are in the right direction, but Shastri has not examined their implications in detail and has not established his view by a systematic discussion of the relevant data and has not considered the diffuculties involved. In what follows an attempt is made to systematically work out his view. 2. Out of the six types of Sanskrit denominatives, among the kyar(=-ya-) type, which take Atmanepadi endings there are some roots whose denoninative forins signify 'to experience a feeling-state', 'to be in a state or "to achieve a state', instead of the usual meaning of

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73 'behaving like X.?" Instances : malayate 'serves as a garland' sighrayate 'becomes hasty'. lohitayate freddens' mandayate "slows down' utsukayate 'feels yearning sithilayate 'loosens' adharayate 'suffers defeat durmanayate becomes sad' taralayate "suffers pain mandalayate 'becomes circular' dhumayate emits fumes of smoke'... It is obvious that these verbs are patient-oriented and not agen. oriented. 3. Secondly there are a few Sanskrit monosyllabic verb-stems, mostly intransitive and ending in -a-, which have the passive meaning of 'to experience or achieve a state'. For example glayati 'feels fatigue' mlayati 'withers' syayate 'congeals' styayati solidifies' pyayate 'fattens' vayati 'dries up drati/nidrati 'runs/sleeps' aghrati "smells' These verbs take suffix -na- to form the perfective participle : glana-, mlana-, syana-, styana-, pyana-, vana-, drana-, aghrana

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74 4. When we come to MIA. (especially Pk. and Ap.) we find the following type of the chain of present tense and perfective participle forms of certain intransitive verbs ending in -a-? Examples : milayai : milanagilayai : gilananiddayai : niddanaviddayai : viddanavijjha(ya)i : vijjhanapalayai : palanaagghayai : agghananivvai : nivvanauvvai : uvvanasammai : sammana Besides we have similar new intranstive verbs like orummai 'dries up!, vikka(ya)i : 'sells'; ulhai 'is extinguished', kummanai 'withered'. dhanai 'is kind'. Some of these verbs have come down to NIA. languages like Gujarati. More importantly, this grouping of verbal forms gave rise, on the one hand, to new stative denominatives in Gujarati (cidavu 'be irritated', lambavu 'be lengthened'). Secondly, linked with the Perfective participle in - na-the final -a-of the intransitives became established as passive-fomative suffix. This filled up the gap : created by the merger of the earlier Pk. passive suffix -ijja- with the optative-ijja-and by the alternative form-iya- loosing its passive sense, and coming to function as the Present first person plural suffix. Notes * This is translated from my book 'Gujarati Bhasana Itihasni Ketlik Samasya-o' (1976), 59-71. It is the text of the fifth lecture in the K.P. Trivedi Memorial Lectures delivered by me at the South Gujarat University on 15, 16 and 17 December 1975. Medieval Awadhi, Bengali etc. sometimes used a-passives and their perfective participles in -n- (Chatterji,) 'In some NIA languages, notably Gujarati (and marginally in

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75 Bhojpuri, Maithili, Magahi, and Awadhi), there is a different passive suffix, -a; ap-/apa- 'give, be given'. Chatterji (1926), following a suggestion of Grierson's supports its derivation from the OIA denominative. suffix -aya. See also Saksena (1971 : 293-4). Bloch (1965 : 238) objects that the OIA form had 'no special force and clear antecedents go back only to MIA'. (Masica, 317). 2. Bloch (1956), 237-238; 292-293. 3. Bloch (1965), 238. 4. Bloch (1965), 238; Tessitori (1914-1915), 140; Dave (1935), 47; Pandit (1974), 234-235. 5. Shastri (1958), 216-217 6. Gandhi (1887), 217-221 7. Bhayani (1972), 43-51. References J.Bloch, Indo-Aryan (Alfred Master's translation), 1965. S.K.Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, 1926. I.N.Dave, A Study of Gujarati Language, 1935. Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge Uneversity Press, Cambridge, 1991. D.N.Gandhi, Dhaturupakos'a, 1887. P.B.Pandit, Gujarati Bhasanu Dhvanisvarup ane Dhvaniparivartan, 1974. K.K.Shastri, Gujarati Rupracna, 1958. L.P. Tessitori, 'Notes on the Grammar of Old Western Rajastani,' Indian Antiquary, 1914-1915. H.C.Bhayani, Thodok Vyakran Vicar, 1978.

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76 The stative verb-stems in -a1. At the subsequent stage -a- was extented to verbs having a similar meaning and these verbs take the active construction. There are no corresponding 'active' verbs, which fact distinguishes this class of verbs from the regular passives in -a. We can conveniently divide these stative verbs with -.- as the final vowel in three broad classes. 1. Verbs meaning 'experiencing some feeling, sensation etc.' 2. Verbs meaning experiencing or suffering a change of state or be subject to it passively or unvolitionarily.' 3. Verbs meaning 'having some physical defect or handicap.' The line of distinction between these classes and between their specific meanings is evidently unclear or blurred to some extent. The list of examples of the verbal bases cited below can be considerably extended. Where the verb is considered a denoninative the basic noun or adjective is shown by the side in parantheses. osva- 'be dispirited, dry up' kacva- 'be bothered' kasta- (kast) 'be pained' gabhra- 'be nervous' cina- (cid) be irritated' dagha- 'be flabergasted' pasta- 'be repentant' porsa- (poras) 'enthuse' bharma (bharam) 'be deluded' mujha - 'be confused' riba- 'be tortured' risa- (ris) 'be angry lalca - (lalac) 'be tempted' lobha - (lobh) 'be tempted' Sarma- (s'aram) 'be ashamed' hijra- (hijrat ?) 'pine' 2. akla- (akkad) 'be stiff abhla- (abhad) 'be defiled' al pa- 'be destroyed, disappear? ola- 'be extinguished' kata- (kat) be rusted' karma-(?) 'wither' lamcha- (?) 'to wither' lamba- (labu ) 'lengthen' salva- (sal). get entangled' samkla- (saklu) 'narrow down' samkoca- (samkoc) 'contract? :

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samta- 'hide' suka- (suku) 'dry' hava- (hava) 'lose crispiness due to humidity', 'become 'damp' 77 hebta- (hebat) 'have a shock of fear, panic' 3. 2. One consequence of this development was that those verbs with allied meanings, which did not end in -a-, got alternative forms with -a-, the latter form showing a bent to express passivity. athad- /athda- 'dash' alas- /alsa- 'discontinue or leave out of laziness' ojhap- /ojhpa- 'be put down' khij- /khija- 'be angry' chalak-/chalka- 'be spilled' rujh- /rujha- 'heal' rel- /rela- 'overflow' khodamga-(khodamg?) 'limp', 'walk haltingly' totda- (totdu) 'stutter' thothva -(thothu?) 'falter in speech' lamgda- (lamgdu) 'limp' phas- /phasa- 'be ensnared' bhij- /bhija- 'become wet/drenched' malak- /malka- 'smile' laj- /laja 'be ashamed' vavath- /vavtha- 'dry in the wind' (w.r. to wet cloth) harakh- /harkha- 'be pleased' lacak-/lacka- 'move with jerks' 3. Another consequence was that in some active-passive pairs of verbs, the form with -a- developed. a metaphorical mean ing. Examples: phuk- 'blow air' with the mouth phuka- 'blow' (w.r. to wind) phul-'be inflated': phula- 'be puffed up' le- 'take': leva- 'be reduced'

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78 aj- 'apply collyrum to the eyes', amja 'be dazzled' katar- 'clip with a pair of scissors' : katra- 'look askance' jhal- 'seize' : jhala- 'get stiff" (w.r.to a limb). The Passive subjectless, reflexive construction 4. We are familiar with the following classification and terminology with respect to the subject under discussion. When the focus is on the agent, that construction-type is called 'active'-kartari-prayog in the traditional terminology. e.g. 1. te kam kare 'He may work'. 2. te modhu jue che 'He looks at the face' 3. te avse 'He will come' 4. te jay 'He may go.' When the verb is transitive and the focus is on the patient that construction-type is called 'passive' (karmani prayog in the traditional terminology). For example 5. kam konathi karay che e mahattvanu nathi, karay che e-j mahattvanu che. 'It is of no importance the work is done by whom; that the work is done (at all) that is important.' 7. sak vecay che. 'The vegetables are sold' 8. kapou khovau 'The clothe is lost. 6. temnathi jetlu kahevay che tetlu karatu nathi. "That much is not done by them, as much as is said by them.' When the agenthood is secondary, or the patienthood is primarily intended the passive (or 'abilitive') stem is formed by suffixing -a- to the active stem. kar- 'do' > kara. pad- 'fall' > pada

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79 av- 'come' > ava khad- 'pound' > khamda These passive forms convey besides the sense of the subordinate status of the subject and of suffering or experiencing the action on the part of the subject, other shades of meaning also, of which (i) helplessness, (2) ability and (3) permissibility or appropriateness are the main. 4 Stative verbs used actively 1. -a- is a regular passive-formative suffix in Gujarati. The original basic meaning was to suffer or experience an action (or state etc.) as contrasted with the corresponding active meaning of doing. 'To experence' implies mostly 'to be subject to the experience of some feeling, sensation etc'., 'arising suddenly of some state or condition,' 'to experience a change of state or condition.' Thus the -a- suffix began to be attached to verbal bases to convey the passive state as against active performance, the emphasis being on experiencing something or on becoming something. Consequently a new verbal construction came into use wherein these 'stative' verbs were used actively i.e. with the subject in the Nominative, agreeing with the verb. It may have started with the forming of denominatives from nouns or adjectives denoting mental or physical states. Examples: lobhavu 'be tempted', (< lobh 'greed') aklavu 'be impatient' (< aklu 'impatient') samkocavu 'to contract' (< samkoc 'contraction') khacka- (khacak) 'hesitate' khamca- 'hesitate' khotka- (khotko) 'be out of order' gamdha- (gamdha) 'emit foul smell' gugla- 'be smothered' ghava- (ghav) 'be wounded'

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80 cakra- (cakkar) 'reel' cimla- 'wither' jharkha- (jhakhu), 'be dimmed' jhoba- (hobo) go in a coma' takra- (takar) 'dash against tiga- 'hang' tuka- (tuku)"be shortened' teva- (tev) 'become habituated' tharda- (tharad) 'make a harsh sound while whirling'. thigra- (thikru) 'become stunted' theba- (thebu) 'be kicked' thokra- (thokar) 'stumble' doka- (dok) 'to strain the neck to peep' duna- 'get a reeky smell due to being burnt' najra- (najar) 'catch an evil eye' dhudhva- 'emit fumes of smoke' padgha- (padgho) be echoed' posa- 'afford' phamt.- (phato) 'to bifurcate' phuga- (phug) 'be affected with fungus.' phagra- (phagar 'nostril') 'snort angrily' phela- 'spread' bujha- 'be extinguished' bhatka- 'dash against mocva- 'be sprained' vila- '(vilu)'be dimmed' lapa- 'hide' lamgha- "limp'

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81 The passive subjectless, reflexive consruction The active subjectless reflexive construction In the following passive constructions with transitive verbs, nominative subject and object are absent. Dative subject can be there as experiencer : (mane) pet-ma cuthay che. "Heaving disturbance is felt (by me) in the stomach' In the following constructions with intransitive verbs nominative subject and object are absent. Dative subject is there as an experiencer : In number 5. even that is absent. It is a subject-less sentence or to put it alternatively, the verbal action is the subject. mane ahi game/gothe/ruce/sorve/che. 'I like (being) here' 2. mane ahi phave che 'It suits ine here' 3. mane dukhe che 'It aches me 4. mane kathe che 'It rankles me' 5. aj bahu ghame che 'Today it is very stuffy' The following also seems to be quite allied : 6. 'mane tenu bahu bale/dajhe/lage che 'I feel very much for him'. 3. When the verb is in transitive and the focus is on the verbal action that construction-type is called impersonal (bhave prayog in the traditional terminolagy). Examples : 7. be so-ne, javay che, si utava! che ?' do please sit, going is being done, what is the hurry?'. 8. jem jem ahi vase ane rahevase, tem tem vadhu gamva inadse'.

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82 "Gradually as the coming and staying will be done, it will began to be liked'. Abilitives Already in Apabhrams'a the passive has acquired the sense of ability. For example : kim ghottena jalahi sosijjai (MP. 16. 20, 4) 'Can the ocean be dried up by (drinking it) with mouth fuls ?' jai samgaho na milijjai (SH. 8,3, 348/1) 'If (I) can not meet and have his personal company...' jamai (< Pk jammai, Sk. yamyate) in the following: hatthi ki jamai dharanau kanni (NC 21) 'Can the elephant be controlled by siezing it by the ear?' akhe dekhay che (lit. "seeing can be done by the eyes'). "The eyes can see'. kane sambhlay che " The ears can hear'. date cavay che' the teeth can chew.' page jara jara calay che "The walking can be done a bit with the legs. ("The legs can walk a bit'.) hathe thoau thodu paklay che "The grasping can be done a bit with the hands'. ("The hands can grasp a bit.') thodu thoau vascay che 'It can be slightly read' 'can read slightly' petma cuthay che 'Heaving disturbance is felt in the stomach'. petma valhay che 'Galling or excrusiating sensation is felt in the stomach.'

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83 Intransitives funcetioning as transitives 1. There is an exceptional group of verbs, which although is transitive takes an object. But mostly this object is specific in that it is a verbal action noun derived from the corresponding verb and repeats the meaning of the verb. te khel khelyo te phera pharyo (holi khelyo) ame pher-phudaroi pharya te cal calyo te kalva bol bolyo te tap tapyo balad caro caryo te nac nacyo rasto vak vale che te nahan nahai 2. The verbs cuk 'forget, miss, fail?, jam-, 'eat', paran 'marry', bhan- 'learn', bhul- 'forget, miss, loose', ral 'earn', var 'marry', sikh' 'learn' are used transitively and take the active construction in the perfective. hu nem cukyo ' I missed the target' hu sikhamd jamyo'I ate sikhard'. tame baji jitya "you won the game' tame baji harya 'you lost the game' Rames Ramane parnyo 'Rames married Rama' hu ras ramyo 'I played the Ras dance'. (i. e. danced) te vyakran bhanyo 'he learnt grammar? tame rasto bhalya "you forgot the road'. huenu nam visari gayo' I forgot his name? hu ghanu dhan ralyo ' I earned much wealth' Rama Rames ne vari 'Rama married Rames' Rama amgreji sikhi 'Rama learnt English' Note in this connection the following observation by Masica : 'While Hindi, Punjabi, Lahanda, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, West Pahari, Rajasthani, and Kashmiri have preserved the original split-ergative pattern (although in Marathi it has lost some transitives

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84 learn', 'forget', 'drink' -- to a nominative-accusative construction), Asamese, Bishnupariya, Manipuri, and Shina have extended what is preserved of it, namely distinctive case-marking of the transitive act, to all tenses of transitive verbs (and of some intransitives), thus evolving a more consistent) marking of the category of the transitive Agent as such.' (Masica, 345)

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2. DERIVATIONAL (1) THE NOMINAL SUFFIX OTA- IN SANSKRIT 1. Assumption of a Suffix -otaDebrunner sets upi a Sanskrit nominal suffix -ota- on the basis of the words sarkota - (der. sarkota-) (AV.) 'scorpion or 'serpent'? and karkota-, karkotaka- 'name of a Naga'. Besides sarkota- we have sarku- (AV.) 'name of an evil demon' and besides karkota- we have karka- (lex.) 'crab', 'the sign cancer'. Obviously the evidence is very slender and suspect. As karkais unattested and karkata- is not attested frequently in early literature, their usually assumed connexion with karkinos, Latin cancer is doubted by Mayrhofer. Consequently we would have no ground left to analyse karkota- as karka- + -ota- There remains then only sarkota-, which (as well as sarku-) being isolated and obscure, we have no means to analyse them too with any degree of certainty. It seems probable that karka- came to be created through reinterpreting karkata- under the analogical influence from L.ate Middle Indo-Aryan. We have quite a parallel case in the pair markata- and marka- 'ape'. marka-'ape' is attested at Bhagavata Purana, 10, 8, 29 c; markan bhoksyan vibhajati sacen natti bhandam bhinatti. Here describing the pranks of child Krsna, it is said that he was habitually stealing curds and milk from the houses of the gopis, himself eating and if not, freely distributing them among the monkeys. This is the only recorded occurrence of 1. Debrunner, A., Altindische Grammatik, II. 2, 1954, 353. For Other -la-suffixes (-ata-, -ita-, uta-, -eta-) see ibid., 410. Macdonell, A.A. and Keith, A.B., Vedic Index s.v. sarkota-. 3. Mayrhofer, M., Kurzgefastes Ety. Worterbuch des Altindischen, 1956 etc., s.v. karkatah. Turner agrees with this view : A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, 1963, s.v. karkata'.

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marka- in the sense 'ape', and this is in keeping with the known tendency of the language of the Bhagavata towards archaic and late usages and arbitrary innovations Now besides sarkota- and karkota-, the word bakota-'a kind of crane' also has attracted attention in the present context'. It immediately invites comparison with baka-. Here there seems no escape from assuming a suffixal element ota- in bakota-. But preliminary to a diseussion of the exact meaning and formation of bakota-, we may note its several occurrences from literature, general as well as lexicographical. 2. Occurrences of bakota1. From Purusottamadeva's Trikandasesa (a supplement to the Amarakosa) dated before 11502 : dirghajargho nisaitah syad bakotah suklavayasah (4,23). These are synonyms of bakah. 2. Narahari's Rajanighantu (alias Nighanturaja, Abhidhanacudamani) (1235-50) at 19,100 : vakah kariko vakotas ca. 3. Visvanatha's Kosakalpataru" (before 1649) has similarly mentioned bakotakah at 4606. 4. Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusa-caritra. (12th cent). at 6,8, 147 : puran nirgatya Namucih kapatat kratuvatake abhavad diksitah papo dustadhyayi bakotavat 4. 2. Debrunner (ibid, 63) refers to Brugmann's view of connecting marka- and markata-. Mayrhofer, ibid, s.v. bakotah, bakah. Keith, A.B., A History of Sanskrit Literature. (1953 reprint), 414 C.n. 1. Edited, Banaras, 1975. See Keith, ibid, 512. Pw, gives the reference as 19, 97. Edited by Patkar. M. M. and Krishnamurthy Sarma K.V., 1957. The Jain-Dharma-Prasarak-Sabha edition, V.S. 1961 (1905 A.D.) 3. 5.

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deceitfully and was installed (as sacrificer), wicked, evil- minded like a crane." The Jain-Dharma-Prasarak-Sabha edition has glossed bakotavat with bakavat. The translator has included bakota- in the appendix of new and rare words and has given? "a kind of crane' as its meaning. In a note on the word 'crane' in the translation, she has observed: "The crane is a symbol of deceit.' 5. Somesvara's Karnamstaprapas (first half of the 13th century) at 113 (p.14): ayi krtajna bakota bahu tvaya yadusitam sarasiha nirambhasi tadadhuna pi sahasva dinadvayam yadayamambudharah pura eva te O grateful bakota as you have stayed so long in this waterless lake, so please bear with it yet for a couple of days. For here that water-carrier (i.e. cloud) is now just in front of you'. 6. Anyoktyastakasamgraha,' 1.5. gatam tad gambhiryam tatam-upacitam jalaka-sataih sakhe hamsottistha tvaritamamuto yama sarasah na yavat parkambhah-kalusita-tanur bhuri-vilasad bakoto vacatas caranayugalam murdhni kurute. 'Gone is the profundity. The bank is overgrown with hundreds of tangled thickets. Friend goose, rise up quick. Let us depart from that lake before the garrulous bakota, wildly 6. H.M. Johnson's Translation, IV, 1954, 98. 7. Johnson, ibid., 376. 8. Ed. Muni Jinavijaya, 1963. Ed. P.D. Trivedi, 1946. For bakota- Jalhana's Suktimuktavali (1258) reads (15,8) bako'sau. Vallabhadeva's Subhasitavali (in the 15th cent.) reads (707) na kako. The gloss on bakota in the Anyoktyastakasamgraha is tittibha- 'osprey'.

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sporting and fouling its body with slush, plants its pair of feet on your head. 3. Different meaning-shades of -otaFrom the materials presented, it will be noticed that bakota- has been understood either simply as a synonym of baka- or else as a variety of the same. Accordingly -ota- would be more or less a pleonastic or diminutive suffix. But as is well known, such suffixes can hardly escape the association of endearing or deprecative shades. In the Trisasti passage (No.4), the crane is explicitly qualified as 'wicked' and 'evil-minded', So also in the passage No.6 the contrast between the status and conduct of the Hamsa and the Bakota is reinforced if the latter has pejorative shade - 'before that lowly crane' etc. This double function of -ota- finds support through what is in all likelihood its Middle Indo-Aryan source. We have seen that bakota- is not found earlier than about the tenth century. Several bases with the suffix -oda- can be cited from Late Middle Indo-Aryan and hence it may not be unreason- able to suggest that -ota- of bakota- is but a Sanskritization of MIA - oda 4. Late MIA Suffix -odaYogindudeva's Parmappapayasu (c. 10th cent.?) 2.118 is as follows : 2. Other words ending in -ota- are obscure. For example sakhotaka - "Trophis Aspera (a small, crooked, ugly tree) (MW.), and karota(along with karoti-, kararaka; karaka-. PK. karaya-, karara; Guj. karando, karodiya etc., with one or more of these meanings : water vessel, bowl, begging bowl, cocoanul cup, skull"). For karota- etc. and their obscure mutual relationship see Mayrhofer, op. cit., under the respective words. 3. Ed. Upadhye, A.N. Second Edition, 1960.

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89 mokkhu ji sahiu jinavarahi, chandivi bahu-vihu rajju bhikkha-bharooa jiva tuhu, karahi na appau kajju. The commentary paraphrases bhikkha- bharoda with Sk. bhiksa-bhojana. Obviously the latter is not intended to be the exact source of the former. It gives a near enough meaningequivalent. Really speaking bhikkha-bharoda is made up of bhikkha-bhara and the pejorative suffix -oda- extended with the suffix -a-' (<-ka-). One who fills up his belly with begged food is bhikkha-bhara-, bhiksa-bhara-. In contempt such a person is called bhikkha-bharoda The translation would be: "The excellent Jinas gave up sumptuous kingdom and obtained liberation. But (stupid) soul, you even though subsisting just on begged crumbs, do not work for your own benefit'. Here one would immediately recall the word bharadayaSk. bharataka - (Gujarati bharoo) ' a Saiva mendicant'. Actually it is a derogatory term used by the Jainas for the Saiva mendicants, who, in contrast with the emaciated Jain monks, are mocked as battening on alms and in this way using their monkhood just for indulging in gluttony. In character and usage it corresponds to Pk. dodda, a derisive term used by the Jainas for Brahmins, with similar implications. bharadaa- can be easily analysed as bhara- + -da- + -a-. bhara- has the sense of udarambhara-. With bharodaya-, compare lumcoda- from the same text discussed further below. Besides Ap. bharodaya, we have also Pk. bhallodaya(Gujarati bhaloau) 'a sort of arrow-head', which can be compared with Late Sanskrit bhalla-, bhalli with the same sense. Further is to be cited Ap. lumcoda- 'a plucking'. occurring at Paramappapayasu 2, 114 : tali ahirani vari ghana-vadanu, samdassaya-lumcodu lohaha laggivi huyavahaha, pikkhu padartau todu.

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'Below is anvil. Strokes of ) hammer fall upon it. There is detestable plucking with pincers; see the hardship that befalls fire for being attached to loha (iron, avarice)'. luscoda- is evidently formed from luica- which is derived from lurc- 'to pluck'. 5. Discussion of matkotakaFurther one more word of doubtful derivation is to be considered. It is Pk. makkodaya., Sanskritized matkotaka- 'a kind of black termite.' Hemacandra's Desinamamala records at 6, 142 makkoda- in the sense of urnapipilika. It is not known what sort of insect the latter is. At 6,48 too it records a Desya word pippada in the same sense. But in Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan alias Sthaviravalicarita, matkotaka- occurs at 8, 342-343 and there it seems to have the same sense as Gujarati makodo a kind of black termite'. The relevant lines from the Parisistaparvan are as follows: matkotaka-darisvagnim ksipannasit tada ca sah. mat-putropadrava-karan dustan matkotakanamun. mulad- unmulayannasmi dustanam nanyad arhati. 1. Siddhahema. 8,4, 429-430; Pischel, R., Grammatik der PrakritSprachen, 1900. A collection of slanderous and derisive tales about the bharataka or bharadaka is available in Sanskrit (called Bharatakadvatrimsika: vide Keith, ibid, 293) and in Old Gujarati 'called Bharadakabatrisiasa; composed by Hiraji in 1625 or 1645; vide Desai, M.D.. Jain Gurjar Kavio, III, i 1944. 711-16). The Sanskrit version seems to be based on the Old Gujarati version. In that case the former's suggested date (c. 1400) may have to be revised. Compare Ratna Sriyan, A Critical Study of the Desya ana Rare Words from Puspadanta's Mahapurana and his other Apabhramsa works. 1966, 287-19.

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91 At that moment he was engaged in setting on fire the hole of the matkotas'. "I am eradicating root and branch, those vile matkotakas who have troubled my son : Villains do not deserve anything better". Paiasaddamahannavo, Abhidhanarajendra, and Ratnacandraji's Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary all give this meaning to matkotaka and makkodaya. The Nighanturaja has noted makora, mamkata - (19, 149) and makota- (19,150). Monier Willim's Sanskrit-English Dictionary records from lexicons markotapipilika 'a kind of small black ant'. makkoda- would invite comparision with PK. makkada(Sk markata). A late lexicon, viz., Ramesvara Sarman's Sabdarnala has noted matka- in the sense of matkuna-, and marka- occurs in Vedic language in the senses of eclipse', 'name of a demon'. But all these do not succeed in throwing light on the formation of makkoda- and we have no way of saying whether it contains a suffix - oda -. It is very likely that matka- is a late artificial creation from words like matkunaand matkotaka 6. Gujarati words with the suffix -odOccurrence of several words in Late Middle Indo-Aryan with the pejorative -pleonastic suffix -oda- suggests that the -ota- of the Late Sanskrit words like -bakota- may have a Middle Indo-Aryan origin. The suffix -oda- has become frequent later on. For we find a number of formations with -od- (Page #101
92 char-a 'bilious belches charod-a ibid. tar-o`star' tarod-iy-o ibid. thak 'fatigue' thakod-o ibid. dhap, dhap-o 'bluff dhapod-o ibid. dhar 'line of downpouring dharod-i, dharod-o ibid, fluid bath, bath 'folding within arms' bathod-a, bathod iya(with bharva 'struggling and grappling'. bhathu 'shoal' 'sandbank' bhathod-u ibid. bhal-o`lance' bhalod-u 'arrow-head'. mati 'earth' matod-i ibid, matod-u, dirt and refuse' math-n 'head' mathod-u "head-deep (as a depth measure). rakh * ashes' rakhod-i, rekhod-o ibid.' lit-o`line' litod-o litod-o ibid. Even if we grant the possibility of diverse origins for the -od- constituent of the above listed words, derivation from MIA. pejorative-pleonastic suffix -oda- (-odaa-) for a large number of them cannot be denied. 7. Origin of MIA. -oda Such diminutive-pleonastic suffixes are known to have a complex origin and development. They originate in independent elements or through the segregation of the end portion of a word interpreted as a constituent i.e. metanalysis with reinterpretation, it spreads to analogous environments.

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93 Semantically it evolves through taking on associational shades of meanings. The slang stratum of the collquial speech is a very fruitful source of such elements, which always have a more or less expressive coloration. Regarding the development of the -oda- / ota suffix we can hardly risk any conjecture. Properly it cannot be considered in isolation. The whole group of -PS- 1 d. suffixes (with -a-, -a-, -i-, -U-, -e-, -o-, as union vowels) should be studied together over the entire range of Indo-Aryan. There is however one instance which can be invested in this connection with some significance. Gunacandra's Mahaviracariyao(1083 A. C.) has the word, kavoda- in the following passage (p. 166a) : jatthalliyai kavoao saccam sa susai tarusaha. 'On whichever branch of the tree the dove rests, that branch dries up for certain'. kavoda- derives from kavoa-(kapota-) +-da-. Here though the suffixal element is really -da-, one can be led to suppose that kavoda- contains -oda- as a consituent. kavodaya-, 1. 2 Turner (IAL no. 10555) has derived it from sk raksaputaka Besides there are a few others in which either -od- cannot be yet definitely established as a constituent or it has an obscure origin or else it has a possessive or agentive force. They are : bakhod-iya nailscratches', bhakhod-iya 'crawlings', vikhod-iya* nail-scratches'; titodo (cf. Pk. tittiha-, Sk. tittibha-)'osprey', katod-o frusty iron scrap' (cf. kat rust'), dabod, 'left-handed' (ef. dabuleft')vatod-iu "talkative' (ef. uat talk'); tapodiya" boils caused by body-heat' (G. tap' heat'); dajhod-iu 'full of concealed arger and illwill' (cf, dajh 'concealed anger and ill-will'(bajhod-ia clutchings' (cf. bajh-vu 'to catch at 'fight'('badhoaiu 'quarrelsome' (cf. badh-vu to quarrel'); vadhod-iu cantankerous" (cf. G. vadh-o objection"). cf. Hindi hasod 'smiling' (ef. has - to smile'). Published as No. 121-123 on Devchand Lalbhai Jain Pustkoddhar Fund, 1929. 3.

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kakkodaya- (karkotaka-) and similar other forms might have led to the separation of the portion -oda- (-odaya-) as a suffixal element. Of course this could have been, if at all, only one of the formative factors. : Such a status acquired by -oda- and aided by the existence of -da- (Sk. -ta- ) as a closely allied suffix may have been the cause behind the creation of karka- (besides karkotaka-, karkataka-), matka- (besides matkotaka-, matkuna.) and bakota- (besides baka-). The list of Indo-Aryan words discussed or referred to Prakrit-Apabhramsa Sanskrit urnapipilikakapota karaka karanaka karota karoti karka karkata karkota(ka) baka bakota(ka) bharataka 94 bhalla bhalli makora matka matkuna matkotaka marka markata mamkata makota sarkota sarkota sarku sakhotaka kakkodaya karaya karava karodaya kavoa kavoda(ya) dodda pippada bharadaya bharodaya makkada makkadaya lumcoda Gujarati See Under section 6)

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THE LATE MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN SUFFIX -ANA Of the numerous possessive postpositions and suffixes current during the Middle and Late Middle Indo-Aryan period, several like kera-, tana-, -ara- and -cca- have been noted by Prakrit grammarians'. The suffix -ana- has, however, so far remained almost unnoticed by the grammarians. The stem tujjhana(y)a-, 'belonging to you (sing.)' underlying the word tujjhanau (occurring in a passage of the Prakrit Campu 'Kuvalayamala', dated A.D. 778-9) has been analysed as containig tujjha, the genitive singular form of the second person pronoun and an element, supposed to be either -na(y)'a- or -ana (y)a-. The strongly Apabhramsa-coloured passage just referred to has several obscuritics. Until recently a properly edited text of the 'Kuvalayamala' was not available. Positing a possessive suffixna(ya)a- or -ana(y)a- on the basis of such a dubious and isolated occurrence could not but appear presumptuous. But there is another passage from a tenth century Apabhramsa text calling for consideration in this connection, namely, the following passage from Puspadanta's Mahapuranas (dated A.D. 957-65), 88.24.5 khaddhau jchi pisiu moranau, tehi na kiyau vayanu moranau. The first moranau of this passage is glossed as mayura-sambandhin, "pertaining to the peacock' in the 'Mahapurana' MS. styled A (Alsdorf) and as mayurasya, 'peacock's', in the MS. styled C. The second moranau is glossed as mama sambandhi, 'pertaining to me', in A and madiyam, "my', in C. On the basis of these interpretations, Alsdorf has translated the passage as follows: 'Die Pfauenfleich essen handeln nacht nach meinem Wort.' Yet moranau in the sense of 'my' seemed to him a strange word and hence in a note on the passage reproduced above he has observed2 = 'Wieso moranaya=madiya sein soll, vermag ich nicht zu sagen; cin derartiges Wort ist, soviel ich sehe, ganz unbekennt'. When we compare the forms tujjhanau and moranau (the latter having mora-, 'my' as a constituent). the assumption of a possessive suffix -ana(y)a- becomes more plausible. It is further strengthened by the form morana(y)a-, 'peacock's'. In the light of several indubitable ocurrences I stumbled upon here and there in Apabhrmsa

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96 texts, the suffix now becomes unshakably established. The relvant forms and textural citations, including those referred to in the foregoing, are given below: 1. tujjhanau (?) (dir. sing. n.) 'your (sing.)' (A.D. 778-9) tujjhanau vanku calittau (v. 1. tujjha na u; calitau) 'your conduct (was) crooked (Uddyotana's 'Kavalayamala', 63.18 -ana(y)a- is similarly found with a pronominal genitive fuctioning as a base in moranau (7) and amhanau (10). suggivanau (dir. sing. n.), 'belonginging to Sugriva, Sugriva's', 3. dahavayananau (dir. sing. n.)'belonging to Dasavadana (i.e. Ravana), Ravana's '(A.C. 860-80). 2-3 Sic Sie kare vaddhavanau, valu lottaviu Suggivanau. lai dappanu jovahi appanau, muhu paricumvahi Dahavayananau/ (Svayambha's 'Paumacariu' 2 67. 6. 6-7) 'Sita ! Sita ! Have festival celebrations ! Sugriva's forces have been repulsed. Take the mirror and have a look at yourself. (Go and) kiss hard Dasavadana's (i.c. Ravana's) mouth'. Here -ana(y)a- is found with Suggiva- and Dahavayana-. namanau (dir. sing. n.), 'having the namc, named'. tamuamgoamgu vi namanau/ (Puspadanta's Mahapurana, 11.31. 6b). 'Also (the karaman) having the name tanvamgovamga'. There is a variant nimmanau for namanau in a few MSS. of the Mahapurana. But to rhyme with samthanau namanau is to be preferrred. The gloss 'nirmanam' is for nimmanau and not for namanau. sarani (dir. sing. f) belonging to Smara, Smara's.' surummukka-selindha-vitthi visittha / padanti sarani saroli-yva dittha // (Mahapurana, 42. 11.2) "The remarkable shower of Nowers sent by the gods was seen falling like a volley of Smara's arrows'.

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The expression sarani saroli-vva is paraphrased by the gloss on the Mahapurana as 'smarasyeyam banapamktiriva." Here -ani (f.) is found with sara moranau (dir. sing. n.). 'belonging to the peacock, peacock's. moranau (dir. sing. n.), 'belonging to me, my' (A.C. 956-65). See the 'Mahapurana' passage cited earlier in this paper. Here -ana(y)a- is found with the substantive mora- and the possessive adjective mora-. With the latter compare tujjhanau (1) and amhanau (10). 6-7. 8. 9. 97 kusumaniya (dir. sing. f.), 'made of flowers, flowery' (tentatively c. A.D. 1000). jai vasa-sayam govaliya, kusumaniya bamdhai maliya // ta kim sahava-ghiya-gandhiya, kusumehim hoi sugamdhiya / (Nanditadhya's 'Gathalaksana', v. 67) 'If a cowherdess wears flower-garlands even for one hundred years, can she, with her innate smell of ghee, be perfumed by means of flowers ?' Here -ana(y)a- is found in its feminine form (-aniya) attached to the base kusuma lukkanau(dir. sing. N.) 'of this world, secular, worldly' (first half of the 12th century). bhanai 'jinagamu sahu vakkhanau / tam-pi viyarami jam lukkanau // (Jinadattasuri's 'Upadesarasayanarasa', 2 v. 17cd) '[The pseudo-priest] declares: I can expound the entire Jaina canon; even the worldly (sciences) are within the purview of my thought'. The expression lukkanau in the above citation is explained by the commentator Jinapala (c. A.D. 1236) as laukikam srutismrti puranadikam sastram. Lukkanau is therefore to be analysed as lukka- (< Sk. loka-) + ana-.

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10. 98 amhanau (dir. sing. m.), 'belonging to us, our'. vesu amhanau na jau dekhai (Stone Inscription from Dhar, v. 29 b). 'If he does not look at our mode of dress'. Here -ana(y)a- is found with the pronominal genitive form amha, functioning as a base. Cf. tujjhanau (1) and moranau(7) 11. neurani (dir. sing. f.) of the anklets' (possibly c. 13th cent. A.D.). Jhuni neurani kana suhavai. (Stone Inscription from Dhar, v. 39 a). 'The jingling of the anklets pleases the cars." Here the feminine form -ani of the suffix -ana(y)a- is found with neura To the above list can also be added two Mod. Guj. words. mana 'my' occurring in the Mod. Guj. expression mana raj, 'my prince'. It is used as a respectful and endearing term of adress in traditional marriage songs. It is generally found as a recurrent burden clossing the lines. mana can be taken as made up of the first person pronoun base ma- (Ap. maha)+ ana-. The word pirana designates a religious sect; it is made up of pir, 'saint' + ana. In the light of the instances listed above, -ana(y)a- can easily be accepted as a suffix forming possessive adjectives from proper and common nouns (dahavayana- sara-, suggiva-, kusuma-, nama-, neura-, mora-, lukka-) and from pronominal genitives or possessive adjectives used as bases (amha, tujjha, * maha, mora-). In considering the origin and connections of -ana(y)a- it can be easily shown that it has nothing to do either with the Mod. Guj. genitive postposition. n- (f. ni, case forms: m. dir. sing no, m. dir. pl. na, n. dir. sing. nu, n. dir. pl. na obl. na) or archaic Guj tan- (Ap. tanaya-). Phonologically AP. -ana(y)a- cannot develop into Mod. Guj. -na-; loss of -a- and -->-n- would remain altogether unexplained Moreover our suffix is actually attested. -ana- in a class of modern place-names pertaining to villages, cities and regions of Gujarat, Rajasthan. Sindh, Punjab and other parts. Here -ana- occurs

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99 as the name-ending. Mesana (* Mahisanaka-), Palitana (* Padaliptanaka-), Kutiyana, Hariyana, Rajputana, Ahirana, Didvana, etc. (And inscriptional Bhadanaka, Dindavanaka, Mangalanaka, etc.) can be cited as illustrations. They show the preservation of -ana-. Ontil recently, -anu was productive in literary language as shown by the modern formations Bhavanu Bhavangar' (from Bhavasimha) and Jamanu "Jamnagar' (from the family name Jam) both cities in Saurashtra. Similarly tana(y)a- has preserved its initial t- (like all the inherited Apabhramsa pospositions) down to Modern Gujarti. So the assumption of its loss in Apabhramsa, eventually yielding -ana(y)awould be indefensible. Some guesswork can suggest the Sanskrit case ending -(a)nam, feminine suffy -ani (Indrani, Varunani, Sivani; extended to scripts: Yavanani, Sakani, etc.) as possible connections. The problem remains to be investigated. Similarly the possibility of tracing the surname-ending ani (forming surnames from ancestral personal names e.g. Gujarati Pop!ani, Bhay-ani. Hem-ani. Jamani, Jasani, Kosv-ani, Jeraj-ani, Madhyani and many others, as also the Sindhi surname-endin -ani to our suffix -ana(y)-a, though obvious, remains to be definitely cxtablished. Notes 1. Hemacandra, Siddhahcma, VIII. 2. 147-9, 1. 246; II 99; IV. 422 (20); IV. 434; II 149; R. Pischel, Grammatik der prakrit-sprachen, strassburg. 1900, 176; G.V. Tagarc, Historical Grammar of Apabhraisa, Poona, 1948, 103-4; S.Sen Historical Syntax of Middle Indo-Aryan, 103, 12a; Indian Linguistics, 13(1953), Nos. 3-4, 75-6; etc. 2. A Master "Gleanings from the Kuvalayamala kana', BSOAS, (13) (1950), 411, originally suggested by L.B. Gandhi, Apabhraisakavayatrayi, Baroda, 1927. Introd 109 3. L. A. Schwarzschild, 'The Possessive Adjectives of Late Prakrit, Jras, 1954, 134 4. The passage is cites below.

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100 5. L. Alsdorf, Harivamsapurana, Hamburg., 1936; for P.L. Vaidya's editions Mahapurana of Puspadanta Bombay, 1937-41 6. Alsdorf, op. cit. 446 7 A.N. Upadhye, Kuvalayamala, I SJS, 1959. The passage con taining the cited words is highly confused the Icarncd editor of the k. has selected the bracketed variants. Hence the element of doubt regarding the genuineness of the word. 8. H.C. Bhayani, Paumacariu, III, SJS, 19461 9. Ed. H.D. Velankar, ABORI, 1929, 1931, 1933. Nandiadhya has cited the stanza as an illustration of the metre Uggaha, but the rhyme-scheme indicates it to be rather a stanza in the Paranaka metre, with fifteen moras to each line. 10. Ed. L.B. Gandhi, Apabhramsakavyatrayi, 1927. H.C. Bhayani, 'Prince of Wales Museum Stone Inscription from Dhar', Bharatya Vidya, 17 (1957), 130-46 11. Master, op. cit., 411; Schwarzschild, op. cit., 134. 12. The place-name 'Gujaranwala' presupposes a *Gujarana ('of the Gujars'), like Rajaputana, ('of the Rajputs') and Ahirana ('of the Ahirs') 13. Besides there are a few Mod. Guj. Words like kariyanu, 'gro cery' (Skt. kraya-, 'buying'), gandhiyanu 'perfumes and fragrant articles of merchandise' (Skt. gandha- 'smell') turakanu, 'Turkish hordes' (from turka-), odanu 'gang of Audicya Brahmins' (), hindvani 'Hindu woman' hatanu , 'shopping (G. hat. Pkt. hatta, 'shop') etc., which can be suspected of having - ana- as a suffix.

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101 III SYNTACTICAL 1. ON MIA. LAGG- USED AS A VECTOR' VERB 1. As compared to the description and discussion of lagand other verbs used as the second verb (variously called 'operator', 'explicator', 'vector') in NIA compound verbs, we have meagre information about their history". I have noted below some occurrences of Pk. Lagg- from some early texts in Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Sanskrit 2. lagg-/ lag- used as the second verb with the imperfective personal forms of the first verb. (1) bahave bhada-bhoiya lagga benu ya. (Vasudevahimadi-madhyama-khanda, p. 138, 1-13 Date : G. 8th Cent. A.C.) 'And many, soldiers and headmen began to speak'. nasami laggi (Paumacariya, 69, 18, 4: 9th Cent A.C.) 'I began to flee'. arahai laggai (Paumacariya, 71,12,7) "(Ravana) has began to worship'. avai laggau (Paumacariya, 73,8,9) 'has started to come'. samappai laggau (Ritthanemicariya, 17,3,10; 9th Cent. A.C.) 'has begun to be finished. olaemi laggo (Kathakosa-prakarana p. 122, 11,1314; 1052 A.C. I started serving'. amhnam usuram vattai, tumam puna khajjasi lagga devena (mulasuddhi- tika) p. 80, 1090 A.C.) 'We are getting late, but you are being devoured by (the desire of worshopping) the god'. kiyadbhirapi vasrairahamagacchami lagah (srngarmanjari-katha, p.30, 10th Cent. A.C.) Within just a few days I will be coming and reaching herc'.

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102 (8) vastudvayam nasyati lagnai (Srngaramanjari-katha p.64) (10) (15) (9) nrtyati lagna (Srngaramanjari-katha, p.6,9), 'She began to dance. agacchati lagnah (Kathakosa, 6-8; 11th Cent. A.C.) "He started coming'. agacchami lagnah (Kathakosa, 16-20)'You began to strike'. marayasi lagnah (Kathakosa, 16,20) 'You began to strike' (13) marayami laganah (Kathakosa, 39,3,53,9)"I began to strike'. maryase lagnah (Kathakosa, 19,14) began to be released'. mucyate lagnah (Kathakosa, 19,14) began to be released'. (16) nigrhyate lagnah (Kathakosa, 87,13) 'He began to be restrianed', (17) yati lagnah (Kathakosa, 113,1)'It began to go'. (18) svpimi lagnath (pancakhyanaka, 122, 18. 1199 A.C.) 'I began to sleep'. (19) yojayati lagnath (Pancakhyanaka, 268,10) 'He began to join' anavsstih sampadyate lagnath (Pancakhyanaka) 'Drought began to take place'. 3. lagg-/lag-used as the second verb with the infinitive of purpose of the first verb. (1) padahu laggu (Paumacariya, 71,14,5) 'Began to fall'. (2) paricimtahu laggu (Paumacariya, 88,62) 'Began to reflect. (20)

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(3) (4) (5) 103 bollanahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89, 12,9) 'Began to cry for help'. dhahavanahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89,12,9) 'Began to cry for help' olaggahu lagga (kahakosa, 3,18,8,1970 A.C.) '(They) began serving'. There are numerous instances from the Mixed Sanskrit of the Jain Prabandhas (14th-15th cent. A.C.): lag- used with kr-, da, nas-, path-, pa-, bhaks-, vand-, vyay-. rajnah sirasi lagitum lagnah' 'began to strick to that king's head' is interesting in that therein lagis used in the primary and secondary sense side by side. 4. Several points are to be noted about the above-cited in stances. Both the constructions arc attested up to the 12th Century. Not only that, both of them appear in one and the same text (e.g. in the Apabhranisa epic poem Paumacariya). Later on only the second construction survives, and it continues in NIA. Language'. The Sunskrit instances are Prakritisms (or collaquialisms). 5. The first construction in which the second verb is used with the imerfect personal forms of the first verb is particlarly significant in that in provides us with and carly example of two similar controuction-types in NIA. The Hindi future forms in -ga, (karuga, sonal forms and gaPk. gao 'gone'. The semantic change however has not been satisfactorialy explained so far. Secondly the Gujarati Finite Present, Formed with an suxiliary, stands apart in that the main verb and the auxiliary both have the personal endigs, as against many other NIA. languages which use the imperfective (Present) praticiple of the main verb in this construction. The following three similar instances of a constuction are to be noted for apabhramsa from Svayambhu's Pamacariya (9th Cent. A.C.) iha nikkau karasi asi pavanu (78, 8,9) 'Here the wind god was sweeping refuse'. jai jami asi paricatta - nhaya (18,6,1)

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104 'If I was going without any fear'. The alternative construction : acchiu jo jhuraitu ciru (61,3,9) 'Who was since long feeling dejected'. REFERENCE WORKS A.N. Upadhye 'On the postposition lagna in some Jain texts' JOIB, 24 1-2, 1947, the date is also given in his edition of Prahtacandras Kathakosa, Introduction, pp. 22-23. Bhoja. Srrgaramanjari-katha- Edited by kalpalata Munshi, Bombay. 1959. H.C. Bhayani. Gujarati Bhasha-na Itihas-ni Ketlik Samasyao, Ahmedabad. 1976 H.C. Bhayani. Gujarati Bhasha-nu Aitihasik Vyakarah, Ahmedabad. 1988 Devacandrasuri. Mulasuddhi-Tika. Edited by Amrutlal Bhojak, Ahmcdabad. 1961 Jinesvara-suri, Kathakosaprakrana. Edited by Jinavijay Muni. Bombay. 1949. Vol XIX 1994-1995 ON MIA LAGG Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge. 1991. Purnabhadra. Pancakhyanaka. Prabhacandra-sari. Kathakosa. Edited by A.N. Upadhye. Svayambhu. Paumacariya. Edited by H.C. Bhayani, part 1. 2,3,Bombay 1953, 1955. R.N. Vale, Verbal composition in Indo-Aryan. Poona 1948. Ritthanemicariya, Edited by R.S. Tomar. Part I, Ahmedabad. 1993. Sricandra. Kahakosu. H.L. Jain, 1969. Ahmedabad.

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105 NOTES 1. Masica 1991, 326. 2. G.H. Shokker has noted some earlier uses of ja-as a vector in "The ga- as Passive in the NIA Languages.' Indo-Iranian Journal 12, 1 23. Bhayani 1976, pp. 62-70 has discussed it. 3. The present article is a revised version of the note in Bhayani, 1988, 418-420. I am thankful to Prof. Michael Shapiro for his comments on the draft of this paper which I had referred to him. 4. The Kathakosa illustrations are from Upadhye, 1974. 5. Fo the inceptive use of lag/lag in NIA sce Vale, 1948, Table 10 on p.222, and the relevant section under different NIA. Languages.

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106 2. The Gujarati Constructions with Marvu as a 'Vector' Use of conjuct verbs and compound verbs is well-known as a remarkable characteristic of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian. It is s complex, multi-faceted subject and numerous studies pertaining to it, with varied theoretical stances, have appeared so far. The present attempt, quite modest and limited in its scope is primarily confined to give as a case-study an account of the current usage of one such Gujarati verb, viz; mar-/mar-. The source of the data presented is my personal usage which can be safely regarded by and large as representative of standard modern usage and based on the language sense of the average native speaker. 1. Guj. marvu Intransitive. Primary meaning '10 die'. 11 The construcion. Absolutive of another verb followed by marvu signifies the manner of dying as expressed by the first verb. e.g. kapai mo 'to die by being slaughtered' kacrai m" 'being crushed' gugmlai m" being suffocated' dubi mo 'being drowned' dajhi/bali m being burnt'. 1.2 With reference to an inanimate or abstract noun as its subject marvu means 'to be lost', 'to be destroyed', 'to disappear'. In this usage usually the absolutive form of mar- is com bined with the vector verb javu to convey completeness of action. Examples : iccha mari gai "The desire was completely lost'. bhokh gai 'The hunger was completely lost'. chod mari gayo * The plant withered'. lohi mari gayu "the blood friezed and blackened'. 1.3 The construction, absolutive of another verb followed by marvu signifies to be near-dead due to extremeness of the

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2. 2.1 2.2 action expressed by the first verb. Examples: chali mo dodi m thaki m 107 'to be near-dead by being (extremely) terrified'. 'to be near-dead by (continuous) running'. 'to be near-dead by (becoming (extremely) tired'. to be near-dead by (becoming (extremely)confused'. to be near-dead by (continuous) wandering'. 'to be near-dead by (being extremely) ashamed'. 'to be near-dead by (continuous) weeping'. marvu. Transitive/causative of marvu. Primary meaning (1) 'to kill', (2) to strike', 'to beat', 'to deal a sudden blow'. mujai m" rajhli m" laji m roi mo The second of these meanings derives from the first, and to exclude the former and leave no ambiguity mari nakhvu (a compound verb meaning literally 'to kill completely') is used to express the latter. The construction absolutive of another verb followed by marvu signifies the manner of killing expressed by the meaning of the first verb. Examples: kacdi 'to kill by crushing`. dabi ma" ma to kill by pressing. guglavi ma" to kill by suffocating'. The second meaning can be illustrated by the phrases like the following in which the first constituent is the object. In the corresponding English construction the meaning is rendered instrumentally. lagadvu to apply'. 'to cause to stick' etc. can be synonymously used in several of such phrases (especially when the object is an sbstract noun). Examples: acko ma" 'to give a jerk'. koni ma to strike with the elbow'. cac ma" 'to strike with the beak' (i.c.'to peck)

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108 2.3 goli ma "to shoot with a bullet'. charo ma to strike with a knife'. jhatko ma to deal a sudden stroke'. dhik marvi 'to give a head-blow'. dhakko marvi 'to give a forceful pat'. dhoi marvi 'to give a slap'. phatko ma to deal a hard stroke'. ban mao 'to shoot an arrow'. lakli marvi 'to strike with a stick'. lat marvi 'to give a kick'. marvu is used in several secondary meanings, idoimatically like 'to strike', 'to throw', 'to stick to', 'to apply', 'to cxercise forcefully-quickly so as to reach the target', 'to arrange', etc. To apply' (synonymous with lagadvu/lagavvu), 'to fix'). Examples : marvu used with the following nouns : chap 'brand, impression', seronoting', sil 'seal', cokdi 'cross, lito crossing line , ramg 'paint', kucdo 'brush', jhadu broom, latar/cakkar/ato 'strawl'. 'take round', 'turn of visit", talu 'lock', buc/dato 'cork, stopper', thigdu patch', akoi/ ag!o 'stopper', khilo 'nail', patti 'plaster". "To emit forcefully, suddenly, strongly, loudly'. marvu used with phuk 'puff, phuphado 'hiss', bum 'loud cry , khokharo *coughing, hak 'loud call', roph, 'to overawe by prompous uatterance', gandh/vas/chat 'smell', camkara/jhabkara 'flashes', tej 'light', sabaka/caska 'spasms of shooting pain', hay 'cry of pain', "To executc, all of a sudden, with a sudden stroke'. marvi used with kudko/bhusko, thekdo/chalag jump', dubki 'submerging', bukdo 'a mouthful'. "To do freely non-stop, on the spur of the moment'. marvi used with gap/gappu/dhap .bluff", tadaka/phalaka free, loud (2) (3)

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109 chatter', akh .eye' (with marvi) 'to oggle', matku 'wink', phapha/valkha 'vain struggles', mahcna/tono 'taunt'. vakhano maryo 'almost dead duc to grief. saramno maryo 'almost dead due to shame'. *To arrange the tying or binding (synonymous with valvu) or posture'. marvu used with ati 'cross tying', gath 'knot', phaso 'noosc', palathi 'cross-legged sitting, kachoto (marvo) 'to tuck end of the loin-cloth on the back'. *To push in silently'. marvu used in the following phrases : bagal-ma marvu 'to push under the arin-pit.' khisama marvu ' to push clandestinely into the pocket. *To happen or result all of a sudden'. Examples : kan baher mari gaya "The ears suddenly turned deat". jiv kacbimari gayo' The heart suddenly sank. te medan mari gayo 'he suddenly achieved conquest of the field'. *To ruin, spoil, destroy completely and quickly'. Compared with the construcion using nakhvu 'to throw as a vector verb that has the meaning-shade of performing the action thoroughly and all of a sudden, the construction with marvu has the additional shade of ruining, spoiling, destroying'. marvi with the following expressions alongwith a verb used in its absolutive form : abhlavi 'by polluting', chapi by printing'. phuki 'by blowing away'. bagaoi marvu 'to destroy completely hy spoiling'. boli 'by submerging. bhadkavi 'by scaring'. rajhlavi/rakhdavi 'by causing to ramble aimlessly'. vatlavi 'by defiling and polluting the caste'. veci by selling' (i.g. without caring for the profit of outcome. vedphi marvu 'to waste by useless spending'. (8)

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3. 4. 110 marvu is secondarily (idiomatically) used to substitute a verb to express utter dislike, aversion or censure of the speaker towards the actor with regard to the latter's performing the action signified by the original verb. Examples: agho mar (for ja), 'move away (and be dead)' mugo mar (for rahe), 'keep mum' (and he dead)'. sidho mar-ne (for rahe) 'stay without committing any trouble or nuisance (and be dead)'. tu kya mari gayo? (for calyo gayo) 'Where have you gone (and are dead) ? te mumbai maryo che (for gayo che), 'He has gone to Bombay' (lit. 'died in Bombay'). tu ahiya maris? (for avis ?) 'Will you come ( lit. 'die') here?' mar (for nakh) 'bark it out (and die') (i.e. 'speak it out') marvuis secondarily (idiomatically) used to express unwilling acceptance of a situation and giving permission or compromising agreement with regard to another's action. Examples: hu to na kahi-ne thaki. toy dodi gayo, marse, apne sukarie? 'I tired myself by saying "no". Even then he ran away. He will die (i.e. 'let him die', 'face the worst'). What can we do ? In the dialect of Saurashtra mary/mary-ne is synonymous with the adverb bhale/bhale-ne 'let'. It is commonly used in verbal expressions like mary zay, mary zato 'let him go (there is no harm or objection)'. There is a traditional saying describing the characteristic of the women of Saurashtra (Sorath). mary-mary kar vatu kare. garmary karc acar, e sorath-ni nary. That is the woman of Sorath who freely uses the word mary while talking, prepares pickles of garmar.

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111 According 'Eastern' grammarian Kramadikvara, (to convey idiomatically maru (inper 2, sing of mar-) and mariimper. 2, sing of mar-) were known to the sense of satirical surprise (sa-kataksa-vismaye) (Prakstadhyaya, cd.by S.R.Banerjee, 1980; 5.15, p. 75. The text is to be emended as maru uha mari ahaha sakataksavismaye. Sce aslo my remark in the foreword, p.7). For an account of Guj. padvu to fall' used idiomatically in conjuncion with a noun/adjective or with another verb see Bhasavimarsa, 1978, 3, pp. 162-171; reprinted in Thodok Vyakaran Vicar, Third Edition, 1978, pp. 216-228; for a similar account of Guj. javu 'to go' see Gujarati Bhasa-na Itihasni-ketlik Samasyao, 1976, pp. 64-70. For Gujarati verbs used as vectors see Thodok Vyakaran Vicar, 1978, pp. 24-34; Gujarati Bhasa-nu Aitihasik Vyakaran, 1988, pp. 418-420, 435; for Old Gujarati, pp. 167, 307, 350, etc. Schematically and as a rough working arrangement we can assume five types of general basic meanings for the Gujarati verbs, viz.(1) to be, (2) to experience (feel as a sensation, physical or mental state or condition, (3) to become/ happen, (4) to do, (5) to make/cause to do. In the case of the last three types, modes of action can be expressed conveying either the state of action or the kind of the relation of the action with the perforiner or the beneficiary of the action. Accordingly the following additional shades of mcanings can be expressed : The action is bcgun, it has started or is about to be performed. The action continues or is in progress. The action is finished. The action is performed repeatedly, continuously or momentarily. The action is performed completely, is finished suddenly. or uuexprectedly or ruinously.

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112 The action is performed involuntarily, non-deliberately, unintentionally, helplessly or under compulsion. The action is wished to be performed. The action is performed for one's self of for others. The action can be or cannot be performed (i.e, ability or inability of performing the action). The action is permitted or allowed to be performed. This list is not exhaustive and the characterization of the shade of meaning has a degree of impercision. Below I give a list of Gujarati verbs, not quite exhaustive, which combined with either a noun/adjective (i.e. as conjunct verbs) or with another non-finite verbal form (i.e. as compound verbs) are used to express the above-outlined set of meanings. They are used mostly in their secondary (metaphorical) meanings. These phrases, belong to the class of established usage (rudha) or idiomatic expressions. The gloss indicates the primary meaning of the verb. hovu "to be', thavu 'to become'. avvu'to come : javu 'to go' utarvu 'to climb down, descend' : cadbu'to climb' cadva 'to climb' : padvu 'to fall' nika! vu 'to go out': kadhvu 'to take out, to draw out, to drive out'. levu 'to take': devuapvu 'to give'. marvu 'to die' : marvu 'to kill'. nakhvu 'to throw', 'to place in', 'to put' : rakhvu 'to keep'. lagvu'to be attached to', 'to be given to': maavu'to arrange', 'to undertake'. bhagvu'to run away'. rahevu 'to stay'. rakhvi 'to keep', mokalvu 'to send', jovudekhvu 'to see'. karvu 'to do'. khavu 'to eat'. val vuvalvu 'to turn', 'to fend'. bal vu "to burn : cukvu 'to complete'.

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7. 113 Some general observations. There is enough evidence to think that in numerous cases the 'grammaticalization' of verbs has proceeded form their use as 'conjunct verbs' (i.e. the noun-verb nexus) to their use as 'compound verbs'. Hence it would be necessary to consider both the groups together. In order to deal satisfactorily with the semantic development with regard to the generalized verbs in any one NIA language we shall have to take into accout the relevant data from allied NIA languages also. As long as the vast amount of relevant data from Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Late non-standard Sanskrit sources remains unutilized, we cannot hope to fill the gaps in the historical explanations and developments in modern usages.

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IV LEXICAL 1. Compound verbal roots in MIA and NIA 1. Beside the denomnatives and cvi-forms, we have in Prakrit roots of phrasal origin, onomatapoctic roots of the simple repetitive and rhyming types and composite roots. In the later type two rhyming roots, near-synonymous or liaving allicd, complimentary or opposite meanings, are compounded to function as one root. Such compounding of two verbal roots to form a single root was historically a new development in Middle Indo-Aryan, which continued subsequently also in New Indo-Aryan. Somchow this important trait has not been noted by the students of MIA.The present inquiry is restricted to the data collected from Prakrit and Gujarati. The source for Prakrit is Paisaddamahannavo, when it is not given otherwise. For relevant historical and comparative data reference is given to the cntires in Turner's Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages (= IAL.) Pk. adavad- 'totter, stagger' Besides adavadana (verbal noun), adavadamta- (pres. part) occurs at Manoramakaha, p. 325, v. 1002. It is a compound of ad- (= Sk. al-) 'to wander' and vad = pad (= Sk. pat-) 'to fall'. Guj. advadvu 'to stagger', advadiyu 'a stageer'. kadamadd-'to destroy It is commonly used in Apabhramsa; see for example Paumacariya, Vol. II and III glossary. It is a compound of kad- 'to destroy' and madd- 'crush, trample down'. Pk. kadana- = Sk. kadana-; Pk. madd- = Sk. mard Pk. khalabhal = -to be agitated', ppp. Ap. khalabhaliya It is a compound of Pk.khal ( =Sk. skhal - 'to stumble') and bhal/phal- (=Sk. sphal-) 'move quickly, quiver, jerk'. See (IAL 13663 and 13822. 6. khalbhalvu. Pk. khasaphas-(khasapphas-) to make restless movement, be agitated'. pre. part.khasaphasamana-. cvi-form (past. past. part). Ap. khasapphasihua

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115 It is a coinpound of Pk.khas- 'to slide, slip (IAL. 3856) and phas- 'to become loose (IAL-9068). Pk. cadapad- to be restless' (secondary meanings); pre. part, cadapadamta- (Mudraraksasa, p.72) It is a compound of Pk. ca.- "to rise, mount, climb' and Pk. pad- 'fall'. Pk. talaval- 'to move body parts restlessly'. It is a compound of tal-move off, disappear' (= Sk. nas) and val- 'to turn towards, bend, twist'. For tal- see IAL. 5450, for val. IAL. 11405. The restlessness is conveyed by now turning towards. now turning away. In Gujarati talva!- has also the secondary sense 'to ycarn. Pk. daramal- 'to pulverise, pound'. It is commonly used in Apabhramsa, e.g. see Paumacariya Vol. I. II, III Glossary. A compound of dar- 'to tear, split' and mal- 'to crush, trample down'. Pk. ppp. dariya; Pk mal- < Sk, mad-/ mard Pk. dalavati- 'to crush'. It is commonly used in Apabhramsa e.g. in Paumacariya. See Part I, II, III glossary. It is a compound of dal- 'to grind' and vatt'- 'to pulverisc. ranajhai-'10 tinkle'. It is commonly used in Apabhraiba. It is a compound of ran- 'to clink', 'tinkle' and jha- (= Sk. dhvan-) 'to sound'. Guj. ranjhanvu Pk. rulaghul. also occurs. frequental. The meaning 'to sigh given in PSM. following Jacobi's Bhavisattakaha (and the same adopted from PSM. by V.P. Jain for the occurrence of the word at Jambusamicariu 4.22.21) is incorrect. It signifies 'to roll wallow' In the Jambusamicariu it is used in the description of the behaviour of a mad elephant. The verb is used also at Raidhu's Pasanahacariu, 5.9,10, to describe the behaviour of a drunken person who 'wallows on the ground' (rulughulai dhara). The editor R.R. jain has interpreted it correctly. It is a compound of rul- *rollo and ghul- (= Sk. ghurn-) 'whirl'. rula- is changed to rulu- for alliterative and onomatopoeic cffcct.

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116 Pk. kasamas- 'swing to and fro' rasamas- 'be intoxicated' khasapphas- 'be agitated' cadapphad- bc agitated and restless' tacaphad-, tadapphad- "turn to and fro restiessly The first, second and fourth occur at Jambusamicariya, 4.22,21 and 18.15.13. The third and six occur at Siddhahema 8.4.422 (15) and. 8.4.366 respectively. These are onomatopocic. The two constituents of these compound roots convey the rhythmic variation within a particular sound sequence : kas - and mas-, khas- and phas, tad- and phad- etc. 2. This trend has continued later in the NIA. My obscrvations here are mostly confined to data from Gujarati. But this can be easily supplemented by some commonly shared or similarly formed verbal roots in other NIA. languages. Chatterji has noted from Bengali some repeated verbal roots of onomatopoeic character. In one type we have 'modified' repctition, where another root of a similar sense and assonance echoes the prcceding one : culbula, cilbila 'be fidgety, be cager to move away (from cul, bul), talabala 'be shaky and moving (from tal, bal = Sk. val), dalamala 'shake and pat' (from dal, mal) (Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, II., p. 891). Chatterji has noted from Bengali katmata 'look with glaring cyes', kadmala 'gnash one's teeth', kudmuda chew something crisp. -jhalmala, 'dangle, be bright", tadbada 'clatter, chatter', (ibid. p. 89). Guj. rakhdad- (rakhad-) 'to wander about'. For the derivation of the first constituent rad- scc under radvad-. The second constitucnt derives from Pk. khad-, a variant of Pk. Sk. phal 'to shake' or Pk. khal- (= Sk. skhal-) 'to stumble'. Compare Guj. khad to be dislocated'. (IAL. 3837, 13663). Guj radvad- to wander about helplerly.' The first constituent rad- derives from Pk. ruid-, rul-, lul- 'to roll,' 'stir', 'dangle' (IAL 410786, 11080). The second constituent

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117 vad- derives from Pk. pad. Guj. ladihad- 'to stagger'. The first constituent lad- derives from Pk. lad-'to dangle' (IAL. 11080). The second constitutent thad derives from Pk. thud (IAL 6099). Guj. kanman- 'to moan? It is a compound of kan, and man-. Pk. kai- (=Sk. kvan)'to make a noise, sound', Pk. man- to utter inarticulate sounds indistinctly'. Guj. caga! - (= calgal) 'to turn in the mouth and swallow the juice gradphally. It is a compound of cal- and ga!-. Pk. cal- 'to move'. Pk. ga!-'to swallow'. : Guj. lalva. It is a compound of la!vu 'to bend down and valvu 'to bend'. Pk. Jad-, la!- 'to move to and fro', and PK. val., 'to turn Guj. salva!vu It is a compound of roots sal- and val- Pk. sal. 'to move' (= Sk. sa!-) and Pk. val- of. Guj. ca!-va! 'agitation'. The following illustrative list of Gujarati rhyming compounds, some of them onomatopoeic, can be taken as more or less representative in this regard of other NIA. languages also. rum-jhum, 'tinkling kac-pac bothersome pratile' khat-pat 'craft and stratagem' cal-pa! 'fretting jhay-pat promptly' lat-pa; 'flattering gesture cad-phad squable' lad-phad hurriedly' khad-bad "thump, sound of digging gad-bad *confusion' tad-bad 'sound as of a running horse' dad-bad 'taking quick steps, rolling'

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dhad-bad lad-bad lath-bath khad-bad gad-badiya cad-bhad can-bhan jhag-mag tag-mag dag-mag kal-bal ras-bas thath-math gat-mat jhar-mar dhas-mas jhal-mal 118 'quick and rhythmic thumps of running steps' *dangling* 'closely embracing' 'heaving movement 'tingling' 'squable' 'talk in a low tone or whisper' 'glitter, glisten' 'shaky, unsteady' 'shaky, unsteady' confused chatter' 'overflowing with or submerged in juice' 'pomp and pageant' 'fussy activity' 'drizzle' 'rushing' 'shining, glilittering In Gujarati Bhasa-na dvirukta prayogo, the list given on pp. 127-136 contains many more of onomatopoeic words of the above type. In the Appendix 2 of that book (pp. 155-179) listing reduplicatives given in Turner's Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language, include many onomatapoeic words of the same type. For Bengali, reference has been given above to Chatterji's work. In the general survey this type is also repeated. For Telugu, see Reduplication and Onomatopoeia in Telugu. Such compound verbs probably originated from the use of pairs of semantically allied but uncompounded verbal forms: adai padai, adamto padamto; talai valai, talio valio, ranai jhanai, rulai ghulai etc. As actual occurrences, we come across expressions like sadiya-padiya- 'fallen to pieces and crashed', Pk. ullatta-pallatta

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119 "topsy-urvy', uccara-paccara 'telling and circulating' probably formed from Pk. ucshar - utter and Pk. pracar- 'to be circulated on the pattern of Pk. ullatta-palllatta-. It occurs in the Kathakosa-prakarana (p.120, 1.1) Guj. radyu-khadycu 'roaming alone and isolated' In Bhoja's Srrigaramanjari occurs (p.25) lataksutkah 'taking rounds, loitering', which seems to be a Sanskritization of the colloquial expression ladakhudaya. Compare Hindi ladkhadana "to be shaky' etc. It can be explained as derived from a compound root ladakhadPk. ladai 'moves hither and thither' (cf. Sk. ladita-) plus Pk. khudai 'breaks'. MIA. is marked by a number of rhyming or alliterative compounds wherein the two members are synonymous or have complementary or contrastive meanings, This tendency gains considerablc strength in NIA. languages which have an abundance of this type of compounds. In the case of many a word and form considered here the overlapping and interlacing of reduplicative, onomatopocic and merely rhyming compounds are quite ebvious. For our purpose here, however, it is not neccsscry to mark out a clear distinction between them. In the case of onomatopocias the interpretation is ambiguous. Pk. tadaphad- etc. might have been formed either by compounding the roots tad- and phad- or alternatively from the nominal compound tada-phaca the denominative tadaphadai was derived. Compare Pk. khasapphasihua and numerous onomatopoeic nouns in NIA. from which corresponding verbs are derived. Reference works A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. R.L. Turner, 1960. Dictionary of the Nepali Language. R.L.Turner, 1931 Gujarati Bhasana Ithihas-ni ketli Samasyao. H. C. Bhayani 1976. Gujarati Bhasa-na Dvirukta Prayogo, P.R. Teraiya, 1970.

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120 Jambusamicariu of Vira (1020 A.C). Ed. V.P. Jain, 1968. Kathakosa-prakarana of Jinesvara-suri (1052 A.C). Ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1949. Origin and Development of the Bengali Language. S.K. Chatterji. Reprint, 1970. Paiasaddamahannavo. H.Sheth. Reduplication and Onomatopoeia in Telugu, P.B.Rao, 1977. Roots, Verb-Froms and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language. W.D.Whitney, 1963. Some Aspects of Desya Prakrit. H.C.Bhayani, 1992. Srngaramanjari-katha of Bhoja (11th Century). Ed. Kalpalata Munshi, 1959. .

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2. Late non-standard Sanskrit usages General Considerations (1) For a literary language like Classical Sanskrit, which has been used to produce enormous literature for some two thousand five hundred years, and which later on has coexisted with several other allied or non-allied literary languages current over driverse regions of India, it was quite inevitable and a sine-qua-non for existence to have been subject to continuous variation and varied types and amounts of linguistic influences. The non-standard Sanskrit words and experssions discussed below can be taken to represent a trend in the language of Sanskrit works written in the middle Classical period (say from eighth to eleventh century A. C.). From the early centuries of the Christian era, through the works of poets like Rajasekhara and the Kashmereans Somadeva, Kalhana and specially Ksemendra, down to the Jain Katha works and Prabandhas which continued to be written till the seventeenth century we have forms of Sanskrit with highly varying degree and type of admixture of Prakritic, colloquial or rare, archaic usages. Within this vast domain, apart from the language of the epics and Puranas, the Sanskrit termed Buddhist Hybrid (or Mixed) Sanskrit and Jain Sanskrit has attracted special attention (the latter, because of its increasingly abundant use of Prakritisms and regional colloquialisms). It is however quite evident that to deal with many types and varicties of Sanskrit we would require several terms like Mixed Sanskrit, Desya Sanskrit, Prakritized or Vernacularized Sanskrit, Hybrid Sanskrit etc. which may have to be subcategorized, depending upon numerous fcctors that would include regional base and stylistic trends. Theoretically also the reference frame with precise classification of the notions of 'mixed language', 'adstrata'. 'Pidginization', 'Creolization', 'convergence etc. shall have to be worked out in the present context.

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: 122 (1) The Stagaramanjari-katha Below is presented an alphabetical glossary of peculilr and rare words and expressions occurring in the Sanskrit Gadyakavya Srngaramanjari-katha written by the illustrious Paramara king Bhoja in the first half of the eleventh century. The list is illustrative, not exhaustive. 1. Common names and words akka * 61 22 'sister'. DMP 740. anuka 47 14 "back-bone, spine'. MW. avalag 59 4, 62 2, 63 18, 64 13, 65 28, 'to serve, to attend.' LJS 106 (avalaga). DMP 744 (olagg- ) anga-motika- 34 18 'stretching the body and yawning'. IAL 10186 (motati). DMP 104 (tanumodi). Compare amgavalijjam DN 1 42; LJS 30. 'to call.' IAL 1005, 1006. akaraka- 69 18, 69 19, 22, 23 "caller' akarana- 69 24 'calling.' acchupta- 67 22 touched.' Dhatupatha 28, 125 (chup); Pk. chuv; IAL 5055. accheday- 87 16 'to cut, to wound by heating.' ali 53 18 'woman's female friend.' IAL. 1380. isika 47 19 'an elephant's eyeball'., MW. utkanthula- 27 23, 83 13 'full of longing.' Pk. ukkamthalaya. uddiptaka- (n.) 53 23, 54 4,5 bonfire'. Compare Pk. udditta "kindled', palivana- (= Sk pradipana kindling, conflagration.' IAL. 1994, 8665. a-karay

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123 udyanika- 25 4 'picnic in a garden.' Pk. ujjania : Guj. ujani. IAL 2052. unmath 80 6 'to dusturb'. Pk. ummah- unmatha 74 4 'destruction, removal.' Pk. ummaha IAL. 2120. upavesanaka- 59 17, 63 17, 66 3 'seat'. Guj. besnu IAL 2249. urdhva 32 9 'standing'. Guj. ubhu. IAL 2426. urdhva eva bhunjano 'eating while standing'; urdhva-sthita- 63 6 'in a standing position.' kadavakka- 17 26 'a subsection of an Apabhramsa. poem.' Apa., Old Guj. kadavaya-, kaaitalla- 63 6 Compare MW kaditula- (a misreading)' 'sword, scymiter.' kathanika- a tale'. Pk. kahania. IAL 2705. 66 7, 15 etc. karvata 66 21 'a mountainous village.' Pk. kabbada DMP 855. kuhukuha-rava-78 19 'cries of Kokila.' krakara- 78 14 `a patridge'. kvatya- 80 17 'from where ?' 'belonging to which place ?' Mahabhasya on Pan. 4, 2 104. khorayamana- 80 9 ? khongalaga- 80 5 ? (Compare Hindi khamgalna 'to wash (mouth) with water'. grahanaka- 42 13, 55 8, 83 22, 84 l 'fees given to a prostitute for exclusive service'. grha-vartta 27 3, 65 17, grha-vartya 26 23 (to be emended to - vartta) 'money paid for household expenses and subsistence.' Compare

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124 MW. vartta- 'livelihood.' grama-dhana- 68 14, 18. a village region.' Pk. gamahana = Sk. grama-sthana (DN 2. 90), Sk. khetaka, padra- (PL. 399). candataka- 31 24 'a short petticoat'. But according to Abh. 674 it is used by women only. candratapa- 38 20 'a canopy, awning.' DMP 330 (candovaya). Compare Abh. 681 candrodaya in the same meaning jhagiti 70 12, 25 'all of a sudden'. Compare Pk. jha-tti. Recorded from Jayadeva's Prasannarraghava (11th century). tadavara 78 14 (Onom.) 'sound of cracking hard shell of a fruit' (to be emended as tadatkara) tiritillita- 25 15 'wandering. loitering'. Pk. tiritill- 'to wander.' tinta 61 13, 20 'a gambling house'. DMK. 1000 (temta). thak 62 19, 21, 24, 28, 'to cheat'. IAL 5489. 63 2,4 thaka 62 28 ' a cheat'. SDP. 188. dindika- ( 18 2: 'wayward rascal.' Pk. dimdiya. SDP. 188 dindira- 31 11 'foam of the sea.' DMP 1007. tarkuka- 42 10 'a beggar'. MW. Pk. takkuya. Wrongly glossed as 'svajana-varga' in PSM). tudi-tala. 70 5-6 'rhythmic playing of musical instru ments'. Pk. tutia73 14 'silken cloth'. MW. gives reference to the Balaramayana, 3, 85, but gives 'a shuttle' trasara

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125 as the meaning. Also MW. tasara, Pk. tasara IAL. 5744. dara 67 12, 68 2 'a little'. Pk. dara. IAL 6186. danta-vadabhi 36 12 'a room on the house-top fashioned with ivory. Compare Pk. dasta-valahiya. daya 86 22 'a throw or cast of dice in a gambling game'. DMP 1079. darika- 33 last but one. 'a prostitute'. DN 5 38 : Pk. dariya, Sk. vesya. devakiya- 40 5, 6; 82 12; 'belonging to your lordship'. 88 18, 19 devakula-vela- 58 12 'the fixed time for dancing at the temple. natika 88 18, 'rope,strap': MW nadi; Sanskritization. of Pk. nalia. IAL 7049. At 87 16 it is called kari-varatra 'elephant girth'. nirdhat- 28 last line, 35 4, 55 2 'to drive out, to drive away'. Pk. niddhad-. LJS. 153 (nirdhatita-) pattanika 70 19, 23, 71 5,9 'a parchment that can take impressions when pressed on an object'. palyayana 37 18 a saddle'. MW. pali 58 5 'turn, shift.' Guj. pali. IAL. 8041. nartana-pali 'turn of dancing'. pakhanda- 84 8 = pasanda = 71 23. puspa-danta 47 24 'sun and moon'. MW. Ap. purpphayasta. put-kr- 30 15, 34 12 etc.'shout', Pk. pukkar- IAL. 8246.

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126 puryate 65 20 'it is enough'. Pk. pujjai. pecaka 47 8, 12 tip or root of an elephant's tail'. MW. petaka 33 'a multitude.' MW. Pk. pedaya-, pracalakin- 27 18 'a peacock'. Compare Abhi. 1320 : pracalaka- = kalapa-. pracchada-pata-61 11, 12, 15, 16 'bed-spread, coverlet'. MW; Abh. 676; LJS. 23 (Old Guj. pachevadau). praghurnika- 64 13 'guest. IAL. 8973. prahvanika- 59 3, 10, 16 'guest'. prahvanika- 59 18, 19 'hospitality'. bhati 64 last line. 'wages of prostitution'. IAL 9468. mocanaka- 48, 9; 65 11 'setting free from a binding'. rathya-karpata- 32 9 'rags thrown in streets'. Compare rathya karpatika- 'street-beggar', Subhasitaratna kosa, verse 980 rahakkaka- 74 5, 82 20, 83 11. 'acute sense of isolation due to love-lorn condition' (?) rucita-dhestika 58 15 (to be emended as rucitaghrstika); rucita-ghrstika 84 1, 'having sexual intercourse with any person one takes fancy for' (?) (with refernce to a prostitute). rebh 82 16, 83 11. rebhita- 'prattling' (?); rebhaka 'prattler' (?) lataksutka- 25 8 'loitering'. Compare Hindi ladkhadana. lalika 37 last but one line. 'a rope round the nose of a hourse , reins'. MW. vardhapanaka- 34 19, 46 9-10 'congratulatory celebration'.

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127 vahyali virupakavisravay veni sura-vanthasinga satti IAL. 11383. LJS. 34, 91, 197. 40 2 'a horse-riding track'. Compare LJS 34 : vahakeli; LJS. 203 vahyali : 'a royal procession on horse-back'. MW. 69 12 defective', "ugly?. IAL. 11873. 28 last but one line. 'to strip or drain of money'. 55 20, 22 'a continous line of generations'. 65 26 (?). vantha- means 'a servant, a slave'. 18 1, 2 13. Sk. vita, kamuka-, vidagdha- See H. C. Bhayani 'Indological Studies', p. 29 30. 55 18, 20, 21 exchange'. Pk. satti. IAL. 13101. 42 15 'to convince about the truth, to prove'. Pk. saccav30 15 'to toss about', compare Pk. : samuvvella. 78 16-17 'cloth stretched above the chief person in a ceremonial procession' LJS 95 (srikari); 98 (sikari); DMP. 1370 (siggiri). 30 8, 10, 16, 17; smaraniyaka- 30:9 'a memento'. 2. Proper Names 88 26; Cella- 87 14 A queen.' Compare Pk. cilla- 'child disciple' 71 7, Chaddalaka- 71 last but one line. A feudatory prince. Pk. chadd- 'to leave, to relinquish'. Chaddaka or Chadaka occurs satyapay samudvell sikkiri smaraniya cilla. chaddaka

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dhondha tikkapaikka pamaraka batharaka ladavaka 128 as name of a merchant in the Prabhavakacaritra (1278 A. C.), (p. 198, verse no. 452) and in the Prabandhakosa (1349 A. C.) (p. 48, 1. 26). 79 last line; 80 12, 17. A bawd. Compare Pk. dhumdhull- and NIA. derivatives IAL. 6839. 71 7, 14, 15, 16, 24 last line. A member of the king's assembly. Possibly to be emended as tikkhapaikka. Pk. tikkha-'haughty, cruel', Pk. paikka- a foot-soldier." 81, 23, 84 3, 4 etc. A king. MW. pamara- 'a kind of fragrant substance'. 88 15. An elephant-driver. MW. 'stupid, blockhead. 81 17, 84 3 3. Some noteworthy expressions and usages (1) Prostitutes belonged to different categories in accordance with the mode of wages they accepted. The argha-vittika (58 3; 80 12) (to be emended as arghya ?) earned her livelihood by performing temple-dance as a part of her duty. The raja-prasada-vittika (80 13) depended upon the king's favour. The sthanavittika (69 13) was paid for performing the duty of dancing at an assigned place (e.g. in the royal assembly). This interpretation finds support in the expression velavittaka- (69 27, 72 6) meaning one who earns livelihood by announcing time. (2) Use of the auxiliary verb. In the expression angikrtavan asmi 'I have accepted'. as- is used to form present perfect.'

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129 (3) budhyate is used in the sense of sakyate in kartum na budhyate (27 3, 72 17) cannot be done.' (4) ya- is used in the sense of sak- in vidharitum na yati. (33 8) cannot be held back and na yatyasyah parsve' smabhih sayitum (83 last but one line) 'we cannot lie down by this woman.' (5) lag- 'to stick to, to adhere to' used idiomatically in kanthe lag- (34 20) 'to embrace' and padayor lag- (34 21) 'to fall at the feet, to bow down." (6). lag- used as a compound verb imparting the modal meaning of initiatary and progressive action to the compounded verb, which has the form of past passive participle. The personal and tense endings are suffixed to lag-. nrtyati lagna- (69 1) began to dance', vinasyati lagnah (69 3) may start to be destroyed'; ahamagamisyami lagnah (29 last line-31 1) I will be coming'. 4. A note on proper names? Apart from the long tradition of the use of Mixed Sanskrit in literature, the use of mixed Sanskrit in ordinary language of the practical world has been hardly noticed in MIA. studies. This is a subject of independent inquiry, but here we can just touch upon one or two aspects, although somewhat marginal but sufficiently suggestive of the general situation. In the matter of personal names and placenames, if wescan the forms attested from the copper-plate grants of the Maitraka rulers of Valabhi in Saurastra (6th to 8th cent. A. C.) we find that besides names in the regional, colloquial speech. there are numerous instances wherein one part of the name is in Prakrit and the other part in Sanskrit. And it is to be noted that this is found in the case of the names of Brahmanas also, who have been most accociated with the use and cultivation of Sanskrit. Note the following few instances of both the types.__

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130 Names of Brahmanas Prakrit Non-Sanskrit (desya) Sanskrit and Prakrit mixed Accada Kakka Kukkesvara Dinnabhatti Avuka Ammadhara Dhammila Khokkhaka Devadinna Nattaka Kikka Bappasvamin Anahaka Goggaka Boppasvamin Gominda Ghamcaka Ludra Sambhulla Bappa Siha Nanna Bava Buta Roggha Non-Brahmanic Names Prakrit Non-Sanskritic (Desya) Khudda Alla Khuddilaka Anuka Gadaha Kakkuka Vimchiyaka Gallaka Cacca Jajju Jamjlaka Gohaka Kuhunda Buttaka Lalluva Mammaka Bhondaka

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131 (Earlier in Gupta inscriptions also we find Prakritic or mixed names like chagalaga, cirAtadatta, khejjasvAmin, gaNDaka, zuMkaka, piccakuMDa, gogila, kakuTi etc., besides names of unknown origin like khAsaka, bonda, bampiyaka etc. Village Names pippalaruMkharI probably for pippalarukkhaDI (Pk. rukkha desurakSitijja = deva - surakSita + Pk. - ijja (< Sk. -Iya). desenaka = devasenaka. = dhammaNahaDikA dhammaNa + Pk. khaDDA + ikA. (khaDDA DAMDAsa DaMDubhavAsa (?). bhaDAsaka = bhaTavAsaka. In these proper names we find Prakritic suffixes attached to Prakrit or Sanskrit bases: Diminutive suffixes like ila, ula, uka, ikkaH kikkuka, Aluka, dattila, vatsula, dattulika, bhogikkasvAmin; Ta (Page #141
132 the vocabulary of numerous passages of the Srigaramanjari. The Srngaramarjari has numerous passages of personal and of natural description (desriptions of seasons, evening, night, moon-rise ctc.) in highly ornate style, customarily found in the Gadya Kavyas and Campus. The languages of these passages in the Gaudi Riti i.e. in highly ornate style is characteristically Standard Sanskrit. On the other hand the narrative passages are mostly in a simpler style and their Sanskrit has an admixture of words and expressions which derive from MIA. (i. e. Prakrit and colloquial usages). They appear either in the original form, or Sanskritzed, partly or fully. The wider implications of the words and expressions noted here from the Srngaramanjari-katha are quite significant for the history of Sanskrit as a literary medium. Here we have a Sanskrit katha in prose in highly omate classical style written by a non-jain polymath of Sanskrit learning, in which words of Prakrit or obscure origin are used without literary inhibitions. The type of Sanskrit used in the Sriigarmanjari is representatve of a continuous trend in later literary Sanskrit. Notes 1. This usage is frequently found in the 'Desya' Sanskrit of later Jaina Prahandhas. Note for example the following instances from Merutunga's Prabandhacintamani : facit cafe p. 117, 1. 29. UC1229sf p. 7, 1. 5. FTTETTHET p. 117, 1.11 F918747116T p. 33, 1, 24 GT HRT p. 50, 1. 13 Some others have been noted in GAV. p. 361-362 2. For early proper names and their discussion see MKG, Jain-pustaka-prasasti-sangraha by Muni Jimavijay; Jain-Dhatupratimalekha samgraha by Lakshmanbhai Bhojak (to be shortly published by B. L. Institute of Indology, Delhi); BV, pp 80-88.

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Tejram Sharma, Personal and Geographical Names in the Gupta Inscriptions, 1978. Abh. BV. DMP. DN. IAL. LJS. GAV. MKK. MV. MW. PSM. PL. SDP. SM. 133 Abbreviations and References Abhidhana-cintamani of Hemacandra. With Gujarati Translation, Indices etc. by Vijayakasturi Suri. 1957. Bhasavimars, by H. C. Bhayani, 1987. Mahapurana of Puspadanta (A Critical Study of the Desya and Rare Words from Puspadanta's Mahapurana and his other Apabhramsa Works). 1969. Desinamamala of Hemcandra edited by R. Pischel, P. Ramanujaswami. 1938. A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages. by R. L. Turner 1966. Lexicographical Studies in 'Jaina Sanskrit' by B. J. Sandesara, J. P. Thaker. 1962. Gujarati Bhasa-nu Aitihasik Vyakaran, 1988. Maitrakkalin Gujarati by H. G. Shastri, 1955. "Maitrakkalin Visesnamo' by H. C. Bhayani, Vanmaya, 2, 1, 1989, pp. 149-155. Monier Monier-Williams' Sanskrit English Dic tionary. Paisaddamahannavo by Hargovinddas Sheth. Paialacchinamamala of Dhanapala edited by Buhler. Studies in Desya Prakrit by H. C. Bhayani. 1988. 1963. Srigaramanjari-katha of Bhoja edited by Kalpalata Munshi. 1959.

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134 (2) The Subhasitaratnakosa For various reasons, a number of stanzas of Vidyakara's Subhasitaratnakosa (edited by Kosambi and Gokhale, HOS. 42, 1957, here abbreviated as SRK.) present difficulties of interpretation. One obvious source of these difficulties is Prakritisms or dialectal expressions. The present effort to clear up a few of the obscurities is chiefly based on Middle Indo-Aryan materials and it is intended to supplement Ingalls' discussions in the Notes to the supplement of Ingalls' translation of the Subhasitaratnakosa (= An Anthology of Sanskrit Court Poetry, HOS. 44, 1965, here abbreviated as SCP) In my previous paper (Middle Indo-Aryan Miscellany', Vidya 9, 3, 1966, 1 ff; reprinted in Studies in Des'ya Prakrit, 1988, 177-187), I have discussed the following words from SRR. 377 ifa/3710fen/sca (977, 1162, 1185, 1186), (964) fu (878), 247961 (381), 77012 (980), 116 (564), CEI (212), SIMUSICII (532), FCI (232), STC (993), (ZTA (878), fetch(191), FA: HE (202), FHM7 (709), JAHG31 (866), fac (522). In what follows I discuss the following words from SRK: 37034 (864), 37TOI (1185), 37rER (1533), 375fsa (1414), gracia (363), JrhMCL (862, 1774), 1977 (1166), TFT (994), 19 (1185), FM (981). Galicia (1056), G: STC (1569), 756/5T5E (361, 342), hifcia (191), HEL, Puf (1421), 75 (1155), TE (1120), 414 (1575), TO (680, 1145), (1308), 27 (1313). 3706945 (864) 'a bear' It is a Prakritism. MW. gives reference to the Balaramayana. Under DN I 37 Henacandra observes that 37546 is recorded by some lexicographers as a Desya word but he

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135 considers it to be a Sanskrit word. According to Turner (IAL) 37065 is from Sk. H and as along with fi is of Indo-European origin (IAL. 9415). But 345, TES and 3770'F (a synonymous compound) were also tlattering terins ('the good one', 'the benign one') to avoid the taboo word. 375103 (1185) The herons are described as my-f1c1-1 -41-919 -9231823-afcc-491977-59: which Ingalls has rendered as 'with eyes suffused with tears by the dancing motion of a fat tish-tail slipping down their gullet.' Ho takes 4231-as made up of puccha + Anaccha and Anaccha meaning dance', as a Prakritism from A + nat (Notes). But phonologically Anaccha can not be derived from Anarta. pucchAnaccha is rather made up of puccha + 377779. 375103 signifies 'inconvenient'. 'troublesome.' Compare 377 meaning 'good' in several of its NIA derivatives (IAL 142). 31134 (1533) In SRK. the reading is adardaram. The verse is from the Malatimadhava. Ingalls has remarked on it : This, as well as the other reading found in mss. of the play, aghargharam, has not been recorded as occuring elsewhere. The commentators take both words as onomatopoieic.' (p. 568). The reading in the qnotation in Namisadhu on Rudrata's Kavyalaskara (7. 30) is aghargharani. Compare Pk. gagghara- 'hoarse (PSM). So in the translation (p. 399) 'whining should be modified as 'hoarsely' (or 'with grunts'). 316isa (1414) Ingalls' note : "unrecorded, rendered in the margin by akalita, 'held'. Better, 'slightly shaken to and fro. CIAL. 14018). The sidelong glances were tremulous like the neeklace slightly

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136 swung by hand. Brest (363) Ingalls renders it as shimmering'. It qualifies farasit. Better to translate it as 'moving playfully' (um- < Pan-; IAL. 3918) Brina (7, 862) v. I. JEBCTC. It should be rather EFTMCI, IAL. 1843. Jenifa is used in the sisupalavadha. Pk. 303CTS. Tischl (994) little ball, drop". IAL. 4181. Pk. gudia. 5744 (1155) jump'. Used in the Hitopadesa. IAL. 5336. SIC (993) The first line reads : Seacary SYST Y MO. In his Notes Ingalls observes : 'The verse is doubtless corrupt.....Kosambi.... would take patalan as 'trees.....at (it) is a dictionary meaning only, if not a ghost meaning.....As it stands the verse is hopeless. (p. 539). The difficulty is solved if we take cup as a corruption of the original reading jhata. jhatameans 'bush, thicker IAL.5362 ). To cite one occurrence : 37 fquai-sie afefa ECHH) : 1 (Anyoktyastakasamgraha 3, 5 cd. P. D. Trivedi, 1946). FA (981) *lake'. Unrecorded (IAL. 5393). It occurs in the Prakrit poem Gaudavaha (5th century) (v. 554). There the commentator paraphrases it as lahari, but the meaning lake also can suit. guifuta (1056) Ingalls' note. "The form durlalita (for durlalita) appears to be unrecorded.' He has translated it as 'spoiled'. It has rather the sense of fond of" (< 'over-fondled'), 'addicted 10'. Compare Hindi dularna 'to fondle. caress', dulara dear', dular 'affection etc.

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137 G:pitci (1569) Ingalls' note : If kaladuhsila means 'wicked in the art of", (it) seems a rather unflattering expression.' But g:Vila, duvidagdha, durlalita (or dulAlita) in such contexts signify 'overindulgent', 'addicted to,' 'fond of". 756 (361), 156 (342) 'attractive, charming. The word is a Prakritism. Pk. ladaha. Bhoja has used latabha in the Sarasvatikanthabharana. Pk. tif137 a fool To the occurunces previously noted by me (Studies in Desya Prakrit, p. 177) that from Vira's Jambusamicariu (dated 1019 A. C.Ed. V. P. Jain, 1944.), noted below is to be added : HETU asfa e as face, ot 1963 71f73 443f4ce II (9, 2, 10) "One who giving up pleasures at his own disposal renounces the world and becomes initiated in a religious order, (is like) a fool who eventhough there is cooked food ready at home wanders begging alms'. The editor, V. P. Jain failing to make out the real meaning of picts has wrongly translated as 'ripe lotus stalks' (ERC # 264MTM 4 EI, p. 169) 459 'previous or next year', Tuft 'year before the previous or after the next year' They are used in a Muktaka attributed to Utpalaraja (probably Munja of the Paramara dynsty) in the Saduktikarnamsta (v. 497). IAL. 7788t, 7907. asfa (1155) 'submerges'. Used by Rajasekhara. vrudita in the Rajatarangini. Pk. buddai IAL. 9272. Mr (1575) lambhavati is interpreted by Ingalls as hedged in' on the basis of lambha, 'hedge, enclosure' given in just one lexi no

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138 con (Notes, p. 572). We can rather take it to mean a Katha containing lambhas (mixed with the narrative of Arjuna). Lambhaka (wrongly lambaka) is known as designation of sections in the Kathasaritsagara. In 1575 c the words 341647: vikramamayIm AkhyAyikAM lokAn vAcayati are significant. This AkhyAyikA is erat. Fitofa (680), 18461 (1145) Ingalls' notes : loghati : 'rolls' = luthati or lotati (p. 513). According to him in 1145 the reading lodayantah may be preferable to lothayantah. Lothayati is used in the Bhagavatapurana. Pk. ludhai. IAL. 11079. ata (1308)'father'. Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintamani has recorded it. He has also used it in his Trisastisalakapurusacarita. .de (1313) Ingalls' note : 'distributing, dealing out', unrecorded; the root vant is given by the Dhatapatha. IAL. 11238.

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139 3. The Vasantavilasa Balacandra-suri's Vasantavilasa, written in Gujarat in the thirteenth century during the Solanki-Vaghela Period, is a Sanskrit Mahakavya in 14 Cantos, eulogizing the life and achievements of the minister Vastupala. It is in the tradition of the earlier famous five Mahakavyas, but specially it follows the model of Magha's Sisupalavadha. The sixth canto of the Vasantavilasa, for example, regarding its subject matter, metre and style including the figures, is cast after the sixth canto of the Sisupalavadha and similarly its twelfth canto follows the fourth canto of the latter. Admirable mastery of Balacandra over the ornate language and style of the Mahakavyas was no bar to his using non-standard words and expressions also. In this case he has followed the of example sreveral earlier wellknown Sanskrit poets. The following may be ragarded as a representative list of such usages. 370JY (12, 7) bear'. Abh. 1289 (along with 4724, Prat, 7, 940 and , DN. YA 6, 99) regards 37879A as a Sk. word and rejects yaksa as its meaning given by some) and fregg (7, 7). According to PSM. T occurs in the Prasnavyakarana. MW. refers for 3709479 to the Hitopadesa, Pancatantra, Unadisutra (4, 41), Mahabharata and Bhagavata for the words 8, 99, 99 and 47990. Apy-6 ocurs in the Malatimadhava. Turner has given a note (IAL. 2445, 2446, 9415). felfaret (6, 4) 'mud'. Abh. 1090 : faftici, Jinadeva's Siloncha cikkhalla, PSM. : cikkhalla, cikhala, cikhilla (DN. Gathakos'a etc.) (IAL. 4784 for words in various IA. languages). sfat (12, 9) mouse'. Abh. 1300 : ict, G. Siloncha : 3a. PSM. : ja, jg, 5G6. (IA. 2095). Det (6, ) exclamation of wonder. For its discussion (and

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also of af) see Bhayani, Anusamdhan, 1, 1993, pp. 9-10; 2, pp. 12-13. (11, 48) 'loins'. Abh. 607. Sisupalavadha (13, 34) chath (MW). (11, 48) 'diadem'. Abh. 651. Parsvanathacarita (2, 1, 54), Naisadhiya (11, 18) (meaning 'bunch of matted hair'). (12, 42) 'ground for practising archery'. Abh. 788. Balaramayana 4, 16-17. 140 practising archery'. Vikramankadevacarita. 6, 46. (11, 49) 'being released'. (IA. between 3705 and 3706: kSuT). 'jump'. Occurs also in the Vikramankadeva-carita and Parisistaparvan (MW.). In Prakrit in the Kumarapalapratibodha (PSM). G. . hasaMtikA ( 6, 37 ) (portable fire-vessel' (= aMgAradhAnI, aMgArazakaTikA). Abh. 1020 : hasanI, hasaMtikA. Used in the Vikramarkadevacarita and Rajatarangini (MW.). * 4. Late Sanskrit doublets with the auslaut -Cya-/-CiWe find a number of doublets in Late Sanskrit which alternatively end in -Cya- or -Ci-, the first form being earlier. Instances: aucityakarpanya caturya caurya desya madhurya maitryavaicitrya > auciti karpani caturi caurika- (Pk. curi) cauri, desi- (Pk. desi) madhuri maitri vaicitri

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141 > > vaidhurya- vaidagdhya- vaidusyasailyasaksya A vaidhuri vaidaghi vaidusisaili saksi (presupposed by H. G. sakhi. A A sakhi means 'stanzas or verse-lines occuring in me dieval devotional poems as authentication from earlier tradition'. samagrya- > samagri Similarly Pk. samatthi- (< samarthya-), Pk. rumdi- (noun of quality from Pk. rusda- 'extensive') and Pk. samasisi-, samasisia- (< Sk. samasirsika-) (noun of quality from Pk. samasisa- 'equal'). also belong here. We should note also in this context Pk. dhutti ( = Sk. dhaurtya-) and loddhi (=lubdhakata) It is likely that the formation was somewhat influenced by a type of Sanskrit abstract nouns derived from adjectives e.g. pofstaat < dorst, ifric < 1c, ufah < 414 etc.

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Appendix Grammatical and semantic factors as concommitant causes of sound-change.* The fact of adverbs, numerals, pronominal forms, post-positions, case-endigs etc. being prone to phonetic change earlier and more frequent as compared to other grammatic forms and elements and thus producing during a particular stage or time-period 'irregularity' in the process of phonetic change can be well-substantiated from the history of Indo-Aryan. As far back as 1921, R. L. Turner had drawn our attention to this important characteristic of phonetic change in his article 'The phonetic weakness of terminational elements in Indo-Aryan languages'. He further developed this theme in the third lecture of his Gune Mimomrial Lectures (Some problems of Sound change in IndoAryan, 1960.). We can cite Apabhramsa flexional endings (especially those involving the 'exceptional' (i.e. earlier) change -s->-has further instances'. While recognizing the relative prominence and subservience of sounds within a form or phrase as the chief conditioning factor of change, it has to be taken into consideration that the degree of prominence is controlled within the discourse situation by the grammatical or semantic importance given to particular elements as required by particular circumstances. 'Full' words becoming empty words : Within a phrase or compound expression when the meaning of one constituent is semantically subordinate to another constituent it effects the sound-form of the expression. The subordinate elements formning part of a compound looses the accent or stress it has when Translation of pp. 77-84 of Gujarati Bhasa-na Itihas-ni Ketlik Samasyao (= Some problems of the history of the Gujarati languaage), 1976. H. C. Bhayani, 'A few problems of Apabhramsa reconsidered,' Indian Linguistics, 25, 1961. 71-76. For the grammatical and morphophonemic conditioning of sound change in general see R. Anttila, 'An Introduction to Historical and Comparative Linguistics, 1972, 77-84.

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143 used independently. Hence the sounds of the subordinate elements are more subject to change than those of the prominent element. Consequently the character of the former as a separable form or word suffers. Subsequently the process of sound-change effects that elements to the extent that it becomes quite difficult to break the former compound into its constituents or separately characterize the stem and affix in flexional forms and derivatives. The form of the prominent constituent also becomes altered due to accretion and the compound word or inflected/derived word becomes a simple, compact word. Semantically the two meaning clements of the earlier composite form are carried by the resulting simple word as a unitary meaning, and not as a sum of two separate meanings. Due to these two combined proceses a composite word looses its earlier structural and semantic transparency. The subordinate constituent which was formerly a 'full' word now becomes an 'empty' word instead of a 'contentive', it becomes a 'functive'. Change in the subordinate constituent of a compound We may illustate this process of change by a few instances taken from Prakrit and Gujarati. (1) In the case of Pk. ghara- 'house', when it is used as the second member of a compound, its initial consonant gh is treated as non-initial and hence according to the rule is changed to h. For example Pk. khamda ghara -> khamdahara -' a dilapidated house'. Pk. deva ghara -> devahara-, 'a temple.' Pk. piti ghara -> piihara- 'father's house' Pk. mai- + ghara -> maihara- 'mother's house' Pk. bhumi + ghara -> bhumihara-' an undeground house Becoming subject to further changes in course of time these words, came down to Modern Gujarati respectively as. khamder, deru, pihar/piyar, ma(h)yaru, bhoyru (2) The transparency of the cardinal numerals of Sanskrit from ekadasan 'eleven' up to say navadasan 'nineteen' is quite lost in the corresponding Gujarati deriatives agyar, bar, ter, caud, pamdar, sol, sattar, adhar, and ognis. (3) Sk. tala- 'bottom' can be recgnized in Guj. taliyu. but in

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hatheli (f.) 'palm', deriving from Sk. hasta-tala-, Pk. hatthayala(with a feminine suffix added) neither hasta- not tala- is preserved in identifiable form and it is a non-composite word. Such instances can be multiplied in thousands. When a word-group or phrase, becomes idiomatized, there occurs in the case of the word which is semantically subordinate, some meaning shift (through metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche), and functions semantically as unitary, the original subordinate constituent ends up as a postposition or preposition. For example - (4) Sk. Ap. Guj. bhanitva 'having said' bhaniu 'having viewed as' bhani towards' in view of karya business of, 'concrened with' bhavanta-'being' (at a place) sthitva 144 keraya'belonging to' hontaya-*from 'having stayed'(at a place) parsve at the side' thiu'from' pasai, pahai 'near, than' keru (poetic) (genitive postposition) -tho (dialectal) 'from' -thi 'with' karne 'close to the ear' kannahi, kannai, 'near' Similarly in the case of the vectors or operators in the compound verbs of NIA or the verbal constituents in the conjunct verbs, because of idiomatization, the original meanings are changed to modal meanings. Derivative affixes have the same history. A principal word, becomes subordinated, a subordinated word becomes a postposition, a postposition becomes an ending which is ultimately lost. To fill up the consequent gap in communication, new constructions develop to carry out the function served by the lost expression, which again goes through the same cycle. In other words, formally composite words tend to become unitary and vice versa, semantically 'full' words tend to become 'empty'. Semiotically iconic words become symbolic and vice versa2. This is the common historical process of linguistic change in some of its aspects. 2. Anttila, op. cit., 12-14. pase, pe 'near, than' kane 'near'

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