Indian Antiquary Vol 40

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032532/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN IRCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE. FORMERLY LIEUT-OOLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XL. - 1911. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. 2 125, ... 174 PAGE L. D. BARNETT, LITT.D:Some Notes on the Bodleian Sanskrit Manuscript Catalogue, Volume II ... ... .. ... 310 D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.:A.M.T. JACKSON .. .. .. FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 7 JAINA ICONOGRAPHY ... ... ... 153 SOME UNPUBLISHBD INSCRIPTIONS BITHU INSCRIPTION OF SIHA RATHOD ... 181 EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS ... . 237 TAX DATRS FOR THE EABLY PRINCBS OF THE PRASENT JODHPUR FAMILY ... .. ... 901 R. G. BHANDARKAR, M.A., 0.1.E., LL.D., &c. A M. T. JACKBON .. ... ... . ... 1 BHATTANATHA SVAMIN - TRIVIKRAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS WILLIAM CROOKE, I.C.S. (Red.) : SONGS ABOUT TAX KING OF OUDE .. .. SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA RELATING THN ENGLISH ... ... .. SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA ... SONGS OF THE MUTINY ... 123, 165 M. N. CHITTANAH : A Version of the Legend of the Clover Builder .. 152 R.E. ENTHOVEN, O.I.E., I.C.S. :SUPPLIMENT: The Folklore of Gujarat (with Introduction) ... ... .. . ... 1, 13, 25 Rajputs and Mahrattas ... ... ... 280 A.M. FERGUSON, M.B.A.S. DONALD WILLIAX FERGUSON ... ... ... 108 J. F. FLEET, C.I.E., PA.D., 1.0.8. (Botd.) - The Ariyar Platen of Virupaksha Baka-Samvat 1812 ** . ... ... ... *** 149 W. FOSTER:GABRIRL BOUGHTON AND THB GRANT OF TRAD ING PRIVILR8 TO THE ENGLISH IN Bax GOVRBNOR RICHARD BOURCHIAB ... . GANAPATI BAI: Is Tobacco indigenous to Indis? ... T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.: A NOTA ON TEN WORD BALGALO ECHU ... ... 89 Fiv BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GODIMALLAX . 104 A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, C.E.M.B.A.S., M.M.8, A LAGUNA IK TIE HABIVAXBA . ... . 58 A Note on Yatiraja-Vaibhavam .. 152 A Note on "Toreign Elements in the Hindu Population " ... ... ... ... 179 A Second Nobo on Ylvadora .... ... ... ... 286 PAGE G. A. GBIERSON O.I.E., Px.D., D. LITT., 1.c.8. (Retd.) - Correspondonos on "Foreign Elements in the Hinda Population" ... ... . .. 149 B.A. GUPTE, F.Z.9., RAI BAHADUB :TRX MID OF MAKRAN . .. Y. R. GUPTE, B.A. - A SHORT NOTI ON TAU COINS OF THE ANDEBA DYNASTY FOUND AT BHATHALAPALLI, ANANT PUR DISTRICT... .. ... .. ... .. 173 C. HAYAVADANA BAO, B.A., B.L., F.R.A.I. (LOND.) :EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANOE ... ... 265, 281 A. F. RUDOLPH ROEBNLE, O.L.E., PH.D. :Correspondence on "Kumaragapta the Patron on Vasabandha" ... ... ... ... ... 266 PBOT. E. HULTZSCH:CRITICAL NOTRS ON KALHANA'S SUVENTH TA. BANGA ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 97 WILLIAM IRVINE, I.O.S. (Retd.)!-- . Tin EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALANGIS 1618-1707. 69 P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.B.:TA OERANDOVICHITI .. .. The joint authorship of the Kiryaprak Mis KAUlsa and Kamandaki .. ... .. . G. R. KAYE :OLD INDIAN NUMERICAL SYMBOLS... TE ABOKA NUMBALE .. . B. NARASIMHAOHAR, M.A.:Tan OHALUKTA GENIALOGY ACCORDING TO THE KANNADA PORT RANNA - .. On Correspondence by A. F. Radolf Hoornle ... 312 S. P. L. NARASIMHA SVAMI :Tan KALIYUGA, YUDHISTEIBA AND BAABATA. YUDDHA ERAS ... ... ... ... . 162 G. K NARIMANIBUDDHIST PABALL LS TO PABST HUMATA. HUKHTA-HOVARSETA ** . ... 801 PANNA LALL, MA., B.Sc., LLB., 1.0.8. :AN EXQUIRY INTO TER BIBTI AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE KHABITAS AND TEN Bxo TITAS OF ALMORA DISTRIOT, U.P. 190 F. E. PARGITER, M.A., 1.0.8. (Retd.) - The Sahityadarpasa, Bariohohhoda ... ... 68 TGAL, 247 - 272

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CONTENTS. PAGE PAGZ PROP, K. B. PATHAK, B.A. - VINCENT A. SMITH, L.O.S. (Retd.) : THE 'OUTLIERS' OF RAJASTHANI ... ... 85 MALISHENA-MAEAPURANA. ... ... .. . 45 DISCOVERY OF TAX PLAYS OF BHASA, A PREDT CESSOS OP KALIDASA .. ... ... ... 87 KUMAR GOPTA, THE PATRON OY VABUBAN DRU. 170 INDIAN PAINTING AT THE FESTIVAL OY EMPIRE, 1911... ... .. .. RAM KARNA, PANDIT: . 237 The Earliest Saks Date ... ... ... ... 67 NADOL PLATES OF THE MAHABAJAPUTRA KIR- The Form of Busta on Indo-Scythian Coins ... 179 Sir William H. Sleeman ... ... ... ... 295 TIPALA OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1218 ... ... 144 The Brahmanaic Systems of Religion and Philo. Bophy .. H. A. ROSE, I.C.S.: . . .. . ... ... 295 K. V. SUBBAIYA, M.A., L.T., M.R A.S.:CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, A COMPARATIVH GRAMMAR OY DRAVIDIAN SERIES III ... ... 199, 230, 258, 274, 289, 305 LANGUAGES ... . .. 184, 241 K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A. - P. SESHACHAR: KOYILOLUGU ... ... ... ... ... . 131 ORIGIN AND DECLINX OY BUDDHISM AND JAT. NOTE ON THE DRAVIDIAN CABES ... ... ... 171 NISM IN SOUTHERN INDIA ... ... ... ... 299 Tun DATE OF MADURAIKKANCHI AND ITS HERO, 294 B. SITARAMAIYA: J. PE, VOGEL, PH.D. :The Plant Kurinji (Stobilanthus) and the Wor 1 H. H. Joynbol, Catalogus vanl's Ryks Ethno graphisch Museum Deel V, Jayaanache Ond ship of Kattaikkayalar .. . . ... 68 Heden, Leiden 1909... ... ... .. . 93 MISCELLANEA The Earlient Saka Dato, by Vincent A. Smith ... 67 | KAlidasa and Kamandaki, by P. V. Kane, 256 The Arlyar Plates of Virapaksha Baka-Samyat 1312, by J. F. Fleet ... .. ... . - 149 Rajputs and Mahrattas, by B. E. Enthoven ... ... 260 The Form of Busta on Indo-Soythian Coins, by Sir William H. Sloeman, by Vincent A. Smith ... 295 Vincent A. Smith ... ... ... ... .. 179 Some Notes on the Bodleian Banskrit Manuscript The Joint Authorship of the Kavyaprak Ma, by P. Catalogne, Volume II, by L. D. Barnett ... ... 310 V, Kano . . . ... 208 CORRESPONDENCE. Io Tobago indigenous to India? by Ganapati Rai. 87 On "Kumbragupta the Patron of Vasabandha," by A. F. Radolf Hoernle ... On "Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population," ... . 264 on Correspondence, by AF, Rudolf Hoernle, by by G. A. Grierson .. .. .. .. 1491 B. Narasimhachar ... ... ... .. .. 312 NOTES AND QUERIES. The Plant Kurinji (Stobilanthun) and the Worship A Note on "Foreign Elements in the Hindu Popa of Kattaikkavaler, by 8. Sitaramaiya - ... 68 A Version of the Legend of the Clover Builder, by lation," by A. Govindacharya Syamin... ... 170 M. N. Chittanah .. .. .. .. .. .. 152 A Seoond Note on VAsudeva, by A. Govindacharya A Note on Yatiraja-Vibhavam, by A. Govindaoharya. *** ... ... .. ... ... 152 Svamin . .. .. ... 236 . ... ... BOOK-NOTICE. The SAhityadarpana, by F. E. Pargitor ... 68 H. H. Juyobol, Oatologus vanI'Ryks Ethnographisch Museum. Deol V, Javaansche Oad Heden, Leiden. 1909, by J. Ps. Vogel... . The Brahmanaio Systems of Religion and Philosophy, by Vinoont A. Smith ... SUPPLEMENT. The Folklore of Gujarat, with Introduction, by R. E. Enthoven, C.L.E., 1.0.8. * ... 1, 13, 95 ILLUSTRATIONS. Fig. I. Aba, Dilved, temple of Vimala Sah, in Fig. I, II, and IIb. Nadol Grant of Kirtipala: chamber in the south-west corner of courtyard Vikrama-Sarhvat 1218 ... ... ... 144 (Sculpture of Samsvasarapa) ... ... 125 Fig. II. Picture of SamavaSAADA on a leaf from i Five Bana Inscriptions at Gudimallam ... 104 Jain MS. .. .. .. . * 125

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INTRODUCTION TO FOLKLORE NOTES FROM GUJARAT AND THE KONKAN. SOME ten years ago the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson circulated to a number of selected correspondents certain leading questions on folklore, to which numerous replies were received before his death. It was his intention to publish the substance of the information thus received in the pages of the Indian Antiquary. It is possible that he may also have intended, at some future time, to produce a work on the folklore of the Bombay Presidency based on these materials, and amplified by the fruits of his mature scholarship. His intention, if it existed, can no longer be fulfilled. The existence of a small memorial fund, however, has provided the means for preparing for publication the valuable materials collected by him, as well as for their ultimate inclusion in a small volume intended for the use of folklore scholars. With the approval and support of the Jackson Memorial Committee, I am now in a position to tender the following and subsequent papers for publication in the Indian Antiquary. Readers of the Antiquary may remember that Mr. Jackson had accepted the joint editorship of this journal only a short time before his death at Nasik deprived India of a ripe scholar and sincere friend. R. E. ENTHOVEN.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XL-- 1911. A. M. T. JACKSON, BY R. G. BHANDARKAR, C.I.E., LL.D., M.A., &c. THE diabolical murder of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, just as he was about to take up the joint 1 Editorship of this Journal, sont a thrill of borror into the hearts of members of both the European and Indian communities throughout India. He was by nature a kind-hearted and sympathetic man, and these traits of character were observable in everything that he did both in his official and private capacity. His charities to poor Brahmanas both of Ratnagiri and Nasik, who needed help, were unstinted. I know of one such Ratnagiri Brahmana, who was given some nominal work in the library of the Bombay Asiatic Society and was paid regularly a monthly allowance from his private resources. He never spoke an angry or unkind word to anybody, and his general character and conduct were saintly. He was an accurate and enthusiastio Sanskrit scholar, and his critical judgment was sound. He made original researches into the ancient history of India, and the introductory volume of the Bombay Gazetteer and his other papers and occasional notes contain the results of these researches. He successfully identified the cities and towns in India mentioned by Greek and Roman authors. He pointed out that the Turkomans of Central Asia settled in the western part of India and adopted Hinda civilisation. He also threw very great light on the origin of the Gujars. Hoshowed that they were a foreign race, that bad ostablished a powerful kingdom over the whole of Rajputand and farther to the north-east up to Kansuj. The Gajars were in power from the first quarter of the seventh to about the end of the tenth century, and were constantly at war with the princes of the Chalukya and Rashtrakuts races that ruled over the Markiha and Kanarese countries. Mr. Jackson pat forth a very original and correct idea as regards the nature of the Puranas, which awaited further development at his hands. His paper on this subject has appeared in the centenary volume of the Bombay Asiatic Society, and will well repay perasal. He has also contributed several papers to the ordinary volumes of that Journal. His essay on * Method in the Study of Indian Antiquities' shows a very wide knowledge not only of epigraphy and numismatics, but also of a number of other lines of research. This is calculated to be of great use to Indian students; and he also projected for their use a handbook to the study of Sanskrit literature and Indian Antiquities. To sound scholarship, Mr. Jackson added modesty and sobriety of thought and expression--a combination rarely met with amongst scholars. He freely and fully acknowledged all the good that be found in the writings of native Indian scholarg. He often complained that his official daties left him little time for his favourite studies, and I had great hopes that after his retirement from service he would be able to apply himself to them with zeal and ardour, and to throw light upon many a knotty point in Sanskrit literature and Indian Antiquities. The loss that the horrid deed of a fiendish young man inflicted on the cause of Indian research is incalculable,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (JANUARY, 1911. A. M. T. JACKSON, BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. (Poona.) It is now just a year since the tragic end of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson took place. I heard and read about it on the 27th of December 1909, when I was in Jaipur, and the news was as surprising to me as it was shocking, because only the day previous I had received a letter from him regarding the book he and I were to bring out. Ample, though certainly not full, justice has been done to this departed worthy in his capacity as District Collector and friend of Hindus in the obituary notices that appeared in various journals and the meetings of condolence that were held at various places. But even this rauch justice, I am afraid, has not yet been done to him as an antiquarian and scholar. His sympathy and milk of human kindness" have indeed made a deep impression on the minds of the natives of India that came in contact with him, but his death has also created a gap in the antiquarian world, which it is hard, perhaps, impossible, to fill. In 1898 when I had just begun my study of Indian Antiquities, I found that every European Officer in the Bombay Presidency spoke very highly of Mr. Jackson as an antiquarian and scholar. And for a long time I wondered why he was at all so called. For no articles of his I had then seen in the Indian Antiquary, or the Journals of the London and Bombay Asiatic Societies. A happy accident, however, once led me to open the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I. I happened to read the preface written by the late Sir James Campbell, who has therein acknowledged the great assistance given him by Mr. Jackson. On glancing over the pages of that volume, I noticed that, in the text and at the close of almost every chapter therein, he had contributed notes, embodying his own opinion and pointing out where he differed from Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. Again, the greater and important portion of Appendix III and the whole of Appendix VI, to that volume bad come from his pen. I read and re-read all these notes and articles very carefully, and I must say, with the greatest possible interest, and much it grieved my mind to think that I once disputed Mr. Jackson's claim to be called an antiquarian. Mr. Jackson, I then found, was not a mere antiquarian, but an antiquarian and scholar of a very high type ; and he was what we in Marathi say " a hidden jewel." Yes, a hidden jewel he was for a long time, and even now most antiquarians have not perceived his full worth and the high quality of his work. The reasons are not far to seek. He wrote his notes in books which the generality of antiquarians do not even dream of reading. The Bombay Gazetteer is a model for all other Governments in India to imitate in composing their Gazetteers, and the credit of bringing this series to perfection is principally due to the late Sir James Campbell, another antiquarian civil servant like Mr. Jackson himself. I even go further and assert that nobody can pretend to be an Indian antiquarian without reading at any rate the two parts of the first volume of this Gazetteer. Yet how few antiquarians have actually read them or even known that' they are a mine of antiqnarian information! Another thing is that Jackson, like the English poet Keats, died before his pen could glean his teeming brain. As a civil servant, he was thoroughly conscientious in his work, as most are. He never neglected his official duties for writing articles

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JANUARY, 1911.) * A. M. T. JAUKSON. concerning Indian Antiquities," though that was a subject of surpassing interest to him, and consequently of more than sufficient strength to tempt him away from his office work. Everybody knows how great and almost insupportable is the pressure of work to which the "civilians" are, as a rule, subjected, and my wonder is how, in spite of it, he managed to write some papers and notes that he latterly contributed to the Journals of the London and Bombay Asiatic Societies. A small incident that just now occurs to my mind may here be told, which shows how wedded he was to his duty. In Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part I, Le bad published his transcripts of inscriptions found in Bhinmal, in the southern part of the Jodhpur State, which is believed to be the capital of the ancient Gurjara kingdom. I do not know on what paper impressions his transcripts were based, but in 1907, when I had been to Bhinmal, I found that there were several misreadings. Accordingly I took as excellent impressions as possible of the inscriptions and, with the permission of the Government Epigraphist, forwarded them to him at the end of that year, with a request that they may be re edited in the Epigraphia Indica. He promised to re-edit them with the greatest pleasure and alacrity. I afterwards met bim last year in the Wilson Hall, where he had been requested to be president at the time of my lecture on an antiqgarian subject. I asked him in the course of our conversation whether he had completed his paper on the Bhiomal inscriptions. He replied in the negative and probably saw that I was a little surprised. But he coolly added : " Mr. Bhandarkar, duty first and everything else afterwards ! I have been hard pressed with work in connection with the Sirahastha. When the Sinhastha is over, rest assured that the paper will be finished and sent to the Epigraphist." Such was Mr. Jackson's devotion to his daty, and such were the arrangements made at Nasik under his direct supervision at the time of the Sirahastha, complicated and delicate though they were, that nobody could say that there was left anything to be desired. I confese, I was sorry that Mr. Jackson was in the Civil Service, for that left him little time for studying and writing original papers. Dr. Bhandarkar had fally gauged Mr. Jackson's worth, and was very very sorry that he could not make himself more useful and valuable in this sphere. Several times Mr. Jackson himself complained to him that he had no leisure, but seriously promised to devote himself after his retirement to the cause of Indian research. It was only last year that he became co-editor of this Journal, and Dr. Bhandarkar and I were immensely glad that an opportunity had at last come for inducing him to seize time somehow to put down in original and erudite papers what he had stored so long in his head. We were consequently full of high hopes about him. But alas ! he was cruelly done unto death. The shock this sad event produced on our minds can only be imagined. Wo at once agreed that we felt it as much as a family bereavemont. I have said again and again that Mr. Jackson was an antiquarian and scholar of a high order. So I shall naturally be asked to sabstantiate my assertion. In the first place, I would refer those who dogbt this to Mr. Jackson's "Method in the Study of Indian Antiquities," which was originally a lecture delivered by him at the Wilson College, Bombay, in 1907, and printed since in the Times Press and reprinted afterwards in this Journal for March, 1910. Mr. Jackson therein shows his thorough acquaintance with all branches of Indian literature and Indian antiquities, and offers some valuable saggestions for the farther progress of each branch. This stamps him at once as an Indologist and not as a nere antiquarian ar scholar. He had stadied not simply Sanskrit literature or Indian archaeology, but also comparative philology, ethnology, folklore

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. and so forth. One passage from this booklet, which occurs at the end, is 80 superb that Dr. Bhandarkar last year gave, by reading it out, a finishing touch to his lecture on the "Fusion of foreign tribes in Hindu Society during the pre-Muhammadan period." It runs thus :-" It remains to refer to certain kinds of mental bias that are apt to affect the judgment in questions of Indian history. There is in the first place, what may be called the patriotic bias, though it is shared more or less by European as well as Indian scholars. It shows itself in a tendency to exaggerato the freedom of India from foreign influences, and to claim entire originality for such inventions as the Indian alphabet, which bear their foreign origin on their face. This school loves to trace the leading castes of the present day to an Aryan origin, and to accentuate the Hinda orthodoxy of the kings and conquerors of old. When these are looked upon as Hindus from the beginning, the most important fact in Hindu history is overlooked. I mean the attractive power of Hindu civilisation, which has enabled it to assimilate and absorb into itself overy foreign invader, except the Moslem and the European. Those Indians have indeed a poor idea of their country's greatness, who do not realise how it has tamed and civilised the nomads of Central Asia, so that wild Turkoman tribes have been transformed into some of the most famous of the Rajput Royal races." How thoroughly conversant Mr. Jackson W88 with Sanskrit literature may be seen from his paper on Epic and Paranic Notes," which is published in the centenary memorial volume of the Bombay Asiatic Society. In this connection may also be mentioned his short, but most thoughtful note on the flarivansa, which he contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, for 1908, page 529 ff. He had also contemplated writing an article on a passage from the Nirulta, In one of his letters to me he says: "I am also at work on a passage of the Nirukta which seems to me to have been misunderstood by German scholars and to be one main source of their prejudico against Sayana and the native commentators generally." But Mr. Jackson was not spared to complete this paper. He, however, did far greater work in the field of epigraphy and ancient history of India. His erudition and soundness of work are patent to any one who reads the notes which, as I have said above, he wrote in the body or at the close of almost every chapter in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1., Part I. Appendix VI to this volume, which is devoted to the Early Greek and Roman references to Western India was also written by him, contains several original and thoughtful remarks, and is always worth reading in conjunction with McCrindle's translations. In Appendix III, he establishes the existence of great Gurjara Empire, and suggests the Gurjara origin of some of the greatest Rajput classes. This paper interested me most, and set my thoughts going, which were finally reduced to writing in two papers, the views expressed in which have now been countenanced by all antiquarians of repute. I cannot but think that if I had not read this article of Mr. Jackson's and not written these two papers of mine, his views would not have attracted the attention they deserved, and I am, therefore, very glad of being thus the instrument of disclosing the "hidden jewel." When our theory about the Gurjara kingdom was accepted by scholars in Europe, he wrote to me once saying "Our Imperial Pratthara kings are coming to their own again at last," I cannot, bowever, help saying that his head contained far more information critically sifted and carefally stored than any papers he found leisure to writo. This was always the impression of those who had either a personal conversation or correspondence with him. To show that his knowledge far transcended that actually embodied in his notes or papers, I shall cite two or three instances, knowing for certain that they will be useful to antiquarians. When I was engaged

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JANUARY, 1911.1 A, M, T, JACKSON. in writing my paper on the Gurjaras, I sent him a letter giving out a summary of my views and asking him what he thought about them. This was the reply he sent: "Many thanks for your letter. I should not be much surprised to learn that the Mahodaya Dynasty also were Gurjaras, but I still think (till I see your evidence) that Bhinmal must have been their centre, at all events till the great extension of their power took place early in the 9th centary. I believe the Chohans, Parmars, Paribars and Solankis woro all of Garjara origin, though doubtless they also included other Central Asian elemente. For instance I would connect the Hara Chohins with the Hara Hunas." I think Mr. Jackson's explanation of the name Hapa, a sub-division of the Chobans, by connecting it with the Hara Hunas, whose existence is attested by the Mahabharata, is far more acceptable than any legends that are often cited to account for it. In my paper on the Gurjaras, I had called in question the identification of Yusu Chwang's Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bhiumil, bat, on thinking about the matter again, I have at last come to the conclusion that the identification upheld by Mr. Jackson is correct. Again, when I seat him a copy of my first paper on Lakulisa, this is what he wrote: "Very many thanks for the copy of your paper on the Eklingji Inscription. You have successfully proved that the origin of the Lakulisa sect must be dated not later than the early centuries of the Christian era. The history and relations of the Saiva sects form an interesting but difficult subject, which cannot be fully dealt with unless account is taken of the vernacular literature of Southern India, especially the Tamil works, some of which go back to at least the 7th century, while a few may be some centuries older. We, who are accustomed to look at Indian history from a Gauda' point of view, are perhaps apt to overlook the Dravida' evidence, which is not very easy to follow, now that the discontinuance of the Mudras Journal of Literature and Science has deprived the Indian scholars of the south of their natural central organ. I cannot pretend to be able to give you a bibliographical list, but you will find one or two papers in the Indiin Antiquary, some remarks in Haltzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, and Mr. Pillai's book The Tamils 1800 years ago,' worth coasidering in this connection, I believe also that much valuable work has been published by Indian scholars in the Madras Christian College Magazine and other similar periodicals." Mr. Jackson no doubt gave me a hint here that I should take up this work of writing out the history and relations of the Saiva sects upon the lines suggested by him. Such a paper would have been highly interesting and important for the bistory of religious sects in India. But I am sorry to confess that I have found absolutely no time for it, as one-half of every year I have to spend in touring and of the remaining hall no less than four months have to be spent in writing out our Annual Progress Report and doing other work in connection therewith. Would that some young scholar like myself, whether Indian or European, would undertake this work ! Though I could not attend to this hint of Mr. Jackson's, I am glad I have been able to follow another suggestion that he threw out nearly four months before his diabolical murder. About the middle of August 1909, I sent him copies of my papers, among which was my article on the Chitorgadh praiasti. With regard to it he writes: "You refer to the name Sapadalaksha in your paper in the Chitorgadh prasasti. I still believe it refers to the Sivalik hills, which were, I think, the earliest seat of the Chohans who later moved on to Amber. This is indicated by the distribution of the Chohin class of Gajars, and if I remember rightly, Sapardalakshan' is found as the name of a province on some Indo-Sassanian coins (see Rapson). The Svalakh in Jodhpor territory I should take to have.been named after the more extensive territory further north. The close relationship between the sub-Himalayan dialects and Rajasthani I put down to the presence of Gujars in the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. [JANUARY, 1911. south transformed into Rajputs) in both." How true and eradite the words are! What a versatile reading also! His idea will be found, gladly seized and developed by me in my paper on the * Foreign elements in the Hindu population " which follows this. About the beginning of September 1909 I sent him proofs of my paper on the Guhilots for his favour of opinion. And this was what he wrote: "You have undoubtedly proved your case as to their being Nagar Brahmans, and I think it very probable that they belonged to the Maitraka swarm of invaders. As another casu of a family of kings claiming Brahman descent I would note the Kadambas (see the Talgund pillar inscription). I have little doubt you are right in regarding the Brahma-Kshatris as Brahmans, who have adopted a Kshatriya mode of life. But I do not think it is possible to point to any particular time when the caste system became a rigid one. In theory it was always rigid (subject in early times to the permission to the higher twice-born castes to take wives from the lower) wbile in practice it was very elastic, owing to the legal fictions by which tribes originally non-Hinda were regarded as Hindus who had neglected their proper rites and ceremonies, but could be brought back into the fold on repentance." In short, the more I think of the valuable hints be threw out from time to time, the more I think that his powerful and critical brain contained far more than what he actually had time to write down. Truly has Dr. Bhandarkar said: "The loss that the horrid deed of the fiendish young man inflicted on the cause of Indian research is incalculable." And I cannot belp exclaiming at this moment : Jackson ! thon shouldst be living at this hont Savants have need of thee. About the middle of August last year I delivered a lecture, as I have said above, in the Wilson Hall when he was president. At the close of my lecture he addressed the students in the capacity of the president. He regretted that the volumes which our Archeological Department was issuing were very expensive, and were thus beyond the reach of men of limited means. He also desired me to write a book to attract the Indian students to the study of Indian Archwology. A few days after, I wrote to him and asked what sort of book be wished me to write. He replied: "As regards the book on Archaeology which I suggested your writing, I bare had in mind for a . long time the need for something intermediate between Bobler's Grundriss and a Hand-book for High School students similar to your Introduction to school classics. The class I aim at reaching is the University student, and I would arrange the subjects more or less on the lines which I followed in my lecture on Method. If you should be willing to join me in such an undertaking, by writing the sections on Architecture, Epigraphy, Iconography and Numismatics, we might discuss the details at leisure. The book must not be too large and must be cheap, to reach the class in question, and moreover it must be illustrated, at any rate, with outline drawings of typical buildings and sculptures." We bad thus intended bringing out a "Hand-book for University Students," giving in a small compass elementary notions about the different branches of Indian Research. Need I say I was proud of having the prospect of working in conjunction with a scholar, whose know.adge of Sanskrit literature and Indian antiquities was as deep as it was sound? We had very nearly settled the chapters we were separately to write, when the news of his cruel murdur reached my ears. In the words of Mr. Enthoven, a most intimate friend of Mr. Jackson, " the Nasik tragedy is a grievous affair. We have lost a scholar, a kind-hearted friend, and one who took a warm interest in India. Few had such a grasp of the intellectual life of the country, past and present, and there was hardly & less suitable victim for the insane passion of these political fanatics."

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. BY D. E. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. [In 1904 I was selected by the University of Bombay to deliver lectures in connection with the Bhagwanlal Indraji Lectures Series, One of these lectures was concerned with foreign elements in the Hinda population. For a long time I had intended publiabing it, but it remained a mere intention withoat being transformed into action, Sir Richard Temple contemplated issuing a special number of the Indian Antiquary in memory of the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, whose tragic end all scholars and antiquarians sincerely mourn, though perhaps not so deeply as I do. We often had a chat and correspondence on a variety of antiquariau points; and I was, therefore, in a position to know that though he was conversant with all branches of Indology, yet in no subject was he more deeply interested than the one with which the present paper deals. I had thus deemed it to be my duty to revise my lecture, and prepare it for publication specially for the memorial number. But though the idea of issuing such a number has now been abandoned, I here publish diy article and dedicate it to the memory of that illustrious scholar and antiquarian, whose saintly features will no longer delight our eyes, In this paper I have handled the subject principally from the epigraphic point of view, and intend supplementing it, if time be found, by another where the question will be treated chiefly in the light of ethnological researches. I need not say that the contents of the lecture, which was delivered six years ago, have been modified and amplified wherever necessary, and that this paper has been made to embody the latest information that is available to me.] From the orthodox point of view, the Hindu society is split up into the four main castes : Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras. The Brahmanas occupy the highest grade, because they sprang from the head of the Supreme Being ; next in rank are the Kshatriyas, who were produced from his arms; after them come the Vaisyas, who were generated from his thighs ; and lastly come the Sudras, who were relegated to the lowest rank as they sprang from his feet. The highest and most ancient authority that is adduced in support of this belief is the well-known mantra from the tenth mandala of the Rigveda, which runs as follows: brAhmaNosya mukhamAsIvAhU rAjanyaH kRtH| karU tapasya yaddezyaH panayAM zUdro ajAyata / Mandala X, 90, 12. Translation. The Brahmana was his mouth, the Kshatriya was made his arms, what is called Vaibya (was) his thighs, (and) from his feet sprang the Sadras. The following verse from Manu is also quoted as a further authority in favour of the belief : raraig farge r bAmaNaM kSatriya vaizya zUdaM ca niravartayat // Cap. I., 7. 31. Translation. Bat for the propagation of the worlds, he caused the Brahmana, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya, and the Sudra to issue from his mouth, arms, thighs and feet respectively. This has been the belief prevalent all over India. But whereas in north India all these castes are generally supposed to be still extant, in south India tho Brahmanas and the Sadras are regarded as the only two castes now existing, the remaining two--the Kshatriya and Vaibyabeing supposed to have been long since extinct. Thus the Sadrakamaldlara says: brAhmaNAH kSatriyA vaizyAH zUdrA varNAnayo dvijaaH| yuge yuge sthitAH sarve kalAvAdyantayoH sthitiH||

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Translation. The Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras are the (four) castes; the (first) three are the twice-born. All exist in every yuga, (but) in Kali the first and last (only) obtain. In order to substantiate the above doctrine the following verses from the Bhagavata are often quoted: mahApadmapatiH kacinandaH kSatravinAzakRt / tato nRpA bhaviSyanti zUdraprAyAstvadhArmikAH // 8 sa ekacchatrAM pRthivImanullaMghitazAsanaH / vAsiSyati mahApadmo dvitIya iva bhArgavaH // 9 Translation. [JANUARY, 1911. Bhagavata, Skandha XII. (8) A certain Nanda, the lord Mahapadma, will cause the destruction of the Kshatriyas. Thereafter the kings will be well-nigh Sudras and impious. (9) That Mahapadma, with his commands not transgressed, will rule over the earth under one (royal) parasol, as if he were a second Bhargava. Here the Nanda prince, Mahapadma, is compared to Bhargava or Parasurama, and is said to have destroyed the Kshatriyas; and the kings that succeeded him are spoken of as having been Sudras. The Bhagavata-purana is thus considered as pointing to the annihilation of the Kshatriya caste after the Nandas. But whether we regard all these four, or only two, castes as at present existing, therea are numerous other castes ranging between them, which are said by the Hindu legislators to have sprung from intercourse between persons of two different castes, either by the anuloma or the pratiloma method. The marriage of a male of any one of the four castes with a female of the lower caste is styled anuloma, whereas that of a man with a woman- of the higher caste is called pratiloma. Though such marriages appear from the works on Hindu law to have once been in vogue, still the issue of such marriages was always relegated to a lower rank. It has consequently been argued that the higher castes at any rate of the Hindu population maintain their purity of blood to the present day, and that it is only the lower castes where an admixture of blood can at all be supposed to have taken place. A Brahmana, Kshatriya or Vaisya has been a Brahmana, Kshatriya or Vaisya since the days of the Rigveda when the hymn, from which a verse has been cited above, was composed. Again, it is held by many that Hinduism is a non-proselytising religion, that a Hindu means an individual born of Hindu parents and not converted to Hinduism, and that, consequently, Hinduism was always a barrier to foreign races being incorporated into Hindu society. Many will naturally, therefore, ask themselves: how we can at all talk of any foreign element contained in the higher Hindu castes? Let us, therefore, see how far this popular belief is tenable. But let us, in the first place, see whether Sanskrit literature itself contains any statements, which run counter to this view. To an orthodox Hindu the most sacred works are, of course, his Vedas. Of these the Bigveda is considered to be the earliest. It consists of ten parts called mandalas. Some of these contain hymas composed by different individual riskis. Now, who were the authors of these hymns? Were they all Brahmanas? Most certainly not. The third mandala of the Rigveda was composed by Visvamitra and his family, and every Hindu knows that Visvamitra originally was not a Brahmana, but a Kshatriya. The authors of the forty-third and forty-fourth hymn of the fourth mandala were Ajamidha and Puramidha. That these were Kshatriyas will be seen from the following verse from the Vishnu-purana : bRhatkSatrasya suhotraH suhotrAddhastI ya iI hastinApuramAropayAmAsa / ajamIDha-dvimIDha purumIDAstrayo hastinastanayAH / bhajamIDhAtkaNvaH kaNvAnmedhAtithiryataH kANvAvanA dijAH || Asia IV., Cap. 19., v. 10.

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9 JANUARY, 1911.] FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. Various other hymns were composed by Kshatriyas, and this subject is no better treated than in Dr. Muir's Sanskrit Texts, Vol. I, to which the reader is referred. But it will be said that although it may be established that some hymns were composed by Kshatriyas, it does not touch the question of the admixture of blood, unless these Kshatriyas are shown to have risen to the rank of the Brahmanas. It is not, however, difficult to prove this. With regard to Visvamitra's change of caste, the following verse from the Anusasana-parvan of the Mahabharata is worth quoting: tato brAhmaNatAM jAto vizvAmitro mahAtapAH / kSatriyaH sombaya tathA brahmavaMzasya kArakaH // Translation. "Then Visvamitra of great religious austerities attained to the state of a Brahmana. Although a Kshatriya, he became the founder of a Brahmana family." Here then is a verse which distinctly says that Visvamitra was originally a Kshatriya, but afterwards became not only a Brahmana, but the founder of a Brahmana family. This family is the well-known Kausika gotra. Brahmanas of this gotra are as much Brahmanas as Brahmanas of any other gotra. We thus have a clear instance before us of the fusion of Brahmana and Kshatriya blood. From Ajamidha also, referred to above, sprang Kanva; Kanva's son was Medhatithi, from whom the Kanvayana Brahmanas descended. And yet Ajamidha was a Kshatriya ! Many other instances of this nature have been called together by Dr. Muir in his valuable book, and I, therefore, refrain from adducing them here. Similarly, instances are not wanting of men of the Vaisya caste having become Brahmanas. To cite one of these, the following verse from the Harivansa may be given : arraforget ment mit 148 Translation. "The two sons of Nabhagarishtha, who were Vaisyas, attained to the state of Brahmanas." Not only men of the Kshatriya and Vaisya, but also men of the lowest castes are recorded to have become Brahmanas. Amongst the Brahmanas of the present day, Vasishtha gotra is looked upon as pure as any other. The originator of this gotra is believed to have been the sage Vasishtha, with whose name the seventh mandala of the Rigveda is associated. But what was the origin of this Vasishtha himself? The following verse from the Mahabharata throws light on this point :gaNikAsaha mahAmuniH / tapasA brAhmaNo jAtaH saMskArastatra kAraNam || Translation. "The great sage Vasishtha was born of the womb of a harlot, but became a Brahmana by religious austerities. Training of the mind is the cause of it." This account agrees with, and is probably a later development of the tradition contained in the eleventh verse of the thirty-third hymn of Vasishtha's own mandala, i.e., the seventh mandala of the Rigveda. This verse speaks of Vasishtha as having sprung from Urvasi, an Apsaras, i.e., a courtezan of the gods. Such was the vile extraction of Vasishtha, and yet he was the founder of a Brahmanic gotra, second to none in purity. A low origin is likewise attributed not only to the sage Parabara, but also to Vyasa, the reputed compiler of the Mahabharata. A verse from the Vanaparvan of this epic says: jAto byAsastu kaivayaH zvapAkyAstu parAzaraH / bahavo'mpepi vipratvaM prAptA ye pUrvamadvijAH // Translation. "Vyasa was born of a fisherwoman, and Paraeara of a chandala woman. Many others, who were originally not twice-born, became Brahmanas.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. What is the upshot of these quotations ! Not only the two bigher castes, vis., the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas but also the lowest castes, such as fishermen and chand Alas, in short, all castes and classes, have contributed to the formation of the Brahmana caste, i.e., the caste now recognised to be the highest and purest in India ! Most of these quotations are taken from the Mahabharata, which is regarded by the Hindas as so important and sacred that it has been called the fifth Vedu. And it is this fifth Veda that we have mostly relied upon for tracing some of the sources of the Brahmana caste just referred to. Perfectly true is the Marathi adage nadIce pAhU naye mULa ANi kaSIce pusU naye kuLa (aeither should the source of a river be sought for, nor the origin of the Nishio be investigated). It may be said that after all the Mahabharata, from which the above quotations are made, is a conglomeration of legends, which are not of much historical importance, though they cannot be objected to by an orthodox Brahmana and consequently may be adduced to silence his preposterous pretensiona to purity of origin and the consequent highest place in Hindu society. Let us, therefore, see what the Hindu lew-books tell us, and here also I shall touch on one point only. In Cap. IV of the Yajnavalkya-8mariti oocars this verse : jAsyuskarSoM yuge jJeyaH parasame sakSame'pi vaa| vyatyaye karmaNAM sAmyaM puurvvcaarottrm| The translation of the first line, with which we are chiefly concerned, is this: "The exaltation of a caste in the Kaliyuga should be understood to take place in the fifth or seventh generation." The sense of it has been made lacid by Vijcanesvarabharfa in his celebrated commentary on this smriti entitled the Mitakshard. A part of his gloss on the first line rang As follows: vyavasthA ca prAmaNena zUdrAyAmutpAditA niSAdI sA brAhmaNenodA duhitara kAMcijjanayati // sApi brAhmaNenoDA anyAmityanena prakAreNa SaSThI samama prAkSaNaM janayati / Translation. "The settled rule is (this): a Nishadt is produced by a Brahmana from a Sudra female; she (i. e., the Nishadi), if married by a Brahmana, produces a certain girl ; even she (i. e., the girl), if married by a Brahmana, produces another (girl)-in this manner the sixth (girl) produces the seventh Brahmana (male)." Now, what does this mean? A Brahmana marries a Sadra woman, and a certain female offspring is produced. This last marries a Brahmana, and a second female offspring is produced. This last marries a Brahmana, and a third female offspring is prodaoed, and so on. In this manner, if the sixth female offspring marries a Brahmana and has a male issue, this issue is looked upon as a Brahmana in no way differing in point of statas from other Brahmanas. verse of exactly the same import occurs in the Manu-emrits also. It is :zudrAyAM prANAjjAtaHzreyasA cetyajAyate / apreyAnaDreyasI jAtigacchatyA sapsamAyugAt // Cap. x, v. 64. Translation. If (a female of the caste) sprung from a Brahman and a Sodra female, bear (children) to one of the highest caste, the interior (tribe) attains the highest caste within the seventh generation. Most of the commentators on Mana interpret this verse in precisely the same manner, in which the verse, from Ydjnavalkya-emriti quoted above has been construed by Vijnknesvara. But there are at least two commentators, who put a somewhat different, bat even more favourable, interpretation on the verse. According to them, what Mana has ordained is that "if a Parasava, the son of a Brahmana and of a Sudra female, marries a nost excellent Parabava female, who possess a good moral character and other virtues, and if his descendants do the same, the child born in the sixth generation will be a Brahmana,"

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JANUARY, 1911.] FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 11 It is idle to suppose that the Indian law-books at any rate would deal with imaginary cases regarding castes. The consensus of opinion among learned scholars is that they but record the local customs of the various parts of the country. When, therefore, Manu and Yajnavalkya lay down that the offspring of a Sudra female from a Brahmana becomes a Brahmana in the seventh generation, only one conclusion is possible, viz., that Sudra blood runs through the veins of the Brahmanas of the present day, if they are descendants of the Brahmanas of the time of Manu and Yajnavalkya. It is, however, the inscriptions that throw the best light on this question, and actually enable us to trace what foreign tribes were incorporated into Hindu society. As inscriptions are contemporary records, their historical accuracy cannot be questioned or their importance overrated. Indian epigraphy commences with the reign of Asoka, the Buddhist emperor of India. In his Rock Edict XIII occur the following words1: eseca mukhamute vijaye devAnaMpriyasa yo dharmavijayo / so ca puna ladhI devAnaM priyasa iha ca sarveSu ca aMtesu A chasupi yojanasate yatra aMtiyoko nAma yonarAjA paraM ca tena aMtiyokena caturo rAjAno suramAye nAma aMtikini nAma maka nAma alika suMdarI nAma / Here five princes are named, viz., Amtiyoka, Turamaya, Amtikini, Maka and Alikasundara. They have been universally identified with the Greek kings: Antiochos Soter, king of Syria; Ptolemy Philadelphos, king of Egypt; Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedonia; and Alexander, king of Epirus. Now, it is worthy of note that Antiochos is herein called Fona-raja, i.e., the Yavana king. Yavana was, therefore, a term used in ancient times, to denote the Greeks, and was perhaps in the first instance, the Indian form of the word Ionians. The Greeks first penetrated into India with Alexander the Great, but their supremacy about this time was short-lived, as it was completely overthrown by Chandragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty, soon after Alexander's death. But though the Greeks were thus driven out of India, they maintained their power east of Persia and close to the Hindukush in the province called Baktriana, and succeeded in again establishing their sway over the Panjab and occasionally extending it as far east and south as the Jamna and Kathiawad, when the Maurya was supplanted by the Sunga dynasty. One such Greek prince is referred to by Patanjali (circa 150 B.C.) in the well-known passages of his Mahabhashya, viz., qua: archan and I, which are given by him as instances of lan or the Imperfect Tense. The Imperfect Tense has thus been defined by Patanjali: parokSe ca lokavijJAte prayokturdarzanaviSaye .., this tense is used by a person when the event described was not witnessed by him, but is known to the people, and was capable of being witnessed by him. Obviously, therefore, the sieges of Sakets and Madhyamika by the Yavana king took place when Patanjali lived. Saketa is generally identified with Oudh, and Madhyamika with Nagart, now an obscure village, six miles to the north of Chitod, Udaipur State. Now, the Greek prince, who is identified with this Yavana conqueror, is Menander", who, according to Strabo, penetrated to 'Isamus' (Jnmna) and subjugated Patalene (the Indus Delta) and Saraostos (Surashtra, i.e., Kathiawad). This statement is corroborated by the curious observation of the author of the Periplus (circa 89 A.D.) that the coins of Menander and Apollodotus were current in his time at the port of Barygaza (Bharukachha, i.e.. Broach). Even to this Smith's Early History of India, p. 173. 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 463-4. Ante, Vol. IV, p. 245. Smith's Early History of India, pp. 187, 189 and 204. Mr. V. A. Smith also adopts this view. But I think that the Yavana king, contemporaneous with Patanjali was Demetrius. I hold with Peroy Gardner that Menander flourished circa 110 B. C. ( British Museum Catalogue of Greek and Scythic Kings of India, Introd. p. xxxiii) or perhaps even a little later. This agrees with the statement of the author of the Periplus (e rca 89 A.D.) that the coins of Apollodotus and Menander were in circulation in his time in Barygaza, i.e., Broach (Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 143). This also shows that one was the immediate successor of the other. This agrees with the fact that wherever the coins of Menander are found, the coins of Apollodotus are also found. But the reference to the Yavana king by Patanjali shows that his conquest were ephemeral, and the Greek power certainly did not last for two consecutive reigns,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. day his coins are found in Kathiawad in the south and as far as the Jampa in the east. On the obverse of his coins is the legend, Basileus Suthros Menandros, in Greek langnage and characters, and on the reverse the legend Mahdrdjasa Tradarasa Menandrasa in the Pali langaage and the ancient Brahmi characters. One is the exact translation of the other. Now, we have a Pali work entitled Milinda-panho (Queries of Milinda), in which Milinda is spoken of as a Yavana king and also as having been converted to Buddhism after a very long and interesting discussion, by the Buddhist Doctor Nagasena'. Tbis Milinda has been commonly identified with Menander. The statement of the Pali work is corroborated by a coin of Menander, which bears the wheel of the law (dharma-chakra), the symbol of Buddhism, and which conjcins, with his name in the legend, the epithet dharmika (i.e., dharmika) an essentially Buddhist expression, instead of the usual title tradara. So dear became Menander to the Buddhists that, according to a legend mentioned by Plutarch, no less than seven cities fought after his death for his ashes'. Let us now see how private individuals from amongst the Yavanas were disposed towards Buddhism. In inscriptions of the caves of West India, we find Yavanas frequently mentioned as making gifts in connection with Buddhist stupas and mouasteries. In the Karli caves near Poona we have the following! :1. TE PET * [The gift (viz.) a pillar of a Yavaba from Dhenukakata (named) Simbadhayya.] 2. ET WITH [(The gift) of a Yavana (named) Dhamma from Dhenukakata. * Now, these Yavanas are from Dhennkakata, and the names of both are Hindu. Simhadhayya corresponds to Simbad hairya, and, that Dhamma corresponds to Dharma, goes without saying. The following inscriptions from the Junnar caves are worthy of notell : 1. yavanasa irilasa gatAna deyadhama ke poDiyo [Two cisterns,--the religious benefaction of the Yavana Irila of (i.e., belonging to the Gartas.] 2. yavaNasa ciTasa gatAnaM bhojaNamaTapo deyadhama sadhe The dining hall.--the religious benefaction to the Sanghs of the Yavana Obits of (1.c.. belonging to the Gartas.] 3. yavanasa caMdAnaM deyadhama gabhavAra The door of an interior apartment,--the religious benefaction of the Yavana Chamda. Of theso Yavans names, only Irila appears to be foreign. Chita corresponds to Chitra, and Charnda to Chandra, both undoubtedly Hindu Dames. There is only one Yavana inscription in the Nasik caves. It runs thus :sidhaM otarAhasa batAmitiyakasa boNakasa dhaMmadevaputasa IdrAgnidatasa dhaMmAtmanA * ; &c., &c. This dwelling (was granted) by the religious-souled Indragnidatta, son of Dharmadeva. a Yayana, a northerner and a resident of Dattamitra.] Now, the owner of this cave-dwelling is a Yavana, i.e., Greek. But his name is Indragnidatta and his father's Dharmadeva, both decidedly Hinda names. He is a resident of Dattamitra, town, according to the Mahabhdshya, in Sauvira contiguous to modern sind and supposed to have been founded by the Greek prince Demetrius, * Smith's Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Vol. I, p. 224. Sacred Booke of the East, Vols. XXXV and XXXVI. Ante, Vol. XXXII, p. 480. *Ariana Antiqua, p. 283; Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 837. 19 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 53 and 55. 11 Arch. Auru. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 92 ff., Noa, 5, 8, 16. 11 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 90. 11 Trans. Inter. Cong. Or, for 1874, p. 845,

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13 JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. - What are the facts then? The West Indian cave inscriptions give us names of certain private Yavana or Greek individuals, who made gifts to the Buddhist chaityas and monasteries and consequently were unquestionably Buddhists. And not only did they embrace Buddhism, but all except one borrowed Hindu names also; in short, if the word Yavana had not been men. tioned in these inscriptions, their foreign extraction would bave remained undetected. For a long while the antiquarians were under the impression that the Greeks had become Buddhists only and that none of them had embraced Hinduism. But this impression is now proved erroneous by the discovery of a pillar inscription of about the second century B.C. and found at Begnagar in the Gwalior territory in Malwa". It records the erection of a garuda-dhvaja in honour of Vasudeva, god of gods, by feliodora, son of Diya, come from the king Antalikita (Antialkidas) to the court of the king Bhagabhadra. Heliodora is called a Yavana-data, i.e., a Greek ambassador, and his and his father's name, viz., Heliodora and Diya, undoubtedly correspond to the Greek Heliodoros and Dion. The very fact that he erected a garuda column shows that, though & Greek, he had become a Hindu and & Vaishnava; and if any doubt is still entertained, it is completely Bet at rest by the fact that he is actually styled Bhagavata in the inscription. So far with regard to the Yavana or Greek princes and private individuals. The Yavanas were succeeded by the saka kings, who also were foreigners, The Imperial dynasty was reigning in the Panjab and eastern parts of Afghanistan, but their might had overshadowed the northern, central and western parts of India also.16 The remoter provinces of the kingdom were governed by its viceroys called Kshatrapas, i.e., Satraps, who, however, before long, succeeded in setting aside the suzerain power and declaring their independence. One such Kshatrapa family was settled round about Taksbasile, the Greek Tazila, which was identified by Cunningham with Shahdheri in the Panjab, and another at Mathura. A third held away over Kathiawad and Malwa, and a fourth over the Dekkan. Now, it is all but certain that most of the members of the imperial Saka dynasty were Buddhists. Thus Spalirises, Azas, and Moas, the second, third, and sixth princes of this dynasty, and Spalahores and Spalgadames style themselves on their coins dhramika, i.e., dhar. mika, an expression, which, as said above, is peculiarly Buddhistic.16 Their coins also bear the symbol of a wheel, wbich reminds us of the Buddhist dharma-chakra. Of the Kshatrapa families, two were converts to Buddhism. The well-known Mathura Lion-capital insoription" records the erection of a stupa over & relic of Buddha by Nadasi-kasa, wife of the Mahakshatrapa Rajala, and the various benefactions connected therewith by the other members of his family such as Abuhola, Hayuara, Hana and so forth. The Mahakshatrapa Rajuls here referred to ruled over eastern Panjib, north-east Rajputana and the province round about Mathura. There was another Kshatrapa 14 Jour. R. As. Soc. for 1909, p. 1089; Jour, Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXIII., p. 104. 16 Mr. Smith speaks of this family of kings as an Indo-Parthian dynasty, probably because some of them bear Iranio names. But if many foreign kings, as we know, adopted Hindu names, there is no wonder that some of those Sake kings assumed Iranio names. The very fact that they have snoh names a Mons and Axas amongst them, which are believed to be Soythian, shows that they are Indo-Seythian, and not Indo-Parthian. Their Saka extraction is indioated, I think, by the mention of Saksatana in the Mathura Lion-ospital made with patriotio feelings. In spite of what some scholars bave said to the contrary, I maintain with Mr. F. W. Thomas (Ep. Ind. Vol. IX.. p. 189) that it refers to the country of Batae," whioh perhaps in those days did not merely designato the modern Sistan, but inoluded the Indo-Skythis referred to by the author of the Periplus and Ptolemy, Gondophares' dynasty, however, wma, in all likelihood, Indo-Parthian, as there is not a single Soythian name therein. I still stiok to my old view regarding the order of succession of this Baka dynasty founded by Vonones, I also stick to my view that the Mathurd dato 79 of Sodas, the Taxila date 78 of Patika, the Takht-l-Babi dato 103 of Gondopharos, and the Panjtar dato 128 of a Gushana prince, whose name is lost, are yours of one and the same era. But I am now inolined to refer them all to the Vikrama era. The dates of Kanishka and his sacensors I would now refer to the Baka era. This is not the place to discuss this subjeot but I shall noise an early opportunity of advandng arguments in support of these views 18 Ants, Vol. XXXII. P. 429. 11 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX., p. 141 1.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. family, as I have said above, reigning at Taksbasila: One of the Kshatrapas of this family, called Kugulaks, was Liaka. And a copper-plate inscription found in the Panjub describes his son Patika as raising a stupa over the relics of the Buddha and making a grant of land for its upkeep. The other two Kshatrapa families were, however, followers of the Brahmanic religion. I have said above that one was holding Kathiawad and Malwa and the other the Dekkan. The inscriptions of this last Kshatrapa family are found in the Nasik, Karlt, and Junnar caves. A part of an inscription relating to them at Nasik may be quoted as followg18: siddhaM rAjJaHkSaharAtasya kSatrapasya nahapAnasya jAmAtrA dInIkaputreNa uSavadA afTe ............Tarat ut det anuvarSe prANazatasAhanIbhojApavitrA De goeetu art: EiT &c., &c. The donor referred to in this inscription is Ushavadata, i.e., Rishabhadatta or Vpishabhadatta His wife's name, as given in another Nasik inscription, is Samghamita, i.e., Sanghamitra. Both of these are indisputably Hindu names. But in a third Nasik inscription we are distinctly told that he was a Saka.19 His foreign origin is also indicated by the names of his father and father-inlaw. The former is called Dinika and the latter Nahapana, as will be seen from the inscription just quoted. It will easily be admitted that neither Dinika nor Nabapana is an Indian, i.e., Hinda, name. Nahapana again is styled a Kshatrapa, and is said to be of the Kahabarata family, Kshaharata is non-Hindu name. And Kshatrapa also is not a Sanskrit word ; at any rate, it is unknown to Sanskrit literature. It is the Sanskritised form of the old Persian title Kshatraparan, which has been anglicised into Satrap. All these things unmistakably point to the alien origin of Ushavad&ta and, in particular, to his having been a Saka, though his and his wife's names are distinctly Hindu. Now let us see what the remainder of the inscription tells us. Rishabhadatta is called tri-go-sata-sahasra-da, i.e., the giver of three hundred thousand kine. He is further spoken of as having granted sixteen villages to the gods and Brahmanas. He is also stated to have furnished eight Brahmanas with the means of marriage at the holy place Prabhasa, i.e., Somnath-Pattan in Kathiwad, in other words, he incurred the merit of accomplishing eight Bruhmana marriagos. And, to crown the whole, he is said to have been anuvarsharh Brahmana-kata-8dhasri-bhojd. payita, i.e., to have annually fed one hundred thousand Brahmanas. This reminds us, as Dr. Bhandarkar has aptly said,20 of the grand feast given, not many years ago, to Brahmanas by the late Maharaja Sindhia of Gwalior. These charities undoubtedly stamp Ushavadata as a very staunch adherent of the Brahmanical religion. Yet in origin he was a Saka and, therefore, a foreigner ! The rule of this Ksbatrapa family, called Kshahar&ta, over the Dekkan did not las' for a long time. It was speedily overthrown by Gautamiputra S&takarni and his son, Vasishti patra Palumayi, of the Satavahana or Salivahana dynasty. Anotier Kshatrapa family, I have said, ruled over Kathiwad and Malwa. Its capital was Ujjain. It produced no less han vineteen rulers and its sway endured for no less than 270 years op to A.D. 388. The founder of this family was Chaghtana and his father was Ghsamotika, both indubitably foreign Dames. But the names of all his successors are Hindu, 6.g., the son of Chashtana himself was Jayadaman, his son was Rodradaman. Though perhaps the ending ddman may be supposed, es Prof. Rapson says, to be the same as the suffix dames in such names as Spalgadames and so forth, a1 the first components such as Jaya- and Radra-, are unquestionably Hindu. About this Rudrad Aman his rock-inscription at Junagadh saya : zabdArtha gAndharva-nyAyAyAnAM vidyAnAM mahatInAM pAraNa -fan-arararegmatreat 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII., p. 78. 10 Ibid., pp. 85-6. *Early History of the Dekkan, p. 41. 31 Catalogue of Indian Coins, Introd., p.cv. 93 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII., p. 44, 1. 18.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 13 (Who has obtained profuse fame by studying and remembering, by the knowledge and prac tice of grammar, music, logic and other great lores.) Rudradaman thus not only bore a Hindu name but had also made himself thoroughly conversant with Dinda sciences. But he was by origic a stranger! So perfectly Hinduised these Saka Kshatrapa families had become that the other royal Hindu families did not think it polluting or degrading to contract matrimonial alliances with them. The Satavahana dynasty, whose other variant Salivabona is so well-known to the people of Maharashtra, and whose Hindu origin is incontrovertible, was thus connected with this Kshatrapa family. A Kanhert cave inscription says: .........( ar Jangwe are gotet : T i rar ETTEL *gsu............... .........1 PETEY STATETET E B A : [11] The inscription records the gift of one Sateraka, the minister of a certain queen, whose name is lost. But she is said to have been the wife of V&sishtiputra Sri-Satakarni, a Satavahana king, and dnughter of a Mahi-Kshatrapa called Ra(dra). This Rudra has rightly been supposed to bo Ruradiman by the late Dr. Buller. Here then we find that a Satavahana prince named Vasishtliputra Sri-Satakarai, who, as shown by me elsewhere, was the second son of Gautamiputra Satakarni, the exterminator of the Kshaharata Kshatrapa family, had actually been married to a daughter of the Mahil-Kshatrapa Ruradaman. These Saka kings bad thas become so thoroughly Hinduised that another Hinda royal dynasty had no scraples whatever, social or religious, in entering into matrimonial relationship with them. Let us now see what the predilections of private Baka individuals were. At Nasik, there are two cave inscriptions which speak of their benefactions. One is as follow928; siddhaM zakasa dAmacikasa lekhakasa budhikata viSNuztaputasa dazapuravAthavasa leNa. Diag ......... The inscription records the gift of a dwelling cave and two cisterns by Vadbika, i. e., Vriddhika son of Vishnudatto, a Saka and a resident of Dasapura, i. o., Mandasaur in the Gwalior State. The names Vriddhika and Vishnudatta are Hindu, and both would have passed for Hindus, if their Saka extraction had not been specified. The other inscription. refers itself to the reign of a king called Isvarasena, and then runs as follow520 ....... TEATEAT T rebhilasya bhAryayA gaNapakasya vizvavarmastha mAtrAH zakanikrayA upAsikayA viSNudattayA gilAnabheSajArtha akSayanIvI prayuktA The inscription records the gift of a permanent endowment for proouring medicine to the sick, by one Vishnudatta. She is called an upasikd, a female Baddhist lay-worshipper. She is styled Sakanika, and is stated to have been the daughter of a Saka called Agnivarman. She was the wife of a Ganapaka Rebhila and mother of Ganapaka VibraFarman, Now, it is worthy of note that Vishoadatta's father is called Saka Agnivarman. He was, therefore, a Saka. But his name, viz. Agaivarman, is distinctly Hindu, and what is strange is that, as the ending suffix varman shows, he was at that time looked upon as a Kshatriya. Ganapaka too, like Saka, must have been s tribal name, but we have no means of determining whether it was the name of an indigenous or foreign tribe. Being the daughter of a Saka, Vishqudatta is oalled a Sakapika, though married to a Ganapaka. This reminds us of the present Rajput princesses, who are known at their Arch. Buro, West Ind., Vol. V., p. 78. # Bp. Ind., Vol. VIII., p. 95. 10 Juur. Bem, dt. Eoc., Vol. XXILL, PP. 72-3. * Ibid., p. 83.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. husband-chiefs' homes by the tribal name of their father. Thus the ruling dynasty of Jodhpur is Rathod, but the first queen of the present Maharaja is styled Halfjt, i. e., the daughter of * Hada, a sub-division of the Chohans, to which belongs the Bandi family from which she has sprung. Almost synchronous with the Sakas were the Abhiras, another foreign horde, which made incarsions into India both south and east, and gave their name to the provinces where they settled. We have thus a tract of land in the United Provinces called Ahraari, which is a corruption of the Sanskrit abhiravataka. There is another province not far from Jhansi, doubtless called Ahirwar after the Ahirs established there. The Abltras carried their arm even so far south as the Dekkan. The Purdnas are unanimous in saying that after the Andhrabhtityas the Dekkan was held by the Abbfras, and quite in consonance with this, an inscription has been found at Nasik. which is dated in the reign of an Abhira king. Now that the Abhiras are foreigners is in lubitablo. Both in the Vishnupurana and the Musalaparvan of the Mahabharatas they are branded as datyus or banditti and mlechchhas or foreigners, in the story which says that Arjuna, after be bad cremated the dead bodies of Krishqa and Balarama in Dvaraka, was proceeding with the Yadava widowed females to Mathura through the Panjab, when he was waylaid by these Abhfras and deprived of his treasures and beautiful women. But like all other tribes, most of them soon gave up their predatory babits, though these were not altogether unknown even so late as the 9th century A. D. Thus an inscription found at Ghatiyala, 32 miles north-west of Jodhpur, and on a pillar erected by Kakkuka, a prince of the feudatory Prattbara dynasty, and dated V. E. 918, contains the following verse : rohinsakUpakapAmaH pUrNamAsIvanAzrayaH / bhasevyaH sAdhulokAnAM bhAbhIrajanadAruNaH / / Here we are told that the village of Rohinsakupaka, i. e., Ghatigala, had becoma desolate, and anworthy of habitation for the good people in consequence of the Abhifras. The Abhfras of tho present day, however, are free from these predatory instincts. The inscription at Nasik just alluded to, is the same as that wilich specifies the grant of the Sakanika Vishnudatta. The first three lines of it, with which alone we are here concerned, are : siddhaM rakSaH mADharIpatrasya zivadattAbhIraputrasya . AbhIrasyezvarasenastha saMvatsare navama 9gi mhapakhe cauthe 4 divasa trayodaza 13 This record is dated in the reign of the king Mahariputra fa varasena, son of Sivadatta, Both Isvarasena and Sivadatta are called Abhiras, and yet their names are distinctly Hinda. And what is more interesting is that Isvarasena is here called also by his metronymic, viz., Madhariputra, just as all the Kshatriyas of the time are in the cave inscriptions. At Ganda in Kathifwad another Abhira inscription has been found. This is dated [Saka] 102 = 180 A. D.. and refers itself to the reign of the Mahakshatrapa Rudrasimha, son of Rudradaman. It speaks of a grant made by the sen dpati or commander-in-chief of the name of Rudrabhati, son of the senapati Bahaka. Herein Rudrabhuti is called an Abhira, but his name, it need scarcely be added, is unmistakably Hinda. The Abbfras are, no doubt, the same as the Ahirs of the present day, who are spread as far east as Bengal and as far south as the Dekkan. Most of them are cowherds, but some have por sued other callings also, and are distinguished in some places from other person of these callings by the distinctive appellation of Ahir. Thus we have simple Bonars and Ahir Sondrs, simple Stars and Ahir Sutars and so forth, existing side by side in Khandesh. Abhfra Brah * Vishnupurdna, atba Vadhyaya 38; Mwalaparvar, adhyaya vii. 11 Bp. Ind., Vol 1X., p. 280. Anto, Vol. X., p. 187.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 17 manas are also reported to be existing in Khandesh, Gujarat and Rajputand20. The Ahirs were such an important tribe that they gave rise to a separate dialect. Thus in Khandesh their dialect is known as Abirani, which, though on the whole resembling the Marathi of that district, has peculiarities of its own to such an extent as to be recognised as a separate dialect. The Ahirs of Kathiawad and Kachh also have their own Gujarati dialect. In olden times also the dialect of the Abhiras was not unknown, and it is distinctly referred to by Dandin in his Kavyddarsa. After the Sakas, the Kushanas wielded imperial power over northern India. The first prince of this dynasty was Kujula-Kadphises. In the legends of his coins he is styled sacha-dhamma-thita, i, e., satya-dharma-sthita. He thus appears to have been a Buddhist30. His successor was Wema-Kadphises, who was, without doubt, a follower of the Brahmanic religion, and, in particular, a devotee of Siva. The legend on the reverse of his coins is maharajasa rajadirajasa sarvaLoga-isvarasa mahisvarasa Wima-Kathphisasa tratarsal. Here the word mahisvarasa may possibly stand for the Sanskrit mdhesvarasya, i. e., " of a devotee of Mahesvara (Siva)." But that he was a Saiva is placed beyond all doubt by the fact that the reverses of his coins bear the image of Nandin, sometimes accompanied by a figure holding a trident and a tiger skin, i, e., doubtless Siva. He was succeeded by Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva, though perhaps not of his lineage. And though on their coins the figures of the Greek and Iranian deities are found, those of the Hindu divinities are not wanting. Thus the coins of Kanishka bear the figure of the Baddha, both in the sitting and standing posture. And, in fact, it is on his coins only that we for the first time find the Buddha actually figured. This may be regarded as evidence of the truth of what the northern Buddhists assert as to Kanishka being their patron. During his regime and under his auspices & conference of monks was convened to settle the Buddhist canon again, and it was at this time that the Mahayana school of Buddhism assumed a definite form. On the coins of his successors occur the figures of "Skando" (Skanda), "Mahaseno" (Mahasena)," Komaro" (Kumara), "Bizago" (Visi kha) and " Oesho" (Siva), all from the Brahmanic pantheon. That these Kushana kings are foreigners is indisputable. The names Kajala-Kadphises, Wema-Kadpbises, Kanishka and Havishka by no means sound Indian. The numismatists are at one in saying that the costume of these kings, as determined from their coins, is Turki and their features Mongolian. And yet we find them doing homage to the Hindu divinities! The well-known Maga or Sakadvipi Brahmanags must be assigned to about this period. An inscription stone of Saka 1059=1137-38 A.D. has been found at Govindpur33 in the Nawada sub-division of the Gaya District, Bengal, which begins with the following stanza, descriptive of this community : devo jIvAtrilokImaNirayamaruNo yannivAsena puNyaH zAkahIpassa dugdhAmbunidhivalayito yatra vinA mgaakhyaaH| vaMzastatra dvijAnAM bhramilikhitatanobhosvataH svAnamuktaH zAmbI yAnAninAya svayamiha mahitAste jagatyAM jayanti / / Translation, Hail to that gem of the three world, the divine Aruna, whose presence sanctifies the milkocean-encircled Sakadvipa, where the Brahmanas are named Magas! There a race of twice-born (sprang) from the sun's own body, grazed by the lathe, whom Samba himself brought hitherGlorious are they, honoured in the world! >> Wilson's Indian Caste, Vol. II., PP. 26, 120, 177. * Ante, Vol. XXXII, p. 429. 1 Smith's Catalogue of the coins in the Indian M em, Calcutta, p. 68. * The late Profesor Weber has written a learned paper on Magme, but I am sorry to say that it has been sozled book to me, as I do not know German and could not induce anybody to translate it for me. # Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 830 ff. M Compare bhrami-likhita.fanor of the text with sukadvipo bhramit keritud rupan nirvartitam mama of the Bhavishya-purdna, Brahmaparvan, Cap. 129, v. 13.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. But a detailed account of these Magas is given in the Bhavishya-purana36, Thurein they aro said to have sprung from the union of Surya and Nakshubbu, daughter of the sage Rijibra, belonging to the Mihira gotra. The account here is rather involved and not quite lucid. But the main points are clear enough. She had a son named Jaragabda according to one manuscript, but Jarasasts according to another. He was the originator of the Maga Brahmanas. They were originally dwelling in the Sakadvipa, but were brought into Jambudvips, it is said, by Samba, son of Ktishna. Simba was suffering from white leprosy, and Narada advised him to erect a temple of Surya on the river Chandrabhaga in order that he might be oared of his disease. This was accordingly built38, but no Brahmanas undertook to perform the duties of pujdrs. Thereupon on the advice of Gauramukha, Samba set ont for SA kad vipa, and broaght ten Magu families. Various details are further given of these Brahmanas. But it is sufficient here to note that they were also called Bhojakas and that they wore round their waist what is called an avyanga, which was originally the skin of the serpent-god Vasaki. A little reflection will tell us that these Magas are no other than the Magi of old Persia, who were the priestly class there. The name of their originator, we have seen, was Jarasasta, which bears a close correspondence in sound to Jaratasta (Zoroaster). Avyanga again is the Indian form of the Aveste word Aiwydonghan. The gotra of the grandfather of Jarabasta, as we have seen, is Mihira, which again is the Sanskritised form of the old Persian word Mihr. We have already seen that Magas are mentioned in the Govindpar stone inscription of 1137 A. D. But an earlier epigraphic reference to them is to be found in the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka dated 918 V.E.=861 A.D. The text of the inscription is therein said to have been drawn up by the Maga Matciravi. Varahamihira (circa 505 A.D.) in his Brihatsashitd, Cap. Ix, v.19, speaks of the Magas as the proper persons to install and consecrate the image of Surya. To about this time (550 A.D.) belongs the manuscript found in Nopal, in which, it is said, that in the Kaliyaga, Magas and Bruhmanas would be regarded as of the same status. Again, it is worthy of note that a short account of Sakadvipa together with its population, including Magas, occurs in the Mahabharata, Bhishmaparvan, Cap. xis. This may be an interpolation, but it must be remembered that the epic acquired its present character by about 450 A.D., and consequently Magas must be supposed to have come into India before the middle the fifth century. I think they came with Kanishkato (circa 78 A.D.), who appears to have been the first Indo-Scythian princo that had espoused the Avestic faith. What is specially noticeable in this connection is that it is on bis coins that the name and figure of the deity Mihira for the first time are met with. Mihira was a form of the god Surya, was the name of Rijihva, grandfather of Jeransta, and is even now an epithet borne by many Sakadvipt Brahmanas. Magas, in all probability, first came into India with Kanishka as his A vestic priests. Such was the origin of Maga Brahmanas. Yet how thoroughly they had imbibed Hindu faith and literature! The Govindpur inscription referred to above speaks of one Gangadhara as having bailt a tank. He was also the composer of the inscription. He gives us a short description of his * Brahma paruan, Cape. 139-42. In some MSS. instead of Nakahabhi we have Nikshubha, and instead of Rijibva, Sujihya or Rijvahva. So s/no Romo MSS. have Jalagamba or Jarniabda instead of Jarakanta. 56 Chandrabbagh is name of the river Chopib, and the temple was built at Maltan, one of whose names is Bambapura, the place, where the imago in inat lod, is sed Mitravana in the Bhavishyapur dg. For further dotails, see Cunningham's Ancient Geography of Ind . Vol. I., p. 232 ff. Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society for 1971 p. 3. The same verses are repeated in the Bhavishya-purana, Brahmaperean, Cap. 139, 7, 74 . > According to Professor Maodonell, the oplo aoquired its present character by about 350 A.D. (4 History of Sanskrit Literaturo, p. 287). But the mention of Hapa in it requires us, I think, to masign it to 450 A. D. * I have now come to regard that Kanishka, in all likelihood, fourished about this time and that he was the originator of the era, which was afterwards known at Sakakala. * Ante, VoL XVII, p. 89 8.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 19 relatives, from which it appears that his was a poetic family. His father, Manoratha, is styled nutana Kalidasa, and his grandfather Chakrapani is compared to Valmiki. Many others are praised more or less for their poetic talents. His is not a mere empty praise because they were his relatives, for the work Sadukti-karnamrita of Sridharadasa (1205 A.D.), an anthology called chiefly from Bengal poets, makes mention of no less than six of these including him) and cites their verses a 30. Nay, Varahamihira, one of the most celebrated astronomers of India, appears to bave been a Maga Brahmana. Bhattotpala, who bag commented on his works, tells us that he was a Magadba Brahmana 13 Magadha here does not, I think, mean an inhabitant of Magadha, bata Maga himself. The Bhavishy a-purana distinctly tells us that Magari dhyuyanti te yasmat tena te Magadhdh smritdh.44 This is corroborated by his and his father's names, piz., Varabamihira and Adityadisa, one of whose components is a name of Surya. In the Jodhpur State there is a class of Brahmanas known as Sovak and also Bhojak, most of whom are religious dependents of the Osval Sraraks. They call themselves Sakadvipi Briihmanas, and keep images of Surya in their houses, which they worship on Sundays, when they eat once only. Formerly they used to wear a necklace resembling the cast-off skin of a serpent, no doubt corresponding to the aryanga, which was supposed to be the cast-off skin of Vasuki. But this practice has recently fallen into desuetude. The Parisari Brahmanas of Pushkar were also originally known as Sevaks and Sakadvipi Brahmanas. At any rate they were so known till the time of the Jaipur king Jayasimha 11.47 The Sevaks say that their caste people are called Sakad vipi in the east, Strapatri in the south, and Panle round about Delhi and Agra. The pujaris of the temples of Jagadia and Jvalamukhi in north India are, it is said, Sakad vipi Brahmanas. After the overthrow of the Kushanas, the Haihayas poured into India. The Hartvannsa and the Vishnu-purana43 state that they seizel the kingdom of the indigenous Indian king Bahu and that they were assisted in this expedition by the Sakas, Yavanas, Paradas, Kambojas, Pahlavas and Khasas. Bahu retired to a forest and killed himself. One of his wives, who was pregnant at that time, went to the bermitage of Aurva-Bhargara, and was there delivered of a son called Sagara. The latter, in course of time, learnt the use of various miraculous weapons from the former, and niade a learful slaughter of the Haibayas. He then turned his arms against the Sakas, Yavanss, etc., but the sage Vasishtha intervened, and Sagara had to content himself with depriving them of the true religion and degrading them as Kshatriyas. Now, as the Haihayas are here classed with Sakas, Yavanas, Paradas, Kambojas and so forth, there can be little doubt that they were regarded as mlechchhas, i..., foreigners, at about the close of the fourth century A.D., when the Hariravisa was composed. It does not seem difficult to determine which part of India they held. In the Anusdsana-parran of the Mahdbharata and also in the Haritarisa, we are informed that the thousandarmed Haiyaya king Kartavirya-Arjuna reigned over the whole earth at Mahishmati, which, I think, has been rightly identified by Dr. Fleet with Mandbata in the Central Provinces, Kalachuris of Central Provinces in many of their inscriptions call themselves Haihayas, and trace their lineage to Kartavirya,50 They were probably & sept of the Haihayas. Their power, however, does not date earlier than circa 875 A.D. branch of this family went to western India, and established itself at Kalyari, under the leadership of Bijjala, by supplanting the Chalnkyn dynasty 51 Zeit, Deutschen Morg. Gas., Vol. XXXVI, p. 511. ** Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II., P. 477, note. 44 Brahmaparvan, Cap. 117., v. 55, 15 Census Report of the Jodhpur State (Hindi), for 1891, Vol III, p. 320 ff. * For this information I am indebted to Munshi Deviprasad of Jodhpur. 11 I owo this information to Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha of Ajmer. 13 Haricarsa (Bengal) vs. 764-776 ; Vishnu-purana, anda iv, Cap. 3, v. 16 ff. 19 Anug isang parvar, adyaya, 159, v. 3; Rarivashsa, v. 1868. 5 Ep. Ind., Vol. I., PP. 37, 238 ; Vol. II., p. 5; Vide also ante, Vol. XII., PP. 253, 268. 51 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Pt. II., p. 225 fanl p. 463 ff.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. This is seen from the fact that the formal preambles of their records always style them " lord of Kalanjara, the best of tows." Kalajara is unquestionably the celebrated hill-fort Kalinjar in the Banda District, Bandelkhand, in the United Provinced, in the very heart of the territory of these Kalachuris. Bat the earliest Kalachari family, of which records have been found and wbich appears to be the imperial dynasty, was that ruling over the Nasik and Khandesh districts, Gujarat and Malw&, and reigning in all likelihood at Mahishmati. One copper-plate grant of this dynasty has been found at Abhon in the Nasik district, and is dated in the year 3 17 (595 A.D.) in the reiga of Katachchari king Sankaragana.53 The grant was issued by the Kalacburi prince when he was at Ujjayant. Another was discovered at Sarsavn63 in the Padra sub-division of the Baroda State, is dated in the year 361 ( 609-10 A.D.), and refers itaulf to the reign of Baldbaraja, who is no doubt the same as the Kalatsitri prince of that name represented in the Mabakuta pillar inscription to have been defeated by the Chalukya prince Mangaleba. Besides the Kalacharis, there appear to be some chieftains, at any rate in southern India, who were known simply as Haibayas. Thas in the time of the late Chalakya prince Somesvara I., one of his feudatories, was the Mahdmandalesvara Revarasa, with the title of " lord of Mabishmati, the best of towns," and described as belonging to the family of Kartavirya. During the regime of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI., a portion of the Nizam's Dominions round about Kammarawidi was governed by his feudatory Yademarasa, with the title of " lord of Mahishmatt, the best of towns," and belonging to the Abibaya-vania.66 Similarly, a fendatory of the Chilukys sovereign, Perme - Jagadekamalla II, was one Revarasa with the same title and pertaining to the same family." The Ahihaya vamsa here referred to must undoubtedlf be the same as Haihaya, as is clearly proved by the mention of Muhishmati, the old capital of the Haibayas. All the records of the Kalachuri dynasties, whether of Chedi, Hatanpur or GujaratMAlwa, are dated in an era of their own. This era is also employed by princes of other dynasties such as the Uchebhakalpa, Traikutaka 68 and so forth, who were in all probability their feudatories. The epoch of this era is A.D. 249, when, therefore, the power of the Haibayas must be supposed to have been firmly established. The legends of Parasurama freeing the earth of the Kshatriyas are too well-known to be repeated here. But if we read between the lines, we find that he bore a grudge only against the Haibayas, with whose slaughter he was chiefly ooncerned. Parasurama is, in the Mahdbhdrata, represented as residing in the Mahendra mountain, and in the Harivania in the Sahya. And if there is a grain of truth in the legends, what they perhaps imply is that Parasurama, or some Bruhmapa hero in the south, pat an effectual stop to the farther incursions and encroachments of the Haibayas, who wanted to occupy southern India. Traces of the name Kalachuri are still found amongst the Marathaste and Rajputs of the Central Provinces. The Kiyastha Prabhugof Maharashtra at any rate claim descent from Sahasrurjuna. There is a sept of the Suryavansi Rujputs in Bihar called Harihobans, who appear to be the same as Haibayavans. There are Hayobansas also in the United Provinces.62 After the power of the Kashanas was overthrown and that of the Guptas established, India enjoyed respite for about two centuries. It was during the first half of the 6th century that the Hunas penetrated into India with the allied tribes Gurjaras, Maitrakas and so forth, 01 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX., p. 297 ff. Ibid Vol. VI., P. 397 ff. Ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 17-18. 56 Bombay Gasettes, Vol. I., Pt. II., p. 489. Joid. p. 451. 0716d., p. 457. >> The Traikutakas were probably not feudatories, as they seem to have struck coins ; but were a rept of the Baibayas, like the Kalachuris. ** Birje's Who are the Kardphas ? p. 108. ** Bombay Garetter, Vol. XIII., Pt. I, p. 87. & Risley's The Tribe and Caster of Bengal, Vol. T., p. 317. #1 Elliot's The Races of the N. W. Provinces of India, Vol. I, p. 188.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOZEIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 21 eclipsed the Gupta power, and occupied northern and central India. The two Huna sovereigns, whose names have been preserved, are Toramana and his son Mihirakula.63 Both these dames are non-Indian. Mihirakula no doubt apparently looks like a Hindu name, but is, in reality, the Sanskritised form of the Persian Mihrgal "Rose of the Sun." We do not know whether Toramana had become a Hindu, but cerbain it is that Mihirakula had become a convert to Hinduism. On some of his coins we have, on the reverse, a ball--the emblem of Siva-with the legend jayatu vrishah," victorious be the ball !"66 Again, in a Mandasaur inscription, he is said to have bent his neck to none bat Siva.66 This is an unmistakable indication of his having become a Hindu and adopted the worship of the god Siva. When he was defeated aud driven out of north and central India by the conjoint effort of Narasimhagapta-Baladitya in the east and Yasodharman in the west, he, according to the Rdjatarangini, retired to Kashmir, established an empire there, and was the founder of the family, Huna of course, which for long held that country and were staunch adherents of Bralimanism.. That the HQnas are Huns or White Ephthalites and consequently, foreiga barbarians is incontrovertible. And yet as early as the 11th century they had come to be regarded as Kshatriyas; and an inscription informe us that a Chedi king Yasahkarna married a Huna princess of the name of Aballade. The Huqas have become so thoroughly Hinduised that they are looked upon as one of the thirty-six Rajput families believed to be genuine and pare. But so far as my inquiries go, they have no longer any separate existence as a clan like the Chavias, Pavars and so forth. Huna is now-a-days found only as a family name in the Panjab, or as the name of a sub-division of such eastes es Rebbari.67 I have stated above that another foreign horde that came into India with the Huna was the Gajar, which has been Sanskritised into Gurjara or Gurjara. The modern province of Gajarit in the Bombay Presidency and the districts of Gujarat and Gujaranwald in the Panjab are no doubt called after the Gjaras, who came and settled there. The name Gujarat is not a corruption of Gurjara-rashtra as is too commonly supposed, but of Gurjaratra. In inscriptions of about the 9th century found near Jodbpar, a province called Gurjaratru is mentioned, and the Danlatpare copper-plate grant of Bhoja I and a Kalajara inscription enable us to infer that it embraced at least the modern districts of Didwune and Parbatsar of the Jodbpar State. A fourth Gujarat (i.c., Gurjarntra) is mentioned by Al-Biruni (A.D. 970-1031). To the south-east of Kanauj, he says, lay Guzarat, the capital of which was Bazan, also known as Narayan, which is identified with Narayanpur in the north-easternmost part of the Jaipar territory. In fact, the Gujars still abound in this part of Jaipur, and the southern portion of the Alwar State. And this provinco was no doubt in old days held by a dynasty named Gurjare, Pratibara, as is shown by an inscription found at Rajor.70 Therein Mathanadeva, a prince of this family, is represented to have granted the village of Vyughrapacaks to the god Lachchhakesvara named after his mother Lachohhuka. The fields of this village, it is said were cultivated by the Gurjaras, which shows that the Gojars had vocupied and settled in that country in the 10th centary at the latest. But it was in western Rajputana that they appear to have established themselves first. For, as informed by the Chinese pilgrim, Yuan-Ohwang, who came to India in the earlier part of the seventh century, that part of Rajputana was & Gupta Ingers., by Fleet, pp. 159 and 162. "Bombay Ganetter, Vol. 1., Pt. I., 75, note 6. Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian M oum, Calcutta, by V. A. Smith, p. 238. * Gupta Insors., by Floot, p. 143. Cons Report of the Jodhpur State (Hindi), for 1891. Vol. III., P. 570. << Jour. Bomb, 4s. Soc., VOL. XXL, PP. 414-5. * 4 Bruni, by Sachau, Vol. I, p. 302 ; Bombay Gassttoer, Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 520.- Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 208.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. known as the Kieuchelo (ie., Gurjara) country, with its capital at Pi-lo-mo-lo, 1.c., Bhinmal in the Jaswantpura district, Jodhpur State.? Yuan-Chwang tells us that the king was looked upon as a Kshatriya. This is interesting because it shows that as early as the first balf of thu seventh century, i.e., about a century. after their coming into India, the Gujars had become Hindus and actually acquired the rank of Kshatriyas. About the middle of the 8th century, they had extended their supremacy far beyond Rajpatana, carried arms as far eastward ax Bengal, and established themselves at Kananj. They are commonly styled as the imperial Pratihara dynasty. They have been called Juzr kings by the Arab travellers and writere, Abu Zaid, Al Masudi and others, and are spoken of as constantly fighting with the Rashtrakutas in the south.72 This agrees with the allusions to the Gurjaras made in tho Rashtrakuta records. If any further proof is needed to show that Pratiharas were Gujars, it is supplied by the phrase Gurjara-Pratibara itself, occurring in the Rajor inscription just referred to. The phrase must, of course, be interpreted to mean "Pratiharas who were Gurjaras." There can, therefore, be no doubt that the imperial Pratthara dynasty, reigning at Kanauj, were of the Gujar race. Gujars are still found in numbers in the Panjab, United Provinces, Rajputana and Central India, but mostly as cultivators or cowberds. In the north-west of the Panjab, bowever, they are still "a purely pastoral and almost nomad race, taking their berds up into the higher ranges in summer and descending with them into the valleys during the cold weather.' The Gujars are not, however, found in Gujarat of the Bombay Presidency, though there are unmistakable indientions of this tribe having been merged into the Hindu population there. Thus, we have Gujar and simple Vanas (traders), Gajar and simple Sutars (carpenters), Gujar and simple Sorars (goldsmiths), Gujar and simple Kumbhars (potters), and Gujar and simple Salate (masons).74 The first-mentioned of these castes are Gujars, who, taking to different callings, have formed separate castes. The Gujarat Kanbis or husbandmen are divided into the main sections, Lewis and Kadwas, and though here the name Gojar has not survived, there can be little doubt that they belong to the Gajar stock. For the husbandmen of Khandesh belong to two main divisions, local and Gujar Kunbis. The latter include eight classes, two of which are these Lewas and Kawas. There is also a Brahmana caste called Gujar-Gand, the members of which are found principally in Kajputana. Tbe conjoint name Gujar-Gand means, I think, Gaud Brahmanas of the Gajar race, i.e., Brahmanas of Gujar extraction originally settled in Gauda, which does not here denote Bengal but the province round about Thanesrar, as first pointed out by the late Mr. A.M.T. Jackson. Amongst the Rajputs the word Gujar has survived in the name Bad-Gujar (Birgujar) of a clan, which is one of the thirty-six royal families looked upon as pare and genuine in Rajputana. Gurjar is still the name of a Maratha family, which was once famous in the modern history of Maharastra. This name is also to be found among the Karha A Brabmanas. The late Sir James Campbell has said that the commonness of the name Gurjjara among Karlades shows that it is something more than a special surname T1 Buddhist Records of the Western World, by Beal, Vol II., p. 270 ; ante, Vol. VI. p. 63. 12 Jour, Bomb. A. Soc., Vol. XXI., pp. 422-4. T3 Cennu of the Pariab, by Ibbetson, p. 263, 16 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Pt. I, p. 4. 15 Jour. R. A. Sce, for 1905, pp. 1EUR3-4. For long it was a puzzle to me how the Gaud BrahMADAS, who abound in the Jaipur State and form oge of the sub-divisions of the great Ganda, as distinguished from the Dravida stock, c e to be so called, especially as no legends in any way connected them with Bengal. The pussle is now solved by Al Biruni's "Gudu-Taneshar," to which our attention was drawn by the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson. But it must be remembered that it was the tribe Ganda that gave this name to the province and not vice vered. For we have not only Gaud Brahmapas but Gaud Rbjputs and Gaud Kayastbas, all in Rijput A and Central India. This points to Gauds having originally been a stranger tribe, which was afterwards merged into the Hindu society. 76 Annala and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Tod (Labiri & Co.), Vol. L, PF. 109-10.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 28 held by the descendants of individuals employed in Gujarat, and the fact that the surname is common on the coast, especially in the Rajapur sub-division and is rare in Dakhan families, and that where it occurs it can in most cases be traced to a connection with the Konkan, all support the view that the Karbade Brahmans of Ratnagiri are largely of Gujar origin77." The earliest record in which this surname has been traced is a copper plate grant in the possession of a Karhuda family in the Konkan and surnamed Gurjara. The name of the grantee is therein thus given : udadhitaTavartikauMkaNadeze kAzyapAvassAranaidhruveti-tripravarota-fyrir rew- an - r--4E969 -GEO &c.78 The donee here is Govinda, surnamed Gurjara and Pattavardhana. The date of the grant is 1191 A, D., i, e. to say no less than 700 years have elapsed since the charter was issued. That the Karbadas came from the north may be shown in another way also. Two of their surnames are Ojhe and Rawat, corresponding to Ojha and Raut fonnd in Gujarat and Rajputana, but nowhere in Maharashtra. So far with regard to the names of Brahmans and Kshatriya families, in which the word Gujar has survived. But there are many tribes, in whose names the word Gujar is not found, but which nevertheless are of Gajar origin. Such e. 9., was originally the imperial Pratihara dynasty of Kanauj, as shown above. And yet bow thoroughly they had become Hinduised! Not only did they borrow Hinda names, such as Vatsaraja, Nagabbata, Ramabbadra, and so on, but they also adopted the various Hinda faiths. Thus, whereas some style themselves parama-paishnava, i.e., devout worshippers of Vishnu, others call themselves parama-mahesvara, i.e., devout worshippers of Siva, or para ma-bhagavatt-bhakta, i.e., ardent devotees of Bhagavati or Parvati. Nay, what is more, two of these kings, vie., Mahendrapala and Mabipala, who were the patrons of the poet Rajasekhara, are in his plays actually called Raghu-kula-tilaka (ornament of the race of Raghu), Raghu-grdmani (the leading person of Raghu's family), &c., &c. ! 130 So that by the time of Rajasekhara, the Gujar kings had not only adopted the Brahmanic mode of worsbip, but also traced their descent from an epic hero. They, however, traced their origin not to Rama, as one is apt to presume, but to his younger brother Lakshmana, who, it is said in a Gwalior inscription, was called Pratthara from his act of repelling (pratiharana-vidheh) the enemies in his battle with Meghanadal. Here Pratihdra is derived from prati + har, to repel, and as this pratiharana is spoken of as baving been acbieved in battle with Meghanada, the word pratfhara cannot be taken in the usual sense of "door-keeper." Bat, at other places, we are told that, because the fanction of a door-keeper (pratihdra) to Ramabhadra was performed by Lakshmana, the family came to be known as Pratihara. This discrepancy is enough to show that the account is fabulous, and the connection with Lakshmana was concocted when the Pratharas were settled and perfectly Hinduised in India and were in dire need of carrying back their genealogy to some epic hero, in order to pass off their dynasty as a genuine indigenous one. The true origin appears to be that given in a Jodhpur inscription of the feudatory Pratibara family. Therein we are informed that there was * Brahmana named Harichandra and surnamed Rohilladdhi, that he had two wives, one a Brahmana, and the other a Kshatriya IT Bomlay Gasstleer, Vol. IX., PEL, P. 498. ** Prabhas for Baka 1829 Asbadha-Abvina. This oopper-plato grant soms to have been known to Mr. A. T. Jackson (vide Bombay Gasetteer, Vol. IX., Pt. I., P. 498, note 3). " For these epithets indioative of their religious predilections, see, ... Ep. Ind., Vol. V., p. 211-8. That Bhagavatt in these opitheto signifies Parvatt has already been shown by me in Proy. Rep. Archaol. Survey, Work Circle, for 1907-8, p. 57. 50 Rajabokhara : his life and writings, by V.8. Apte, p. 9; Rajatokhara' Karparamarjart, by Konow and Lanman, PP. 178-9. Archeol, Swrwey of India, Annual Report, for 1908-4, p. 280, v. 3. Jour. Roy. 41. Boc. for 1895, p. 44.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. woman, and that the children from both wore called Pratibaras, those from the first being styled Brahmana Prattharas and those from the second Kshatriya Prattharas. This is not a merely traditional account, for in the same inscription, that describes the exploits of the Pratihara chieftain Bauka, we are distinctly told in verse 27 that in his fight with king Mayura, he was assisted by the Brahmana Pratiharas as well as Kshatriyas. The marriage of a Brahmana with a Kshatriya woman; with the result as related in this inscription, is curious; and can only be accounted for as being of foreign importation. The Smritis, no doubt, allow a Brahmana to marry a Kshatriya woman, but the offspring of such a union is relegated to the class of mixed castes, and has nowhere therein been styled Kshatriya, as appears from the inscription to have been the case with these Pratibaras, The modern representatives of the Pratibaras are the. Palihirs, who form one of the four agnikulas, i.e., fire-sprang tribes. In fact, Pratibara is only the Sanskritised form of Padibar. Padibars are found both in Rajputana, Panjab and Bihar93, But no trace has yet been found of the Brahmana Pratharas referred to in the Jodhpur inscription. It is, however, worthy of note that among the Pokarna Brahmanas of the present day, there is a kharap or sub-division called Padiyariya. May not the Pokarsas of this kharap be the descendants of the Pratibira Brahmanas of the inscription P The second Rajput tribe, which is, in all likelihood, of Gujar origin, is Chalukya or Chaulakya. There is no epigraphic evidence in the present case, but there can be no doubt that Gujarat of the Bombay Presidency bore this name only after the Chaulakyas conquered and occupied it. If the Chaulukyas had not been of Gujar extraction, it is inconceivable how that province could have been named Gujarat (Gurjaratra), when it was up till their advent known as Lata8. There were two hordes of this tribe which emigrated at two different periods. The first came forth in the last quarter of the sixth century from the Savalakh mountains, as I shall show further on, spread as far south as the Madras Presidency, and was generally known by the nane Chalakya. The second emigrated about the middle of the tenth century from Kalyanakataka, i.6., Kanauj, but did not go south beyond Gujarat. It was generally known by the name of Obaulukya or Solanki. Some aatiquarians are of opinion that they do not represent one tribe, as the first swarm of the invaders were called Chalukyas and the second Chanlukyas. But this view, I am afraid, has not much ground to stand upon. Because, the first have been called also Chaulukyas in several manuscripts of the Vikramdi kadeva-charita by Bilhana, the vidydpati of Vikramaditya VI of the Chalukya family reigning at Kalyani. The same Bilhana again speaks of the Solanki sovereigns of Gujarat as Chalukya in his play entitled Karnasundar786. There, therefore, seems to be no reason to hold that they were two different tribes. Like the Kadambas, as we shall see further on, the Chalukyas are represented as Haritiputras, of the Manavya gotra and as meditating on Shadanana and the seven Divine Mothers. This indicates their Brahmana, or rather priestly origin, though we cannot perhaps say that they and the Kadambas belonged to one tribe. In their later records the Chalnkyas are spoken of as originally having been at Ayodhya, but I shall soon show that they really emigrated from the old Sapadalaksha country, which was in the Himalayas. The Chalakyas are at present represented by Solankts in Rajpatini, by Chalkes and Salunkes in the Marasht-speaking districts 87 and by Ohalbuks in Bihar, "Annals and Antiquition of Rajasthan, by Tod, Vol. I., PP. 93--4. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, by Risley, Vol. II., p. 165. * Cenaue Report of the Jodhpur State (Hindi), for 1891, Vol. III, p. 159. Joms. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXI., Pp. 425-5. # Karnasundar (Kavyam414 Series), p. 5, v. 20; slao p. 52, v. 18. " Who are the Marathas!" by Birjo, pp. 106 & 110. #Th Thibw and Caste of Bengal, by Rialoy, p. 176.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 26 Like the Padibars, the Solaikis are also regarded as an agnikula, i. e., fire sprung tribo. The remaining two are the Chahampas and the Paramaras. This legend about the agnikula is first narrated in the Prithordja-rdad, a work of doubt!al authenticity. So far as the inscriptions go, it is only the Paramaras who can claim to be an Agnikula. Wherever in their records an account of their origin is given, there their progenitor is invariably represented as having arisen from the agnikurda or fire-altar of Vasishtha on Mount Abu. But not a single epigraphic record has been found of the Pratibara, Chalukya or Chuhamana family, in which their origin from the fire-altar is even so much as biuted at. I have just shown that the Pratihiras and Chaalukyas were of the Gujar race. We do not know to what stock the Faramaras belonged, though it is morally certain that they were of foreign extraction, Evidence can, however, I believe, be adduced in support of the foreign origin of the Chubamanas. "There are found in North-Western India coins of Sussanian type and fabrio bearing inscriptions in Nagari, Sazsanian, Pahlavi, and an alphabet, bitherto unread, which is probably a development of the modified form of the Greek alphabet used by the Scytho-Sassanians. These bare been sometimes attributed to the later Hunas, but apparently without sufficient reason. They were almost certainly strack by some Sassanian dynasty or dynasties-as is shown by the style of the coins and by the use of Sassanian Pahlavi-ruling over Sind and Multan, which the earliest Arab geographers include in the kingdom of Sind. It may be noticed that the region had at other periods been in the hands of the Persian conquerors. For one of these issues, which has the name Sri-Vasudeva only in Nagari characters and all the remaining portion of its legende is Sassanian Pablavi, an approximate date is fixed by its very near resemblance to a coinage issued by Khasru II. Parviz in the thirty-seventh year of his reign=627 A.D.". The above passage has been extracted from Professor Rapson's Indian Coings. The Nigart legend referred to by him consists of two parts, one Sri-Vahmana to right and the other Vasudeva to lefto. There is another type of this king's coins, the legends on which are important. On the obverse the legend is in the Sassanian Pahlavi, and reads Saf Varsu Ter-8Vasudeva in the inner circle to right, and, on the margin, Saf Varsu Tef-Wahman X Multan Malkol, meaning Sri-Vasudeva Vahmana, king of Multan. On the reverse we have Sri-Vasudeva in Nagart characters and the Pahlavi legend, Tukdn Zaulastan Sapardalakshan= Takka, Zabulistan and Sapadalakshao. Now, who was this Vasudeva Vahmans, reigning at Maltan over India, Zabulistan, and Espadalaksha? The word Vahmana is commonly taken to be equivalent to Bahmana, and Vasudeva is consequently supposed to have reigned at Bahman wasi= Brab mayabad in Sindsa. But Vahmann does not here stand as the name of a city or province. We have just seen that on one type of Vasudeva's coins, we have simply Sri-Vahmana and Vasudeva. Hero Sri is prefixed to Vahmana, but never to Tukan, Zaulistan or Sapardalakshan. Again, there is no Bach word as malkd here to denote that Vasudeva was the ruler of Vahmana. It is, therefore, natural to conclude that Vahmana mast here be the name of the family or tribe to which Vasudeva belonged. And this name we easily obtain by reading the word as Chabmana or Chabmana, and not Vahmana. The letters and ch in old days were so close to each other that one might easily bo mistaken for the other. In fact, the first letter of the name has actually been read ch by Cunningham, though he is, of course, wrong in reading the next two letters as ngara or ndarah. There can, therefore, be no doubt as to Chahmana being the correct reading. Chahmana, it need scarcely be said, stands for Chabamans; and what the legend on the coin means to say is that Vasudeva was a Chahamana. Now, it is worthy of note that the work entitled Prithvirdja-vijaya says that the first prince of the Chahamana family was Vasudeva, who obtained the gift of the salt-lake, which he placed under the protection of the PRO. 3 109. 90 N. Chron. for 1894, p. 200. Ibid. pp. 332-3. See note 17 on Dare 20. > N. Chron. for 1894, p. 268 ; Indian Coins, by Rapson, p. 80, $ 109. * N. Chron, for 1944 p. 290,

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. goddesses Asapurf and Sakambbarios. The same is stated in the colophon of Rajasekharasuri's Prabandha-kosa, which contains a list of thirty-seven kings, belonging, it is said, to the Sapadalakshiya-Chahamana-nripa-toma, i.e., to say " the Chhamana royal family of the Snpidalaksha country " 98. This list too begins with "Raja-Vasudeva," for whom the date 608 V.E. is also specified. It is, therefore, in every way reasonable to hold that Vasudeva Chalamina of the coins is identical with Vasudeva, the first ling of the Chahamana dynasty. But the date 603 V.E.=551 A.D. assigned for him by the Prabandha-kosa is rather early, and the proper date to be assigned to him appears to be 627 A.D., concluded from one type of his coins being an exact copy of that of Khusra II. Parviz, as mentioned above. Cunningham held that Vasudeva was later Hana, but Professor Rapson is of opinion that he was a Sassanian. Probably he was a Kbazar, and this would also adequately explain, I think, why some legends on his coins are Sagganian Pahlavi. But, this much is incontrovertible, that Vasudeva was of foreign blood, and consequently the Chaha mana family to which he pertained was also a foreign tribe. The next earliest prince of this dynasty was Samanta, with regard to whom the Bijolis inscription says that he was a Brahmana (vipra), belonged to the Vatsa gotra and came originally from A hichchhatrao7. Tbis shows thai Ahichchhatra was the original habitat of the Oh Ahamadas and that they were Brahmanas, that is to say, they originally belonged to some priestly class of foreign tribes. Like the Gubilots of Mewar, who were originally Nagar Brahmanas, they exchanged their priestly for martial porsuits, and were afterwards merged into the Kabatriya Caste. It is on the supposition that they were Brabmanas that the poet Rajasekhara's marriage with a Chahamana lady becomes intelligible. In his Karpuramanjari We are informed that his wife was Avanti andari, "the chaplet of the Chauhaqa (Chabamina) family. On the other hand, the facts that his surname was Yayavara, and that he styled him olf wpadhy'ya or guru of Mahendrapala and Mabi pala-Vinay akapala shows that he was a Brahmana. He, therefore, could marry Avantisandari, only if the latter were of the Brahmana family. Later on, however, their Brahmanic origin was forgotten, and instead of as belonging to the Vatsa gotra they were regarded as having sprang from the eye of Vatsa Rishi. Like the Chabamanas were the Kadambas, who were also originally Brahmanas but became Kshatriyas afterwards. The very fact that in their copper-plate inscriptions they are styled Hariliputras and Manavya-8a ot, as is enough to show that they were of Brahmann origin. But this matter is now set beyond all doubt by the Twgand inscription, the earliest record of their family100. Therein we are told that there was a high family of twice-born (dvija) in whicb Haritipatras trod the path of the three Vedas, and which had sprung from the yotra of Manavya, the foremost of Rishis " and that these Brahmanas (vipra) were called Kadambas, because they tended a leadamba tree near their house. In this family arose Mayurnsarma, who, being enragod at the oppressions of a Pallava king over Brahmanas, fought with them and wrested from them a portion of their territory. The name Mayurasarman here is note. worthy, for he is no doubt identical with Mayuravarman, the name of their ancestor specified by the later records of the Kadambag. The Talgand inscription, however, attaches to his name the honorifio autix Sirman, which is affixed to the names of Brahmanas only. This also * Vienna Ori, Juur., Vol., VII. p. 190. # Reports of Sk. Ma, in South Ind. by Hulbzsch, No. III., p. 114. Jour, Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV., Pt. I, p. 41, 12; Kaviraj 'SyAmalds, who odited this insgription, has wrongly road Vipra-Art-Vatsa otrobhal. The original stono, which I inspected in 1905, clearls has Vipra) 8. Vatsa, &o. The estampage, which I had then prepared with my own hand and I consulted before writing this note, supports this reading. Ol, also the expression dikohita.Vasudoval of the Hamm fra mahd-kavya, oanto, 1, v. 27. * Er. Ind., Vol. IX., p. 74. 190 Ibid. Vol. VIII., p. 81 t.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 27 shows that Mayurasarman, the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, was a Bralmana. But what is very strange is that his very son is in the same inscription called Kangavarman, that is, with the title varman assumed by Kshatriya3. Be that as it may, the Brahmanic origin of the Kadambas remains indisputable. I have stated above that, like the Kadambas, the Chalukyas also are known as Haritiputras and Manavya-sagotras. They must have been somehow intimately connected with each other. There can be no question that the Chalukcas came from the north. The Kadambas also, therefore, seem to have emigrated from the same quarter. This also explains, I think, how the son of Mayurasarman became a Kshatriya. What actually happened in the case of the Pratiharas, must have occurred bere also. The custom of the offspring of a Brahmana and a Kshatriya woman being called Kshatriya, which the Pratibaras followed, though not a Hindu custom, appenrs to bave been followed by the Kadambas also, as will be shown subsequently. This also indicates the northern and foreign origin of the latter, A stone inscription at Kargudari, in the Hangal tdluka of the Dharwar district, represents this Mayurasarman, or Mayura varman (1) as he is therein called, as three-eyed and four-armed, as a son of the god Siva and the Earth, as having "bound his infuriated elephants to a shining pillar of a rock of crystal of the mountain) Himavan," and as having brought from Ahichchha. tra eighteen Brah manas whom he established in the Kuntala country'. Another Talgund record speaks of Mukanna-Kadamba, -"the three-eyed Kadamba"-, supposed to be identical with Mayurasarman as having brought twelve-thousand Brahmanas, of thirty-two gotras purified by performing the Agnihotra sacrifice, from the agrahdra of A hichchhatra and as having established them in the agrahdra of Sthanagudhapura, i.e., Talgund itself in the Shimoga district, Mysore. The Brahmanas brought here from the north are said to have made an effort later to leave the province. "But they were brought back again, and in order to prevent a repetition of the attempt, were compelled to have anshorn a lock of hair on the forehead, as a distinguishing mark. From these are descended the present Haiga or Havika Brabmanas of the north-west of Mysore, who wear their hair in that fashion. Ethnologically, their colour and features support the tradition of a northern origin"3. Another foreign tribe, which came from the north to the south, is Sinda. An interesting record of this family has been found at Bhairanmatti* in the Bagalkot talukd, Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency. It says that there was a Sinda prince named Pulikala, born in the race of the Nagas, who had the naga-dhvaja or hooded-serpent banner, and the hereditary title Bhogavatipuraparamekvara, i.e., "supreme lord of the town Bhogavati," which was, according to Hindu mythology, the capital of the Naga king Vasuki in Patala or lower regions. From a desire to see the earth, there came from these regions the serpent-king Dharanendra, and to him there was born at Ahichchhatra in the island of the river Sindhu (the Indus), a son, "the long-armed Sinda," the progenitor of the Sinda family. The Sindas thus were a clan of the Naga tribe, and came from Ahichchhatra. We have seen that Samanta, one of the earliest princes of the Chahamana dynasty, came from Ahichchhatra. Mayurasarman, the founder of the Kadamba family, we know, proceeded to the Himalayas, and brought with him a colony of Brahmanas from Ahichchhatra. The implication is that Ahichchhatra was somewhere in the Himalayas. The ancestor of the Sindas also, we now find, came from Ahichchhatrapura. Ahichchhatra thus appears to be the original 1 Ind. Ant.; Vol. X., pp. 251 and 253. 2 Ep. Carnat., Vol. VII., Pt I., p. 121. # Mysore and Coorg, by Rioo, p. 86. The Havig Brahmanas of Karwar still say that they were originally brought by May Aravarman (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV., Pt. I, p. 117), of. also the Sahyadrikhanda, by Da Cunha, p. 384. * Rp. Ind., Vol III, p. 232.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. habitat in India of these foreign tribes, before they migrated southward or eastward. This Ahichchhatra is no doubt identical with the 'O-hi-chi-ta-lo' of the Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang. Cunningham has identified this place with Ramnagar, about 22 miles north of Badaun, in the United Provinces. But this identification does not seem to be correct, as Yuan Chwang distinctly states that the country of Ahichchhatra "is naturally strong, being flanked by mountain crags." This description does not at all suit the position of Ramnagar, which is on the Gangetic plains, and is not surrounded by hills. On the contrary, it perfectly agrees with what we are told in the Kadamba and Sinda inscriptions, viz., that it was in the Himalayan range. The Jaina works? also mention one Ahichchhatra as the capital of Jaigala, which in the Mahabharata is once placed near Madreya, which was situated between the Chenab and the Sutlej". The Jangala, i.e., the jungly country near Madreya, can only be the southern part of the Himalayas, where Ahichchhatra must consequently be located. To speak more clearly, there appear to have been at least three Ahichchhatras in northern India. One, as seems from the Mahabharatalo, was to the north of Panchala. And this may now be represented by the ruins near Ramnagar, as Cunningham says. This may also be the Adisdara (for Adisadra) of Ptolemy which was in the Prasiakell, i.e., the Prachya, country. The second was Adeisathra 2 of the same Greek geographer, which must have been in the Adeisathroi territory, though, curiously enough, he disjoins one from the other. This, I think, is the same as the Adhichhatra of a Pabhosa inscription13. The third, as just shown, was in the Himalayas, is to be identified with Yuan Chwang's O-hi-chi-ta-lo,' and was probably the only Ahichchhatra flourishing in the medieval times. [JANUARY, 1911. Now, the question arises: what was originally the name of this mountainous territory? The southernmost limit of it is formed by what is called the Siwalik (properly Sawalakh) range. At present it is supposed to run parallel to the Himalayas for about 200 miles from the Beas to the Ganges. But in the olden days it must have covered a far wider region. Two inscriptions found at Gaya mention one Asokavalla as the lord of the kings of the Sapadalaksha mountains and as the overlord of a tributary named Purushottamasimha of the Kama, i.e., Kamaun, country, Another inscription of this king has been found in Gadhwal. A reference to these hills is found also in the Mughal Emperor Babar's autobiography. Munshi Devi Prasad of Jodhpur informs me that according to Babar's account, this range commences with the Indus and runs through many parts of Kashmir, such as Pakhli and Sahmanak. The same bills are called Hindukush in Kabul, and after turning a little southward run straight off to the east. This range, says Babar, was called Sawalakh, because it contained no less than 125,000 hills. This whole hilly region must, therefore, widely speaking, be supposed to have been originally known by the name of Sapadalaksha, but in particular it included the districts of Kamaun, Gadhwal, Kangda, Hoshiarpur, and so forth, in fact, all that part of India between the Chamba State and Nepal. As foreign inroads extended southwards, it embraced also a portion of the sub-montane region along this line. This also explains Buddhist Records of the Western World, by Beal, Vol. I, p. 200. Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I., p. 359 ff. 7 Weber's Die Sk. and Pr. Handschriften der Berliner Bibliothek, pp. 562 and 854. 8 Bhishmapartan, Cap. IX. v. 39; see also v. 56 of the same parvan and Uddyogaparvan, Cap. LIV. v. 7. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I, p. 185. 1 Adiparvan, Cap. 138, vs. 76-7. On the strength of this adhyaya, it is asserted that Ahichchhatra was the capital of north Panchala. But this is not actually borne out. Ahiohchhatra is here called the capital, not of north Panchala, as it would have been stated, if it had really been so, but of Ahichchhatra-vishaya. In fact, north Panchala or Panchala proper was the country between the Ganges and Jamna. This agrees with what Rajasekhara says in the Bala-Ramayana, Aot V. v. 86. 11 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII., pp. 352-3; vide also Kasika on Papini I. 1-75, where both Ahichchhatra and Kanyakubja are included in Prachya. 13 Ep. Ind., Vol. II., p. 243. 12 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII., p. 361. 14 Ind. Ant., Vol. X., pp. 342-6; Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XVI., p. 358.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 29 how, with the migrations of the Chibamanas southward, the boundaries of Sapadalaksha came to be extended or rather the country over which they ruled came to be called Sapadalaksha. It has been stated above that Rajasekharasuri, author of the Prabandha-kosa, speaks of them as Sapadalakshiya-Chdhamanas, i.e., Chahamanas of the Sapadalaksha (country). From inscriptions, and early Muhammadan writers, it seems that Sapadalaksha included Hansi in the Punjab, Ajmer, Mandor, the old capital of Marwar and 6 miles north of Jodhpur, and M&ndalgadh in Mewarl5. All this was exactly the territory held by the Chahamanas, and there cannot be even the shadow of a doubt as to this province being called Sapadalaksha only after their Occupation. And what can be more natural than that they should give it the name of their original habitat? How else are we to explain again the fact that the district of Dharwar over which a branch family of the Chalukyas ruled was known as Sapadalaksba, as the author of the Pampa-Bharalle informs us? Here too one conclusion only is possible. The original habitat of the Chalukyas, like that of Chahamanas, was the mountain region called Sapadalaksha, and they too gave this name to the territory which they conquered in the south though it was far removed from the Himalayas. Thus the mountainous territory called Sapadalakshe was the original country where the Chahaminas and Chalukyas were settled. It is with this Sapadalaksha that the Sapardalaksban of Vasudeva's coins referred to above must be identified, and not with Rajpatana, as is done by Cunningham, because, northern Rajpatane came to be called Sapadalaksha abont the middle of the eleventh century, and was in the time of Vasudeva kuown as Gurjara-desa only?". In this connection it is worth noticing that the so-called White Fun coins collection of Mr. Rawlins, so ably and lacidly noticed by Mr. V. A. Smith, came from the Plateau of Managwal situated on the outer renge of the Sawalakh hills in the Hoshiarpur district 18. In fact, this whole mountainous region had been occupied by the Hunas and Gujars before they spread southward and eastward. Not only the fighting tribes such as Chihamanas, Chalokyas and Sindas, but also Brahmanas, came from Ahichchhatra, the capital of old Sapadalaksha. We have seen above that Mayurasarman, the founder of the early Kadamba family, brought twelve-thousand Brahmanas of thirty-two gotras from this place, and some of these at any rate are represented by the modern Havigas. The Keralotpatti tells us that the Brahmanas in the south were brought by Parasurama from Ahichchhatram!. In inscriptions as well as in the colophons of old MSS., Brahmana 18 N. Chron. for 1894, p. 271. There can be no doubt that the kingdom of the ChAhamAnas was called SapAdalaksha. At the end of his work, entitled Dharmamrita, Ashdhara says that he was born in the fortress of Mandalakara situated in the country of Sapadalaksha, the ornament of which was Bakambhart (R. G. Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, p. 390). Bakambbarl is no doubt Sambhar, the onpital of the ChAbamAna kingdom. Sapadalaksha here can, therefore, denote the Chabanna territory only. This Sapadalakeba inoluded, as Abadhara informs us, Mandalakara durga, i.e., Mpdalgadh in Mewer. This was, I think, its south-eastern limit. A LA inscription informs us that it inoluded Nagapattana, i.e. Nagaur, and I have elsewhere stated that there is still a traot of land in the Nagaur distriot, known as Svalakh or SavAlakh, which is fanious for bullooks. This formed its western boundary. How far its other boundaries extended is not olear. In this connection it may be stated that the last story of the first tantru of the Panchatantra speaks of SapAdalaksha and also Pallipura (PAI), but in Bach a way as to show that PAll did not fall under Sapadalaksha, at any rate, at the time when the work was composed. 16 Pampa Bharala (Bibliotheca Carnatica), by Rice, "Analysis of the Poem," p. 1. My attention to this was drawn by Mr. L. Narasimhachar of Bangalore. 11 The names of the countries that ooour on the coins of Vasudeva are Tukan, Jaulistan and Sapardalaksban. Cunningham's identification of Jaulistan with Jabulistan is incontrovertible. But Saparda lakshan is to be identified, as I have just show, not with Rajputana, but with the mountainous region comprising Kamkun, Gadowal, Kingd Hogbiarpur and so forth. Tukan has been, indentified by Cunningham with the Panjab (N. Chron. for 1694, withont sufficient grounds. On nome coins instead of Tukan we have 'Takan. Agair, the ending an is here tantologous, like that in Sapardalaksban. The true name thus appears to be Tak-Takka, doubtless, the name of the province between the Indus and the Beas known as early as the eighth century (Stein's Rajatarangint, translation, Vol. I, p. 205, Noto 150). Tukan, i.e., Takkadeka, thus was contiguous, with the old Sapadalakshs. 18 Jour. Roy, A8. Soc. for 1907, p. 91, 19 Ante, Vol. VII., p. 281.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (JANUARY, 1911. grantees or authors originally of Ahichchhatra are mentioned. Thus the Ujjain plates of 974 A.D. speak of the grantees Vasantacharya as having emigrated (vinirgata) from Abichchhatra, i. e., belonging to the Ahichchhatra Brahmana community 20. Mahdhara, the author of the Mantramahodadhi, speaks of himself as having emigrated from the territory of Ahichchhatra, which he calls dvija-chchhatra, i.e., shelter of the twice-borno1 Linguistic considerations also lead us to the same conclnsion. There is a group of languages called Pahadi, which, as Dr. Grierson tells us, are offshoots of Rajasthani29. They are spoken in the Himalayas from Chamba in the Panjab to Nepal. Dr. Grierson, however, accounts for this close resemblance by saying that bands of Rajputs at various times invaded these hills, settled there, and intermarried with the original inhabitants, on whom they imposed their language. I am not aware of any evidence that can be adduced to show that the Rajputs, who conquered the hills, were from Rajasthan (Rajputana), as he, I think, clearly implies. Oa the contrary, what little I know runs counter to this view. For the Rajput tribes known in Rajasthan are Chahamanas, Padihars, and so on, but those which exist in the hilly districts of the Panjab are Katoch, Pathania, Jaswal23, &c., - quite unheard of in Rajasthan. On the other hand, the principal Rajput tribes of Rajasthan have themselves come, as I have just shown, from this billy country, which was in olden times known as Sapadalaksha. The Chabamanas and the early Chalukyas came from this region and the Bhatts also appear to have come from here, for they have a sub-division amongst them called Sawalakbia, which is found even among the Bhati Malis. There may be many other Rajput clans, such as Paramiras and Padibars, who also came from Sapadalaksba, although we know nothing about them just now in this respect. The close resemblance between Rajasthani and Pahadi has, therefore, to be explained by the fact that the predominant tribes of Rajputini, who alone could influence Rajasthani, themselves came from the billy tracts where Pahadi is spoken. In this connection it deserves to be further noticed that another offshoot of Rajasthani, as Dr. Grierson informs us, is Gajari," the language of the Gujars wandering with their herds over the mountains of Kashmir and the Swat valley." This doubtless connects the principal Rajput tribes of Rajputani, who have influenced Rajasthani, with the nomadic Gujar race, a conclusion by no means startling. These tribes are what are called the agnikulas, i. e., Chabamanas (Chavans), Paramaras (Pamvars), Chaulukyag (Solankis), and Pratiharas (Padihars). Solankis and Padibars we know for certain to be of Gajar origin. And though no proof can as yet be actually brought forward, there is every likelihood of the Chavans and Pam vars also being Gujars. With regard to the Chahaminas (Chavans) in particular, we have seen above that we have strong evidence in support of their foreign origin. I believe that as legend has brought these four Rajput tribes together and classed them under agnikula, they all came from Sapadalaksha and were of Gujar race. That the GOjars were foreigners has now been admitted on all hands. They have been dentified by the late Sir James Campbel126 with the Khazars who occupied a very prominent position on the border land of Europe and Asia especially in the sixth century A. D. It is worth noticing here tbat Khazar is called Gazar to the north of the sea of Asof, that Gbyser is the name for Kbazars who have become Jews, and that Ghusar is the form of Khazar in use among the Lesghians of the CaucaBug. All these forms, i.e., Gazar, Ghyssr and Ghusar approach so closely the Indian namo Guzar, that it would be well-nigh impossible to dissent from Sir James Campbell's view. Reminiscences 1. Ante Vol. VI, pp. 50 and 52. 1 Oxford Catalogue, by Aufrecht, p. 100. * Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. I., PP. 364 and 368. 13 Consue of the Parvab, by Ibettson, for 1881, PP. 248-51. Connus Report of the Jodhpur State (Hindi), for 1891, Vol. III, p. 89; Sawalakhil is also Whathop among the Baid-Kayasthag (IUI. P. 404). Bombay Gazetteer, Yol. IX., Pt. I, p. 471 ff. * Ibid, p. 479.

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JANUARY, 1911.] FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 31 of their immigration to India are preserved in the names of the various provinces called after them. Thus in the first place, we have a tract of land called Gurjistan, apparently in the neighbourhood of the White Huna capital Badeghiza. A modern trace seems to remain in Ujaristan, the initial G being dropped, beyond Arghandab west of Haziri. A third Gujaristan is near Ghazni. There are other provinces named after them, which are too numerous to mention. But the three instances I have here given are sufficient to show that the Gujars were originally outside India. Now, ethnologists of repute are of opinion that Khazars, though perhaps not of the same stock as the White Hans, were certainly most intimately connected with them. This explains why the advent of the Gujars was almost synchronous with that of the Hunas in India. The earliest mention of Gurjara oceurs in the Aihole insoription, Bana's Harshacharsta and Yuan-Chwang's itinerary20, which are practically of the same pericd, i. e., the first balf of the seventh century. But then the Gajars had been so firmly settled in Rajputana that this last was called Gurjaradesa after them. And it would be interesting to know whether they were known by this name only even at the time when they entered India. In Chapter XIV of his Brihatsamhita, Varahamihira places a tribe called Kachchhara in conjunotion with Huna in the northern division of India. It need scarcely be said that Kachchhara comes so close to Khazar that it seems extremely tempting to hold that one is an Indian form of the other. An Ephthalite coin, found in the old Sapadalaksha, has been described by Mr. V. A. Smith, which on the obverse bas (Khi)jara and on the reverse Sri-Prakasaditya. Khijara here is doubtless & mistake for Khajara, another Indian form of Khazar; and the coin shows that Prakasaditya was a Khazar by race. Inscriptions in southern India have been found of certain chiefs, who are therein described as of the Jimutavabana lineage and of the Khachara races. Thus Kachehh&ra, Khachara, Khajara and Gurjara are all names denoting one tribe just as we have the names Chahamana, Chohan, Chavhan, Chavan and Chhabama for the family to which the celebrated Prithviraja belonged. ** The Khazars were fair-skinned, black-haired, and of a remarkable beauty and stature; their women indeed were sought as wives equally at Byzantium and Baghdad98." This satisfactorily answera, I think, those who maintain that there is no admixtare of foreign or aboriginal blood in the Bruhmange or Rajputs simply because they are fair and clear-featured. We now como to the Maitraka tribe. For long it was thought that Maitrakas were the enemies of Bhatarka, the founder of the Valabbi dynasty. But the correct interpretation of the passage wherein they are mentioned requires us to sappose that they were the tribe to which Bhatarka belonged 84. I have elsewhere said that Bhatarka is to be placed circa 500 A. D., i.e., exactly the time when the might of tho Ilunas bad overshadowed northern India. I have little doubt that they entered into India with the Funas. I have also said that the Maitrakas were the same as Mibirns, the well-known tribe of Mers, Ag in Sanskrit both Mitra and Mihira mean the same thing, viz., the sun. This itself is enough to stamp the Valabhi dynasty as originally foreign barbarians. In consonance with this view is the fact that the name Bhatarka and perhaps the name of his son Dharasena are hardly indigenous or Hindu, but have all the look Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. IX., Pt. I., . 478. # Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. XIV., 'Article on Khazar.' +9 Jour, Boinb. 48. Soc., Vol. XXI., p. 425. # Ante Vol. XXII., pp. 172 and 179. Khacharas also are mentioned by Varahamibirs further on in this list. But here the word has to be translated with Dr. Fleet by "the roamers in the sky," as they are placed between Kesadharas and Svamukhas. 31 Jour. Roy. 18. Soc., for 1907, p. 93. 1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Pt. II., pp. 439, 443, 450, 452, 476 and $23. 15 Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. XIV., P. 59. * In my paper on the 'Guhilots' (Jour. Beng. 41. Soc. for 1909, p. 183) I have givon credit to Prof. Hultzsch for having first proposed this interpretation, but I now find that, as a matter of fact, Dr. Fleet was the first to quggest it (ante Vol. VIII., P. 308), though he afterwards gave it up (Gupta Inuore., P. 167).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. of being the Sanskritised form of foreign names. And it is, no doubt, these princes who brought from the north the word divira in dirira-pati, which occurs in their copper-plate charters, bat is a Persian word. With the Maitrakas are closely associated the Nagar Brahmanas; at any rate, they make their appearance first during the regime of the Valabhi dynasty. Mr. Vallabhji Haridatt Acharya of Rajkot has kindly supplied me with a verse which sets forth what are called the "Sarmans,' i.e., Came-endings, of the various gotras of the Nagar Brahmanas. It has been found by him in three MSS. of the work Pravar adhyana connected with the Nagars. One of the MSS. is dated Sanwat 1788 Vaidkeha kuda 8 Bhrigu, and all distinctly and unmistakably state that the gotras, pravaras, &c., therein specifred are those which were in existence before Samvat 1283. This verse, which is of great importance, runs as follows: datta-guptau nanda-ghoSau zarma-dAsau ca varma ca / nAgadattastrAta-bhUtI mitra-devI bhvstthaa|| Here is a list of thirteen Sarmans,' which were in use amongst the Nagar Brihmanas nearly 700 years ago. Even now they are affixed to their names, when they perform the religious ceremonies. Here, however, we are concerned with three of them, just to show that the list is not a fiction, but has some foundation in fact. These three Sarmans' are Mitra, Trata and Datta. In the Pravarddhaya, Mitra has been assigned to two gotras, viz., Sarkaraksha and GAngyayana. In my paper on the "Gabilots" I have given extracts from three copper-plates all found at Alina, 5 in whieh the names of the Brahmana grantees as well as of their fathers end in mitra. Here then we have three instances of Mitra Sarman. That they were Nagar Brabmanas is clearly proved by the faet that they all originally belonged to and came from Anartapura or Anandapura, which is identical with Vadnagar. And the gotra of these donees, as given in the copper-plates, is Sarkarakshi, the same as Sarkaraksha, specified in the Pravarddhydya. The latter again gives for Trata Sarman' the gotras Bharad vaja and Atreys. Let us see whether this also is borne out by any inscription. The Varadiya-Jogia plate336 of Dhruvasena I, and dated 221 G.E. speak of the grantees thus: bhAnandapuravAstavya-brAhmaNa- skandabAsa--gahanAtAbhyAM bharadvAja - e rit ut &c., &c. The name Anandapura shows that the grantees here also were Nagar Brahmanas. Their names, it is worthy of note, end in Trata, and both are of the Bharadvaja gotra, which t perfectly agrees with the information contained in the Pravaradlydya about this Sarman Another Valabhi grant7 has the following: Anandrapuravinirgata-vallabhivAstavya-vidyasAmAnya-gAyesagotra - i-r anger-AGTT &c., &c. Here also the donee is a Nagar Brahmana, as he is said to have emigrated from Anandapura. His name is Magopadatta, which ends in the Sarman' Datta, and his golra is Gargya, which agrees with the Pravaradhydya, the last giving no less than nineteen gotras for this Sarman,' of which Gargya is undoubtedly one. It is thus evident that the Nagar Brahmanas figure first in the time of the Valabbi princes, and that the same 'Sarmans that are now, were even then, current amongst them. Now, the question arises : what can these Sarmang' be? These Sarmans cannot possibly be in all cases mere name-endings. For the name-endings that we generally meet with are the names of gods such, e.g., in Manisankar, or some terms descriptive of being devotees of those gods, such, e.g. # Vienna Ori. Jour., Vol. VII., P. 299. 15 Jour, Beng. At. Soc. for 1909, pp. 181-2. BT Ante Vol. XI., P. 309.

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JANUARY, 1011.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 38 in Ambadas. But in the present list, most of them, snch as Nanda, Varman and so forth, are certainly neither of them. On the contrary, even a moment's reflection will convince us that no less than ten of these thirteen Sarmans' are found as family names among Kayasthas in Bengal, corresponding to Datta, Gupta, Nandi, Ghosh, Sarma, Das, Barmii, Bhut, Mitra and Deb38. And of these the names Gupta, Varman, and Mitra are by no means unfainiliar to Indian epigraphy as those of royal families. Several coins have been found in Oudh, Rohilkhand, and Gorakhpur, the legends on which give the names of kings ending in mitra ; and those have consequently been rightly assigned to the Mitra dynasty. The Gupta family is too well known to require any mention. All the kings of the Maukhari dynasty have their names ending in varman, and have, therefore, been styled also as the Varman dynastyo. Again, if these. Sarmans' are mere name-endings, it is inconceivable how Varman could have found a place in their list. For Varman is a suffix attached to the names of Kshatriyas only, and cannot possibly be affixed to the names of Nagar Brabmanas, as they are Brahmanas. Bat the very fact that Varman is included in the list shows that it is not a mere honorific suffix but a family name, whose existence is attested by the Maukbsris also called Varman, and by the surname Barma actually current in Bengal among the Kayaathashl, Mr. Acharya has told us in one place that, at the time of performing religious ceremonies, it is customary to say Bhagvanlala-trala for Bhagvanlai, Manisaikar-gupta for Manisankar and so forth. Here at any rate Trdta and Gupta eannot be taken as unere suffixes. For as suffixes they would be tautologous, as we have them already in lal of Bhagvanlal and Sankar of Manisankar. The conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that at least ten of these 'Sarmans' represent the names of families or tribes that were incorporated into the Nagar Brahmana caste. This seems to point to a racial identity or affinity between the Kayasthas of Bengal and the Nigar Brahmanas of Bombay Gujarat. If this line of reasoning has any weight, Mitra, one of the Sarmans' amongst the Nagar Brahmanas, really represents one of such tribes or clans amalgamated into that caste. And we have already seen that the Nagar Brahmanas, first came to notice during the role of Valabhi kings who were Maitrakas. It is difficult to avoid the conclosion, as I have stated elsewhere, that Maitraka and Mitra denote one and the same tribe, just as we know that the Solankis of Gujarat have been called by one and the same poet at one time Chulukyas and at another time Chaulvkyas. Besides the Mitras, there were, of course, as I have just stated, other families or tribes that were incorporated into the Nagar Brahmana caste. In this connection the following learned words of the late Sir James Campbell deserve to be noticed :-" The facts tbat there are Nagaras among Gujarat Wanias; that Nagaras are 50,000 strong among the Gurjaras of Bulandshahr (N. W. P. Gazetteer, III, 48); and that Nagaras appear as Nagres among Jats (Sialkot Gazetteer, 45 ) add to the doubt of the correctness of the Gujarat Nagara claim to be Brahmans" 13. Nagars thas appear not to have been indigenous to Gujarat, but came there from the north. When they did come into Gujarat, they doubtless established themselves at # The Trider and Castaw of Bongal, by Bisley, Vol. II., Appendix pp. 74-5. * Indian Coins, by Rapson, $$ 44 and 53 ; Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Muum, Calcutta, by V. A. Smith, p. 184. ** The Chronology of India, by O. Mabel Duff, p. 308. 1 The Kayasthas of Bengalaro, according to traditions, supposed to have come from Kananj in the time of Adibara (The Tribor and Oaste of Bongal, Vol. I, p. 488). And that the Nagars sluo on me from the north, will be shown furthor on. Nothing, therefore, kroon against the view of their racial afflity, if not, identity. It is again worthy of note that the BrimAll Brahmapes of M&rwar also have no less than nine 'Barmans' in common with the Nagoro; via., Nanda, TrAtaka, Mitra, Bhata, Disa, Gupta, Ghosha, Datta and Dova (Cervus Report of the Jodhpur State, for 1891, Vol. III. Pp. 141-3). This shows that the Nagar and BrimAll Brahmap and the Bengal Klyaathas originally belonged to the same race. 41 Vienna Ort. Jour., Vol. VII, p. 296. *1 Bombay Gaxettear, Vol. IX., p. 188, note 9.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1911, Anandapura or Vadnagar. It is in the Vadnagar prasasti of Kumarapala (1143-1174 A.D.) that the place is for the first time called Nagara, and also the caste name Nagara of these Brahmanas mentioned: When Visnagar was founded and some of them settled there, the old place came to be called not simply Nagara, but Bada-Nagar, the old Nagar, which was Sanskritised into. Vsiddhanagara as well as Vacanagara. I believe all their present sub-divisions except one, are the offshoots of the first swarm of the Nagar Brahmanas, who were settled at Anandapura. The exception is that of the Prashnoras, who, it is worthy of note, call themselves Ahichchhatras or Ahichchhatrajzatfyas. This points to the conclusion that not only Nagars in Bombay Gujara, but even Gurjar Nagars of Balandshahr and Jat Nargres were so named after some place called Nagar, which was not far from Ahichchhatra. For, if this Nagar had not been in the lose neighbourhood of Abichchhatra, the Nagara and Prashooras would not have belonged to the same stock; and consequently the latter, when they emigrated from Abichchhatra and came into Gajarat, would not have been admitted into the Nagar caste. Now, there is such a place in the Sawalakh hills, called Nagar or Nagarkot, which was the old name of Kangda, the principal town of the district of the same name, Punjab. There is a temple of Devi here, which was one of the most ancient and famous shrines in northern India, and was largely resorted to by pilgrims from the plains. The riches of the temple attracted the attention of Muhammad of Gbazni, who in 1009 A.D. took the fort and plundered the temple. It is this Nagarkot, I conjecture, that was like Ahichchhatra, the cradle of a caste of Brahmanas called Nagar or Nagar, who spread everywhere in India. Thus we have Nagar or Nagar Brahmanas, not only in the Bombay Gujarat, but in Mysore and also in Nepal. There are again sub-divisions named Nagar, Nagari or Nagaria among the Kashmiri, Kanojia and Maithil Brab manas 6. Looked at even from the orthodox point of view, the present Nagar Brahmana caste is a ourious combination of Brahmanic and non-Brahmanic elements. Two of their "Sarmans," riz. Sarman and Deva are, as laid down by the Smritis, name-suffixes of the Brahinanas, one, viz., Varman is that of a Kshatriyas, two others, viz., Detti and Gupta are those of the Viegas, and one, ciz., Dasa of the Sudras. All these elements, it may, therefore, be argued, combined to form the Nagar caste. But the correct view appears to me to be to take all these "Sarmans" as the names of tribes or clans that were amalgamated into the Ni - caste, with more or less a Gurjara strain in it, as we have just seen. The following words are worth quoting in this connection from a letter from Mr. N. B. Divatia, B.A., Assistant Collector, Ratnagiri : "Nor can it be argued against your theory of clan-indicators that, after all, these suffixes are merely individual namo-suffixes like. lal, Sankar, Ram, ray, &c., in use amongst thy Garjarutis at present (eg., Motilal, Amritlal, Mohanlal, Premsankar, Bhavanisankar, Mahipetrem, Rupram, Mukundray, Isvarray, &c.), or rdu amongst the Marahas, and that, therefore, these "Sarmans" are no more clan-indicators than are these lah, Ram, &c. For, while these ldl, &c., pertain merely to individuals, each "Sarman" was the peculiar property of a vertain separate group of individuals, that group was wedded to that particular "Sarman" in the watter of naming their members. "This principle has survived even the dropping of the Sarman' suffix, as is evidenced by the fact that the Nagars, although they have not these suffixes tacked on to their names now, are supposed to own particular hereditary Sarmans.' Thus, then, the invariable possession of a common Sarman' by a large number of families would naturally presuppose an underlying common basic idea, and that iqmust be the clan, as it fits in all-round. Bombay Garetteer, Vol. IX., Pt. 1., p. 15, notes 1 and 2. * The antiqaities of Nagar-kot have been described by Cunningham in Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. V., p. 155 ft. Nagar-kog is referred to and described by Yuan Chwang (Wattors' Yuan Chwang, vol. I, pp. 187-). Another name by which it was famous wm Bukarmanagara (Ep. Ind., Vol L., p. 100, and Vol. II., P. 483). Nagara us the name of a town, was known to the author of Kasid (nee his gloss on Pagini, IV., 2.95). 4 Wilson's Indian Caste, Vol. II., PP. 61, 96, 148 and 152.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 95 I dare sny obe noteworthy feature has attracted your attention; viz., that whilo Sarmans' (e.g., Mitra, Gupta, Datta and others) have taken the place of surnames in Bengal, amongst the Nagars the Sarmans are oaly historical heritages, not in use now for generations past, and for surnames the Nagars have separate ava tankas. This also will indicate, in a way, that Sarmans' at one time indicated more than a family. Thus the Bengal Kayasthas reduced their Sarmans' to the position of surnames (just as the Scotch clan-names are now family names, that is surnames). whereas we Nagars dropped the Sarmans' for all practical purposes, keeping them only as ornamental mementos of a social state long gone by, just like the gotra, and adopted the avatarkas for the surnames. Even the avatamkas would have disappeared from practice, in fact they were not in daily use, till the University practice requiring surnames gave occasion for their revival, though of course the surnames were not as defunct as the Sarmans.' " With regard to the presence of Sarman in the list of the thirteen. Sarmans,' Mr. Divatia says as follows: "I think the terminal Sarman was claimed (as their peculiar Sarman') by such of the Nagars as had no real clanindicating Sarman,' either because, having had one, it had long been forgotten or dropped, or because they did not descend from any definitive clan. An exact parallel of this process is at present found in the case of the surname amongst us Nagars. There are a certain number of families who possess no real surname at all, and, therefore, they have given themselves Mehta as, their surname; and, as all Nigars know, Mehta is a term applied to Nagars in a general way, thug :-Mehta Nandsaukar, Mehta Bapubbai, and so forth. This was the practice in addressing Nagars in writing, now gone out of use, except in business account books." I have proved elsewhere, conclusively I hope, that the Guhilots were originally Nagar Brabmanas. To this tribe belongs the celebrated Udaipur dynasty, looked upon as the purest Rajpat family in the whole of Rajputana. I have also shown there that the Guilots have been styled Brahma-Kshatri in one inscription and also in one bardia chronicle. The Sena Kings of Bengal bore the same caste name. Mr. R. Narasimhachar of Bangalore has kindly drawn my attention to at least three such instances in the south. Thus Sravan-Belgola, No. 109, of about 983 A.D. says that Chamundaraya, the celebrated Jaina minister of the Ganga king, Rachamalla, belonged to the Brahma-Kshatra family. The same fact is mentioned in the Chamundar dya-purdna (978 A D.) also. Udayaditya, a Ganga chief, of the eleventh century is described as of Brahmakshatra-vir-anvaya". Sirigirinatha Odeyar, governor of Araga, under Devaraya II. of Vijayanagar, was a Brahina-Kshatra. We have thus no less thaa five royal families that have been designated Brahma-Kshatri. The question here arises, what can be the meaning of this composite name, Brahma-Kshatri? I havo elsewhere suggested that Brahms-Kshatris denote families which were Brahmaras first, but afterwards exchanged their priestly for martial pursuits and were fused into the Kshatriya class. I still maintain that this is at least one explanation. It is supported by the very nature of the compound Brahma-Kshatra, which has to be dissolved as ddau Brahmanah paschat Kshatrah, i. e., those who were Brahmanas first and became Ksbatriy as afterwards. The legends of the Chhipa caste in Marwar, to which allusion has been made elsewhere, also show that they came to be called Brabma-Kshatris only after they gave up their Brahmanbood for their new profession. But a second explanation is not impossible at least in some cases. It may be asserted that some families became Brahma-Kshatris by intermarriages between the Brahmana and Kshatriya classes, We know that Harichandra, the progenitor of the feudatory Pratihara family, was a Brahmana, and had two wives, one a Brahmana, and the other a Kshatriya woman. Offspringe from the first were styled Pratibara T Jour. Beng. As. Soc., for 1909, p. 167 f. * Ep. Carnat., Vol. VII., Shikarpar; Nos. 109, 110 and 130. * Ibid., Vol. VIII., Tirthaballa ; No. 23; here the phrase Brahma-Kshatriya is uued

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. Brahmanas, and from the latter Pratihara Kshatriyas. We have a similar instance also, I think, in the case of Kadambas. The founder of this family, as we have seen above, was Mayurasarman. That he was a Brahmana is clearly shown by his honorific suffix surman and by the actual use of the word vipra in the well-known Talgund inscription. But his own son bears the designation of varman appropriate to a Kshatriya only. This shows that Mayurasar man too, like Harichandra, must have married a Kshatriya woman, and consequently was the originator of a Kshatriya family. But against this view is the fact that the Pratiharas and Kadambas are nowhere in inscriptions or elsewhere known as Brahma-Kshatris. A third explanation also can be adduced with regard to the origin of this composite name. In the Puranas we find at least two old royal families that are called Brahma-Kshatra. Thus the Vaya-purana in chapter 99 has the following verses: acAnucoka gIto vipraiH purAbhiH / brahmakSatrasya yo yoni vaMzo devarSisatkRtaH || 278 kSemakaM prApya rAjAnaM saMsthAM prApsyati vai kalau / ityeSa pauravo vaMzo yathAvadanukIrtitaH // 279 In the Vishnu-purana occurs the following verse at the end of Aisa IV, chapter 21 : brahmakSatvasya yo yonirdezo rAjarSisatkRtaH / kSemakaM prApya rAjAnaM sa saMsthAM prApsyate kalau // Here the Paurava family is called Brahma-Kshatra, and with regard to its signification, the commentator on the Vishnupurdna says: brahmaNaH brAhmaNasya kSatrasya kSatriyasya ca yonaH kAraNaM pUrva yathoktasvAt / This means that from the Paurava family emanated both the Brahmana and Kshatriya families. We know that the parents of Puru, who was the progenitor of the Pauravas were Yayati and Sarmishtha, both unquestionably of the Kshatriya caste. Hence the question will naturally arise, how and what Brahmana families could have sprung from Purn? Chapter 19 of Book IV of the Vishnupurana answers it. In part 9 of the chapter we have gargAcchinittato gArgyA sainyAH kSatropetA dvijAtayo babhUvuH in part 10 occur the words ajamIDhArakaNvaH kaNvAnmedhAtithiryataH kANyAyanA dvijAH and in part 16 the words mugAlAcca kSatropetA dvijAtayo babhUvuH. The ' expression kSatropetA dvijAtayo babhUvuH is explained in the commentary by kSatriyA eva kenacitkAraNena brAhmaNAzca babhUvuH. From these quotations it is clear that no less than four Brahmanic families. originated from Puru, viz., Gargya, Sainya, Kanvayana and Maudgalya. This is the reason why the Paurava family is styled Brahma-Kshatra. Yayati and Sarmishtha had also another son called Anu. One of his descendants called Vijaya is spoken as a Brahma-Kshatra. The verse in the Hariva:hea runs thus: jayadrathastu rAjendra yazodedhyAM vyajAyata / brahmakSavIttaraH satyAM vijayo nAma vidyutaH || 1707 The prose passage in the Vishnu-purana corresponding to it, is: brahmakSatrAntarAlasaMbhUtyAM 50 paramyAM vijayaM nAma putramajIjanat / The passage is explained by the commentator in the following words: prAtilomyena brahmakSatrayorantarAle saMkare saMbhUtirjanma yasyAH tasyAH sutAyAM paramyAM / brAhmaNyAM kSatriyAjjAtaH sUta iti smRteH / ato mADhavadvarNasaMkarA iti vacanAdvijayaH sUta eva | atazca kaNapi tadvaMzyatyAtsUtasvana khyAtaH / There is a little confusion in the commentary here, but what the commentator means is that Vijaya's mother's mother was born of a Kshatriya father and Brahmana mother, and that he is, therefore, called Brahma-Kshatra, i. e., Suta, after the caste of his mother. This 80. In the Bhagavata-purdra, Sathbhlti is given as the name of Vijaya's mother. But this is a mistako, His mother's name was Satya, as given by the Harivahia and Vayu purana.

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JANUARY, 1911.) FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION. 37 explains, he says, why Karna also, who was brought up by Adbiratha, a descendant of Vijaya, was called 'son of Suta.' I do not know where the commentator obtained his information from, regarding the origin of Vijaya's mother. The fact was probably something like this: In the Harivansa (1.1776) we are told that Btihanmanas, father of Vijaya, had two wives named Yabodevi and Satya, both daughters of Vainateya. And from Satyasprang Vijaya. Vainateya, being a son of Kaspapa, was a Brahmana; the queens of Btihanmanas were consequently Brahmana girls. Vijaya had thus for his father a Kshatriya and for his mother a Brahmani, and was thus a Brahma-Kshatra. There can be little doubt that & something derogatory is here implied, as clearly shown by the term suta which is applied to Adhiratha in 1,1709. Thus we see that, oven in the old Puranas, the meaning of the phrase Brahma-Kshatra was not definitely settled, and that at one place it is applied to a Kshatriya dynasty from which Brahmana families sprung up and at another to princes, one of whose forefathers, although a Kshatriya, married a Brahmana woman. There can, however, be no doubt, I think as to the sense in which the expression is used in inscriptions. It is applied, as I have stated above, to families that were Brahmana first but became Kshatriya afterwards. [This was how I had concluded my lecture that has been transformed into this paper :-" To sum up what we have said so far, there is hardly & class or casta in India, which has not & foreign strain in it. There is an admixture of alien blood not only amongst the warrior classesthe Rajputs and the Maratas, but also amongst the Brahmanas, who are under the happy delusion that they are perfectly free from all foreign element. If the Brahmanas have not escaped this taint, As we have seen, and yet call themselves Brahmanas, it excites the risibility of the antiquarian or the ethnologist when he finds some Bruhmana castes strenuously calling in question the claims of certain warrior classes to style themselves Kshatriyas. The grounds of this strenuous opposition, as stated by the Brahmana castes, are that pure unmixed Vedic Aryan blood does not run through the veins of those warrior classes. Yes, this is quite true; but it is equally true that pure Vedic Aryan blood does not run through the veins of the Brahmanas also. Looked at from the antiquarian or ethnological point of view, the claims of either community to such a purity are untenable and absurd. As the chief thing valued by the members of the higher castes, viz., purity of blood, i.e., absence of any admixture of aboriginal or foreign blood, bas been proved to be hollow and nonexistent, the caste jealousies and controversies, which cause immense miscbief, are really useless and meaningless. It is to be sincerely hoped that the knowledge furnished by ethnology and the study of ancient inscriptions will spread among the people, and open their eyes to the emptiness and worthlessness of the thing they are fighting for, and put an end to all caste animosities and disputes, which are the bane of India.] CORRESPONDENCE. IS TOBACCO INDIGENOUS TO INDIA P century B.C. to the twelfth century A.D. In SIE, support of my contention that the practice of In a letter published in the Indian Antiquary, smoking tobacco was well-known in India long June, 1909, p. 176, headed "Is tobacco indigenous before the sixteenth century, I now proceed to to India ?" I pointed out, in view of the asser- adduce some evidence from Sanskrit literation made by Mr. V. A. Smith that tobacco and ture. the hukka were unknown in India before the sixteenth century, when the drug was introduced In the Kadambari (P. 85, line 4, Kasinath by the Portnguese, that an earthen hukka was Pandurang Parab's 2nd Revised Ed., Nirnayaobtained from the ruins of the Sarnath monas- sagar Press, Bombay, 1896) the poet Bana, who teries, the dates of which range from the third ! lived in the seventh century at the court of king II may state at the outset that I am non-smoker and have no particular interest in proving that my doantrymen have been smoking tobacco from the earliest times.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1911. Harshavardhana of Kanavj, in describing king Sudraka, says paripItadhUmavartirupaspRzya ca gRhIttatAmbUla... The king after finishing his royal dinner drunk (i. e. smoked) 's noke-stiek' or cigar and took betel. To this day the expression for "smoking" in all north Indian languages is " 96" e. "smoke-drinking," and the habit of chewing betel and smoking after dinner is a common In. dian habit. the patient should be asked to smoke (therefrom). So also CharakapiSTAM limpacchareSIkAM tAM varti yavasannibhAM / "Prepare the pipe by grinding the smoking ingredients with water into a paste and smearing with it a reed-stem shaped like a barley-corn.' Passages describing the efficacy of smoking. also occur in these medical works. Susruta prescribes smoking for persons suffering from headache, etc., and says naro dhUmopayogAca prsnnendriyvaanggnaaH| dRDhakezadvijazmazruH sugaMdhivizadAnanaH // By smoking a man's senses, speech and mind become gentle, the hair, teeth and beards become firm, and the mouth becomes fragrant and cheerful.' The term ya in the sense of a cigar occurs also in Charaka's Chikitsasthana, Chap. 26: ernnddnldkssaumguggulvgurucndnH| dhUmabatti pibegandhairakuSThatagaraistathA / 96 / (The patient) should smoke from smoke-pipes furnished with smelling substances like eranda, nalada, kshauma, guggulu, aguru and chandana, but not with kushtha and tagara. . 3 There are, besides, elaborate descriptions, in the medical works of Susruta, Vagbhata and Charaka himself, of the process of manu" facturing a cigar or H . Vagbbata says jale sthitAmahorAtramiSikAM dvAdazAMgulAm / piSTaicUMmoSadherevaM paJcakRtvaH pralepayet // vatiraMguSThavat sthUlA yavamadhyA yathA bhavet / chAyAzuSkAM vigarbhAntAM nehAbhyaktAM yathAyatham / / dhUmanenAtipAM pAtumagnipluSTAM prayojayet // Take ishika or kusa grass, 12 angulas (or finger-breadths) long, wet with water for a day and night. Anoint it five times with ground 'smoking-drugs.' When the after (or cigar-stick) is made as thick as the thumb and a little thicker in the middle like a barley-corn, it should be dried in the shade, and so on.' Again, in his Chikitsasthana, Chap. 40, Susruta says kAsazvAsapratizyAyAnhanyAddhanuzirorujaH / vAtazleSmAvakArAMica hanyAmaH suyojitaH // varecanaH ileSmANamukhalezyApakarSati raukssyaatkssnnyaadaussnnyaadvaishdyaac| cikitsAsthAnam 40 By smoking, asthma, lock-jaw, stiffneck, head-ache, hemiplegia, hemicrania become relieved. Vairechana-smoke (vairechana means that which is inhaled for promoting evacuations of every kind) forces out phlegm by virtue of its raukshya, .taikshnya, aushnya and vaibadya.' 8 Charaka Sutrasthanam, Obap. 5, has the following snAsvA bhuktvA samullikhya kSutvA vantAn vighRSya c| nAvanAmjananidrAnte cAtmavAn dhUmapo bhavet / / After bathing, after eating, after bringing out the phlegm in the throat by artificial means; after sneezing, after cleansing the teeth, after purging the cerebrum by having taken snuff ; after applying collyrium to the eyes, and after waking from sleep :-the man of pradence will take to smoking.' 9 Again in the Charakasthana, Chap. 2, Charaka: prescribes smoking for people who feel in their 4 Susruta gives almost the same process in the fullowing words tatra prayogika varti dyapagatacarakANDAM nivAtAtapazuSkAmagAreSvavadIpya nevamUlasrotasi prayujya dhUmamAharati T! After making a pipe from the stem of a reed, drying it completely in a windless sunny weather and heating it in a charcoal fire 1. After sneezing' implies sneezing by the use of artificial means, such as the application of blade of grass or stiff thread of cotton. After cleansing the teeth 'implies the morning, for that is the time wben the people of our country wash their teeth. By doing this the parts of his body above the collar-bone will not become liable to disease of the wind, or of the phlegm, or of both wind and phlogm. He should, however, drink the smoke three times,eto.

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JANUARY, 1911.] CORRESPONDENCE. mouth a distaste for everything, and yet again in the Sutrasthanam, Chap. 5, Charaka has a regular inventory of the advantage of smokinggaurava zirasaH pInasAneko / karNAkSizUlaM kAsazva hikkAzvAsau galagrahaH // dantazairccalyamAsrAvaH srotoghrANAkSidoSajaH / vidhAnAnyatha dantazUlamarocakaH // hanumanyAmahaH kaNDUH kimayaH pANDutA mukhe / zleSmapraseko vaisvayai galazuNDyupajihvikA || khAlityaM piJjaratvaJca kezAnAM patanastathA / agudara gainersfafegar 11 dhUmapAnAt prazAmyanti balaM bhavati caadhik| ziroruhakapAlAnAmindriyANAM svarasya ca // caraka sUtrasthAnam 5 aH / Heaviness of the limbs, headache, inflammation of the schneiderian membrane (with loss of sense of smell), hemicrania, otalgia, opthalmalgia, cough, hiccough, asthma, hoarseness (of voice), weakness of the teeth, otorroea, discharge from the nose, discharge from the eyes, ozoena, foetid smell in the mouth, odontalgia anorexia, lock-jaw, stiff-neck, itching, worms, paleness of the face, mucous discharges, discordence of voice, enlarged tonsil, inflammation of the ranula, morbid baldness, reddish yellowness of the hair, falling of the hair, sneezing, sleepiness, dulness of the understanding, long sleep or coma,-all these relieved by inhalation of the smoke of tobacco. Such smoke also enhances the strength of the hair, the forehead, the senses, and the voice's All the medical works above referred to are certainly pre-Muhammadan and certainly. before the sixteenth century. According to Dr. Hoernle's Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India, Charaka flourished between the first 39 century B.C. and the third century A.D. and Susruta flourished as early as the sixth century B.C. The latter was the court physician of the celebrated Indo-Scythian' king, Kanishka. Vagbhata flourished early in the seventh century or about 625 A.D. 10 The habit of smoking seems to have been so wide-spread as to have been regarded by the authors of the Puranas as a national vice to be severely condemned. Thus we have in the Skanda-Purana, Mathura Khanda, Chap. 52, a long indictment against the practice of smoking dhUmrapAnena bho pretAH pretatvaJcaiva jAyate / kalI 'tu kalirUpaM hi tamAlameva jAyate // ghore kaliyuge prApte sarvve varNAzramAH narAH / narakeSu patiSyanti tamAlasya ca pAnataH // upAsante tamAlaM vai kalau tu puruSAdhamAH / aflagvar afheasta enderezi i abhakSyabhakSaNAt pApamagamyAgamanAcca yat / madyapAnAca yat pApaM dhUmrapAnasya mAtrataH / skandapurANa, mathurAkhaNDa, 52 aH / 'Smokers after death will be turned into ghosts. During the Kaliyuga, Kali himself will be incarnated as the tamala leaf. On the advent of the Kaliyuga all the castes will be cast into hell on smoking tobacco. The worst type of men will fall victims to tobacco. Thus, losing their dharma, they will fall into the Maharaurava hell. The eating of forbidden food, illicit intercourse with women, the drinking of wine and the smoking of tobacco cause the same amount of sin'. As to the antiquity of the Skanda-Purana Mr. V. A. Smith has the following note in his For those who desire to know the Sanskrit names of the diseases mentioned here, but from want of acquaintance with Sanskrit, are disinclined to consult the original, the Sanskrit names are given below in the order in which their English equivalents occur - Gaurava, Cirabcula, Pinas, Arddhavabhedaka. Karpacula, Akshicula, Kasa, Hikka, Cvasa, Galagraha (in verse 19), Dantadaurbalya, Crota-asrava, Ghrapasrava, Akshisrava, Putighrana, Asyagandha, Dantacula, Aroohaka (in verse 20), Hanugraha, Manyagraha, Kandu, Krimi, Mukhapanduta, Cleshmapraseka, Vaiavaryya, Galasundi, Upajihvika (in verse 21), Kecakhalitya, Kecapinjaratva, Kecapatana, davathu, Tandra, Buddhimoha, Atinidrata. Viie Mr. V. A. Smith, Early History of India, pp. 225-6; Dr. Fleet, in J. R. A. 8., 1906, p, 979 f.; Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, in J., Bombay Branch R. 4. 8., Vol. xx., p. 259 ff. 5 Hoernle's Medicine of Ancient India, Part 1, 1907, p. 8, 106. Hoernle, Medicine of Ancient India, Part 1, 1907, p. 11.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1911. Early History of India, 2nd Ed., p. 20. "In- port of this, I may mention that this very tamal dependent proof of the existenceof the Skanda- leaf is prescribed as a medicine for head diseases Purina at the seventh century is afforded by a in the old medical works. Bengal manuscript of that work, written in 19 Gupta hand,' to which as early a date as the middle of the seventh century can be assigned Then as to the hukti or hubble-bubble. Here on palaeographical grounds." is a passage from the Charaka's Samhita Sutra11 sthanam, Chap, 5, which describes the preparation It is to be noticed that the particular drug men of smoking pipe, the prototype of the modern hukka.tioned in this passage is called tamala (a ). This leads to a consideration of the Indian name Rju vikoSAphalitaM kolAsthApapramANitaM / for the drug tobacco. It is well-known that the vastinetrasamadravyam dhUmanevaM prazasyate / / Bengali term for tobacco is tamiku (art), T: *Y 981 which I believe is a corruption of the Sanskrit word tamrakuta. The occurrence of tbis word The pipe should consist of three straight tamrakula (ar ) in old Sanskrit works is prov limbs. The bottom of the first limb should ed by the following quotations and reference :-- be of the measure of the seed of a jujube. saMvidA kAlakUTacca tAmrakUTaca dhUstUram / In the construction of a smoking pipe the use is applauded of materials employed in bhahiphenaM kharjurasaH tArikA taritA tathA // constructing enema pipes.' ityaSTau siddhidravyANi yathA sUryASTakaM priye / 14 iti kulaarnnve| Here tamrakuta is mentioned along with opiam, Finally as to the prevalence of tobacco smok. ganja and other intoxicants and therefore must ing before the days of Portuguese expansion into mean tobacco. There are eight intoxicating the Islands of the Indian Archipelago, which are drugs mentioned in the Kularnava-Tantra' of believed by scholars like Mr. V. A. Smith to have which tobacco is one. received tobacco from the Portuguese at the 12 same time as India, we may quote a European The Sabdakaldauruma ( T YCH) refers to authority. the Vishnusiddhanta saravali (propregtart Prof. Alfred Haddon, F.R.S., who in his * ht) and says Head Hunters says" Although smoking wag yayA viSNusiddhAntasArAvalyAM vaiyke| bhaya dhUmaparNI practised in these Islands (Papua and New VETT: Guinea) before the Whitemen came, and they kalA-saMveSTana-dhUmapAnAt syAhantazuddhirmukharogahAniH grew their own tobacco, they never smoked much kaphanamAmajvarahAnikRSa gAndharvavidyApravaNekasevyam / at a time. The native pipe is made of a piece of bamboo from about a foot to between two * Tobacco serves the purpose of smoking. and three feet in length: .,. They enjoy The smoke stick made of tobacco makes it greatly and value tobacco very highly, they the teeth clean and cares all mouth-dis usually sell almost anything they possess for eases, drives away cough and acute fever. the same.' It is good for those who wish to be good singers. GANAPATI RAY, My contention is that the Sanskrit word Librarian, Bengal National College Library, tamrakuta (are ) and its corruption, the Calcutta. Bengali FATE (tamaku) are the same as the word The (tamal) occurring in the passage NATIONAL COLLEGE, CALOUTTA, quoted above from the Skanda-Purana. In sup- The 21st March, 1910. "Kalanja -tamrakuta (tobacco).

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FEBRUABY, 1911.) THE CHALUKYA GENEALOGY THE CHALUKYA GENEALOGY ACCORDING TO THE KANNADA POET RANNA. BY R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A., BANGALORE, NE of the greatest poets in Kannada wag Ranns or Kavi Ranna. He was the author of several works, though only two of them, the Gada-yuddha or Sahasa-Bhima-tijaya and the Ajita-purana, hava come down to us. The former be wrote in A.D. 982 and the latter in A.D. 993. He was a renowned poet at the court of the Chalukya kinz Taila II. It is satisfactory that, unlike other poets, Ranna gives in his works several interesting particulars regarding himself. He was born in A.D. 949 at Muduvolal in the Jambokhandi 70 of the Belugali 500 in the Belugare-nadu; and the Belugali-desa was situated, he tells us, to the north of Toragale and to the south of Taddavadi, with the Gattage ( ? Gatprabha) and the Perdore, the great river," i.e. the Krishna, flowing through it. He was & Jaina, of the Vaisya caste, the family profession being that of the bangle-sellers. His mother was Abbalabbe, father Jinavallabhondra, brothers Rechana and Maramayya, wives Jakki and Santi, son Raya, and danghter Attimabbe. He was also patronized by Chavunda-riya, the celebrated Ganga general, who set up the colossal state of Gommata at Sravana-Belgola. His guru was Ajitasa nacharya, who was likewise the guru of Chavunda-raya. At first honoured by smantas, then by mandalikas, he rose to great eminence at the court of the emperor Taila II, who bestowed upon him the title Kavi-chakravarti and presented him with a (1) madanavatara, a parasol, a chowri, an elephant, and a (?) bhattagave. As among kings the Nijabbuja-chakravarti Taila, the "emperor by the strength of) bis own arm," required no assistance for victory in battle, so among poets the Kavi-chakravarti Ranna, "the emperor among poets," required no assistance for composing poems. He was well versed in both the grammare, the Jainendra and the Sabdanusasana. Among the poets that preceded him, he mentions Pampa, anthor of the Adi-purana, and Ponna, author of the Santi-purana, and says that his own work, the Ajita-purana, which he styles Purana-tilaka, can be compared only with theirs, Pampa, as we know, also wrote the Vikramarjuna-vijaya and was patronized by the Chalakya prince Arikesari. Ponna, as we learn from his Santi-purana, received the title Kavi-chakravarti from the Risbtrakuta king Kannara, Krishna III. Randa tells us that Pampa, Ponna and himself formed three jewels that illuminated the Jaina religion ; that by composing the Adi-puranu and the Ajita-purana Pampa and himself became pre-eminent among the Jains Brahmanas and the Jaina Vaisyas respectirely; and that, as Pampa and Ponna acquired fame in the Ratta kingdom, so he himself acquired fame in the Chalukya kingdom. From the last statement, that Pampa, the protege of Arikesari. acquired fame in the Ratta kingdom, we may perhaps infer that Arikosari's lt lakh courtry (capada-laksha-kshili) was also included in the Rafta dominions. The circumstances in which Ranna wrote his two works may now be considered. There was Jains Brahmara, named Nagamayya, in Punganur of the Kamme-deia in the Veugimandala. He had two sons : Mallapa and Ponnamayya. Mallapa was not only a great warrior, but also a liberal patron of literary merit. On the death of their guru Jinachandra-muni, the two brothers caused the Purana chudamani, i.e., the Sinti-purana, to be written by Ponna. Mallapa's brother Ponnamayya fought on behalf of king Taila with Govindara, who had marched against him allied with traitors, and fell on the bank of the Kaveri. Mallapa had five sons and thrce dangh [ Regarding these places neo Dr. Fieet, above, vol. XXX, (1901), p. 8E0 f. Two of them are Mudhol and Jam. khandi, within the limits of the Belgaam District. Toragalo is Torgal, about twenty-six miles towards the south from Mudho. Taddavadi is Taddewati, in Bijapur, about eighty miles towards the north-north-east from Mudbo.-ED.) The "Jola country" mentioned by some nobolara in connection with Arikonaribas no existenco in fact, TO was brought into existence by misapprehousion of the meaning of the orprossion j&ada pal in the original, which simply means 'obligation or indebtednes.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1911. ters. Two of the latter, Attimabbe and Gundamabbe, were given in marriage to king Taila's great minister Dallipa's son Naga-deva. Mallapa's eldest son Gundamayya gained a victory over Gonara. Naga-dova, surnamed Orataramalla and Subhata-Trinetra, had a son by Attimabbe, named Padevala Tails. Having been an eye-witness of the valour displayed by him in the war with the Kumaras, king Taila made Naga-dera his general. The latter also defeated the army of Panehals, and, by order of Ballaba (Tails), drove out Mallama from Karahada, i.e., Karbad, Karad, in the Satara District. On his death, his second wife Gundamabbe, who was childless, became a sati : the other wife Attimabbe spent her life in the observance of religious rites and the performance of charitable deeds. Attimabbe's son Padevala Taila became in course of time a commander of Taila's army. It was at the request of Attimabbe that the Ajita-purana was written by Ranna. He extols her liberality in a number of verges, calling her dana-chintamani, "& wishing-stone of gifts," and says, incidentally, that she excelled by far four men who were justly renowned for their liberality, namely, Butoga, Nolambantaka, Chavands-rays and Sapksraganda. Of these, the first is no doubt identical with the Ganga prince of that name (A.D.988-958); the second can hardly be any one except the Garga prince Marasimha (A.D. 961-974), who had the title Nolamba-kulantaka : the third is well known ; and the fourth is perhaps identical with a chief of that name who belonged to the Chellaketana family and was a feudatory of Amoghavarsha 1.3 With regard to his other work, the Gadayuddha, Ranna says that, in admiration of the valour, liberality and other virtues of king Taila's son Satyaeraya, he took him for his hero, and, identifying him with the Pandava prince Bhima, compor ed the poem. As stated above, he wrote this work in A.D. 982, only a few years after his patron Taila II restored the Chalukya power. Satyasraya is eulogized in a number of verses at the beginning of the poem. The titles applied to him are Iriva-bedaiga, Chalukya-Narayana, Chalukya-- kanthirava, Chalukya-martanda, Chalukya-Kandarpa, Sahasa-Bhima, Kamarabka-Rama, Akalaikacharita, Ammana-gandha-varana and Sabasatiks; and it is from his title Sabasa-Bhima that the work was named Sihasa-Bhina-vijaya. A few of the particulars given by the poet regarding Satyaorays may be noted here. He was the son of Zhavamalla and Jakavve. On his being conceived by his mother, the vehicles and other valuables of enemies came into the possession of Ahavamalls; on his birth, the glory of an emperor became the portion of his father; and on bis becoming able to fight, his father's fame spread to the points of the compass. By order of king Taila, he, seated on an elephant, marched against the Ghurjara army and defeated it. He also routed the lord of the Konkan, and extended the kingdom as far as the ses. With bis one elephant he fought against the whole force of the Ghurjara elephants and conquered it. He cat down the enemy (P the Ghurjara king), who had taken a vow that he would not bathe until he had alain the foe (Satyaaraya), who had killed his dear younger brother. When Aparajita, soized with fear, fled and entered the sea, be desisted from slaying bim, since it is not consistent with true valour to kill men who enibrace a linga, enter water, put on & woman's garments, or ascend an anthill. Hem med in by the ocean on the one side and the sea of Satyabraya's army on the other, Aparaditya trembled like an insect on a stick, both the ends of which are on fire. Satyasraya burnt Ambanagara in Aparaditya's country and received twenty-one elephants from him. The Aparajits mentioned above is the Silahara king of that name, of the Northern Konkan; and the name Aparaditya evidently refers here to the same person, inasmuch as it cannot refer to either of the chiefs of that exact name in the same dynasty, since they were later than Satyasraya by nearly a century and a half. Incidentally Ranna mentions Kesi-dandanayaka, known as Brahma (Vanaruha-bhava), who revised his poem. He was apparently great literary character, Dutt'. Chronology, pp. 73, 80. . In some manuscripts the name appears as Chakavve: but the inscriptions always give the same with j.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) THE CHALUKYA GENEALOGY 43 . The oolophon at the end of the work, in which the poet gives some of his patron's titles, runs thusIdu samasta-bhavan-aersyar eri-prithvi-vallabhan maharajadhiraja-parame svaram parama-bhattarska sri-Satyasraya-kala-tilakan srimad-Abavamalla deva-sri-pada-kalpapadap-asray-asannavarti kavi-chakravarti - Kavi-Ranna-viracbitam appa Chalukya-chakravarti-sriSahasa-Bhima-vijayadol Bhimasena-patlabbisheka-vargana dalam-aavasan sampurnam. In the second amasa of the work Ranns gives the pedigree of his hero's family, which may be summarized thus:-Among Satyasraya's ancestors were satyabraya-vallsbha, also known as Vishnuvardhana, lord of Ayodhyapura and an shode of trath and other virtues; Jayasimba-deva, a lion to the elephants, the Rashtrakutas; Banarangasimha, a Rama in war ; Pulakeki-dova, lord of Vatapipura, s performer of horse-sacrifices, with a glory extending to other dripas ; Kirtivarma-deva ; his son Satyabraya-deva the Second; his younger son Mangalarnava ; Satyavrati the Second, also known as Satyasraya; his son Adityavarma; his son Vikramaditys; his son Durdharamalla; his son Vijayaditya-bhattaraka, known as Niravadys; his son's friend Konkani-Vikramaditya, also known as Vikramarnava; his son's friend, Kirtivarma; his younger son Bhimaparakrama; his son Kirtivarma the Second ; his son Tailspa the Senior; his son Kundiya-Bhima, who killed Mukundi; bis son Vikramaditya-devs ; his son Ayyana-deva, also known as Ranarangamalla; his son Vikramaditya, . also known as Uttungamalla; to him of the Chalukya family and to Bonka devio of the Chaidys family was born Ahavamalla-dova, also known as Nurmadi-Tailapa, (described with a large number of titles, among which may be mentioned) the terrifier of Karahala, (1) capturer of Pallikota, patter to flight of Bhadraka, terrifier of the Konkana, a lion to the elephant the (1) Krikalika king, a Rikshasa in the battlefield, a spotless Rama, talavar ga-tula-prahara, a dreadful poison to the Rishfrakutas, Nijabhuja-chakravarti, a lion to the elephant the Panchala, a fearful rever to the Ghurjara, fire to the Malava, (0) Utpakya-malla. Through these the Chalukya family attained pre-eminence. Though the genealogy given by Ranna does not quite agree with the published genonlogy of the dynasty based on inscriptions, still it deserves consideration by scholars as coming from an author who was a contemporary and a protege of Tails 11. bimself, and, as such, may be supposed to have had access to the official records. It has, however, to be stated here that the manuscripts of the work that have, so far, come to light are not very satisfactory and consequently the published edition cannot be implicitly relied on. In this genealogy we find a few persons named without any hint whatever as to their relationship to those that preceded them, while in all other cases the relationship is clearly expressed. To begin with, we have a Satyasraya, lord of Ayodbyz, after whom apparently the family was called the Satyaeraya-kula. The next two Dames evidently represent his son and grandson. We are then introduced to Palakesi I., who, according to our author, was the first king of Vatapi or Badami. The next two members are clearly bis son and grandson. The expression. his younger son' occurs in two places, and it is exactly in these places that Ranna's genealogy differs considerably from the published one. The word 'younger' seems to indicate that the pronoun bis' does not refer to the immediate predecessor, as there would be no reason for passing over an elder son, but to the member whose elder bon and elder son's son have been mentioned. According to this interpretation, Mangalarnavs would be the younger son of . It also cours at the end of every advasa. * In one of the manuscripts the reading is Bonta-deri, in fair agreement with the incorptions, which give Bonthaden. See the Kannada original given at the end. . See the table in Dr. Vleet's Dynastia of the Kanares Districte in the Bombay Gasettoer, vol. 1, Part 2, at pp. 336, 379.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (FEBRUARY, 1911. Pulakesi I. The next name, Satyasrays or Satyavrati II., is clearly a repetition of the Dame that precedes Mangalarnava. Vikramaditya I., who is a younger brother of Adityavarma according to the published genealogy, is here said to be his son: it is just possible that Ranne is wrong here, bat the matter has to be investigated. Instead of Vinayaditya' we have a different name, Dardbaramalla, which looks like a title. Niravadya is given as another name of Vijayaditya. Each of the next two members i introduced with the curious expression his son's friend, which appears to convey a hint that they were not lineal descendants. If the expression his younger son,' which again occurs here, is interpreted as before, Bhims-parakrama would be the younger son of Vijayacitya. Ranna makes Bhima II. the son, and Vikramaditya III. the grandson, of Taila I., while According to the published genealogy. Vikramaditya III. is the son and Bhima II. the grandson. Here Ranna is more likely to be right. The whole genealogy as given by Ranna is accordingly as shown on p. 45 below. It agrees in a general way with the published genealogy of the dynasty; and its latter portion, showing the connection between the earlier and the later Chilukyas, is confirnied, except as regards the relative order of Kundiya-Bhima and Vikramaditya, by the Kauthem grant of A.D. 1009. This is important in view of the doubts expressed by some scholarslo with regard to the direct lineal descent of Tails 11. from Vijayaditya. There is the reason to think that Taila II. really was a descendant of the former family of Western Chalukyas who preceded the Rashtrakutas. In conclusion, I give, for purposes of reference and comparison, the portion of the ShasaBhima-vijaya, in which Benna gives the Chalukya genealogy Avara parvajar app arasu galolag Ayodhyapura-paramesvaranum satyadi-gumagan-asraya. Vallabhanum ati-pravridham ada disa-danti--prakata prabhavanum appa Satyakraya-vallabhanim Vishaovardhan-apara-bamadheganim, Rashtrakuta-gaja-ghata-vighatana-sinhan enisida Jayasith hsdevanim, ati-pravardbaus-praj-aparaganam kui-prabala-rana-Ramanum enisida Banarangasit henir, Vitapipurs-vareevaranam ayvamodba-yajna-dikshita (nom) dvip-antera-prakata-prabhavanum enisida Pulak@bi-devanit, parirakshita-pavitra-varman enisida Kirtivarms-devanit, tat-tanayan app oradaneys Satyakraya-devanim, avada kiriya magan appa Mangalirpavanith, Satyaarayan apperadaneya Satyavratiyim, tat-tanaysa app Adityavarmanim, tad-apatyan appa Vikramadityanim, tat-putra appa Durdharamallanit, tan-nandanan appi Niravadyapara-damadheyan appa Vijayaditya-bhattaraksnim, tat-sunu-mitran appl Viktmargavan enisida Konkani-Vikramadityanim, tat-sunu-mitran appa Kirtivarmanim, atana kiriyi magan appa Bhimapara kramanim, taj-jatan app eradanoya Kirtivarmaman, tat-sunur sppa Piriya Tailapanim, atana magan sppa Mukundiya konda Kundiya-Bhimani, atans magan eppa Vikramaditya-devanim, atans magan appa Baparangamallan enip Ayyana davanita, atsas magan Uttanganallan enisida Vikramadityanin, Chalakya-kul-odbhavan appa Vikramadityadavangarh Chaidya-kul-adlihavey appa Bonka-davigam putridam svasti samosta-bbavenirs yam arl-prithri.vallabhan maharajadhiraja raja-paramebraram parama-bhattarska Karabatabhayankaran, Jaalandra (?)-kulina-bhuvana-sad-gana-maxi-vibbushanai sindhurs-kandbar.ddhirus dhe Pallikot-ollanghanam Bhadraka-vidriranan Konkana-bbayaokaram abhaya-bala-dallalsin murmaloy ari gaje-kesari karindra-kantbirava-mallar vairi-phapindra-saupirna Krikalika (1) rija-geja-kosari tapa-kumbhi-kumbha-kanthiravan Yadava-kul-ambara-dyumapi tapa-ranga-bbiih. aan ripu-bala-panjagaja-ghafa-bbasjana samanta-mpiga-kardulain raina-ranga-rakehnoam skala kn-Rimar talavarga-tala-prahuram arishta-gharafia Rashtrakuta-klak atanin nijm-bhaja-chakravarti Panchala-madebha-pabchananan P) Bambara-simbitra-Ghurjara-vajra-dadha-Ghurjara-bbaya-jvaran samasta Malara saptarahi sabrugrab-ochohitananun magam anokr-deb-idbisvaram paranripe madagaja-ghaca-bhanjananum (P) Utpakyamallam briman-Nurmadi-Tailapan enisid Ahayamalla vapin udituditam agi tasda Chalukya-vazbam. . Abovo, vol 16, p. 15. 10 History of the Dokkan, PP. 190, 211; Dynastia of Kanare Districts = $78.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) THE CHALUKYA GENEALOGY Satyaaraya-Vishnuyardhana; lord of Ayodhyapara. Jayasinha. Raparaigasimha. Polakebi; lord of Vatapipars. Kirtivarma. Mangalarnava Satyasraya II (or Satyavrati II). Adityavarma. Vikramaditya. Durdharamalla. Niravadya-Vijayaditya. Bhimaparakrama. (His son's friend) Vikramarnava-Konkani-Vikramaditya. (His son's friond) Kirtivarma. Kirtivarme II. Tailapa I. Kandiya-Bhima ; slayer of Mukandi. Vikramaditya. Ranarangamalla-Ayyana. Uttungamalla-Vikramaditya ; married Bonkidari of the Chaid ya family. Abavamalla-Narmadi-Taila II.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUART, 1911. MALLISHENA-MAHAPURANA. Vkh kv. PATHAk, Snitvlvill, Rost'. I have obtained on loan from Lakshmisena Bhattaraka, the head of the Jain matha at Kolhapur, & palm-leaf manuscript of the Mallishena-mahdpurdna. The manuscript is not dated. It contains 98 palm-leaves, each leaf treasuring 18' by 2'. It is written in old Canarese characters and in the Sanskrit language. The manuscript contains many mistakes, as will be evident from the opening and concluding prasastis given below. I remember to have seen another manuscript of this work in the private library of the late Brabmasuri Shastri at Sravana Belgols in Mysore. With the aid of this manuscript, it will be easy to restore the correct text of the prasastis. Bat 13 I bave no time to obtain the loan of this second manuscript, I content myself with placing before Sanskrit scholars the following praiastis as they are found in the Kolhapur MS., proposing such emendations as occur to me. Some years ago, when I was examining the library of the Jaina matha at Kolhapur, I thought it possible tbat Mallisbena, the author of the mahi purina, which is named Mallishe na-mahdpurana after him. might be identical with the celebrated Jaina ascetic Mallisbena, whose death t ok place in Saka 1050 according to Sravana Begola Inscription, No. 54, which has been edited by Mr. Ricel. But the date of the completion of the present purdna, as given by the author Mallisbens himself in the concluding praiasts, is Saks 969:entrar a [:] sarva [bhin] vatsare kveSTe sAke paMcamIdine / bhanAdi tatsamAta (tu) purANaM ritaaphN| jIvAzacaMdratArA vidagdhajanacetasi / / It is obvious that the difference between the two dates is 81 years. This is against the proposed identification. Another reason for rejecting the identification is that the author of the purana calls himself Ta raftafiz, while the Jaina asoetic mentioned in the inscription is called evifte. Our author also composed samjanacitavana and mAgakumArakAba. The last-named work way translated into Canarese in Saks 1507 by the Canarese poet Bahubali, who tells us that he finished his work at Sringeri, when the chief Pontiff at that place was Nrisimhhabharati. A third work attributed to Mallisbena is a commentary on Kandakandacharya's works. Mallishena mentions as bis predecessors, the celebrated author Samantabhadra, who is spoken of by Jinasena as the author of Yuktyanuadsana. Pajyapada is next mentioned. Then a reference is made to Jinasena as the pupil of Vfrasena and the author of mahdpurdna. We are next introduced to Akalanka, a very lion to hostile disputants resembling elephants, Ananta virya and Vidyananda. Anantavirya is the anthor of commentaries on the works of Akalaika and Manikyanandin. The other Jaina authors have been already introduced to Sanskrit scholars in my paper: read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The opening praiasti Ft Prara I BERTA: PUzrIvidyAlakIsimunave namaH // sfagarraren amaiera [ 1 ] kRtaghAtisavAjomi labdhAnantacaSTavAn // 1 // svargApavargasanmAggoM bhavyAnAM bena drshitH| nAnevaM samaI vaMde jineMdraMpapamezvaraM // 2 // bhahakarmavinirmuktAn siddhAnaSTaguNAnvivAn [1] bilokazikharAvAsAniSTi(Thi)tAniI stuve // 3 // paMcAcArasamAyuktAna gaMbhIrAniva vAridhIna [1] Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, Intr. p. 41. 1 The opening prasasti of the Jain Haritaruta composed in Baks 705, In. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 1-42. # Bbatfibari and Kumarila, Jour., Bom. Br. R. A. 8., Vol. XVIII, p. 913 1.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.] MALLISHENA-MAHAPURANA AcAstAnahaM vaMde nirmalAnatinirmmadAn [ // 4 // bahuzrutAnupAdhyAyAn jinatatva ( sva ) prakAzakAn [] paropadezataniSThAvaMde'niMdyaguNAnvitAn || Avazyaka kriyAyuktAn na ( )tazIlata podhikAn [1] namAmi sarvvasAdhUMzca vyaktavA (ktA ) zeSaparimahAn // 5 // viSaSTizalAkAnA ( nAM) purANaM tu taducyate / bhayAnuyoga ityevaM tadeva kathayAmyahaM // 6 // catuviza (ti) jinAstatra cakriNo dvAdaza smRtAH / haladhRtvA (grA)sudevAzca nava syAH (syuH) pratikezavAH // 7 // RSabho'jitanAthazca zaMbhavazcAbhinaMdanaH [1] sumatya japrabhI zrImatsupArzvaduprabhAvapi // suvidhiH zItalaH zreyAn vAsupUjya jinastathA // 8 // vimalo'naMtadharmmA ca zAMtikuMvaramalayaH // vRttazca namileM mipArzve vIrajino'timaH // 9 // eveojnaaH|| 4 bharatazca sagarAkhyazca mAtha ( ? ) vonyastRtIyakaH / / 10 / / sanatkumAra ityAkhyaH zAMtikuMbhvarasaMjJinaH / subhImaH padma ityAyo hariSeNo jayasenakaH / brahmadatto'timazcakrI sarvepi dvAdaza smRtAH vijayo balaH sudharmmassuprabhazca sudarzanaH / naMdI va naMdimitrazca rAmo haladhRtAdvayaH // 12 // pRSThAsyoTa (Tha)zva svayaMbhU [ : ] puruSottamaH / nRsiMhapaMcarIko ca dattAkhyo lakSa ( ? ) No hariH / / 13 / / avamivo bhuvi yayAtastArako morakastathA / madhukaiTo (To) nisuM (zuM )bhazca balyAhRyabalIMdra ko / rAvaNApi jarAsaMdhI navaite pratizatravaH / / 14 / / bhavAnAM vAsudevAnAM parA // brahmadattasubhImAkhyAveto narakagAminI / dazA'nye zeSabhUmIcA [] zAzvatasthAnabhAjinaH / / 15 / / sarve api baladevA''syA [] prAmuyuH paMcama garti / vAsudevAstu te zvabhraM samaM svapravizatrubhiH // 16 // nAmeyAdijinAdhipAH zrImaMtI bharatesva (zvaraprabhRtayo ye cakriNo dvAdaza [ ye viSNuprativiSNulAMgaladharAH saptAdhikA viMzati [:] viSaTipuruSAH maMgala // 10 // purANaM tIrthaka( ) NAM karmmAlavanivAraNaM / kathayAmi samAsena vadatAM zRNvatAmapi // 18 // lakSyalakSaNazAstreSu kuzalo na bhavAmyahaM / Arabhyate tathApyetat purANaM bhaktito mayA // 19 // kiM kiM na kurute puMsAM bhaktiH sA parameSThinAM / karma nazyati cedyasya vAgmalaM kiM na nazyati || 20 || vArANasyAM catuSkhaMDo yena sAkSAtkRtaH kute[:]| jIyAtsamaMtabhadro'sau jinadharmmaviyacchazI // 21 // kAvyAdi loka mahAkavi [ : ] / jIvAcchrI pUjyapAdo'pi yenAkAri ca lakSaNaM // 22 // ziSya [] zrIvIrasenasya jinaseno munIzvaraH / mahApurANarAddhAntakarttA'sau jayatAciraM // 23 // yannAmagrahaNAna TAstadarpA vAdikuMjarAH / 5 The metre is faulty. * Read bharataH sagarAkhyazca. The metre is faulty. [The letters and only are superfluous-D. E. B] * Read sudharmA suprabhazca. 47

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1911. . ] jIyAvo'kaLaM kAsI paraSAdIbhakesarI // 24 // anNtviirydevophi.vidyaanNdaadystthaa| jayaMtu kumatadhvAMtapraNAzanakharAMzavaH // 22 // kavitvAdiguNopetA vAgvadhUva( 4 )radA mama / malliSeNamanIMdrasya bhUyAdbhayAvahAnAM / / 26 / vipulA hAgaNadreNa sattabhASAMta sammaleH / purANaM tIrthakataNAM zreNI(Ni )kasya puroditaM // 27 // kSetra kAlasta thA tavaM pramANapuruSaH sh| caritaM ca mahati (ne) svAM (pa) purANaM paMcadhA vipuH // 28 // tadeva padabaMdhena mayeha punarucyate / / jinasenA (gya)ziSyeNa malliSeNena sUriNA ||29 // kazyamAne purANe'sminkAle [ yatra] tu 'bhavan / sa kAlaH kathyate pUrva tanmAnaM ca samAsataH // 30 // The concluding prasasti zrImUlasaMghejitasenamUrijinedradhAbaracArucaMdra [.] rAjeMdramaulimavicaMbitAMtriIyAdaISAganapAradRzvaH (vA) [ // 1 // ziSyogajaH kanakasenamunistadIyazcAritrasaMyamatapo.--. mUrti [:] dUrIkRtaja(sma )zarAha(va limohapAzI jAtaH kaSAyatimirAmANipremIMdraH [ // 2 // ] ziSyastadIyo [ ji] nasenasUriDabhava bhtryaaNbujcNddrodhiH| ha(dhvastAMgajopAstasamastasaMgo jinoktamAggocaraNakaniSTaH[ThaH] [ tasyAnujassakalazArU purANavedI ni [:] shesskmnicyeNdhrvaahdkssH| AsIt samastavibudhAgaNIna(na)loka(ke) vikhyAtavAniha muniiNdrnreNdrsenH[||5||] zrIjinasenasUritanujena kudRSTi matapadinA gAruDamaMtravAisakalAgamalakSaNatarka dinaa| tena mahApurANamuditaM bhuvanayavartikIrtinA prAkRtasaMskRtobhayakavitvadhRtA kavicakravartinA [ // 5 // ] sIya zrIma(ma guMda nAni nagare zrIganadharnAlaye sthiravA zrIkavicakravattiyatipaH zrImaliSeNAhvayaH / saMkSepAt prathamAna(nu)yogakathanaM vyAkhyAni(nvitaM zaNvatAM bhavyAnAM duritApahaM racitavAnizeSavidyAMbudhiH [ // 6 // ] varSakavizatA hone sahane zakabhabhuja [:] [1]. sarva[ jida vassare jyeSThe sazukke paMcamIdine [ // 7 // ] anAdi-tatsamAptaM ta(tu) purANaM duritaaphN| jIyAdAMcaMdratArAke vidagdhajanacetasi [ // 8 // ] mayAtra bAlabhAvena lakSaNasyAgamasya vaa| yatuddhataM viddhaM ca dhImataH zodhayantu rn(tt)[||9|| dvisahasraM bhaveDhUMthapramANaM prisNkhyyaa| mahApurANazAstrasya kalitasya kavicakriNA [ // 10 // ] AnaMdAmRtavApikAkru(kR)tamahAkrIDAmarAlAkRti [:] srotAraM bhavavAridhI bha(bha)mabhRtAM [bhA] svaspuraiH sNstutH| zrIsiddhArthadharesva(zva )padhipakulA(laH) zAstrasya sI (zI)tA(sAM)guko vAgI [zo] vidhASitAMghriyugalo vIro jinaH pAnu vaH [ // 11 // * The MS. has a before off which does not suit the metre. * This is the same as Mulgand in the Gadac talikd of the Dharwr District " Read kalitaM instead of kalitamya. srotAraM may be a mistake tor zrotRNAm.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.] Prinsep's values { Correct values OLD INDIAN NUMERICAL SYMBOLS ityubhavabhASA kavicakravarti- zrImati yena sUriviracitapipaTilakSaNamahApurANa zrISamAnatIrthakarapurANaM samAptaM // yAcI laharI manomalaharI svagrgAdisaMpatkarI OLD INDIAN NUMERICAL SYMBOLS. BY G. R. KAYE. I. A Good deal of attention has been paid of late years to the history of the origin of our arithmetical notation and a good many so-called discoveries have been announced; but the paths travelled by the discoverers' are marked principally by wrecked hypotheses. The current opinion appears to be that our modern notation has been traced to a Hindu source, and consequently it is thought that an exposition of the Hindu numerical notations is pertinent to the occasion. The subject has been dealt with before, but in most cases from somewhat biassed points of view.. One of the earliest investigators of this subject was J, Prinsep, who, indeed, actually discovered1 the existence of the old Sanskrit or Brahmi numerical symbols; but his discovery was vitiated by an assumption that led him into grievous error. In his time the orthodox view ascribed "the invention of nine figures with the device of places to make them suffice for all values to the beneficent creator of the universe." Prinsep, like other early orientalists, accepted this as testimony of the great antiquity of the system of device of places', and assumed that it applied to the numerical symbols he had discovered: the result is exhibited in the following table: 12 main/traight i det gawet [||] naMdakarI su (zu)bhaM zubhakarI karjezva ( dhvaraM mAdhurI farfarafkyfa: StanCNO || + || Wififfe gehfew [ wen: ]! karmmAvAraziziraH bhAti saMtatasadyazaH // 0 // 20 x 7 yo 20 300 A R 00 8 26 10 ? 80 90 49 0 12 The metre is faulty and the line yields no sense. 1 Essays on Indian Antiquities, fc., of the late J. Prinsep. Edited by E. Thomas, Vol. II, p. 71. 3 Krishna, 16th cent. A D., quoted by Colebrooke. Algebra, &c., from the Sanskrit, p. 4. TABLE I. 6 The old symbols given by Prinsep represent the originals with fair accuracy, but his only correct interpretation is possibly the four.' His introduction of the zero' is an error, for it was never used in India in ancient times in connection with these symbols. His false assumption as to place value' accounts for this mistake, and also for the erroneous interpretations of the symbols for twenty, three hundred,' eighty,' and ninety.' The other mistakes are, partly at least, accounted for by a second false assumption. He says: "Upon regarding attentively the forms of 4 4 He found an example with the symbols for '300' and '80' verified by an equivalent expression in words (Vol. II, Pl. XL), but according to his system the symbols without a zero stood for 38,' so the zero was introduced to make the facts' fit his system. Op. cit. 11, 77.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1911. many of the numerals, one cannot but be led to suppose that the initial letters of the written names were many of them adopted as their numerical symbols." This hypothesis was based upon very unsound observation ; but it has persisted, in some form or other, until quite recently, e.g., the same idea is suggested in Cantor's Vorlesungen uber Geschichte der Mathematik (1907), [Vol. I., p. 604.] Prinsep (1838) was followed by Stevenson (1858) who corrected two or three of the former's mistakes, but retained some, and introduced a number of others; but Thomas (1848) had already given sounder views. Prinsep's second mistake was modified somewhat by Bhagvanlal Indraji, who, in 1877, propounded the theory that the Nagari numerals are aksharas or syllables. This theory received the commendation of Buhler, but no satisfactory explanation of the connection between the numerals and the aksharas could be given either by the originator of the theory or by his learned supporter. Bhagvanlal tried to fit in Aryabhata's alphabetical notation and other systems, but without success; and Buhler confessed that he could not produce the key to this mystery." Of course the key to the mystery is that the theory is altogether wrong, but Buhler seemed confiden of its accuracy and even went so far as to make a remarkable deduction from it. "I would only point out," he writes, " that the occurrence of the Anunasika, &c. . . .among these figures indicates that they were invented by Brahmans, not by Vanius, nor by Buddhists who used Prakrit, &c. " 44 50 Professor Kern pointed out1o that the theory did not explain the old symbols for one, two and three, which consist of corresponding numbers of horizontal strokes, and Burnell showed (a) that the resemblance of the old symbols to the aksharas was in many cases quite fanciful; (6) that with the old symbols for the hundreds, the theory fails altogether; (e) that no explanation of the principle in which the syllables were selected could be given; and (d) that the resemblance to the syllables in question can be said to begin only with the later forms of the numerical symbols. Finally, when Buhler retracted bis former opinion and agreed with Barnell, the akshara theory collapsed. In 1882 Sir E. Clive-Bayley attacked the question again12 from one ci Prinsep's points of view. He stated that the numbers four to nine were borrowed from the Bactrian alphabet and "that the proof of the borrowing consists solely in the almost absolute identity of the numerals with the older lapidary Bactrian forms of certain letters." "It will be seen," he continues, "that the 4 = the Bactrian letter chh, the 5 = p, the 6 g, the 7 a, the 8 b, and the 9 h." = Canon Taylor13 in the same year proponnded the same theory, with a difference, and M. Halevy also asserted that the Brahmi numeral signs 4-9. were the initial Kharosthi letters for the corresponding numerals.14 A detailed re-examination of such theories would be a waste of time, and it must now suffice to say that they have all been disproved. Indeed, we might go so far as to say that all attempts to trace numerical symbols to an alphabetical origin have failed; and this leads us to consider whether it is not possible that numerical symbols were generally evolved (of course to a limited degree) before alphabetical symbols. The elemental strokes used for small numbers in Kharosthi, Brahmi, Roman, Greek (Herodian), Babylonian, &c., &c., scripts support this view; and the necessity for some rough notation before the necessity of an alphabet is fairly obvious. IL Before proceeding to the detailed consideration of the Brahmi symbols, it is desirable that some mention should be made of the Kharosthi script, which, however, as far as India itself is concerned, was confined to the north-west portion and even there did not persist to any very late date. * Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II, p. 80. Ibid., II, 12. See also Woepoke's Memoire sur la propagation des chiffres indiens (1863). Above, Vol. VI, p. 42. He afterwards gave up the theory (Indian Paleography, p. 82), but retained the deduction. Above, Vol. VI, p. 49, 11 Elements of South Indian Paleography, p. 65. 13 The Genealogy of Modern Numerals, J. R. A. 8., Vol. XIV, p. 3. 13 The Alphabet, Vol. II., p. 236. 10 Above, Vol. VI, 149. 14 Buhler Indian Studies, Vol. III., p. 52.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) OLD INDIAN NUMERICAL SYMBOLS The Taxila plate anl other inscriptions from t'e Panjab frontier give us the key of the Kharusthi notation as far as the hundreds, so that our knowle Ige of the notation within this limit is probably corre:t. The script is written from right to left, and in the notation the smaller elements are on the lett. Oar information about the Kharusthi writing will, possibly, be somewhat extendel in the near future, but, as far as our present knowledge goes, the Klarusthi notation appears to have little connection with the Indian notation proper. It is said that the script is derived from or allied to Aramaic and the two notations have close resemblances. In the interpretations of the Kharusthi notation our earlier orientalists made the usual mistakes-eg., Cunningham read 3:3' insteal of 20 + 20 + 20 ( = 60). III. The notation that was in general use in India in early times, and persisted until quite recently has been variously termed the Brahmi, Sanskrit, old Nagari, and old Indian notation. It is a non-place-valne notation with special symbols for the numbers one to ten, twenty, thirty , ... a hundred and a thousand. The numbers 11 to 19, 21 to 29, etc., are expressed by the symbol for the tens followel hy symbol for the units. Two hundred and three hundreil are expressel by the symbol for 10) with the addition, respectively, of one or two horizontal strokes or books (see table II). Higher multiples of a hundred are denoted by the symbol for 100 followed by the corresponding units figure. The thousands, which occur very rarely, are treated in the same way as the hundreds. To express three hundred and ninety-four,' to the symbols for 100 are attached two horizontal strokes (or hooks) on its right side, and this is followel by the symbols for ninety and four in order, thus F O y . No symbol for zero was employed. We have already pointed out some of the errors that the early orientalists fell into in dealing with this notation, but there are errors of another type that are more difficult to deal with. The results of the earlier investigators wore based almost entirely upon the evidence given by eye copies of inscriptions, and that found in comparatively modern manuscripts. The old fashioned copies of inscriptions were, indeed, a fruitful source of error in many ways and in particular with regard to the forms of numerical symbols. We now have, however, a body of mechanically reproduced inscriptions, which should give evidence as to the forms of the symbols sufficient to enable us to determine the system used with fair accuracy; and in the present note it is proposed to utilise this superior evidence and to exclude, as evidence, the old fashioned eye copies. This does not, however, make the task any easier : the old eye copies are often so delightfully clear and anambiguous, whereas the mechanical copies are as obscure and as difficult to read as the originals. It is, of course, impossible to give here all the examples of the Brahma symbols that are available, but in all cases the sources of our information are indicated and the reader is referred to these sources for first-hand evidence. The earliest examples are taken from the Asoka inscriptions, following which the Nanaghat, Karle and Nasik inscriptions have been utilised. The Mathora inscriptions and, later on, the Gupta inscriptions extend our evidence to the north, as do the Pallava plates and others to the south. Of great value also is the evidence afforded by coins and in particular by the coins of the western Kshatrapas. The sources here indicated may be considered to give representative examples which are, more or less, confirmed by incidental examples of other periods and places, and by the practice followed in the earliest manuscripts known to us. In some cases the numerical symbols are accompanied by the equivalent expressions in words; other examples, but these are unfortunately of comparatively late dato, aro in series-as in pagination ; while a third class consists of isolated numbers, principally dates, and these, if the symbols are not of normal types, must be to some extent conjectural. The attached table is divided into sections corresponding to these three classes. 15 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 54; Arch. Suru., India, Vol. V, PI, XVI and Pl. XXVIII.

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D E F 52 I Those symbols that are accompanied by equivalents in words aff rd, with certain limitations, a criterion by which other examples may be judged. Any doub: about any particular forms is here generally due to the state of the inscription itself, but the evidence is on the whole unambiguous and shows distinctly that there was a definite system in use which varied to a surprisingly small extent over a lengthy period and wide area. The first part (A to I) of the accompanying table gives nearly all such examples as occur in the volumes of the Epigraphia Indica, in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, etc. The Asoka examples have, however, been relegated to another part of the table for reasons that will be given below, and such examples as occur in the Tekkeri inscription have been omitted, because the readings are not clear enough to be of use as evidence. In the first portion (A to 1) of the table, it will be noticed (1) that the symbol for fifty' does not appear at all; (2) the eight, and nine,' thirty' ohn & 44 2344 A =42 3 X THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 81930 9 25 Y3 249 RO 2No 2340 v 706 23 y 341) TABLE II. 7.37 47 [FEBRUARY, 1911. F 7 5-8

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) OLD INDIAN NUMERICAL SYMBOLS 53 and eighty' esch appear only once ; and (3) the six' and seventy' are respectively represented by symbols of diverse forms. (NOTA.-The sources from which the symbols in the table have been drawn are indicated in the following list. Although considerable labour and oare have been spent in preparing the table, the reader is warned that the original inscriptions, or mechanioal reproductions of them, are the only proper evidence, and that such tables as these are merely convenient indexes to the originals A Kirlo insoriptions (Poona), Ep. Ind., VII, 61. B Nasik inseriptions, Ep. Ind., VIII, 59. O Fleet's Gupta Iwweriptions, Plates XII-A. Inscription of Budhagupts (Central Provinces, A.D. 484-5); XIV, Inscription of Hastin, (Central India, A.D. 510-11); XVI, Inscription of Jayantha (Central Provinces, A.D. 193-4); XXV, Inscription of Siladitya vii (Gujarat, A.D. 766-7) ; XXXIX-A. Insoription at Mathura (A.D. 451-5. D 20, 100 Nansari Plates of Sryakraya Siladitya (Baroda, A.D. 671) Ep. Ind.. VIII. 234, D5, 7, 10, 200, 300 Plates of Dhrge vasenn. I (Baroda, A.D. 523-7), Ep. Ind., III, 319. Plate of Buddharaja (Baroda, A.D. 580). Ep. Ind., VI, 299. E 100 Gupta Inscriptions, Plato XXXIX A (Mathura, A.D. 434-5). 7 Inscription of Bankaragana (Nasik, A.D. 595) Ep. Ind., IX, 296. 61, 5, 10, 90, 200 Bankheda Grant of Dada IV (Baroda, A.D. 640) Ep. Ind., II, 81. & 3, 4, 6, Grant of Dada ji (Baroda, A.D. 595-6) Ep. Ind., II, 20. X 5, 6, 10 Plates of Bivakandavarman (Kistna); Rp. Ind. VI, 85. X 7, 80 Plates of Indravarman (Galjim) Rp. Ind., III, 198. I Plates of Vijaya-Deva varman (Kistna) Ep. Ind., IX, 57. Pallava gant of Sivakanda varman, Ep. Ind., 1.8. Plates of Vijaya-Devararman (Kistna), Ep. Ind., IX., 57. L Plates of Jayavarman (Kistna), Ep. Ind., VI, 515, x Plates of Kumaravisbnu II (Nelore), Ep. Ind. VIII, 234. Bower mantsoript (KasbgarA: D. 400-450). P Nepal manuscript, A.D 857 (after Bendall). and P6, Nanaghat inariptions (Poona) Pali and old Sanskrit inscriptions, Pl. 265. 96, 50, 200. 26,50, 200. $ 6, 200. Aloka insoriptions regarding which separate note is given. . Kirlo and Nasik insoriptions as in A and B. and also T 6, T10, T70 Mathurs insoriptions, Ep. Ind., vols. I and II, T and U Gupta Inuoription Plates II-B (Central India, A.D. 401); IIIB (Banchi, Central India, A.D. 419): IVA. (Central India); IV-D (Allahabad, A.D. 417); VI-A (Allahabad, A D. 418) ; XIV (Kathiawad, A.D. 571) XXVI (Raipur C. P.), XXIX-A (Patpa, A.V. 672): XL-D (Mathura, A.D. 549) ; XLI-A (Gaya, A. D. 588). v Rapson's Catalogue of coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the Western Kshatrapas, etc. W 2, 20 Inscription of Harsha (Shajahiinpor, A.D. 628-9) Ep. Ind., IV, 209. w 5, 10 and X. 8, Plates of Vikramendravarman (Godavari, Ep. Ind., IV, 194. W 6, Plates of Chandavarman (Gadjam) Ep. Ind., IV, 145. W 8 Sailohi Inscription, Kp. Inul. IL 500 W 9 Insoription at Bot. Mahet, Ep. Ind., VIII, 181 80 Mathuri Insoription. Ep. Ind.. VII. 188. w 4,70 Mathura osoription, Ep. Ind., IX. 84EUR (see Luder's note). W 90, 300 and X. , 10 Grants of Dadda IV) (Baroda, A.D. 641-2), Ep. Ind., V, 41 (500 also G above). I 6, 20 Inaoription of Harsha (Azamgarh) Ep. Ind.. VIII, 158]. About the form of the symbol for 'fifty' there is not much doubt. It is well represented in the other portions of the table and we might have given in the first section also examples from eye copies of inscriptions. It may be noted that up to the time of the investigations of Thomas the correct form for this number bad not been given. of those symbols that occur only once in the first section of the table, the eighty' receives abundant confirmation and was even correctly read by Thomas. The form of thirty' is perhaps not quite so unambiguous as its resemblance to la has probably tended to some distortion both by writers and interpreters. The eight' and 'nine' have very often been misread, in some cases possibly owing to the errors in the tables of Buhler and Bhagwanlal. Rapson, who is here a safe guide, notices mistakes of recent date. This first portion of the table possibly throws most doubt upon the six.' As a matter of fact we have do thoroughly well authenticated example. The Nasik example (B) is not perfectly clear, the Baroda example (G) is taken from a doubtful inscription, while the South Indian example (H) is of an altogether different form. The examples J, K, L and are thoroughly well authenticated, but of comparatively late date; and, while J, K and L are from Sooth India, the example is taken from the Bower Manuscript. The other early examples are P, Q, R, S and V. Of those P is taken from the Nanaghat inscriptions, where it is an isolated example not too well defined ; Q, R and S are from Aboka edicts, and cannot be said to be thoroughly reliable. They will be examined in a separate note. The example V is taken from a Western Kshatrapa coin, and although its form is by no means cortain, it is the best of the several known examples. Rapson, in the text of hig work, employs a type more like the Asoka example Q, bat does not appear to be justified in 80 doing. The symbol for seventy is still a matter of discussion. Indeed the forty' and seventy" have been almost hopelessly mixed up by the epigraphists (as in the third part of the table R, S, T,

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1911. W) ard in all probability the majority of the interpretations recorded is wrong. Liiders 16 discusses these two symbols at length, gives references to many examples, and, in my opinion, arrives at a wrong conclusion. Possibly Rapson's coin examples are the safest guide. The normal symbols for the hundreds' are well established, but snch variations as E, Q. T have to be considered. Of these E belongs to the afth century and T to the sixth century A.D., but Q, which occurs in the Nanaghat inscriptions, is of much earlier date. These Nanaghat examples are of great interest, but they cannot be said to be well established, for the interpretations thereof given by Bhagwanlal are avowedly based upon the akshara theory and the abnormal syn bols for the hundreds ' and thousands' are not confirmed by any other sound examples. iv. The notation appears to have developed on different principles at different times. The first three numbers are natural and differ from those of many other symbols, e.g., Babylonian, Greek (Herodian), Roman, Egyptian, Kharosthi, in being horizontal instead of vertical strokes." Algo. according to Kern, 18 " the figure of the fonrth numeral reveals its own origin by its oldest form." " Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji," he continues, "in his most interesting paper on the ancient Nagar numerals, makes no mention of the fact, that the figure of 4 occurs in one of the Asoka inscriptions16; yet the fact is so important, for many reasons, that I think it worth while to draw attention to it ... The figure for four in this inscription is a simple cross. "The device of indicating the number foar by a cross is so natural, and ingenious at the same time, that any comment may be held to be superfluous. Nor well it be necessary to show that all the later forms of 4 in Nagari are the direct offshoots of the ancient sign, such as we find in the Asoka edict." Kern may be right in his conclusion, but the evidence does not definitely lead to it. There is only one example of the cross in a Brahmi script, while all the other early examples are markedly differentiated from it. The Kharosthi symbol for four' is indeed a cross, but the Brahmi notation was obviously not derived from the Kharosthi. Kern goes on to show that the five' was evolved from the four,' but the examples he uses are unsound. Indeed no principle of formation connecting the symbols for the numbers to 30 can at present be offered ; but possibly the 'forty is derived from the thirty' by the addition of a stroke, while the sixty' and 'seventy' and also the . eighty' and ninety 'distinctly appear to be connected in this way. In these cases, however, the principle of formation appears more marked in the later symbols, and we mast be careful about forming any definite conclusion as to the origin of the system from Euch evidence. However, the hundreds and thousands are to a limited extent evidently built up on such a plan, which, as Bayley pointed out,20 is the same as that employed in the Egyptian hieratic forms; but after three hundred' and three thousand' the Brahmi notation gives up this Egyptian plan and forms the symbol for four hundred from the elements a hundred' and four' and so on. V. The period during which this system has been in use in India extends roughly from the time of Asoka to the nineteenth century A.D. If, however, we consider, the period of its exclusive use or rather its predominance, then we must place the upper limit at the eighth or tenth century A.D.21 In 1896 Kielhorn wrote:22 "The latest known copper-plate inscription with numerical symbols, the time of which can be fixed with certainty, are all anterior to A.D. 800." Unfortunately this statement has been used as a criterion for fixing the date of other inscriptions ; for although the statement was correct enough at the time, mally inscriptions of later date with such symbols have since been found. We may take it, however, that the ninth century A.D. is about the time when these symbols 28 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX., p. 243. 11 The Chinese also used horizontal strokes. See Major Woodruft's paper in the American Math. Monthl. 1909, p. 125. 16 Above, Vol. VI, p. 149. 19 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 460, Pl. line 7. ** The Genealogy of Modern Numerals. J.R. 4. 8., Vol. XIV 3, p. 22. 11 Buhler gives 595 A.D. bat this limit is based upon an error. Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 195, note. See also Fleot's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 209, noto.

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FERRUARY, 1911.) THE ASOKA NUMERALS 55 ceased to be fashionable for Indian inscriptions.23 Kielhorn later recorded examples from Oriess and Ganjam of the thirteenth century A.D., where, he suggests, "such examples, therefore, would seem to have been longer in practical use than in other parts of the country." Other late examples have since been found, and Buhler tells us that the system was in use in Jaina MSS. up to about A.D. 1450 and in Nepal MSS. to A.D. 1583 and that the Malayalam MSS. have preserved it to the present day.24 It has been considered somewhat remarkable that this old notation should survive so long, but there is the parallel case of the Roman figures, which still have their use. Indeed a non-place-value notation has certain advantages, particularly where no calculations are necessitated by its employment. THE ASOKA NUMERALS. BY G. R. KAYE. I. SEVERAL of the Asoka inscriptions contain Brahmi numerical symbols, which are of considerable mportance and interest, chiefly, perhaps on account of their supposed connection with the date of Buddha's death, but also in connection with the Brabmi system of notation; and although the results dependent upon the generally accepted interpretations of these symbols form the subject of much controversy, the interpretations themselves are, apparently, never questioned, "A cet egard il n'ya point de contestation " according to Senart, I nevertheless, the object of the present note is to cast grave doubts upon these interpretations and to show, at least, that thay have been arrived at in an unsatisfactory manner. The symbols, said to be numerical, that occur in the Asoka inscriptions written in the Brahmi script, are : TABLE I. and the plates from which these have been taken are found in the following works : ABC (Sahasrin), Indian Antiquary, XIII, 298; DEF (Rupnath), Indian Antiquary, VI, 156 ; GHI (Brahmagiri), Epigraphia In-lica, III, 138; JKL (Siddapor), Epigraphia Indica, II, 140 ; MN (Bairat), Cunningham's Asoka Inscriptions, Pl. XIV; O (Kalsi), Epigraphia Indira, 11, 460. The symbols given in Table I have been interpreted thns : B C D E F G H I J K L M N O 200 | 50 G 200 50 200 50 6 200 | 50 506 system and of 13 The reason for this is pretty obviously, the introdnotion of the numerical word the so-called decimal system.' 4 Iulian Palcography. p. 77. Inscriptions de Piyadusi, Vol II, 182.

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56 [FEBRUARY, 1911. It will be observed that, whereas, A, D, G and J are different symbols, being indeed, as different as they possibly can be, the value allotted to each is the same, viz., 200. The symbols B, E, H, K and M, which stand for 50 are much more consistent, but the B is somewhat mutilated and the M, according to Buhler, does not exist. Of the symbols for six, we can leave out of consideration the N, which like the M is also of doubtful authenticity: the others, C, F, I and L are certainly not unambiguous, although there is an element of consistency about them. The symbol for four' is possibly of Kharosthi origin. Of course, the higher orders, viz., the supposed symbols for 200, are much the most important from an historical point of view and to these we propose to confine our attention for the present. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY II. Turning to Cunningham's account of the inscriptions, we find the following interesting notes: "The foregoing discussion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvana was written just before I had seen the first copy of the Sahasram inscription. The three symbols which form its figured date, at once arrested my attention, and I suspected them to be cyphers, but the copy of the inscription was imperfect in this very part, and it was not until I visited Sahasram myself, and thus obtained several excellent copies of the edict, that I was satisfied that these characters were really numerical symbols. The figure on the left hand I recognised at once as that to which I had already assigned the value 200 in one of the Mathura inscriptions, while the value of the middle figure was conclusively determined as 50 by a second Mathura inscription in which the date of Samvat 57 is expressed in words as well as in figures. The value of the unit, I at first thought, was 6, but hearing that the late Dr. Bhau Daji had found a somewhat similar figure as a variant form of 2, I adopted the latter as its probable values. I was the more ready to adopt this value as it just brought the Sinhalese date of Asoka with respect to Buddha's Nirvana into accordance with the date of the inscription." With reference to the Rupnath rock inscription, he writes: "The date of 56 occurs at the end of the fifth line. The symbol for 50 is the same as that in the Sahasram inscription, but the opening is turned to the left. Both forms are used indifferently in the Hodgson MSS. from Nepal. The omission of the figures for hundreds is not uncommon in Indian inscriptions. " The Mathura inscription, which contains the symbol for 200 referred to above, is evidently the Katra mound inscription, which Cunningham himself dates at A.D. 224, or more than jour centuries after the time of Asoka. Cunningham's rendering of this date is, moreover, not above suspicion, and the resemblance to the Sahasram symbol is somewhat strained as, indeed, is Cunningham's transcript of the Sahasram symbol to the original. These points are somewha strikingly illustrated in the annexed Table II, where Aa is the Sahasram symbol, Gb is the Mathura symbol referred to by Cunningham as being identical with Aa, and Gd is Cunningham'scopy of Aa. Later scholars supplied the symbol for the hundreds said by Cunningham to be omitted from the Rupnath inscription; but it is doubtful whether their reading is any sounder. Their reasons for interpreting the symbol D (Table I) as 200' appear to have been that (1) the accepted reading of the same passage in the Sahasram version gives 256', (2) the symbol D is su slightly modified, and this according to the akshara theory might denote 200. When further on we reade that "the sign for 200 (in the Rupnath inscription) is stilk more important, as it furnishes the cleast proof for the correctness of Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's discovery of the syllabic origin of the Nagari numerals," we are reminded of the fallacy of the vicious circle. Subsequently the akshara theory was given up, even by Buhler himself. * Asoka Inscriptions, p. ix ff. 4 P. 22. Above, VI, 155. Later on, he changed back again to 6. Arch. Survey Reports, Vol. III, p. 37 and No. 23, Pl. xvi.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.] THE ASOKA NUMERALS 57 But the akshara theory could hardly explain why, in three separate Asoka inscriptions, three separate symbols should be used for 200. Buhler, however, informs us that the Rupnath symbol is su with a prolongation of the vertical of sa instead of the usual horizontal bar, and that the Sahasram symbol (A) is su (and that the coin symbol is ka), and that the cause of the uncooth appearance of the # in A is the desire to distinguish, by the form of the syllables, the cases where they have numerical values, from those where they have an etyrological value as parts of numerals.' No mention of the akshara theory is made in connection with the symbol G (Table I) for very obvious reasons, but the very strangeness of this symbol almost serves Bubler for a new discovery : "The first numeral sign i.e., G, Table I)," he says, "is indeed, as Mr. Rice states, partly different from those found in the Sahasram and Rupnath versions, and the difference furnishes further proof for the assertion that local varieties of the southern alphabet existed in the time of Asoka, etc." The symbol J is supposed to rosemble G, but it is too mutilated to bs of any value as evidence. III. A comparison of the Asoka symbols with others found in India need not lead to any definite result, for the great majority of the available examples are of much later date ; but such a comparison shows that the supposed resemblance of some of the Asoka symbols to these others is very faint indeed. TABLE II. [As, Ab, Ac, Ad, are Aeoka symbols ; Ba, Bb, Nanaghat, Pali and old Sanskrit Inscriptions, Pl. 265; Be, Nasik, Ep. Ind., VIII, 59; Cb, Ce, Western Kshatrapa coins, Rapson's Cataluque; cd, Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions ; Da, ib. Pl. tri; Db, ib. Pl. racis A; Do, ib. Pl. ald; Da, Baroda A.D. 526-7, Ep. Ind. iii, 319; E and F from the tables of Buhler and Indraji ; Gb, Go, Cunningham's Mathura examples, Arch. Survey, III, Pl. svi; Gd, Cunningham's copy of Aa Asoka Edicts and Ind. Ant. VI, 155). For example, Gd is Cunningham's transcript of Aa, and Gb is his Mathara example, which he recognised at once as identical with An. Of the other examples, the two main types are Ba from the Nanagha inscriptions, and Cb. Of these, the former is like Cunningham's copy of Aa and the latter is as unlike it as possible. But the table, like all such tables, is somewhat misleading, for it does not show that ninety-nine per cent. of all the well-authenticated examples are of the type Cb, and that there is no well authenticated example other than the Nanaghat cases of the type Ba. Farther it is very do ubtful wbether As was intended to be of the same type as Ba. The resemblance may be said to be slight, but we may leave this an open question. Ab and Ac have J.R.A.8., XIV, 8, p. 9; Indian Palaeography, 81. Ep Ind., 111, 185.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1911 not the remotest resemblance to any of the other symbols, and on no sound principle can they be established as representing numerical quantities. IV. The context of these symbols, certainly does not support the generally accepted interpretations. Buhler gives for the Sahasram version : " And this sermon is by the Departed. Two hundred (years) exceeded by fifty-six, 256' have passeil since" and for the Rupnath and Brahmagiri versions, he gives the same rendering with slight verbal differences. Oldenberg gives the general sense of the passage as "This teaching was preached by the Departed; the number of the departed who have taught on carth is 256." Senart's translation of the Sahasram version is: "It is by the missionary that this teaching is spread abroad). Two hundred and fifty-six men have gone forth in missions." M. Levi explained the number 256 as indicating not a date, but simply the official notation of the number of aksharas contained in the elict.' Fleet's rendering agrees in substance with that given by Buhler. V. Definite conclusions on such a subject as this are difficult to achiere, and, althongh to be desired, are not logically necessary, and, perhaps, in the present state of our knowledge, it is not wise to formulate any. We may, however, state the following without falling into grievous error : 1. The process of investigation that led to the interpretation of A, D, G and J (Table I) as 200' are faulty in almost every detail. The principal guides seem to have been (a) Cunningham, who was notoriously erratic in such matters, (b) the akshara theory which is now totally discredited and () a desire to make different versions agree in detail. 2. The symbols A, D, G and J (Table 1) ate possibly not nomerical symbols at all. But might not be a symbol for 3,000 ? 3. The symbols B, E, H and K may be tentatively accepted as meaning fifty,' although B is very doubtful. 4. The symbols , F, I and L may also be tentatively accepted as meaning 'six.' 1. A fresh rendering of the passage from the standpoint that the numerical figures are "fiftysix' would lead to results at least as definite as those hitherto obtained. A LAGUNA IN THE HARIVAM'SA. BY A. GOVINDACHALYA SVAMIN, M.R.A.S. It is well known that the great Vyasa composed the Hari-varitsa as the colophon to the Fi'th Veda, the Mahabharata. After composing the latter, it is chronicled that he felt like one bewildered and entangled in the maze of differences and diversities of religion, but with the load-star of the Harivashka he found his one and true Path to Salvation. This idea is allegorically enshrined in certain well-known poems; By Vyasa himself in the following verse :1. Asat-kirtana-kantara-parivartana-panhsuldm Vdchani Sauri-kathalapa-Gangay-aiva punimahe i.e., "The tongne has become soiled by wandering in the wilds of lading others (than Hari); but let us wash it by the Ganges (-water) of Sauri'si (.e., Hari's) praise." The Ganges water here alluded to is his last work, the Harivansa (so allegorised). 2. Sri-Parasara-bhattaryad composed an invocatory verse to the female Saint Anda in the following terms: Nila-tunga-slana-giri-tati-suptam-udbodhya Krishnam Pararthyam svam aruti-sata-tiras-siddham-adhydpayanti The passage is discussed at longth in Fleet's paper on The date of Buddha's death, eto, J.R.4.8., 1904, p. 1. 1 Sauri-Descendant of Sura-Ktishpa-Hari 1 A. D. 1074. See No. 32 in the Hierarchical Table to my Lives of the Saints, in English. 3 B. 0. 3005. See No. 14, Table op. cit.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) A LACUNA IN THE HARIVAMSA Snochchhishtdydah sraji nigalitam yd balat kritya bhuille Godd tasyai nama idam-idash bhiya evd'stu bhuyah. (vide: Tiru-p-pivai] In this verse Nila is referred to. She is the third Holy Spouse, or Queen, of Nardyapa, the other two being srt and Bha, and born again as Nappinnai (Nija) for Krishna. 3. Periya-v-ficchan-Pillai alias Krishna-Samah ayat wrote a commentary on the female Saint Andal's "Holy Lyric" the Tiru-p-pdoai,and,when commenting on the invocatory verse above quoted, he discussed the point as to who represented Ni!, when Krishoa represented Narayana in the Divine Cosmic Drama of the Krishna-Avatara, (Krishna's Incarnation or Descent on Earth). Rocited verses to show that the daughter of certain Kambha was Nila thus born, beginning with the verse: Sydlo' tha Nanda-Gopasya, go. 4. When searching for these verses in the available printed editions of the Vishnu-purdna and the Hari-tanta, I could not trace them; but a M8. was discovered by a friend of mine, which is said to belong to the collections of Sanskrit MS8 in the Madras Government Library. In this MS. four Adhy dyas were found embodying the verses cited by Periya-v-acchan. Pillai. Fearing that they may be missed or lost again or lost sight of by those seeking for references, I send a transcript for record and preservation in the pages of the Indian Antiquary. . vaishNpaavnH|| svAloya naMdagopastha mithileSu gavAMpatiH / pravRddhagodhano pakSaH kuMbhako mAma mAmataHsitA gugdhasva sarveSAM takasvaca ghRtasya ca | janasya priyavAinitvaM vazorAvA apnbmH||dhrmmaa tasya bhAryAsIddharmadevatamAmataH / sAsUtAtvabugala zobhanaM gopabhUSaNaM / tayostava pumAn jAtaH zrIvAmAnAmavizrutaH / sarvezva samurghakassarvaprANimanoramAH // nIlA nAma ca kanbAsId rUpaudAryaguNAnvitA / hasantI gamanesAn bhUspRSTacaraNI mRdaH / pacapananibhI pArI parnulAbasadhinI / nIlAkSI mAnusaMdhAnA maMsakoruhavA mUduH / / rathavistIrNajayanA mRtukiirnnklvikaa| vizAlorusamAviSTA cakanAmimanoramA || kamAvarSavalInimnA tanumadhyA tanUruhA / savarNakuMbhasadRzau dRtI pInI stanau mRda // dhArayantI masparNA kAmasva jananI sakiMbupIvAnumAMsA sA sakapolamanoharA | zubhavidrumAthiboSThI saktI zubhanAsikA | vinitAMbuapanA sA nIlotpalanibhekSaNA vilAsinI puraNItA (?) smaracApani ra bhuvodhAnAmusnigdhA ardhcNdrllaattikaa|| vIrSakucitakezAbyA lakSaNaistakaleryutA vilokaranabhUtA sA vizvavittavilAsinIyauvanasthA mukAMtAMgI devamavilobhinI sAMbavaHssarvabhUpAlA bhUyobhUvI vizAMpate / / na teSAM kasyacitA pitA vidhivalAzrayAt / etasminneva kAle tu vRSarUpA mhaasH|| kAlanemisutAssama vikAMtA bAhuzAlinaH / tadA devAsare yuddhe viSNunA prabhAviSNunA / / saMpAmAn bahudhaH kalA tena buddhe mitAstarA | dizomUDhA prajagmuste viSNuM hatuM smudytaaH|| bAvat kRSNA yadukule jAto detevasattamAH / jJAtvA viSNu abakule balavaMtassamAsthitAH|vRSarUpadharAssapta kuMbhakasva vrvsn| balavaMto mahAzRMgAmaharakaMkSidhiroruhAgalaMbasAsnA mahApIvA mahAkuMbhakakupinaH / pRthatIrghamahAbAlAH pRthutImakhugaHkharAH // dIrghavaktA vIrSavaMtAH kuMDanavA kukrmkaa| nisyaptA mhaakaavaasitaashessgognnaaH|| te vRSAH sarvato jagmuH gAvavatsAMzca durmazaH | garbhAnAmAvaban sarvAn gavAMsasthAnyabhakSayan // videharAzye jAtAya bhakSavisvA mUharmuhaH sasthAnAM phalitAn sarvAn AdhAvati sma srvtH|| kuMbhakAya brajerAvI vasati sma muzAnvitAH kRSIvalAstatassarve rAjJo mithilvrmnnH|nyvedyNstdaasrv paissasyavinAzanaM vAnveva sabasasthAna rASTrajAtAni srvshH| bhakSitAni samastAni kuMbhakasya vaSepa || saptabhissassamudriktarvamanena vijitH|| tenivArvA mahIpAla badite svAmagaThabaM|sAdayati mahussarvA naSTA raajnuubhvtprmaaH||ititessaaN vacaH shrulaaraajaajnksNbhvH| itaH kuMbhakamAvavacana damabravIt // tava sapta vRSA gopA nirdamAssasvapAtakAH / pamyatAmaya sarvese vapAssarvaprabalataH ||bhndaa baNDala evasvAsabaMdhussaprI bhavAn / gaccha goparmatiyuterdamane kuzalaissama // damyantAM se vRSAssapta nabha vicavetavamardharAcokacisAndAnavAnvRSarUpiNaH||gopAlarasarassA) nivntumupckrmuH| rajjuhastAstAsarve maMdamavamupAyAbhaya banavAnDA ramnuhastAn samatataH |huNbhaarvN prakurvanto gopAnevAbhihatAnapureSagakoNeza samAjagmussamatataH / teitA gopamukhyAste gataprANA- sama bhuvi / patitAH zerate bhUmo vajanamApAcalAH bArakAvArikA vatsAstaItAH paMDitA adigirate matabhUviSThAH kuMbhakasva vromAniSTamabhavatsarve va nihatArakaM ||nkst vAnarojamanirupatA nissirva evAmI bhagnAsta pApabhiH / / vrajetasminmahIpAla nihate ca tathApare visaMjJaH kuMbhako bhUtvA nighaTassamapayana |tanI vizva tegA~parmatirevaM samAdadhe | samAnAM vRSamalAnAM daminA bo bhavedAvi // tasmai kanyAM pradAsyAmi mIlAM mIrajalocanAM | gopAH sarva samAvAntu ve gopA goijIvinaH // bhUkhA vA samaryAH saste cAgacchaMtu srvshH| evamApoSayAmAsa kuMbhakassa bokila // iti zrIharivaMye niSaSTitamobhyAyaH .A.D. 1150. 800 No. 85-Table, op.cft. . On page 880, Journal L. A. S. 1910, . M8. of Harivamia in connection with Mar Muller Memorial Fund, has been secured in Oxford. I am curious to know if these missing ohapters are there.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1911. vaizaMpAyanaH || tato gopagaNassarvo mithilaamnyvrtt| vRSAnsapta samAhatya nIlAM gRhNAm yakSataH // iti gopAnsamA - jagmuH pratyekaM tAnjighRkSavaH || mithilA rAjadhAnI sA na kacidvallavavinA // gopAlamayamevaitat rASTraM mithilavarmaNaH | gopAsvAyatabhujAH vistIrNa balasaMyutAH || AsphATitabhujA mattAH pratyekaM vRSamanvayuH / kuMbhakasya tadA dUtairAhUto gopanaMhanaH || gopAlairaparaissArdhe naMdagopassamAyayA~ / rAmakRSNau ca saMyAtau kuMbhakasya vrajaM kila || dArakairaparaissArddha savayAMbhirmuvAnvitaiH / mayUrAMgadacitrAMgo nIlakucitamUrdhajI || pIte vasAno vasane hari caMdanacacitI / vanamAlAkRtorasko dAmayajJopavItina || zikyAlaMbatkaTikarI varNavAdyAvinodinI / kiMkiNIjAlasaMhAdI zikhipicchairalaMkRtau // veNuvINAvakRtI zRMgadhvanisamAkulau | divisthairdevagaMdharvairanuyAtau mahAnutI || gopAlA naubhiruttIrya yamunAmUrmima. linIM / gaMgAM caivAbhisaMyAtA mithilAM kRSNasaMyutAH // kuMbhakazca mahAbuddhirmaithileyo mudAnvitaH / naMdagopaM tadA dRSTvA saputtraM ca samAgataM / / utthAyAme samAgamya samAliMgya muzanvitaH / pratisaMbhAvayAmAsa yazodA caiva dharmadA || balabhadrasya kRSNasya zrIdAmA cAsanaM dadau / kRsaraM pAyasaM caiva tathA dadhyodanaM bahu || nivedya naMdagopAya saputrAya muzanvitaH / ApUpArasaktabodAnAH zarkarAkSIramizritAH // dattAH kRSNAya rAmAya naMdAyAtha sajJAtaye | evaM prItAssumanaso naMggopapurassarAH // USusmukhaM tadA rAtrau gopAlAssarva eva te / bhaya tasyAM vRSA rAtrI goSu vaizasanaM muhuH / pratyekaM sapta te mallA dAnavA vRSarUpiNaH / vatsAn jaghnurathogAzca kuTIrbhUyo babhejire / AgaMtukAn taza gopAn rAtrau yuddhAya nissRtAn / jannuH zaMgaiH khuraizcaiva ziSTA gopA dizo yayuH // bhAravaM prakurvato diggajA iva tasthire / rajjUMchitvA ghaTAnbhitvA kIlakAnatha zikyakAn // vatsAnvidrAvayAmAsurgAzvarAjandazodiza / tataH prabhAte vimale vyuDA sA rajanI kila || vRSAstasthurmahAnAdAstasminkuMbha kavaremani / diggajA iva saMhA kuMbhAravapurahAraM || cakrire parvatAkArAH kAlAMtakayamopamAH / iti zrIharivaMze catuSSaSTitamodhyAyaH vaizaMpAyanaH // atha tasyAmavasthAyAM nizceSTaH kuMbhakaH kila || vRSAn tathAvidhAn dRSTvA vrajanizzeSakAriNaH / gopAn sarvAn samAhUya vacanaM cedamabravIt // zrUyatAM mama vAkyAni gopA naMdapurogamAH / vRSAssapta samudbhUtA vrajesmin mhdurmdaaH|| siMhA ivAmahAkrAMtA]: diggajA iva vaMzitAH / apratakrya hyanAsAdhA gopagopIvyatikramAH / yatnAzca bahavosmAbhiH kRtA roDumimAn muhuH / eSA me kaMbalA yoddhuM na zakyA snehasaMgatA || bhItAstebhyo muddagopA visaMjJA pryttaamhe| kiMca rAjJo muNDayA vayaM mithilavarmaNaH || gatimeSAM najAnImo na gatiM na ca ciMtanA / / naca te kevalavRSAH rAkSasA vA vRSAtmanA // devyA vA vAnavA vAtha yakSagaMdharva eva vA / asmadutsAdanArthAya vrajesmin samupasthitAH // yuSmAkamAgatAnAM tu yo vRSAndamayiSyatei / tasyeyaM sarvakalyANI nIlA deyA manasvinI || nIlA sumadhyamA tasmai dattA kamalalocanA / ityuktvAhUya tAM kanyAM gopanadhye karoti tAM || yUnAM manAMsi cAkSIne tasyAmeva prapedire / stanayAMsthitimAjagmuH teSAM vittapravRttayaH // anyeSAmadhare caiva pareSAM ca sumadhyame / evaM vyAlolamanaso gopAzcivasthitA iva / tatra naMdasutaH kazcit jyeSThaH kRSNasya saMmataH / sa tathA ghoSayan vAcA damAyeSye vRSAnamUn || iti pratasthe tAn hantuM steyAn vRSarUpiNaH / bhujAvAskoTaya ru-dvApi pitrA - vatA tadA || iyeSa yoddhuM maMdAtmA yAtra zakkrAMti mAdhavaH / rAvaNasya raje hantA yazca hantA sumAlinaH / teSAM madhye samAsthAya huMbhAravamathAkarot / tena zabdena te sapta vRSA ghoSavataH puraH || khurAMigAn samuddhRtya samuttasthussamudyatAH / teSAM sthitA nAmekasya ghoSavAn mastake 'hanan || tato gopAssamAgamya siMhanAdaM tryanInadan / Ahate masna ke soyaM vRSo ghoSavatastadA || ase khurAbhyAmaH hRtya ghoSavaMtaM daza ha / punazRMgaMga taM hatvA khurAbhyAM dUratakSipat || tryananidacca sahasA gopAn vidrAvayaMstA | yuvAnastvatha ye gopAH nIlAmahaNalAlasAH || muSTiM saMvartya saMvartya bhujAsphoTanatatparAH / gopA lIlAM prakurvataH tepAmapadaM daduH / / sthiteSu gopavIreSu te vRSA gopaghAtakAH / tasmAttAn zaMgakoNaiste nijaghnuH sma tatastata: || masta kaizca khuraizcaiva nyahananmuditA bhRzaM / te gopA vRSadaityaizca nihatA bhuvi pAtitAH || gatAnabhimukhaM hatvA saMsthitAssumahAvRpAH / huMbhAravaninAdena bhISayaMtazca gogaNAn || gopAlAn goSa mukhyAMzva balAdvidrAvya daMzitAn / valmIkAn khAnayaMto vai mahotpAtaM praca kire / / kuMbhako naMdagopazca ye vRddhA goSu jIvinaH / kRtyamUDhAssusaMvRttAstadAgopapurastarAH || rAjJA bhItA babhUvuzca daMDyA vayamiti sthitAH / iti zrIharivaMze paMcaSaSTitamodhyAyaH vaizaMpAyanaH // zratha kRSNastadArAmaM babhASe vaizase sati || nete vRSaH mahAbAho daityAssapta samutthitAH / kAlanemisutAH pUrva naahntumihsNgtaaH| purA mayA hatA yuddhe tadA tArAmaye vibho| ete te balino nityaM mama vidvesskaarinnH| nihantavyA mayA AryagogohantakarA ime || ete gopA hatA bhUyo bhUyo hantuM samudyatAH / evametairyathAyogaM krIDAkarmasu gopakA | naMdakuMbhakobhI viSaNNI samapadyatAM // rakSitatrya balAdetI gopI baMdhU mayA vibho / nIlAmenAM mahiSyAmi hatvA sapta vRSAnamUnazrIdAmAnaM sakhitvena saMgRhiSyAmyasaMzayaH || iti nizcitya rAmeNa kRSNaH kamalalocanaH || purasteSAM padaM cakre vRSANAM balazAlinAM / te vRSA ditijAH kruddhA viSNuM vRdvA purasthitaM || pUrvavairamanusmRtya tvarArddhatuM pracakramuH / te samaM sahasA petuH kRSNasyopari dAnavAH // tato yuddhaM samabhavat teSAM kRSNasya ca prabho / tato gopagaNAssarve kRSNamevAzritAbhavan // gesle sahasA kRSNaH pAdaprahArepareH puSyAne kesa | purUpakasamA pratyeka geeraar | datairdavaMzurapare khurairanye janArdanaM // tataH kRSNo ruSA muSTiM sannihatya jaghAnaha / krameNa muSTamA tAnsarvAn hatvA deteyagopatIn / nIlAM haste gRhItvAtha kRSNastasmin vyroct| kuMbhako naMdagopaM taM provAca janasannidhauprasAzantava putrasya jIvAmI vigatajvarAH / saputrAsaha gopA ve savatsA no dhanaissamaM || vaiSazca saptabhirnada hatA gAvassahasrazaH

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) SONGS ABOUT THE KING OF OUDH garbhAzcanistAstAvatsAstAvaMta eva hi ||ytste nihatAnaMra sukhaM tasmAdavAmumaH | gosahavaM tava vibho mahiSAnmahiSIzataM / / yAvadicchasi vA nanda tAvatte vai vAmyahaM / nIlAye lakSamayutaM dAsyAmIti ca godhanaH / / naMdagopaH / alaM mahAvibho sAta Tivadarasaray Tata: iftar:ller fra : #7: SYFTETtato mevardhata vraje // yAvadugdhaM samudbhUtaM tAvareva ghRtaM bhavet / gujme gunme madhu bhavasvAdu svAnubhavatyalaM / / gAvo patsAzca nIrodA jAte kRSNe vraje mama | alpaM kiMcitra mesyAttadgehe svaM kRssnnsnidhii| yAsyAmyahamayI gopagRhAyAbhyanujAnatAM tyaktvA / prayayau naMdassavajassahagodhanaH // kRSNazca nIlayA sArya zrIDAmnA saha sNgtH| sAkaM ca balabhadraNa yayau vRMdAvanaM prati / prAdhya baMdAvanaM gopAH remire shkeshvaaH|| iti zrIharivaMze SaTSaSTitamodhyAyaH SONGS ABOUT THE KING OF OUDH. BY WILLIAM CROOKE, LATU I.C.S. Wajid Ali Shah, the last King of Oudh came to the throne in A. H. 1263 (1847) and was ailed in 1856, just before the mutiny of 1857.] No. I. The Departure of Wajid Ali Shah from Caloutta. Repeated by Kalika Prasad, Headmaster of the village school at Akbarpur. District Fyzabad. Recorded by Pandit Rum Gharib Chaube. Text. Sripati Maharaj, tu bipati niwaro. Kat aibain Hazrat des ho ? Palila mugim Kabanpur bhejyo: dusra Banaras jat ho. Tisara mugam Kalkatwa men bhejyo: Begamon to bhagin pahar ho. Alam Bagh men goliya chalat bain: Machchhi-bhawan meil top ho. Beli-garad men tegwa chalat hain : banan se andhiyar ho. Bihar sowain kul ra sipahiye : dewasht men rowain Kotwal ho. Bicb mahaliye men Begam rowain : lat chhatkiye lambf kes ho. Topiya chhutai wah topkhanwa; hathiya chhutai philkhan ho. Ghore turang sabarwa: man chhute sathi hamar ho. Kaisar Bigh mon Begam rowain : lat chhatkaye lambf kesh ho. Raghunath Kunwar: "Kiripa bhayo bam ko bhayo banbas ho." Translation. O Sripati Maharaj (Ram), thou art the remover of calamity. When will my Lord return to his country! The first halt was Cawapore: the second at Bensres. The third halt was at Calcutta, and the Queens fled to the hills. Ballets were flying in the Alam Bagh: there were cannons in the Machchi-bhawan. Swords were drawn in the Bailey Guard : it was dark with arrows. Outside mourned the sepoys : in the gateway mourned the Kotwal. In the palace moarned the Queen, and let their long locks fall dishevelled. The cannons were left in the magazine: the elephants were left in the stables. The swift horses were left in the city : our friends forgot their sympathy.. The Queens wept in the Kaisar Bagh, and let their long locks fall. Saith Raghunath Knowarl: "It was the pleasure (Ram) that we should be in exile." The Author.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY No. II. The Flight of Wajid Ali Shah. Sung by Saligran Kayasth, Recorded by Lalta Prasad, a master in Amarpur Village School, District Itawa. Text. Tam bin, Hazrat, aj mulk bhayo suno. Koi, Hazrat, bare khilarf; khyal kya kinho? "Meri Kesar Bagh lagay gard kar dinho." Hazrat chale Kalkatta, asro kinho. Kot Begam bhai aswir, mulk taj dinho. Angrez Bahadur alu: mulk lai liuho. Kisi ne nahin kari larii, nithin jang kinhi. Kol jangal aur bayaban basara linhi. Translation. Without thee, my Lord, the country has become silent. My Lord, thou wert very happy; what dost thou think? "They have turned into very dust the Kaisar Bagh that made. " My Lord went to Calcutta and we had hope. Some of the Queens left the country in carriages. [FEBRUARY, 1911. The great English came and took the country. No one raised any fight or rebellion. Some took to living in the forests and woods. No. III. Wajid 'Ali Shah and the Kaisar Bagh, A Lament. A song in honour of the Kaisar Bagh of Lucknow and the late king of Oudh, Wajid Ali Shab. Recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Kaisar Bagh bandyd, mazah Wajid Ali ne na paya. 1. As pas sone ke kangure, bich men takht bichhaya. An part Angrez ki paltan, hukum apna chalaya. Mazah Padshah ne na payd, kaisa Kuisar Bagh bandyd. 2. Amir gharib sabhi hilmil rowain, rowai phutphut kar sara sansar. Hay! gayo pardes mei, apae desh se rukhsat hoke sardar.' Kaisa Kaisar Bagh bandyd, mazah Wajid Ali ne paya. 3. Lale lile kapare pahane Padshah yogiya rup banaye. Lale lale kapare sare musahib yogiya rup banaye. Are, Kaisar Bagh bandyd, mazah Hazarat ne na paya. Translation. Wajid'Ali built the Kaisar Bagh, but did not enjoy it. 1. On all sides turrets of gold and in the middle a throne were placed. An English force came and settled and assumed the authority. What a Kaisar Bagh Wajid 'Ali built, but did not enjoy it. 2. Noble and peasant all wept together, and all the world wept and wailed. Alas! The chief has bidden adieu to his country and gone abroad. What a Kaisar Bagh Wajid 'All built, but did not enjoy it.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) SONGS ABOUT THE KING OP OUDH 63 1. 2. Clothed in red, the king put on the guise of a mendicant. Clothed in red, his followers pat on the guise of mendicants. O, my Lord built the Kaisar Bagh, but did not enjoy it. No. IV. The Departure of the Bahu Begam to England in appeal. Songs in honour of the Bahu Begam's departure to England to appeal.' Recorded by Rain Ghartt Chaube. Tert. Nandan ke joyyd, are nd bahu re. Allah tumhen lawe! Layai Nabi aur Rasul ! Turk sawaran paidal hoye gaye, galiyon men roye sipah. Hath bhf bik gaye, ghore bht b.k gaye, unt bhi ho gaye nillam. Nandan ked joyd re, ad baku ne ! Kaisa hai wah desh ? Keke, re, hath chithiya likh bhejuo? Keke, re, hath sandesh ? KAgi ke hath chithiya likh bhenjan ? Panchhth bath sandesh ? Nandan ke joyd re, nd bahu re. Dekhan ko jlya hoya. Lagt re bazariya, Sahab, tort jahan bikain hire aar lal, Chatura chatari sanda kar gaye, rah gaye murakh ganwar. Nandan ke joyd re, nd bahs re. Translation. Going to London", thou art no daughter-in-law, May God bring thee back! May the Lieutenant and Prophet (of God; Mubammad) bring thee back! The Turkish horsettian have become foot, and the sepoys complain in the streets. The elephants and horses have been sold, and the camels put to auction. Going to London, thou art no daughter-in-law ! Of what kind is that country P By whose hand may I send a letter! By whose hand my news? Shall I send my letter by the crows ? my news by the birds ? Going to London, thou art no daughter-in-lawo. I long to see thee. O Englishman, there is thy market where diamonds and rubies are sold. The clover have sold their merchandise : the fools and clodhoppers have been left. Going to London, thou art no daughter-in-law. No. V. The Settlement of Oudh. Sung by Girdhari Des Chaube of Chandrapur, District Agra. Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. 1. Jis waqt SAbban Shahar Lakhnan liya, Wajid 'Ali, jo Shah tha, Kalkatta cbal diya. Shahzadgan Begam hamrah kar Ilya hai, The text has Nandan. The natives think London to be the most enjoyable place in the world and have adopted Nandan (ban) tbe Paradise of India, with which they are familiar, as their name of London.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1911. 2. 5. Malikab Muazzama ne tankbwah kar diya hai. 4qbdl se Firangi mulk Awadh la liya. Sab Rdjgan khauf se ita at qabul kiya. Be-intiza mai aist thi Badebih ghar, Wiran mulk hota tha, rakhte nabio khabar. Angrezon ne jab dekbe, aisa macha hai ghadar. Nayab Shabaryar ne dakbal kar liya shahar. Agbil .. Firangi mulk Awadh le liyd. Sab Rajgan kauf u hathidr dhar diya. 8. Phaila amla Firangi ka tirsath ke sal men; Blawa hua bai malk med painsath ke sal men. Angrez phir dakbal kiya Chhiyasth ke sal men. Birjisqadar Begam Naipal raj men. Aqbal se Firangi mult Oudh le liyo Sab Rajgan khauf se hathidr dhar diyd. Jis waqt Beli Garad men Sthbak thro; Koi rasad na chalti thi, mahtaj Khoda the. Aur gorahay lekar musta'id jang the; Bhukbon piyason marte the, an bhagte as the. Aqbal se Firangt mulk Awadh le liya Sab Rajgan khauf se hathidr dhar diya. Jab Sahban dhawi karte the fauj par; Badmash mulki battt dete the top par. Unke muqabile se chhipate the dar ba dar. Sar kat le the gora unhen khoj khoj kar. Talwar aur golt anr sangin shalt tht; Sadhan zarb ke upar jab batti balti thi. A was us taraf se zamla thartharatt thi. Us waqt zan shikam se hamal dal dett tbl. Yahjisqadar Begam ki kaht gal bahadurl? Duniya meh nam rahgaya shabt so kkhirt. Ab kaun kar sakaigi sisi bahaduri ? Begam nikalte waqt khud jang ky kari P Jis waqt Rana Sahab goron se jang kiye ; Badmas bbaq bhaq ke Uttar kt rah liye. Jagraj Sing picha goron ke kiya khub: Ek ek ko markar, pall mediya ddb. Yah Rang Bent Madhav jawan mard hai bara; Khud jang mingta bai, musta'id hai khasa. Yah loh Baisware ki Baison ki hai kara. Ab to muqabila Angreson se & papa. 10. Tab Sahbun Apas me maslahat kiya :" Rana ko lewe miley Molk Awadh le liya. Aur Rajgan sare Mulk Awadh bewafa. Yah log honge hazir jab khaaf bar mala.' 8. A. 9.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) SONGS ABOUT THE KING OF OUDH 11. Jab Raja Man Sinh Firangi mei a mila, Us waqt Lal Madho par khauf chal mila :"Badmis bhag bbag luke jake Karbala." Jab Sahban jake gber liya bar mala. 12. Tab Rand dil mei socha: ab abru ke sath mikal chalnd kAlb hai. Afwaj apni leke Uttar kirib. Sab raj apni chhopke Begam kl sith di. 18. Akbir ko bad hawks hoe rajgan sab. Kisan namakbaramt Awadh Shah ghar hai jab. " Angrez bewafat karainge kabo yah kab?" Bar khauf hazir aye yah rajgun sab. 14. Publa hi intizam bandobast marsari ; Barah Zilla kiya hai an arba Kamishnari, Subah Awadh men ek hai Judishal Kamishanari, Nisbat apli ke yah dari hai akhiri. 15. Pher bad koitadze mauze ka had bast kar liya; Dando aur mende ka sab jhagra utha diya. Ahini zanjir paimaish shara kiye ; Mamkin aur ghair-mumkin sab juda kiye. 18. Jab kaghzat bilkal tartib kar liya. Tab intizam sali bandobast ka kiya. Har ek ke nam jarf hukmnama kar diya. Aur ishthar dewedari ku de diya. 17. Barab baras ki mayyad muqarrar jo ki gai; Tiraath ke jagah sal ekk&wan likht gal. Andar maihd qabzah diqri di gai. Qabzah na bud, arzi kharij kar di gai. 18. Har ek Zild men char mahakama kbara kiye :Zila, Kalaktarf, Diwani, Ayan kiya. Faajdarf bad bandobast ro diya. Yah hal kab gal, goyi qalam band kar diya. Translation. When the English took the city of Lucknow, They sont Wajid Ali, who had been king, to Calcutta. He took the princes and the queens with bim, And the great Queen (Victoria) gave him a pension. By their prestige the English took the country of Oudh; And all the chiefs aclenowledged their supremaoy through foar. There was such disorder in the king's house, That the country was devastated and no one took notice. When the English saw that such anarchy was reigning, The Queen's Deputy (the Viceroy) entered the city of Lucknow). By their prestigo the English took the.opuntry or Oudh, And all the chiefs laid donan their arms through fear. 2.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 3. The English first commenced to rule in the year 639. The rebellion was in the year 65. The English came back again in the year 664. Birjisqadar, the Queen, fled to Nepal. By their prestige the English took the country of Oudh, And all the chiefs laid down their arms through fear. 4. When the English were Bailey Guard, There were no supplies, and there was only the mercy of God. And the white men were full of fight; They were dying of hunger and thirst, but did not run away. By their prestige the English took the country of Oudh, And all the chiefs laid down their arms in fear. 5. When the English pursued the army, The rebel scoundrels sprung their mines on the guns, They hid themselves as best they could from place to place. The white men cut off their heads wherever they found them. 6. Sword and bullet and bayonet was used; Hundreds were wounded when the mines were fired. The earth trembled at the noise of it, And the babes fell from the wombs of pregnant women. 7. What kind of bravery did Birjisqadar, the Queen, show? Her name has remained in the world. Who now will ever show such courage? When the Queen had fled what fight was possible? 8. When the Rana Sahib fought the white men, The scoundrels fled to the North, Jagraj Singh followed up the white men well, He killed them one by one and threw them into the stream. 9. The Rana Bent Madhav was a very strong man. He wanted a fight and stood ready for it. The steel of the Baisas of Baisward is hard. Now it fell to him to face the English. 10. [FEBRUARY, 1911. Then the English counselled together : "Let us join with the Rand and take the Country of Oudh. All the other chiefs of the Country of Oudh are unreliable. If these come in then there will soon be fear. " 11. When Raja Man Singh joined the English, Then Lal Madhav began to fear : "The scoundrels have taken refuge in Karbala. Then the English soon surrounded him. A. H. 1263 A.D. 1847. This story is a little mixed, Wajid 'All commenced his reign in A.H, 1969 (A.D. 1847) and was exiled in 1856. The Mutiny was in 1857.

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FEBRUARY, 1911.) SONGS ABOUT THE KING OF OUDH 18. Then the Rdj& thought in his mind that It would be well to escape with honor. He took his armies on tho northern rond. Ho gave up his kingdom and went to the Bagam. 18. In the end all the chiefs lost their heads. They saw that all the people were faithless to the house of the King of Oudh. " When will the English bo unfaithful? And so all the chiefs presented themselves through fear, 14. The first arrangement of the English), was the rough survey of the country). They made twelve Districts and four Commissionerships. In the Kingdom of Oudh there is one Judicial Commissionership, For the purpose of appeal this is the last Court. 15. After that they fixed the boundaries, village by village. They stopped all the quarrels over uncertain boundaries. They began to measure (the land) with iron chains. They divided the cultivable from the unoultivable land. 16. When all the papers (for the land) were in order, Then they managed for the yearly settlement of revenue). They seat summons to every name. And advertised for every claim. 17. They fixed period of twelve yearg And instead of the year 68 they wrote 517. Decrees were granted for possession within the period, If possession was not proved, applications were rejected. 18. In overy District four departments were set up :Revonue, Judicial, Oriminal and Settlement of Revenue). Then they arranged for the army. This is the story as it has been committed to writing. MISCELLANEA. THE EARLIEST SAKA DATE. The discovery, announced in 1909, is confirmed in 1910 by the verification of the details of the MR. NARASIMKAOWAR announces the discovery date. in a Jaina work entitled Lokavibhaga of the Saka date 380 corresponding with the 22nd regnal A definite basis for ultimate settlement of the year of king Sithavarma Pallava of Kanoht. Pallava chronology is also secured. This date, equivalent approximately to A.D. 468, Full information on the subject will be found in the Annual Report of the Archaologioal Survey, is considerably earlier than the oldest Sake Mysore, for the year ending 30th Juno, 1900, date bitherto recorded, vis., 127-A.D. 505 in para 112, and ibid. for 1910, par. 116, dated Vardhamihira's Pancha siddhantika, 48 as Angust let, 1910. pointed out by Dr. Fleet (J.R.A.S., 1910, p. 819). V. A. SMER. . This is prose interposition. * I. e., they fixed possession for twelve years as giving an absolute title to the land. 1..., possonon admitted in 1847 were granted pourensdom from 1885.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1911. NOTES AND QUERIES. THE PLANT KURINJI (STOBILANTHUS) AND cattle or the crops. So the people of every THE WORSHIPS OF KATTAIKKAVALAR. village fix a day in the month of Avani ( Ang.THE plant stobilanthus grows extendively on Sept. ), when contributions of rice and cocks or the Palni Hills and there are certain curious chicken are raised from every house for offerings features about it which I think may be of inte to Kuttaikkavalar. On the afternoon of that day, rest to your readers. the people of the Kunduvar (Mannidi), artisan Though the plant is very common on these (Asiri ), and washerman classes take the offerhills, usually only a few stray ones flower in ings a mile or two out of the village and there each year. Five years ago, the flowering was offer cooked rice, cocks and a sheep to the godmore general, but this year it is in such bloom ling and afterwards partake of them. Just before that it is difficult to find a plant without flowers. returning, a man, appointed for the purpose, The flowers are mainly purple in colour and kills a buffalo and leaves the carcase there. The rather strongly scented. people do not remain at the spot a moment The hill people call the plant kurinji and longer than is absolutely necessary, as they believe that it is in full bloom only once in greatly dread the wrath of Kattaikkavalar. Even those who do not belong to the abovementioned twelve years, which is confirmed by a gentleman, who states that he last saw the flowering on the classes remain in the village, and take care scale of this year in 1898, and that it withers to keep witbin their houses after sunset on away after flowering, coming up again afresh that day: after the following rains. The worship is conducted on the west, north, The hill people also believe that a deity called and east sides of a village in rotation. At Pum. Kattaikkivalar (which seems to mean "Guar- barai, a bill village about eight miles west of dian of the Boundaries") needs to be propitiated Kodaikanal, it will be carried on this year to once in twelve years, i.e., whenever kurinji is in the west of the village. full bloom; otherwise he will do harm to the S. SITARAMAIYA. BOOK-NOTICE. The SerTYADABPANA, Parichehhedas 1, 2, and 10: the strated by numerous quotations. Some of their Text, with an Introduction and English Notes, by characteristics are rather elaborately and even PANDUBANO VAMAN KANN, M.A., LL.B., sometime fancifully explained, and the distinctions drawn Aoting Professor of Sanskrit, Elphinstone College, between them are sometimes minute The notes, Bombay, pp. 18, 75, 816. 84. The Oriental Publishing Company, Bombay, 1910. however, are full and clear, and the explanations epablo one readily to perceive in what the This is not a complete edition of the Bahitya. difference between them consists. The editor bas darpana, but contains only Parts I, II and X of also succeeded in tracing to their source some the work. The first two parts are complete and the verses which had not been identified before. tenth begins with the 14th Karika, the first 13 In his Introduction, Mr. Kane bas discussed the Karikas, which are omitted, corresponding to the personal history and date of the author Visvanafirst 16 in Jivananda Vidyasagar's edition. The tha, and has expressed his opinion regarding first part defines kivya, the second deals with the Visvanatha's work and its authoritative value. significance of words, and the tenth explains the He has bestowed great care on the preparation alankaras in poetical composition. This edition, of this edition, and it should be a distinct aid therefore, confines iteelf to those portions of the towards understanding and appreciating the Sahityadarpana, which bear more especially on beauties of the Kavya literature. He hopes that the apprecintion of the figures, similes, conceita hie elucidation of the subject may interest in the and other characteristics which abound in the study of that literature not only the University Kivya literature. Those characteristics bave student, but also the general reader, and so may been distinguished and classified in the analysis rouse them to pursue the subject further. The of Sanskrit poetry and literary composition. They affection for it which he has manifested in this are fully and even minutely discussed and exwork, should certainly stimulate all those who plained by Mr. Kine; indeed in his endeavour to may respond to his invitation. I may add that make his work thorough, he fears he may have the edition is well printed and the Sanskrit type been too copious. The Karikas are construed and is particularly good. explained and often translated, and are also illus F. E. P.

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MARCE, 1911.] THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR, 1618-1707. BY WILLIAM IRVINE. The following article was written for the Encyclopaedia of Islam but was found too long and detailed for that work. As it is based on a fresh examination of original authorities, it seems worth preserving. The table of the initial days for each regnal year will be found especially useful.] Aurangzeb (1618-1707), the third son of the emperor Shahjahan by Ardjmand Banu Begam, Mumtaz Mahal, danghter of the Persian immigrant Asaf Khan, Yamin-ud-danla, was born at Dhod (usually converted into Duhad), on the 15th Zu'l-Qa'da 1027 H. (Nov. 3rd 1618) N. S., in the camp of his grandfather Jahangir, then on his way from Ahmadabad (Gujarat) to Ujjain in Malwah. It was his fate to be born and die in a camp, and to pass many years of his life in one. I.-From Birth to Accession, 1818-1858. In 1029 H. (Dec. 1619), Prince Khurram (Shahjahan) was sent from Kashmir to command in the Dakhin against Malik Ambar, Habsbi, the minister and virtual ruler of the Ahmadnagar kingdom; and he appears to have taken bis family with him. In 1031 H. (Nov. 1621 to Nov. 1622), Shah 'Abbus of Persia occupied Qandahar. Immediately Shahjahan was summoned to court, but when he reached Mandu in Malwa, he halted for the rainy season. At this time an occasion of quarrel with his father had arisen over Dholpur, south of Agra, which had been newly granted to the prince in place of his youngest brother, Shabriyar. The local agents of the two princes fought each other, and bitterness arose between the brothers. Nurjalan, queen of Jahangir who had omplete control over her husband, advocated the claim to these 'jayirs of her son-in-law, prince Shahriyar. She also prevailed on the emperor to substitute Shahryar as general in the Qandahar ampaign in place of Shahjahan, from whose advancement she feared disadvantage to herself, it ahangir were to die. Shubjaban was ordered to retrace his steps to the Dakhin. He remonstratd warmly, and pressed for leave to come to conrt to state his own case. A hearing was refused to him. He then, 1032 H. (1623), crossed the Narbada at Akbarpur ferry, burnt the boats, occupied the fortress Asir, and went on to Burhanpur. At court, these acts were treated as rebellion. An imperial force, under prince Parwez and Mababat Khan, which was sent to deal with him, succeeded ? : crossing the Narbada, and on the defection of Khan Khanan, the chief supporter of Shahjahan, that prince sought refuge at the Qutl Shahi court in Gulkandsh. After a short stay, be marched via Orissa into Bengal, 1033 H. (1623), where he met with some success. Moving on westwards to 'atnah, he captured the strong bill fortress of Rohtas, and sent officers to hold Allahabad and ludh. As he and his army were dependent on boats for their supplies, the desertion of the boatmen riduced Shahjahan's army to extremities, and he soon had no more than 10,000 men under his standard. The imperialists, who were still in pursuit, now inflicted a crushing defeat on him and captured his camp and baggage. After despatching his harem, including a newly-born infant, Murad Bakhsh, to Rabtas, Shabjaban beat a hasty retreat to the Dakhin, accompanied by Mumtaz Mahal 1034 H. (1624-5). On the failure of his attempt to take Burbanpur, he retired southwards into the territory of the Ahmadnagar kings, 1035 H. (1625-6), making his home at Junnar. Finally, Shahjahan made some overtures to his father and was told that if he evacuated Asir and Rubtas, and sent bis sons, Diri Shukob and Aurangzgb, to court, his request would be considered. The two princes were sent to their grandfather and were kindly received. On the emperor's death, 28th Safar 1037 H. (Nov. 8th 1627), their maternal grandfather, Asaf Khin removed them from the charge of Nur Jahan.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. On the accession of Shahjahan, 8th Jamada II, 1037 H. (Feb. 14th, 1628), Aurangzeb, now nine years of age, was sent with his brothers from Labor to Agrah to join his father from whom he received the usual presents, 1st Rajab 1087 H. (March 8th 1628). One of the incidents of Aurangzeb's youth, showing his courage, was defending himself with spear and sword against a raging elephant which pursued him and knocked him off his horse. He was then between fifteen and sixteen years of age, 29th Zu,l Qa'dah 1042 H. (June 7th, 1633). His first public employment was in the supreme command over the three armies operating against Jujhar Singh, Bundelah rajah of Orchbah. The appointment was made on the 15th Rabi II, 1045 H. (Sept. 28th, 1635), when he was barely seventeen ; his daily allowance having been already changed into official rank (mansab) on the 3rd Rajab 1044 H. (Dec. 23rd, 1634), when he was made 10,000 personal, 4,000 horse, with the grant of a flag, the right to beat kettle-drums, the use of a yak-tail standard and permission to erect scarlet tents of the imperial colour. When this Bundelkhand campaign had been carried out by the subordinate commanders, Aurangzeb rejoined the emperor and marched with him to the Dakhin. During his stay in that country, the emperor enforced on the kings of Bijapar and Gulkandah the cession of some territory and the payment of tribute. When written treaties bad been entered into (1636), Shahjahan prepared to return to Northern India, making over the government of the Dakhin and its four provinces to Aurangzeb on the 3rd Zul Hijjah 1045 H. (May 10th, 1636); and after the receipt of the usual presents, the prince left his father's court on the 20th Safar 1046 H. (July 25th, 1636) and proceeded to his headquarters at Daulatabad. Khan Jahan Barbah, an experienced officer was left as the new governor's right-hand-man and second-in-command until the arrival of Khan Zaman, who was charged permanently with that duty. In the following year Shabjahan arranged marriage between Aurangzeb and a daughter of Shabnawaz Khan Safawi, a refugee scion of the Persian royal house. The bridegroom was summoned to court for the wedding, where he arrived on the 1st Zul Hijjah 1046 H. (April 27th, 1637), bringing with him a captured pretender to the throne of Ahmadnagar. As Khan Zaman had recently died, Sba istab Khan, Aurangzeb's maternal uncle was ordered to the Dakbin to act as the prince's deputy. On the 29th Zul Hijjah 1046 H. (May 25th, 1637), after the marriage of the prince and of his eldest brother, Dara Shakoh, on the same day, the 23rd Zul Hijjah 1046 H. (May 19th, 1637), was sent off to the Dakhin again; and at his own request was entrusted with the conquest of the Baglanah country lying between Malwah, Gujarat and Khandesh. The local rajah, having been invested in his chief fortress of Mulher, offered terms on the 10th Shawwal 1047 H. (Feb. 25th, 1638), and after their acceptance by the emperor, the fort was evacuated on the 1st Safar 1048 H. (June 14th, 1638). The reduction of the rest of the country being completed by the 4th Rabi 'I, 1048 H. (July 16th, 1638). Aurangzeb also distinguished himself by the destruction of a Mabrattah, one Khelu ji, who had thrown off the Bijapar yoke and had returned as marauder to his native country near Daulatabad. Shortly afterwards, on the 9th Ramazan 1049 H. (Jan. 3rd, 1640), the prince reported the birth at Mathura between Agra and Dihli, on the 4th of the month (Dec. 29th, 1689) of bis eldest son, Muhammad Saltan. The reason for Aurangzeb's appearance again in Northern India is not recorded, but he must then have been on his way back to his father s court, Where he arrived on the 15th Ramazan 1049 8. (Jan. 9th, 1640). On the 8th Zu,l Qa'dah 1049 H. (March 2nd, 1640), when Shahjahan's camp was at the Ohinab river during his march from Lahor to Kashmir, the prince received the asaal presents and was sent back to his seat of government, Daulatabad. On the 21st Safar 1050 H. (June 13th, 1640) his report of the submission of Baba si, chief of Gondwanah, was received at court. The prince was once more at court in 1051 H. (April 1641-March 1642), on a visit to his father; and again, two years afterwards, in 1054 H. (March 1644-Feb. 1645), he returned there to see his sister, Begam

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MARCH, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR Bahib, who had been badly burned. At this time for some reason insufficiently explained, Aurangzeb announced his intention of retiring from public affairs, and leading the life of a religious recluse. His father was angry and took away all his honours and his income. A year afterwards on the intercession of his sister, Begam sahib, be was re-admitted to favour, restored to his rank, and appointed to the government of Ahmadabad, Gujarat, for which place he started on the 29th Zul Hijjah 1054 H. ( Feb. 27th, 1645). Taking advantage of disputes among the ralers of Transoxiana, Shahjahun in 1044 H. (1644), made great efforts to recover the territories of Balsh and Badakhshan which bad belonged to his ancestors. His fourth son, Murad Bakhsh under the tatelage of 'Ali Mardan Khan, the Persian, was sent on this campaign. Balkh was occupied in Jamada I, 1056 H. (June 1646), and the khutbah read in Shajahan's name in the following month, but the impatient prince would not stay to consolidate his conquest, and returned to court. Disturbances broke out, and to restore order, the Emperor selected Aurangzeb for the command of a new army, with 'Ali Mardan Khan as his secondin-command. Aurangzeb arrived at court in 1056 H. (1646-7), and was granted Balkb and Badakhshah in fief : be left again in the middle of Muharram 1057 FT. (February 1647) with orders to remain in Peshawar until the Nauros (March 21st, 1647). After three months' stay in Peshawar, the prince advanced to Kabal, which he reached towards the end of April 1647, and with the reinforcements which bad joined him, started for Balkh. In the passes he was opposed by the Dzbak and Alaman tribes, but on the 1st Jamida I, 1057 B. (June 4th, 1647), he succeeded in reaching Balkh. He marched out at once to give battle to the two armies sent by Abd-ul-'aziz, the king's son, to recover the city. At first Sa'id Khan, one of the Indian generals was repulsed, but engaging the enemy at the head of his own division, Aurangzeb secured the victory at a late hour of the day. During a subsequent attack on their camp, the enemy was reinforced ; and 'Ali Mardan Khan war on the point of giving way, when Aurangzeb arrived to support him, prevented a disaster, anl secured the capture of the Uzbek camp. Meanwhile, a fresh army of Uzbaks appeared and threatened Balkh and the Mughal rear. The prince turned to relieve Balkh and had to fight bis way back step by step. On one occasion the Uzbaks penetrated into the Mughal camp and were only repulsed by the activity and valour of Aurangzeb bimself. For seventeen or eighteen days there was no rest from fighting. Then came a rumour that Shahjaban meant to espouse the cause of Nazar Mahammad Khan, the dispossessed ruler, whereupon his rebellious son, 'Abd-ul-Aziz Khan, sent overtures to Aurangzeb for the cession of Balkh to Qilich Khan (Suhban Quli), another son of Nagar Mahammad Khan. The prince referrel the proposal to Shabjaban at Kabul, Aurangzeb re-entered Balkh on the 18th Jamnada I, 1057 H. (June 21st 1647), whereupon the enemy under 'Abd-ul-Aziz Khan retired, and marching twenty kos crossed the Amun river. During these proceedings, Nagar Mahammad Kban's son had arrived at the Mughal court and Shabjaban, finding that Balkh was costing him a great deal more than it could ever yield in revenue, resolved to give it back to Nazar Mahammad Khan. Aurangzeb was recalled. Aurangzeb left Balkh on the 14th Sba ban 1057 H, (Sept. 14th, 1647), after garrisoning the city and fortress, and transferring the rest of the territory to Nazar Mahammad Khan, he began & difficult retreat. In the middle of Ramazan, Oct. 14th, 1647, . body of his troops was cut off and he had to sustain three other severe attacks. He reached Kabul on the 12th Shawwal 1057 A. (Nov. 10th, 1647), having left his treasure convoy in the pass. The Hazarahs fell on this camp and it was only with the greatest trouble that they were beaten off and the treasure at last brought in. Shabinhan ordered Aurangzeb to bult on his return march at the Bebat river, and on the 1st Rabi I. 1068 H. (March 27th, 1648), directed him to proceed without coming to court to his new govern. ment of Multan.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. The city and province of Qandahar had for generations formed a subject of contest between the Persian shahs and the Mughal emperors. Humayun ceded it to Persia in 1545 as a reward for aid to recover India, but a month or two after its occupation by the Persians, he treacherously took it from thero. Afterwards they recovered it, only to lose it again to Akbar in 1594. In Jahangir's reign (1621) the Persians recovered it, only to lose it again in 1687 by the treachery of their governor, 'Ali Mardan Khan. Shah Abbas II, who had recently succeeded to the Persian throne (1642), resolved to signalize his accession by the re-conquest of Qandabar. Rumours of this intention reached Shahjahan in Rajab 1058 1. (July 1648). At first he proposed to move to Kabul at once, and send forward an army to defend Qandahar, but his advisers thought it unlikely that the Shah would march in the hot season, and the journey to Kabal was postponed. But on the 12th Muharram 1059 . (January 25th, 1649) came the report of the commandant of Qandabar, that the Shah had arrived before the fortress on the 10th Zul Hijjah 1058 H. (Dec. 26th, 1648). On the 18th Muharram 1059 H. (Feb. 1st, 1649), the Indian Wazir, Sa'dullah Khan, and the other generals were sent off with orders to halt in the Kabul province. On the 1st Rabi 'I, 1059 H. (March 15th, 1649), Shahjahan left Lahor for Kabul, and when he had just crossed the Behat river, 15th Rabi I (March 29th, 1649), he learnt that Qandahar had surrendered on the 12th Safar 1059 H. (Feb. 25th, 1649). Urgent messengers were sent to Aurangzeb and Sa'dullah Khan to make an immediate advance. Aurangzeb left Multan and first tried the route through Kohat. It was reported that the passes were blocked with snow, and it would be one month before they were opened. Shahjahan directed him to leave Kohat and join him at Peshawar. Aurangzeb left Kohat on the 1st Rabi 'I, 1059 H. (March 15th, 1649), and by a difficult pass arrived near Peshawar on the 5th, March and withont entering the city, bastened on to Jamrid. After collecting labourers to clear the passes, he reached Kabul on the 21st Rabi 'I, 1059 H. (April 4th, 1649). No grass could be obtained and prices were very high, therefore, after a halt of a few days to await the arrival of his rearguard from Jalalabad, he left Kabul, 2nd Rabi 'II, 1059 H. (April 15th, 1649), Shahjahan being then at Hasan Abdal, east of the Indus. From Ghazni, Aurangzeb and Sa'dullah Khan reported that prices were bigh and supplies very scanty; the only reply they received was to urge them on, they must reach Qandahar, cost wbat it might. On the 14th Jamada 1059 H. (May 25th 1649), the Mughals reached Qandabar. Shah *Abbas had left the neighbourhood at the end of Safar (early in March 1649). Siege operations commenced, and soon three Persian armies approached and attempted to raise the siege and a battle began, the result of which was indecisive. After some time Shabjahan decided on the postponement of the siege and recalled his army. The emperor early in Ramazan 1059 H. (Sept. 1649), left Kabal and reached Lahor on the 18th Shawwal (Oct. 25th, 1649). Aurangzeb rejoined his father in December, when the province of Tattah was added to his charge, and he left for Multan. Two years elapsed before the campaign against Qandabar was renewed, when in obedience to orders, Aurangzeb left Maltan, 16th Rabi 'I, 1062 H. (Feb. 26th, 1052), and twenty-one nobles were appointed to serve under him. Shahjahan himself reached Kabul on the 4th Jamada I, 1062 H. (April 14th, 1662). Sa'dullah Khan joined forces with Aurangzeb on the 1st Jamada (April 11th, 1652), and the second siege began. An attempt at scaling the walls during a night attack was a failure; and the efforts to rednje the fortress were prolonged for two months and eight days. Shahjahan now lost hope and recalled the besiegers; Aurangzeb was appointed to the Dakhin government and Sha,istah Khan was transferred to Ahmadabad. Dara Shukoh, the eldest prince made many scornful allusions to his brother's failure and in a subsequent year undertook the daty, but met with an equal want of success.

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MARCH, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 73 The chief events of Aurangzeb's socond period of government in the Dakhin were his campaigns against the Qutb Shahi, king of Gulkandah and the Adil Shahi king of Bijapur. 'Abdullah Qutb Shah had recently quarrelled with his powerful minister, Mir Mahammad, Ardistani, better known by his title of Mir Jumlab, and on his escape from the capital, harsh measures were used against his son, Mahammad Amin Khan. Prince Aurangzeb was appealed to by Mir Jumlah, and this opening was seized for still farther aggressions upon the Gulkandah kingdom, although a treaty had been entered into by Shahjahan so lately as 1636. The Golkandah court was taken anawares by the prince's son, Mahammad Sultan, who arrived there in Rabi 'I, 1066 H. (January 1656), on the pretext of a journey to Bengal to marry his cousin, the daughter of Shah Suja'. Aurangzeb himself followed close on his son's heels and camped outside Gulkandah on the 20th Rabi I, 1066 H. (January 17th, 1656). 'Abdullah Qutb Shah took shelter in the fortress of Gulkandah but after two days offered to submit and came to terms. At first Aurangzab refused, but after four days of fighting he consented, and negotiations were entered into. The fighting was renewed by the disorderly troop without the orders of their generals. But at length in the end of Jamada II, 1066 H. (April 25th, 1656), when Mir Jumla had joined from the Karnatik, terms were come to, some territory was ceded and one of the king's daughters was betrothed to Mahammad Sultan. On the 2nd Rajab 1066 . (April 27th, 1656), Aurangzeb started for Aurangabad, which he reached on the 3rd Sha'ban (May 28th, 1656). In the same year, Aurangzeb was ordered to invade Bijapar. He reached Zafarabad Bidar on the 24th Jamada II, 1067 H. (April 10th, 1657), and arrived before Kaliyani on the 29th Rajab 1067 H. (May 14th, 1657). Supported by Mir Jumla, he attacked that fortress, which surrendered on the 12th Zul Hijja (Sept. 22nd, 1657). About this time, 7th Zal Hijja (Sept. 17th, 1657), the prince heard of his father's serious illness, indeed, it was rumoured that he was already dead. In any case, all power had fallen into the lands of the eldest prince, Dara Shukoh. A peace was patched up with Bijapur and Aurangzeb returned to his headquarters at Aurangabad to make preparations for the coming struggle. II.-The War of Succession, 1858-1859. Following the best traditions of his house, Shahjahan bad kept his younger sons, in constant employment as governors of distant provinces or as generals on dangerous expeditions. Only his eldest son, Dara Shukoh, whom he seems to have especially loved, was retained near him at court as beir apparent. All four sons were now in the prime of manhood and accustomed to the exercise of power, extremely jealous of each other, and each determined to secure, if he could, his own succession to the throne. Dara, a man of haughty temper bat many generous impulses, had wounded the susceptibilities of the nobles in many ways, and was open to the accusation of being far from a strict Mahomedan; indeed, he might be called a free-thinker, The emperor, now sixty-five years of age, fell dangerously ill in 1657. Unless some active steps were taken, it was obvious to his other sons that Dara Shukoh, being on the spot, would secure bis own succession without much difficulty. Muhammad Shah Shuja' was the first in the tield and moved westwards from Bengal, only to be put to flight by Sulaiman Shukoh, Dara's eldest son, and Rajah Jai Singh. Aurangzeb began by coming to an agreement with Mir Jumlah, by which that noble should remain neutral and keep a firm hold on the Dakhin. Next, he opened negotiations with his next brother, Murad Bakhsh at Ahmadabad, who had already assumed regal state. Aurangzeb persuaded Murad Bakhsh, a rough, drunken soldier of little general capacity. that his only object was to further his brother's ambitions, and when success had crowned their arms and Murad bad ascended the throne, he would immediately retire into private life, assume the pilgrim's garb, and proceed to Mekka. After the completion of these preparations, leaving his second son, Mhd. Mu'azzam, in charge of the Dakhin under the guidance of Mir Jumlah, Aurangzeb set out from Aurangabad on the 1st Jama da I, 1068 H. (February 4th, 1658). The two brothers joined forces at Dipalpur on the 21st Rajab 1068 H. (April 24th 1658).

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. As soon as this hostile advance on Agra became known, Dara Shukoh sent off an army under Qusim Khan and Rajah Jaswant Singh, Rathor of Jodhpur, to bar the way. The contending armies met on the 22nd Rajab 1068 H. (April 25th, 1658) in the neighbourhood of Ujjain in Malwa. After a sharp contest, in which Qasim Khan showed a want of vigour, a crushing defent was inflicted on the imperial force. Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh then resumed their march northwards towards Agrah. Consternation spread in the emperor's court; Shabjahan, who was on his way to Dehli, returned to Agrah and being partially restored to health proposed to take the command in person. Dara overruled this proposal and kept the command in his own bands. He sent forward his advanced guard to the Chambal river, south of Agrab, opposite Dholpur, and entrenched his guns so as to command all the crossing places. Aurangzeb found it impossible to cross opposite Dholpur, but guided by some Bandelah chiefs he made a flank march and found an undefended crossing farther down the Chambal. He set his men in battle array between Agrah and the Chambal at a place called Samugarh, afterwards renamed Fathabad. Dara was thus forced to abandon the position he had selected and retrace his steps in the greatest haste, leaving most of his guns behind him. On the 7th Ramacan 1068 H. (June 8th, 1658), the battle took place and the ground was fiercely contested. At first, the day seemed to be going favourably for Dara, bat a false friend persuaded him that nothing remained to complete the victory but a charge of his cavalry. He dismounted from his elephant, and as usually resulted with Indian armies, the disappearance of the leader led to the inference that he was either dead or had abandoned the field. Either of these events was the invariable signal for withdrawal and flight. Dara's army began to disperse and was soon reduced to such scanty proportions that the prince's only safety lay in quitting the field. After a few hours' rest in Agrah, he continued his flight to Debli ; there he collected what treasure and supplies he could lay his hands on, and made as speedily as possible for Labor. Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh advanced on Agrah and occupied it on the 10th Ramazan 2068 H. (June 11th, 1658). Some correspondence ensued between Sbahjahan and his son, each side endeavouring to entrap the other. At length Aurangzeb's eldest son, Muhammad Sultan succeeded in surrounding the fort and forcing an entrance, whereby the mighty Shahjahan became a helpless prisoner in the hands of his son. Parsuit of Dara was resumed on the 22nd Ramacan 1068 H. (June 23rd, 1658). When the two princes were encamped just outside Mathura, between Agrah and Dehli, Aurangzeb proposed that, as had been agreed between them, Murad Bakhsh's accession should be formally celebrated. On the 4th Shawwal 1068 H. (July 5th, 1658), Murad Bakhsh was invited for this purpose to Aurangzeb's camp, and while sleeping off a drunken bout, his weapons were abstracted by A'zam, infant son of Aurangzeb. Murad's faithful eunuch, while watching at his master's door, was assassinated, then Murad Bakhsh himself was seized, put into chains, and hurried off to a prison in the fortress of Salimgarh, being subsequently transferred to Gwaliyar, where he was put an end to on the 21st Rabi 'II, 1071 H. (December 25th, 1660), after a legal sentence had been passed by a venal gazi to the effect that he deserved death for the assassination of a revenge official, one 'Ali Naqi, when he was governor of Ahmadabad. Aurangzeb reached Dohli on the 16th Shawwal 1068 H. (July 17th, 1658), and upon the 1st Zu'l Qaidah 1068 H. (July 31st, 1658), he was formally enthroned under the title of Alamgir, in the plain of Agharabad, just outside Dehli city. Before Aurangzeb could reach Lahor, Dara Shukoh, with such new troops as he had been able to recruit, had left for Multan. He continued the journey thence by boats on the Indus as far as Bhakkar, which he provided with a garrison. He then turned eastwards and made his way across Kachh (Outch) into Gujarat. Aurangzeb followed from Labor on the 24th Zu'l Hijjah 1068 H.

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MARCH, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 75 (September 22nd, 1658). After he had reached Multan he received an intimation, Muharram 1069 H. (October 1658), that Shah Sbuja' was again threatening Agrab, and he retraced his steps in order to meet this new danger. He left Khalilallah Khin, Yazdi, the newly appointed governor of Lahor, to reduce Bhakkar, Sbab Shuja. had come as far as Khajwah, west of Allahabad, when he was met by Aurangzeb, and on the 19th Rabi 'II 1069 H. (January 14th, 1659), received a crushing defeat at his hands. A similar incident to what had happened at Samugaph, also occarred here. Allahwirdi Khan, one of his officers, persuaded Shuja' to leave his elephant, the result of this act being as disastrous as it bad been to Dara. Aurangzeb hurried back to Agrah to save it from Jaswant Singh, then on bis retreat to Jodhpur after deserting Aurangzab at Khajwah. Mir Jumlah, who had recently arrived from the Dakhin, was sent in pursuit of Shah Shuja', having with him Muhammad Sulgan, the eldest son of Aurangzeb, then a young man of twenty-four. Shah Shuja' was pushed from one position to another, abandoning successively Allababad, Banaras, Patnah, Munger, Rajmahal, until he took a final stand at Dhaka, where he remained entrenched for four months. In the end he was forced to retreat into Arakan, at the hands of whose king he perished miserably a year or two afterwards. A curious incident of this campaign is the desertion of the youthful prince Muhammad Saltan, who left Mir Jumlah and went over to his uncle, Shah Shuja', 17th Ramacan 1069 H. (June 8th, 1659). His grievance was that he had been placed under Mir Jumlah instead of in supreme command. Disappointed at the treatment received from his uncle, he returned to Mir Jumlah, 6th Jamada I, 1070 H.(Jannary 19th, 1660), who despatched him to cuart. Aurangzob sent him to the fortress of Gwaliyar; subsequently he was removed to Debli, Ramacan 1033 H. (December, 1672) and restored partially to favour; but conceiving the idea that his son was not to be trusted, Aurangzeb caused him to be poisoned, 18th Shawwal 1088 H. (December 14th, 1677), when he was a little over thirtynine (lanar) years of age. During the time that Aurangzeb was occupied with repelling Shah Shuja' and Khalilullah Khan was busy investing Bhakkar fort, Dara Shukoh had succeeded in entoring Ahvadabad with the aid of its governor, Shahnawaz Khin, his and Aurangzeb's father-in-law. Here Dari was able to recruit his forces somewhat, and, in spite of Jaswant Singh Rathor's failure to join him as promised, he felt himself strong enough for a renewal of the struggle. He marched northward and occupied Ajmer, his ultimate objective being Agrah. Having defeated Shah Sbuja' at Khajwah and taken measures to protect Agrah, Aurangzeb hastened to Ajmer, where he arrived on the 26th Jamada II, 1069 H. (March 21st, 1659). Dara was entrenched at a village outside that city. Battle was engaged, and after a strenuous contest lasting for two days, 27th, 28th Jamada II, 1069 H. (March 22nd, 23rd, 1659) Dara was put to flight and made once more for Ahmadabad. The next day Rajah Jai Singh, Kachbwahah, and Balador Khan, foster-brother, were sent off in pursuit, while Aurangzeb retarned to Debli, which he re-entered on the 29th Shaban (May 22ud, 1659). Shahnawaz Khan had been killed at Ajmer and the gates of Ahmadabad were now closed against Dara, and finding no better reception from the rajab of Kachh (Catch), he went on across Sind in the direction of the Bolan Pass intending to escape into Persian territory. All this time Jai Singh and Bahadur Khin continued to pursue. Dara Shukoh sougth shelter with the chief of Dudar, Malik Jiwan, Barozai, in the hope of obtaining his convoy into Persian territory. Overcome by their misfortunes, Dara's favourite wife committed suicide, and Jiwan, on the arrival of Bahadur Khan, betrayed his guest into the pursuer's hands. Dara Shukoh was conducted a prisoner to Dehli, where after being paraded through the city with every circumstance of ignominy, he was condemned to death and executed in his prison at Khigrabud, on the ground that he was an idolator and untrue to the Mahomedan faith, 21st Zul Hijjah 1069 . (Sept. 10th, 1659), being then a little over forty-six (lunar) years of age. No rival was now left and at last Aurangzeb .Alamgir sat securely on the throne of Hindustan.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. III.--Years 1 to 23 of Boign, 1858-1681. The long reign of fifty years wbich followed may be divided conveniently into two parts--1, the first twenty-three years 1658-1681, during which, the emperor remained in Northern India or Hindustan ; and II, the remaining twenty-seven years, 1681-1707, which he spent continuously in the Dakhin, or India south of the Narbada. We proceed to give a resume of events in the former of these periods. Aurangzeb began his reigo with the issue of various somptuary laws which betoken the strict literalness with which he constrned his religious obligations. The final sabsidence of the contest for the throne was marked by the surrender of Salaiman Shukoh, son of Dara, by the rajah of Garhwal, with whom he had sought a refuge; and the recalcitrant rajah of Bikaner was punished by an expedition into his territory, 1660-1. Of greater importance was the campaign in Assam undertaken by Mir Jumlah, to whom the government of Bengal had been confided. By great efforts the invader resobed Gbarganw on the Brahmaputra, but was soon forced to beat a retreat by the beavy rain and the absence of supplies. Mir Jumlah died at Dbaka on April 10th 1663, much to the relief of Aurangzeb. About this time the emperor fell ill, May to A gust 1662, aud to restore his health paid a short visit to Kashmir, Dec. 1662 to Oct. 1663, his first and last visit, for he disliked the country. Just as in the second half of the reign the Dakhin absorbed almost the entire energies of the emperor, so in the first half it demanded a great deal of his attention. Shivaji (6th May 1627), the son of Sbabji, first a Nizam-al-malki and then a Bijapuri officer, had now begun to carve out for himself a kingdom in the Maharashtra country lying in the western half of the Indian peninsula and stretching from Surat to the confines of Maisur. In the end of 1662 this able and ambitious man extended his raids into Maghal territory, and with his habitual romantic, reckless, bravery, broke his way at night into the quarters of the governor, Sba,istab Khan, wounding him and killing one of his sons, April 9th 1663. Shaistab Khan and his colleague, Rajah Jaswant Singh, Rathor, had quarrelled, and seeing the resulting weakness, Aurangzeb superseded them by his son, Mahammad Mu'azzam, transferring Sba,istah Khan to Bengal. About this time Shivaji farther distinguished himself by the sack, 15th Jamata II, 1074 H. (Jan. 5th, 1664), of the rich city and port of Sarat. Ma'agram having succeeded no better than his predecessor in sappressing the disorders, he was recalled and Rajah Jai Singh, Kachhwahah, was sent, with Diler Khan, Di,udzai, to assist him. On the strength of promises made by Jai Singh, Shivaji surrendered on the 8th 20,1 Hijjah 1075 H. (June 23rd, 1665), and was sent on to court. Looking on Shivaji us a mere rustic, Aurangzeb hoped to overawe him by a display of hauteur and received the Mahrattah chief in an ungracious manner. Shivaji took the earliest opportunity of escaping, 27th Safar 1077 H. (Aug. 29th, 1666), and after much wandering including, tradition says, an incogoito visit to Banaras, he reached his own couatry, Dec. 1666. Rajah Jai Singh was recalled to court, but died on his way, 20th Muharram 1078 H. (July 11th, 1667), from poison administered by his son, Kirat Singh. The next governor was prince Ma'aggan, again supported by Rajah Jaswant Singh, Rathor. The prince succeeded in coming to terms with Shivaji, and there was peace for a time. Thon, under his father's instructions, Mu'angem pretended to rebel and tried to inveigle Shivaji into joining him. Shivaji was too quick-witted to be deceived and kept aloof. In 1670 the peace was broken by the Mahomedans, and shortly afterwards Mahubat Khan was placed in command of a large army acting independently of prince Mu'axzam, little or no success, however, attending his efforts. Khan Jahan (Bahadur Khan), the emperor's foster brother, was now placed in command, but was equally unsuccessful in subduing Shivaji. Twenty years of almost contingous warfare had made the Mahrattah power stronger instead of weaker,

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MARCE, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR The death of the deposed emperor Shabjaban, who had been kept in close though honorable captivity at Agrah, occurred on the 26th Rajab 1076 H. (Feb. 1st, 1666), in the seventy-fifth year of his age. During these early years of the reign, there were long continued disturbances on the northwestern frontier, arising from the turbulence of the Pathan tribes. The then governor of Kabul, Muhammad Amin Khan, son of Mir Gumlah, was badly defeated and his family made prisoners, 1667. Other incidents unfavourable to the Mughal arms continued to take place; and on April 22nd 1674, Aurangzeb left Dehli and moved to Hasan Abdal (Rawilpindi district) to watch the frontier, and he remained there for over eighteen months. He was there from the 12th Rabi II, 1085 H. (July 16th, 1674), to the 15th Zul Qa'dah 1686 H. (January 31st, 1676). In 1672 a new Hindu sect arose, called the Satnamis, and inspired by an old woman who told them that they were invulnerable, they attempted a march on Debli. Before they could be suppressed, the emperor was forced to take the field in person. From this time Aurangzeb's personal devotion to his religion began to colour more and more openly his public acts. All his rules and regulations were modelled as closely as possible on those prevailing in the early days of Islam and expounded in the treatises of its learned men. Hindu temples, at Matbura and Banaras were destroyed and the sites used for the erection of mosques; while the poll-tax or jizyah, an imposition extremely odious to the Hindus, was put in force. It was about this time, too, that Tegh Babudur, Guru or spiritual head of the Sikhs, was seized by the faujdar of Sahrind while passing Rupar on the Sutlaj, being then on his way to bathe in the Ganges; and as he refused to accept Islam, he was executed on Nov. 13th, 1675. A combination of events intensified this tendency to intolerancy, leading to an invasion of Rajputannh and an attempt to absorb the quasi independent Hindu states of that region. Rajah Jagwant Singh, Rathor, had been from the first somewhat of a thorn in the side of Aurangzeb, and to keep him out of mischief he was sent across the Indus (1671) to be faujdar of Jamrud at the mouth of the Khaibar Pass. There be died on the 6th Zu,1 Qu'dah 1089 H. (Dec. 18th, 1678), and his family was sent back to India. At Labor two of bis widows gave birth to poethamons sons; and when they arrived at Debli on their way home to Jodhpur, the emperor made an attempt to seize these infants. By the valour of their Rajput escort, commanded by the heroic Durga Dak, one of the infants was saved. This outrage rankled in the bosoms, not only of the Rathors, but of all the Rajput clans. The Kachbwahah rajah of Amber alone remained neutral; but the powerful Lisadiyah Rana of Udepur, the head of all the Rajpats, espoused the Rathor quarrel. In India, the transfer of rule upon the death of a king or chief is always selected as a favourable time for encroachments, or the resumption of territory. Aurangzeb was not slow to seize the opening given by Jaswant Sing's death for the incorporation of Jodhpur, and with good fortune to help, perhaps Udepur, too, might be annexed, if the Rana were also attacked. Aurangzeb chose Ajmer as a central point for his headquarters and arrived there on the 29th Sha'ban 1090 H. (Oct. 5th, 1679). Prince Ma'azzam was ordered up from the Dakhin, and the third son, A'zam Shah, was despatched from Ajmer at the head of an army. Udepur was occupied and the Rana fled ; hundreds of temples were destroyed and Aurangzeb paid a visit to the scene of his triumph (Feb. 1680). But his fourth son, Akbar, a restless and ambitious young man, bad been successfully tampered with by Durga Das and the Rathors. He fled to them, 26th Zu,1 Hijjah 1091 H. (January 18th, 1681), and set up the standard of revolt; and one of his Mahomedan adherents penetrated to Aurangzeb's tent and made a bold attempt to assassinate him, January 24th 1681. Muazzam and A'gam barried to Ajmer and Akbar, who had come to within three miles of his father's camp, tled during the night of the 6th Moharram 1092 H. (January 25th, 1681). Muazzam started in purgoit, and Akbar, leaving his family in the hands of

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. Durga Das, fled to the Dakhin and sought shelter with Sambhaji, the son and successor of Shivaji. Akbar, a declared pretender to the throne, could not, as was obvious, be left at large in such dangerous company; an additional inducement for transferring the scene of action to the Dakhin was afforded by the recent change of rulers in the Mahrattah country, and the consequent possibility of effectively dealing with the turbulent plunderers who inhabited it. Shivaji bad died on April 5th 1680, at the age of fifty-three. IV.-Years 25 to 50 of the Reign, 1881-1707. Aurangzeb left Ajmer on the 2nd Ramazan 1092 H. (Sept. 15th, 1681), after having been there over two years. He arrived at Burhanpur in the Dakhin on the 12th Zu,l Qa'dah 1092 H. (Nov. 23rd, 1681), Aurangabad on the 23rd Rabi 'I, 1093 H. (April 3rd, 1682), Ahmadnagar, 12th Zu,l Qa'dah 1094 H. (Nov. 2nd, 1683), and Sholapur, 1st Rajab 1096 H. (June 4th, 1685). These years were occupied in attempts to clear the country generally of the Mahrattah hordes and to effect the capture of prince Akbar. Two expiditions were sent out, one to the north and the other to the south. The former, under prince A'zam, recovered Salher fort, but much progress was not made, and Ghazi-ud-din Khan, a leading general, was sent to complete the campaign. In the other direction more was done, but with no permanent effect. Sambhaji had quarrelled with the Portuguese at Goa, had defeated the governor in a battle at Pondah, Nov. 10th, 1683, and was further successful in making a temporary lodgment in one of the islands there, Nov. 24th, 1683. Aurangzeb proposed to the Portuguese that they should take joint action and obtained their leave to land the supplies he was sending by sea for Mu'aggam's army, which after entering the low country had burnt and harried everywhere, with the result of destroying its own means of subsistence. Few of the Mughal transports reached the Gos rivers, most of them having been cut off by Sambhaji's fleet. Prince Mu'azzam began a retreat to the higher country by a difficult pass, in which man and beast suffered terribly. During these years, the Mahrattahs were actively plundering in many directions, as was their habit, their most conspicuous successes being the sack of Burhanpur and of Bharoch, October 1685. Aurangzeb now devoted his attention to what had been from the first his fixed purpose, the conquest of the two Mahomedan kingdoms of Bijapur and Gulkandah. Both states were in decay and grounds of quarrel were easy to find. The Gulkandah minister had been since 1674 a Brahman, a fact most offensive to Aurangzeb, and be sent an agent to the Qutb Shahi capital with the deliberated intention of picking a quarrel. The first campaign against Gulkandah (Haidarabad) was entrusted to prince Mu'azzam, 6th Sha'ban 1096 H. (July 9th, 1685). His views were divergent from those of his father, and he was opposed to the entire suppression of these Mahomedan kingdoms. At Malkher on the Gulkandah frontier, eighty-six miles from Haidarabad, the Mughals encountered the Qutb Shahi army under the command of Muhammad Ibrahim. This man turned traitor and made a very feeble opposition to the Mughal advance. The battle which took place ended favourably for the Mughals, and Abu,l Hasan, Qutb Shah, shat himself up in the fortress of Gulkandah. Soon after the city had been occupied, 30th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1096 H. (October 29th, 1685), the king sued for terms and sacrificed his Brahman minister, whom he put to death, 1st Jamada I, 1097 H. (March 26th, 1686). The eity had not been plundered, but a large sum in money was paid by the king, supplemented by jewels, elephants, and war materials. Ma'aggam returned to the court near Sholapur on the 25th Rajab 1097 H. (June 27th, 1686). Meanwhile a campaign against Bijapur had been begun under the command of prince A'zam Shah. Owing to the tactics adopted by the Bijapur generals, prince A'zam Shah was soon reduced to great straits and would have been forced to retire, had not Ghazi-ud-din Khan most gallantly and successfully convoyed twenty thousand ballock loads of grain to his camp. Aurangzeb now

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MARCH, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR moved in person to Bijapar, reaching Rasalpur, two los from the fort, on the 21st Sha'ban 1097 H (July 18th, 1686). The garrison made a stout defence, and although a breach was made in the outer wall, no assault was delivered. Aurangzeb preferred to starve out the defenders, and they surrendered on the 30th 20,1 Qa'dah 1097 H. (October 18th, 1686). The young king, Sikandar, Adil Shah was made a prisoner and died in the emperor's camp fifteen years afterwards, 1112 H. (1700-1). Aurangzeb was dissatisfied with the terms given to the king of Gulkandah by his son Mu'azzam, and now resolved to renew the war with that state. Leaving Bijapur, he entered Sholapar on the 27th Zul Hijjah 1097 H. (Nov. 14th, 1986), and on the 22nd Muharram 1098 H. (Dec. 8th, 1686), left it again for Galbargah. After a stay there of seven days, he went on to Zafarabad, Bidar, and thence to Haidarabad where be arrived on the 25th Rabi 'I, 1098 H. (Feb. 8th, 1687). His agents bad been busy corrupting the Gulkandah troops and exacting property from tbe wretched king, who refused nothing in the vain hope of purchasing a respite. The king now retired into Galkandah and maintained a vigorous defence for seven months, the place finally falling, through treachery on the 24th Zul Qa'dah 1098 H. (October 1st, 1687). The king, Abul Hasan, Qutb Shah, was made a prisoner and shortly afterwards sent to the fortress of Daulatabad, where he died in 1702 or 1708. After a stay of one year, the emperor quitted Haidarabad on the 2nd Rabi II, 1099 H. (Feb. 5th, 1989). It was during the halt at Haidarabad that prince Mu'azzam, (Shah Alam) incurred his father's displeasure and was arrested along with his sons, 17th Rabi 'II, 1098 H. (March 2nd 2687), Muazzam had not carried out the rain of Gulkandah king and the annexation of his tarritory in the rathless manner desired by his father ; he and his second-in-command, Bahadur Khan, foster brother, were unjustly suspected of having acquired immense wealth which they had retained for their own use; and during the Bijapur siege he was detected in sending supplies Barreptitiously to the besieged. He was not released until the 5th Shawwal 1105 H. (April 26th, 1694), when he was sent to govern Kabal and remained there until his father's death. Bijapur was reached again on the 22nd Jamada I, 1099 H. (March 26th, 1688), and there halt of over nine months was made. During a move to a fresh camp on the banks of the Bhimrah river, Aurangzeb heard (Jan, 21st 1689) of the capture of Sambhaji, son of Shivaji, Mahrattah, and his Brahman minister, Kab Kalish. This important event took place at the hill fort of Samganeshwar, about sixty miles north-west of Kolhapur, partly tbrough treachery and partly the exertions of Shekh Nizam, a Dakbini officer, 4th Rabi 'I, 1100 H. (Dec. 28th, 1688). The captives arrived in the emperor's camp on the 10th Jamada I (March 8rd, 1689), and after having been subjected to much contumely, they were cruelly executed on the 21st Jamada I, March 14th, 1689. It seemed as if Aurangzob's ten years of strengous labour had now been crowned with complete success. After the absorption of the two southern Mahomedan kingdoms and the death of the Mahrattah leader, nothing further appeared to be called for than the tranquil consolidation of his newly Roquired dominions. Never were such reasonable anticipations more cruelly falsified, The remaining seventeen years of the reign were consumed in fruitless efforts to suppress the Mahrattabs, who grew bolder and more skilful from such constant fighting. In the end, the country was tarned into a scene of desolation, the chosen seat of plague, pestilence and famine, where the emperor could barely preserve his own camp from the depredations of his tireless assailants. Instead of being discontraged by the loss of their chief, the Mabrattabs selected his brother, Rim Rajah, to take his place, and continued their resistence more vigoronsly than before. Operations were now commenced by the Mughals for the reduction of the many forts held by the Mahrattahs in the western hilly country. Riegarh was taken, 15th Muharram 1101 H. (Oct. 28th.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. 1689), when Sambhaji's widow and one son were captured. Ram Rajab now decided to leave bis home country for Jinji, a strong fortress far to the south-east, in the Karnitik, which in 1677 had been wrested, from Bijapur by Shivaji, acting in the guise of an ally of the Gulkandab king, and Tetained for his own benefit. A proloned siege of Jinji began, which lasted altogether for seven years. At first Zulfiqar Khan, the wazir's son, commanded, bat subsequently he was superseded by the emperor's youngest son, Kam Bakhsh, supportod by the wodzir, Asad Khin, himaali. These nobles, father and son, accused Kam Bakhsh of intrigning with Ram Rajah, and the prince was sent back in custody to his father's camp. Zulfiqar Khan was only lukewarm in the cause, and for his own reasons prolonged the operations, in the expectation of Aurangzeb's speedy death. When under extreme pressure from the emperor, Za, lfiqar Khin made the investment more strict, first conniving at Ram Rajab's escape. Jinji was at last taken on the 6th Sba'ban 1109 H. (Feb. 17th, 1698). Ram Rijah set up new sent of gorernment at Satara, south of Punah. For many years, beginning about 1686 and lasting up to 1705, there were constant disputes with the European traders at Surat on the west coast, and at Hugli on the Ganges. The merchants suffered much from the exactions of the local officials, while the piracies at sea, which caused great losses to the Indians, formed a substantial ground of complaints on the Mughal side. In 1699 agreements were forcibly taken from the Europeans at Surat, by which they engaged to convoy the Indian ship to and from Jidda and the Persian Gulf. The terms were never carried out effectually and at length in 1705 Aurangzeb was forced by a Dutch blockade of Surat to cancel the agreements and send more conciliatory governor. For long periods the Europeans were confined to their factories and for many years the English chief agent was held prinoner in the fort of Barat. It was at this time (1701) that the abortive negotiations of Sir William Norris took place, acting on behalf of the New East India Company. Aurangzeb granted him m audience in his camp at Panhala on April 28th, 1701. Tbo remaining years witnessed no relaxation of the struggle with the Mahrattabs. Niraj Murtapa-abad was occupied on the 2nd Sha'ban 1112 H. (January 12th, 1701), and Panhala surrendered on the 1st Muharram 1118 H. (June 7th, 1701), the former however, being retaken by the Mabrattabs two years afterwards. Fort after fort was besieged and taken, sometimes alter. immense exertion and a use of the full imperial strength. Theo places more often than not were Te-occupied by the Mahrattahs almost immediately afterwards. The Mughal officers, all of them mercenaries, found it to their interest to keep the war on foot in order that their chance of livelihood should not suffer. But it was necessary to placate the emperor by a show of sucoenses, and the strong places were openly bought and sold. Meanwhile the Mahrattabs moved over the open country with the Mughals hotly following in vain pursuit. Order upon order was sent out by the indefatigable Aurangzeb, rebukes for neglect, urgent instructions for the safe convey of treasure from Hindustan poured from his pen in an incessant stream. The new Mahrattah capital of Satara (renamed A'zam-tara) was taken on the 25th Jamida II, 1111 H. (December 18th, 1699), Parligaph in June 1700, and Bbusangash on the 29th Safar 1112 H. (August 5th, 1700). Panbalah, twelve miles north-west of Kolhapur, was the next objective, and it fell on the let Muharram 1113 H. (Juge 7th, 1701), while four or five forts in its neighbourhood succumbed shortly afterwards. The taking of Khelnah (Vishalgab) demanded much exertion; it fell on the 19th Muharram 1114 H. (June 15th, 1702). Kandanah (Singhgosh), eleven miles south-west of Puna, followed on the 2nd Zul Hijjah 1114 H. (April 19th, 1703). The rainy season was passed in Muhiabud, Puna. On the 12th Rajab 1115 H. November 21st, 1708), the emperor set out to besiege Rajguh, it was taken on the 11th Shawwal, (February 17th, 170-4), and its name changed to Nabi Sbahgasb. Torni, four tos from Rijgarh, fell on the 15tb Zul Qa'dah

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MARCE, 1911.1 THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 81 (March 22nd, 1706), and received the new name of Path-ul-ghaib. After a move to Khed (renamed Mas'udabad), near Junnar, the emperor resolved on a move southwards against Wakin. kerah. Wakinkerah, south-east of Bijapar, was the stronghold of a robber chief of Dhed race. Earlier in the reign his predecessor had been ejected from his former capital of Sagar (Nusratabad). The family moved a few miles away and constructed a new fortress at Wakinkerah. Generals had been sent already, three or four times against these distarbers of the peace, but each in turn had retired baffled and disgraced. The emperor now assumed command in person. After a march of over three months, Aurangzeb pitobed his camp in sight of Wakinkerah on the 24th Shawwal, 1116 H. (February 20th, 1705). The place was vigorously defended and the strength of its position added to the difficulties of the besiegers. At length it was taken on the 14th Muharram 1117 H. (May 6th, 1705). Camp was moved to the town of Dewapur, at a distance of one march, and here Aurangzeb had a sharp attack of illness, he was twelve days without appearing in public, and for a time it was said that he was dead. Marching was resumed on the 16th Rajab 1117 H. (November 3rd, 1705). and reaching Babadargask on the lat Ramazan 1117 H. (December 17th, 1705), he passed there the month of fasting. He arrived at Ahmadnagar, after an interval of twenty-two years, on the 16th Shawwal, 1117 H. (January 31st, 1706), the Mabrattah hordes plundering only four miles from his encampment. Prince A'zam Shah, at his own argent request. Was allowed to return from his government of Gujarat, 21st Shawwal, 1117 H. (February 5th, 1706), bat quarrels broke out between him and his youngest brother, Kam Bakhsh, and Aurangzeb resolved to separate them, Agam Sbah being sent northwards to govern Malwah, aud Kam Bakhsh southwards to Bijapur. Towards the end of Shawwal 1118 H. (January 1707), the emperor fell ill and it was clear that the end was approaching. He expired in his camp outside Ahmadnagar on Friday the 28th Zul Qa'dah 1118, H. (March 3rd, 1707), N. S., having reigned fifty (lunar) years, and twenty-seven days. From a document found under his pillow, it appears that he wished the empire to be partitioned among his three surviving sons, Muhammad Maagzam, Shah Alam, to take Dehli and the provinces west of it including Kabul ; A'zam Shah, Agrah, Gujarat, Malwah, and the old Dakhin provinces ; Kam Bakhsh, the new acquisitions of Bijapar and Haidarabad. Apparently Bengal, Bebar and Orissa were to be included in A'zam Skab's sharo, for, 'A zim-ud-din, Mu'aggam's second son, had just been recalled by his grandfather from that province. A'zam Shah, who had not proceeded very far on his way to Malwah, retarned in haste to Ahmadnagar, and after sending off bis father's remains for interment at Khuldibad (or Raugah), four miles west of Daulatabad and not far from Aurangabad, he took possession of all the imperial paraphernalia, seated himself on the throne on the 10th Zul Hijjah 1113 B. (March 15th, 1707), and caused the pablic prayer op. khutbah to be recited in his name. V-Aurangzeb's wives and children with some general remark. In spite of his many virtues, Aurangzeb cannot be called one of the world's great men. To the Mahomedans of India, however, he is the ideal of a man and a ruler ; although others can hardly accept this enthusiastic estimate of him. He belonged to that not uncommon class of men, who believe that their worst and most self-interested actions are directly inspired by God. For everything he did, he found a religious pretext, or covered himself by decision of the doctors of the Law, men who were his creatures. He was an admirable administrator, master of all details and possessed of enormous industry, never relaxing in his task until within two or three days of his death. He was careful, not to say penurious, in his guardianship of the public purse ; yet at the end of the reign his new acquisitions in the south were yielding him nothing, and the continual expenditure on his campaigns bad strained considerably the resources of the older provinces. His statesmanship was affected injuriously by his religious narrowness; and a complete success was never attained by reason

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. of his inveterate suspiciousness. He never completely trusted anybody, least of all his own sons. He knew what his own conduct to his father had been, and he dreaded that his sons would imitate it; the eldest son died in prison, the second was seven years under surveillance, the fourth rebelled and fled the country, the fifth, the Benjamin of the flock, was accused of a treacherous correspondence and removed from his command. Rival groups of generals were alternately encouraged or depressed ; when the Persians grew too powerful, the Central Asians were received into favour. Then the Persians had their turn. For many years before his death he could not secure prompt and implicit obedience unless he was present himself. By his conquests in the Dakhin he may have earned the coveted title of Ghazi or Champion of the Faith, though his rightto it is doubtful for many of the straighter sect of the Law refused to take part in an unboly war against Mahomedan Bovereigns; in any case, his hold on these southern provinces was very precarious, and his long stay in those regions had decidedly weakened his control over the rest of the empire. He was a fairly good general and of high personal courage ; but his strategy was not always sufficient to meet the conditions of the problem. Towards the end of his career he wasted time, money, and energy in besieging many bill forts, the reduction of wbich did not assist his general plan of operations. His dilatory conduct of the campaign against the Mahrattahs hardened them into a nation of soldiers, and perfected them in a mode of guerrilla warfare, which in less than twenty years reduced the Mughal generals to helpless despair. Considered as an individual, much may be found to praise in Aurangzeb; yet the impression made by his good points is rather one of respect than affection. His life was austere and laborious, he seems never to have indulged in a holiday. Until late in life he was an admirable horseman. Once only is he known to have been blindly in love, in the trae eastern fashion, but the early death of his mistress, the dancing girl Zainabadi Mahal, pat an end to his passion. Her tomb is at Aurangabad. He despised music, painting and poetry, and unlike his magnifient predecessor, he bailt nothing but two or three mosques; and with mock hamility forbade the writing of a history of his reign. His own attire was of the simplest natare, he professed to live on what he earned by copying the Quran ; his speech was gentle and his manner mild. To his immediate body-servants, he was always kind and forgiving. His correspondence, an enormous bulk of which is still extant, bas not yet been properly edited or analysed. Unfortunately, what has come down to us belongs either to the earlier years or to quite the end of his reign; the middle period is not represented. A perasal of a portion of these collections results in lowering ones' estimate of Agrangseb's capacity and strength of character. There is much cleverness, apt quotation of trite passages, much interlarding of Arabic phrases, a great deal of pungent reproof, generally in an ironical form ; but through it all rano a vein of childishness, want of purpose, and inconsequence, His style and titles in life were Abul Muzaffar, Muhammad Muhi-ud-din, Aurangzeb, Alamgir, Badshah, Ghizi ; and after his death he was referred to as "Khnld Makan." He had four wives, Rahmat-un-nisa, known as Nawab Bae, mother of Muhammad Sultan, Muhammad Mu'azzam and Badr-an-nisa Begam ; Dilras Banu Begam, mother of A'zam Shah and Zinat-unnisa Begam; Aurangabadi Mahal, mother of Mihr-an-nisa; and Bae Udepuri, mother of Kam Bakhsh. The date of Nawab Bae's marriage is not recorded, but she was the daughter of Rajah Raju of Rajaori on the Kashmir border, she died at Dehli in 1102 A. (1690-1). Dilras BanuBegam was a daughter of Shahnawaz Khan, & scion of the Safawi royal house ; her marriage took place on the 23rd Zal Hijjah, 1046 H. (May 19th, 1637), and she died at Aurangabad towards the end of 1067 H. (early in October 1657). Aurangabadi Mahal died in the Dakhin in 1100 H. (1688-9). Bae Udepuri's origin is not recorded, but the epithet Bao" tends to show that she was not of high family; there is some reason to believe she had been a dancing girl; and one story makes her out to have baen Georgian Christian, formerly in Dara Shukoh's barem. She died at Gwaliyar in June 1707, a few days before Azam Shah was defeated by Muhammad Mu'magam, Shah Alam.

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MARCH, 1911.) THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 83 Aurangzeb hid tive sons and five daughters, 1-Muhammad Sultan, born near Mathura on the 4th Ramagan 1049 H. (Dec. 29th, 1689); he died on the 18th Shawwal 1087 H. (Dec. 25th, 1676), leaving no issue. Il-Muhammad Mu'azzam (created Shah Alam on the 17th Sha'ban 1086 H. (Nov. 6th, 1675)], was born at Burhanpur on the 30th Rajab 1058 H. (Oct. 14th, 1643). He succeeded his father under the title of Bahadur Shab. III-Mohammad A'zam Shah (subsequently called A'zam Tara and 'Ali Jah) was born on the 12th Shaiban 1068 H. (July 9th, 1653). He contested the throne with his brother Muazzam and was killed in the battle of Jajan, between Dholpur and Agrah, on the 18th Robi I, 1119 H. (June 18th, 1707). IV-Muhammad Akbar was born on the 12th Zul Hijjah 1067 H. (Sept. 22nd, 1657), and after rebelling in 1681, fled to Persia where he died, and was buried at Mashhad, on the 17th Zu,l Hijjah 1117 H. (March 31st, 1706). V-Muhammad Kam Bakhsh was born on the 10th Ramazan, 1077 H. (March 6th, 1667) and died from wounds received in a battle with his brother Mu'azzam, fought outside Haidarabad (Dakhin) on the 3rd Zu, 1 Qa'dah 1120 H. (Jan. 13th, 1709). (A)Zeb-an-nisa Begam was born on the 10th Shawwal 1048 H. (February 14th, 1639), and died in 1113 H. (1701-2), unmarried. She wrote poetry under the name of Makht, or the Hidden. (B)-Zinat-un-nisa Begam (afterwards Padshah Begam) was born on the 1st Sha'ban 1053 H. (Oct. 15th, 1643). She took an active interest in the cause of her full brother, A'zam Shah and after his defeat and death was conveyed to Dehli, where she died on the 22nd Rajab 1133 H. (May 18th, 1721). She was the builder of the elegant Zinatul-maseijid on the Jamnah bank at Debli. (C)-Badr-un-nisa Begam was born on the 29th Shawwal 1057 H. (Nov, 27th, 1647) and died at Dehli on the 28th Zul Qa'dah 1080 H. (April 19th, 1670). (D)-Zubdat-un-nisa Begam was born on the 26th Ramazan 1061 H. (Sept. 12th, 1657), and died on the 15th Zu'l Qadah 1118 H. (Feb. 17th, 1707); she had been married on the 21st Shawwal 1088 H. (Feb. 10th, 1673), to her cousin, Sipihr Shukoh, son of Prince Dara Shukoh, and had a son, Ali Tabar, who died a six-month-old infant at the end of 1087 1. (March, 1677). (E)-Mihr-unnisa Begam was born on the 3rd Safar 1072 (Sept. 28th, 1661); she was married 16th Sha'ban 1083 H. (Dec. 8th, 1672), to Ezad Bakhsh, son of Prince Murad Bakhsh, and died on the 18th Zul Hijjah 1117 H. (April 1st, 1706). Aurangzob's gold coins bore the distich : Sikkah sad dar jahan cu mihr-i-munir Shah Aurangaeb- Alamgir. For silver coins, mihr was changed into badr. He rejected the use of the kalimah on coins, from conscientious scruples. VI.-Table of the Initial Days of Regnal Years. Year. A. H. A. D. 1st Zul Qa'dah 1068 ... July 31st 1658 Ramazan 1069 ... May 23rd 1059 1070 May 12th 1660 1071 April 29th 1661 1072 April 20th 1662 1078 April 9th 1663 1074 March 29th 1664 1075 March 19th 1665 1076 March 7th 1666 1077 ... February 25th 1667 1078 February 14th 1668 1079 February 3rd 1669 1080 January 23rd 1670 1081 ... January 12th 1671 1082 January 1st 1672 1083 ... December 21st 1672 1084 ... December 10th 1673 .. JS

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI [MARCH, 1911. Ist Ramazan 1085 November 29th 1674 NS. 1086 November 19th 1675 1087 November 8th 1676 1088 October 28th 1677 1089 October 17th 1678 1090 October 6th 1679 1091 September 25th 1680 1092 ... September 14th 1681 1098 September 3rd 1682 1094 August 24th 1683 1095 August 13th 1684 1696 August 1st 1685 1097 July 22nd 1686 1098 July 11th 1687 1099 July 1st 1688 1100 June 20th 1689 1101 June 8th 1690 1102 May 29th 1691 1103 May 18th 1692 1104 May 7th 1693 1105 April 26th 1694 1106 April 15th 1695 1107 April 5th 1696 1108 March 24th 1697 1109 March 13th 1698 1110 March 3rd 1699 1111 February 19th 1700 1112 February 9th 1701 1118 January 30th 1702 1114 ... January 19th 1703 1115. ... January 8th 1704 1116 December 29th 1704 1117 ... December 17th 1705 51 1118 ... December 7th 1706 End of reign 28th Zul Qa'dah 1118 ... March 3rd 1707 N. B.In accordance with the usual practice, the second and all succeeding years commenced on the first day of the month, in which the accession took place, and not on the actual day. The tables used are those of Johannes von Gumpack (London, 1857). VII.-Bibliography. Jahangir, Bedshi--"Tuzuk-i-Jabangiri," ed, Syud Ahmad Khan, 4th, Allygarh, 1281 H. (1864). Memoirs of Jahangir" (translation of years 1 to 12), by A. Rogers and H. Beveridge, 1909. Muta'mad Khan- Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri " (Bibliotheca Indica), Calcutta, 1865. Abd-ul-hamid, Labsurl" Badsbah-namah" (years 1 to 20), 2 vols. (Bibliotheca Indica) Calcutta, 1867, 1868. Muhammed Waris-Badshah-namah" (years 21 to end) Brit. Mus., Persian MS. additional No. 6556, ff. 386-509. Sudiq Khin-" Tarikh-i-Shahjahan," Brit. Mus., Persian MS. Oriental No. 174. Muhammad Kagim- 'Alamgir-namsh" (years 1 to 10), Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1868. Muhammad Saqi, Mustad Khan--"Ma'asir-i-Alamgiri," Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1871. Anonymous-Time Table of Marches, (years 1 to 30), Bibl. Nat., Paris, Persian MS. No. 477, ff. 1074 to 1166.

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THE OUTLIERS OF RAJASTHANI MARCH, 1911.] Khafi Khan-"Muntakhab-ul-lubab, " Bbl. Ind., 2 vols. Calcutta, 1869, 1874 (Vol. I, 395-760; Vol. II, pp. 1-565). pp. G. F. Gemelli-Careri-" Il Giro del Mondo," 1699 or French translation, 6 vols., 1715. F. Bernier Travels" ed. A. Constable, 1891. * N. Manucce "Storia do Mogor, 1656-1708," ed. W. Irvine, 4 vols., 1907, 1908. Jadunath Sarkar-"The History of Auranzib," 1910 (in progress). For the Mahrattas J. Grant Duff History of the Mahrattas," 3rd edition, Bombay, 1873, pp. 68 to 182. For the Coins 85 S. Lane Poole-"The Coins of the Moghul Emperors in the British Museum," 1892, Pp. 138 to 148. H. Nelson Wright" Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta," Vol. III (Mughal Emperors of India), 1908, pp. 131 to 190. OF RAJASTHANI. THE OUTLIERS BY VINCENT A. SMITH. THE surprising fact that the pastoral, semi-nomad Gujar graziers and Ajar shepherds, who roam over the lower Himalayan ranges from the Afghan frontier to Kumaon and Garhwal, speak a dialect of Hindi' quite distinct from the Pashtu and other languages spoken by their neighbours, has been long familiar to officers serving in the Panjab and on the North-Western Frontier. In 1908 the Linguistic Survey made public the more precise information that the grammar of the speech of the still more remote Gujars of the Swat Valley is almost identical with that of the Rajputs of Jaipur in Rajputana, distant some 600 miles in a direct line. In the intervening space totally different languages are spoken. Why, then, do the Muhammadan Gujar herdsmen of Swat use a speech essentially the same as that of the aristocratic Hindu Rajputs of Jaipur ? The question is put concerning the Gujars of Swat, because they are the most remote tribe at present known to speak a tongue closely allied to the Jaipuri variety of Eastern Rajasthani. But dialects, which may be described as corrupt forms of Eastern Rajasthani, extend along the lower hills from about the longitude of Chamba through Garhwal and Kumaon into Western Nepal, so that the problem may be stated in wider terms, as: Why do certain tribes of the lower Himalaya in Swat, and also from Chamba to Western Nepal, speak dialects allied to Eastern Rajasthanl, and especially to Jaipuri, although they are divided from Eastern Rajputana by hundreds of miles in which distinct languages are spoken ?' It is not possible to give a fully satisfactory solution of the problem, but recont historical and archaeological researches throw some light upon it. All observers are agreed that no distinction of race can be drawn between the Gujars and the Jats or Jatts, two castes which occupy a very prominent position in North-Western India. It is also agreed that several other castes in the same region, such as Ajars, Ahire and many more, are racially indistinguishable from the Jatts and Gujars. The name Gujar appears in Sanskrit inscriptions as Gurjara, and nobody can doubt that the modern Gujars represent the ancient Gurjaras. Long ago the late Sir Denzii Ibbetson recognized the fact that in the Panjab it is impossible to draw distinctions in blood between Gujars and many clans of Rajputs, or, in other words, local enquiry proves that persons now known as Rajputs may be descended from the same ancestors as are other persons known as Gujars. Mr. Baden Powell observed that "there is no doubt that a great majority of the clan-names in the Panjab belong both to the "Rajput" and the "Jut" sections. And this indicates that when the numerous Bala, Indo-Scythian, Gujar and Huga tribes settled, the leading military and princely houses were 1 Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography (1888), p. 265. Linguistic Survey, Vol. IX, Part II (1908), p. 323. This paper has been written at the request of Dr. Grierson for ultimate incorporation in the appropriate volume of the Linguistic Survey But that volume cannot appear for a long time, and meantime Dr. Grierson thinks it desirable to offer the paper to the Indian Antiquary. Ibbetson, op. cit., p. 235.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. accepted as "Rajput," while those who took frankly to cultivation, became "Jat" Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has demonstrated recently that the ancestors of the Ranas of Udaipur (Mewar) were originally classed as Brahmans, and were not recognised as Rajputs until they became established as a ruling family. In fact, there is abundant evidence to prove that the term "Rajput" signifies an occupational caste, which made it its principal business to rule and fight. That being the traditional business of the ancient Kshatriyas, castes known as Rajput were treated by the Brahmans as equivalent to Kshatriyas, and superior in rank and purity to castes engaged in agriculture. We may take it as proved that there is nothing to prevent a Rajput being descended from a Brahman, a Gujar, a Jatt, or in fact from a man of any decent caste.' Consequently the Gujar herdsmen and Ajar shepherds of Swat may well be the poor relations of the Rajput chivalry of Jaipur, and the present divergence in social status may be the result of the difference of the occupations to which their respective ancestors were called by Providence. If the Swat Gujars and the Jaipur Rajputs come of one stock, it is not so wonderful that they should speak a language essentially one. Certainly there is no difficulty in believing that all the Himalayan tribes, both in Swat and east of Chamba, who speak forms of Rajasthani, may be largely of the same blood as the Rajputs of Eastern Rajputana. Of course, I do not mean that a pure race is to be found anywhere in India-almost every caste is of very much mixed blood. Not only are the Jatts, Gujars, Ajars, etc., related in blood to the Rajputs, but we may also affirm with confidence, that that blood is in large measure foreign, introduced by swarms of immigrants who poured into India across the north-western passes for about a century, both before and after 500 A.D. The Gurjaras are not heard of until the sixth century, but from that time on they are closely associated with the Hunas (Huns) and other foreign tribes, which then settled in India and were swallowed up by the octopus of Hinduism-tribes insensibly, but quickly, being transformed into castes. It is now certain, as demonstrated by epigraphical evidence, that the famous Parihar (Pratihara) Rajputs were originally Gurjaras or Gujara; or, if we prefer, we may say that certain Gurjaras were originally Pratiharas; and it is practically certain that the three other 'fire-born' Rajput clans-Pawar (Pramar), Solanki (Chaulukya), and Chauhan (Chahumana)--were descended like the Parihars, from ancestors belonging to a Gurjara or cognate foreign tribe. We are not able to identify the locality beyond the passes from which these ancestors came, nor do we know what tribal names they bore before they entered India, or what language they then spoke. Further, it is not possible at present to be certain concerning the road by which the. Gurjaras, Hunas, etc., entered India. Probably they came by many roads. But the legend locating the origin of the fire-born clans at Mount Abu and much evidence of other kinds indicate that the principal settlements of the foreigners were in Rajputana, which became the great centre of dispersion. We know that as early as the first half of the seventh century, Bhinmal (Srimala) to the north-west of Mount Abu, was the capital of a kingdom ruled by Vyaghramukha Chapa. The Chapas were a subdivision of the Gurjaras. A coin of Vyaghramukha was found associated with numerous slightly earlier Huna coins of the sixth and seventh centuries on the Manaswal Plateau in the outer Siwalik Hills, Hoshiyarpur District, Panjab, which at that period undoubtedly was under Huna-Gurjara rule. Early in the eighth century, Nagabhata I, a Gurjara, who had then become a Hindu, established a strong monarchy at Bhinmal, where Vyaghramukha had ruled a hundred years earlier. Nagabhata's son, Vatsaraja, greatly extended the dominions of his house, defeating even the king of Eastern Bengal. In or about 810 A.D., Nagabhata II, son and successor of Vatsaraja, deposed the king of Kanauj and removed the seat of his own government to that imperial city. For more than a century, and especially during the reigns of Mihira-Bhoja and his son (840-908 A. D.), the Gurjara-Pratihara kingdom of Kanauj was the paramount power of Notes on the Rajput Clans' (J.R.A 8., 1899. p. 534). Guhilots' (J.J. Proc, A.S.B., New Ser., Vol. V. (1909), pp. 167-187); Atpur Inscription of Saktikumara,' (Above Vol. XXXIX (1910), p. 183). I have a suspicion that they were Iranians, perhaps from Seistan, but I cannot profess to prove that hypothesis.

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MARCH, 1911.) DISCOVERY OF THE PLAYS OF BHASA . 87 Northern India, and included Surashtra (Kathiawar) within its limits, as well as Karnal now under the Government of the Panjab. I take it that the Gurjaras and other foreign tribes settled in Rajputana, from the sixth centary onwards, adopted the local language, an early form of Rajasthani, with great rapidity. They brought, I imagine, few women with them, and when they formed unions with Hindu women they quickly learned the religion, customs, and language of their wives. I am inclined to believe that during the period of Gurjara rule, and especially during the ninth and tenth centuries, the Rajasthani language must have been carried over a wide territory far more extensive than that now occupied by it. It sooms to me that the Gujars and Ajars of Swat, and the similar tribes in the lower Himalayas to the east of Chamba, should be regarded as survivals of a much larger population which once spoke Rajasthani, the language of the court and capital, For one reason or other the neighbours of those northern Gujars and Ajars took up various languages, Pashtu, Lahnda, or whatever it might be, while the graziers and sbepherds clung to the ancient tongue which their ancestors had brought from Rajputana, and which probably was spoken for a long time in much of the country intervening between the hills and Jaipur. If this theory be sound, the forms of the Himalayan Rajasthani should be more arcbaic than those of modern Jaipuri or the other dialects of Rajputana, just as in Quebec French is more archaic than carrent Parisian, I do not see any other way of explaining the existence of the Rajasthani outliers,' if I may borrow a convenient term from the geologists. The historical indications do not favour the notion that the Garjaras, etc., came vid Kabul and thence moved southwards, dropping settlements in the Lower Himalayas ; they rather suggest immigration from the west by the Quetta and Kandahar routus, or lines of march still further south. Settlements dropped among the Himalayan Hills by invaders speaking a Central Asian langunge could not possibly have picked up the tongue of eastern Rajputana. The ancestors of the Swat Gujare must have spoken Rajasthani and have learned it in a region where it was the mother-tongue. The far northern extensions of that form of speech must apparently be attributed to the time when the Gurjara kingdom attained its greatest expansion. We know from inscriptions that the dominions of both Mihira-Bhoja and his son, Mahendrapala (cir. 840-908 A.D.), included the Karnal district to the north-west of Delhi, My answer to the problem proposed at the beginning of this note, therefore, is that the Gujars, etc., of the Lower Himalayas wbo now speak forms of Rajasthani are in large measure of the same stock as many Rajput clans in Rajputana, the Panjab, and the United Provinces; that their ancestors emigrated from Rajputana after they had acquired the Rajasthani speech ; and that the most likely time for such emigration is the ninth century, when the Gurjara-Rajput power dominated all northern and north-western India, with its capital at Kansuj.7 DISCOVERY OF THE PLAYS OP BHASA, A PREDECESSOR OF KALIDASA. BY VINCENT A. SMITH. MR. R. NARASIMHACHAR, the able officer in charge of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, makes, in his annual Report for the year ending 30th June, 1910, dated August 1st, the extremely interesting and important announcement that at least one play by Bhasa, the most famous of Kalidasa's predecessors, has been diecovered. Raaders of the Mysore Archeological Reports being few, I need offer no apology for giving to such a notable discovery more publicity. Mr. Narasimhachar writes as follows: Para, 116-An important find during the year under report was a manuscript of the Svapna-vAsa vadatta, a drama by the poet Bh&sa. The work was found in the Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras, by Pandit Anandalvar, the senior copyist of my office, who has also prepared a copy of it for his own use. Bhasa is a very old dramatist who had attained great 1 For historical, epigraphioal, and numismatio details 800 V. A. Smith The Gurjares of Rajputina and Kanauj" (J. R. 4. 8., Jan., April, 1909) 1 "White Hun Coins from the Panjab" (Ibid., Jan, 1907): * White Hun Ooins of Vyaghramukha" (Thid.. Oot. 1907); "The History of the City of Kanadj, etc." (Ibid., July 1908). D. R. Bhandarkar Foreign elemente in the Hindu Population" (Ind. Ant, 1911, pp. 7-37). Mr. Bhandarkar (p. 30) thinks that Eastern Rajastbil is derived from Pabbri Hindt; but I do not think he can be right.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1911. celebrity before Kalidasa wrote his Malavik dgnimitra, as is evidenced by the statement in the prastavand of that drama that there was nothing gained by passing over the dramas of such renowned poets as Bhisa, Saumillaka, and Kaviputra and enacting a drama of Kalidasa, a poet of the present day. That Bhasa wrote a number of dramas is evident from the following verse quoted in Jalhana's Suktimukidvali under Bina-bhatta : * Sutradhdra-korttarambhair ndtakair bahu-bhumikail "Sa-paldlair yabb lebhe Bhuso devalculair-iva 11" Pandit Anandalvar has also copied & part of another drama named Pratijn-yaugandharayana, also found in the Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras, which is also attributed to Bhisa. I am also told that about 10 more dramas, supposed to be by the same autbor, huve been discovered by Pandit Ganapati Sastry in Travancore. One of these, DaridraCharudatta, is said to be the original on which the Mfichobhakatika is based. But no satisfactory proof is available to show that all these dramas are by Bhass. None of them mentions his name, nor is any of them referred to in literature as his work. The case is, however, different with the Svapna-vdsavadattd, which is distinctly stated to be his work is a verse quoted in Jalbama's Shllimuk dvali under Rajasekhara. The verge runs thus : "Bhasa-ndlaka ochakre'pi chhekaih kshipt& parikshitumi" - Svapnavdsavadattasya ddhako'bhun-na pdvalcah II" All that was previously known about Bhasa was collected by M. Sylvain Levi in his excellent work Le Theatre Indien, Paris, 1890 (see Index, 6.. Bhisa), from which I abstract the following particulars : M. Levi (p. 157) cites the prologue of the Malavikugnimitra, and proceeds to show that the fame of Bhisa lasted through many ages before disappearing. Bana (7th cent.) ranks him with Kalidasa ; Vakpati (eame period) assigns him equal precedence, and Rajabek bara, who resided at the court of Mabipala, the Gurjara-Pratibara king of Kanauj (cir. 910-940 A. D.), places bim among the classical poets ; Somadeva (cir. 1070 A.D.) cites a verse of his as by a great poet," and Jayadeva (12th cent.) couples him with Kalidasa, calling Bhaea " the smile" and Kalidass the grace" of poetry : ... Bhaso hasah kavikulaguruh Kalid doo vildsah. Abhinava-gapta, the cbief of the modern literary school, the commentator on Bbarate and Apandavardhana, who wrote at the end of the tenth century, cites the Svapnavasavadattd; and the epithet jalanamitie (jualanamitra) " friend of fire," applied to Bhuss in the Gaudavaho refers to a celebrated incident in that play. The fragments are considered to justify the description of Bhasa us the smile of poetry." M. Levi concludes his criticism by the observations: All these verses bear the mark of an acute and original mind with an inclination to gentle and delicate irony, the thought and expression being characterized by classical' purity and good taste. According to a citation noted in the Arthadyotanika, it would seem that Bhisa was the author of a didactic treatise on the dramatic art." It is almost needless to point out the high importance of the discovery of the entire play named Svapnav savadatta hitherto known only from a line or two. M. Levi notes that at one time the late Dr. Pischel was inclined to attribute to Bhass the authorship of the Msichchhakalild, but subsequently withdrew that suggestion. If the pley entitled Daridra-Charudatta found at Travancore, and said to be the original of the Mrichchhakatika, should prove to be Bbasa's, Dr. Piechel's earlier view will be strangely confirmed. In any case the discovery of a hitherto unknown play which can be described as the original form of "The Little Clay Cart" is an event in literary history of the highest interest. The finds so quietly announced by Mr. Narasimhachar may throw most welcome light on the vexed question of the origin and evolution of the Indian drama, and everybody interested in Indian For the true approximate datos of Mahtpala and Rajasekhara, see my artiolo "The Gurjaras of Rajputu and Kananj." J. R. A. 8., April 1909, eap. p. 270. In 1890, M. Levi orroneously assigned Rajasekhar to the middle of the eighth century.

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MARCH, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA 89 literature will await with impatience a full account of the manuscripts, and especially a carefully edited text and translation of the Svapnavasaradatta. The publication of the Daridra-Charudatta is equally desirable. As to Bhasa's date nothing seems to be known except that he was anterior to Kalidasa, and the determination of the age in which he lived is a problem of which the solution must have weighty consequences for the history of Indian literature. A NOTE ON THE WORD BALGALCHOHU. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRAX. THERE existed in the ancient Dravidian countries a custom which is known from the Kannada inscriptions, where it occurs, as bal-galchchu. The literal meaning of this compound word is washing the sword. It occurs in such instances as ba!-galchchu go!!am, etc. (Bp. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 55; II, 23-24.). The meaning of the term bas been rightly understood by Dr. Fleet as the swordwashing ceremony. Let us see in the following paragraphs the circumstances under which it is done and the mode of performing this ceremony. Tolkappiyam, in the 68th sutra of Purattinaiyiyal of the Poru!adigaram, calls the ceremony val-mannudal (sword-wasbing) and ran-mangalam. It might be done by only the victor, be he the bezieger or the besieged. If done by the former it is called the outsider's' and if by the latter the insider's' van-mangalam. In very few instances both would have occasion to celebrate the bal-galchchu ceremony. When the army of two great kings meet and one of them defeats the other, the sword of the victorious king, dripping as it would be with blood, is placed on the image of Durgs (Korravai as she is called in Tamil), and washed. Flowers, sandal and incense are offered to the goddess and this implement of war. The image of the goddess is smeared with ghi and festival is celebrated on the occasion. The sword is taken in procession along the streets to the river, with young women singing and vind playing. Purapporul-venba-malai, a later work, which serves as a valuable commentary on Tolkanpiyam, describes the ceremony in sitra and verse 35 of the Paddn-padalam, in 'ahnost the same terms as Tolkappiyam. We have an instance of it alluded to in the Purandnuru. The king Adiyaman NedumanAnji sent the venerable poetess Auvaiyar as an ambassadress to the court of Tondajman, The latter showed Auvaiyar the spacious armoury, wherein the arms of the king were kept scrupulously clean, oiled and decorated with peacock feathers and flowers. The poetess burst ont into one of her poetic effusions, wherein she described her friend Adiyaman's arms as often getting broken in the constant wars he won against his enemies and bad consequently to be sent to the forge of the blacksmith for repair, and therefore lying in the insignificant, small rooms of this workman. In drawing this comparison between the state of the arms of the two kings she indirectly praised Adiyaman and denounced Tondaimon (verse 95, Purandnuru). SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA RELATING TO THE ENGLISH. BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATR I.C.S.). No. I. The Night Before Waterloo. Tu fine voom given below-beautiful alike in its language and its sentiment-Was repeated by A school boy to Ram Gharib Chaube, who collected songs for me, some years ago. It is by the late Lali Srinawas Das, who shows himself thereby to have been a poet of no mean capacity. He had evidently been deeply impressed by the story of the ball at Brussels on the eve of the Battle of Waterloo. Text. Nisbi men Brussel gaji rahyo; Bal rup basbat biraji rahyo. Ati rupurti yubti darsain ; Balwan sujan jawan lasain. 5. Sab ke mukh dipak son damkain ;

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCE, 1911. Sab ke hiya anand son dhamkain. Bahu bh anti binod pranod karain ; Madbure sar gaya umang bbarain. Jab rugam ki mridu tan usain. 10. Priya pritam nainan sain jurain. Chahun or sukhi, sukh chaya rahyo. Janu byahani ghantani nad bhayo. Par maun gabo ; " Auiok itai! Yah hot bhayumak I shabd kitai!" 15. "Durpo jani: chanchal biyu bahai: Athwa rath daurat awat hai. Priya, nachahu, nachahu na tbahto. Apne sokh ki awadhi na karo." Jab joban aur umang milain, 20. Sukh lucan ko duhan daur chalain. Tab nind kahan nishi kwat hai. Kachhu apraki bat suhawat hai Par ton lega ; "Ab phut sao ? Wah shabd bhayanak duguno. 25. Ghan gbor ghata garji ubhin, Tihu gunj mano dukraya rahio." Yah top dana-dan & wat bai; Dhig awat, bhumt kapa wat hai. "Sab shastra sajo ! Bab shastra sajo !" 30. Ghabrath bashi, sukh dur bhajo. Dukh lon bilpaia kalpain subhi : Tin ki karuna nahin jaya kabi. Nij kamalta sunt laj gaye; Sir kapat tatak shan pit bhaye. Dukh paya karahi biyog labain, Jana pran biyog sbarir suhain. "Kihi bbanti karon anuman; yahan Priya pritam nain milain kabhun ?" Jab wa sukh chainahin rat gai; 40. Ihi bhanti Ubayankar prat bbas. Translation. Brussels was at its best ; Its power and beauty and happiness increasing. Very lovely maidens were to be seen, And strong and capable young men were there. 5. Every face shines forth as a lamp, And every happy heart beats high. They were enjoying pleasures and delights, of many kinds, And sweet music filled the hearts of those assembled. When the sweet tones of the music rose high, The hearts and eyes of lovers met. On all sides was happiness and happiness alone. It seemed as if the marriage bells were ringing. Then one whispered : "Be silent, listen! It is an awful sound that they make !" * Be not anxious; it is a puff of wind: 35 10.

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MARCH, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA Or it may be a quick-running chariot. Dance, dance, my love, and cease not. Put no stop on your pleasure." When youth and longing meet, 20. They rush forward to plander happiness. Then there is the sense of sleep. Another matter it is they think of. Then one whispered : " Listen again! That awful noise is doubly louder. 25. It is now like the thunder of the clouds. Harken to the echo; it is doubling." The guns were coming up rapidly As they came nearer, the earth trembled. " All to arms! all to arms! " 30. Confusion increased and happiness fled away. With pain all were weeping and lamenting, Pain that cannot be described. Women became ashamed, remembering their weakness, And beautiful rosy cheeks, became pale, 35. Sighing with the sigh of sorrow. It seemed as if sorrow would take the life from the bodies. "What hope can we make for ourselves That our eyes will meet our loved husbands again ?" The night had passed in happiness and joy ; 40. The morning dawned in horror. No. II. In Praise of the English. Sung and recorded by Kishor Singh, a boy in the Village School at Kotild, District Agra. Text. Firangi, tero Raj sundar sada rahiyo. Taine rapiya cbalaya chehru-sahi. Firangi, tero Raj, etc. Taine sasak par rel chalai. Firangi, tero Rdj, eto. Taine dhuan ke shabd urai. Firangi, tero Raj, etc. Taine nainu chalaye butedir. Firangi, tero Rdj, etc. Taine paisa chalaye dabalsai. Firungi, tero Raj, etc. Teri raiyat ne sukh pai. Firangi, tero Rdj, etc. Translation. 0 Englishman, may thy Rule for ever flourish. Thou didat bring in the rupee with the face on it. O Englishman, may thy Rule, etc. Thou didst run the railway train on the roads. O Englishman, may thy Rule, etc. Thou didst raise up the voice of the steam (lit. smoke). . O Englishman, may thy Rule, etc. Thou didst introduce the flowered calicoes. O Englishman, may thy Rule, etc. In contradistinction to the Muhammadan coinage with merely writing on it.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCA, 1911, Thou didst bring in the double penny." O Englishman, may thy Rulo, etc. Thy people have found happiness. O Englishman, may thy Rule, etc. No. III. The Agra Waterworks, Sung by Kishn Lal, a boy in the Village School at Rulonuta, District Agra. Recorded by the Master of the School. Text. Firangi, taine achohhe nal-nal lagwdye. Kaalatte se nal mangwaye; Maithan lagwaye. Rajk ki Mandi, Lobe kt Mandi Gokalpura lagaye. Firangi, taine achohhe nal-nal lagwdye. Dwir der par pikat lagaye ; 8ab ke nam likhaye. Firangi, taine achchhe nal-nal lagwdye, Thel uthaye, haghal dhari dino, sundhe kaisa maro. Firangi, taine achchhe nal-nal lagwaye.. . TAI khodayo, talaia khodaye, we men gola garkaye. Jamuna kati ko pani mangkye, dohare pich lagaye. Firangi, laine achchhe nal-nal lagwdye. Translation. O European, thou didst open good waterworks (pipes). Thou didst fetch the pipes from Calcutta and laid them down in Maithan, In Rajamandi, in the Lohemandi, in Gokalpara. O European, thou didat open, etc. Thou didst place a ticket on each door and took every name. 0 European, thou didst open, etc. Thou didst lift the wheelbarrows, and strike the ground with spades turned upside down. 0 European, thou didst open, etc. Thou didst make tanks and ponds and threw balls into them. Thou didst fetoh water from the Jamna canals and set up double engines. O European, thou didat open, etc.. No. IV. The Railway Train. Sung and reoorded by Chakkan Lal of Chandrapur, District Agrd. Text. Raja Firangi rel chalii ; chhin men att jatt hai. Dhig hi Dilli, dhig ht Agra, dhig hi Bharatpur jati bai. Ann na khati, pant piti, dhakn ke bal sejati hai, Kacbohf sarak par wah nahin chalati, lohe ke latthon par jati hai. Age anjan, pichhe gari, bhak, bhak' hoti jatt hai. Bigal bajat aur sitt dett, jhandi dikhai jati hai. LAl jhandi se khari hoti hai, sabs se chhort jati hai. Raja Firangt rel chalal; chhin meh att jatt hai. Translation. The lordly English have started the train; it comes and goes in the twinkle of the eye. Quickly to Delhi, quickly to Agra, quickly to Bharatpur it goes. Eating to corn, drinking water, by the force of steam (smoke) it goes. It goes on no plain road, on rods of iron it goes. In front the enginos, behind the cars : bhak, bhak' they go. Bugle sounding, whistle making, flag showing, it gooo. On red flag halting, on green flag starting, it goes. The lordly English have started the train : it comes and it goes in the twinkle of the eye. Pixed copper coinage.

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MARCH, 1911.] BOOK-NOTICE BOOK-NOTICE. H. H. JUYNBOLL, CATALOGUS VANISRYKS ETHNO GRAPHISCH MUBRUM. Deel v, Javaansohe Oud Heden, Leiden 1909. IT is a matter of regret that the antiquities of Java, so closely related to those of India, are but little known among students of Indian arobaology. The main cause of this apparent neglect lies no doubt in the circumstance that nearly all the works devoted by my countrymen to the study of Javanese archaeology are written in Dutch, and are consequently difficult of access to most European and Indian scholars. It is for this reason that the publications of the Batavia Society of Arts and Sciences, as well as the splendid monographs of the Archeological Survey of Java, are hardly known among antiquarians here and in England. In these circumstances it will be no superfluous work to draw the attention of the readers of this periodical to the recently published Catalogue of Javanese antiquities in the Ethnographical Museum at Leiden (Holland) by Dr. H. H. Juynboll, the able director of that institu. tion. The Leiden Museum and that at Batavia contain by far the largest and most representative collections of Javanese antiquities. Of the latter we already possess an excellent catalogue by Mr. W. P. Groeneveldt and Dr. J. L. A. Brandes which appeared at Batavia in 1887. The two chief collections of Javanese antiquities have thus been catalogued in a most scholarly fashion-a fact of which Dutch scholars may rightly be proud. It may be remembered here that neither of the two collections of Indian antiquities in the British and South Kensington Museums nor those of most museums in India have been listed or described. Dr. Juynboll's catalogue is a model of patient labour and painstaking accuracy. The enormous stride which has been made in the study of Javanese archeology will be apparent from a comparison of this catalogue with the former one edited in 1842 by Dr. O. Leemans and republished in an abridged form in 1885. The collection itself has been greatly extended at the same time. In 1842 it numbered only about one hundred objecte, in 1885 about fourteen hundred, and in 1909 more than two thouBand. The present catalogue, & quarto of nearly three hundred pages, is admirably got up, as might be expected from a production of the Leiden publishing firm of E. J. Brill, well known to all orientalists. It is illustrated with fifteen plates, each of two figures, and nearly one hundred text-illustrations. Some of the latter, namely those which are reproduced from photographs, are somewhat blurred and do not show as much detail as would be desirable for the purpose of iconographical study. But this is certainly the only objection one could reasonably. raise. Dr. Juynboll has followed the same systematic arrangement adopted by Messrs. Groeneveldt and Brandes in their catalogue of the Batavia Museum. It is divided into six main sections dealing with A. Stone images and other objects, B. Metal (mostly bronze) images and other objects, C. Pottery, D. Coins, E. Inscriptions (including casts) and F Casts of temples, images, bas-reliefs and seal-rings. These sections are again subdivided. Sections A and B chiefly containing images hoth Brahmanical and Buddhist are of peculiar interest for the study of Indian art and iconography, as they appear in Java. That this art is essentially Hinda will be seen at a first glance, but a closer study will reveal peouliar indigenous developments which show that the Javanese artist was by no means a slavish copyist of his Indian teacher. This is exemplified by the curious stone image reproduced in plate I, fig. 2, which represents a three-faced, four-armed deity seated on the shoulders of a cross-legged male figure. I do not know of any Indian prototype from which this sculpture could be derived. The unusual vehicle would at first sight lead one to identify the deity represented with Kubera (nara-vahana !). But Dr. Juynboll notes that the cross-legged figure wears a hood in the shape of the head and neck of a harsa, while the main personage of the group holds the four attributes of Brahma. The author is therefore undoubtedly right in identifying the main figure with this deity. It may also be noted that the attributes of Brahma in Javanese art only partially correspond with those found in Indian sculpture, the Veda having apparently been replaced by the fly-whisk (chamara).

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Dr. Juynboll points out that the occurrence of Brahma statues in Java points to a special worship of this deity once having existed in the island. It is well-known that in India temples dedicated to the first person of the Hindu trinity are extremely rare. Vaishnavism seems not to have taken any prominent part in the Hinduism of Java. The Leiden collection contains only two stone figures of Vishnu, and neither of these has the usual four attributes. One (No. 2544) is indeed very uncertain, as is also the case with the two stone figures tentatively identified with Krishna (Plate II, fig. 1). Bronze images of Vishnu and his avaturas arc more numerous (the Museum counts ten specimens) a circumstance which perhaps points to this deity having been more conspicuous in domestic than in public worship. The group reproduced on page 64 appears to represent Krishna subduing the Kaliya Naga. I may note in pass. ing that detached Naga figures do not seem to occur in Java, but the cobra used instead of a sacred thread (upavita) or as an ornament is often found on Siva figures, especially in their angry form. Siva images, on the contrary, are very numerous and point to an extensive worship of this deity. A form which appears to be peculiar to Java is that of Siva as Guru or Mahayogi (Plate III, fig. 1). Another form of Siva is that of Kala or Bhairava, of which two remarkable specimens are reproduced in Dr. Juynboll's catalogue. One (Plate III, fig. 2) from the ruins of Singasari in Eastern Java is one of the master-pieces of the collection. Clasping a sword in his right hand and resting his left on a massive mace, this figure is remarkable for its haughty expression of conscious strength and divine disdain. In its general style it seems much more closely related to the art of the Further East than to that of India. In its appearance and attributes, it bears a strong resemblance to the so-called Rakshasas or temple guardians which will be noted later on. The other figure (Plate IV, fig. 1), likewise from Singasari, is a much more typical and distinctly Indian effigy of Siva in his most terrific form. Wholly naked but for his garland of [MARCH, 1911. human heads, skull diadem and other ornaments, the god of annihilation, with protruding eyes and tusks issuing from his grinning mouth stands dancing on a row of human skulls. The accompanying animal which Dr. Juynboll describes as a jackal, is more likely a dog, the vehicle of the Indian Bhairava. Its tail, the only part visible on the plate, also suggests the latter animal. The image bears the Nagari inscription Chakrachakra which appears to be a local designation of Bhairava. That the worship of Devi was also once prevalent in Java is testified by numerous sculptures. Images of Lakshmi, the goddess of fortune, are rare. The fact that she is only represented by bronze statuettes of small size, seems to indicate that her worship in Java was essentially domestic, as is still the case in India. It is interesting that this deity is still worshipped, as goddess of the.rice in the neighbouring island of Bali. Exceedingly numerous, on the contrary, are the figures of Durga slaying the Buffalo demon (Mahishasuramardini). I need hardly say that such images are very common in India also, but here again Javanese art shows a distinct development of its own. In the beautiful group from Singasari (Plate IV, fig. 2)-more widely known since it was reproduced in Mr. Havell's Indian Sculpture and Painting-the goddess, apparently eight-armed, is triumphantly raised on the prostrate buffalo. With the lowermost of her left hands she clasps the profuse locks of the Asura. The little fat figure, wholly naked, with his curly wig, has certainly a more comical than demoniacal appearance, but the goddess herself bears a no less grand demeanour of composed strength than the so-called Bhairava of Singasari above noticed. Though there cannot be the slightest doubt that this representation of the demon-slaying goddess was borrowed from India, it deserves notice that in some details it differs from its Indian prototypes. In Northern India at least, we invariably find the goddess standing with one of he: feet on the neck of the buffalo and piercing him with her trident. I may note that this is in strict accordance with the Sanskrit text:-Evam uktva samutpatya sarudha tais 1 Dr. N. J. Krom informs me that the oldest inscriptions (4th Century, A.D.) found in Western Java are Vaishnava. 2 Dr. Jaynboll note that in this island one finds in the ricefields and on the roadside small huts in which passers-by leave some grains of rice as a saorifice to Bri. The Museum contains a model of a granary which presumably served the same purpose (P. 40, No. 2826).

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MARCH, 1911.) BOOK-NOTICE mahasuram, padenakranya kanthe cha bulenainam The so-called "Rakshasas" form the transition atidayat. Usually she lifts him up by the tail from Brahmanical to Buddhist stone statuary. They have indeed been found in connection with # not altogether elegant device. But in Javanese sanctuaries of both the two great Indian religions art the goddess is shown standing with both feet which took root in Javanese soil. The next on the prostrate buffalo. Her triumph over the division deals with Buddhist images of stone animal-shaped demon is thus more vigorously which are subdivided into Dbyani-Buddhas, expressed, and the innovation bears testimony to Saktis, Bodhisattvas and Bodhi-saktis. Among the superior artistic feeling of the Javanese the Saktis we note the magnificent Prajsia - sculptor. The ornamental treatment of her gar. paramita or Transcendental Wisdom, the finest ment also seems to be particularly Javanese. image of the whole collection, as Dr. Juynboll The Leiden collection counts no less than rightly calls it. It has been reproduced several twenty-four stone images of Ganesa, besides two times, lastly in Mr. Havell's book above quoted. in bronze, and thus proves that the elephant. This is probably the reason why it is not found headed god was as popular in Java as he is in among the plates of the present catalogue. India, Dr. Juynboll, following an interpretation The collection of metal figures in the Leiden commonly adopted in the West, characterizes Museum is particularly rich, and includes seven him as the god of wisdom, arts and sciences. I golden statuettes of Sakyamuni. I may note doubt whether this is quite correct. In modern that in the case of metal figures of small size, India Ganesa is worshipped by all classes of there existe always a possibility of their having society. And not exclusively by scholars and been imported from the Indian Continent. artists. The formula Oxi Ganesaya namal is The popularity of Padmapani in Buddhist Java, found everywhere. My i opression is that Ganesalis avidenced by his freanant ocenrranca in nlastic is essentially a god of success and good fortune. art, the Leiden Museum containing no less than He is the remover of obstacles and this is the thirty-six statuettes of metal, besides a few in reason why he is iavoked at the beginning of all stone. undertakings, literary or otherwise, and why his Vajrapani also appears to have been a popular effigy is found over the entrance both of religious Bodhisattva. A peculiar form is that illustrated and secular buildings. in plate XIII, fig. 1, in wbich he is shown trampHow little the Javanese Ganesa differs from ling on two prostrate figures, male and female, his Indian parent will be evident from tig. 1 of which are supposed to represent Siva and plate VI. The standing Ganesa reproduced on Parvati. It deserves notice that the 80-called plate V, fig. 2, is of a much more unusual type, Tantric deities of Indian Buddhism in its but in Java also such standing figures appear to ultimate scage do not seem to occur. be extremely lare. It can be no matter of surprise that the god of I have already referred to the temple guardians, riches must have been one of the most populy usually called Rakshasas, of which the Museum deities. He played evidently a prominent part in contains twenty-three specimens in stone. They domestic worship as he is seldom found figured are dernoniacal figures of savage appearance with in stone, whereas metal statuettes are very protruding eyes, tusks, and dishevelled hair, and numerous. The Leiden Museum has thirteen, beard or moustache. They are represented either that of Batavia no less than twenty-five specistanding or crouching, and armed with mace or mens. He is usually represented with a mongoose sword. Sometimes they wear skulls and cobras (Viverra ichneumon) in his left hand, out of as ornaments. It has been questioned whether whose mouth some disks seem to be falling which the designation of Rakshasas under which such are either meant for pearls or pieces of money. temple guardians are known among Javanese M. Foucher has pointed out that originally this archeologists is appropriate. There would be attribute of the god of wealth was not the live more reason perhaps to call them Yakshas, as we mongoose, but a pouch made out of the skin of know that in early Indian art Yaksha figures that animal. In the oldest examples from occur both as Atlantes and as guardians of Gindhira aud Mathura the attribute in question sacred monuments. is a simple money-bag. Durgasaptaiati (Bombay 1871) ILI, 87. C. the brage image of Lakshapa Devi at Brahmor, Ohamba State, published in A. S. R. for 1902-03 : p. 241, fig. 2 and the bas-relief from Bajaura, in the Kulu Valley (not Ohamba) reproduced in E. B. Havoll's Bonares the saored olty (London, 1905), p. 167. CH. Bijdr. Kon. Inst. Volgreeki, 6 Deel VIII. * Fougher, Iconographie bouddhique, Paris 1900, p. 125. The correctness of M. Foucher's theory is borne out by linguistio evidence, Hindi narla (from Skr. nahila) meaning Viverra ichnowmon and noli a pouch or money bag

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 19:1. Dr. Juynboll makes a distinction between the standing under a tree. It is curious that these Brahmanical god Kubera and his Buddhist Old-Javanese coins hardly ever bear any legends, counterpart called by the patronymic Vaisravana. No. 3405 apparently being the only example of The criterion adopted by the author is evidently an inscribed coin of the Hindu period which the the posture of the legs, Kubera being seated in Museum possesses. The six copper coins of the the so-called Lalita sana, viz., with one leg drawn Muhammadan period are all inscribed with up and the other hanging down, whereas the two legends in Arabic, usually the kalimah or Moslim statuettes labelled Vaisravana sbow the god creed. Finally there are a certain number of sitting cross-legged (Or. p. 75). How far this Chinese coins, the earliest of the 8th century of distinction applies to Javanese art I do not wish our era, which bear evidence to the influence of to decide; but it certainly does not hold good in China in the Indian Archipelago. India, as sculptures found on undoubtedly The epigraphical section contains one inscripBuddhist sites like the Jetavana near Sravasti tion on stone and wine on metal besides numerous (modern Sabeth-Mabeth) often picture the god moulds. The metal inscriptions are engraved on of riches in the lalita pose. bronze and copper-plates and, like the corresBesides images, the Leiden Museum contains ponding documents of India, usually record a rich collection of bronze objects either intended donations of land by the Hindu princes of Java for religious worship or for domestic use. to temples and other religious establishments. Among the sacriticial implements, I note particu- In one instance no less than fourteen copperlarly the curious zodiac cups used for sacrificial plates have been used for such a title-deed. water, which exhibit two rows each of twelve Almost invariably these epigraphs are written figures, tbe lower row representing the zodiac in Old-Javanese characters and contain Kawi signs. The Leiden collection comprises some texts which often abound in Sanskrit terms and thirty specimens showing considerable variations formulas. But some of the oldest inscriptions in desiga, Seven out of these are dated in the are Sanskrit records written in ancient Nagari. 13th century of the Saka era (from 78 A.D.), the The earliest dateable stone inscription in Old era almost exclusively used in ancient Java. Javanese script is a fragment (mould No. 2994) Among the numerous bronze belle in possession composed half in Sanskrit and half in OMof the Museum there are some (p. 148) which are Javanese, and dated Suka 719, corresponding very similar to the drilbu of Lamaietic worship to A.D. 797. It appears to be Buddhist, as it It is well kuown thut the latter object together contains the terna jinalaya which is also found on with the thunderbolt (rdorje) are indispensable the Manjusri image in the Berlin Museum. A attributes in the exorcisms of the lamas. I am still older inscription is the Buddhist prabasti not aware whether thunderbolts corresponding (mould No. 2995) apparently dated Saka 704 (?) to the Tibetan rdorje have been found in Java. corresponding to A.D. 782. It is entirely comThe bells with chains attached to them were posed in Sanskrit and mentions images of probably hung at the entrance of shrines and Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. The opening rung to announce the worshipper, as is still the formula is Namo ratnatrayaya. It was found universal custom in India. at a village north of Chandi Loro-Djonggrang at Other metal antiquities not connected with Parambanan. religious worship are likewise well represented That Saivism existed in Java side by side with in the Leiden Museum. The fine collection of Buddhism from an early period is proved by the personal ornaments comprises bracelets, finger Sanskrit inscription (mould No. 2975) of Saka rings, ear-pendants and nose-rings. 654 (A.D. 732) which records the erection of a Compared with the previous sections, that deal- linga by king Spinjaya, the son of Sannaha, who ing with ancient coins (D) appears to be remark- calls himself ruler of the isle of Java, rich in gold ably small. It comprises Old-Javanese silver mines. The single stone inscription in the Leiden coins, convex in shape and marked with four- Museum is also a Saiva document, but of a much petalled flowers and other symbols, and so-called later date, namely Saka 1371 or A.D. 1449. It is temple medals of copper usually pierced with a probably one of the latest epigraphs of the aquare hole and bearing various representations, Hindu period and was found on the east side of such as a wheel (chakra), a crescent, a granary, Mount Merbaboe. & vase, and two figures, male and female, J. Ph. VOGEL. Hitherto only two epigraphs have come to light, dated in a local era salled the Sanjaya era. According to a note found among the late Dr. Brandes' papers the true date is 769 Saka.

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APRIL, 1911.) CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S SEVENTH TARANGA. 97 CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S SEVENTH TARANGA. BY PROF. E. HULTZSCH. A MONG the eight Tarangas, i.e., . waves,' into which Kalhana's Bajatarangini or " River of A Kings" is divided, the seventh is perhaps the most satisfactory and interesting one and makes the nearest approach to what we consider history. The eighth Taraiga enters too deeply into insignificant details of purely local importance, while the first six Tarangas are too concise and contain much legendary matter. As shown by Dr. Stein, the seventh Teranga is based on authentic information : the incidents it relates were probably communicated to Kalhana by his father Chappaks and other eye-witnesses of the stirring events of this period of Kasmir history. But although Kalbana's work has been edited three times-by the Calcutta Pandits, by Dr. Stein, and by the late Pandit Dargaprasad, -and although many of its difficulties are finally solved in Dr. Stein's adtoirable translation and its footnotes and appendices, the seventh Taranga still contains many thorns' which pazzle the reader and owe their origin to the corrupt condition of the Sanskrit text. The three editions all present the readings of a recension which is best preserved in the Sarada MS. called A in Dr. Stein's edition. When preparing his translation, Dr. Stein discovered at Lahore a Nageri copy of a different recension of the Rajatarangini, which enabled him to emend many of the corruptions of A. An incomplete Sarada MS. of the same class with the Lahore MS. is in my possession. From the critical notes on Dr, Stein's text which I now subjoin. it will be seen that my Sarada MS. corroborates a good many of the readings of the Lahore MS. and sopplies a large number of additional variants which are either preferable or worth consideration. I have also added various readings from other MSS. consulted by me and some conjectural emendations. The word rend' or the sign are profixed to those readings of the subjoined list which I would not hesitate to substitute in Dr. Stein's text: the word 'read' marks corrections made by me or others; the hand marks various readings of manuscripts as preferable to the printed text. The following abbreviations are used in the list: M = an old Sarada MS. of portions of Tarangas VII and VIII, purchased by me at Srinagar in 1885 from the late Pandit Damodar. This MS. is incomplete, and some of the existing leaves are seriously damaged. The preserved leaves of the seventh Taranga are numbered 133-147, 149-164, and 166, and contain verses 558-1067, 1105-1699, and 1727-1732. L = Nagari MS. from Lahore, quoted in the footnotes of Dr. Stein's Translation ; see his remarks in Vol. I, pp. 50-53. A = the Sarada MS. on which Dr. Stein's edition of the Rajatarangirl is based ; see his Preface. N = a modern Sirada copy, purchased by me, like M, from Panlit Damodar. It contains IV. 1-373 ; V, 18 to VI, 54 ; VI, 286 to VIII, 1618. P complete Sarada copy of Kalhana's work in the Deccan College, Poona, No. 170 of Buhler's Kalmar Collection. This MS. was kindly placed at my disposal by the Government of Bombay through the India Office, E = India Office Library, No. 3017, presented by Lord Elphinstone, a beautifully written Nigari copy of Kalbama's whole work. I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. F. W. Thomas for the loan of this MS. 0 = the Calcatts edition of A.D. 1835. D = Pandit Dargiprasad's edition of Tarangas I-VII. Bombay, 1892. 1 Translation, Vol. I, pp. 6 f. and 87. Compare VII, 539, 942, 1063. * Soo Professor Eggoling's Catalogue, p. 1606, No. 8937. Another MS which is described on the same page (Xo. 2739 8) costains oaly Tarangm IV-VI, Aad Rot IV-VIII as stated by Professor Eggeling.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1911. Verse 25. Read **as suggested by Paydit 620. FTAT M. 17 ATTA, M, L, as Durgaprasad, and compare ***FRET suggested by P. Durgaprasad. at VII, 1697. 621. FATUM. 48. Read To with D. 692. TEE M. 94. N, E; A possible reading. 623. = M. 100. grao N, P, C, D. 628. P TG and FITT M with L. 110. 69: P, D, ait: N, E. 629. PATUT M. 122. *[s]Farad sra, N, P, D. 680. TVER M, N. 135. Read Art IU with P, D; see Panini, 632. 07 M, L, as suggested by P. VIII, 4, 13. Durgaprasad. 182. MSS. and D ( C). 633. TI M with L. 260. Read perhaps y 635. B M with L. 292. Read mo. 638. ra M with L. 316. Read of :. 639. T fa M, N, P, D; see Panini, I, 4, 76. 335. 188, and D. 345. The correction erer is unnecessary; 642. Ar taifa hifcat: M. pramAzapavarjita means left behind 646. ATA M. : M with through carelessness.' 350. Read Tay:. 647. Utory M. ola M with L. 398. MSS. and D ( TAC). 656. M. 399. ff. N. 657. The M. 436. Read perhaps deg :. 659. KF 13M with L. 488. The MSS, ani D read aw, which seems 663. TM. correct (32degC). 667. M. 493. v P, D. 668. P M with L. 495. pregler P, D. 670. grawy: M, L, C, as snggested by 553. Read perhaps Teeya. P. Durgaprasad. 355. B M with L. 671. ETTETORUS M. 559. M. 672. getur M. 551. alfa M. 675. D istrito M with L. RAT: 567. R E N and E with 43. M. 572. Ti M. 679. 7 7: M, L, as suggested by P. 573. Arsaff. M. fapt M. Durgaprasad. 581. a M. 691. Asagi M. 588. STOM: compare L. 9 M. 684. Fattarer M with L. In J. R. A. S., 1907, p. 403 #f. 685. 17 cat fut M with L. Dr. Vogel has identified Babbapura 689. a M. (or Babbhapura ) with Babor near 691. aT YET M. Jammu. 692. 1967 M with L. 589. 69 tuloM; compare L. 698. K7 aati 19deg M, P, C, D. 590. ATTO M. erst: M. 699. ogia M. 593. kr 977. M, L, D. 701. ratiga M, P. : M. 596. 19 M; compare L. 703. K a ti M, L, as suggested 598. Tafad M, by P. Durga prasad. 608. gr. M, N, C, D. 705. Naar M, L, E, as suggested by P. 619. B reitfay M, L, ag suggested by P. Durgaprasad. Durgaprasad. 709. * M. ATM ,

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APRIL, 1911.) CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S SEVENTH TARANGA 99 L. 710. 7 mAhencaropi M, L, as suggested by P.| 808. "puTAeSTA M. sAdhaiM M. Durgaprasad. 815. kezena M with L. kSaNazvAsa M. 711. nadanmUkhaMjJAnI M with L. bAhizcirAt M. 718. tRtIyAyAM M. 3 talpAda. M, L, as sug. 820. m arcar M with L. gested by P. Darga prasad, 821. yetameM M. 3hasvotkarSa M with L. 715. nyAptaH sa M with L. Nantikam M. 822. harSastattasthau tu M with L. 718. parisaMcarantI M. 828. OM niSpakSapacideg M with L. 721. OM japankimiva M with L. 824. sAdhuskhaM. 723. niSThAM samAsadat M. 825. drakSantaM M, LD. 728. bhAsvaram M, P. 826. kSaNam M. 737. tasminnahina N. 828. maraNottINoM M. 741. 3 nivApa'M, D. 830. vaiyAtyA . 747. prahitaiH punaH M. 832. Read 'nyadana. 750. rAjyasmizaSyAmo M with L. 835. 'nAjA M with L. 754. kaMci .M. 838. mAninam M. 755. ET vidhatte smanaca M. 839. nItvaivaM M, L,N,C,D. tAjya 756. parijJAtuM M. M, L, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 757. Read nirvyayeNAsya with c. O cintya- 840. OM siMhAsane sa M with L. mAnavyayena M with L. 841. kRtAhAroya M. 759. vyavahAre M. | 843. C yukti M. S nyAnvaco M with 760. lubdhAttasmAda. M. 3 zAjantuM M, L, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 844. Read caM manvaM saM nA. 761. 7 te cApi M, L, as suggested by P. 845. OM sAzinAM M with L. Durgaprasad. 850. sAkaM M. 762. 13 madhyasthasainyAttasyAmeyAMdhAH M; compare 852. OMvahAstena MB compare L. 858. dRSTA M. vAravadhUH M. 766. mathurA M. 869. amerikadeg M with L. 769. zalAM with L. 864. syAtta M. Read prANAnmopekSiSThA. 770. ET samarAya M with L. 1 degzizriyat | 865. samApipat M with L. M, L, P, D. 1866. silhAM, 771. sahasthitI M with L. rAjamutauM. 869. ma hodaya M with L. 772. vAdibhiH M with L. 873. cAprakA M. carcA kathaM M with L. 774. tamora M; compare my note on VII, 668. | 874. OM bhUtpUSeva M with L. tuSprekSI. 776. kArya . 876. pratIkAzA M; read pratIkAza' prakaToM M. 779. OM uccacAra ca M with L.. 1881. vigatotsAhoM, L, vigatoSaNIko P; read 782. zAmyedaribhayaM M. farmatsutal with D nd compare 783. cautA M, L, D. viviJcatA M niruSNISa at VII,992. ___with L. 888. bandhAsaMtyajya M; read bandhAsaMtyAjya. 785.5 lIyake N with L. 892. pradaparyAya M. "nAsAvi . bhizAvaDo 792. kila diSi M. M with L; compare VII, 337, 617, 795. dUramAM. __and my notes on 621,629. 796. badansa tAn M. ' 897. bhrAtrorAnae, zAntayorgataHM : compare 797. "mupAnyAsa M; read "mupanyAsa'. L. C sAnvani M with L. 800. utkarSa M. 901. tatrAgantuM M. 801. OM tiSThanna M, L, as suggested by P.] 902. zrutigate M. Durgaprasad. 908. sainyapi M. 802. I satpAtmajaM M with L. 904. sa haraMstu M. 804. ddhakSaca. M, L, D, . P; read | 907. bhAMkAriM. rvArddhakSatri0. F dharAdharaH M with L. | 908. OM prAkRtAnIva M, as suggested by Dr. 807. 'muskrodhA M. Stein (Test).

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. 910. apr I T 493 faina M. 991. Pivo M with L. Translate :-.The horse, powerful be 995. " H: MSS. and D(fadeg C). cause it was of Khandesh breed, having crossed the swollen river, also followed 998. Ti M, N, P, L, C, D. M. him who was being inmersed in great garra M with L. danger.' 1002. M, L, as suggested by P. 912. Read files with D. Durgaprasad. 913. fear M with L. 1004. Refacaca M, as suggested by P. 916. Read perhaps auf Dargaprasad, 918. The second half runs thus in M:- 1006. M, P, D. qua rat itaa a u 1009. P M with L. . aalt 1010. Pareitafers M; read THE 919. Tag M with L. 1011. : M, C. 921. THT MSS., C, D. fato M. 1012. M 922. a uto M with L. 1014. TTTMSS., L, C, D. D ar 924. a M. M,D; see Panini, VI, 1, 89. 927. urtea: M. Compare Vikramanka- 1019. 44 M, as suggested by P. devacharita, XII, 12, and Hemachandra's Anekarthasaragraha, II, 118, Durgaprasad. commentary. 1022. TAGIT M; read THIG B A 929. P iratfat: M. M, L, C. 932. quae M. 1024. M. TUFURT M. 935. aula M, L, as suggested by P. 1025. faeder M, L, P, D. Durgaprasad. Mwith L. 1026. a M. 939. To : M, N, P, C, D. 1029.1 ART M, L, as suggested by P. 943. B I RT M with L. Durgaprasad, 949. Faro M. : = TEIT 1042. T 7 M, L, as suggested by P. * aut; compare VII, 941, Durgaprasad. 953. C UTE M, as suggested by P. 1043. Read . Darga prasad. M. 1045. U A, P, E, C, D. 955. A T M. 1047. The reading requires no 956. TITTAT M. change; compare Sisupalavadha, I, 58. 957. Ndeg M. 1053. Read u with D. 963. Fatui aa (TET Tdeg M. 1054. B a n Mwith L ; compare VII, 964. M. 1299. Here and in verses 1062 and 965. ATUT M. TEM. . 1065 M reads ge for . Trofeo M. Compare the footnote in 1056. Ara M with L. Dr. Stein's Translation. 1059. Read THU: with C, as suggested by 968. M. P. Durgaprasad. 969. P M. TEM. 1062. Read perbaps Para 971. 17 THT M, as suggested by P. 1096. Read tut with O. Durgaprasad. 1112. M, P. afuan M; Siva 974, attes M. and Vishnu are alluded to. 979. OTT M with L. 1113. Hafazanat: M. 67 79: MSS., 980. ParaTRU M with L. C, D. 981. P a ga: M with L. 1114. M. 1994 M. HRT: M. 982. i 47 M: 1115. gai Jay M. 983. 44 M with L. B rno 1118. 1deg M. M with L. 1119. 3: M; compare VII, 935 and 986. Read miswi with D. Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 446. 988. M, L, as suggested by P. 1120. M. Durgaprasad. P t M, L, C. 1121. B TN M

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APRIL, 1911.] CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S SEVENTH TARANGA 1122. 'tAmbUlaparityAge M. 1123. nArikela M. C. 1124. pimpalA M. Read pApaddhi', 'chase,' as suggested by P. Durga prasad. 1127 pari M. bhavet M. 1129 Read cojjhanpra'. 1182. AyurvarSAyutA M with L. 1135. 'parAnya [[nupA] yAnaseveta M. 1197 kRte N, P, D. 1189 syupahato' M. 1141.tarAyu: M, I, as suggested by P Durgaprasad. 1148 tasminneva kSobhavan M. 1147yAbhiraGkamAropya M, L, as suggested by P. Dargaprasad. 1148. Read fare: with D. After 1149M inserts the same verse as L... 1150. sarvA M, L; kAcitku M. Read perhaps dArvAbhisAreNa dAkaviskopito and compare Dr. Stein's footnote on I, 180, where it is shown that Rajapuri was included in Darvabhisara. gharApateH M. 1154. 1156 tena mArgituM bhUri M. 1170 1171 1172 prerayatsvA M. ranbhramanviSya M with I. thakkana' M with L. 1173. : M. 1174 tadvaradAkrA' M. rAjJA ca M. 1176. 'mairayakSmApaM M, C, D. 1177. vAtaga eDasta all. with L. bhajaraM M with L. visUtrite tu M. durge sainvera' M. 1178. 1179 1180. kopi M. caepakaM M 1182. saMgrAmAnati M. 1187. hervihitairiva M. 1188. kSapayankAMzcitkSapaNe kAMzcidutthayan M. 1189. vAravisUtram M. 3192 pasiSatApagAH M ( sidhyatA only C). 1194. sapheNeva M, C. 1195 Read dArade:. 1200.ra M, L, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 208. tena mantriNA M. 1212. tamudayasya nivezane M. 1218. Read perhaps sacivamudayAkhyaM. 1220. dInA in both cases M. 1221. dInAraiH M. Momits the second half of verse 1227 and the first half of 1228. 1229 1280. 1231 1236. 1288. 1241 1250. 1269. 1272 1273. 1279 1283. 1289. 1292. nuddha M. 1301. 1302. 1305. mahAnasam M. 1251 1256. kAliJjara M, P, D. 1261. kAGkSitA M. 1262. 'yAtA M, P, D. mAndhRto' M. vatsacandrasya M. 1264 1266 M. tamarinAzAya M. Read] krUraM or krUrA. 'kAkAdyA M. karNau M, D. 1342. 1344. 1845. akhidyanta M. dugdhavAte M; see Dr. Stein's note on VII, 1171. loja he M, N. jAti M. kazmIra M. degmuddhatam M. M. sanaM M, N, P, C, D. sAtavAhanAmAnaM cando' M. canda M, D. kAzmIra MSS., C, D. DAmarAH / nirgatA M. VII, 1298. vaizAkha sita M, P. 1297 1298. vaha MSS, C, D. 1299. Read kSematAtmajaM as suggested by Dr. Stein (Text); compare VII, 482. AsthApaya M, N, D. ivAvizat M. khAzakA M. sainikam M. 1807. 1311. rathAdI" M. kAkANyavaizya M. 1822. nAvadan M. 1825. cAnIkaiH M. 1326. puraM M. 1832. 1333. 101 vaha M ; see yam M. pATite M. M, P, D. virodhinAm M, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. saMgha M. 1346.kAraM M. vatmapathe M, N. dapAkRtaH M. 1349. 1351. mAyAnidhimahAvahaM ripoH M. 1364. qua L, N, P, C, D. 1377 Read perhaps saMspadhinA. 1380. Read perhaps manasya'. 1385. Read perhaps :. 1391. 1398 Read bhUta. taSprabhAvaH M, N, C, D with Al

Page #108
102 1899. M in the margin. 1598 Read vighno rAjaputrastha. 1401.mA vyAkSIravirAdevaM M. 1601. N, P, D. 1408. kApyabhi M. 1607. zeyarAja M. zarIratAM M. 1609 cAbhramat M. M, as suggested by P. Durga- 1620. 1408. 1410. prasid. nyAdivikriyAH M, P, D. 1418 1492 asaMkhya M. gested by P. Durgaprasad. M, D. M. haThApAtinIM M. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1438. 1440 1441. Read perhaps ar:. 1450 kIrtanam M. 1454. bhyupasthite M. 1459. parAzraye M. 1462. mahAdevyA M. 1463. ff M. 1465. 'vAsI P, D. 1467. maNDaja M. 1480. saJjakA M. nyAyye M, as sug 1485. Read cAbhramayarasmayAt. 1487. avakalya seems to mean the same as nIvi, a hostage'; compare VII, 1473. 1489. 7 janAnubhiH M. 1491 parasminvaitastaM M; 1492. Read t 1509 darzaya M. 1510. piTa M. 1511. M, C, D. 1514. [r] M. 1519. 1525. read 'tastatIre. MSS., C, D. kalazAhaM M; compare kalazagaJja at VII, 570. Read perhaps a f. uri M. 1583. 1538. Read perhaps far. He (nearly) died repeatedly of fever, and with him his father (out of anxiety for him).' 1542 sthAnasthaH M. 1543. M. 1549. Read reafter. 1556. tIrNaistato M. 1561.7: M, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 1567. Read or with D. bhramat M. 1569. 1577. Read 1583 atyanta M. 1594. M, as corrected by Dr. Stein. 1595. nAva M; read nauvasmai sa prApa M. 1597.gri M. 1624 1626. 1627 1628. 1629. 1650 1654 1657. 1659 1668 FM, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. gRhAntarAt M. preyAzramaM M. bhaviSyAmi M. 1633 niHsahAyatA M. 1635. somezvaryabhidhAH M. 'vanAntike M, N with A1. 1664. 1665. 1667. 1636. nar M. 1637. M. M, P, D. 1641. M. 1642. Read 1644. 1645. 1646. 1649 vRSTipAta M, D. M, E. if with D. tasya bhImavato bhImA rAtridhaurA M. nizAm M, P.O, D. [APRIL, 1911. prAptAvamAnaM M. g: M, L, C, D. hastikarNAntikaM M. gRhe tiSThastatra yuvA M. sabakA M. lAlitakacaika: M; compare L and the footnote in Dr. Stein's Translation. rivaikA M. bhUbhRtAmapi M. AlApavyavahArAdi M. Real art with C, D. Durgaprasad. Read prayAgeNa prAGgaNasthena with D. r M. 1730. 1781. 1782. Read M, as suggested by P. 1670 1675. 1677. 1678. Read r with C, D. 1679. M, A1, E, D. 1680. Read gardu with C, D. 1681. tataH pAce M. 1682 viniHzvasya M, D. 1686. yathaiva M. 1687 zrutvA putraM M. ninyate M. 1698. Read or with C, D. 1702. Read with D. VIII, 4, 13. nAnusRta M. 1712. deg C, D. 1727. Read with D; see Papini, E with L. H

Page #109
APRIL, 1911.) DONALD WILLIAM FERGUSON 103 DONALD WILLIAM FERGUSON. BY A. M. FERGUSON, M.E.A.S. [I have a sad pleasure in publishing this memoir. Donald Perguson was a valued contributor to these pages, and always ready to assist me in any obscure point of Oriental knowledge requiring acquaintance with the languages and literatures of the European nations connected with the East.-ED.] Donald William Ferguson was born at Colombo, Ceylon, on the 8th October, 1853, died of pleurisy at Samanala,' Croydon, on the 29th June, 1910, in his 57th year, and was cremated at Golders Green on the 2nd July following. He was the third son of the late A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G., who arrived in Ceylon in 1837 and died there in 1892, being for the most part of those 55 years chief proprietor and editor of the Ceylon Observer. Mr. D, W. Ferguson was educated at Denmark Hill Grammar School, Camberwell, by O. P. Mason, the celebrated grammariau ; at Mill Hill School by R. F. Weymouth, D. Litt.; and at Regent's Park Baptist College, by Dr. Joseph Angus, M.A., author of "The Bible Handbook." He married, in 1883, Winifred Meredith, the daughter of the Rev. F, D, Waldock of Ceylon. His widow and two daughters survive him. Although delicate in childhood, knapsack walking tours in Switzerland with his elder brother so strengthened him that in his 17th year he was able, with the same companion, to walk in Bohemia 50 miles in one day and 34 miles the next. Mr. Ferguson studied medicine under Dr. Frederick Roberts at University College, London, but gave that ap for literary work. He was for many years co-proprietor and co-editor of the Ceylon Observer with his father and with his cousin, John Ferguson, C.M.G., who has now been connected with Ceylon for nearly 50 years. By medical advice he had to retire to England in 1893, and spent the last 17 years of his life at Croydon in doing most valuable work relating to the ancient history of his native island, as the sabjoined list of his works in the British Museum Library will show. He had a good command of French, German, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish : also an acquaintance with Latin, Italian, Sinhalese, Tamil and other languages. He inherited his father's talent for remombering accurately what he read. He was a frequent and accoptable contributor to the Athenum, Notes and Queries Indian Antiquary, Orientalist, and the Journals of the Royal Asiatio Societies of Great Britain and Ceylon, of both of which he was a life moinber. He was also a member of the Philological Society, where he made valued friendships with the late Dr. Richard Garnett, Dr. F. J. Farnivall, etc. He was a man of strong views, and hated all shans. Needless to say, he was a constant student in the British Museum Reading Room, from the catalogues of which the following list of his works is compiled :-- Ferguson, Donald William. See Kuhn, E. W.A. On the earliest Aryan element of tho Sinhalese Vocabulary ... Translated by D. F. (1885?). 8deg. See Ferguson, William, of the Ceylon Civil Service. List of writers on Ceylon, etc. (Enlarged by D. W.F.) [1886.] 8o. See Daalmang, A. E. A Belgian Physician's Notes on Ceylon .... Translated from the Dutch by D. W.F. (1888 ?] 8deg. Captain Joao Ribeiro : his work on Ceylon, and the French translation thereof by the Abbe Le Grand. Extracted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, pp. 47, [Colombo ? 1888.) 8o. See Ribeiro, J., Capitano, Ribeiro's account of the siege of Colombo in 1655 56. (Translated) by D. W. F., etc. (1891.) 8o. The Reverend Philippus Ballous and bis book on Ceylon, pp. II, 47. Colombo, 1895. 16deg

Page #110
104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. Captain Robert Knox : the 20 years captive in Ceylon.... Contributions towards a biography, pp. 72. Printed for private circulation. [1896-97] 8o. See Knox, R., Captain. Robert Knox's Sinhalese Vocabulary, (Edited) by D. W.F., etc. (1897) 8. See Texeira, P. The Travels of Pedro Texeira... with ... an introduction by D. F. [1902] 8deg. See Vieyra, C. and Calao, V. Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, written in 1534 and 1586. With an introduction ... by D. F., etc. Portuguese and English [1902) 8deg Correspondence between Raja Sinha II and the Dutch (1645-1660]. Extracted from Journal No. 15, Vol. 18, of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch [1904.] 8o. See Rajasimha II, King of Ceylon. Cartas de Raja Singa II, Rei de Candia, aos Hollandasas, 1636-60, publicadas por D. Ferguson (1907] 8o. The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506 ..... Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX, Colombo [1908] 8o. See Barros, Joao de. History of Ceylon from the earliest times to 1600 A.D., as related by J. de Barros and D. do Conto. Translated and edited by D. F., 1909. 8deg. (Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 60). FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M. A., TRIVANDRUM. The temple of Parasuramesvara, from which the five inscriptions edited below bave been copied, is situated in the village of Gudimallam, six miles north of Renigunta, which is a village, with a railway station, in the Chandragiri taluka of the North Arcot District. One of the inscriptions belonging to this temple informs us that it was completely rebuilt in the ninth year of the reign of Vikramacholadeva (A.D. 1126). The present structure is not after the common model of the period to which it belongs: the vimana has the so-called gajaprishthakriti shape : but a close study of the plan and sections, given in the accompanying plate, warrant the conclusion that the architect had distinctly in view the shape of the linga ;' and hence the rimana might better be styled a lingakriti-vimana. Again, the linga of this temple is a most remarkable one, in that it is an exact copy of the phallus, and has the various portions shaped very accurately. It has been made out of a hard igneous rock of a dark brown colour, samples of which are found near the Tirumala hills. The linga and the image of Siva carved on its front side are very highly polished. Unlike the I ater representations, the image of Siva has been made with only a single pair of hands, the right Carrying a ram by its hind legs and the left holding a water-vegsel. A battle-axe rests on its left shoulder (from which perhaps he derives bis name of Parasuramesvara), and there is the usual matted and twisted hair (jala) on his head. He is standing on the shoulders of a Rakshasa whom the sculptor has represented with a pair of animal ears. The linga is the only one of its kind in 1 No. 212 of the Government Epigraphist's Colleotion for the year 1903. ? The gajaprishthakriti-vimana is found only in Saiva temples; e g., the Dharme van temple at Manimau galam, the Saiva temples at Somangalam, Pennagaram, Bbaradvajabrama near Aroot, Tirappalivanam, Kondur (Dear Madras), Vada Tiramullaivayil, etc., eto. I have not come noross any Vaishnava temple having this kind of timana.

Page #111
The Lingam. Plan and Sections. Plan. Section A-B. The Parasuramesvara temple : Gudimallam. will Section of the Lingam Section C-D. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, COLL& PHOTO-LITHO

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APRIL, 1911.] FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM Southern India, and from its sculpture, it may be set down at the latest to about the second or the third century A.D. The plate shows the front view of it. Of the five inscriptions under notice, one was discovered by Mr. Venkayya and the four others by me. The stones on which are the four latter inscriptions, were lying scattered about the precincts of the Parasuram avara temple. One of the slabs, that bearing on it the inscription B., was broken into six pieces: they were found after much search, and were put together, and the inscription was thus recovered. 105 The inscriptions are in general in an excellent state of preservation; but the stone bearing A. is broken lengthwise, and the first few letters of each of the lines are lost; but it is easy to supply them from the context. Also, the slab on which E. is engraved is broken on the right side, on account of which the last few letters of the first eight lines and the first letters of a portion of the inscription on the back of it are lost; in this record, the subject-matter cannot be made oat, but the regnal year and the name of the king in whose reign the document is dated are easily read. As regards orthography, the records present very few peculiarities to which attention might be drawn. What little is worth noting, is given in the introductory remarks to each record. These inscriptions are of great importance in fixing the exact periods of the Baus kings, to whose reigns they belong. The records A. and B. are dated Saka 820 and 827 respectively, and refer themselves to the reign of Vijayaditya, a son, according to A., of Bana-Vidyadhara, and his wife Maraka [nim]madigal. Another Vijayaditya-Mahavali-Vanarayar is mentioned in E. as the contemporary of Visaiya-Dantivikramavarmar, in the 49th year of whose reign the record is dated. In C., mention is made of Vana-Vidyadhara, the Bapa, who ruled under Nripatungs, and the record is dated the 24th year of the reign of the latter. The inscription D. belongs to the 23rd year of the reign of Nandippottaraaar, whose contemporary was Vikramaditya-MahavaliVanarayar. From the Udayandiram grant of the Bana king Vikramaditya II, we obtain the following genealogy of the Bana kings: 1. Jayanandivarman (He ruled the western portion of the Vadagavali country.) I 2. Vijayaditya I 8. Malladeva or Jagadekamalla 1 4. Banavidyadhara 5. Prabhameru 6. Vikramaditya I 7. Vijayaditya II, 8. Vijayabahu-Vikramaditya II, a friend of Krishnaraja II of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. 3 Compare this image with the picture of the Yaksha given on p. 36 of Grunwedel's Buddhist Art in India an translated by Gibbson and Burgess. The face, the ear and the ear-ornaments, the arms and the ornaments on them, the necklace and its design, the arrangement of drapery, particularly the big folds that descend between the legs, all these are identically the same in both the image of Siva reproduced here and the Yaksha already mentioned. alias Pugalvippavarganda Four of these are now set up in front of the entrance of the temple and that on which our inscription B. is engraved, is left in the safe custody of the village officer. Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 76.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . [APRIL, 1911. From this genealogy we learn that Vikramaditya II, alias Vijayabaha, who was a friend of the Rashtrakuta king Ktishna II, who reigned A.D. 888-911, must have role in the last decades of the ninth century A.D. Therefore the Vijayaditya mentioned in our inscriptions A. and O., whose datos are given as S 820 and 827 (A.D. 898 and 905), must necessarily be later thau Vikramaditya II; and, since he comes immediately after Vikramaditya in point of time, he should be the successor of Vikramaditya II. From A. we learn that the father of this Vijayaditya was Banavidyadhara. Hence the latter, preceding Vijayaditya, as he must have done, may be identical with Vikramaditya II. If this identification is correct, we have to infer that Vikramiditys II mast have borne the surname Banavidyadhara. From an inscription at Manigatta Gollaha!li in the Kolar District, Mysore, we learn that a Bejeyitta-Banarasa was reigning in Saka 831-A.D. 909-10. And from the fact that the period in which that ruler lived agrees with that of the Vijayadity of our inscriptions A. and B., there is no difficulty in taking the three records as referring to one and the same individual. The Bana king bearing the name, Banavidyadhara mentioned in O., who is described as a contemporary of Nripatunga, must also be the same as the one referred to in A. But A. states that this Banavidyadhara's wife was named Marakanimmadigal : hence he must be different from the Bans king of the same name, mentioned in the Tiruvallam inscriptions, whose wife was Kundavrai, a daughter of the Ganga king Prithvipati 1.7 The inference that the king mentioned in the Tiruvallam inscription mast be different from him who figures in our A. and B., is borne out by the fact that the former lived about A.D. 814-77, the period assigned to Prithvipati I, whereas, the inscriptions edited below show that the latter flourished about A.D. 898-905, that is, a generation or two after the latter. In my paper on "Six Pallava Inscriptions," I have shown (1) that the so-called GangaPallaras are identical with the regular Pallavas; (2) that the names Dantivarman, Dantivarmamaharaja, Dantippottarasar and Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman refer to a single individual; similarly, the names Nandi varman, Nandippu tarasar, Vijaya Nandivikramavarman indicate one and the same person ; (3) that the kings Dantirarman, Nandirarman and Nripatungavarman were grandfather, father and son, respectively; and (4) that their reigas must have extendeed approximately as follollows :Dantivarman *** ". .. .. ... A.D. 760 to 811. Nandivarman ... ... ... ... . 811 to 873. Nrijatangavarman ... ... ... ... ... . 873 to 899. Then the 49th year of the reign of Dantivarman, given in E., must approximately be A. D. 809, a date which fits in very well for Vijvaditya, son-in-law of the Ganga Prithvipati I, who ruled, as We have stated already, from A, D. 814 to 877. The contemporary of Nandivarman about the 28rd vear of his reign, that is, A.D. about 824, according to D., was Vikramiditya. Since Vijayaditya, the contemporary of Dantivarman, the father lived so near in point of time to Vikramaditya, the contemporay of Nandippottarasar, the son. I feel inclined to take Vijayaditya as the father of Vikramiditya. But the U.layondiran plates joform us that Prabhamuru was the name of the father of Vikramaditya ; when it woull follow that Prabhumora was a biruda of Vijayaditya, the contemporary of Dantivarman. If all the identifications ventured above are correct, the genealogy of the Binas and synchronisms of this with the other dynasties will be as follows: * No. 99 of the Government Epigraphat's Collection for 1899: And Ep. Cam., Vol. I, Mb. 8:29. * 8. I.I., Vol. II, Nos. 247 and 248. . To be published shortly. No. 512 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1903 bears out this conclusion. Therein the king is called Mabavali Vanarasar Vijayadityan Viruchila napi Prabhumeru.

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107 FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM APRIL, 1911.] Century. A.D. 750. A.D. 800, A.D. 900. Table of Synchronisms of the S. Indian dynasties during A.D. 750 to 900. Rashtrakutas. Gangas. Banas. 1. Jayanandivarman. 2. Vijayaditya I. 3. Malla or Jagadekamalla. 4. Banavidyadhara. 5. Prabhumeru [alias Vijayaditya II 10 6. Vikramaditya I [alias Banavidyadhara]; md. Kundarvai, daughter of Prithvipati I.11 7. Vijayaditya III. 8. Vijayabahu Vikramaditya II [alias Bana Vidyadhara, md. Marakanimmadigal]. Pallavas. Dantivarman. Nandivarman. Nripatungavarman. Dantidurga II (A.D. 754). Govinda III (A,D. 782-814). Amoghavarsha I (A.D. 814-876). Krishna II (A.D. 888-911). Sivamara II (A.D. 805-810). Prithvipati I. Marasimha I. Prithvipati II. Cholas. Aditya I. Parantaka I (A.D. 907-947). 9. Vijayaditya IV. 10 Those in square brackets indicate the identifications proposed in the paper. 11 8. I. I.; Vol. II. Kielhorn in his "Synohromatio Table for S. India" (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII) takes Vikramaditya I, as the contemporary of Nripatunga, which does not agree with the facta noticed in this paper. [For a different view, see Bloe's Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 19-D. R. B.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. If, according to the identification arrived at in the preceding paragraphs, Prabhumeru should be assumed to have borne the name Vijayaditya, he would become the second of that name; for, the first Vijayaditya was the son of Jayanandivarman. Then, the third Vijayaditys would be he, who has hitherto been known as the second ; and the fourth and last Vijayaditya would be the son of Vikramaditya II, alias Banavidyadhara. The last known date of Vijayaditya IV is Saka 831 (A.D. 909).13 In the 9th year of the reign of Parantaka-Chola I, he vanquished two Banas and presented their kingdom to the Ganga Prithvipati II.15 This conquest by Parantaka must have taken place sometime before A.D. 916, the 9th year of his reign. Since the last known date, A.D. 909, for the Bana Vijayaditya IV, is so near A.D. 915, he must be one of the two Bagas deposed by Parantaka I. A study of the foregoing table enables us to note that, in the majority of the cases, the names Vijayaditya, Mabavali-Vanaraya, and Banavidyadhara were borne alternately by the Bana kings: for example, Nos. 2, 5, 7 and 9 are Vijayadityas, while Nos, 4, 6 and 8 are Banavidyadharas. Of the three Banavidyadharas, two are Vikramadityas. A.-Of the time of Vijayaditya-Mahavali-Vanaraya : dated Saka 820. This inscription is engraved on three sides of a stone lying in the yard in front of the Parasuramesvara temple. The stone is broken lengthwise on the proper right side, and hence the first few letters of each of the lines are lost; from the context these can be easily supplied. The front of the stone, and the side, are smooth, whereas the back is very rough; consequently, that portion of the inscription that is engraved on the back is partly illegible. The characters are Tamil, except the Bana introduction in Sanskrit giving the name, etc., of the Bana king, wbich is written in the Grantha alphabet. Other Sanskrit words occurring in the inscription are also in Grantha : e.g., parasuramesvara, prithvirajyam, sandhya and sabhai. The language of the record is also Tamil. The inscription mentions first the Bana king, Banavidyadhara and his wife Marakanimmadigal. Their son Vijayaditya-Mahavali. Vanarayar is next introduced. The record is dated Saka 820, in the reign of this Vijayaditya. Marakanimmatigal, the mother of the ruling king, paid to the assembly of Tiruvippiramapedu a sum of money, from the interest of which they were bound to supply the necessaries for the evening offerings and for burning a perpetual lamp before the god Parasnramesvara. * The place Tiruvippi ramapedu, mentioned in the inscription, may be identified with the modern Yerpedu, a station on the Pakala-Gudur section of the Madras Railway. It is about five miles east of Gudimallam, and seems to have included in ancient times the present Gudimallam in which at present the temple is situated. Text.14 Front of the slab 1. [Sva]sti Sri [11] Saka2. [la-ja]gattray-a3. [bhivandi]ta-surabu4. [radbi]sa-Parameova5. [ra-pra]ti-harikriti-Ma6. [haba] li-kul-otbha 7. [va-sri]-Vanavi. 8. [dyadha]rar Maladevi 9. [ga]layina Maraka10. [nim]madiga! magani 12 See note 6, on p. 106, above. 15 s. I.I., Vol. II, pp. 867 to 388. 14 From impressions prepared by me.

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APRIL 1911.) FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM 109 11. [r Vijayaditte-Mabi12. [vali]-Vapariyar prithi13. [vi-ri]iyan-joyya D]Sa14. [gara]y-andn en15. CnuJutirabad ravada 16. (Tiru)vippiramapet[ta] 17. ari]-Paracuramjavaragara18. [t]tu-pperumanadi[ga] 19. [lu]kku sa[ndhya) kaJatta Side of the slab 20. [tirajyamadakkum nanda-vilakku oprukkumaga-kkudutta sem bon 21. mappadin-kalaoju [..] Ippon Madevi adigal pakkal ivvur 88 22. bhsai]yoi-kondu ipponnukku-ppoli ucjaga tiruvamudukku nisadam iBack of the slab 28. . ... .dan-je[la]ttu24. [vo]m=anom sabhai25. [y]m .. ... .. 26. . .... ... .. 27, nda belutts * masjiekkadat29. [tom] sabhaiyom 30. nr-enrom Ga31. []gai idai-kkuma32. [ri]dai-chcheyda[r be)33. yda pavattu-ppa 34. [du]var-anar [!*]. Translation. Hail! Prosperity! While Vijayaditya-Maha vali-Vayariyar, son of Marakanimmadigal who was the great queen of the glorious Vaqavidyadbars, -born from the family of Mabubali, who had been made the door-keepers of Paramesvara (Siva), the lord of gods and demons, who is worshipped in all the three worlds ---was ruling the earth: in the Saka year eight hundred and twenty, a gift of thirty Kalajus of gold was made by the Madevi-adigal for offerings in the evening and for one perpetual lamp to the Lord of Sri-Parasara mesvaragaram of Tiruvippiramapoda. (Line 22.) We, the assembly of this town shall receive the gols from the great queen (and) as interest on this gold, we, the aseembly shall have to pay . ... daily for offerings 28. (The rest of the inscription, being fragmentary, is left untranslated.) B.-or the Time of Vijayaditta-Vaparaya : dated Saks 837. The slab of stone on which the subjoined inscription is engraved is, as already stated, broken into six pieces. But the inscription is not thereby much damaged; only a few letters are lost here and there. The record is otherwise in a very good state of preservation. The alphabet of the inscription is Tamil, but Sanskrit words are written in Grantha ; e. g., Vijayaditta Vanarayar prithvirajyam in lines 3 and 4, and sabhai in lines 7 and 21. Tue letter si, oceurring in the word kala njio in line 14, is corrected from bu. The inscription belongs to the reign of the Bana king Vijayaditya, and is dated Saka 8[2]7 that is, seven years after the first record (A. above). It states that an adhilarin named Viramangalan-gilar gave to the Sabha of Tiruvirpiramapedu, twenty kalanjus of gold, from

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. the interest of which they agreed to burn a perpetual lamp before the god Parasaramebvaragaram. The rate of interest per annum per kalanju of pon was four manjadis ; and so the total interest on the twenty kalanjus amounted to four kal anjus ; this comes to twenty per cent, per annum, a rather heavy rate of interest. The buying capacity of a pon may be judged from the fact that 45 nalis of ghee could be obtained for a kalanju of pon. So, then, four kalanjue represent 180 nalis which, at the rate of ball a nali per day for barning a lamp, would last for the whole year. Tiravirpiramapeda is said to belong to the Silainada of the Tiruvengadakkottam. Text.15 1. Svasti Sri[18] Sa[gara]yiq. 2. du 8[2]7 (ava]du Vi3. jayaditta-Va[na]rays 4. [1] prithvi-rajyan-jeyya 5. t Tiravengada-kkotfattu-ch Chilai6. natta-t Tiruvirpiramapetta7. [sabhaija]m [Adi]k[]ri Viramanga8. langi(lar va]li pakka116 engal-urp9. Parabur[ame Jovaragarattu-ppiranarkku= 10. chchandiraditta-gata[m] na[nda]vilak11. [ke]ripCpa]darku konda pop 12.17[ip]pon madal irubadip-kala13. [n]jinal-(1)anduvarai (na]la manja14. di=ppalisaiyar=pon [n]arkelanji 15. nar=kalaojukku na[rpattjai())nnali16. ppadi nurr-enbadi[na]li neyyal nisadi uri(y)ney kondu nanda18. Vilakku matlamai erippom=anom[11] 19. mutir-kangaiyidai-kkumari idaichche20. ydar beyda p[a"]vam pa[da]vom=ape21. m Sabhaiyom Translation Hail! Prosperity! In the Saka year 8[2]7, while Vijayaditta-Vanariyar is ruling the earth, We, the sigembly of Tiruvirpiramapeda in the Silainadu, (a sub-division of the Tiruvongadakkottam, have received 20 K18 of gold from the adhihkarin, Viramangalangilar, for barning a perpetual lamp as long as the moon and sun endure, before the Lord of Parasaramesvaragaram of our town. (Line 12.) With this capital of 20 kalanjus of gold, (the aggregate interest accruing) at the end of a year, at an interest of four manjadis on each kalanju of gold), is foar kalanjus of gold; from these four kalanjus), one hundred and eighty nalis (of ghee) (being realised) at the rate of fourty-five nalis per kalanju, we bind ourselves to burn, without failure, a perpetual lamp, (feeding it) with ghee at the rate of uri per diem. (Line 19.) If we, the assembly, should fail to fulfil the contract), we shall incur all the sins committed between the (River) Ganga and (Cape) Kumari. 15 From Impressions prepared by me.. 16 Either vali or pakkal slone would do ; both of them mean the same thing and heno one is redundant. 11 There must be the figare twonty followed by a symbol for kalaitu. It is broken in the original. 11 The symbol for kalanju in the original is represented here with K.'

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APRIL 1911.) PIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM 111 c.-or the time of Vinavijjadara-Mahavali-Vanarays: dated in the 34th year of Nripatunga. This inscription is engraved on the four faces of a slab of stone, the left half of the upper portion of which is broken and lost. Therefore the last few letters of each lino of the upper half of one of the sides, and the first few letters of each line of the upper half of the back, are lost. But the inscription can be made out easily as far as line 17, after which the reading becomes fragmentary Hence that portion of the inscription beyond line 17 has been omitted in the transcript and translation Excepting the Bans introdaction beginning with sakala jagatrayao and the few Sanskrit words that occur here and there, the alphabet of the inscription is Tamil. The Sanskrit Bana introduction and the words prithvirajyam, sabhai, and dharmma" are in the Grantha characters. The language of the record is Tamil. The inscription seems to make some provision for feeding Brabmanas, and is dated the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Nripatunga. His feudatory, Vana-Vijjadhara-Maharali-Vanariyar is represonted as ruling over the western portion of the Vadugavali. Text.19 Front of the slab 1. Sva[eti sri][I] 2. Npi(patun] 3. garku [yan]4. du iruba[ttuna)8. lavada [l*] (Sakala)6. jagattra[y-abhi]. 7. vandita-(sarasura]8. dbisa-Param@[ava]9. ra-pratiharikrita10. eri-Mahabali11. kul-otbhava12. bri-Vanavi13. jjadhara-Maba14. bali-Vana 15. rayar VadugaSide of the slab 16. Valiyin merku prithvi-rajyan=jeyya=t-Tiruvengada=k17. kotfattu=chChilainatgu = t-Tiravir(P)piramapettu sabhai.... Translation. Hail ! Prosperity! The twenty-fourth year of the reign) of Nripatunga (being current) :(Line 5.) (The translation of this passage is the same as of lines 1-7 of 4). (Line 12.) When Sri-Vanavijjadhara-Mahavali-Vanarayar as ruling the western portion of the Vadagavali (country), the assembly of Tiruvir(p)piramapedu, belonging to the Silainadu, (a subdivision of the Tiravengadakkottam....... D. or the time of Vikkiramaditta Mavali-Vinariya : dated in the 23rd year of Nandipottaraiya. This inscription is engraved on the front and down the side of a slab of stone, and is in an 'xcellent state of preservation. The language and the alphabet of the inscription is, with but a few exceptions, Tamil The words prithvirajyam, Agnisarmman, dravanai, parafurameivarattu, mahadevar, 11 From impression prepared by me.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. and sabhai are written in the Granths characters. In line 25, the phrase bek kullanilelam is a mistake for bekku!'anavelam. The letter pa in manravadu in line 4 has a separate secondary a symbol. The record belongs to the reign of the Bana prince, Vikramaditya-Mahavali-Vanarayar,20 and is dated in the twenty-third year of the reign of his overlord Nandippottarabar. The Bana prince is represented in this inscription, also, as ruling over the Vadugavali-merku. Agnisarmman, one of the members of the gana (assembly ?), sold a plot of land called Veppambol-ppal, and Mullirkilir purchased it and gave it to the Parasuramesvara temple for burning a perpetual lamp before the god of that temple. The Sabha ordered that thenceforth all oil-mills in the town should be placed on this piece of land, and their owners should be obliged to supply a certain quantity of oil per mill. Text.21 Front of the slab 1. Svasti Sri [1] Nandi2. ppottaraiyark. 3. ku yandu iru4. battu-munra5. vadu Vikkirama6. ditta-Marali7. Vanarayar Vadu. 8. gavali-merka 9. Prithvirajyan= 10. jeya: Tiruvipira11. maped=&lan=gana12. ttaral Mullir=kil[a]13. Veppambol14. ppal ivvur=ala. 15. =ganattaru! Ko16. laippanurakka17. piyar Agnisa[r]mma18. vilai bravanai 22. 19. yal virru-kon. 20. du ivvur Parasu. 21. r[a] mibvarattu Ma[hide]. 29. varkku tiruvilak23. ka neyppuram2=[x] 24. ga kuduttar (l') Side of the slab 25. ivvur sabhaiyo(m)mum innilatte ivvurchchekkullanalelam 26. naftaattiruvilakkukke (y) vAyennai kolvadaga=ppanittom [lo]. * An insoription belonging to the Srinivasspur talaks of the Kolar District, Epi. Cam., Vol. X, Sp. 6, calls Vikramaditya, Jayameru and Bansvijyadhara. Compare also No. 589 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for the year 1906. From impression prepared by me. >> The word Sravanai ooours in one of the early Pandya inscriptions found at Minur, which will be published sbortly. # The term puram cours in such phrases me wanaligai putam, falaippuam,, adukkalaippuram, &c., in all of whioh Ases it means for meeting the expenses of so and so.' * Read fekkullapavelam.

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APRIL, 1911.3 FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS AT GUDIMALLAM 113 Translation, Hail ! Prosperity! In the twenty-third year of the reign) of Nandippottaraiyar, while Vikkiramaditta-Marali-Vanaraya was ruling over the western portion of Vadagavali, Mullirkilar, a member of the Corporation of Tiravipiramapeda, having purchased by a sale-deed (the plot of land known as) Veppambol-ppa! from Agnisarman of Kufaippanur, a member of the assembly (?) ruling this town, made a gift (of it) to the (god) Mahudeva of the Parasurameavaram (temple) of this town for the supply of ) oil (required for burning) a lamp. Also, we, the assembly of this town, ordered that all the oil-mills existing in this village shall (henceforth) be set up on this land, and a portion of the oil compressed in them) shall be obtained for the lamp. E.-of the time of Vijayaditta-Mahavali-Vaparaya : dated in the 49th year of Vibaiya-Dantivikkiramaparuma. This inscription is engraved on one face and down one side of a slab of stone set up near the well in the compound of the Parasuramesvara temple, and is finely preserved. The boily of the inscription is written in the Tamil alphabet and language ; but the Sanskrit words, svusti gri. Danti, Vijayaditta-Mahavali, prithet-rajyam, bhagan, iddharmanckandraditya-gatam, iddharman, and asvamedkam are in the Grantha alphabet. The record belongs to the 49th year of the reign of Visaiya-Dantivikkiramaparumar, when Vijayaditta-Mahavali-Vanarayar was ruling over the Bana country. The object of the inscription is to record that Ayyapporri alias Kaliyamangalair-gilir set apart a piece of land for deepening the tank known as Veilari, which was situated in Tiruvippiramapedu. This is the first record I have come across in which the title porri occurs. This title is at present used exclusively by the Taluva Brahmanas and a class of the Nambudri Bruhmanas in the west coast, Text.23 Front of the slab 1. [Sva]sti Sri [l'] Ko-vi2. [a]ya-Dantivikki3. [ra]ma-paramarku y[a]4. ndu narpatt [o). 5. pbada vadu [Vi} 6. jayaditta-Ma7. havali-Va[na). 8. rayar prithivi-r[a]9. jyan=jeyya 11*] Ti10. ravippiramape11. dealon=ganat12. taru! Kaliyama13. ngalan=gilar 14. Ayyappo[r]15. riyen [1] enga16. | Tumbaneri * From impressions prepared by me,

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APEIL, 1971. 17. ullai Nandi-ko18. ndil-apa be[ra] 19. ivvur Vel20. Ceri()kku - 21. richcheruvaaga 93. Hitten | + 23. dir-bhoga[6] 24. gondu ivSide of the slab 25. V[e]l!e26. riyile 27. kuli kut28. ti atta29. vadaga 80. vaitte81. [n ijddbe 82. [r]mmancha83. ndradi34. tya-gata85. njel36. vaday. 37. tta (l') i38. ddharmmanje 39. latti40. nasai 41. abvame43. dbaojey48. da palap 44. perara45. [1] Translation, Hail ! Prosperity! (In) the forty-ninth year of the reign of the king Visaiya-Dantivikkiramaparumar, (while) Vijayaditta-Mabavali-Vanariyar was ruling the earth, I, Ayyapporri, alias Kaliyamangalan-gilir, one of the Ganas ruling Tiravippiramapedu, set apart the plot of land named Nandikandil sitasted in the bed of our Tumbaperi, as the erichcheru (.e., land allotted for doing something to seri, a lake) for the Velleri (lake) of this village. I assigned this for deepening the Velleri (lake) with the produce obtained from this (cheru). This charity shall endnre as long as the moon and son last. Those who forward the cause of this charity shall acquire the merit of having performed an aitamedha sacrifice). * This word literally means a plot of land. Regarding the usage of this, Nachohinarkkipiyar, the eminent Tamil commentator, mys that it so wond by the people of Aruvinatu in the place of soy (the same as oeurs in wafgjoy, pwjey, 4c.).

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APRIL, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA 115 SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA VI WILLIAM CROOKE (LATE I.C.B.). Bohoos of Modern History, No. I. A Ballad of Bharatpar. (I'nfinished.) Sung by Bdl Krishna Sikh of Chandrapur, District Agri. Recorded by Jaidayal Chaube of the same village. Text. Ek din k& zikra azad, Kalam, 'dawat, kaghaz maujud, Ust din kuchh aist samat : Musallah hoke kar do Bharatpar par chaph&t.' 5 Kalkatta men baithkar, kiya maskut, bbal. Sab Angrezi ne milkar ek arzt bankl. Lekar arzt ke tain nilw men dala. Jab kisht lagt par, aral ko nikall, Jise Kampini kahte the pash pash ke sundyi. 10 LAT Gavardar ne sanke bahut bahut sarah Us arzi par bukm hua au parwane ; Au rah samandar ke kiya us ko rawane. Harkarah jo us per se Kalkatte ko kya ; Phir hukm sup&to kitabon men chhapwiya. 15 Sabab ne jald Sabidar pakarl i "Hukm Kampini ka suno aya hai, Pyari." Nagak aur bawaldar dAhne so bulaya; Aur baen taraf paltan jangl ko jamiya. Sahab ne kaba karte hain : "Ohaphane Bharatpur ki tayart; 20 Ya lete hain us qila ko, ya maut hamart," Son sanke sab kahne lage dil men sipahi :"Surat nahin kabin bachne kt ati hai, bhai. Mar marke au lar larke qila kis ko mila bait Yah sab se zabardast Bharatpur ka qilA hai." 25 Anta-gurgar ne kiya pahle chaphat; Jan so jata rahe par qasm na pat. Na malum wah kis taur se pahuncha tha qllo pai; Golandaz no phir top ko tayyar kiya; Bharatpar ke gole se use tart upaya. 80 Kitnon ne us ka pati diya, phir khoj na payk; Dar dar gaye sab dil men pai munh so na bataya. "Wallah, in lapatyon men to ham logoh ka ghar bai; Phir Bharatper ohashane men bhala kaunsa dar hai ?' Mugdar bht bilate an lejim ke jhapake; 35 Sante ht hukm jt men hogai sapake.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Khate the khoraken aur hathi se pathe ; Sunte hi yah hukm un ke chutar phate. Kushtiyan bhi larte au khelte the bhi akhire. Un logon kt thotiyon men to ho gaye jhare. 40 Sahab ne kaha:-"Le chalo Chhawani Mathura ko, bhai." Ghabrain bain dil un ke aur phir ho jawain thekane. Lashkar men ukhare tanbu aur kanatain; Phir bahut se sipahiyon ki lagt chhipne ki ghatain. Sahab ne kaha :-"Ab to subah kunch ki thahari." 45 Phir rone lagin sipahiyon ki larki au mebri:--- "Ab ki to mere chundari ki ayas goiyan. Jaldi se kab laut ghar awainge saniyan ?" Ab din rat chall phauj kahin thaharane na pat. Jake Mott Jhil par jat halt karaye. 50 Raja ne jo charhke qila apne se dekha; "Yah kaisi pari phauj? Kuchh bhir ka na lekha. Main janta hun, hay, Firang! charh aye." Raja ne sab apne golandaz bulae :"Kya dekhto ho mar chalo." 55 Is phauj Firangi par parain panchsau gole; "Mat ghat gal sahab ki jo kari ham pai charbai. Aqal uth gaya Hindostan se, kuchh nesti ai. Jab topain nawasi ki pakar charkhi maroron; Phir gore Firangi ko kahin ek na chhoron. 60 Golon ke chalne se jo ek bargi bhuchal machaiga; Phir gora Firangi koi sabit na bachaiga. Goli ke danadan se jab main mar karunga; Kalkatta tak mar dhuan dhar karunga. Sahab se kaho, hat parai, Kalkatta ko jawai. 65 Agar barson larai tau bhi qila hath na awai. Sahab se kaho hatke kar le kunch sabera. Is men bhi kuchh khair hai? kya maut ne ghera." Sabab ne kaha "Hamare kampa men hain barrai ke chhate; Ham marke kar dewainge do gharf men latte." 70 Tab chalne laga donon taraf gole pai gola, Tab jake Jawahir jo wahin jhatpat bola :"Gham khao zara is men: bigarta nabin apna. Is rat men diya mujhe Baldeoni sapna ;" Raja ne kabahat, be Jawahir, mal bharne; 75 Baldeon! nahin liye phete men, bharne. Mar jay, Jawahir mal, yah tera saka. Ap Firangi men mila, mujhe baton men rakha. Sab bati ka tu bhediye, karai ham se chori." Darwazah ko jo top thin, wah chauk ko pherin. 80 Itne men phir chalne laga topon se gola ; Phir qila Bharatpur ka yon pat sa dola. Thandha hua gola na kuchh harkat laya. Raja bhi hansi khub aur fauj hansiya. Raja ne kaha: "bat suno, fauj sipahi. [APRIL, 1911.

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APRIL, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA 117 85 Is Lat ka sar kat, pherd JA dohai." Fagjon ne kabe :-"Yabao se ham kabhf na hatajage. Tukre ur jiyan yahan tharbe katsinge. Mar jay chalai jiwa, daje bar na mariyo. Jiwa janlon rahki chola men ni-mardi nu kariyo." 90 Itne men kiya Sahat ne pbir qild par dhawa; Phir weht Purbiya kabain :" Sahab, ham na jata. Gar bonge gila men sau do sau sipahi, Kahin sisa na ho, ham par papai qahar Ilahi." Gar gar garra ki gar gar gar gar; 95 Tan burohi de tan hath chhati par dhar kar. Tan burcbi tanbar laga dhon se bachani; Au sur bir lage, ksla Nat ei dikhane. Tab bahut sipaht gire garmi ke babane; Aur bahut sipahi lage goli ko chalane. 100 Sahab ne santari " wel I tum na daraiga; Jo yahfi qasd at, to kyA ham na maraiga P" Sab Angrezon ne jat put kar ek boll bolt. Banduqoa men phir bhar gal pagch chha goli. Dusare Angrez ne ek bat sunki. 105 Jab goron ne banduq bhar sangin cbarbat. Pabalo talwar chali sheo kt b&okl; Babut sipahiyon ke lagi maut ki tanks. Phir jab ki Patn non ne lai myan se nangt. Phir chauk men ghera gaye gore sangi. Translation. On a day it happened, When pen, ink and paper were ready, On that day the English made some plan To equip themselves and attack Bharatpur. 5 They held a meeting in Calcutta, my brothers, And all the English joined in making a petition. They took the petition and put it into a ship. When the ship reached, the petition was taken out, And it was read to those whom they call the Company?. 10 The Lord Governor heard and praised it. Orders and letters were written on the petition, And were sent out by way of the sea. The messenger who came from the other side (England) went to Calcutta. Explained the orders and printed them in books (Government Gazette). 15 Then the (British) officer sent for the (Native, officer) : Denally in the native mind this represents the King and Queen.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY "Listen my friend, to the orders of the Company." He called the Corporal and the Sergeant from their quarters, And collected the war battalion 'by the left.' The (British) officer began to say:-"there is preparation for an advance on Bharatpur. 20 Either I shall take the fort or I will die." When they heard this, the sepoys began to say in their hearts: "There is no way of escaping from this, brothers. Who could take this fort by slaying and fighting? This fort of Bharatpur is the strongest of all." 25 Anta-gurgur made the first attack. He lost his life, but did not redeem his oath (get what he aimed at). No one knows how he reached the fort. The gunners then got the guns ready, And blew him up quickly with the balls from Bharatpur. 30 Many gave a clue to where he had been, but they found no trace of him. All were frightened in their hearts, but did not say so with their tongues :By God, our home is in this fighting; Why then should we fear greatly to attack Bharatpur ?" They were fond of swinging clubs and single-sticks; 35 But on hearing the orders they were thrilled in their hearts. They ate largely and looked like elephants, But on hearing this order they became afraid. They were wrestlers who fought in the wrestling-ground, But they became terrified in their hearts. 40 Said the officer:-"let us go to Mathura Cantonment brothers." Their hearts were troubled, and they began to march again. The tents and marquees of the army were struck, And many of the sepoys began to try and hide themselves. Said the officer:-"We must now march in the morning." 45 Then the wives and daughters of the sepoys began to weep: "Now has departed the life of my married-garment." How can they come back quickly to live at home?" The army marched day and night and halted nowhere. They stopped when they reached the Pearl lake. 50 The Raja went up into his fort and saw them. "What sort of army has encamped? There is no limit to the multitude. I know, also, that the Europeans have attacked me." The Raja called all his gunners: "What you see, kill." 55 Five hundred balls fell upon the European army. "The (English) officer's reason is gone who attacked me. Fortune has departed from Hindustan, and destruction has come." When I set my eighty-nine guns on wheels, I will not leave a (white) Englishman any where. [APRIL, 1911. Native nickname for some English General. The husband has departed. Observe the English word "halt" in the text.

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APRIL, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA 119 60 From the firing of the cannon will be a time of earthquake, And no white Englishman will be saved whole, When I constantly slay with my cannon, I will raise the smoke of slaying to Caloutta. Tell the commander to go back to Calcutta. 65 If he fights for years the fort will not come into his hands. Tell the commander to commence the march back to-morrow morning. He had better consider what kind of death encompasses him." Replied the commander: "In my camp there is wasting of life. I will attack and reduce the fort in two hours." 70 Then ball on ball began to fly on both sides. Then went Jawahir (to the Raja) and spake at once : "Stop this for a little ; it will do no harm. Last night Baldeont (Bbaw&ni) sent me a dream. Said the Raja :-Be off, Jawahir, thou filthy blockhead, 75 Thou dost not carry Baldeont on thy forehead, fool. May thy power depart, thou filthy Jawahir. Thou hast joined the English and doet deceive me with words. Thou knowest everything, and hidest it from me." The guns that were on the gate were turned on to the market. 80 Meanwhile they began to fire the guns again. Then Bharatpur Fort began to tremble like a leaf, When the firing ceased there was relief. The Raja laughed himself and made the army to laugh. Said the Raja : Hlear my words, O men of the army. 85 Cut off the head of this Lord (General) and bring about the supremacy of the Jats." Said the army :-"We will never retreat from this place. Even if we be cut to pieces we will remain here at our posts. If we die and lose our lives, we cannot die a second time, As long as there's life in our bodies we shall not be anmanly." 90 Moanwbile tbe (British) commander made another attack on the fort. Then said the Parbiyas :"Sir, we go not. If there be in the fort one or two hundred sepoys, Even if there be not, the wrath of God will fall on us." There was a noise of gar, gar, garrd, gar, gar, gar, gar 95 The drammers beat their drums furionsly. The drummers beat the drums to cover their agitation. And warriors began to show their skill, as a Nat shows his dancing. Then many sepoys fell under pretence of the heat. And many sepoys began to fire. 100 Then the (English) commander said to the sentry :-"Well, you are not afraid, If death comes here, then shall I not die ?" Then all the English consulted and gave a signal, And put five or six bullets into the gas. Then the English gave another signal. The noise of a kettle-drum. ...The English torms in the text are here very curious.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1911. 105 Then the white men fixed bayonets on their guns. First there was a play of sword. Many sepoys received fatal wounds. Then when the Pathans drew naked swords from their scabbarde, The white men in the market were filled with confusion. No. 2. A Song of Bharatpur. Sung by Tulsi Ram of Nakal, District Saharampur. Recorded by Yad Ram of the same village. Text. Harsakh to karaf bayan : Bharatpur to zabar hai. Unchan sa bana kot, wahi khandag men pahar hai. Mara to nahin ja yaga wabah Thakur ki mebar hai. Tin san jawan mere niklais hain jangt. Pach hattar jawanoa ki jis mei cbhatt hai nangi. Tar tar topt wah to kulit bana les ; Do do Firangi ko pakar, sir ko bhira den. Tamar Ghul ko karaih qaid, faujais katdes; Apne fatabname ka danka baja den. Bolo, "Hagga Haqqi; Phoron dbara dhakki. Burbiya ko do takka." * Basi to khate hun nabio, tazf pakake la ; Baigan ke sir pita hai, kaddu men kya wafa ? " Translation. Saith Harsukh : Bharatpur is poison. The fort is lofty, and a stream is in the moat, It will not be taken: for God (Thakur) is merciful. My three-hundred warriors go out. Seventy five of the young men have bare breasts. Throwing off their caps they go in their locks. They seize two Europeans each and break their heads. They take Tamar Ghul7 prisoner and destroy the army, And noise abroad their song of victory. They shout, "God and my right: Break the drams: Give the old woman a penny." "I do not eat stale bread, bring me fresh." "The head of the egg-plant is broken, what's the good in (beating the head on the pumpkin?" An attempt at some European nam..

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APRIL, 1911.) SONGS FROM NORTHERN INDIA 121 No. . The Taking of Labore. (1849) Sung by Ganga Singh of Chandrapur, District Agrd. Recorded by Debi Das of the same village. Text. Lahor pai kiih charhaf phauj sab, judnos; kain pari hai laydi? 1 Idhar se Aye jhar Parbiya; udhar Sikh charht dye, Idhar se aye sojar gora; udhar se selar dbaye. Lahor pai kinhfa charhdi phauj sab, juodnon ; laist pari hai lardi ? 2 Barjan, burjan gora charhi gaye : paltan dhai hai sart. Panchwar Risala ko dhawa whai gayo, Raja ki topaid chhinai. Lahor pai kinhis charhdi fauj sab, juodnon ; kaisi pari hai lardi ? 8 Lat S&bab or Rani Sahab Chhawani Jalandhar ki pai. Lahor pai kiakin chashdi phauj sab, jw&non ; kaisi pari hai laydi ? Translation. An the army marched on Lahore, my boyo ; how went the fight? From this side came the Purbiya men : from that side came up the Sikhs. From this side came the white soldiers ; from that side came the sailors. All the army marched on Lahore, my boys ; how went the fight? The white men climbed the towers, and all the regiments rushed up. The Fifth Cavalry attacked and captured the guns of the Raja. All the army marohor on Lahore, my boys; how went the fight? 8 The La Sahib or the Rant Sahibo came to Julandhar Cantonment. All the army marched on Lahore, my boye ; how went the fight ? No. 4. A Bising in Saharanpur. (1824) Sung by Tula R@m, Brahman of Nakal, District Saharanpur. Recorded by Ramchandra Das, Brdhman, of the same village. Text Bijai Singh Kuj lardi mat kariye, An bht lejh, dhan bht leja, loja bhatije ko sath. Bijar Singh, eto. An bhf leja, dhan bht leja, ban meu khelo shikar, Bijar Singh, etc. Kalwa ka sath chhor, Bhupe ka sath chhor, din gaye tajhe marwaiwai. Chalkar Bljai Singh Landhauro aye, karai chachoht se jawab. Bijai Singh KunjA :"sau sawar diye, ro chachcht, dekhoi Angrezou ko hAth." Bijai Singh, etc. * Observe the English words in the text. i..., the Governor-Genonl or the Commander of the Army. * Rent Jipdla, the mother of Dalip Singh. 11 Kunja, . rllage in the Rurki Tehuil.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. "An bhi leja, beta, dhan bhi leja, beti, ghar baitha chain bhi usawa." Bijai Singh, etc. Ganga par ka Kunwar jo Gujar, jis ne diya hai sath. Bijai Singh, etc. Shor sabab jo charhkar, ase danku sab marwaye. Bijar Singh, etc. Tora Pali ne kari bahaduri, khub bajai talwar. Bijai Singh, etc. Translation. Bijai Singh, don't fight at Kunja.12 Take corn, take money, and take your nephew with you. Bijai Singh, etc. Take corn, take money, and go hunting in the forest. Bijai Singh, etc. Take Kalwa with you, take Bhura with you ; at the end of the day you will be killed. Bijai Singh went to Landhaura and spoke with his aunt. Bijai Singh of Kunj& (said) :-"O aunt, give me a hundred horsemen that I may show the English." Bijai Singh, etc. "Take corn, my son, take money, ny son, and pass your days quietly at hone.' Bijai Singh, etc. The Gujar Prince lived beyond the Ganges, and took (Bijai Singh) with him. Bijai Singh, etc. Mr. Shaw came up and killed all (the party of) the dacoits (rebels). Bijai Singh, etc. Tora Pall did brave things and well wielded his sword. Bijui Singh, etc. No. 5. The Famine in Saharanpur. St. 1994 (A. D. 1877). Recorded by a Schoolmaster of the District. Text. Karuna nidht Din-dayal, karo jin barkha ki fall! Aisa kya achet Indra all parja ke wall. Kuoi, ta1 air nadiyan sukhi, an Bakht gain sab patti day. Ek bund nahfa parai ghata jhuk jhak nit Awai kali, Din-bandhu, Kartar ; daya kyon jag se tumne ntha li ? Tawa, kasahdi, lutiya, bela, dhar khai thali. Kare Daugariyan, path, bali sab bench benchakh 11 Mukh baye mukh Ram khalaq sab phirati bikhrali. Ram Chandra ab karo kist dhab jag ki pratipali Translation. Abode of Compassion, Friend of the Poor, that hath caused tbe want of rain, Indra, the lord of the people, hath been so careless. Wells, tanks, streams are dry, and leaves and branches have dried up. Not a drop falls, though the dark clouds bend low. Brother of the Poor, Creator ; why hast thou taken thy mercy from the world? Pawning-pans, joge, kettles, dishes and cups we have lived. Bracelets, necklaces, nose-rings, ear-rings we have sold to live. With agitated faces the people of God (Ram) are wandering abont. Ram Chandra (God) protect the earth in some way or other. 11 A village in the Rurki Tahail.

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APRIL, 1911.) SONGS OF THE MUTINY 123 SONGS OF THE MUTINY. BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATA L.C.S.) Tussx songs were collected some time ago chiefly by Ramgharib Ohaube, who remarked that the Mutiny had very deeply itapressed the overwhelming power of the English on the whole population of the districts affected by it. The higher classes bid this impression, but the lower orders had no compunction in composing verses in honour of the British victories, and such songs are to be found all over Northern India, still upon the lips of the people. Ramagharib Chaube remarked also that for this reason it is worth while recording these Mutiny Songs as an indication of the real feeling of the people on the subject fifty years after the occurrence. Native editors and publishers are now collecting and printing them. The particular collection now given has all the usual characteristics of popular Indian songs, meant to commemorate historical occurrences. The songs only vaguely allude to history and put into homoly language matter of purely local interest, chiefly in set forms of words which would do duty for almost any point connected with the subject. -Ep.] No. I. Meerut, 1867. Sung by the Gdjar women of Sahdranpur. Text. Logon na lase shal dosbale: mere pyare ne lage rumal. Mirath ka sadar bazar hai; mere adniya late na jane. Logon ne lute thalt katore; mere pyare de lute gilas, Mirath kd sadar bdrar, etc. Logon no late gole chhuhare; mere pyare ne lote badem, Mirath kd sadar baz@r, etc. Logo no lute muhar asbarfi; mere pyare ne lato chhadam. Mirath ka sadar bazdr, etc. Translation. People got shawls, large and small; my love got a kerchief. There is a great bizdr at Meerut; my love did not know to plunder. People got dishes and cups ; my love got a glass. There is a great bdzar at Meerut, etc. Peoplo got cocoanuts and dates ; my love got an almond. There is a great bdzdr at Meerut, etc. People got coins of gold; my love got a hall-penny. There is a great bdsdr at Meerut, etc. No. II. Fyzabad, 1857. Sung and recorded by Banda 'Ali Sayyid of Unahi, District Faizabad. Text. Rana Bab&dar sipAbt Avadh me dhum machai, more Ram re. Likh likh chithiye, Lat ne bheja ; "an milo, Rans Bhat re. Jangi khila't Landan se manga dan, Avadh men Sabah banas, re." Jawab sawal likha Rana ne: "bam se na karo chaturat re.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1911. Jab tak prin rabain tan bhftar, tam kan khod babat ro." Zamindar sab mil gaye gulkhan, mil milke kapal 70. Ek to bin sab kat kat jat, dosre gephi khodwal re. Translation. The soldiers of the Rand raised trouble in Oudh, my Ram. The Lord (Governor-General) sent a letter: "Come and join ns, Brother Rana. I will get military honours from London, and make you a governor in Oudh." The Rani wrote an answer: "Don't play with me. As long as there's life in my body, I will dig you up and throw you away." All the samindars met together and joined the English. (80) first the Rana's clan was destroyed and secondly his fort was dog up. No. III. Gulab Singh Thakur of Barwa Batola, Hardot. The story is that Gulab Singh, the Thakar of Barw Batola, tahall Sandila, District Hardoi, was bachelor who had adopted his sister's son. She was a brave woman, who inspired him to further deeds of daring. Sung by Qamaru'ddin of Sandild and recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. " Rajd Guldb Singh, rahiyd tort herda; ek bar daras dikhawd ro." Apnt gasht se yah Bole Gulab Singh: "Sun, re Sahaba, mert bat re. Paidal bhi mare, sawar bht mare, mart phaaj behisab re." "Banke Guldb Singh, rahiyd tort herti: ek bar daras dikhawd re." * Pahalt lapal Lakmanagarh jite : dusrt lasat Rabimabid : Tisri larki Sandilwa men jtte : Jaman men kfoha maqam re." Befrain. " Rdjd Guldb Singh, rahiyd tori herds : ek bdr daras dikbdwd ro." Translation. * Rdja Guldb Singh, I am a little tired of waiting: show yourself for once." From his fort spake tbus Gulab Singh : " Hear my words, Lady. I have slain the foot soldiers, I have slain horsemen, I have slain a countless army." * Brane Gulab Singh, I am a little tired of waiting : show yourself for once." The first fight I won at Lakmanagash; the second camp at Rabimabad. The third fight I won in Sandile ; and made my camp at Jamo.1 Refrain. * Raja Guldh Singh I am a little tired of waiting : show yourself for once." (To be continued.) 1 Lakhmanigarh is the popular name of the Bailey Guard at Lucknow. Rahtmabad is an important town in tahot Mallhabod (Hardot). Sandila is the town of the fahall of that name. Jamd is a village two miles from Sandill.

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Fig. 1. Fig. 11. Fig. 1. Aba, Dilvadi, temple of Vimala sa, in chamber in the sonth-west corner of courtyard. Seulpture of Samavasaras. Fig. II. Picture of Samavaarana on a leaf from Juins MS.

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MAY, 1911.) JAINA ICONOGRAPHY * 125 JAINA ICONOGRAPHY. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA. (Continued from Archeological Survey Report for 1905-06, p. 149). II.-Samavasarana. W HILE much is known and has been written about Bruhmanic and Buddhist iconography, that of the Jaina sest is practically ignored. In fact, Dr. Burgess is the only antiquarian that has studied and written about Jaina mythology and, to a certain extent, about Jains iconography, but great ignorance prevails as regards these matters amongst scholars and antiquarians in general. This is, indeed, to be pitied as materials for their study exist in abundance. In the Archeological Annual for 1905-06 I wrote a paper on the Sakunikd-Vihara, and I propose here to describe the Samarasarana, which is my second contribution to the study of Jaina iconography. Vague ideas have hereupto existed as to what a Simavasarana is, and it has not unoften been confounded with the Sameta-bikhara even by antiquarians who ought to have known better. I too was practically ignorant, three years ago, of the object and characteristics of this Jains sculpture until I was enlightened on this point by Fravartaka Mabaraja Muni Sri-Kantivijayajf when I was on Mount Abu. This subject arose, as we were together going over the corridor cells of Vimala Sa's temple and came up to a scnlpture (Fig. 1.) in a side chamber in the south-west corner, which but for him would not have been known to me as that of a Samapaaraa. He very kindly explained to me its principal features, and promised to send me a short manuscript dealing with it and a small picture thereof contained in an old work in his thandar (Fig. IL.). These were received last year. The work calls itself Samatasarana-slavana at the end, and is given in the manuscript with an avachari or gloss. The name of the author of the work, which is in verses, appears te be Dharmaghosha-suri from what the commentator has said in his Glossary on verse 10. But more detailed information is furnished by the author himseli in verse 1. If we carefully notice the double entendre obviously intended, we find that Vidyananda and Dharmakirti are mentioned as papils of Devendra. Now, Derendra is the forty-fifth pontiff in the Tapagachchha pa!! dvali. He died in V. S. 1327 and his appointed 8CceSsor, Vidyfnanda-suri, thirteen days after him. Dharmakirti, therefore, received the suripada under the name Dharmagh Osba. Shortly before this manuscript was received, I had occasion to glance over the pages of Hemachandra's Trishashi-saldka-purusha-charitra published by the Sri-Jaina-dharma-prasaraka-sabha of Bhavnagar. On pages 83 ff. and 45 ff. of the first and second parvane, I lighted upon two splendid descriptions of the amavasarana of the first and second Tirthamkaras given by that renowned Jaina monk and author. But I shall hero give the whole of the text of, and commentary on, the Samarasarana-stavana and supplement each one of its verses by such lines as may bear on the point from the account of Adinatha's Samavasarana only contained in the first parvan of the Trishashni-saldka-purusha-charitra. bhoM bhaha prnnmy| thuNimo kevalivalyaM varavijjAdhammakitsityaM // deviMdanavapavAya tithavaraM samavasaraNatyaM // 1 // bhauM / jinaM praNamba, va yuNimo stumaH / ke tIrthakara / kevalino bhavasthA basvasa kevalyavasthaH taM / varAH pradhAnA vidyAnandadharmakIrtikapA arthA yasya sa varaviyAnandadharmakIrcaH / bhayavA kimaya snumaH / varSiyAnaMdadharmakIrtyarthe / punaH kathaMbhUtaM / devendranataM vatpara tIrthakarapadavIrUpaM tatra tiSThatIta devendramatapadasthaHtAsamavasaraNe titaSi samavasaraNasthA athavA samavasaraNe bhAsthA sthitirvasva sa samavasaraNasthaHsaM tathA // 1 // (V.1.) For the highest lore, delight, piety, and fame, we praise the Tirthamkara, who has attained to the condition of kepalin, who bas reached the position which is respected by the Indras of the gods, and who has consequently) occupied a samavasurara. 106. A Gubrinot, Enai do kibliography Jaina, Paris 1906, pp. 381 ft. * 4, 8. R. for 1905-06, p. 141 f. * Ind. Ant., YOL XI, p. 255.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY TMAT, 1911. pabaDiasamatabhAvo kevalibhAvo jiNa jatya bhave // sohati savabho tahi mahimAjoyaNamanilakumarA // 2 // prakaTisAH samastA bhAvAtribhuvanAntarvatinI bena saH / tathA kevalibhAvaH kevalitvaM vatra svAttasminsthAne zodhavanti sarvataH prathirvI bhAbojana yojanamabhiSvApya vaabukmaaraaH||2|| (V. 2.) Wherever the Jinas exbibit the condition of a kavalin, in which all substances manifest themselves, there the Vaya-Kumaras cleanse the earth one yojana all around. The same thing is expressed by the following vorse from Hemachandra's Trishashti-saldkapurusha-charitra: tataH samavasaraNasvAvanImakavojanAm / bhamRjanvAjakumArAH svayaM maarjitmaaninH|| 523 // Translation Theu Vaya-Kumaras, who themselves had been purged of their pride, cleansed the ground of Samavasarana (to the extent) of one yojana. varikhaMti mehakumarA surahivalaM usasurA kusumapasaraM / / virabaMti vaNa maNikaNagaravaNacitta mahIvalaM to // 3 // meSakumArAstaSa surabhi jalaM varSanti / rasurA iti paratUnAmadhiSThAtAraH surA vyantarA itvrthH| - mulAcaraM varSanti mdhomukhvRntaanpussppkraankurvntiisvryH| tato vaNa bANamantarAH maNavazcandrakAntAyAH indranIlAdIni ratnAni | bhavaM bhAvaH / maNikanakaralauSi mahItala racabanti pIThabandhaM kurvntiityrthH||3|| (V. 3.) The Megba-Kamaras rain down fragrant wator ; [the Vyantaras], who are the gods (presiding] over the seasons, spread heaps of flowers; and the Vanamantaras make the surface of the earth rariegated with raby, gold and gems. Side by side with the above may be read the following three verses, from Hemachandra's work: gaMndhAmbuvRSTibhirmeSakumArAH siSicuH kSitim | sugandhivASpaiH sokSiptadhUpAvaiSyataH prbhoH|| 424 // bhyantarAH svarNamANikyaralAimabhiruvaMzubhiH / mAtmAnamiva bhaktyA sabandhurvasudhAtalam || 125 / / tabAdhomukhavRntAni bhogatAnIva bhuutlaat| paJcavarNAni puSpANi sugandhAnyakiraca te / / 52 / / Translation. 424. The Megha-Kumaras watered the earth with showers of fragrant water. With the fragrant vapours (arising therefrom], [the earth appeared) as it she offered incense-worship to the Lord that was to come. 425. The Vyantaras through devotion paved the surface of the earth, themselves as it were with stones, tis., gold, rabies and gems. 426. And there they scattered fragrant flowers of fire [different] colours with stalk downwards, as if sprung from the surface of the earth. Here it will be seen that the work of spreading flowers and that of paving the floor have both been assigned by Homachandra to the Vyantara, whereas by the author of the Samarasaranastavana the first only is assigned to Vyantaras, the second being pat to the charge of the Vanamantaras. But there is really speaking, no inconsistency. For, as will be seen from the list appended to this paper, there are two classes of Vyantaras: (1) those who are called simply Vyantaras and (2) those who are called V&namantaras. Hemachandra merely speaks of the work 'done by the Vyantara class in general and the Samarasarana-etarana specifies the work done by each of the two Vyantara orders.

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MAY, 1911.] TAINA ICONOGRAPHY 127 smvsrnnrcnaamaah| bhambhitaramajhabAhiM tivappa maNirayaNakaNyakavisIsA / / ravaNajhuNaruppamayA vimANivajoibhavaNakayA // 4 // bhayaM bhAvaH / abhyantaro ratnamayo vimAnikakRto maNikapizIrSakaH 1 / madhyamo jyotiSkakRto'rjunasaMjJaH suvarNamayo ralakapizIrSaH2bAhyo bhavanapatikRto rUpyamayo hemakapizIrSaH // 4 // (V. 4.) There are three ramparts:--the innermost, intermediate, and outmost. [The first] is constructed of gems, with the battlements (kapisirsha) of rubies, by the Vaimanikas; [the second] of gold with the battlements of gems, by the Jyotishkas; (and the third of silver with the battlements of gold, by the Bhavanapatis. The same description of the ramparts is given and at greater length in the following verses from the Trishashti-saldka-purusha-charitra : tadoparitanaM varSa vimAnapatavo vydhuH| ratnamayaM ratnagirerAhatAM mekhalAmiva / / 5 / / nAnAmaNimayAnyAsankapizIrSANi c| aMzubhiH sUtrayanti yA citravarNAdhukAmiva / / 134 // madhyabhAge punaH svAgayotibhiriva piNDitaH / prAkAraM kanakajyotiSpatayastA cakrire // 15 // ralaviracavAmAsuH kapizIrSANi taba c| sarAsuravadhUpakcaralAdayitAni te||16|| kapvavapazca bhavanapatibhistadvAhiSkRtaH / bhakitI maNDalIbhUta iva vaitApaparvataH / / 437 // sasvopari vizAlAni kapizIrSANi ajnyire| sauvarNAnthambujAnIva diviSaharSikAjale / / 138 // bhavanAdhipatijyotiSpativaimAnikazriyAm / ekaikakuNDaleneva sA vivIkRtA babhau // 39 // Translation. 433. Then the Vimanapatis constructed the appermost rampart consisting of gems [and looking Jas if it were the snatched-away girdle of Ratnagiri (lit. the mountain of gems). 434. And there composed of various rabies were [its] battlements (kapifirsha), which, with (their) rays made thesky [decked] as if with a cloth of variegated colours. 435. There again in the central portion the Jyotishpatis constructed a rampart of pieces of gold, which were, as it were, the lustres of their bodies rolled into one lamp. 436. And of gems they made the battlements there, which looked like jewel mirrors to the females of gods and demons. 437. And outside it asilver rampart was, through devotion, constructed by the Bharanapatis, which was, as it Mount Vaitadhya, become circular. .. 488. Thereon extensive battlements (of gold) were made, which were like gold lotuses in the water of the celestial well. 439. The Earth shone with these three ramparts as if she were decorated with three car-rings of the Srir (beauty personified) of Bhavanapatis, Jyotiskas, and Vaimanikas, respectively. vahami dutIsaMgulatitIsadhaNu pihula paNasavaNucA / / jaNusabAgakosaMsarAya rynnmycttraa||5|| atha samavasaraNaM vidhA svAt pattaM caturakhaM vA / saSa vRtte vapatravabhittayaH pratyeka dhanuH 32 agulapathulA bhavanti | bathA trayANAmapi vaprANAmantarANi ubhayapAntaramIlanena ekakozaSadhanuHzatapramANAni syuH| pAhitisopAnAni 1000 mitAni yojanamadhye na gaNvante / tataH prathamavapAda 50 dhanuHprataraH tato'ye 5000 sopAnAni teSAM ca hastamAnavAcaturbhirbhAge labdhAni 1250 dhanaSi tato dvitIyavamAt 5. dhanu prataraH

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. 5000 sopAnAnAM 1250 dhanUMSi / tatastRtIyavapraH tataH 1300 dhanUMSi gatvA pIThamadhyaM / tisropi ca bhittayo dhanuH 33 hasta 1 aMgula 8 pRthulAH / sarvadhanurmIlane 3999 jAtaM / vathA 32 aMgulatriguNIkarane 96 aMgulairaka dhanuH syAt / evaM jAtAni 4000 / evaM ekasminpArzve krozaiyaM evaM dvitIye'pi kroza 2 / iti militaM vRttasamavasaraNe yojanam // 5 // (V. 5.) In the round Samavasarana, the ramparts are 33 dhanus and 52 angulas wide, 500 dhanus high and 1 krosa 600 dhanus (counting both sides) distant from each other. Each rampart has four gates made of gems. The commentary on this verse is important, and its translation will be found useful. I give it here: "A samavasarana may be of two kinds,-round or square. In the round samavasarana each of the three ramparts is 33 dhanus 32 ashjulas thick. The distances between the three ramparte, counting the distances on both the sides should be 1 krosa and 600 dhanus. The steps outside, numbering 10,000, are not included in the yojana (which is the expanse of the samavasarana. Then after the first rampart is plain level ground of 50 dhanus. Farther are 5,000 steps; they are each 1 hasta long. Dividing (5,000) by 4, we obtain 1,250 dhanus (as the whole length of space occupied by the steps). Then after (crossing) the second rampart there are 50 dhanus or plain level ground and 1,250 dhanus (as the length) of 5,000 steps. Then comes the third rampart, and after traversing 1,300 dhanus, the centre of the pedestal. The three ramparts are each 33 dhanus 1 hasta and 8 angulas thick. By adding all the dhanus (mentioned above), we get 3,999. By trebling 32 amgulas we obtain 96 angulas 1 dhanus. Thus it comes to 4,000 (dhanus). Taking only one side into consideration we thus have 2 krosas. On the other side (also) there are (similarly) 2 krosas. The yojana (space) is thus accounted for in the case of a round samavasarana." So far the translation. But in order to make the contents of the commentary quite clear, it is necessary to add a little explanation. As a preliminary to this, the following table may be here given : 24 angulas 1 hasta. 4 hastas 1 dhanus. 2,000 dhanus = 1 krota. 4 krosas = 1 yojana. Now, what the commentary says is clear from the following: dhanus hastas agulas. Rampart I Rampart II 2,5005 33 {1,250 83 50 33 Rampart III ...1,300 1 1 ... 1 8 ... ... 8 8 4,000 We similarly have yojana on the other side. steps of the first Rampart (ie., the length of the space occupied by them). thickness of the wall. plain level ground. steps of the second Rampart, but occupying space in the first. thickness. plain level ground. steps of the third Rampart, but occupying space in the second. thickness. space between wall and centre of pedestal. 2 krosasyojana. The whole thus amounts to 1 yojana. Most of the points noted in the commentary are specified in verses 7 and 8 below. Not to be counted, being outside the samavasarana. Half of 1 krosa 600 dhanus, which is ubhaya-parivayor-antars.

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MAT, 1911.] JAINA ICONOGRAPHY 129 cause igadhAsayapihavappA sar3akosabhaMtaravA // paDhamaviyA vimatAbA kosaptara puSyamiva sesaM // 6 // caturane tu vapratrayaM / bhittayaH pratyekaM shtdhnu:pRthulaaH| prathamahitIvavayozcAntaraM ubhayapArcamIlane sArca koshH| dvitIya tIvayozcAntaraM ubhayapArcamIlanena koshH| puSyamiva sesaM iti zeSaM madhyabhisyorantara koza 60.dhanuHpramANaM ! athAvApi ekapA bojanArdhe mIlyate yathA caturakhe vAyabhittiryojanamadhye na gaNyate / tatazca bAhyavapramadhyavaprayorantaraM 1000dhaSi / dvitIye bhittidhaSi 100 / AbhyansaramadhyavaprayoransaraM 5500 dhanurmAnaM / Amvantare bhittidhanuH 100 / AbhyantaravaprAt 1300 dhaSi galA pIThamadhya / evaM 1000 dhaSi jAtAni | tathA cakrozaDyaM bhavati / evaM bacA ekatra pAve kozavaM bhavati tathA dvitIyapi | catarane'pi evaM yojanaM milati sma // 6 // (V.6) In a square (samavasaraya) the ramparts are one hundred dhanus (each in distance). The first and the second are one and a half kerosa, and the socond and the third ramparts are one krosa distant (from each other). The rest is as before. The gloss. on this verse is also important, and may be rendered as follows: " In a square (samavasarana) also there are three ramparts. The walls are (each) 100 dhanus thick. The distance between the first and second ramparts, by counting both the sides, is one and a hali kroka. The distaace between the second and third ramparts, by counting both the side: in one larosa. (The words) purvam-inatashah are (to be taken to imply) that the distance between tlie innermost walls is 1 krosa and 600 dhanus. Here also on one side you obtain yojana if in a square samavasara na the outermost wall is not included in the yojana. Then the distance between the outermost and intermediate ramparts is 1,000 dhanus. In the second, you hare (as thickness) 100 dhanus of the wall. The distance between the innermost and intermediate ramparts is 1,500 dhanus. In the innermost you have (As thickness) 100 dhanus. After going over 1,300 dhanus from the innermost rampart, (you reach) the centre of the pedestal, (You) thus have 4.000 dhinus, and the whole) comes to 2 Ierosas. Jast as on one side you have two krosas, on the second side algo. In the square (samarasarana) also you thus obtain one voiana." The contents of the commentary speak for themselves. But the following will make tbeta quite clear :dhanus hastas ashgulas. thickness of the wall). ___."11,003 distance between the outermost and inter mediate ramparts (= half of ubhayapAnta ra). , 100 thickness (of the wall). Rampart II "1 1,500 distanou between th: intermediate and iu. ____nermost ramparts (= half of ubhayapAzcAntara). Rampart III .. { 1,300 / 100 thickness (of the wall). space between rampart and centre of pedestal (taken from the last). 4,000 =2 krobas = yojana. We similarly have to take into account yojana on the other side. The whole thus conues to one yojana. sovANasahasAsa karapihuca gantuM bhuvA paDhamavappI / / so pannA dhApayarI tamI asovANa paNa sahasA ||7 // hastapRthacAni pazasahasasopAnAni bhUmitI gatvA prathamo vH| tataH50 dhanuH prataraH samA amirityrthH| zeSa sugamam || // to vipappo panadhaNu pabara sovAjasahasa paNa ttto| sahabhovappI chassayadhaNu igakosehiM to pIDhaM // 4 // sattastRtIvo vapraH / tasya cAntaH SaDyanu zatenAdhikaikakrozena pramitamiti gamyaM kroza 1 dhanuH 6.0pramApamityarthaH / pIThaM samA bhUmirasti / / 8 // (V. 7) Having gone over ten thousand steps, each one husta broal and high from the (outside) ground, the first rampart (is reached). Then is even plain ground for fifty dhanus, and thereafter five thousand steps again. (V.8) Then (comes) the second rampart, (and) after that plain level ground for fiity dhanus and tive thousand steps ; (then) the third rampart (and) after that level grouad up to 1 keroja and 600 dhanus. + Not to be counted, as stated in the commentary, Rampart I ... (100)

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911, All the details set forth in these verses have already been specified and utilised in the conimentary on verse 6. caudAra tisovANaM majajhe maNipIThayaM jiyAtaNuvaM / / dodharAsayapihIhaM sar3akosehiM dharaNiyalA // 9 // cAra bisopAnaM samavasaraNe madhye maNipIThaM jinadehamAnamuSaM 200 dhanuH pRthu kI ca bhUtalAtsArdhakrozaibena bhavati // 9 // (V. 9) In the centre is a gem-studded pedestal, with four doors, three steps, and as high as the figure of the Jins, 200 dhanus broad and long, two and a half krosne high from the ground level. jiNataNu bAraguNacI samahibhanobhaNAhU asogatarU / / taba hoi devachaMde causIhAsaNa sapabapIDA // 10 // / simeva gAubhAIcAruka yo jilassa paDhanassa | sesANa bArasaguNI dhIre battIsa ya dhaNi ||1||viiraam bAdazaguNI dhanuH 21 pramANo bhavati / pIThakamadhye jinasamudvAdazaguNodaH samadhikayojanapRthulo ashokvRkssH| bhasya ca jinatanuvAdazaguNocAve pazudhanuHzatoccavabhittito bahinirganAbhAvena yojanapRthutvaM durghaTaM / paraM esaduparisthA iti tutarasAla vRkSeNa kRtvA'sya yojanapRthusvaM saMbhAvyate / sanupari sAlo samayavisthitI ityanyatra proktavAn / aba ca zrIdharmaghoSasariparirazokasAlaborakvavivakSayA zokasyaiva yojanapRthuvamuktamiti saMbhAvyate / / usamassa tini gAU battIsadhaNUNi vajramANassa / sesajiNANamasobhI sarIraDa bArassaguNoti // iti pravacanasAroddhAravacanApazokasya jinatanubAdazaguNocavamapi prAyika saMbhAvyate / parametahAthokepthazokapramANe zrIkRSabhaM binA'pareSAM tIrthakanI azokasva yojanabAvisvaM sAlenaiva ghaTate / sAlaca zrIvIrasvApino'bhUta anyeSAM tu tIrthakatA nygrodhaadyH| uktaM ca cavIsAe sisyavarANaM cavIsaM cearukkhA hutyA taM jhaa| niggoha (1) sanivaNNe (2) sAle (piye (4) piyaMgu (8) chattAhe (6) sirIse (9) nAgarukkhe (6) mAlI va (9) pibaMkhurukkheya (10) // 1 // siMga (11) pADala (12) jamba (1) Asatdhe (14) khalu taheva idhivaSNe (15) naMdArukkhe (10 tilae (10) bhaMbagarukkhe (18) ajoge ya (11) // 2 // caMpaba (20) baule va tahA (29) veDasarukkhe (22) dhAvaIrukkhe (23) / / sAle bha (24) vajumANassapAyarukkhA jiNavarANaM ||3|| battIsaM dhaNUbAI cearukSI va vajumANassa || nicougI asaugo occhanI sAlahakkheNa // 4 // tineva gAubhAI ceyarukkhA jiNassa usabhassa // saMsANaM puNa rukkhA sarIrabho bArasaguNAbhI / / 5 / / sacchattA sapahAgA savezyA toraNahi uvaveyA / / surabhamuragahalamahIyA ceivarukkhA jiNavarA // 6 // iti battIsaM dhapUvA iti / asogavarapAyavaM jiparacatAu bArasaguNaM viuvaI ityAvazyakarNivacanAt saptahastamAnAt zrIvIrasvAmidehAt bAdazaguNIkRtaH san 21 dhanaSi bhavatyazokaH / tadupari 11 dhanurmAnaH sAlavRkSazca syAt / ubhayormIlane 32 dhanUMSi caityamo vArasthati sNprdaayH||bttiis dhaNu asogI tadupari sAlo samayavisthino // iti tihabhaNasirikulabhavaNamiti yazobhadrakRtastavaneSvevaM / nisvaM tureva puSpAdikAlo basthati nisvataMkaH bhavacchannasAlavRkSaNati vacanAdazokopari sAlavRkSo'pi kathaMcidastIti jJAyate iti / azokavRkSAdho devacchandake catvAri siMhAsanAni sapA- ' sapIThAni // 10 // (V. 10) (In the centre of the dain stands) the A Boka tree, twelve times as high as the body of the Jina, and exceeding a yojana in breadth. Then (underneath) is a (particular kind of pedestal called) devachchhashda, (and on it are) four lion-thrones accompanied by (four) foot-stools. The commentary on this verse would be too long and discursive to be translated here. But the substance of it may be briefly statel as follows. We are toll that the Aboks tree should be twelve times the height of a Jins and should be spread to the extent of one yojana all round. Now, this may be possible in the case of agreat many Jinas, but not of all;e.g, Mahavira. The height of Mahavira is 7 hastas. Multiplying it by 12, we obtuin 84 hastas = 21 dhanus as the height of the Asoka tree in this particular instance. This tree, being only 21 dhanus high, cannot even be expected to extend beyond the wall of the third vapra, which is itself 500 dhanus high as Verse 5 informs us. How then can it reach the extent of one yojana as required by the present Yer se? In the answer given by the commentator to this question, there is a little confusion. But the true solution proposed by him appears to be this: The instruction about making the Asoka tree twelve times as high as the body of the Jina holds good in the case of all Jinas except two, - Rishabhanaths and Mahavira. In the case of the former it should be 3 gau, i.e., 3 kerosas high, and of the latter, 32 dhanus. Verses from two or three different sources are cited in support of this. Then is inade the important suggestion that the height of the Asoka tree shonld be increased by placing on it the individual chaitya tree of the Jins Authorities for this also are adduced, and verses quoted specifying the various chaitya trees of the Jinas. In the present instance, the difficulty is to be got over by placing, on the Asoka tree of 32 dhanus in height, Sala tree, the chaitya tree of Mahavira, of course, of such a height as easily to pass beyond the wall of the uppermost papra and thus make it possible to spread one yojana all round. (To be continuerl.)

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MAT, 1911.) KOYILOLUGU 131 KOYILOLUGU. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND. This book is a record of gifts made, and repairs and additions affected, to the temple of Srt. Ranganatha at the island of Srirangam, from the earliest times and is written in Tamil prose. It contains much valuable information regarding the ancient dynasties of Southern India as it gives almost a continuous thread of South Indian chronology from the 13th to the 16th century A.D. It also mentions several important facts relating to earlier poriods, The existence of the book was not unknown to scholars interested in unearthing the ancient history of the Dekhan, Mr. R. Sewell remarks :-" The priests of the (Srirangam) temple have in their possession a document which ooght to be of real value, the mahatmyas of temples being almost invariably an absurd jumble of mythological fables. This is a chronicle called the Valoga which is said to give a list of all the priests of the temple, with details of temple management from the earliest times.'" Purther notices of it are made by Professor Haltzsch in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII, and by Rai Bahadur Venkaysa in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899, p. 15, paragraph 43. Except a few other stray references to it as in the revised Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly District, the contents of the book have not been thoroughly examined. Inscriptions on stone and copper appear to have been the main sources from which the book had been compiled, and as such, the facts recorded in it have not to be discarded as worthless for historical purposes. The anthorities, in whose bands the palm-leaf manu scripts were originally entrusted, seem to have drawn very largely from the accounts given in the Guruparamparaprabhava, the biography of the Vaisboava saints, before presenting the whole in the shape of a book, As a review of a work of this kind, in the light of the facts so far elicited, will not be entirely an unprofitable task, I propose to do it in this paper. Early Period. God Ranganatha was worshipped for a time by Brahma, from whom Iksh vaku took it to Ayodbya. It was then graciously given away by Rama to Vibhishapa, and the latter removed the deity to Srirangam, an island formed by the two branches of the Kaveri river. Here Dharmavarman, one of the ancestors of Kili-Chols erected the central shrine (tiruvunndligas") and other necessary structures for the god. Long time after this, when Kili was the Chola sovereign, the temple was covered almost to the very top with sand caused by a flood in the Kaveri, the two branches of which had become one and a thick jungle covered the island. Kili restored the temple and its adjuncts to their original state. After Kili, R&jamahendra paved the interior of the temple with stone, with view to close up the springs which were till then in existence there. To him is ascribed the constraction of several structures. A street was also called after his name. Some time hence, a certain Nanda-Chola who was ruling with his capital at Nicholapuris obtained a female child called Kanakavalli that came floating on a lotus leaf in the Kiverf. He is reported to have made rich donations to the temple for feeding Brahmanas and for the sacred offerings to the god. Several years after, there appeared a shower of sand caused by the sinful deeds of Chola king. By this event, Uraiyur was destroyed and the capital was removed to Gangaikondan. After 1 Lista of Indian Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 268. 1 This word is made up of tiru, w and naligai which together mean the sacred control (or interior) shrine. Nichalk part is another name for Uraiyur in the Trichinopoly district. * The foll name of the city is Gangaikenda-Cholapuram. It was probably founded by Rajendra-Chols I, who also appears to have orooted the big templo there. In the historical introduction of this king, he is called Pervadesamum Gangaiyum Kiddramunkonda.' The tomple of Gangaikopdaclovara is built on the style of the Bajarkjorers at Tanjore, but is bigger in size. Though it presents an older appearange owing. perhape, to its neglected condition, the inscriptions engraved on the walls of it do not take us to a date earlier than the time of BAjandra-Chola I. It is deplorable that except the temple and a few hute, there is not a trace of the city at present at Gangaikonda-Cholapuram. Exorvation at the site is sure to yield good results. Gangaikond p in the Tinnevelly district is certainly not identical with the place referred to in the Keyilolugw, though that might have also come into existence of the same time.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAT, 1911. the lapse of a few years, the then reigning Chola sovereign built a small temple at Uraiyur and set up an image of the goddess (Nachchiyar) in it. In Kali 50, Kulasekhara-Perumal became the lord of the Chera, Chola and Pandya territories. He built palaces at Madura, Kolli and Uraiyur, Solakulavalli, the daughter of this king effected certain improvements to the temple at Srirangam. 132 In Kali 360, a lord of the Gauda-desa came with hoards of treasure and made a gift of them to the god. The treasure, not having been accepted by the god, remained in charge of certain northern Brahmanas, whom the lord of Gauda-deaa left behind him. The way in which these Brahmanas conducted themselves pleased Ranganatha so well that the deity accepted the treasure afterwards. In Kali 445, the Vaishnava saint Tirumangai-Alvar was living in Srirangam composing his famous work Tirumoli and executing certain repairs to the temple. At this time a certain Tiruvilakku-Pichchan accused Tirumangai of self-praise in his compositions. Madhurakavi Alvar set up the image of Sadagopan at Tirunagari", defeated Kamban' in the great academy of Tamil poets and was much devoted to Nammalvar. He frequently visited Srirangam to scrutinise the temple accounts. It was at this time that Tirumangai composed the six Tirunedundandagam and Nammalvar's work Tiruvaymoli received such a sanctity as to be sung along with the Vedas. Eduttagai Alagiyasinga-Nayinar and Tondaradippodi-Alvar are said to have been important devotees prior to the time of the three Alvars. In the first place it may be remarked that the chronology of this part of the book is not very reliable. The Kali years assigned to Kulasekhara-Peruma! and the three Alvars are decidedly wrong as will be pointed out below. There are also grounds to suspect that the events are not recorded in the order in which they took place. Until it is controverted, I think the correctness of the events may be accepted. It seems possible that owing to a confusion or ignorance on the part of those who collated the materials, the kings of one dynasty are named as belonging to another. Four kings are mentioned, viz., Dharmavarman, Kili-Chola, Rajamahendra and Nanda-Chola. The first of these was regarded by Prof. Hultzsch as a mythical personage. As Kili-Chola is said to have come in the line of Dharmavarman, the latter has to be looked for among the ancestors of the Cholas; but we do not find his name in the mythical genealogy of the Cholas furnished in the large Leyden plates. What is here omitted is happily preserved elsewhere. The Saiva saint Tirunanagambanda who lived in the middle of the 7th century A.D., refers to king Dharma in one of his hymns on Piramapurams. Though the exact time of this king cannot be made out at present, the reference is useful as it shows that he must have flourished prior to the time of the saint, Kili, if it is a contraction of Killi, is assuredly an historical personage. As Tamil literature furnishes the names of several kings by this name, it is not possible to say which of them is referred to here, But it will be useful to examine the evidence contained in Tamil works regarding the kings bearing the name Killi. As a result of my enquiry I find that it is a mistake to take each king of that name to be a separate sovereign and to allot him a place in the Chola genealogy. This is another name for Nammalvar. This village goes by the name of Alvar. Tirunagari and is in the Tinnevelly district. Karugor was its other name. According to the extant Tamil literature, there was but one Kamban and he appears to have lived in the 13th Century A.D. The person referred to here must be different from him as he belongs to the 8th Century. The stanza, in which the name occurs, runs thus: Bengo-nadavi-ppall-uyirkkun-cheyvinai meytiriya Vengo-Ddaruman meviy-apda Venguru meyavane. Yenguru was one of the twelve names by which abiyali was known in ancient times,

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1:1, 19:1.] KOYILOLUGU 133 One of these kings, Solan Kulamurrattu-tuojina Killivalavano is said to bave laid siege to Karuvur and conquered the Chers king of his day. No less than eleven poets, including Korur-kilar sung in his praise. This poet is the anthor of stanzas 44, 45 and 47 of Purandniru wbich speak of Karigarru-tonjina Nedun-Killi of Uraiyur and of his friend Ilandattan. In Puram 873, the same poet celebrates the glory of Solan Kurappalli-tanjina Killivalavan who is also credited with having destroyed Karuvir owing to an hostility with the Chera. This Chola king's friendly Pandya contemporary was Velliyambalaton-tonjina Ugra-Peravaludi.l1 Kopata1 Erichchalur Madalan Madiraikkumanan, one of the poets of the time of Kurappalli-tunjins Killivalavan is also the anthor of (1) puram 61 which speaks of -Solap Ilavandigaippalli-tunjina Nalankilli Setebenni, 18 the contemporary of Neduikilli; (2) of puram 167 in praise of Enadi Tirukkilli and (9) of puram 180 in favour of Irattarkilan Tayan Maran who fought for his over-lord. It thus appears that all these Killi's belong to one period. Another Chola kiaz celebrated in Tamil literature is Paranarkilli. He is referred to as one of the ancestors of the Cholas in the large Laydea plates, the Tiravalangula grant and the Udayendiram charter of Prithivipati II. He performed the Rajasuya ceremony, and was, on that account known by the epithet Rajasuyamvetta Peranarkilli. With the help of Tiruven malaiyan and perbaps also of Seraman Mavenko, who was his friend, he defeated the Chera Mandarancheral-Irumborai (rusim 16, 125, 365 and 337) who was the lord of the Kolli mountains, who rescued the village of Vilangil, who was the friend of the post Kapilar, and who was taken captive by the Pandya king Talaigalanganatin-seruvenra-Nedunjelican and was subsequently set at liberty (puram 4, 17, 20, 22, 53, 125, 129). It is said that Kampper-eyil-kalen la Ugra-Peroraludi, one of the royal personages that adorned the last academy of Tamil poets of Madura (puran 21, 867) also belonged to the same age. If this Pan lyx king is identical with V.Iliyambalattu-tunjin Ugra-Peruvaladi, the second set of Killi would also be of the same age as the first. In this case, I am inclined to take Perunarkilli who performed the Rajasuya ceremony, and perhaps one or two others as the real sovereigns of the time and that all the rest were members of the royal family who distinguished themselves in the wars undertaken by the reigning kings. The defeat of the Chora and the destruction of Karuvur are attributed to several Chola kings of this age. Mucittalaiko-Perunarkilli whose Chera contemporary was Siraman Anduvancheral Iramborai and Verpahralakkai Perinarkilli who claimed to have killed Seranin Kodakko Nedunoberal Athan probably refer to the same king. The facts set forth above clearly show that the Pandya kings Talaiyalanganattuerit venra Nedanjeliyan and Ura-Peruvalludi, the Cboln Sovereign Rajasuyamvetta Perunarkilli and the Chera Mivenko and Man-larancheral Iramborai of elephant look, belonged almost to the same period. With the help of the copper-pinte charters of the Pandyas, vi:, the Velvikudi grant and the Sinnamanar plates and from the statement in the Maduraikkaichi of Mangudi Maradanar that Nedanjeliyan of Talaiyalanganam fame was a lineal descendant of Palyagasalai Mudakudy niPeruvaladi, I have elsewhere attempted to ascribe Nequnjeliyan to the first half of the 7th century A.D. If Killi, referred to in the Kiyilong, is identical with any of the kings bearing that name, who are contemporaries of Ne.lunjeliran, it is quite evident that he must belong to the same age. According to Manime galai, the Chola king Venrirer-Killi, whose identity with any of the kings named above is not certain and who probably belongs to an earlier age, married a Naga princess called Pilivalai, the daughter of Valaivanan and became the father of a child who, it is said, * The meaning of the word tujine is 'who died." 1. Valan is a synonym for the Chu. 11 Vaindi is a synonym for Pandya, 13 Kopan is a territorial division in the Pudukkottai Stato. During the time of the later Cholas, it was called Kmalaya-Tiangai-koyda-Chila Valdelu. 13 Sexi is a synonym for Chi!

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. egcaped a sea disaster. There are grounds to suppose that this prince was Tondaimin Ilandiraiyan the ancestor of the Pallavas of Conjeereram. This account is interesting, as it shows the connection between the Cholas and the ancient Pallavas who had by this time advanced southwards and established a dominion near Conjee veram. Evident traces of the rule of the Killis in the Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts exist in such names as Kilinalar, Nalaikilinallur and Ril?ikadi, etc. The abbreviated form of Killi in the first two names supports the supposition that Kili is only A shortened form of Killi. We cannot ignore the fact that the Pallavas had extended their sway into the Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts in ancient times. The inscription of the Pallava king Mahendravarman in the upper rock-cut cave at Trichinopoly, the ancient names of villages such as Simhavishnu-cbatar. vedimangalam! And Mahendramangalam 16 and the structural monument of the Pallavas discovered at Tiruppalgur16 amply bear testimony to this fact. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to expect the mention of some of these l'allava sovereigis in Koyilolugu. Rajamahendra referred to in the book is perbapa identical with Mahendravarman. It is inexplicable why he is called a Chola, except by sapposing that the connection between the Cholas and the ancient Pallavas which we have already noticed in the legend about Tondaiman Ilandiraiyap, led the author of Koyilolugu to regard this king as a Chola. Among the Cholas described in Tamil literature, there is none bearing the name NandaChola. Nor does this name occur in the genealogy of the Cholas given in stone inscriptions and copper-plate grants of that branch of the revived Chols kings who ruled from their capital at Tanjore. But in the Telugu districts of the Madras Presidency have been discoverad a number of inscriptions which belong to an earlier line of the same family who trace their descent from Karikala, Here, & sovereign called Nandivarman actually figures and he might be the person referred to in the Koyilolugu. A short note on the date of the three Alvars will not be out of place bere. Tirumangai's notice of the military achievements of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, in his hymn on Paramesvaravinnagar is very well known. Rai Bahadar Venkayya has shown that this Vaisboava saint was a contempo rary of the Pallava king Vayiramegan whom be identifies with Dantivarman, the immediate successor of Nandivarman. The date thus arrived at for the saint is the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. Koyilolugu makes Madhurakavi and Nammalvar contemporaries of Tirumangai. Nammalvar appears to have been elder to Madhurakavi who is expressly stated to have set up an image of the former at Tiranagari. This statement is against what is said in the Guru parampardprabhava, where the relationship between Madharakavi and Namma var is stated to be that of preceptor and disciple. Madhurakavi Alvar's real name was Mirangari, which we find in the Velvikudi copper-plate grant, and in a stone inscription in the Narasimha-peramal temple at Anaimalai in the Madara district. In these, he is describ@d as conversant with the sastras, as poet and as an eloquent speaker. He was a chief of Karavandapuram, bore the title Muvendamangalaperaraiyan and was the crest-jewel of the Vaiydya family. He was the uttaramantrin of the Pandya king Maranjadaiyan alias Nedunjadaiyan. In the third year of this kiog the saint was living bat appears to have died sometime before A.D. 769-70, when the cave temple of Narasimha-perumal at Anaimalai was consecrated. It is thus evident that Madhura kavi lived prior to A.D. 769. If Tirumanga Alvar was a contemporary of Madhurakavi, as stated in the Koyilolugu, it is just possible that he lived during the time of Nandivarman Pallavamalla whose last date is A.D. 765 and of his successor Vayiramegan alias Dantivarman. Namma var's real name was Karimaran and he was the adhikarin of the city of Kurugar alias Alvar-Tirunagari. The name suggests that he must have been the father of Madhurakavi, if the statement in the Koyilolugu, that the latter set up an image of Kafijandr in the Tanjure district was known by this name in ancient times. 16 This village is in the Trichinopoly district. 10 This village is also in the Trichinopoly distriot.

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MAT, 1911.] KOYILOLUGU 185 Nammalvar is true; but it is against the traditional account of the Vaisboayas. At any rate, there is no doubt that the three were contemporaries and that they lived in the middle of the 8th century A.D. The next royal person who contributed to the repairs of the Srirangam temple is Cboj@ndri. simba. This Cholendrasinha has not yet been identified with any of the known kings of the Chola dynasty. But there is not the slightest doubt as to his being a historical personage. At the village of Melpadi on the western bank of the river Nuga are two temples, at present called Chobvars And Somanatha. The inscriptions in the former state that it was built by the Chola king Rajaraja I (A.D. 985-1018), who named it Arinjigai-tsvars. The lithic records in the other temple disignate it as Obolendrasimhekvara and one of them, dated in the 14th year of the reign of Rajaraja I, mentions Cholendrasimha Meyilagi who, as his name indicates, must bave been an officer under the king. From the first part of his name it can be said that Obolendrasimba was # surname of Rajaraja I. Though there is no statement in the Melpadi records to the effect that Cholendrasinha-Isvara was built by Rajaraja, there is thus no doubt that the temple came into existence during his time as Cholendrasimha wag one of his surnames. In this connection it may also be noted (1) that the village of Melpadi itself was called Rajasrayapuram after one of the surnames of Rajaraja, (2) that the two temples in the village bear records of his, and (9) that the name Cholendrasinha does not occur in earlier records than the time of Rajaraja. Ramanuja and his predecessors. When Uyyakkonder and Manakkalnambi were managing the affairs of the Srirangan temple, there was a powerful invasion by one of the Gajapati kinge of Orissa. When the news of it reached the island, the people removed the god Alagiyamanavala to Tirumaliruojolai and kept it there for one year. At this time, several residents of Srfrangam proved themselves enemies of the god and most of those who performed worship in the temple, died. Persons belonging to other creeds occupied the temple premises and built houses of their own. Worship in the temple fell into the hands of Nambis who were conversant in the Vaikhanasa sastrag. Under the influence of these two managers, certain Alavandar was indaced to becoine & Vaishoava and entrusted with the management of the temple which he ably condacted for a long time. The successor of Alavandar in the office of the manager of the Srirangam temple was the great Vaishnava teacher Ramanaja. Of him the book relates a long story. He was born at Sriperambudur and was undergoing educational training under Yadavaprakasa. When entrusted with the management of the temple, he wont minutely into every account and fixed the scale of expenditure required for each occasion. In his scrutiny, he found out that the treasury was in a state of confasion and he, therefore, applied himself strenuously to organise & system for the better conduct of business. In this, he was strongly opposed by the temple servants who began to give him trouble. He was, therefore, foroed to leave the place. He is said to have spent two years at Tiruvea]]arai where he built a tank. Coming back to Srirangam, he divided the work of the temple in 10 different branches and appointed persons to carry them out. It is said that the arrangement made by him contributed largely to increase the wealth of the temple. After providing for the recitation of Tiruvdymoli, Tirumoli and other Vaishnava hymns in the temple, he went out on tour to establish the superiority of the Vaishnava creed in all quarters, leaving Mudali Andan in his place at Srirangan. Ramanuja soon fell out with the Chola king who was a staunch Sails and whose persecutions of the Vaishnavas drove the teacber to seek shelter in the country of the Hoysalas. Ramaaaja is said to have been in charge of the Srirangam temple for 3 period of 60 years prior to the commencement of his religious tour. Koyilolugu also records that a certain Kalottunga succeeded the Chola king who persecuted Ramanuja and that the new sovereign was rather favourable to the Vaighoaviten.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAT, 1911. It is interesting to note that Bitfi was the Hoysala sovereign that gave Rimanuja protection. An important event in the career of this sovereign was his conversion from the Jain faith to that of Vishna by the apostle Rimandje who had taken refuge in bis territory from the persecutions of the Chola king, an uncompromising Saiva. This step accompanied by a change in his name to Vishnuvardhana, by which he is principally known, probably took place in about A.D. 1117.17 A8 Bitti's conversion seems to have happened not long after Ramannja left Srirangam on his religious tour, we may roughly assign A.D. 1057-1117 for his management of the temple. The date of the Hoysala king Vishouvardhana enables us to identify the Kulottanga referred to in the Koyilolugu with Kulottunga I. In this connection it may also be noted that in an inscription of Bitti, he claims to have defeated Rajendra-Chola, who must be identical with Kulottunga I, because the latter called himself by that name in his earlier records. It is nowhere stated who the Obola king that persecuted the Vaishnava teacher was; but as Koyilolugu makes him the predecessor of Kalottanga I, we may not be wrong to identify him with Virarajendra, whose dates range from A.D. 1052 to 1062, Hoysala Kings and Ministers. We have now to notice some of the Hoysa!a kings and their ministers that are represented in the Koyilolugu. To a certain Vira-Narasingaraja, the king of the Kanarese people (Kannadiya. rdja) is ascribed the building of one of the mandapas in the temple. Without more details, it is not possible to say if this king is identical with Narasimha II or Narasimha III, both of whom had interfered with the politics of the Cholas. Narasimba Il rescued the Chola king Rajaraja III at Sendamangalam where he was kept as a prisoner by Ko-Perunjinga. As Virasomesvara is called the ancle of Rajendra-Chola III, it might be inferred that Rajaraja III had married a daughter of Narasimha II, and it was probably this relationship that induced Narasimha II to help the other when overpowered by the Pallava general, Pergujinga. The establishment of the Hoysala capital at Kannanur, i.e. Samayavaram in the Trichinopoly distriot, might partly be to help the sinking Ohola power from the attacks of the Pandyes and partly also to guard the extended Hoysala dominions. Gangaiyadere Singaya-Dandanayaka, the secretary of the Hoydala king (Pratapa. chakravartin), is said to have improved or constracted the sacred hall (drogyasdlai) and the covered enclosure (tirunadaimdligas) round the temple. In an inscription of the 23rd year of Virasomeavara, mention is made of a certain Singans-Dandanayaka who might probably be identical with the person referred to above. The construction of the thousand-pillared mandapa in the temple was began prior to the time of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I, by a certain Perumale-Dasdanayake who was an officer under Kampaya-Dandanayaka. From an inscriptions at Mannargudi in the Tanjore district, we know that Kampaya-Dandanayaka was the minister (pradhani) of Vira 8omesvara and that he set up an image of a god in the Kailasanathasvamin temple at the place in the 26th year of the king. It is interesting to note that another officer of the same king was Appanna-Dandanayaka wbo figures in a record at Tirumaiyam in the Pudukkotai statelo where he is styled as the conqneror of Kana-nada. The Tiruvendipuram record shows that this general was originally in the employ of Narasimha II. Koyilolugu Dext registers the fact that Kampaya-Dandanayaka the minister (pradhani) of Pratapachakravartin Ramanatbadevs descendant in the line of Ballala contributed very largely to the additions and repairs. The mand apa in front of the shrine of Paravabudova, that in front of the goddess and the shrinos of Sudarsana-Perama! and Lakshminarayana, as well as several other minor works, are attributed to him. Certain improvements are also ascribed to the minister's elder brother, Kariyamanikka-Dandanayaks. 11 I have extraoted this from Mr Rioe's Mysore. >> No. 97 of tbe Malra Epigraphical Collection for 1897. * Annual Report on Epigrphy for 1907, p. 68.

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MAI, 1911.) KOYILOLUGU 137 Stone inscriptions of Vira-Ramanatha have also been found at Srirangam. The date of his accession to the throne had been fixed at A.D. 1255 from the fact that one of his Kannanur records couples the 17th regnal year with the cyclic year Prajapati. One of tho inscriptions of Ramanatha at Srirangam is dated in his second year (=A.D. 1257), and this had been taken to show that the defeat inflicted by J. Sundara-Pandya I, on Virasomesvara in A.D. 1255, had no lasting effect. It is worthy of note that Kampaya-Dandanayaka served both ander Virasomesvara and his son, Ramapatha. Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. . We have now to notice the works of another and a more important person. This is SundaraPandya who, as his name indicates, was a Pandya king. Koyilolugu says of him that he defeated the Chers, Chola, the Vallila i.e., the Hoysalas) and others, assumed the biruda 'who took every country and made munificent gifts from the immense booty that he had obtained from the vanquished sovereigns. As agent to the royal donor, Pallavan Vilupparaiyan Kariyamanikkan, * native of the Pandya country, effected innumerable repairs and additions to the Ranganatha temple. Construction of several tuld purusha mandapas and the completion of the work in the thousand-pillared mandapa, already referred to, are ascribed to Sundara-Pandya and it is also said that the festival conducted in the latter place thenceforward come to be called after him. The king 'caused to be made two gold images, one of Nilamsai alias Serakulavalli which he set up on the southern side of the flower-mandapa and the other was of the god but was called PonmeyndaPerumal, after the donor. It was set up in the stone shrine or strong room on the eastern side adjoining the Santdna-mandapa of Periyaliruradi. It is said that the donor originally wanted to present an image of himself in gold under the name Ponmeynda-Peramal, but finding that the temple authorities did not very much relish this idea, he had to abandon it and shape the image after the deity. He made presents of jewelled ornaments and coat of gems to the gods Periya-Peruma! and Alagiyamanavala; a coat of gems to Tiruvanantalvar; ornaments of ruby (manikkam) and diamond (vayiram), a coat and crown of gems, & garland of raby (manikkam), & necklace of lotuses, a garland of gold Senbaga flowers, another of Kalunir flowers in gems, a cloth of gold and various other ornaments to Periya-Perumal. He then caused to be covered with gold-plates several parts of the temple; erected a gold flag-staff; presented tubs, lamp-stands and dishes, all made of gold; caused to be dag np a spring in the Kavert for the bathing of the god; made a gold boat for the pleasure-roving of the god and bis consorts ; provided richly for the sacred offerings in the temple and presented gold care, etc. Sandara-Pandya is said to have expended 18 lakhs of gold pieces for covering the temple with gold plates and another 18 lakhs for other purposes and thus acquired the name "he who covered the temple of Srirangam) with gold, The title Emmandalamungonda, given in the book to Sundara-Pandyadeva, enables us to identify him with Jativarman Sundara-Pandya I, the date of whose accession fell in A.D. 1251. He appears to have reigned until at least A.D. 1271.20 In the historical introduction of this king, he styles himself as the ornament of the race of the Moon, i.e. the Pandya, the Madhava of the city of Madhura, the uprooter of the Kerala race, a second Rdma in plundering the island of Lanka, the thunderbolt to the mountain--the Chola race, the dispeller of the Karnata king, the fever to the elephant Kathaka king, i.e. (the Gajapati) king of Cuttack in Orissa), the jungle fire to the forest Viragandagopala, the lion to the deer Ganapati (i.e. the Kakatiya king Ganapati), who was the lord of Kanchi, who performed the anointment of the victors at Vikramasingapura, i.e. Nellore. He is said to have taken Srirangam from the Moon of the Karnata which means the Hoysala Vire Bomesvara. That the latter's capital, Kannamur, i.e. Samayavaram, was amongst his possessions 20 No. 198 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAT, 1911. has been surmised from the fact that he issued a grant from that city. Inscriptions of his reign are found from the distant Nellore to the extreme south, and point unmistakably to the vastness of his empire. Sundara-Pandya's conquest of the Hoysala king Virasomeavara and the capture of bis new capital, Kangapur, must have left him in possession of the Koigu country and what surrounded Trichinopoly. The victory over the Cholas and Viragondagopala should have brought almost the rest of the Tamil districts under his sway. The subjugation of the Gajapati king of Cuttack in Orissa and the Kakatiya sovereign, Ganapati, should have secured the Telagu country for the invincible conqueror. His performance of the anointment of the victors at Vikramasingapura, i.e. Nellore, is of the greatest significance in history, as it shows that not only the southern portion of the Presidency but the north as well acknowledged his supreme power. Jata varman Sundara-Pandya I. may thus be regarded as the greatest Pandya sovereign, as his dominions reached the utmost limit of expansion. In this connection we may note the remark made by the Muhammadan historian that. Ma'bar (the name by which the Pandya country was known to the Muhammadans) extends from Qulam, i.e. Quilon, to Nilawar (Nellore), nearly 300 pharasangs along the sea.coast; and in the language of the country, the king is called Dewar which signifies that he is the lord of the Empire,'21 Jatvarman SundaraPandya I. seems to have issued coins bearing several legends. Some at least of those with the inscription Sundara-Pandya are his. Dr. Holtzsch has adduced grounds to show that coins bearing the legend Ellan dalaiyanana2 belong to him. Mr. Tracy bas secured a coin which contains the characteristic emblem of the Pandyas, viz., the double fish on the obverse side, while the reverse beurs the legend Kodandardma. There are reasons to suppose that this coin is one of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I's. In his historical introduction, the king calls bimself a second Rama in plundering the island of Lanka. There are also stone epigraphs of the same sovereign which provide for festivals called Kodandardman-sandi, and these declare that the festivals were so named after the king himself. Nothing could be more convincing than the two grounds here set forth for the identity of the Kodandarama of the coins with Jala varman Sundara-Pandya I. A great conqueror as he was, there is nothing fabulous in the estimate of his munificent gifts to the Srirangam temple. The next royal personage referred to in the book is Kalottunga. There were three kings of this name and it is not possible to say which of them is alluded to here. Muhammadans advance on Srirangam. On page 44, Koyilolugu registers the fact that in Saka 1149 expired Akshaya-samvatsara, the Muhammadang tulukkar) took hold of Tondai-mandalam and advanced southward passing Samayavaram (on their way). Consternation prevailed when the news of this reached the temple authorities at Srirangam. Sriranganatharaja, who was then in charge of the affairs of the temple, is said to have ordered that the 12,000 images in the Tiruvolakkam should not be disturbed. To save them and the temple treasure from the destruction and plunder of the invading iconoclasts, a stone structure covering the particular spot was ordered to be erected. Some of the important deities and part of the treasure of the sacred place were sent away to the south. As apprehended, the Muhammadans entered the Ranganatha temple, mutilated and destroyed such of the images that they came by. The same event is referred to on page 61 where Saka 1249 coupled with the cyclic year Akshaya is assigned to it instead of 1149. It may be noted that the cyclic year Akshaya regularly corresponds to Saka 1249 but not to Saka 1149. The latter is, therefore, an evident mistake. 11 Sir W. H. Elliot's History of India, p. 82. The legend of Eulandalaiyanan in Nos. 133 and 137 of Sir Walter Elliot's colleotion has been misread Jamarakoldhala but appears to bave boen subsequently corrected.

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MAY, 1911.] KOYILOLUGU 139 God Alagiyamanavala was removed by way of Jyotishkudi where they kept it for one month, Tirumalirudjolai near Madura where it was kept for one year, Kolikkodu in the Malayalam country where it was kept for one year and whither several deities from other parts of the country had also been removed, Tirukkanambai, Punganur, Tirunarayanapuram (i.e. Melakote) where it was kept for a long time and finally to the hill at Tiruvengadam (i.e. Tirupati). In the last place it was wor shipped for several years until Saka 1293. It is worth while to note hore what Dr. Burnell says about the advent of the Muhammadans in Southern India. "About the year A. D. 1911 (Nelson says A. D. 1324, but does not give his reasons) the Musalmans ander Malik Kafur conquered Madura and held the country for 48 years. Kampana-Udaiyar and his successors conquered and held both the Pandya and the Chola countries till towards the end of the century when gradually the whole of the South of India fell under the sovereignty of Vijayanagar (A. D. 1370) "23. Though Malik Kafur's invasion of the Dekhan took place about A. D. 1310-11, yet it is reasonable to suppose that some time elapsed before the Musalmans could go so far south as Madura or Trichinopoly. Mr. Nelson's view that the Muhammadans entered Madura about A.D. 1324 seems to get some support from Koyilolugu which places the event at A. D. 1327. Dr. Burnell's statement that about A. D. 1870 the whole of Southern India fell under the sovereignty of Vijayanagar is completely borne out by . the book ander reference which assigns the reconsecration of god Alagiyamanavala in the Srirangam Temple to Saka 1293. Vijayanagara Kings. Koyilolugu records that, by the influence of Vidyaranya, the city of Anaigondi, where the Rayas had established a dynasty, grew in importance. This statement is completely in accordance with the stone inscriptions. The first great sovereign of the Vijayanagara dynasty who added greatly to the dominions was Harihara I (Saka 1261-1271). In his reign flourished the highly learned Vidyaranya also known by the name of Vidyatirtha and Bharatitirtha Sripada, who in a Tecord at Sringeri is said to have been greatly instrumental in founding the dynasty. This inscription registers that in order to celebrate the victorious establishment of his empire from the eastern to the western Ocean, Haribara with his five brothers made a grant of nine villages to the matha at Sringeri in Saka 1268, Parthiva. Continning, the book relates that during the reign of Harihara II, Tondai-mandalam was conquered. One of the officers, of this king named Goppana-Udaiyar who was residing at Senjt (in the South Arcot District) visited Tirupati to worship the god and under orders from the lord et Chandragiri he went and resided with him for some time. Goppana then removed the image of Alsgiyamanavala from Tirumalai (i. e. Tirapati) to Singapuram near Senji. He marched against the Muhammadans with a strong force and defeated them completely. In Saka-samvat 1293, the Paridhavi-samvatsara, on the 17th solar day of the month of Vaisakha, Goppana brought back the image of Perumal to Srirangam and reconsecrated the god and his consort (N&chchiyar). He engraved on the outer portion of the east side of the temple wall (built by Dharmavarman) the following verse: grafirar foto (published in Ep. Ind., Vol. VII). Goppana-Udaiyar also granted to Uttamanambi for the benefit of the temple, 52 villages, the income from which amounted to 17,000 gold pieces. A certain Gundu Saluvaiya who accompanied Goppana to Srfrangam cast in bell-metal the plate of the flag-staff and set it in place of the gold one which the Muhammadans had destroyed. At the instance of prince ViruppannaUdaiyar, son of king Harihara II, Uttamatambi built a tuld purusha-mandapa to the east of the 25 Mz. Sewell's List of Ant. YoL I. p. 284.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. flag-staff. Viruppana-Udaiyar performed here his talabhara ceremony. The gold presented on this occasion, together with what was given when Harihara performed the same ceremony, the gilding of the vimana of Kutcik koyil and the present of 9 gold vessels, form the rich gifts of the time. When Uttamanambi was managing the affairs of the temple at Srirangam, the Vijayanagara empire was ruled by no less than three kings. The names of these and those of their chief ministers are mentioned on p. 47. Here we find that during the 15 years from Saka 1304 expired, Rudhirodgari-Samvatsara, Uttamanambi went to Vijayanagar four or six times and received rich donations and endowments at the hands of Harihararaya-Mabariya, Viruppana-Udaiyar, Gopana Udaiyar, Muttaya-Dannayaka and Annar-Goppanar, the chief officer who executed the orders of Somaya-Dannayaka who was the minister of Kampana-Udaiyar. The dates of Kampana II range from Saka 1283 to 1296, those of Harihara II, from Saks 1299 to 1324 and of the latter's son Viruppana II, from Saka 1301 to 1322. In the first place it is necessary to note that according to Koyilolugu Annar-Goppanar and Goppana are two different persons. A record of Kampana II, found at Dalavanur, not far from Gingi in the South Arcot district, is dated in the cyclic year Subhakrit (=Saka 1285) and registers an order of Salura Manga issued in accordance with a letter from Annar-Goppanar. It is evident from this that Annar-Goppanar was an officer under Kampana-Udaiyar. Mr. J. Ramayya Pantulu draws attention to a statement in the Telugu work, Jaimini Bharatam, which credits this Saluva Mangu with successes obtained for a certain Samparaya in his battles with the Sultan of the South. The above fact coupled with what has been said of Goppanna-Udaiyar that he gained victories over the Muhammadans shows that the Bahmani kings were a source of trouble during this period and that they were put down by the power of the Vijayanagara kings. Among the persons who took an active part in the war against the Muhammadans, we may mention Goppanna, Saluva Mangu and Gundu Saluva. We have made a short notice of the first two, and it will be useful to note what we know of the last member who appears to be identical with Saluva Mangu's father. Gunda was the general of Kampana (Saka 1288-1296) and his exploits are described in the following terms in a stone inscription discovered in the Mysore State - Into the flames of his valour the Yavana, the Turushka and the Andhra hostila kinge, fell like moths. Dragging the elephant-like Saipa, Patheya and other proud turushkas along by their hair in battle, he tied them up in his stables like monkeys 24. At Tittakudi there is an inscription of Kampana II, dated in Saks 1295, Paridhavi, which registers gifts made by Somayya-Damnayaka. An Achchararapakkam record (No. 250 of 1901) of the same king mentions both Goppans and Somappa as the ministers of the sovereign. There is little doubt as to the identity of Somappa of this inscription with Somayya; and Goppana is probably identical with Gopana-Udaiyar. Muddaya-Dannayaka referred to in Kyilolugu is probably the same as MaddaDandadhipa mentioned as donor in a record of Haribara II, found at Harihar (No. 142 of 1899). Another variant of his name occurring in inscriptions is Muddapa. He was the minister of Bukka I (Saka 1274-1298) and continued to hold the same office ander Haribara II (Saka 1299-1324)36. According to Koyilolugu, there was some dispute between the Saivites of Jambuklavaram and the Vaishnavites of Srirangamn between the Saka years 1294 and 1297. The management of the Srirangam temple, in the interval between Saka 1304 and 1319, when Harihara II and his son Viruppana were ruling at Vijayanagar, was in the hands of Periya-Krishnaraya Uttamanambi. At the instance of Harihara II, he made an ivory cot and a fine bed for the god, and placed them in the mandapa of Alagiyamanavala. At this time, Nagamangalam Annappa-Udaiyar gilded the pillars of Amudu-mandara and covered with silver-plates the plank on which food was served and distributed to the temple servants. Timmarahattaraya, the agent of Saluva Gopalaraja also contributed his mite of gilding. During the three years, viz., Saka 1319-1822, a certain Vediryabhatta ** Epigraphic Carnatica, Hassan distriot. No. 13 of 1903. * Epigraphia Carnatica, D. III.

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MAT, 1911.) KOYILOLUGE 141 looked after the templo affairs. His arrogance and grow mismanagement led Viruppanna-Udaiya to interfere. The following verse states that a certain Gopana Timmaraja was sent from Vijayanagar to dopose Vedirya and to invest Meynilaiyitta Uttamanambi with powers to manage the temple affairs which he performed satisfactorily till Saka 1340, Vikrama-Samvatsara. zrImacchakAmdenavalokabhAjivikAriNIyuttamanamminAMnA pepArvabhaudharitimmarAgovitAbabhaIsamavaMtayAmahIt // The next Vijayanagara king represented in the book under review is Bhupati-Udaiyar. The copper image of Garuda set up by . Chola king in former times having been mutilated, a fresh one was made in its place. This fact is recorded in the following stanza: aquest titan eftert i f ra fagh ATGT aferent stall The shrine of Sri-Rama, which was also bailt by a Chola king, was now repaired and the image of Sadikkadutts-Nachchiyar was placed in it. A kitchen was newly constracted to this sbrine. Repairs of those parts of the temple which had suffered damage at the hands of the iconoclasts as well as certain additions are attributed to Chakraraya who appears to bave executed them at the instance of the king. In honour of the king's birthday a festival was also conducted in the temple on the day when Panarvasa was the nakshatra, the month Tai and the year Manmatha. It is said that on this occasion the goddess was taken round the town in a car. The cyclic year Manmatha fell in Saka 1337. Two kings are known by the name of Bhupati Udaiyar. One of them was the son of Bakka IT, while the other was the father of Devariya II. As the dates of both range from Saka 1381 to 1848, it is not easy to say which of them is referred to in the Koyilolugu. In Saka 1343 expired, Plava-Samvatsara, Ellainilaiyitta Uttamana nbi went to Vijayanagar, pleased Gejavejtai Pratapadevareya, received several birudas from him, secured for his younger brother Chakraraya, the seal of the great Raya (i.e., the Vijayanagara king), performed a tour of pilgrimage to important centres of worship, retarned to Srfraugam and resided there sorutinizing the accounts relating to the villages granted to the temple, until the cyclic year Promodata corresponding to Saka 1345. The king here referred to is Devaraya II, son of Viravijaya alias Vijaya Bbupati. Most of his inscriptions furnish him with the title who witnessed the elephant hunt.' As the dates of this sovereign range from Saka 1343 to 1868, Uttamanambi's visit to the court of Vijayanagat appears to have taken place soon after his coronation, In Saka 1947, Bhupalaraya was the Vijayanagara sovereign. This king must be identical with Brigiri Bhupala wbose copper-plate grant dated in the same year is published in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, pp. 306 ff. Troubles with the Saluvas. Tirumalain atba Uttamanambi went to Vijayanagar in Saka 1366, Raktakshi-Samvatsara and in Saks 1374 Prajapati during the reign of Praudhadevaraya Mallikarjuna and received a grant of 22 villages for the temple. He effected certain repairs, constructed the hundred-pillared manda pa and bathed the god with 1,000 pots of water. At the instance of the Vijayanagara officer (Dangayaka), the same person built a shrine to Hanomat. A certain Kamparaja was sent in Saka 1380, Pramadhi, to Trichinopoly to put down the power of Baluva Tirumalairaja who appears to have tried to assert bis independence and in Saks 1883 expired, Chitrabhanu, he executed extensive gilding work at a cost of 1,600 palam of gold. About the same time Jannaya-Nayaka set up on one of the gopuras, the image of the dodrapalakas which had been mutilated by the Muhammadans. Two years after this, Salava Tirumalairaja contended that he must be left in undisturbed possession of the Trichinopoly district and this was the cause of quarrel between him and Kamparaja. The people of the Southern and Northern banks of the Kuveri) the members of the sabhd (village Assembly), all the country-men and roots gathered together, destroyed the bimai and lived for 12 years i.e., from Saks 2380-1392) in the bundred-pillared mandape of the temple and outside of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. the town. Finally, in Saka 1392 expired, Khara, Saluva Tirumalairaja established himself firmly over Trichinopoly and the Tandalsimai. In the mandapa of Alagiyamanavala, he raised a platform in sandal-wood and made an ivory bed to the god. Mallidevan puttur is said to have been granted by a certain Annappa-Udaiyar in Rudhirodgari-Samvatsara corresponding to Saka 1885. And in the same year, Andappa-Udaiyar Tirumalaitandar granted Gudiyalam village to the temple and Nagarasa-Udaiyar built the enclosure wall of the shrine of the goddess. 142 At Srirangam there is a stone inscription of Saluva Tirumalai raja dated in Saka 1385 expired, Subhanu, which may, in all probability, refer to the chief against whom Kamparaja was sent. Another record of the same ruler dated three years carlier, i.e., in Vikrama is found at Tirukkattuppalli 28 About the first of these records, Dr. Hultzsch remarks that he is identical with the Tuluva king Timma, the founder of the second dynasty of Vijayanagar, as in the Sanskrit verses at the end of the inscription the king is called Gopa-Timma.29 The Gangaikondacholapuram record30 of Virupaksha III dated in Saka 1405, Subhakrit, mentions Tirumalairaja and this is perhaps the latest reference to Saluva Tirumalairaja. The inscriptions of the Saluva king Tirumalai discovered in the Trichinopoly district and his final triumph in asserting his independence prove the weakness of the Vijayanagara sovereign of the day and the growing importance of the Saluvas who in the end overthrew the Central Government, Saluva Usurpation. Krishaaraya Uttamanambi, the younger brother of Tirumalainatha Uttamanambi came to manage the affairs of the temple in Saka 1409 expired Plavanga. He secured as many as 20. villages from persons like Eramanchi Timmappa-Nayaka and contributed his share of the repairs to the temple. Vira-Narasingaraya defeated Praudhadevaraya in Saka 1409, Saumya, and ruled the Vijayanagara kingdom with Kanigiris as his capital. Ramaraja, the elder brother of the conqueror and a learned scholar, obtained from him an order, to the effect that the 108 sacred places of the Vaishnavas should be under his sway. He went to Srirangam where he received the name Kandadai Annan. At this time Koperiraja, who succeeded Saluva Tirumalairaja in the Government of the Trichinopoly district (simai) favoured the people of Tiruvanaikkaval, gave away the temple villages to Kottai-samantan Sennappa-Nayaka, extracted puravari, kanikkai, pattu,. parivattam and such other taxes and caused much annoyance to the temple authorities at Srirangam. When the matter was repeatedly reported by Kandadai Ramanuja to Narasa-Nayaka, the latter came with a large army, put down Koneriraja and took away the charge of the district from his hands. Narasa then got back to the temple those villages which it had been dispossessed of, remitted the newly imposed taxes, and removed all the grievances of the people. Some persons, being unable to bear the oppression of Koneriraja, mounted up the gopura and put an end to their lives by falling from it. The images of these were set up on the gopura. As brother of the king and partly also on account of his good works, Kandadai Ramanuja was treated with great respect. The number of villages got back to the temple from Sennappa-Nayaka and others was 63. Two years after, i.e., in Saka 1418, Virodhikrit, a few of the devadana villages were sold away to put right Rajamahendran-tiruvaeal, which had suffered considerable damage by the fall of a thunderbolt during the commotion caused by the Muhammadan invasion. Narasa-Nayaka's action in the Trichinopoly district receives confirmation from other sources. It is well expressed in the following extract from Mr. Sewell. "The glorification attached to the name of Sangama coincides with that ascribed in a subsequent period to the then sovereign Narasa and it was probably a formula. It states that he worshipped at Rameevaram, built a bridge over No. 59 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1892. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1892, p. 9. This place is in the Nellore district. 28 Ibid for 1897, Mr. Bewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I, p 265,

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AY, 1911.] KOYILOLUGU 143 the Kavert, crossed it, defeated his enemy, and captured Srirangam." The statement that ViraNarasimha defeated Praudbadevariya is not new to history. Mr. J. Ramayya Pantula in his article on the Devulapalli plates of Immadi Noisimha sums up the events of this period as narrated by the Portuguese chronicler Nuniz, "According to Nuniz, the following are brietly the circumstances that led to the downfall of the first and the accession of the second dynasty. The last great king of the first dynasty was Devareya II who ruled till about A.D. 1449. The next 40 or 50 years saw no less than five sovereigns. All of them were weak and imbecile. The last of them, whom Nuniz calls. Padea Rao,' seems to have been the worst of the lot. And in his time the empire declined even more than in the time of his four immediate predecesso18. It occurred to Narasimharaya, who was the principal minister and general of the state, that a change of sovereign was necessary to prevent the kingdom from falling a prey to its hereditary enemy, the Bahmani kings. And with the consent and support of the other generals and ministers, he seized the throne and kingdom, allowing the king to make his escape." As regards the date of the usurpation by Narasymgua, the same writer remarks there are no means of fixing the exact year of the usar pation ; but this event must be placed between the Saka year 1408 (= A. D. 1486-7) which is the latest known date of the first dynasty and Saka 1418, Rakshasa (= A.D. 1495-6) which is the earliest known reliable date of Immadi Narasimha." Narasymgua of Nuniz has been identified with the Saluva king Vira-Narasim baraya. "The statement in the Koylolugu that Vira-Narasimharaya defeated Praudhadevarays places beyond all possible doubts the identity of Nuniz's Padea Rao' with Praudhadevareya. It is also worthy of note that the date of the first usurpation by Vira-Narasimhariya took place some time before Saka 1411, if not in that year. An inscription of Vira-Narasimhariya has been found at Varichc hiyar in the Madura district. That VtraNarasimharaya prior to his obtaining the Vijayanagara throne was in the service of the last kings of that dynasty may be gathered from several stone records. He figures in an inscription of Saka 1390 when Rajasekhara-Mabiraja son of Mallikarjuna was king. His general Narasa-Nayakka whu put down the power of Koneriraju, usurped the Vijayanagara kingdom on the death of Vira-Narasimharaya. And his records are found in the Madura and Trichinopoly districts, and establish in a way his conquest and the extent of his dominions. Sennappa Nayak ka is perhaps identical with Sennayadeva who figures in No. 4 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1896. It may be noted here that after Immadi Narasimha, Ktisbgaraya and Achynta had sway over the Trichinopoly district. It was during the time of these kings that the Napakas of Madura got more or less independent power; but it may be said that they acknowlelged the central authority of the Vijayanagara kings. The Nayakas of M urs In Saka 1420, Trichinopoly and Madura were under the role of Visvanatha-Nayakka. A certain Narasimha-Desika, son of VAthuladesika, with the help of the Nayakka presented several gold vessels and gave tbree lakhs of gold (pieces) in addition. In Saka 1447 during the rule of KsishnappaNayakka, he presented many jewels to the god and built steps on the southern bank of the Kaveri. As agent to Kamara Krishnappa, the same individual made for the god a coat of jewels and a crown at a cost of 1,50,000 gold pieces, In Saka 1500, Muttu-Virappa Nayakka was ruling. Now Uttamanambi and Bhattar Tirumalachari quarrelled and the Vijayanagare king (rdyar) sent an army against Trichinopoly, which was encamped at Togur, perbaps identical with the village of the same name near the Grand Anicut. Raghunatha-Nayakka was the Rayar's agent. The treachery of Uttamanambi led to the captivity of Bhattar Tirumalachari, who was removed to the Durgam and kept there for six months until redeemed by a Reddi on payment of a ransom of 20,000 gold pieces. The famous Gattival-Nayakkan flourisbed during this period. After MuttuVirappa, Tirumalai Saari, perhaps Tirunalai-Nayakka, visited Srirangam.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. This is the account given in the Koyilolugu of the Nayakas of Madura and their connection with Srirangam. The dates furnished here appear to be incorrect. Stone and copper plate inscriptions hitherto discovered prove the correctness of the chronology as given in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 200, for Muttu Kpishna, Muttu Virappa Tirumalai-Nayakka, Mattu Virappa II, or Visvanatha IV, and Chokkanatha. Muddu-Krishna's line seems to have become extinct and it was only that of Visvanatha III. that eontinued to the 18th century, as several records call Mutta-Virappa and his brother Tirumala the sons of Visvanatha III. For an account of the origin of the Nayakas, see Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1909. Mr. Moore in his District Manuul, p. 126, states that up to Visvanatha's reign Uraiyur was the capital of the country, and that he, if he did not found Trichinopoly, at all events fortified and enlarged it. Mr. Sewell adds that the fort at Trichinopoly was strengthened by Krishnappa alias Periya-virappa, and Visvanatha II, that perpetual fighting occurred during this period and that this distriet was the scene of constant bloodshed and strife. It is to Visvanatha that the town and rock of Trichinopoly owes much of their present grandeur and importance. Though Kayilolugu stops with the mention of Tirumalai-Nayakka, there are evidences of the rule of his successors over Trichinopoly. The present Talak Katchery buildings are popularly ascribed to Migamma! and a copper-plate of her time registors gifts to the Sriraugam templo. NADOL PLATES OF THE MAHARAJAPUTRA KIRTI PALA OF VIKRAMA SAMVAT 1218. BY PANDIT RAM KARNA; JODHPUR. THE inscription has been edited by Prof. Kielhorn, but as will be seen from the transcript subjoined and the photo-litho accompanying it, his transliteration was not correct in many respects. Besides, he was not able to identify the various places mentioned in the inscription. It, therefore, stands in need of being re-edited. The plates are in the possession of the panchayat of the village of Nadol in the Desuri (Godwar) district of Miswap, although they relate to a Jaina temple at Nilai, & village in the close vicinity of Nadol. It is a rule rigorously observed by this panchayat that unless all the members of it are present, the room wherein these plates are deposited is not to be opened. Fortunately, all the members were present at Nadal, except one, when I visited it in company of Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in 1908. The one absent had but gone to a village close by. He was called back and the plates were shown and impressions taken. The account of its contents has been ably given by Prof. Kielborn, and stands in no need of being modified or amplified except in two respects. In line 12 is mentioned the name of Alhana's queen, Annalladevi, wliose father, according to Prof. Kielhorn's reading, was Anahala of the Rashtrauda race. But, as will be seen from the photo-litho, the name is distinctly written Sahula, and not Anahula. Secondly, Prof. Kielhorn was unable to identify the twelve villages specified in the inscription, except two. But, all the places except one can be identified. They are Naddulai-grama, Sujera, Hariji, Kaviladam, Edvanan, Morakara, Hararamdar, Madada, Kanasuvam, Depasuri, Nadada, and Mauvadi. Naddulai-grama is, of course, Nadlai (or Naplai). Sujera is Sujapara near Narlai but now desolate. Hariji is the same as Harji in Jalor) on the border of the Godwar district, at a distance of 20 kos from Desuri. Kaviladam is probably Kailvada in the Udaipur territory about 16 miles N.-W. of Desuri. Sonanam is obviously Sonana, 4 miles N.-W. of Desuri. Morakara is Morkha about 8 miles S.-S.-W. of i Vide Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 66 4.

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NADOL GRANT OF KIRTIPALA-VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1218, 9Aya niziTolavAvA devAvalajIvarazekarAsadAtirAgA tATodinAUgativi zutAzAkalasanAmArapurAtI hA nAda mAnAvaTayala unmArADAmahArAUnatA diyugmaH syAttA banAyA jAnA tirAhanAmA nailesamatadoTAlanaTA: shriilkaamaavtin| mAsaguptA vistArapavarI soli tArayaH satAtalAhI vAle rAUlA marapati pazcAtA dIyomaharayAnAvinadapAla sivaTArA byaktyiA svatAra tasmAcIvamahApratApatraNAma helacanakAjImAna Dilla devapattaHzIta irAU:tAta ramAdaravirikuMjaravapatrAlAmAhApanaHsa kApAcavalahatA rinalajarAhIsA zarADhorAta sumAninatikamA(timahArAjyapatA pATo yora dA kaDA thiyaramatareSA pAsA raassttrikaan| zovAnA ravivAradAtavamAtinaH lanA.jAma dAsAevApAditavIratiramalIantalAlatiyAnalarAvADanAvatA nsoddvraajtraamdaastaan| sanalAdaviritizIlalitahakArigegAtahAtakotahata vaaditaas|saalyaajaataaH sapA jagatavaravivArarAsAToTA batAHAzAkhaHzAsanAmAta lApatarapuralagAtAravAgatA: suzItAkApazIkittalAkhamadausanesaMhAsanA kii| ( padAvA nirAlAlapuruSavadavA mAlAtadalIyA:madhAdamIvAtala Prore.LTHo. BY B.I.PRESS.

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iia. nArAkAlivAna siMhAvatamAla nikalavyamA zrIkAlAparvASakAlAgarA UlathIdanAdakA UlAmAla lAda vAcyArAjaputIkopilavasAdayananadralapativavAdarAmAlina telA rAjazrIpAla samAvaNadipAsAnAbazAnadAranAmA tapAsasAmarikA yatilAdamA pAyinavAdalakarasTAvAlAnudAvanasAcAva ralatamatinisapaTalapAdanapaTIyAnAniAzavapAtakapakapakAlanakAdivAkarasyA pachAniyATAvarAvaragurumAdaramamAvAGalAnAdAjyAdatIdavAnAlinI laganaDalalavaralajIviTa yA kaladhArevidAgAratikabAla jgaahnaaspugy| TAmAlizAyazAsanapaTAliTAna ilAUzAmAzImahAvIrajalAcanalA sATa rAyAma kyAmapatirodhAtApAvAlapanAyajhApApAtA yaasaan| to tilA badamAsAdAlayAmapadAsAhalAAmAdAjapAkA katilADA sAjamAratAsahiravaimADADAkA sucAdavasAkAhAna evaM grA12rAnajAdarA mAmaghusavedApi AlizAsajaTAnonilimovatAlakA zalagimAsadAdhivapatitArapaDiyAmAgataHjAkajApiTaravadhAnAnacA maTA DAsayanikAAtArA:kavitAvazatinacAikatarasanAlAghamamahanavAjavira sahamANisvAtitidAvavAhivAlavAyavanarakavAsa hAvaDAlima BY R. I. PRESS PHOTO, LITHO.

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iib. rAta dilA kAyadAnAnanA yAnAta vAparalapadAsAnA rAnIko tripAlI mAne gAnA sakArAgAramA mAsu ra kr| dAmAdaram tAlayAlA sAjanA mAlanahA PHOTO, LITHO. BY B. I. PRESS,

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NADOL PLATES OF KIRTIPALA 145 MAY, 1911] Sonana. Haravamdam cannot be identified. Madada is obviously Modada or Mandada, 4 miles S.-W. of Morkha. Kanasuvam is, in all likelihood, Kana, a mile south of Sonana. Devasuri is doubtless Desuri. Naddada is Nadana in Bali (Godwar) 8 miles from Nadol and Mauvadi is, perhaps Mori or Modi near Beda in the Bali district and a Railway station on the R.-M. Railway. The inscription records a grant by the Rajapatra (or king's son) Kirtipala, son of Alhanadeva of Naddulai in favour of a Jaina temple, and consists of 34 lines of a prasasti with eight verses chiefly of genealogical matter, and the rest in prose. It opens with a verse invoking the blessing of the gods Brahman, Sridhara (Vishnu) and Samkara (Siva), who, always free from passions, are famous in the world as Jinas or Jaina Arhats. It is curious that the Hindu gods comprising the trinity are here called Jinas (V. 1). In the town of Sakambhari, there was born a king named Vakpatiraja in the Chahamana race (V. 2). His son named Lakshmana became king of Naddula and was succeeded by his son Sobhita. From him sprang Baliraja, and after him there ruled his paternal uncle named Vigrahapala, son of Sobhita (V. 3). Vigrahapala's son was Mahendra, who was succeeded by his son Anahilla, who again bad Jendraraja as his son, from whom was born Asaraja (V. 4). Asaraja's son was Alhane who was the lord of Naddula and who having defeated the ruler of Sarashtra (Sorath in Kathiawar), extended bis dominions (V. 5). He was married to Annallade via the daughter of Sahula3 of the Rashtranda (Rathor) race (V. 6). She gave birth to three sons, who were well versed in learning as well as in wielding arms, vis., Kelhana, Gajasimha and Kirtipala (V. 7). Of these, Kolhapa, the eldest, who was possessed of all merits, was made a Kumara (or beir-apparent) and given a share in the government by his father (V. 8). Rajakula Alhanadeva and the Kumara Kelhanadeva were pleased to grant to the prince (Rajaputra) Kirtipala twelve villages appertaining to Naddulai (Nadlai) (11. 17-19). The Rajaputra Kirtipala after bathing and performing religious rites: such as worshipping the Sun and Mahesvara (Siva), etc., and realising the transitoriness of this world, granted on Monday the 5th of the dark half of Sravana of the Vikrama year 1218 (corresponding to A.D. 25th July, 1160) a yearly sum of 2 drammas from each of the twelve villages of Naddulai to (the temple of) the Jina Mahavira at the village of Naddulai, and ordered that the money in question should be paid in the month of Bhadrapada of every year, commencing from that year [(i. e., 1218) (11. 20-26)]. The names of the twelve villages are enumerated (1. 27), viz, Nadd ulal-grama, Sujera, Hariji, Kaviladam, Sonanam, Morakara, Haravamdam, Madada Kanasuvam, Devasuri, Nadada, and Mauvadi. It is further ordered (11. 28-29) that this grantmoney should be paid at the celebration of the Samvatsart each year and that none should interfere with this grant in future. If his descendants are deprived of their kingdom and some one succeeds them, he binds such new-comers also not to discontinue this grant (L. 30). Then follow the usual verses imprecating those who resume grants (11. 31-82). This grant is given with his own hand (i. e., sign-manual) by the Maharaja putra, the illustrious Kirtipala. This grant was written ander onders by Subhamkara, son of Damodara and grandson of the Kayastha Sodha of the Naigama lineage (11, 33-34). She is no doubt the Analadevi mentioned in a Sanderav insoription, for the particulars of which; see Prog. Rep. Arch. Burv., West, Circle, for 1909, pp. 51-52.-D.R.B. Prof. Kielhorn reads Anahula, but it is Sahuls. Here the verses end and hence numbers of lines are quoted below. This was a title borne by many Rajput princes of the mediaeval times, who had become disciples of ascetic belonging to a sect called Rival (see above for 1910, p. 190)-D.R.B, Samvatsars is the name given to the festival held by the Jainas on Bhadrapada sudi 5th, in commemoration of the anniversary of the Tirthankara named Mahavirasvami when he obtained Nirvapa. These verses are quoted in all grants whether small or large,

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY EMAT, 1911. TEXT. First Plate. 1-3| svasti / zriyai bhavaMtu vo devA (1) brahma zrIdharazaMkarAH / sadA virAgavaM (1)2-so ye (1) jinA jagati vizrutAH // 1 zAkaMbharInAmapure purAsI (1) cchIcAha3-mAnAnvayalabdhajanmA / rAjA mahArAjanatAMnhiyagmaH khyAtovanI vAkpa (1)4-sirAjanAmA // 2 naGkale samabhUttadIyatanayaH zrIlakSmaNo bhuuptiH| sta (1)-- 5-smAtsarvaguNAnvito nRpavaraH zrIsobhitAtyaH sutaH sasmAcchIvalirAjanA6-manRpatiH pazcAttadIyo mahIkhyAtI vigrahapAla ItyabhidhayA rAjye pitRbhyobhavat / / cha" 7-sasmAttIvamahApratApataraNiH putrI maheMdrobhavattajjAcchIbhaNihiladevanapateH zrIjeM-- 8--drarAjaH sutaH / tasmAhurddharavairikuMjaravadhaprottAlasiMhopamaH saskI dhavalAkRtA"-- 9-khilajagahI AzarAjo nRpaH // 4 tatputro nijavikramArjita mahArAjyapratApohayo" 10-yo jagrAha jayazriyaM raNabhare vyApAya saurASTrikAn / zaucAcAravicAradAnavasatiha11--lanAyo 20maha (1) saMkhyotpAditavIravRttiramalaH zrIalhaNo bhUpatiH || 5 anena rAjJA janavizrute (1) 12--na (1) rASTroDavaMzajavarA sahalasya putrI | annala deviiita kIlavivekayuktA (rAmeNa ve janakajeva vi13-vAhitAsI / / 6 AbhyAM jAtAH suputrA jagati varadhiyo rUpasaudaryayuktAH (I) zastraiH shaastrai| praga (1) 14--lbhAH pravaraguNagaNAratyAgavantaH muzIlAH | jyeSThaH zrIkalhaNAyayastavanu ca gajasiMhastathA kI (1)15--tipAlI (1) yavannetrANi zaMbhotripuruSavadathAmI jane vaMdalIyAH [*]10madhyAdamISAM pari Second Plate-First Side. 16-bAranAyo TeSThA'gajaH kSoNitale prasiddhaH / kRta kumAro nijarAjyadhArI 17--zrIkalhaNa srvgnnrupetH| [.][8] AbhyAM rAjakulazrIbhAlhaNadeva (1) kumArazrIkalha-- 18- devAbhyAM rAjaputra zrIkAttipAlasya prasAde ittanalAIprativahAdazamAmANi / / 19--tato rAjaputrazrIkIrtipAlaH | saM. 1218 zrAvaNavavi 5 some || bhaye zrInahUle sAsvA dho0.. 20--tavAsasI paridhAya lilAkSatakuzapraNayinaM dakSiNakaraM kRtvA devAnunakana saMtal (1) va.... 21--halatamatimirapaTalapATanapaTIyaso niHzeSapAtakapaMkaprakSAlanastha divAkarasya 22--pUjAM vidhAya (1) carAcaraguruM mahesvaraM namaskRtya (1) halabhuji homavavyAhatItvA nalinI23--dalagatajalalavataralaM jIvitavyamAkalayya / aihikaM pAravika gha phalamagIkRtya svapuNya-- 24. yazobhivRddhaye zAsanaM prayacchati bathA|zrInahalAIgrAme (1) zrImahAvIrajinAya nahalAi-- 25--dvAdazanAmeSu pAma prati dra2 hau drammI panavilepanadIpadhUpopabhogArtha (1) zAsane 26--varSe prati bhAdrapadamAse caMdrArkakSitikAla yAvat pravRttI mahalAImAma | sUjera harijI [1]. 27--kavilADaM / sonANaM / morakarA | haravaMdaM [[*] mADADa | kANasavaM / devasUrI | nADADa [I] mauvaDI / 28--evaM pA0 12[1] eteSa vAvazamA sarvadApi asmAbhiH zAsane ittI / ebhimiradhunA saMvatsa-- 29-411 (1) lagitvA sarvadApi varSe prati bhAdrapade dAtavyo / ata: marDsa kenApi paripaMthanA na kartavyA / 30-asma;o vyatikrAMte yonyaH ko'pi bhaviSyati [I] tasyAhaM [vai] kare lano na lopya"mama zAsanaM / / SaSTiva 1--sahasrANi svarge tiSThati dAyakaH / AcchettA cAnumatAca tAnyeva narakaM vaset // bahubhirvasudhA * Read brahma' * Read nahUle. - Read patistadeg In Read zobhitA" 11 Read Ceglar ___URead itya - Read 15 Rules of sandhi violated w Read dhavalaoNka. 7 Read gacchI pAza', and mark violation of suindhi. - Read "mArjita 19 Read podayodeg Read majhansa' 1 Read pAhaNI; and here, again, observe the wrong randhi for which the metro shows the author to be responsible. // devi is wrongly used for devI which would have offended against the metre. "Read vaMdanIyAH4 Read jyeSThoM. 29 Read kRtaH * Read kelhaNA. ar Read degbaddha >> Road 91:. - Read ayeha. So Read dhota'. 1 Read bahala'. as Read mahezvara. Is Read dayA. * Lead pArAdhika as Read ca. - Read 'maMgI.. ma Read kAlaM. WRead pradatto. >> That is TAT. - Read 'dApyasmAbhiH, 1 Resd saraM. ** Read vas * Read degsmadaMze. - Read yaM. 40 Read "maMtA. "Road narakaM. - Read bahu

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May, 1911.) THE MEDS OF MAKRAN 147 Second Plate-Second Side. 32--# OH14" ref: We TR 2 184 batera *** Il eage 88 erragutarreta | ATHATORTEICAT giant: I mana31--Arie Hart | HT HETft: 11 - THE MEDS OF MAKRAN. BY RAI BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.; CALCUTTA. Tax Meds of Makran are at the present day fishermen and sailors. It is an especially interesting study to trace their ancient history in order to find out who they are, and from where or how they came to the Southern Coast of Baluchistan. Herodotus in Vol. VII, page 62, (Rawlinson) says, " These Medes were called anciently by all people Arians, but when Medea, the Colchican, came to them from Athens, they changed their name." Ritter (V. 458) adds that those Eastern and proper Indians, whose territory, however, Alexander never touched by a long way, call the diselves in the most ancient period Arians (Arier). Manu (II, 22, X, 45) mentions & Dame coinciling with that of the ancient Medes." Sir Denzil Ibbetson, in quoting General Cunningham, says in his Panjab Census Report, 1881, that the Meds entered India about a century before Christ, that tbey followed the Jats or Jatii of Pliny and that the Jats and Meds of Sind were ruled over by Brahmin dynasty. MacCrindle in bis invasion of Ancient India by Alexander identifies the River Polver with Medos (page 33). The Encyclopaedia Britannica tells us that Media is tlic ancient name of a country of considerable extent in Western Asia now forming portion of Persin, inhabited by Turanians called Medes, that they belong to the Aryan race, that they resemble the Persians, and that they have been traced to the countries beyond the Indus. They were conquered by Cyrus (550 B.C.) Balfour's Cyclopaedia says that the Medes occnpied the Western tableland of Iran and the bordering mountains. Among the ancient Sanskrit works of India, the Meds have been mentioned in the Yama-Samhita. Vyasa is also said to have described them. I give the quotations for what they are worth. (A) VAN HE TETRY: fu r ryst: Egar: 11 The washerman (rajaka) and the shoe-maker (charmakdra), Nat, Burud, Kaibartta, Med and Bhil are low-born (untouchables). (B) TITTA - - - 499 : etenvajAH samAkhyAtA becAnye ca gavAzanAH / / Together with Varata, etc., the Meds are counted low-caste (antyaja). (C) Manu sayskArAvaro nipAdAnucarmakAraH prsuuyte| A regiugerat ll x 86. A Vaisyua's son from Brahman woman called Vaidebika gives birth to out-castes like Andhra and Med. Again (D) forrai trwater: i threatura : niSAyAM meda iti medhaatithiH|| Medhatithi says that Vaidehs is born of a Vaisya from a Brahman woman, from this Vaideha Karavart woman gives birth to an Andhra, and a Nishada woman gives birth to a Med. * Road : Road 47. Read vrata * Road Toro The passivo aorist is wrongly used for the notivo vedia

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1911. (E) ferai IT HET EN zvAvidhyamatha godhAnAM sa cake vadhabaMdhanam // The son of a Kshatriya woman from a Sudra is called a Mainda (Meda) or Kshatta. (F) ATR fan arma t : 1 sA sUne yavanaM putraM turuSakaH sa prakIrtitaH / / prasiddho mleccha deko yo govadhenAsva vartanam / The son of a Med woman by an Andhra is called a Yavana. He is a Turk, a foreigner, killer of cows. All these quotations, containing allusions to the Meds, may be compared with the quotations from European scholars given above. On the authority of the Mujmal-ul-tawarikh, the Jats and Meds are reputed to be the descendants of Ham, the son of Noah and that they occupied the banks of the Indus in Sindh. During the period of the Arab occa pation, Muhammad, son of Kasim, represented them as "seafarers and pirates, with whom the men of Basora were then at war." Lord Carzon, in his Persia, states that the Province of Milan on the Caspian coast contains descendants of the ancient Medes, that the Province of Milan is the original seat of sericulture for which Persia was celebrated." so strong is the attachment of the primitive man to his soil that it is not surprising to find in the lowest stratum of the population of a country the representatives of its earliest races in spite of revolutionary changes at the surface. The human wave of enigrants is often compared to the disturbances, on the surface of an ocean, which leave the mud or shells at the bottom u disturbed in spite of cyclones and ternpests. It is, therefore, quite possible that Milan, the ancient Medir, retains a part of its original residents to this day, that the Medes, originally a maritime nation ou the coast of the Caspian Sea, have, after being driver out, gone southwards, following the course of the Polver where they possibly had their agents trading with India in raw silk. Along the Western coast of India, Karachi, Tata, Cutch, Surat, Broach, and Thana, Sopara, and Cheul are well-known seats of silk manufacture, and it has been often recorded that the raw material came from Persia. Western India does not produce silk. The modern Meds or the ancient Medes, an oceanic tribe, is, therefore, possibly the one that sapplied the raw material. It is more natural to suppose that these people came from Media where they could gel wood for building their ships and canoes than to accept the modern tradition of their having gone to Makran from Gandova simply because they worship a Pir from that place. The Pir, who first converted them, may have come from Gandova, but not the people. It would be interesting to find out if Gandova can produce timber for building ships. Makran surely does not. But the distinct link of the Meds from the Caspian coast or Milan to the Persian Gulf and from there, along the Makran coast, to India is plain enough. Added to these surmises are the anthropometric measurements of the people. Their average Cephalic Index is 82, Nasal Index 68.1, their orbito-nasal Index 127.3. Their oval faces present a purer Persian cast than that the one seen among the half-Arab half-Persian Baloches of the Northern portion of that province, their heads are broader and noses more prominent, in spite of palpable intermixture with the African and Indian races. Their characteristic traits also coincide : (1) They belong to the Aryan race, (2) they resemble Persians, (3) they are pirates with whom the people of Basora were at war in the time of the Arab occupation and (4) they were considered out-castes (foreigners) in India by the ancient writers. Until, therefore, future investigation proves to the contrary, it would not be unreasonable to accept the theory that the Meds of the Makran Coast 1 Lord Curon's Persia, Vol. I, pp. 239 to 240.

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AY, 1911.) MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE 149 are the remnants of the maritime Medes, who migrated to the Persian Gulf and Makran after they were driven out of their father-land, and have considerably got mixed with the Arabs, Africans, Indians, and Baloches. Their blood connection with the Koris of the River Kori in Sindh has been the cause of the formation of a sept of that name. The Koris of Sind are possibly the oceanic race who helped them as pilots to the Bombay coast where they have a colony quite distinct from the Dravidian Hill Kolis, and known as Son-Kolis, exhibiting a conspicuous strain of Aryan blood. It is noteworthy that these Son-Kolis or mixed Kolis and Meds' are found only along the Thans und Kolaba coast, and that they have no racial representatives in the interior-the Hill-Kolis being qnite a dark and Dravidian race. Ancient trade in Western girls may also account for the fairer skin, occasional blonde hair and Aryan features of these old pirates of Bombay. From the Persian Gulf to Bombay, we have thus a trace of people whose ancient history may have direct connection with the old sea-borac trade-route from Persia to India culminating in the establishment of a colony of Parsis or Guebres' a Persian tribe at Billimora, Navsari, Surat, and Bombay. They are divided into three septs: Meds, Koris and Gadras. The Meds are fishermen, the Koris are sailors like Bombay Kolis, and the Gadras are bastards born of African slaver. They have no totems, or endogamous divisions, being Musalmans. They do not inter-marry coasins and brothers, and seem to have no objection to marry any Musalman if he accepts their profession. They have settled themselves along the Makran coast, and are no longer nomads. They do not migrate. They admit outsiders into their community and marry Baloches. The marriage is adult. They observe Mahomedan customs in marriage and inheritance, Polygamy is allowed, polyandry is not known. Widow marriage and divorce are practised. The dead are buried, In dress, they resemble ordinary Musulmans of Baluchistan. MISCELLANEA. THE ARIYOR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA: this that the plates had been lost sight of in SAKA-SAMVAT 1312. 1909, and perhaps are still missing. If so, it is My attention has been drawn to a remark desirable that an attempt should be made to made by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao in editing the trace them, and without farther delay. But record on these plates. He said (ante, Vol. 88, inquiries must be made elsewhere. The plates 1909, p. 12): "The plates were made over to were not sent to me: and I have no knowledge Mr. Natesa Sastri, who did not remember what of them apart from Mr. Gopinatha Rao's he did with them, but thought he might have publication of the record on them. sent them to Dr. Fleet." It would seem from J. F. FLEET. CORRESPONDENCE. The following letter has been sent to me by Dr. Grierson containing a valuable criticism on my paper---" Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population" which has appeared in the January namber. As he has so very kindly allowed me to make any use of it I like I cannot do better than publish it here almost in its entirety, and I doubt not that it will be found to be extremely important and interesting, as it comes from no less a veteran linguist, scholar and antiquarian, than Dr. Grierson. D. R. B.] "DEAR ME. BHANDARKAR, I have read both "P. 17 ff. above. With regard to Sakadvipa your articles with the greatest interest, and am Brahmans it may interest you to know that I specially indebted to you for the excellent way met several of them in Gaya when I was Collector in which you have put together your proofs in there. Have you seen the Parasfpra kala of the second paper. It has supplied want which Krishnad&sa, a Sakadvipa Brahmap? (note the I have long felt. termination dasa). It was written for the

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Emperor Akbar, and has been edited, with a translation, by the late A. Weber in the year 1887 in the Abhandlungenic der Konigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, at Berlin'. In the preface Weber gives a loug account of the connexion between the Magi and the Sakadvipa Brahmans. The book itself is a Persian Grammar and Koea written in Sanskrit. "P. 20, above. Regarding the Haihayas there are many traditions about them in the country to the east of Benares, and in Bihar. In Darbhanga, a district of Bihar, there is Haya Ghat on the river Baghmati. I used to be told, when I was there, that it was named after the Haihayas, who fought a battle there. In the Gorakhpur district (north-east of Benares), the Majhauli Rajas are Bisen Rajpats, but a scion of the family used to maintain to me in conversation that they were by origin Haihayas. These Majhauli Bisons, at any rate, intermarry with the Hayobans (= Haihayavarsa), Rajputs of Balia (a district on the Ganges, to the East of Benares). See Gorakhpur Gazetteer (1881), p. 519. You will find much information about Rajputs in this volume, and also especially in the Gazetteer of the Himalayan Districts (Kumaun, &c.) of the N.-W. P. Crooke also gives an article on Hayobans Rajpats in his book. "P. 21, above. I see you follow Dr. Fleet in considering that "Gujarat" is derived from "Gurjaratra." I would suggest that this is not certain. It is quite possible that the reverse is the case, and that "Gurjaratra" is a Sanskritization of "Gujarat." To me the difficulty is that Gurjaratra as a Sanskrit word has no meaning, while Gurjara-rashtra has a meaning. The phonetic change of the cerebral th of Gujjurattha to Gujarat is quite regular in Gujarati (see the Linguistic Survey on the point). It looks to me as possible that the writer of the inscription in which "Gurjaratra" is found, already knew the word "Gujarat" and concocted the word "Gurjaratra," because he did not know the real derivation. "P. 21, above. In regard to the statement about Gajars in Gujarat, I venture to mention a few points which may interest you. You perhaps [MAY, 1911. know that I call the languages of the N.-W. Frontier (Kafir, Khowar of Chitral, Shina of Gilgit, Kashmiri, &c.) by the name "Pisacha," Now these modern languages have several very peculiar phonetic rules, such as the occasional hardening of a soft consonant (e.g., lukam for lagam), the disaspiration of sonant aspirates (guru for ghora, &c.), inability to differentiate between cerebrals and dentals, the frequent occurrence of epenthesis, and so on. Now the Linguistie Survey shows that these peculiarities can be followed down the Indus into Sind, across North Gujarat, and into the Bhil Hills. I do not think that we can attribute these peculiarities to the original language of the Gurjaras. Rather they indicate the presence of another language alongside and intermingling with that of the Gurjaras, and I have little hesitation in looking upon them as remnants of the language of the Khasas of the Sub-Himalaya. These Khasas still survive. They are numerous in the North Panjab, in Garhwal, in Kumaun (i.e., Karmachala, from the Karm-avatara), and in Nepal. In the last country, the language which Europeans call Nepali" is locally known as "Khas-kura "i.e., the language of the Khasas. In all these tracts the same "Pisacha" peculiarities exist in the local languages, although the local languages are all closely connected with Rajasthani. But I think that I can definitely state that these phonetic peculiarities are not inherent parts of the local language. They all occur more or less sporadically. They are there, but they are always unexpected when they appear. " LE We find a similar state of affairs again in "Nepali," in regard to Tibeto-Burman languages. Although "Nepali" is essentially a form of Rajasthani, it also presents numerous unexpected forms which are certainly borrowed from Tibeto-Burman languages, e.g., there is an honorific conjugation of the verb built exactly on Tibeto-Burman lines. In this case the explanation is obvious. The speakers of the Aryan quasi-Rajasthani came into Nepal (we know from history that they came originally from Udaipur), and conquered the local TibetoBurmans. As time went on, their language 1 I intend publishing a translation of this important paper of Prof. Weber, in this Journal, for the benefit of the Indian Scholars.-D. R. B. * This derivation had been suggested by me first in my paper on the Gurjaras, (Jour. Bomb, As. Soc., Vol. XXI.) long before Dr. Fleet's note appeared in the Jour. R. As. Soc.-D. R. B.

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MAY, 1911.) CORRESPONDENCE 151 11 became infected with Tibeto-Barman peculiari. histories give full particolars. It is, for instance, ties. I have records to show that the language historically true that the Gorkh&s who conquered has changed in the course of the last twenty Nepal (or at least the principal founders of the years, and in the case of these changes (which tribe) came from Udaipur. The Garhwal Rajputs the Nepalis themselves tell of) the forms which say, they came from Gujarat, and the Tebri they call "old-fashioned" are all essentially Garhwal Rajputs have a genealogy which pretends Aryan, while those which they call "modern" to carry them back in & straight line to Kanishare really (though they are unaware of the fact) ka (!). Nearly all the R&jds of the Panjab Tibeto-Burman. As an example of these, I may Himalaya, as far west as Chamba, claim to bave quote the use of the case of the Agent. In the come from Rajputana. One of them (Mandi) old language this was used only before the past claims descent from the Lakshmana Sena of tenses of transitive verbs, exactly as in Hindi or Bengal, who was a Chandravamsi. So, the origiMarathi, but now-a-days the same case is used for nal title of the Chamba Royal Family was varmd. the subject of any tense of a transitive verb, These claim to have come from Ayodhya, and past, present, or future, exactly as in Tibeto-Bur | to be descended from Kusa, the son of Ramaman languages. chandra. There are several other high Rajpat "It is reasonable to presume that a similar families in Chamba which were all founded by state of affairs exists in the Sub-Himalayan tracte | Rajput leaders--each probably with a small band of the Upper Provinces and of the Panjab (as of followers-who either came directly from the well also in Nepal). Here the original Aryan plains, or were scions of one or other of the inhabitants were undoubtedly Khasas. Sanskrit ruling families who had previously established literature, bistory, and modern traditions agree themselves in the Hills. as to this. These people were conquered by people "So far my facts stand. But for some time speaking quasi-Rajasthani, and the language of the importance of the fact that the Gdjars of the the latter has become infected with typical pecu- hills still further to the west in Kashmir and the liarities of the language of the former. neighbourhood talk a language akin to Rajas. "You will observe that I here use the term thani, has been more and more borne upon my "quasi-Rajasthani." By this I mean that the consideration. The language of these men is language is closely connected with Rajasthani, what Sir H. Risley calls a "morient" languge, but that we must not therefore assume that its that is to say, it is the language spoken by a original speakers all necessarily came from remnant of a tribe, and fast dying out, while most Rajputana. of the members of the tribe bave abandoned it "Before going further, I would like to state, for some other. Most of the Panjab Gujars with reference to a remark of yours (p. 22, note (those of the plains) have abandoned their own 75), that Mr. Jackson pointed out that the term language for Panjabi or some other. Although "Gauda" refers to the province round Thandsar, it is, as a rule, unsafe to base ethnological specu. and not to Bengal,--that the fact was long before lations upon linguistic evidence, it is allowable, pointed out by Dr. Hoernle about the year 1875, in the case of a "morient" language, to assume and that on this account, he called the Modern that it is the original language of the few people Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, "Gaudian." who continue to speak it after it has been abandon"On p. 30, above, you quote some theories of ed by most of the tribe. We may thus assume mine, in which I attempt to account for the that the original language of the Gujars of the existence of this quasi-Rajasthani in the Sub- Panjab was once everywhere a language akin to Himalayas. I have, as you correctly state, the ancestor of what is now RAjasthani. Now, I implied that the speakers came from Rajputand do not think that it is at all extravagant to and imposed their language on the people whom assume that the Gujars and Ahirs (who also in they conquered. Since I wrote this, I have been Sub-Himalaya speak a form of Gujari) over-ran preparing the Pahari section of the Linguistic and settled in the greater part of the Sub-HimeSurvey, and a consideration of all the facts laya of the Panjab and United Provinces, after revealed by a closer examination of the many hill conquering the previously eettled Khaias. This dialects between Chamb& and Nepal inclusive, has would at once account for the existence of a led me to modify this opinion. language skin to Rajasthani in the hills. In "I still believe that there were important migralater times it received fresh drafts from Raj. tions from Rajputana into these hills. The local putans which quite possibly strengthened the * Chamba Gazetteer, 1910, p. 63. You will find a mass of valuable information in this and the other local Panjao Gazetteers lately published.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAT, 1911. Rajasthant spoken there. This theory well the Nagar Brahmans, although Gujaratte, do not accounts for the existence of the quasi-Rajasthani in these hills, with its Khasa substratum. "I must apologize for this long letter. I should Regarding the Nagar Brahman of Gujarat, not bave written it were I not intensely interesthave you seen Nagendranatha Vasu's paper on ed in the subject matter of your paper, and "the Origin of the Nagaras and the Nagart | desired to evolkin to yon erant desired to explain to you exactly what my present Alphabet" in Jour, Bong. As. Soc., Vol. LXY, opinions are regarding the Rajpata of the Sab. Part I, for 1896, p. 114 f? If you have not Himalaya." seen it, I think you would find it interesting. RATHYARNYAM, ) G. A. GRIERSON. Though the subject is rather out of my line, I OAXBERLEY, think there is a good deal in his contention as to SURVEY. the origin of the name "Nagari." As you know, NOTES AND QUERIES. A VERSION OF THE LEGEND OF THE bhuvi Vaishnavanam babhaya Ramanuja-naCLEVER BUILDER. nun." At AurangAbad there is a well, known as the (2) "Nothing is really known about AndhraSonebaurl or Golden Well, and the story goesparra" is what I read in para. 2. Introduction, that Bibt Magbira, said to be a danghter of the p. 129. But as a matter of fact, a good deal is Emperor, SbAh Alam, died in that city. A tomb known about him, and part of it is alread was to be raised to her memory and four masons available in English in my "Life of Ramanuja of the highest class offered to construct it, bat and his masters and disciples"'). There is a separato before commencing their work they went to book itself called the Andhra-puryacharyabathe in the famous well, when there appeared charitram()" to them some of the water nympbe inhabiting it. (3) Page 129, para. 1. Instead of. Tiravarat Two of them succumbed to the charnis of the gattandadi, it ought to be Ramanuja-natr nymphs and disappeared under the water, but andadi. the remaining two built the beautiful mausoleum (4) Page 130, footnote 3. I would from to the princess, which is still standing, and were "Yiga=worship of Gud in one form," omit in richly rewarded. one form." They desired to go elsewhere and earn further (5) Page 133, verse 29, instead of "Ganga-tatadrewards, and were only permitted to do so on Yamuna-mantra-vasyo," it ought to be read :oondition that they lost their right hands, so "Gang-tat-Y Adave-mantra-Vabyo." It is most that they might never again construct so fine uofortunate that Yamana and YAdava bave been a building. This did not deter them from re- mixed up. pairing to Hyderabad with the loss of a hand (6) Page 153, Footnote. Chandokya' should each. There they built the great Chehar Minar, be Cbbandograd on completing which they each lost the other Page 131. Tiu-Kachobinambi'should be Tirahand. Eventually they died " in peace." k-kacchinambi. M.N. CAITTANAE, Page 134. Madarantakam'should be 'MadhuNIZAX COLLEGE, rantakam.' Hyderabad, Decoan. Page 137. Madarakavi' should be MadhursHTDERABAD (DECCAN). S kavi'. A NOTE ON YATI RAJA-VAIBHAVAM. Page 137. Sntari' should be . Satb&ci.' (See Ind. Ant. 1909, May, p. 129 f.) (7)Page 138. Baranagatha-gadya'should be San nagati gudya. And be third Gadya of Ramanuja Sis-Apart froin typographical errors, I con is never known as Bri-sadya as is written in the sider it a duty to point out the following for the footnote, bat is known as the Vaikunta-gadya. information of your readers :(1) According to the traditions of the Tengalai (8) In all nar reliable traditions, the son of the ruler of KATcht was not possessed by the evil or the Southern Sehool of the Sri Vaisbaavas, no spirit, but the daughter. The verse sboald be work called Yatir Jja-vaibhavam is attributed to corrected accordingly after collation with Andhra parna or Vaduganambi. A Sanskrit an ther good copy. This alone raises a doubt as hymnal Sri-Ramanujashtottara-bata-namani to Andhra-Parns being the author of Yatirje ulone is attributed to him, containing the Vaibhava. colophon A. GOVINDACHARYA, C.EM.B.A.S. "Yad Andhra-parpena mah&tman-edam stot- MTBORR (VEDA GRIHAN) rais kritam sarva-jan-Avan@ya, Taj-jivabhatam 5th July 1910.

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JUNE, 1911.) JAINA ICONOGRAPHY JAINA ICONOGRAPHY, BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. (Continued from p. 180.) In connection with verse 10, the following from Hemachandra's work may be read : madhye samavasara caitynuyentraiH kRtH| kozaborayo ralacodavamivAdizat // 452 / / sasthAyI vividha ratneH pIThaM vivadhire ca te / tasyopari cchandakaM cApraticchandamaNImavam // 53 // tanmadhye pUrvadigbhAge ratnasiMhAsanaM tataH / sapArapItecAH sAraM sarvazrivAmiva / / 554 / / Translation. 452. In the centre of the samavasarana a chaitya tree was set up by the Vyantaras, three krokas in height and declaring as it were the prosperity of the Three (Sacred) Gems. 453. Underneath it they prepared deis with various jewels, and on it a chhandaka of incomparable rubies. 454. In the centro thereof (bat) facing the east, they prepared a gem-studded lion-throne accompanied by a foot-stool, (wbich was), as it were, the essence of all beauties. There are two points in these verses which require a little elucidation. The first is about the, height of the chaitya tree, which is here said to be 8 kerosas high. I have stated above that the samarasarana doscribed in Hemachandra's work, from which extracts are here cited, is that of Rishabhan atha. The height of this Jina, according to Jaina mythology, is 500 dhanus, and as the general rule is that the height of a chaitya tree is twelve times the height of the Jina to whom it belongs, the height of Rishabhanatha's tree is 500 x 18 dhanus = 6,000 dhanus = 3 krokas, the hright specified in Hemachandra's verses. The second point is as regards the lion-throne on the derachchhanda. According to our Samavasarana-stavana, v. 10, four such bave to be made, but Hemachandra speaks of only one, as will be seen from his verse 454 just quoted. There is, however, really speaking, no great discrepancy here, for in verse 464, which will be cited further on, we are told that the Vyantaras made three images of the Jina as seated on the lion-throne. The ultimate result is the same, though according to Hemachandra only one, and, according to the other authority, four, lion-thrones are in reality made. saparicauchattatiyA paDikavatigaM tahahacamaradharA / puracI kaNavakusesavaThiyaphAlivadhammacaka caU // 11 // tanupari (1) chatravikAni | pratirUpatrika vAnazyantarena kRtaM ca | tathASTacAmaradharA bhavanti / kanakakuzepAvasthitAni sphATikAni dharmacakApi catvAri siMhAsanapuratI bhavanti / / 11 // (V. 11). On those (four lion-thrones) there are four triads of parasols. There are threo reflections of the Jins, produced by the Vana-Vyantaras). Similarly there are eight chauri bearers (two for each lion-throne). In front of the lion-thrones) are four wheels of the Law, (ono for ench) made of crystal gems and resting on gold lotuses. What is contained in this verse is dilated upon in the following lines from the Trishashti-saldkd-purusha-charitra.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. tasyopari vicake'tha tai chatratrayamujjvalam / svAminastrijagatsvAmbacitrayamivocakaiH / / 555 / / yakSAbhyAM tatra vadhAte pAyozcAmarau shucii| hRyamAntau bahirbhUtI svAmibhaktibharAviva / / 556 // sataH samavasaraNahAre hemAmbujasthitam / bhatyadutaprabhAcakra dharmacakra vickrire||45|| tatrAnyadapi yatkRtyaM tatsarva vyantarA vydhuH| sAdhAraNe hi samavasaraNe te'dhikAriNaH / / 558 // ratnasiMhAsamasthAni vipanyAsvapi tatkSaNam / bhagavatpratibimbAni byantarAstrINi cakrire // 14 // Translation. 455. On that (lion-throne) they made three bright parasols, whicb, as it were, were the three distinct cognisances of the supremacy of the Lord over the three worlds. 456. There two sacred ohauris were on two sides, caused to be held by two Yakshas,-chauris which were two excesses of devotion to the Lord, become external, not being contained in the heart. 457. Then at the portal of the samavasarana they made a wheel of the Law, resting on a gold lotus and which was the wheel of a highly wonderful effulgence. 458. The Vyantaras did whatever other there was to be done. For, when the samarasarana is of a general class, they are the proper functionaries. 464. Three reflections of the Lord as resting on a gem-studded lion-throne were in a monient generated by the Vyantaras in other directions also (i. e., the south, west and north). sychttmyrmNglpNcaaliivaamvevrklse|| paDadAra mANitoraNatima dhUvaghaDI kuNaMti vaNa // 12 // vapreSu pratikAra jajaccamakaramukhamajalapacAlIpuSpadAmavedikAracanAvizeSapUrNakalazAnmaNimayatoraNabhikAni dhUpaghaTIca kurvanti vyantarAH // 12 // (V.12). At every gate (of the vapra), the Vana-Vyantaras put up flage, parasols (ornameutal) makaras, auspicious marks, figures, garlands, dais, (water-filled) pitchers, three, (ornamental) arches inlaid with jewels, and incense-pots. Hemachandra has enlarged on this point in the following lines : soraNAni vicakuva rtnmaannikykaanycnaiH| catasRSvapi te vibhuSAkaNThikA kha || 520 // bhnyonbdehsNkraantprtibimbrssbhaasire| bhAlinitA havAlIbhistanocaiH zAlabhalikAH / / 528 // snigdhendranIlaghaTitA makarAsteSu rejire| praNazyanmakarake nutyaktaketubhramapradAH / / 129 / / bhagavaskevalajJAnakalyANabhavayA mudA / haMsA va dizA rejaH zvetacchatrANi tatra ca // 10 // dhvajAca bhramire taba bhUdevyAtipramodasaH / uttambhitA va bhujAHsvabaM nartikAmayA // 31 // toraNAnAmadhasteSAM bliphessvivockaiH| mAlasyASTacihAni svastikAdIni jajJire // 32 // mANikyatoraNAstatra ptaakaamaalbhaarinnH| radimajAleviracitAndhapatAkA vAbhavan / / 40 // prativamaM ca catvAri gopurANi ckaadhire| caturvidhastha dharmasya krIDAvAtAyanA iva / / 441 / indrniilmnnistmbhaavitdhuumltaamucH| hAre dvAre dhUpapanyo'mucyanta vyansarAmaraiH / / 42 //

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JUNE, 1911.] JAINA ICONOGRAPHY 155 Translation. 427. And in the four cardinal) directions they made arches with jewels, rubies and gold, as if they were necklaces for their decoration. 428. There the figures, on their upper members in consequence of their reflections being. transferred to one another's bodies, shone as if they were embraced by their friends. 429. Thereon shone the malaaras formed of resplendent sapphire and causing the misimpression of their being) the banner cast aside by Capid when dying. 430. And there the white parasols shone like swans of the quarters through delight prodaced by the supremu knowledge and blessedness of the Lord. 481. And there the flags shone as if they were the arms tossed aloft through intense delight by the goddess Earth, being desirous of dancing in person. 482. Underneath these arches the eight marks of auspiciousness, such as svastika and so forth, were distinctly made as if on pieces of cloth accompanying oblations (to the spirits). 440. There the arches of rubies, bearing a number of flags, appeared as if they were producing other flags by their own net of rays. 441. At every rampart shone four ornamented gateways as if they were the sportingwindows of the four-fold religion. 442. At every gate were placed incense-pots, by the Vyantara divinities, giving out creeperlike smoke which resembled the pillar of sapphire gems. joyaNasahassadaMDAcarajhavA dhmmmaanngysiihaa|| kakubhAijucA savvaM mANamiNaM nibhanibhakareNa // 15 // dharmavAjamAnaNajagajabajasiMhaSajanAmAnazcatvAro dhvajAzcaturdikSu kakubhazabdena laghulaghutarapaNTikApatAkikAyucyate / sarve caitat nijanijahastena // 13 // (V. 13). Four bangers with staves of one thousand yojanas each in length (and named) Dharma, Maun, Gaja and Sinha (and) accompanied with kakubhas, i. e., smaller bells, flage, &c.all this measurement to be counted by the hasta (hand) of each respective Tyrtharikara. pavisibha puyAi pahU payAhiNaM puvaasnivito| pathapIDhaThaviyapAo paNamiatistho kahada dhammaM / / 14 / / pradakSiNaM pravizya praNataM tIrtha caturvidhaH saMgho yena sa namo tityassa iti vacanAt prabhorvANI yojanaprasA. riNIM vaprANamadhastAt gacchantI janAH zRNvanti / / 14 // (V. 14). Having entered from the east and from left to right, having sat on a seat facing the east having placed his feet on a foot-stool, and having salated the tirtha (i.e., the four-fold congregation) the Lord discourses on the Law. The contents of this verse are repeated in the following lines from Hemachandra's work, but with sounewbat greater details : caturvidhAnAM devAnAmatha kottiibhiraavRtH| bhagavAnsamavasat pracacAla divAmukhe // 59 sahasrapatrANyabjAni sauvarNAni tadA nv| vidadhunidadhuzcAme krameNa svAminaH suraaH||46. vidadhe seSu ca svAmI pAvanyAsaM boIyoH / puraH saMcArayAmAsurAzu zeSANi nAkinaH / / 461 pUrvadvAreNa samavasaraNaM praavishtttH| cakeca caityavRkSasya jagannAthaH pradakSiNAm || 12 tIrthaM natvA prAGmukho'tha jaganmohatamazchide / svAmI siMhAsanaM bheje pUrvAcalamivAryamA || 41 //

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. Translation 459. Being surrounded by crores of the four classes of gods, the Lord set out for the samavasarana at the break of the day. 460. Then the gods prepared nine golden lotuses of a thousand petals each and placed them in succession in front of the Lord. 461. And the Lord placed his feet on pairs of them, (and) the gods forth with pushed in front the remainder (i.e., those on which he had placed his feet). 462. Then the Lord of the world entered the samarasarana from the eastern portal and circumambulated the chaitya tree. 463. Having salnted the tirtha and with his face turned towards the east, the Lord, for dispelling the darkness, vis., the infatuations of the world, occupied the lion-throne just as the Sun (occupies) the eastern mountain. muNivemANiNisamaNI sabhavaNa joivnndevidevti| kappamuranaristhitiaM ThaMti [geyAikidisAsu / / 15 causevisamaNi udvAhA nivitA naristhisurasamaNa | iya paNa saga parisa suti desaNaM paramavappaMto / / 16 AmeyInaiRtIvAyavIaizAnIvidikSu yathoktaM saMbhAtrayaM yathAkramaM pUrvasyAM dakSiNAryA pazcimAyAmuttarAyAM pravizya pradakSiNAM daskhA tiSThati / tathA caityorkssraanni| bhavasesA saMjayA nirailesiyA purathimeNaM ceva dAraNaM pavisittA bhayavaMtaM ti payAhiNI kA vaMdittA namo titthassa namo aisesibhANaM ti bhaNittA ahasesibhANa piho nisIaMti |vemANibhANaM devIzrI puratthimeNaM ceva dAreNaM pavisittA bhayavaMtaM ti payAhiNI karittA - vittA yanamotityassa namo aisasiprAeM namo sAhaNaMti bhaNinA niraisesiANaM pihao ThAtina nisiiyNti| samaNIo purathimeNaM va dAreNaM pavisittA tithavaraM ti payAhaNI karitAvaMdittA namo tityassa namo aisesiyANaM namI sAhuNaMte bhaNittA vemANiyANaM devINaMpihayo ThAyati na nisIyati bhavavAsiNIzrI devIcI joisipIovaMtarIo eAvAhiNe vAreNa pavisittAtityavaraM tipayAhaNIkaritA vaMdittAya dAhiepacchimeNaM ThAyati bhavAvAsiNI piDao joisiNIzrI sAsiM pihI yNtriiyii| bhavaNavAsidevA johasiyA devA vANamaMtarA devA ee avarasAraNaM pavisittA taM va vihiM kArDa uttaraparimaNaM DAyati jahAsaMkhaM pihI / vemAhiyA devA maNustA maNussIo a uttareNaM dAraNaM pavivittA uttarapurityimeNaM ayaMti jahAsaMkhaM piho| eSA pUrNiraya vRttiH| aba ca mUlaTIkAkAraNa bhavanapatiprabhRtInAM sthAnaM niSIdanaM vA spaSTAkSarenoktam / avasthAnameva pratipAditam / pUrvAcAryopadezalikhitapahikAvicitrakarmabalena tu sarvAzcatasra eva devyo na niSIdanti / devAzcatvAraH puruSAH striyazca niSIdantIti pratipAdayanti kecanetyalaM prasaMgena / / 15 / / 16 // (V. 15.) (1.). The male ascetics, Vaimanika goddesses and female ascetics, (II.) the goddesses of the Bhavanapatis, Jyotishkas, and Vyantaras, (III.) the three classes of gods, and (IV.) tha Kalpasuras, men and women, (baving entered the samavasarana from the east) and other cardinal directions respectively) stand in the south-east and other intermediate directions respectively. (V.16.). The four (orders of) the goddesses and female ascetics remain standing, and men, women, the (four orders of the) gods and male ascetics sit. Thus do the (irst) five and tire (second) seven [ic., in all twelve] congregations listen to the sermon from (i.e., remaining in) tin: first (i.e., uppermost) rampart. There are twelve congregations, of which five stand up and seven sit down. The former are Sramanis and the four divisions of the goddesses, vis., the wives of Vaiminikas, Bhavanapatis, Jyotishkas, and Vyantaras. The latter are just these four classes of gods, Sramanas, men and women. We need not enter further into the details of the commentary, especially as they have beca sufficiently well set forth in the following verses from the Trishashti-salad-purusha-charitra.

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JEN, 1911 1 JAINA ICONOGRAPHY pravizya pUrvadvAreNa kRtvA ca triH pradakSiNAm | tIrthanAthaM tIrthaM ca natvA prAkAra bhAhime / / 469 / / sthAnaM vihAya sAdhUnAM sAdhvInAM ca tadantare / pUrvavaimAnikakhiyaH || 400 || pravizyApAcyadvAreNa vidhinA tena nairRte / krame gAsthu bhavaneza jyotiSkaJyantarAstrayaH || 471 || pravizya pratyagdvArAtprAgvidhipUrva maruddizi / atiSThanbhavanapati jyotiSkavyantarAH surAH || 402 // pravizyodIcyadvAreNa tenaiva vidhinA kramAt | aizAnyAM kalpadevAzca narA nAryo'vatasthire || 473 || Translation. yugmam // 157 (Vs. 469-70). Having entered by the eastern gateway, having performed the circumambulation thrice and having saluted the tirtha and the lord of the tirtha (i.e., the Jina) on the first (i.e., uppermost) rampart, the Vaimanika goddesses, having left the place of the male and the female ascetics, remained standing in the south-east direction in their midst. (V. 471 ). Having entered by the southern gateway, the wives of the Bhavanapatis, Jyotishkas and Vyantaras, after (the performance of) the same mode (of salutation), remained in order in the _south-west. (V. 472). Having entered by the western gate, the gods Bhavanapatis, Jyotishkas and Vyantaras, after (performing) the previous mode (of salutation), remained in the north-west.. (V. 473). Having entered by the northern gate, and (performed) the same mode of salutation, the Kalpadevas, men and women, remained in succession in the north-east. i AvasyavittI vRttaM cunIda pue muNi nividA || mAsamaNI do udA sesA vidmA u nava // 17 // munayo niviSTA uskRSTikAsiMhAsanena vaimAnikAdevI zramaNI dvayaM ur3e sthitA / zeSA nava sabhAH sthitA upaviSTAH || 17 || (V. 17 ). ( Such is the Avasyaka-vritti, but it is said in the Charni, that) the Manis (male ascetics) sit (in an utkatikas attitude); the Vaimanika goddesses and female ascetics both stand, and the nine remaining congregations sit (ordinarily). bIaMtI tiri IsAthi devacchaMdoM kA jAya taha to // saha cauraMse dudu vAvi koNau vahi ikSikA || 18 dvitIyavaprAntastiryaJcaH / tatraiva IzAnako prabhovizrAmArthe devacchandakaH ratnamayaH / yAnAni vAhanAni bhavanti tRtIyamAntaH catura sakIekekA bahiSpavAra yAcI kA kosu iti ca stotrAntare pAThaH || 18 (V. 18). Inside the second ( rampart) are the animals and in the north-east (corner thereof). a devachchhanda; inside the third are the vehicles and also two step-wells in each corner when it is a square, and one (at each gateway) when it is a round, samavasarana. The following from Hemachandra's work may be cited in this connection : pratidvAraM ca cakre tairvApI kAJcanapaGgajA / samavasaraNava iva dvAracatuSkabhRt || 443 // prAkArasya dvitIyasyAntare cottarapUrvataH / devacchanda vizvaste svAmivizrAmahetave // 444 // dvitIyasya suvaprasya tiryaJcastasyuraMntare / vAhanAni tRtIyasya prAkArasya tu madhyataH // 406 // prAkArasya tRtIyasya bAhyadeze'bhavanpunaH / vizantaH kepi niryAntaH kepi tiryagnarAmarAH || 477 // * Utkrishtika-simhasana of the commentary, which is meaningless, is probably a mistake for Utkatik-Asana,

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. Translation. 443. At each gateway they constructed a step-well with gold lotuses and bearing four doors like the rampart of a samavasarana. 444. In the north-east of the interior of the second rampart, they prepared a chamber for the rest of the Lord. 476. Inside the second rampart stood the animals, but in the middle of the third the vehicles. 477. Outside the third rampart again, were some animals, men and gods entering or going. pIca-simra-ratta-sAmA sura-paNa-moha-bhavaNa ravaNavaNe / / aNu-daMDa-pAsa-gavahatya soma-ama-varuNa-dhaNvaskhA // 19 // papa ralamaye prathamavane pUrvAvihAracamuke'pikrameNa dvArapAladevAnAM nAmAdikamAha somavamavarUNadhanAcyA ba pAkarma pItAdivarNaH sarAva: dhanueupAdhagadAhastAhArapAlAH // 11 // (V. 19.) At the eastern and other gateways of) the rampart of jewels (i..., the first -ue uppermont rampart) stand Sara (Vaimanika), Vana-Vyantara, Jyotishka and Bhavanapati. rerpectively, called Boma, Yama, Varana and Dhanada, yellow, fair, red and dark (in complexion) and with hands bearing a bow, staff, noose and mace respectively. Side by side with this may be read the following verses from Hemachandra: taba prathamavapasvAsthoprAgvAritasthAnaH / svarNavarNAvubhavato vaimAnikadivaukasI // 5 // tasvaiva dakSiNahAre paarthboripaalko| prativimbe ivAnyonbasvAsthAtAM bvantarI sitI // 4 // bhabhivaH pazcimabAra jyotiko haarpaalko| raktavarNI vitaSTAte sAvaminduravI iva // 4 // tasyanuva pratIhArAvuttaradvArapAyoH / bhavanAdhipatI kRSNI meghAviva samunnatI // 44 // Translation. 445. There, at the eastern gateway of the first rampart, stood on both sides as door-keepers two Vaimanika gods of gold complexion, 446. At the southern gateway of that (samarasarana) on two sides stood as door-keepers two Vyantaras, fair in complexion) (and looking) as if they were reflections of each other. 447. On both sides of the western gateway,' stood two Jyotishka door-keepers of red complexion (and looking) like the sun and the moon, at the evening time. 448. And on the two sides of the northern gateway stood as door-kepers two dark-complexioned and tall Bhayanapatis as if they were) two dark and lofty clouds. jabavitrabAjiva parAjipatti siparunnpiicniilaabhaa| bIe devIjapalA pAbaMkusapAsamugarakarA // 20 // tApabahirA tuMbarukhAgi kavAlijaDamauDadhArI / / puzvAhAravAlA huMbarudevI bha pddihaaro||21|| (V. 20). At the gateways of) the second rainpart stand in pairs the goddesses Jaya, Vijaya, Ajita and Aparijita, of fair, reddish, yellow and blue complexion and with an abhaya, goad, noost and hammer (mudgara) in (their) hands. (V.21). Outside the third rampart are the gods Tumbaras (at each gateway) holding a tumbaru, skall-crowned mace and garland of skulls (and) bearing matted hair like a coronet. This account may be supplemented by the following lines from Hemachandra's work: hitIvavamahAreSu prAkkrameNa caturvapi / sarvA bhvnvaayaaNkushmuhrpaannvH||49|| dekhyo jayAMca vijayA cAjitA caapraajitaa| tasyuzcandrAzmayopAimasvarNanIlasvitaHkramAt / / 45. // ||bugmm // bhansvavI pratihAra tasthauhAsthastu numbruH| khadAjI mRdhirAvI bttaamukuttmnndditH|| 451 //

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JUNE, 19111 JAINA IOONOGRAPHY 159 Translation. (Vs. 449-50). At the four gateways of the second rampart, in accordance with the order, stood the goddesses Jaya, Vijaya, Ajita and Aparajita, all with abhaya, poose, goad and hammer in (their) hands (and) with complexion like the moon-stone, raby, gold and blue. (V. 451). At each door of the last rampart stood as door-keeper Tumbaru, bear inga #kull-crowned mace and a garland of human skulls, and decorated with matted hair and coronet. sAmantrasamosaraNe esa vihI eka jai mhiddisuro|| savamiNaM egovisa kuNA bhayaNeyarasuram // 22 // eSa vidhiH sAmAnbasamavasaraNa / yadi maharjiko devapatiH sa eko'pi sarvamidaM karoti / yadIndrA nAgacchanti tadA bhavanapatyAdayaH kurvanti / samavasaraNaM vA na vA iti bhajanAbhivaNevara muremutti itarasureSu bhajanA kurvanti na veti // 22 // (V. 29). If there be a god possessed of high supernatural powers, i. e., Indra, be alone does all this; if not, the other gods may or may not do it. This is the rule in the case of ordinary samawasaranas. pubvamajAvaM jatthau jatyesaro mhiddimghvaaii| tastha osaraNaM niyamA savayaM puNa pADiherAI // 23 // batra ca tattIryakarApekSayA abhUtapUrva samavasaraNaM yena ca zramaNenAdRSTapUrva tena tatra dvAdazayojanebhyaH pAgantavyaM syAt / anAgame tu tasya catuleghavaH prAyazcittaM bhavanti / bayuktaM // jaya apulvI saraNaM avipulvaM ca je samaNe / bArasahiM jomaNehiM sa eha gae lahucA / / tathA prabhuH prathamapauruSarSI saMpUrNa yApaDarmamAcaSTe abhrAntare baliH pravizati / saMca baliM kSipyamANaM devAdayaH sarvepi yathocitaM gRhanti sarvAmayaprazamanaM zubhaM / tena ca SaNmAsAntare nAnbA kupyati rogaH bitikSepAmu prabhurAyavaprAnuttareNa nirgasya aizAnyAM devacchandakameti / gaNAdharava ditIyapIruSyAM dharmamAcare'saMkhyeyabhavakathitA ityAdivistara mAvazyakAdI / / 23 (V. 23). Where it is not done previously, and where there comes a god possessed of supernatural powers such as Maghavat and so forth, there the samavasarana takes place with oertainty ; (and) the pratihdryas, again, are (displayed) constantly. The pratiharyas are eight, and are so called because they are constantly associated with the Jina. They are described in a verse which runs thus : azoka vRkSaH surapuSpavRSTirdivyadhvanizcAmaramAsanaM c| bhAmaNDalaM dundubhirAtapatraM samAtihAryANi jinezvarANAM / / ____ Translation. The Asoka tree, a shower of heavenly flowers, celestial music (accompanying the sermon), chauri, seat (i. e., lion-throne), nimbus, drum and parasol-(these are the excellent pratiharyas of the supreme Jinas. The commentator makes no comments on this verse, but supplements it with two items of information. The first is that if the samavasarana of a Tirthakara is the first of its kind, and if a Sramana, who has never seen a samarasarana, happens to be within twelve yojanas of it, he may absent himself from it on pain of performing a penance called chatur-laghu. Secoudly, during the first fourth part of the day (paurushi) when the Lord delivers a sermon, an oblation is throw]) into the skies, which is partaken of by the various gods according to their rights, and thereafter, during the second paurushi the Ganadhara gives a religious discourse after the Lord has made his exit from the uppermost rampart and resorted to the devachchhanda in the north-east. dutthiasamayaasthiajaNapasthiazranthasatyasusamastho / ithaM zuo lahujaNaM tityayarI kuNTha supayatyaM // 24 // duHsthitA punakhitA ye samastArthikajanAsteSAM prArthitArthapUraNasamarthaH laghu zIghraM janaM tIrthakaraH supadastha mokSapadasthaM karotu // 24 // iti zrIsamavasaraNastavaspAvacariH saMpUrNa // (V. 24). May the Tirthamkara, who is able to fulfil the objects asked for, by all the supplicants that are ill-circumstanced, being so praised, speedily grant good position to such people. Abhaya is not a weapon, bat means an abhaya-pani, a hand so held as to indionte the granting of safety, as will be seen from the translation of v. 20 above.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. Thus ends the gloss, on Sri-Samavasarana-stava. From the above description it is clear that the Samavasarana is a structure, constructed by an Indra, and, in default of him, by the gods, and, pre-eminently amongst them, the Vyantaras. The structure is intended for the delivering of religious discourse by a Jina, immediately after his attainment to the condition of a kevalin. Each Jina had thus his own Samavasarana; and, like all other objects, sacred to these Jinas, such as Ashtapada, Sammeta, Satrunjaya and so forth, Samavasarana is also sculptured. Not a single Jaina temple of eminence exists without a sculpture of Samarasarana in it. Fig. 1 represents that in the temple of Vimala Sa on Mount Abu, as stated above. This sculpture is in a side chamber near the south-west corner. But there is another, larger but plainer, in the Hathi-sald of the same temple. In the figure in question, the Samavasarana represented is a round one. The three ramparts of it with their battlements can be recognised without any difficulty. Two gateways of each rampart are here visible, and at each gateway may be seen two door-keepers, standing, but too indistinct to be identified with those whose details have been specified above. On the lowermost rampart, between the door-keepers of the two gateways, are one elephant and one horse, and between these two a step-well,-doubtless the vahanas and vapi, which, according to verse 18, are to remain in that rampart. In the intermediate one, are noticeable the tiryanchah, i. e., the lower animals such as deer, stags, and so forth, of which one is undoubtedly fabulous. In the first, i. e., uppermost, rampart are shown several persons equatted and with hands folded, unquestionably the twelve congregas that come to listen to the religious sermon. It is, however, curious that all of these are resented as sitting and none standing, as some at any rate ought to stand, as verses 16 and 17 distinctly tell us. On this rampart can no doubt be recognised the lion-thrones with a dharmachakra, or wheel of the law carved in front, but all other details are different from those specified in the works, and are exactly those of an ordinary chaumukh. Thus the devachchharida and the Asoka tree are conspicuous by their absence here. Nay, the pose of the Jina here is the ordinary one of meditation, and not of teaching (desand) as it ought to be 10 In fact, I have not yet found any Samavasarana which faithfully depicts all or even almost all the details set forth in the works. It is worthy of note, that like the Chaumukh or Ashtapada, even temples are built dedicated to Samavisarana. One such exists on Kumalgadh in the Udaipur State, though in a somewhat ruinous condition. It is locally known as the Golera temple from the round (gol) enclosure wall that surrounds it. Like a Chaumukh temple it has four doors. "It was not, however, a Chaumukh, but a Samas avarana temple. This is doubtless seen from the different classes of gods and goddesses sculptured at the corners of the walls near the top of the interior. Near the western door of the shrine is a fallen sculpture with an insciption on it. It is dated V. S. 1516, and speaks of one Goimda as having caused to be made the pedestal (parikara) of Yugadideva, i. e., Rishabhadeva in (the temple of) Samarasarana. This shows that the Samavasarana, i, e., the first sermon in question, was of the first Tirthankara." With regard to "the different classes of gods and goddesses sculptured," the following notes were taken down by me in my notebook when I visited Kumalgadh. South-east corner: (I) Inscription. Agneya-kuni 1 parshada mahatmanam rupa south-east corner, 1st congregation: 4 figures of the high-souled (sages). [These are male ascetics sitting on asanas with the right foot dangling and the left placed on the knee of the right; hands folded, with besoms between hands and breasts; heads like those of the modern Jatis]. 10 This view is corroborated by the Chaitya-vandana-bhdahya, which runs as follows: atra kecicaityagRhAdiSu dRzyamAnameva jinAsanaM vadanti / parameSa lokavyavahAraH / nizvayastu bhagavAnpAdapIpA saMsthApya siMhAsane niSaNNatAH sanyogamudrayA karo dhRtvA dezanAM karotIti / 11 Prog. Rep. Archeol. Surv. Ind., West. Circle, for 1908-09, p. 40.

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JUNE, 1911.) JAINA ICONOGRAPHY 161 South-east corner : (II) Inscription. 2 Parshada Vaimdnika-devin din 4 rupa = 2nd congregation : 4 figures of the Vaiminika goddesses. [Females standing with hands folded near breasts; benda bearing five-peaked coronets.] South-east corner : (III) Inscription. 3 Purskada mahasatini 4 ripa = 3rd congregation: 1 figures of the great sddhvis. [They are four female ascetics, all standing. Three face full front with hands folded and besoms held like the Jatis above. The fourth has her face turned towards the right; her left hand is lowered and holds a besom, and the right is apraised and bears a manuscript; her feet are touched by a person fallen prostrate.] North-east corner : (IV) Inscription. Nairita-kani 4 parshrda Jyotishini-devila=North-east corner, 4th congregation. The Jyotishka goddesses (though the number is not here specified through inadvertence, I think, these are four females standing. The remaining details as in II). North-east corner : (V) Inscription. 5 Parshada Bhavanapatini-devind: 4 ripa=5th congregation : four figures of the Bhavanapati goddesses. (Four females standing with hands folded near breasts and heads canopied by three-hooded cobras.] North-east corner : (VI) Inscription. 6 Parshada Vyovitarani-ile inai 4 rupa = 6th congregation : four figures of the Vyantara goddesses. [Four females standing. The remaining details as in II.) . North-west corner: (VII) Inscription, vayavya-kiri 7 parshada Jyotishi-devancini 4 ripa = north-west corner, 7th congregation : four figures of the Jyotishka gods. [Four males sitting and with hands held as in I, head-dresses raised in three tiers] North-west corner : (VIII) Inscription. & Parshada Dharanapati-der Anasi 4 rupa = 8th congregation : four figures of the Bhavanapati gods. [Four males sitting, as in VII; henda canopied by three-hooded cobras.] North-west corner : (IX) Inscription. 9 Parshada Vyantara-der an 4 rupa = 9th congregation : four figures of the Vyantara gods. [Four males sitting : details as in VII.) South-west corner: (X) Inscription. Pod nakkni 10 pa-shad, Vaiminika-devandu 4 rupa = south-west corner, 10th congregation : four tigares of Vaiminika gods. [Fonr males sitting, as in I.] South-west corner : (XI) Inscription. 11 Parshada Manushyan&nie 4 rapa=11th congregation : four figures of men. [Four males sitting, as in I, but with beards.] South-west corner : (XII) Inscription. 12 Parshada Manushi-strindah 4 rupa = 12th congregation : four figures of women. [Four females standing; one only has her head-dress raised in three tiers. ] These notes speak for themselves, but it is evident from them that the intermediate directions such as the south-east, north-east and so forth, assigned in the Golera templo at Kumalgadh to the various congregations exactly agree with those specified for them in the works. There is also a perfect agreement as to who is to stand and who to sit except in one respect. In the Golera temple the twelfth congregation, i. e., women, is sculptured standing, whereas, in verse 16, as we have seen above, they are represented as sitting. Whenever the diagram of & Samavasarung is given in old works, it is always represented as in Fig. 9. It is, roughly speaking, a ground-plan of it, Instances of it are also met with in temples. There is a ropresentation of it in a ceiling of the north corridor of Tejahpala's temple on Mount Abu. The Jaina temples at Kumbharia also in the Danti State contain similar representations. It is, in fact, the custom in Jaina temples to carve ceilings with the principal incidents in the life of the Jina, to whom the main shrine or a corridor cell is dedicated. 11 Devinah & ra pa was originally meant to be engraved.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1911, THE KALIYUGA, YUDHISTHIRA AND BHARATAYUDDHA ERAS. BY 8, P. L. NARASIMHA STAMI, Esq.; VIZAGAPATAM. THE usua) eras, by which our Hindus assign dates to events are, like the Christian era of the West, the Vikramarka and Salivahana, otherwise known as Sasivat and Saka respectively. OT these, the latter begins 78 years after and the former 56 years before the Christian era. So when they had to deal with events before the commencement of the Vikrama era, they did not adopt the system of retrograde calculation, but used other eras which began many thousand years before it. Two of these are the Yuddhishthira era and Kaliyuga. Besides these the same writers reckoned their dates according to yet another era, which we can rightly call the Bharatayuddha era like the Anus Urbis Candite of the Romans. One understands the importance of these eras to the history of India, when one comes to know that the Kashmir chronology of the Rljatarangini, the Magadha chronology as well as the chronicles of the solar and lunar races of the Purdnas--these and other chapters of the ancient history of India--chiefly base themselves on the abovenamed ancient eras. Moreover, as deeper and deeper researches are made into the history of our land, the importance of these ancient eras increases considerably At present, however, our modern astrologers and others make use only of the Kaliyuga along with Vikramarka and Salivdhana eras. But they have certain data from which they can calculate the other two ancient eras, ris., Yudhishthira and Bharataynddha kala, and the data are such that the results of their calculation show that these eras are identical with Kaliyuga in respect of their beginning. For instance, taking the year A.D. 1901-2, it is dated 1823 Saka and 5002 Kali. Therefore, Saka begins with Kali 3180. Again, they say that the year, according to the Yudhishthira era, is obtained by adding 3044 to the Vikrama Sarvat which, in its turn, is got by adding 135 to the Saka date. This, we learn from the following of Panchanga-saran : asmin kaliyuge pada zakA vartante yudhiSThiro vikrama-zAlivAhanau tato nRpssyaavijyaabhinndnH| tatastu nAgArjunabhUpatiH kaliH kalau yuge SaT sakakAlavatsarAH / / eteSAM pramANAbdAH T IP TAT: ) TEAT-a:[134] ucllenaar: (360ooli watsya [ 2006 ] [ Y0000] Tarawe [RO] FANT: T oer: 11 So the date of the Yudhishthira era also is obtained by adding 3179 to the Saka year : i.e.. the Saka begins with the 3180th year of the Yudhishthira era. Again, on a hill near Aihole, Bijapur District (Bombay Presidency), there is an inscription,' in a Jaina temple of Pulsker II, of the Chalukya family, in which it is stated that the temple was erected 8735 years after the Mababharata battle and when 556 years of the Saka era had passed. The verses of the inscription run thus: triMzatamu trisahasreSu bhAratAbAhavAditaH / samAbdazatayuktaSu gateSvaneSu paJcama [ 3035] // 9 Meyrare 994 ) samAsu samatItAsu zakAnAmapi bhUbhujAm [556] / / Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 7 and 12.

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JUNE, 1911.) KALIYUGA, YUDHISTHIRA AND BHARATAYUDDHA ERAS 163 Hence we clearly see that the Great Battle is supposed to precede the Saka era by (3735-556 =) 3179 years; i.e., the Baka begins with the 3180th year of the Bharatayuddha era also. Now, in considering whether these three eras are really identical with one another, we must note that they are somehow or other connected with the kings of Hastinapura who flourished about the time of the Great Battle. So we must first understand who were the monarchs of that city about that time. Chronologically they are : i. Santanu. ii. Vichitravirys (his son) assisted by Devavrata (Bhishma). iii. Dhritarashtra, the blind. Dhritarashtra was blind from birth. So, though he was the crowned monarch, there were appointed regent princes to rule over the country. First, his brother, Pandu, supplied the place. After the death of Pandu, and before the Pandavas and the Dhartarashtras attained their majority, Devavrata or Bhishma reigned as regent. When he attained his majority, Duryodbana assumed the office; and Yudhishthira, who was the eldest was pacified by the grant of a portion of the kingdom. It is during the regency of Duryodhana that the Great Battle took place-the world-renowned battle of Kurukshetra-between the Pandavas and the Dhartarashtras. After the battle, the victorious Pandavas did not dethrone their blind uncle, but Yudhiebyhira, with big four brothers, acted as his regents. This regency of Yudhishthira lasted for fifteen years. pANDavAH sarvakAryANi saMpRcchanti sma taM nRpam / aanzarar: Vi l le [ para ] tataH paJcadaze varSe samatIte nraadhipH| Tar Araf arrotica: 114 ( 2. 4.] (Herr-TYR-94.) Translation.-The Pan levas consulted the king in all matters, and performed them according to his orders, for fifteen years, Then when the fifteenth year passed away, the king had much depression of Spirits, being inflicted by the words of Bhimasens. Thus we seo that Yudbishthira did not become the independent ruler of Hastinf pora, until diteen years after the Great Battle, i.e., until the retirement of Dhritarashtra. Then Yudhishthira Bat on the throne of Hastinapura for 85 years; and it is said ibat in the 36th year he saw indica tions of destruction. Vary Kra: 1 a fagrarfa fafa rifa yafet: 11 ll C R. ) (HETT- E-8.) . Trunslation. Then, the thirty-sixth year baving come, the Kaurava prince, Yudhishthira, baw many forebodings. Just then the king received the news that Kr'shma and the rest of the Yadavas (except the young and the female) had perished and that help for the protection of the survivors was needed. Thereupon, he sent Arjuna who offered libations to the dead. On his return the five Paodavas with their wife Draupadi started for Mahaprasthana, leaving the kingdom in the hands of their grandson, Pariksbit. In the above verse the phrase via TU T may be said to be indefinite, ani a question may arise, why we should not understand by it as "the thirty-sixth year after the Great Battle."

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. Here is the answer to the question. Nilakantha, the great authority on the Mahabharata, says about this phrase in his commentary: saca rAjyaprApsyanantaraM SaTtriMzattame varSe. and we have already seen that Yudhishthira did not assume the reins of sovereignty until 15 years after the Great Battle. Hence we see that first the Great Battle took place; next, 15 years after it, Yudhishthira becam king, the blind king having retired to the forest to lead the life of an ascetic; and in the 36th year of Yudhiebthira's accession, the nirvana of Krishna took place. Now, Bharatayuddha era, as the name itself explains, must naturally be reckoned from the date of the Great Battle, while the Yudhishthira era must evidently be reckoned from Yudhishthara's ascending the throne of the kingdom. Vayu, Visbnu, Matsya and other puranas are unanimous in declaring that Kaliyuga begins on the very day of Krishna's decease. Therefore it is obvious that the Yudhishthira era must have been older than Kaliyuga by 35 years; and that the Great Battle must be assigned a date 15 years before the Yudhishthira era, or in other words half-a-century before Kaliyuga. In the instance cited above, since the year A.D. 1901-2 is dated 5002 Kali, it cannot be 5002 but 5037 Yudhishthira. Similarly, the same year must be 5052 Bharatayuddha era and not 5002. Yet there is one apparent objection to this. It is an objection to the old view as well. Let us consider what it is. Kalbana, in his Rajatarangini, says: zateSu padma sArtheSu tryadhikeSu ca bhUtale / kalergateSu varSANAmabhUvan kurupANDavAH // 52 // [ taraGga : 2. ] Translation. When three years and six centuries and a-half of the Kaliyuga had elapsed, the Kurus and the Pandavas flourished (on the earth). This is consistent neither with the old view nor with the one expounded above by me. The fallacy of Kalhana's calculation will be evident on a little consideration. He says that 2330 years have elapsed between Gonanda III and himself, and 1266 years between Gonanda II and Gonanda III. Therefore (2330+1266=) 3596 years must have elapsed between Gonanda II and himself, who lived in 1070 Saka. This assigns a date (3596-1070) 2526 years before the Saka era to Gonanda II. But from older authorities, Kalhana learns the fact that king Gonanda II was too young at the time of the Great Battle to take part in it. According to the old view, the Battle of Mahabharata took place 8179 years before Saka era (i.e., at the beginning of the Kaliyuga), while Kalhana's calculation makes the time of Gonauda II (a contemporary of Pandavas) to be 2526 years before Saka era. So to get over this difficulty, Kalhana brings down the Pandavas to 635 (=3179-2526) Kali. This is the explanation of Kalhana's calculation. The author's real mistake lies in the statement that 1266 years have elapsed between Gonanda II and Gonanda III. For he says in his own book: paJcatriMzanmahIpAlA manA vismRti sAgare ! [1.83]. Translation. Thirty-five kings were drowned in the ocean of forgetfulness. Such mistakes in his chronology led him to his wrong conclusion. As the inaccuracy of Kalhana's chronology is discussed at length by Dr. M. A. Stein in the introduction to his English translation of the work Rijatarangini and also by Pandit Ananda Koul in his paper" on the History of Kashmir, I have here but briefly shown the unreliable nature of Kalhana's statement. a Vayn (Siva), IT, xxxvii, 422-23; Vishnu, IV, xxiv, 31-39.; Matsya, oolzzi, 51-52; Bhagavata, XII, ii, 89. * Vide Rajaturangint, Taranga I, sloka 53-54. Ibid, bloka 52. Journal of A, S. B., Vol. VI, pp. 195-219 [N.S.].

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JUNE, 1911.) SONGS OF THE MUTINY 165 SONGS OF THE MUTINY. BY WILLIAM CROOKE (LATR I.C.S.. (Continued frem p. 124.) No. IV. The Mutiny-1867. Sung during the Mutiny and repeated by Rameswar Dayll Misrd of Kotard, District It4wd. Recorded by Raghunandas, a teacher in the Rotard School. Text. Chaudah ki si jang Merat so shuru' hua. Badal, Karapat, Bangal bara Hatta hai. Binish kal Ayon matt bhang bhai Firangin ki, Kalt Vilayat dabaya chatta hai. Gat aur suar waht ke kartas, Sunnat sip&hia bikher dage latta hai. Kahain Dhawal Ram : "Ikkabhi chaudah ke sal bich bhagain Angrez log chhori Kalkatta hain. Translation. The war began at Meerut in the year foarteen.Bombsy, Madras and Bengal are great Presidencies. When the time of destruction came, the English lost their headst. Kali wished to sink England. The cartridges were of cow and pig's fat: when the soldiers heard of it they threw off their uniforms. Saith Dhawal Ram : "In the year fourteen have the English fled and deserted Calcutta. No. v. The Dirge of the Begams on the Banishment of Bahadur Shah of Delhi, Sung by Saligram Kaydsth of Amarpur, District Itawa. Recorded by Lalta Prasdd, a teacher in the School at Amarpur. Text. Ab kaisi kariho nimak harami deswa beguno kardiu, re ? Galian galiao raiyat rowai, hatian bania bajaj, re. Mahal men baithe Begam rowain, dehart pat rowain khawas, re. Moti-mahal ki baithak chhuti, chhuti hai Mini Bazar, re. Bagh Zamaniyau ki sairain chhutii, chhute hain mulk hamar, re. Jo main aisi janati, milti Lat se jaya, re. Haha karati, paian parati, leti deswa chhoragi, re. Translation. O, for what infidelity to my salt have I now been banished from my country ? O, the people weep in the streets, the merchants weep in the shops, O, the Princesses sit weeping in the Palace, and the servants weep at the door. 0, deserted is the meeting-place in the Women's Palace, deserted is the Fancy Bazar, O, gone all the walks in the Zimaniya Gardens, gone is the whole country. O, had I known of this, I would have gone to meet the Lord (Governor-General). O, I would have lamented, I would have fallen at his feet, I would have got my country back. : Samvat 1914 A D. 1857. * Lit became sunk in drugs. * The torms in the text are extremely interesting.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1911. No. VI. Song in honour of the rebel Rant of Jhanst. Sung by Rameshwar Daydi Misra of Kotard, District It&wd. Recorded by Raghunandan, Teacher of the School at Kotard. Text. Rag Dadara. Khub lari mardanf ; are Jbans wall Rani. Burjan burjan topain lagki dain, gola chalai asmant. Are Jhansiwalt Rani, kbub lari mardani. Sugare sipahian ko pera jilebt ; apne chabat gur dhani. Are Jhansiwali Rani, khub lari mardani. Chhor Morcha, lasbkar ko bbagi; dhun ohe milai nahin panf. Aro Jhansiwali Rani, khub lagi mard Ani. Translation, Well fought the brave one; O, the Rant of Jhansi. The gans were placed in the towers, the heavenly (magic) balls were fired. O, the R&nt of Jbanst, well fought the brave one. All the soldiers were fed with sweets; she herselt had treaclo and rice. , the Rani of Jhansi, well fought the brave one. Leaving Morcha, she led to the army; where she searched and found no water. O, the Rani of Jhansi, well fought the brave one. No, VIL. Khudaganj (Fattehgarh), 1867. Sung by Shital Pursad Skukld of Mirzdpur, Recorded by Ram Gharib Chaube. Text. Kabanpur se kunch kiya, an Khudaganj mara, mora. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lare khub jang gora. 2. Sabiq men charbt gai Dubai, kiya jaga us ne halla. Para bandhi ke sawar, pahunche pichhe se dhaya Ghalla. 3. Hinda kahate Ram Ram,' sor Musalman Allah Allah.' Lase mard bedard khet mei, athe zor jin ke kalla. Tuktuk hoya lase, sipahi, nabii pichhe moryo. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lare kbub jangi gora. Pahale hul math bhes, chale shamshir, kathin hat lapal. Khudaganj naddi ke upar lare surma sipahi.

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JUNE, 1911.) SONGS OF THE MUTINY 167 Dhawa kar bargal Dubai, zar nahin dahshat khai, Mare hath chhati par bashkar, kari dast ki safai. Karaih war par war sipahi katal karaih pora pora. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lase khub jangi gora. 8. Pair bich pabire gurgabi, badan ghanghra bannati, Resham ke lachchhe ki topi, jis par kalangi labrati, Aise ran men ghuse surmi jaise mast iwai hathi. Nahin khauf marne ke, mutlaq na karain samne ko chhath, 10. Bain alag kamar ki lag bhag jinke latak raha jhora Charo taraf se bandhi morebi, lase khub jangi gora. IL Dhawa karhi ke bashe Firangi & pahanche nadat ke tir. Raha morcha ek qutar karne ko, karne lage us ki tadbir. 12. Katate katate phauj kati gal: Jazabi jawan rah gaya akhir. Kaha karon tarif main us lat! Khub kara us ne shamshir. 13. Kati kati kar margaye surma, nem nahin apna bora. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lare khub jangi gora. 14 Mara mara ka maru baja, bajate bigule sabiq dustur. Garar, garar, gar. gar, gar, gar, gar bajai, sang maru tambur. 15. Maru maya kA narhi chhi rabi, jin ke ankbon men bhar pur. Mar mar karat, nahlo darate, baras raha mardon par nur. 18. Mar mar sangin samne dushman ka sina tora. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lare kbub jangi gora. 17. Risaldar laike risala kil kilaya ke ghus gaye pil. Mart bayb goron ne top ki, hua zamin Qpar shamil. 18 Jit liga dushman ko, bare Firangi hain qabil. Dabal kunch karke, naddi se hue Fattehgarh men dekbil. 19. Phaujan part gain sab pared par, hua shahar men jat shahri. Charo taraf se bandhi morcha, lare khub jangi gora, 20. Jopi chhutin harkaron ki, ghoron par ate aswar. "Khabar karo Bangash Nawab ko fauj Firangi hai bazar."

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. 21. "Qatal hai Galla aur Dubai, gbajab top gole kt mar. Nahii koi bachne ki surat, atar chalo Ganga ke par." 22. Beghmat Nawab Barel kunj kiya chort chora. Charo os se bandhi morcha ; lare khub jangi gora, 28 De deke sob nazar Lag ko mile shahar ke sahukar. La maaf ho gai, sarafa khald shahar skra gulzar. 24. Kamalapati kahen : Mani Ram sir jhalak rabi kalangt sardar. Lakhraj Angrez Bahadur, zabardast jin ki talwar. Translation. They marobed from Cawnpore and faced the enemy at Khudaganj. They made entrenchments all about them; the white warriors fought well. First came on the Dubait and made an attack on the English). Wing-bound (swift) horsemen came and behind them the GhallA made a rush. S. The Hindus cried. Ram, Ram' and the Musalmans. Allah, Allah.' Fearless men fought in the field, and used all the force they could. The sepoys fonght in small parties, and turned not back, Entrenching thereselves all round, the white warriors fought well. 5. When the sides first met, sword was used and severe was the fight. The brave sepoys fought at Khudaganj, above the river. The dauntless Dubat advanced and had no hesitation. They strack at bands and breast and showed their skill with weapons. 7. Time upon time the sepoys struck their blows. Entrenching all round them, the white warriors fought well. 8. On their feet they wore boots, on their bodies, kilt. Tassels of silk on the hats and trembling sigrottes. The (British) braves entered the field like vast elephants. With no fear of death they set the faces (lit, breasts) to the front, 10. Round their waists, to the left, hung bags. Entrenching all round them, the white warriors fought well. * Nick names for the first of the rebel Bangash Nawab of Bareli. * Ghiged palgan, bilted battalion, Highlanders.

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JUNE, 1911.) SONGS OF THE MUTINY 160 + 11. The Earopeans advanced quickly to the bank of the river. One (rebel) trench only remained to be taken, and they made their plans. 12. Cutting and cutting the (rebel) army was cat down: only Juzabl the hero, remained What shall I say in his prais: ? Well did he use his sword. 13. Cut down and cut down the brave nien died, not disgracing their names. Entrenching all round them, the white warriors fought well. 14. Drums upon drums were beaten and bagles gounded as is the custom. Garar-garar, gar-gar-gar-gar-gar was sounded with the sound of drums. 15. The intoxication of the drums was upon them, and filled their eyes. They killed and killed, they feared not, the light (of fight) shone upon the heroes. 16. They struck with their bayonets and broke the breasts of the enemy. Entrenching all round them, the white warriors fought well. 17. The Commander took his troop (cavalry) and went on to the bridge. The white men ared their cannon and levelled it to the earth. 18. The Earopeans are vory wise and they conquered the enemy. Making a double march, they entered Fattehgarh from the river. 10. The army were encamped on all the parade grounds, and the news of it was in the city. Entrenching all round them, the white warriors fought well, 20. Messengers were sent in carriages, and horsemen came on horses. Let the Bangash Nawab know that the European army is in thousands. 21. << The Galla and Dabal (forces) have been slain, and the balls of their cannon are wonderful. There is no way of escape but by crossing the Ganges." 22. The Begame of the Nawab of Bareli secretly left him. On all sides they made entrenchments; the white warriors fought well. 23. The bankers of the city met the Lord (General) with presents. Ho stopped the plunder of the city), and the money-changers and all the city opened again (for business). 24. Saith Kamalapati : on Manik Ram trembled the aigrette of the chief.? The rule of the great English, whose is the conquering sword. Fint given by the English.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. KUMARAGUPTA, THE PATRON OF VASUBANDHU. BY PROF, K. B. PATHAK, BA.; POONA. IN VAXANA's Kavydlankara-sitra-vritti, we have the following important passage to which I beg to invite the attention of Sanskrit scholars, who are interested in the history of Indinu literature : sorya saMprati candraguptatanayazcandraprakAdho buvA jAto bhUpatirAzrayaH kRtadhiyAM diSTayA kRtaarthshrmH| bhAzrayaH kRtadhiyAmityasya vasubandhusAdhivyopakSepaparatvAtsAbhiprAyatvam. Kdvydlankdra-iltra-vitti, Chap. III, Sect. 2. Vanivilasa Press Ed., p. 86. Translation. This very son of Chandragapta, young, shining like the moon, and the patron of men of letters bas now become king, deserving congratulations on the success of his efforts. The phrase: the patron of letters' is an instance of allusion, containing a reference to the ministership of Vasabandhu." 1 Kumaragapta, the son of Chandragupta II of the Gapta dynasty, is alluded to, in the ball verse quoted by Vamans, as the patron of the illustrious Buddhist author, Vasubandha, Paramartha, another famous Buddhist author, who lived between A.D. 499-569, tells us that Vasubandha died at the age of 80, during the reign of Baladitya (Narasimhagapta). This last-mentioned Gupta king was the grandson of Kumaragupta. Vasabandha was, therefore, contemporary with three successive Gupta kings, namely: Kumaragupta, Skandagapta, and Baladitya. Paramartba's statement about Vasubandhu being 80 years old at the time of his death is thus confirmed by the literary evidence discovered in Vamana's work, wbich belongs to the end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D. When Paramartha, in his Life of Vasubandhu, speaks of king Vikramaditya of Ayodhya and his crown prince Baladitya As patronizing Vasubandhu, the Buddhist biographer obviously refers to the famous Gupta king Skandagupta who had the title of Vikramaditya. This confirms the ideutification which has been already proposed by Dr. Takakusu in his very valuablo paper contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland for 1905, pp. 33-53. As regards the date of Vasubandhu, the Japanese scholar las very fully examined all the Chinese authorities bearing on the subject, and sums up his conclusion in the following words : "At present we must rest satisfied with the result at which we have arrived, however small it may be, in establishing the date of Vasubandhu in the light of Paramartha's valuable work. We can thus take Vasubandhu's date, A.D. 420-500, as well-nigb settled, and with it those of Vindhyavasa (lavaraksishna), c. 450 (died before 480), and Vasurita c. 480, being brother-in-law of Baladitya, who ruled from A.D. 481 or thereabouts." This date of Vasubandhu and the identification of the Vikramaditya mentioned by Paramartha * with Skandagupta, the son of Kumaragupta is now confirmed by the literary reference given above. Vasubandhu's most important work was the Abhidharma-kosa. Wben Sanghabhadra challenged Vasubandha to a personal discussion, the latter declined on the ground that even a complete * Attention to this passage was first drawn by M. M. Haraprak latri, but his conclusions were different. (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. for 1906. Vol. I, No 10, p. 253).-D. E. B. * Smith'. Early Hist. of India, p. 298. Introd, to Kdvyamal4 edition,

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NOTE ON THE DRAVIDIAN CASES JUNE, 1911.] refutation by the former would have no effect on his kosa." Vasubandhu's hope, that this literary production of his genius would be immortal, was amply realized, because the study of this kosa was so universally popular in the first half of the seventh century that, "even devout parrots expounded it." Bana says:--- farewed: vetrarma qade uraaurangrait: aird agaftafe 171 Harsha-charita, VIII, p. 317. Bombay Sanskrit Series Edition. Here the word kosa is explained by the commentator, Sankara, as antet utafagredi veCELENCI, Bapa is misunderstood and mistranslated by Prof. Macdonell, when he tells his readers that "pious parrots expounded a Buddhist Dictionary" (History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 333). This testimony of the Brahman poet Bans to the immense popularity enjoyed by the Buddhist author Vasubandhu and to the fact that to explain the Abhidharma-kosa was a very common attainment in the first half of the seventh century is very important. We need not, therefore, be surprised that the rhetorician Vamana has preserved for us the historical fact that Vasubandhu enjoyed the patronage of Kumaragupta. The interesting half-verse, which Vamana has rescued from oblivion, is evidently taken from some lost Guptavamsamahakarya, in which the name of Vasubandhu is directly mentioned or which was composed by Vasubandhu himself, to congratulate Kumaragupta on his accession to the throne, as the word 'samprati in the verse shows. It may be hoped that manuscripts of this Guptavamsamahakarya, or whatever it may have been really called, may yet be recovered in Kasmir, where Vasubandhu spent many years of his life. NOTE ON THE DRAVIDIAN CASES. BY P. SESHACHAR, ESQ.; GOKARAM. In the very interesting contribution to a Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages' on Dravidian Cases, by Mr. K. V. Subbayya, M.A., L.T., M.R.A.S. (above, May 1910), we are informed that the primitive Dravidian termination of the accusative was am, found in an unaltered form in old Kanarese,' I am inclined to believe that the primitive termination in Kannada was not am, but un, as seen from the samdhi rules applied to substantive accusatives in combination with words having an initial vowel; cf., Nripanan-abhimanadhananan-atisaya vis dla kirtidhvajanu (Kaviraja-marga II, 16), palavuman-odagadire (II, 18), Kandosedan banadolage Janakatanagatan. Anuvan (II, 38), padangalan-amardire (II, 83). This is true of all genders and numbers. In the same paragraph we have In Mid, and New Canarese the m of am is softened to n and the transformed termination takes a final euphonic u, thus becoming anu or anna.' This is true without the softening' (?), since the primitive an can enphonically become anu or annu. For instance, we have bhagavanu, accusative of bhagava, god? I have not been able to trace this bhagava or bhagavanu to any period of the Kannada language unless as in Modern or New (so-called) Kanarese, both forme be regarded as accusatives of the Sanskrit bhaga, which evidently does not signify 'god.' The proper nominal theme in this instance would be bhagavanta from the Sanskrit bhagavan [see Sabdanusasana-sutra 129; Sabda-mani-darpana 86]. In quoting the Sabda-mani-darpana 115, we have to remember, that it is not the ge of the dative that is optionally doubled, but the g of the ge termination, In connection with the augment in of the genitive, apparently Mr. Subbayya uses Sabda-manidarpana Sairas 108 and 109; but there is contradiction in (1) and (2) with regard to words ending in consonants which is not explained. Comparative study of the forms would render (1) untenable

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1971. for, cf., Kanna papeyum kavya nara mum-ulannevaram (Kavi Kuma, Salva). Words ending in consonants incorrectly took the augment in, and if we remember Kesava's rule 48, the letters y,r, 1,1%, n,?, R, L, very often occur at the end of words without any vowel,' it is clear that in Kabava's time (if not before ) there was a tendency to terminate such words in a vowel, and as a consequence, the augment in came to be too frequently used. Kesava's rule 109 should, therefore, be read with rule 48; and the inference is that for words ending in consonants, the augment in was an exception in a few instances: agal, iga! (ega!?), pagal, irul, sul. In other Kannada words the in augment is an error (dosha). Sauskrit words ending in consonants do not become themes in Kannada, until they have become the inflexion base. "Saiskrit nominal themes ending in consonants are in Kannada made to end in a or # with the final consonant doubled or the final consonant dropped (Smd. 86). Again we are told that the Primitive Dravidian uses the post-position kdi (instr.-abl.-loc.). If by Primitive Dravidian is meant Old High Tamil, we should in keeping with the principles of Dravidian Phonology) find the gattaral preserved in Kannada and dropped in Tamil (the late Primitive Dravidian). But we have a startling result from the comparative method. We find not kal (leg) bat kay (Kannada) or Chey (Telugu) (hand), wbich is not an improper instrumental post-position. The post-position to-dan is preserved in the adverbial form in Old Kannada odam, Modern Kannada odane, meaning at once. But comparing lirayigala suygalodaneye piriyavu divasangalddurarara varaparisphuritangal odane kundidu virulgalum munche banda jalaldgamadol (kavyavolohana) gili-y-odan-odi-y-odi nudi galtu madala sa raja haasa mandali-y-odan-di-y-ddi nade galtu (Smd. S 195 ex), it will be evident that the post-position is not odam but odan, and that its use is not merely adverbial in the older dialect. It meant not only, 'at once' but with also. Under the locative- In its primitive form ul, it is found in Tamil, Old Kannada and in the word undu in Telugu, But in Middle Kannada ne! was changed to oL, ex maradol in a tree, Tamil marattul. An important point in the history of the Kannada langaage would have been settled if the grammarian had illastrated his statement regarding u used as'a post-position in what he calls Old Kannada, If u found a place in the list of case-sigas in Old And Middle Kannada (as certainly it does in Mr. Subbayya's table), it is a pity, we have not been lucky enough to find an example of its use. Dr. Kittel in his Dictionary writes u!=o=in, inside, etc., and quotes ullaralda =ul-(l-)aralda, & compound verb, meining in-blossomed, so that ul instead of being a post-position is here a pre-position. Though I have not come across the post-positional use of this u in Kannada literature (Old or Mid.), I am yet inclined to believe Mr. Subbayya's statement regarding Tamil ud, the dialectic equivalent of the Kannada ol. The inclusion of o! as a locative case-sign in New Kannada is probably a mistake, whilst that of attan + 3 in the table under New Kannada is certainly an error. Further, among the instrumental case-signs of Old and Mid, Kannada, we find im for ablative 7. Is this a real distinction between the case-signs ? I am of opinion that it is in in both cases; cf. Sampritiyin-aranan-agalal (Karirdja-marga 1, 1); Sukhadin-ire (11, 20); atisaya-dhavafokti-krama. dina Ripuven (IT, 53); janapati nijabdku-yugadin-asleahisidan (IT, 74); vyatyadin-idurode (II, 88); gurulajja bharadin-e Ragi (1, 59); ada Rin-allig-ant-avu dosham (I, 67); tatrdlokadin-dkankshipa mukti-y-ak lum (Smd. Pref. 10) dhirarin-akshara-(Smd. I, 1). In fact, illustrations could be drawn from almost any work of the so-called Old Kannada dialect. Yet another case-sign might have been added to under the instrumental ablative e as in bharade, te Rade, kramade, etc., which in a later period became bharadi, te Radi, kramadi, etc.; the change of into i is found not in New Kannada (if I understand Mr. Subtayya's New Kannada aright), but in late Mid, Kannada where the i stood for the instr.-abl.-loc, case-signs,

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JUNE, 1911.] A SHORT NOTE ON THE COINS 173 A SHORT NOTE ON THE COINS OF THE ANDARA DYNASTY, FOUND AT BATHALAPALLI, ANANTPUR DISTRICT. BY Y. R. GUPTE, B.A.; NASIK. The learned Professor E. J. Rapson, M.A., has, in his unique and standard book, entitled A Catalugue of the Indian Coins in the British Museum, assigned a different class to the lead coins found in the Annntpur and Caddapah districts (Southern India). He says :-" The lead coins from Anantpur and Caddapah districts entitle them to be regarded as a distinct class. Like the coins of Falrio B from Andhradesa, they have a horse' for their obverse type ; but they are of rougher workmanship and they have a different reverse type 1. caitya ; r. tree. This reverse, it may be noticed, connects them with the class which is tentatively assigned in the catalogue to Feudatories of the Andhra dynasty. Indeed it is not improbable that they may belong to the same class." Specimens of the coins found at Bathalapalli are also noted further in the general description : - Obverse.-Horse standing r. above, in front, spherical object. Inscription not completely read. Rererse.-Type (usually obliterated) left, caitya of six arches surmounted by a crescent; r., tree within railing ; both standing on a pediment ornamented with scroll and dots." Nine of these coins I have purchased through Mr. Henderson, Superintendent, Government Museum, Madras. I am glad to say, tre has placed in my hands two coins, which, in my opinion, enable us to decide that, at least some of the coins found at Bathalapalli belong to the Andbra dynasty and not to their feudatories. They seem to be more regular in form. But so far as I know, no notice of the inscription on them is taken. Prof. Rapson says that it cannot be read. It appears that he was not fortunate enough in securing good specimens. One coin in my possession is covered with some red substance. The substance or colour-call it anything-is thick and fine, and is sufficient to preserve the coin and make it hard, so much so, that it cannot be scratcbed off with a penknife. But when the coating is removed, the lead yields to man's nails. By applying impure soda (what we call papadkhar in Marathi), I am able to make out some words. The letters on my coin are rather sruall, but seem to be more carefully formed than any ou the coins of the two feudatories of the Andhras, Chutukadananda and Mulinanda. The first word on it is Rano and it is very clear. The second is Vasithi putasa or Vasathi putasa (the vowel is uncertain). But the letter thi is not as clear as one could wish, and the va is more ornamental than I have seen on other coins. As regards the remaining word, an eye copy of it is given below : The first letter seems to be hd, and the second like ta, but the second is indistinct and puzzles me a little. The line that follows is, I believe, a portion of the pedestal on which the horse is standing. Then comes ka. The next letter is half lost, but the lower half that remains can be tolerably made out. The last letter appears like sa but is very indistinct, the vertical.portion only being visible. I would thus like to take the word as Hatakanisa, which, evidently stands for Satakaaisa so that the whole name we obtain is rano Vasitheputasa Hdtakanisa. The coin probably belongs to Vasishthiputra-Satakarni, viz., the Satavahana prince of that name referred to in a Kanheri inscription." Another coin in my possession, which is a poor specimen, has ud on it. But nothing more can be said about it. By the bye it would not be ont of place to remark that very small lead coins, or perhaps those of mixed metals having a tree on the reverse, are sometimes met with in the Nasik district. The tree is just like the one found on the coins of Mulananda. But the obverse I am still unable to identify. Intro., p. lxxxi. * P. 25. # The coin is mnoh worn out, and doos not yield any good cast. No illustration of it is, therefore, possible. There can, however, be no doubt about the reading proposed by Mr. Gapte, ex sept in one respect. The initial letter of the third part of the legend is not ha, as he says, but simply with the slanting sido stroko on the proper right being very much worn out.-D. R. B. + Arch. Sury. West Ind., Vol. V, P. 78.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA. 1.-Dhanop Inscription of Chachoha. An account of this inscription, whose transcript is given below, was first read by me in a Hindi booklet by Munshi Devi Prasad of Jodhpur entitled Rajputand-mem Prachina-bolha. It appoars from it that at Dhanop, sixteen miles north of Shahpura, capital of the principality of the same name in Rajpa tana, two inscription stones were discovered as early as 1878, which have since disappeared. Impressions of the inscriptions were taken by Pandit Ramkaran of Tonk, and it was found that they both belonged to a Rashtrakuta dynasty. One of these, however, was too fragmentary to allow anybody to make much out of it, but the other was, on the whole, well-preserved and gave in ten verses, an account of that dynasty. Two years ago, Pandit Gaurishankar Ojba bad occasion to examine the papers and impressions of Pandit Ramkaran, which are now in the possession of his grandson Pandit Ramnivas. He was able to find out the impressions of one of these well-preserved insoriptions, and was kini enongh to send them to me to make known the contents of it to the antiquarian world, wbich is already indebted to him for preserving and bringing to light many valuable epigraphic records. The impressions are not quite satisfactory, but with patience and perseverance they enable one to decipher almost the whole of the inscription with certainty. It contains 13 lines of writings, vbicb cover a space of 1-6" high by 7" broad. Line 11 is followed by an indented line which divides it from the repairing. Lines 11-13, again, do not run over the whole, but are engraved only up to the balf of the length of the inscription. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, wbich was prevalent during the 10th and 17th centuries. A noteworthy palaeographic peculiarity of the inscription is the representation of the medial vowel a by superscript signs placed above the letters instead of by vertical strokes attached to their sides, no doubt, a reminiscence of what we find in the case of all medial vowels in the Vasantga?h inscription of Varmalata, the Udaipur inscription of Aparajita, and so forth. Attention may also be drawn to the final t in line 13, and also to the numeral, in line 2. The language is Sanskrit and excepting Om namah Sivaya at the beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is in prose. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for attention are (1) the frequent doubling of t in conjunction with a following r, and (2) the use of instead of a. The inscription opens with an obeisance to Siva. Verse 1 invokes the blessings of that god. Verse 2 speaks of a king named Chachoba, who is represented to have revived the glory of the king Bhallila and to have rebuilt the temple, where the inscription was originally put up. Then we are told that in the lineage of the Rashtrakutas there was a king called Bhallila (v. 3) and that his son was Dantivarman, who first built this temple (v.4). The sons of the latter were the two kings, Baddharaja and Govinda (v. 5), who erected a temple apparently of red colour and surrounded it with the shrine of some mdta, a step-well and an orchard (.. 6). Many years after their demise, we are further informed, the land which had been granted to the god Sambhu was resumed, and the temple fell in disrepair. Verse 8 says that there was a devotee of Siva and of the Saiva denomination named Nagua-bhataraka, who say that the god received no worship. He went to king Chachcba, and said : 40 king, this temple belonged to the princes of your family," and induced him to renovate it, which, we are told, had been dedicated to Siva under the name of Dhankebvara (v. 9). This shows that Chachcha was a Rashtrakuta, though we are not informed how he was related to the other Rashtrakata kings mentioned above. Then follows a verse expressing a wish for the endurance of the temple as long as the sun, the moon, the Ganges, &c., last. The eleventh or the last verse tells us that the inscription was engraved by Rimadeva, son of Ramranasahi. The record ends with the date: Saturday, the 5th of the bright half of Vabakha of the (Vikrama) year 1063,

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JUNE, 1911.] SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS 176 The importance of this inscription consists in the fact that this is a record of a second and new Rashtrakuta family found in Rajpating. The existence of the first was made known to us by an inscription found at Hatbundt near Bijapur in the Bali district, Jodhpur State. It was first published, but partially, by the late Prof. Kielhorn in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LXVII, Part I, pr. 809-14, and has now been fully and critically edited by Pandit Ram Karna of Jodhpur in the Ep. Ind., Vol. x, p. 17 ff. It informs us that a Rashtrakuta family was reigning in the tenth centary at Hastikundi (Hathandi ). But our inscription attests the existence of an entirely new Rashtrakuta dynasty in Rajputand holding sway over province nearly one hundred miles north-east of Hathandi, Text.i 1 o au namaH zivAya / / gaMgAtobena siktA sasikusumabhRto necavaDipratApakrodhocakaMpamAnoDsa bhujgphnnaapuchptrprvaa1laaH| zobhAtpuMskapAlapraviracitadhirImAlakaikAlavAlAH pApAtpAMtu smarArevaravikarATAvAlayo yaH sadaiva / / sabhAdhAbhAmidaM bhavasva bhavana kArApita bhUtale(mAlevAcalakUTasamibhamupaprAsAdadevaiH saha / zrImallI lanRpArikIrtiramalA nahA hi yenAvRtA()kIyyotitabhUtalaH sa jabati zrIcacanAmA nRpaH ||[2]bhnvye rASTrakUTAnAM' bhAsIcchApramaImaH / zrImAM bhalIla5 bhUpAlo bhUpAlaH sevitakramaH||1] tatsUnurdantivarmAsyaH zrImAnabhUvRpottamaH / sadaM kAritaM tena saMbhorbha vAbdhimodhinA"[*]bAvutpanI satI 6 tasva(nRpAvanvayabhUSakoM[] zrIbuddharAjagovindau kIA vAtI hi bhuutle|[5] bhaktvA vidhApita cAcAmAbAlohitamaMdiraM [mAtRhambi] [saMbu]7 (ObApyA vATikavApi hi[*] zivalokamavAtastehAba naimi [ga]teH / lumAyAM bhUmAMca (1) satAkSIpeca maMdire // [0] zivabhaktoma8 pacchevo namabhahArakAbhidhaH / anarcanAdiko [dRSTA] devastenAvamAzritaH [C] bhAsIdapa tavAnvaye nRpatava[ste pAmira kIrtanaM]0) 9 zrImacacanRpasvi] pUrNaguNinovA khyA]va patthaM punaH] | harthi] [] [vidhApitaM kSititale dhaMkesvarasva prabho (0sAdhuH saNasaMvataH sa jayati zrInana10 mahArakA[*] bAvajJAnustapati gagane ghItaguzAca siSThe[svAvalaMgA himazikhariNo vAti kalola. mAlA / bhabdhI vAvaca sahagiribhiH 11 mAM phaNendro vidhayetavatsaskotiriyamamalA tiSTha 12 [vyo] [sa] 1.]"bhAlikha[nasana skINIpa ranasAhisUnunA / pImitA] rAmadevena] 13 bllaaksaarbhuunnaa|[11]sNvt 1065 vosAga yadi 5 saure 2.-Shergadh Stone Inscription. This inscription was found engraved on a stone lying ontside the temple of Lakshmi-Nariyana at Shergadh in the Kotah State, Rajputana. I edit it from an inked impression kindly supplied to me by Paudit Gaurishankar Ojhs of Ajmer. The record contains fifteen lines of writing, which corers a space of 1'-5" broad by 101 high. The characters are Nagari. Of these, attention may be drawn to (1) the letter bh, whose form is rather peculiar, and (2) the subscript y, which gives the whole conjunct letter, the appearance * From impressions of Pandit Ramkaran of Tonk supplied by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha. Denoted by a symbol. 3 Read for : Read af. Read guy. * Read zubhrA. . ' Properly kArita; but this does not suit the metre. * One dot of this visarga is above, and the other below, vai. * Read degkUTAnAmAsI. 10 Read zrImAn. il Read zambhI . 13 There is some space left between the letters and a ___13 Read dhaMkezvarasva. - Read phaNIndro. Is Read tAvatsaskoti. 10 Read bhAlekhana. Read degsamuskIrNA. 10 I am unable to understand the meauing of these words. * Read vaizAkha

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1911. of ending in d, c.9., Nagnakasya in line 2, which looks as if it were Nagna kasd. The language is an imitation of Sanskrit strongly tinged with vernacular words and syntax. The whole of the record is in prose excepting the single verse yusya, yasya, &c., &c., in line 8. In respect of orthography, attention may be drawn (1) to the use of the dontal, instead of the palatal, 6, and (2) to the occasional donbling of a consonant in conjunction with a preceding r. Lexico-' graphy calls for many remarks. In line 1 occars the worl muhlapikd, which is met with in many insdriptions of this and later periods. Its meaning is, however, suggested by the Marathi maradvi 'a custom-house.' In line 2, we have the word karsha, which, according to some authorities is equal to two tolds, a told varying from 110 to 180 grains, according to local custom. Line 8 bas the word Kauptika, which is of doubtful meaning. It occurs no less than three times in the Siya lopi inscription, and always in connection with Mandapika. Probably Kauptika denotes the head of the local customs office. Vrishabha in line 4 is obviously the name of some coin, and 80 also is Vardha in line 7. This last word appears to be a short form of Adivardha, and is met with no less than three times in the Siyadoni inscription. Pallasald, in line 6, probably means a store-house for grain, the Monier Williams' Dictionary giving the ineaning of 'granary' for the word palla. The word Asanika, which occurs no less than seven times in the inscription, is found several times used also in Siyadoni inscription, and denotes in all likelihood a dwelling, residence.' The inscription really consists of three distinct records. The first is dated the 3rd of the bright ball Vaisakha in the [Vikrama-] year 1074, and states that from the produce of the Mandapikd or custom-house the Seths Narasimha, Gorrisha and Dhiraditya made, on the aforesaid date, a daily grant of one karsha of ghee as ungent to the feet of Bhaldraka Nagnaks. There can hardly be a doubt that this Nagnaka is the same as that of the previous inscription. Tbe second record is dated the game day of the same month, but of the yaar 1075, and speaks of the benefactions of five Vrishabhas from the produce of octroi duties by the kauptika Varanga for sandal-incense to the god Somanitha. The third is a long record. It is dated the 13th of the bright half of Migha in the rvikrama-] year 1084. It records a series of benefactions. The first was made by Thaleura Davaavamin, and consisted of (1) two of the oil-mills belonging to the oilman, Thaiya ka given for supplying lamp oil to the god soman atba, (2) one shell cowrie from the granary establishment for incense and (3) two Vardha coins on the sankranti of every month. Avdsanikds or dwellings were given to the same god by various individuals, such as the traders Imda and Mahidaka, the oilman Thaiyaka, and so forth. Text.20 1 auM / saMvat 1074 vaisAkhasadiza 3 akSatIyAyAM maMDapikAzayAstraSTinarasiMhagovRSadhIrA vityaiH bhahArakazrInamakasya pAdAbhyaMgAya dina prati ghRtakarSaneka prapattA bhASedrA yAvat / 3 saMvat 1075 vaisAkhasudi3 zrIsImanAthazvAya caMdanapanimittaM mAggAdAye koptika4 varaMgena mArgAdAyAta vRtta vRSabha 5 AcaMdA yAvat / / ch| saMvat 1084 mAghasadi 15 5 zrIsomanAthadevasya dIpatailanimittaM ThakaradevasvAminA tailikarAjathAiyAkadhANa 6bI pradattI AcaMdrakai yAvat // tathA pallasAlAyAM dhUpanimittaM kapardakavoDIdinaM pra7ti dAtavyA bhAcaMdrArka / / tathA mAsadhArake saMkrAtI varAha hI pradatto AcaMdrAke 8 yAvat / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaviti // zrIsomanAthadevasya vANa (1) dazamahidAkAbhyAM satkAvAsani[kA] pravattA / selikathAivAkena saskAvAsanikA pra10 dattA / tathA vaNi soDhAkaMna saskAvAsanikA pradattA / tathA vaNika sAiyAkena sa. 11 skAvasanikA pradattA / / tathA vaNika zrIharajasomAbhyAM svakIyA vAsaniko dau 2512 dattau / tathA vaNikamahala kena saskAvAsanikA pradattA // tathA "sakhikalakSmIdharaNa 18 satkAbAsanikA pradattA / / zrIsomanAthadevapallikApUrvatA devamaryAdA / pazcimataH 14 ThakurakuMDaNakasyavAsanikAmaryAdA / uttarataH mArgamA dakSiNataH nImaryA15 / caturAghATasAdhitA zrIsomanAthadevapallikA / / cha / maMgalaM mhaashriiH||7|| 20 From impressions supplied by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha. u Read vaizAkha " Riad zaMkhika. Readdeg maryA.

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JUNE, 1911.) THE CHHANDOVICHITI 177 THE CHHANDOVICHITI, BY P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.B ; BOMBAY. RAJASEKHARA credits Dandin with the authorship of three works (trayo Dandi-grabandhis-cha trishu lokeshu vierutdh). The Kavydlarsa and the Dasakumaracharita are popularly regarded as the works of Dandin. I have grave doubts as to whether the author of the latter was the same as that of the former. There is no unanimity as to the third work also being of Dandin. Prof. Pischel in his introduction to Rudrata's Sringdratiluka arrives at the rather startling conclusion that the Mrichchhaltika is the third work of Danlin. Dr. Peterson, in liis introduction to the Dasakumdracharita (p. 5), says that Daylin wrote & work called Chhandocichiti. Dr. Peterson's reasons are as follows :-Dandin divided Karya into three varieties, gadya, padya and miera. Afterwards Dandin says that an exhaustive treatment of palya is given in chhandovickiti (chhandopichity di salialas--tatpraparicho nidarsitahisti ridya naus-titirshandi gambhirani kdoya-8agaram 1). Dandin omitted the treatment of padya, because he had treated of it elsewhere. So Dr. Peterson says: "It seems clear that Daglin is referring to a book here as also that he can only be referring to a book of his own composition," and further, "I think it probable that Dandin wrote a chhandocichili as Vamana had done before him," Pisebel doubts whether Dancin is at all referring to A work called Chhondorichiti, and if le does refer to a work, then he is of opinion that, the 15th chapter of the Natyaidstru of Bharata, which in South Indian MSS. is styled chhandocichiti,' is the work referred to by Dandin. I shall try to show in the following that the chhando richiti referred to by Dandin is not his own work; that the word chhandovichiti means simply chhandas-adstra (lit., collection of metres) and is generally taken as referring to the vedanga on metrics ascribed to Pingala. By the way, it deserves to be noticed that Dandin seems to have contemplated the writing of a work on the kalas (Arts) "itthari kald-chatuhshashti-virodhah sudhu niyatami tasydh Kald-parichchhede rupam-dvirbhavishyati." 11 I think that the words of Dandin are quite explicit as to whether he is referring to a work called chhandovichits. About it ho says that it will serve as a forry to pass across the ocean of Roevu. Dandin simply says that an exaustive treatment of padya has been given in chhandovichiti. He does not add by mo'mayd). If we were to supply this ellipsis, then we shall have to ascribe, by a parity of reasoning, to Dapd in the anthorship of a work on the dramatic art. He says " Nataka and others constitute the third division of Karya called misra' and an exhaustive treatment of them (has been given) elsewhere" (migrani ndtakddini tesham-anyatra tistarah1.). No one has so iar asserted that Dandin wrote on the dramatic art also. I, therefore, think that just as Dandin here refers to a well-known work on dramaturgy (in my opinion the Natyaolstra of Bharata), so in the passage about chhandlovichiti, he alludes to some work on metres, well-known to his contemporaries. The assertion of Dr. Peterson that Daydin wrote a chhandovichiti as Vamana had done before is based on a misunderstanding. Apart from the question whether Vimana preceded Dandin (I think he did not), .I question the composition of a chhandovichiti by Vamana. His sitra is Sabda-Smrity-Abhidhanakcas-chhandovichiti-kald-kamasastra-landu niti-purt ridyuh." Vamana himself paraphrases.chhan.lovichili' by chhandassastra.' Besides, it is beyond the bounds of possibility that Vamana would place a work of his own on the same level with the vyakarana of Pagini, the works of arts composed by Visi khila and others and ask all future generations of poets to study his own work. As all the other vidyds referred to are dealt with by writers other than Vamana, it naturally follows that the chhanduvichiti also paraphrased in the most general terms is the work of some one else. Moreover, it should be noted that in the commentaries on the Vrittaraindhara and other works on metres, not a single reference is to be found to Dandin and V&mana as writers on metrios, although a host of other writers are so referred to. As to the Natyaolstra of Bharata, it is sufficient to say that the very fact that all MSS. do not call the 15th chapter chhandovichiti raises strong doubts about its being the chhandovichiti 1 Kavyddarba I, 12. 1 Kavy Adarba, III, 171. .K. D. I, 31. * 1, 8, 8.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1911. referred to by Dandin, Chhandovichiti is primarily a very general term and may be applied to any work on metres. My idea is that some copyists might have added the name at the end of the 16th chapter in this primary sense of the word "chhandovichiti.' It would be rather strange to suppose that Dandin refers to a small chapter as exhaustively treating of padya. Bharats himself says that other scholars have given a larger number of metres than his own and that he omits them becanse they do not lend charm to dramas (Santy-anyany-api vrittani ydny-uktdniha panditaihi na cha tani mayoktani na kobhai janayanti hi"). This being the case, the words of Dandin.sakalas-tatprapanchah' would be thoroughly inappropriate if we understand by chhandovichiti the 15th chapter of the N dlya-sdelra, as Prof. Pischel did. I shall now adduce the evidence of comparatively early writers to show that chhandovichiti is the name of the Vedanga deuling with metres. Uvata, while commenting upon Rikprdtisakhya XIV, 10 (=aitena sdstrair na vitishyate anyaik koritonain cha Vedangam = anindyam= drsham), remarks that chhandovichiti is one of the six Anga. of the Veda (tasmdd anindyari shadlangavat shalsu veddingeshu idam = api angari Kalpo Vyakaranara Nirukta. Siksha chnandovichitir-jyotisham = uyanam-iti). Haradatta in his Padamanjari, & commentary on the Kdokd, speaks of chhandovichiti as a vedlnga thrice on the same page (p. 5 of the Benares edition); e.g., tatra wydkaranan jyotisha Niruktan Sikahd chhanduvichitih Kalpasutrdny = angani.' Bhatta-kumarila in his Tantraodrtika briefly gives the topics discussed in the six Vedangas and remarks that, in the Chhandopchili, Gdyatri and other metres are distinguished (Chhandotichity. um=api Gayatryadiviveko loka-Vedayoh purvavad-eva pratyak shah ) Jayamangala in his cominentary on Bhatti I, speaks of chhandovi vriti' as one of the six Vedangas (Siksha kalpo vydlearanan chhandovivsitir Niruklar jytiahari cheti chadangani ldatrani). The Vrittaratndleara (VI. 3.) speaks of the Chhandovichiti, which word is explained by the commentator Narayana as Chhandabolstram' (prustdro= ayam sa malshydtas-Chhandovichitivedibhih). We shall now quote from two writers, who speak of Chhandopichits, but not as a Veddiga. Varahamihira in his Brihutsavishit mentions & Ohhandovichiti (vipuldm=api buddhva Chhandovichitin bhavati karyam=et&val | Yruli-sukha.la-villa-sangrahum=imam=dha Vardhamihirostah II ). Varahamihira flourished in the 6th century A.D. He cannot be supposed to refer to the work of Dandin, even if we conceded for the sake of argunient that the latter wrote a chhandovichiti. as Dandin cannot be placed carlier than the oth century A.D. Subandhu in his Vasavadlatta twice apoaks of the Chhandovichili (chhandovichitir =iva Malini. sandthd ; Chhandovichitimu ina bhrdjamanu-Tanuma lhyam). Both the metres, vit., Malini and Tanumadbya are defined in the work of Pingulo. Subandha is also a very early writer, being not later than A.D. 600. Vumana in bis Kavydlarak dra-urilti quotes Lim. Bana in his introduction to the Hurshacharita is generally regarded as referring to the Vasava lattd of Subandhu. The words in the introduction to the Kadambart 'dhiyd nibaddh-eyam = atidvayi katha' must also be taken as referring to the Vasavadatta and the Bsihatkatha. The work of Pingala is now looked upon as a Vedanga. It is written in the outra style and must be of great antiqnity. The Panchatantra speaks of him as a treasure of metrical knowledge (Chhandojitana nidhi jaghana makaro veldtage Pingalam). The Vittaraindkara, which is itself comparatively early work, looks upon Pingala as the highest anthority on metrics, and quotes him at every step. No ancient work, except Pingala's, that deals with both Vedio and similar metres as the Chhandwichiti referred to by Kumarila appears to have done, has come down to us. From all these circumstances, it appears to me that the Chhandovichiti referred to by the writers quoted above, and by Dandin and Vamana is the work of Pingala. The question whether Dandin is the author of the Msichchhakatika, though an interesting one, does not at present concern' us. We reserve the discussion of it for auother issue of this journal. # Verse 144. * Page 79. Chapter 101, verse 64, Prof. Drirodi's edition.

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JUNE, 1911.] MISCELLANEA MISCELLANEA. THE FORM OF BUSTS ON INDO-SCYTHIAN COINS. SOME time ago when reading an article on Roman Art in the Quarterly Review, I found mention of a classification of Roman busts which might possibly give a clue to the date of Kanishke, if applied to the Kushan coins. Recently I worked out the details, and, although no very definite conclusion has been attained, the investigation may be of interest to some readers of the Indian Antiquary. A Polish scholar has undertaken to deter. mine the age of Roman busts by their form, defining six varieties, namely: I. Julio-Claudian (to A.D. 69)-shoulder not included; II. Flavian (A.D. 69-98)-shoulder, but not junction of arm, included; III. Trojan (A.D. 98-117.)-junction of arm included; IV. Hadrian and the Antonines (A. D. 117192 death of Commodus)-part of the upper arm included; V. About A.D. 200.-half-length figure; VI. Third century-partial reversion to older fashions.1 The want of busts in the Gandhara school renders this test inapplicable to the sculpture, but I have applied it to the Kushan coins with the following result: The coins of Kadphises I (=Kadaphes, &c.), whether alone, or with Hermaios the last Greek king of Bactria, present a bust of Type I. As is well known, some of these coins are copied from issues of the time of Augustus. (Gardner, Pl. xxv, fig. 1-5). The conquest of Kabul by A NOTE ON "FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN THE HINDU POPULATION." [Vide Above, for January, 1911.] MR. D. R. BHANDARKAE, M.A., has infer red from palaeological evidences that pure "Aryan blood does not run through the veins of the Brahmanas" [p. 37. Op. cit.]. The question I am here tempted to put is, who are the Brahmanas, through whose veins Aryan blood does not run? Are the Brahmanas Aryan or non-Aryan? The foreign elements that came to India, viz. the Hanas, Sakas, Mihiras, Chalukyas, &c., what are they again, Aryan or non-Aryan? If Aryans are different from these, did those Aryans come to 179 Kadphises I, may be dated about A.D. 20. In this case the Indo-Scythian king followed the fashion of contemporary Romans. Type II, is found on the Sassanian coinage of Persia from the reign of Ardashir Babakan (A.D. 226), and recurs in late Indo-Sassanian coins of about A.D. 500 (I. M. Cat. Pl. xxv). I have not found it on Kushan coins. Nor do I know Indian examples of Type III. A gold coin of Kadphises IIP cir. A.D. 45-78) exhibits a bust of Type IV form (Gardner Pl. xxv, 8). Another coin (ibid, Pl. xxv, 9) includes the whole of the left arm. If the datea assumed for Kadphises II are at all correct, he must have anticipated the change of fashion at Rome. The gold coinage of Havishker (P cir. A.D. 123-140) has the half-length figure (Gardner Pl. xxviii., 9), as in the Roman Type V. Here too, if the assumed dates are right, India was in advance of Rome. So far as it goes, the text would support rather later dates for the Kushan kings. I may note that a coin of Gondophernes (I. M. Cat. Pl. ix, 11) agrees with the Flavian Type II. The same type is found on a coin of Soter Megas (ibid. Pl., ix., 16), supposed to have been contemporary with Kadphises II, who used a slight advance on Type IV. NOTES AND QUERIES. The Indian coins so far agree with the Roman bust series that, like it, they exhibit a progres sion from the head and neck without the shoulder to the half-figure, but the stages of the progression do not seem to coincide chrono. logically, and some of them are missing in the Indian series. VINCENT A. SMITH. India also from somewhere in the Central Asia? Are those who are called Brahmanas autochthonous or exotic? If the Brahmanas are Aryans and are exotic, the blood running through their veins is Aryan; but if they are a race autochthonous to India, there is no Aryan blood in them, for ex hypothese, the Aryans are a race trans-Himalayan; and when Aryans came to India therefore, the old pure autochthonous Indian blood of the Brahmana must have been strained by Aryan blood. Hence before the Hanas, etc., poured into India, the Brahmana blood had already been once impregnated with the foreign Aryan element. Is this 20? 1 M. Bierkowski, cited by Mr. H. Stuart Jonca in 'Art under the Roman Empire,' Quarterly Review, Jaa. 1903, p. 123. Gardener' means P. Gardner, Catalogue of Coins of Greek and Scythian kings of Baktria and India in B. M. The tentative dates in this text are those of Mr R. D. Bauerji.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SS 2. But if the Brahmanas also came to India from a foreign source, I believe they are Aryans then. The existence of such names as Abraham in Hebrew, Behram or Bahram in Zend, may favour the views that the Aryans had already acquired the title of Brahmanas before their exodus into India from their fatherland Before their exodus, were Aryans all Brahmanas or had they already been divided into Brahmanam, Kahatram and so forth? But whether before or after coming to India, in either case, we have authorities to show there was only one class primarily, viz., Brahmanas, apart from the doubt whether they were Aryans or not. For, the Yajur-Brahmana II, 8. 8, says: Brahmanah Kshatram nirmitam, i.e., 'the Kshatriya was created from the Brahmana. The Mahabharata, Santi-parvan, Moksha-Dharma, 188th and 189th Chapters may be taken as a commentary on the Brahmana passage above cited. It seems unnecessary to quote the verses here in extenso, for the reader may easily refer to the Mahabharata. $3. And then let us consider the nature of the several successive hordes which immigrated to India. Take the Persians; are they Aryan? The Greeke, and then the Romans; are they Aryan? If they are Aryan, and the Brahmana is also Aryan, and they intermingled, Aryan blood alone was infused into Aryan blood; and I believe that in this case, blood-purity or racepurity was not tarnished. The Brahmana may perhaps be taken for pure after the three-fold admixture referred to above, and which admix. ture must have taken place. $4. And next, have the Hanas, Sakas, etc., who poured into India, been conclusively proved by either archeologists or ethnologists to be nonAryan? I venture the suggestion, that for aught we know, they may have been the Aryans left at home, but who followed, only in time, the Brahmana-Aryans who only came in advance of them. If this is the case, ergo, their blood mixing with the Brahmanas cannot be a foreign element again. En parenthese, let me observe that eugenically, blood mixing with blood ought not always to be construed by scientists as impoverishing or deteriorating it, for on the other hand, it may strengthen and enrich it. 5. Whether Brahmanas are Aryans or not, or whether Aryans are Brahmanas or not, there is another interesting question which should exercise the minds of researchers. Ravana of Ramayana fame is, said to be a Brahmana, and yet he was not an Aryan, but a Dravidian, whatever the latter term, so much disputed about, may mean, save that it means a race different from Aryan. Some say, Ravana belongs to the Lemurian race, some Atlantean. But to whichever of the three categories he may belong, viz, Dravidian, Lemurian or Atlantean, my purpose is served so long as these three, denominations connote an ogin which is non-Aryan. So then, the case of Ravana shows that there were Brahmanas, even the non Aryn races. Ergo, if the Hunas Skas, elc., wore non Arvans, there is no reason to delete them of the Brahmana element in them [JUNE, 1911. also, if they were not in totality the Brahmanas, viz., the one Brahmandom to which the Aryans proper lay claim according to the quotation from Yajur-Veda and Bharata shown in para. 2, supra. Whether the Hanas, etc., are Aryans or not, there is reason to suppose a Brahmana element in them as in the case of Ravana of the Dravidian stock. Hence if Brahinanas mixed with Brahmanas, the purity of Brahmana blood has not suffered on that account. SS 6. In India itself, after the classification into Brahmana, Kshatriya, etc., the Kshatriya, etc. have, by virtue of excessive merit, been elevated into the Brahmana ranks, as in the case of Visva mitra for example. And it is no wonder if by similar processes, samskdric or otherwise, foreign elements-so called--of Hunas, etc., merged themselves into Hinduism, understanding by this term, a compound of Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya, Sodra, plus the Panchama, the latter being a group wisely provided in the Hindu body-politic to gradually assimilate into its fold all foreign elements as they came and touched its bounds and borders, to be in course of time prepared for mergence again into classes, viz., the Chaturvarnya, above it. $7. These are age-long processes, and there is no question of pure and impure blood. But so long as those classes, who in the present hour, go in India by the name of Brahmana, remain intact, and do not mix their blood with classes non-Brahmana, the charge of mixed or impure blood can never be levelled against them. SS 8. Nor is there any race-hatred or class. hatred, jealousies or hollownesses in claims, as Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar thinks, for we are all peacefully and contentedly settled down into our convenient quadruple, or quintuple groups,-a final result, after all the wars have gone past, caused by the wish to transcend these limits and efface those convenient boundaries. Who would disturb them again and cause bad blood again? A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, C.E., M.R.A.S., M.M.S. MYSOEK, 31st January, 1911. [The expression used by me is "Vedic Aryan blood" and not simply "Aryan blood." The word Vedio' has been purposely put in, to express the current belief that the Brahmanas, &c., of the castes considered to be pure at the present day are the direct descendants of the Brahmanas, &c., who were the seers of the Mantras. This means that there was no admixture of foreign (Aryan or non-Aryan) and aboriginal blood. Yavanas, Sakas, Hunas, &c., from the popular point of view, are foreigners, i.e.. Mlechchhas. At the end of para. 5, it is said that if the early Brahmanas mixed with the Brahmana element of Hunas, &c.. the purity of Brahmana blood has not suffered on that account. I am certain, no orthodox Brahmana will ever countenance this view, As regards para. 8, Mr. Govindacharya Svamin will do well to enquire either at Baroda or at Kolhapur what. the Gramanya prakarana means, and he will be convinced of what I have said. This again is but a typical instance-D. R. B.] Th rely ongit to be Brahmana khatra item (II, 8, 9). Here Brahman does not mean a Behan 1 and of a This is evident from the worls: viivanida jat and Beskog Bethmaya aman, which prend follow the passage just quoted. Mr. A Govindacarya varD requested to serually cite the veise- from the Sunwar, which establish that the Kshatriya was ortod in the Brahiera. D. R. H The nuts are of the leng ition Madras.

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JULY, 1911.) BITHU INSCRIPTION OF SIHA RATHOD BITHU INSCRIPTION OF SIHA RATHOD. BY D.R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. NANNURAM BRAHMABHAT, whose name I have had more than one occasion to mention, has placed in my hands an impression of an inscription which is important for the ancient history of the present ruling family of Jodhpur. This family, as all historians of Rajputana are aware, belongs to the Rathod race and was founded by Siya-ji. The inscription is engraved on a devli or memorial stone in Bithu, a village about 14 miles north-west of Pali, the principal town of the district of the same name. The transcript of it is as follows: 1. wt 11 # 3 2. E3. BET IT 4. #Tat att 5. Tarik T: [ ]6. [f]qrafa: Te 7. Farfet hy : Translation. Oin.-On Monday the 12th of the dark half of Kartika of the (Vikrama-) year 1330, the Ratha la Sibi, son of the prince (karkvara) Sri-Seta, went to the world of the gods (i..., died). May the bliss of the heaven of even Indra be for Parvati, the Solamkini (i.e., of the Solanki race). Now, there can be no doubt that Sihi of this inscription is the same as Siya-ji, the reputed founder of the royal family of Jodhpur, because, in the first place, Siha and Siya-ji are, as a matter of fact, one name. Secondly, Siha is called a Rabada, which is nothing but Rathod. Thirdly, Siba is called a son of Seta, and Seta is only an abbreviated form of Setram, who, according to the chronicles of Marwar, was the father of Siya-ji. No doubt can, therefore, be possibly entertained as to Siba of our inscription being identical with Stya-ji, the founder of the Jodhpur dynasty. The real importance of this record consists in the fact that it gives us a specific date (viz., V. S. 1330) for a specific event (viz., death) in the life of Sty-ji. The khydte (chronicles) of Jodhpur represent him to be the grandson of the celebrated Jayachandra, king of Kanauj, and at the samy time give V. S. 1196 = A.D. 1139 as the date of his exile into Mar war. Both these things cannot possibly harmonize with each other, because Jayachandra fell in a battle with Shihab-ud-din in A. D. 1193, fifty-four years later than the traditional date assigned to Siga-ji's flight. So that there was only one alternative left, viz., either to accept the date of the chronicles for Siya-ji and consider his connection with Jayachandra's family as a mere fiction or to accept the latter as a fact and reject the date. As to myself, long before this inscription was found, I was inclined in favour of the latter alternative. Because Siya-jt's descent from Jayachandra has been mentioned in no less early an authority than the Ain-i-Akbari of Abu'l Fazl, which was composed in the 16th century. Similarly, in an inscription dated V.8. 1686, and found in the temple of Ranchhodji at Nagar near Jasol in Mallant of the Jodhpur State, Siha is spoken of as Surija-barasi and Kanojiyd-Rathoda. These two early authorities had left no doubt in my mind as to Siya-ji having descended from the family of Jayachandra, and I was for pushing the date of Siya-ji's flight later than A.D. 1193 when, as stated above, Jayachandra died fighting with the Ghori emperor. My view bas now been placed beyond all doubt by the new inscription which gives V.S. 1380 = A.D. 1278 as the date of Siya-it's death. This second is posterior to the first date by 80 years, which indicate the interval between the deaths of Jayachandra and Siya-ji, a conclasion perfectly probable if we hold with the Marwar chronicles that the latter was the grandson of the former.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1911. In this connection is worth quoting what is called a Palliodla-Chhand, for which also I am indebted to Nannuram Brabmabbat. He found it in the manuscripts of the Dadli of a Pallival family in Kui in Shergadh, Jodhpur State. It is as follows: ||niisaaNnnii chaMda // pAlI gaDha bAMdhyau pragaTa AchI chiba AMNI, sahara koTa daza kosameM bAjAra vasAMNI // savAlAkha ghara sAMvaThA jaga sArAM jANI, vipra nidhana jo mA vasthA saMpata samapANI // 1 // ika kaTa juarapanai dhara dhAma baMdhAMNI, vaDo sarovara vIjhaNI pIvai nita pANI // nIra nAsakAM nIsare mukhiyA karasANI, rAja karai visahaTa RSI rUpAvata rAMNI // 2 // sIhI kamadha pradhAna so AyeM agavANI, bArAsau bArANavai mAyA hada mANI / / vItA varaSa chavIsa yUM saba sukha sarasAMNI, pata dillI sara pAtasA asI mana ANI // 3 // nAmuradIna niSedana phaujAM pharamANI. mugala paThANa malecha mila ulaTI mana ANI // sekha ru saiyada javanaso taba mUchAM tAMNI, jAkhAM nasakara la~gara le judha laDavA jANI // 4 // Aya rupAlI utariyA dala koTa divANI, dolA phira DerA diyA jada RsiyAM jaannii|| . jabara karAyI jAvatI visa hA rakabAMNI, maDiyA sAMmA moracA dina rAta dikhA~NI // 5 // sopa arAvAM syAra dhar3a dhar3a hai dhAMNI, dhuMbai ambara DhakiyA raNasIMga rudd'aannii||| vita na hAra bAra varasa judha jItA jANI, gairUM hiDamaca gAliyA palaTaNa raMga paaNnnii||6|| khaTa daravAjA kholiyA vikhayA brahmAMNI, asurAM bheva ju ANiyau jItAM jaba jAMNI / / vimAM vAta rAkhI baDI hotI bhramahAMNI, pAlIvAla itarA par3ayA giNatI na ginnii||7|| sola janeU tAkar3I aTha Upara AMNI, cyAra hajAra dalavA khaga ne khUTANI // goyala raNa mAMDaNe gajaba ajar3A lUTAMNI, pAMca sahasa rAThar3a par3e sIhI setarAMNI // 8 // kajiyo kIcI kamadhajAM taravArA tAMNI, par3iyA raNa paDihAra jo vaMkA viravANI / / DAbhI bhai rahiyA aDiga ila para anAMzI, rAkhI vAta cAMNa raMga.sUrAM sainANI // chinamaiM kadiyA cha hajAra ghAyala hA ghAMNI, pAlA sAta hajAravI buMdI jazavAMgI / / ATha hajAra pamAra ar3a ThAvai mana DAMNI, dhAradhaNI mAnavadharA bolyA hada vANI // 10 // bAbA kaTiyA nau hajAra nAgA niravAMgI, khAgAM lar3iyA khetameM maradAM hada mAMNI / baTakA hove bakatarAM kaMdha sIsa kaTAMNI, TUka dUka jhilama Topa vijar3e tirachAMNI / / 11 / / vahai jhaTakkA aMga vichaTa hiMdU turakAMNI, vara vara leve apacharA vaikuMTha vsaaNnnii||| jadha suNa AI jogaNyAM rudra pIya rijhAMNI, eka pahara Thahara avasa judha suraja jAMNI || 12 / / gaTa sIrohI gAMmarA moTA maravANI, gaharavAra lAr3avA gajaba gaDha gAgarUNa giNI / / UbhAlA jAloragaDha jasa muradhara jAMNI, pAnI lar3atA rAkhiyo palIvAlA pANI / / 13 / / ||dohaa|| / taraisau sIsai saMmata | ghaNo huvI ghamasANa // pAnI choDa padhAriyA | palIvAla pichamANa // 1 // The purport of this Chhand is as follows: Ten kos from the town wall of Pali was its' bazar. The place contained one lakh and a quarter houses of the Pallival Brahmanas. When a new and poor Brabmana came from outside, he was given by each family one brick to build a house with. The town was supplied with water from a spacious lake called Bijbano, which also was used for irrigation purposes. The king was one rish, Visahat and his queen was Rupavat. Siba, a Kamadh, i.e., R&thod, became his minister in V. S. 1292. For twenty-six years they enjoyed all sort of happiness. Then Nasuradin, emperor of Delhi, brought a large force to capture Pali. For twelve years the Brahmanas fought with the Muham

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BITHU INSCRIPTION OF SIHA RATHOD 183 JULY, 1911.] madans. The latter at last put geru and hidmach powder in the lake, which at once changed the colour of the water. Thinking that the colour had so changed because the Muhammadans put cow's flesh into it, the Pallivals at once flung open the city-gate, and sallied forth cutting their way through the Muhammadan ranks. So many of them, it is said, were slain that their sacred threads weighed more than eight maunds. With the Pallival Brahmanas fell many Rajputs, among whom was Siha, son of Seta with his five thousand Rathods. The points of importance to be noted here are as follows: (1) Pali was chiefly inhabited by the Pallival Brahmanas and was in the second half of the 18th century held by their Brahmana prince Visahat; (2) Siha Rathod was his minister. This agrees with the Marwar tradition that Siha was called to Pali and kept there by the Pallivals to give them protection against the Mers and Menas who had infested them; (3) Siha attained to this position in V. S. 1292 A. D 1235; (4) twentysix years after, i.e., in A. D. 1261, Pali was invaded by the emperor of Delhi, who is here called Nasuradin and. who cannot but be Nasiru-d-Din Mahmud Shah I., as he reigned from A. D. 1246 to 1266; and (5) after a twelve years' siege Pall was captured by the Muhammadans in V. S. 1330 A. D. 1273, when Stha Rathod is also represented to have fallen in the battle. This date agrees precisely with that of our inscription. Not only no doubt can thus possibly be entertained . regarding the date of Siha's death, but also I feel tempted to accept A. D. 1235 as the date of Siha's arrival in Palf. The mention, in the Chhand, of Bundi, Sirohi and the Rajput tribes Chandel, Pamar and so forth, is undoubtedly an interpolation made in later times by some Bhat, to make it attractive to all the Rajputs. But the authority for this Chhand is the doha quoted at the end, which thus appears to be much older than the former. It says that in V. S. 1330, a fearful battle took place and the Pallival Brahmanas, after quitting Pall, went towards the west. And our inscription gives the same date for the death of Siha. The dohd thus leaves pot even the shadow of a doubt as to Siha having died on the battlefield fighting for the Pallivals. Tod's story about this Rathod prince having treacherously massacred the Pallivals and made himself master of Pali must, therefore, be considered to be unfounded and unreliable. Where actually this battle took place is not certain. Most probably it came off in Bitha where the memorial stone is found and which is only 14 miles from Pali. In Bithu there is a very ancient temple dedicated to Mahadeva and in front of it, I am told, there was an old well, now filled up. And the people say that it was into this well that the sacred threads of the Brahmanas were thrown some centuries ago before they died in a fight with the Muhammadans. But no definite information could be had as to who those Brahmanas were and from where the Muhammadans had come. It is, however, all but certain that these Brahmanas were the Pallivals, and that the Muhammadan force was sent by Nasiru-d-Din Mahmud Shah I. Two points connected with our inscription yet remain to be considered but can be disposed of in a few lines. In the latter portion of it one Parvati, a So(la)mk (ni) [Solankini] is said to have died safi with Siha. The reading Solamkni, I confess, is by no means certain, though it is probable. But supposing for the moment that it is correct, it agrees with the tradition that he had for his queen a Solankini. But her name, as given in the chronicles, is Rajala-de, whereas we have it here as Parvati. Perhaps she had both the names, of which Rajala-de was a khitab given by her busband as is not unfrequently the case in Rajputana. Secondly, it is worthy of note that neither Stha nor his father Seta has any regal titles attached to their names in our inscription, though the people of Marwar always speak of Siha as Rav Siya-ji. He appears to have been a mere Rajput in the service of the Pallival Brahmanas without having ever risen even to the rank of a Rav. Seta, again, is called a kamvara, which shows that he was at any rate a son of some chief or king. This agrees with the tradition that he was a son of Jayachandra, king of Kanauj. But as he died without obtaining the kingdom, he also had no royal titles affixed to his name.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1911. A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. BY K. V. SUBBAIYA, MA., L.T., M.R.A.S., RAJAHMUNDRY. Lecturer in English, Government College, Rajahmundry. Nouns.-Gender. (All Rights Reserved.) 1. In all the Dravidian languages gender follows sex. 2. The gender of Dravidian primitive or uncompounded nouns is known from the verbs and the pronouns which they govern; and they are themselves destitute of any distinguishing gender termination. 3. But in the case of the derivative or composite nouns formed from primitive nouns, adjectives,"participles, demonstrative and interrogative particles, the gender is denoted by suffixes which are different for the different genders. For example: The masculine singular is denoted by the primitive Dravidian suffix an which becomes an, an (Ts., Ma., Ca.); adu, adu (Te.); e(Tu.); as (Kura kh); ah (Malto), etc. (Vide under an, infra). The feminine singular is denoted by (1) the Pr. Drav. d! which becomes a! and al (Tam., Ma., Cs., and Tu.); and (2) the primitive Dravidian atta or atti which becomes adi (Te.); ad (Gondi Kolami, Naiki and Kurukh); atti (Malto), etc. (Vide under at and attai, infra). The neuter singular is denoted by primitive Dravidian du which is di (Te.), d (Gondi, Kolami, Naiki, Kurukh.); th (Malto), (see infra). N. B.- In this connection it may be mentioned that Dr. Caldwell, not knowing that the demonstratives are themselves composite nouns, states that the derivative nouns are formed from primitive nouns, adjectives and participles by the addition of demonstratives. In Tamil Sinnavan, he thinks we have the demonstrative avan. But sinnavan is Sin + a + an. Here Sin is the base, a, the adjectival suffix ; and before a, n is doubled, and an is the masculine singular suffix; and a homo-organic v is developed in Sandhi between the two back vowels a and a (vide flexional Sandbi in my Phonology). Similarly for other genders. 4. Dravidian nouns are divided for purposes of gender into two classes :(1) Rational nouns, or the names of rational beings, such as med, gods, women and goddesses. (2) Irrational nouns, or the names of irrational beings or inanimate objecte. Rational nouns are either masculine or feminine according as they denote men and gods, or women and goddesses. All irrational nouns are neuter. Thus we have three genders, 5. Rational nouns are called in Tamil grammars, wyartinai, se., bigh-caste nouns,' while irrational nouns are ahrinai, i.e., non-high-caste' nouns. Teiugu grammars call them mahat and amahat nouns, i.e., superior' and non-superior' nouns. Canarese and Malayalam grammars, being based ontirely on Sanskrit grammar, call them pullingam, etc., without distinguishing between rational and irrational nouns. 6. If it be necessary to denote the sex of any animal, a separate word signifying male' or female' is prefixed to the noun ; but even in such cases the pronoun with which the noun agrees, and also the verb, are neuter. For example: 'a mare oame' is translated into Tamil, Teluga, Canarese, respectively, as follows:- Ora pen ka dirai vandadu' (Tamil); oka ada gurrama vatstsinadi,' (Telugu); ondu hengu kudire bantu (Canarese). 7. The Primitive Dravidian words denoting male and femalo' were the following: Male:- , maga, kand. Female :- pen and al.

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JULY, 1911.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 185 is in die Kui : pora Noi dadi kudri goruth Boroth The first set of words, i.e., dn and pen are used by Tamil, Malayalam, and Tulu, to denote * inulo' and fomale.' Canarese uses kand (a) and pen : Telugu uses nga and al. For example : Horse -- 1. Tamil : kudirai Malay, : kudire Tala : kudire Can. : gandu kudire Telnga: moga gurrama Korvi : . ond kudri Kaikadi : ghand kudri Malto : bokra goroth gora Burgandi : ad kudri Mare : Tamil : pe? kudirai Malay. : pen kulira Tulu : ponnu kudire Can. : Hennu kudire Telagu : dda gurrawu Korvi : pat kudri Kaikadi : phattad Malto : Kui : tali 10. Burgandi- phat kudri 8. But of these words that are used as gender suffixes, there are only some that are used as suffixes also. For instance, of tho masculine prefixes, an, maga and land only the first an with its varieties is used as the common masculine suffix of all the Dravidian languages. Of the feminine suffixes, al and pen, only al is used as the feminine singular suffix of Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese and Tulu. In addition to ds and al, there are other words which are used as saffixes. For instance, primitive Dravidian atta (which with its varieties forms the common feminine singular suffix of the North Dravidian langa ages) and (a)du (which is the common neuter singular suffix of all the Dravidian languages). We shall no:v enumerate tbese suffices and trace their history and development in the different Dravidian languages.- 1. An (Masculino singular suffix). Pr. Drav, an an (Tam., Ma., Ca, Tu.). * Anda sandu ddu (Ta, and Te.). *an 'an (Tam., Ma., Ca., and Tu.). N. B.-* Denotes development in unstressed or inflexional syllables. Primitive Dravidian an means male.' It is found as an independent word with this meaning in Tamil, Malayalam, Oanarese, and Tulu. In Canarese it also denotes superiority or priority. Besides an, we have in Tamil another form of this word, namely adu which should have developed from an with the addition of an excres-nt d and the subsequent dropping of the nasal. Compare the etymological history of the English words sound' and 'thunder.' In Tholkappiam, *adu' words are masculine words. (Vide gatran, 2 Solladikaram). In Telugu, too, we have ddu, but it is used only as a masonline soffix. It is not found as a prefix or as an independent word. In old Telugu we find the form with the nasal, i.e., dniu, where the nasal is marked as an arthanusvara.' Even the modern Telugu adu is pronounced with a half nasalisation. As a masculine prefix it is not at all found in Telugu. While Canarese has only a few instance, it is rery commonly used as a prefix in Tamil, Malayalam and Tulu. In all these lang lages it is used in its original form an when in this relation.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY IJULY, 1911. An is the common masculine sufis of the Dravidian languages, but it ondergoes many phonetie changes in the various languages. , Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese and Tulu have all an and an. New Canarese and Tuln have any and anu. Here we have the softening or dentalisation of the cerebral and the shortening of the vowel & which is common in the case of in Hexional syllables. (Vide my Phonology, Part II.). In Telugu wo have an excresent a developed and an appears as :du which further becomes adu. In old Gondi, primitive Dravidian an developed into an as in Tamil, Malayalam, Cannrese and Tala. But New Gondi, confounding the plural with the singular, uses r in the place of n. But Kui, the Gondi dialect of Godavary District, has andu which, with the demonstrative particle a, becomes ondu as in old Gondi a + an on (he). The nasal n of old Gondt, 3rd person singular, is found even now in the oblique cases of the declension of the 3rd persona) singular of new Gondi (vide L. S., page 481 ). In Kui, primitive Dravidian an diju through an. Dr. Grierson says in his Linguistic Survey, p. 459; "The substitution of ng for n in connected languages is especially common in Kalahandi, where we find forms such as banji, standard edni his'." Here we have an example of the corebral becoming a dental first and then becoming further palatalised. In Naiki primitive Dravidian anan; but a of an has become close and high. Hence we have aun, he', in Naiki. Then is found uniformly a3 a suffix of the 3rd person singular verb. In Naiki vatten is he went.' (L. S., pp. 570 and 572.) In Kolami we have and 2 an. The m seems to be peculiar, d may be the dental intruder.. But in verbs, the 3rd person singular suffix is always n. And pandklen is be sent.' (Vide L. S., pp. 562-564). But the Kolami dialect of Basim Districts, which is called Bhele, has an and not amd. He' in this dialect is avan as in Tamil, In Kurukh we have a peculiar development. It has as, 'he, corresponding to the aran of Tamil and Malayalam and vadu of Telugu. Dr. Grierson Rays in L. S., p. 414, that as and vadu and avan are closely connected. In Malto we have ah, be'. The s of Kurukh and h of Malto seem to me to be difficult to explain. But it might be said that is the continuant dental form of in an, and h the aspirated form of a in an with the loss of the nasal n. Compare ath, the feminine and neuter suffix. Perhaps the Korvi and the Kaikadi forms of he' might throw some light on the development of h in Malto. In Korvi we have dua and in Kaikadi du corresponding to avan of Tamil. Here we have the nasal completely lost, and the vowel alone in its shortened form left. In Malto it is likely that this a has got aspirated. The various developments of the primitive Dravidian. 3rd person, masculine suflix an will be clear from the following table :To express 'He goes' we have :Tamil : aran pogiran. Malayalam : aran pogunnu. Canarese : aranu log tae, Tulu : dye pove Telugu: vddu potddu. Korvi : ava hogdru. Kaikadi : au hog . Kurukh : kadas, Malto : dh Ekih. Kui : Bbalju sanejiju. Gondi: handdtor. Brahui : kitek. (vide L. S., pp. 674,675, 678, 677.)

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JULY, 1911.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 187 2. Mage (Telugu, masculine sing. prefix). Maga has an interesting development. In primitive Dravidian its meaning was a child '; and it has the same meaning now in Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese. Magavu, in these languages. ineans a child,' male or female. Later on, gender suffixes were affixed to it; and magan means NOW 'A son and magal, a daughter, in Tamil, Canaryse and Malayalam. But in Talu, the original maga (also mage) means a son. In Telugu, maga lost its meaning of child and retained only the significance of male.' Thus maga came to denote anything 'malu' instead of a male child'. It now means in Telugu' a male,' a man'; and magaradu means a husband'. Maga is colloquially Moga. So early as in the time of Tholkappiam We find the reverse process in Tamil. Mugadu in old Tamil meant ' a woman.' Magadu words in Tholkappiam are words denoting a female,' i.e., of the feminine gender. Magadu is maga! with! d. Tuis form is after the analogy of adu already referred to. 3. Kand (Can. Masc. sing. prefix). Primitive Dravidian. Kund should have meant 'a male'; for it is in this sense that we find this word in all the languages. Tamil and Malayalam add the masculine suffix an to this word ; and thus kandan means 'a hero', 'brave man'. In Canarese, Tulu and Telugu we have the development gundu in which k g by accent change, and a final has been added. In these languages it means 'a male. * But as a masculine prefix it is used only by Canarese ; and as a suffix it is not used in any language. In Tamil we alko find kadu from kanda with the loss of the nasal. Kaduvan, in Tamil, is the male of a cat or a dog. 4. Pen (fem. sing. prefix). Primitive Dravidian pen pen (Tam, and Mal.). pennu (Colloq. Tam. and New Can.). pend(u) (Tam., Mal., Ca., Te.). pet! 2 pedd (Korvi and Kaikndi and Tam.). Primitive Dravidian pen means & woman'. It is found in this meaning in all the langunges whatever may be its phonetic development. In its original form pen, it is now found in Tamil, Malayalam and old Cinarese, in which it means ' a girl'. In colloquial Tamil it is pronounced as pernu and also as ponn. But these two are consi. dered yular. In new Cinarese it appears as henn! and is considered classical. In Tulu it is DonnU. The development penal is found in Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese, but with different final enunciative vowels. It is pendu in Tamil, found in the collective noun pendug! women'. It is pendi in Malayalam, and penda in Canarese. In Telugu it is found in the work pendli, marriage, and pendlamu, & wife.' In Tamil and Malayalam we have pendali, 'a wife'; which is pendan in Canarese. Pendati and Peg dati are double feminines having a feminine suffix ari orati. In Korvi hana nieans a female', hena mukka means daughters. The development pett is found ng pettai in Tamil, and petta in Telugu and Malayalam, and pat in Korvi and phal in Kaikadi. In all these languages it means a fernale '; e. g.: Tam.: pe!!ai (k)koli = hen. Telugu : peta kodi = hen. Kaikadi : phat gora = she-horse, i. e., mare. 5. AI (fem. sing. sufix of 8. C. Drav.) Primitive Dravidian di a l (Tam., Ma., Ca, and Tu.). dlx (Te.). 1 dli (Kui, and Kurukh). adu dda (Te.). Primitive Dravidian a means 'woman.' Ali means a woman in Kurukh and Kui; and alu in Telugu means also a woman.' Telugu uses a lu or a la to denote the feminine of nouns, i. e.. as a feminine prefix,

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1911. In Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese, and Tulu the word al has changed its meaning. It means . a slave,' a servant,' i..., one who is governed or ruled. This is evidently due to a confusion of this word with the verb a! Pr. Dray, al meaning to rule', which is found as elu in Telugu. But al, 'a woman,' is preserved in Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese and Tulu as a feminine suffir; while it is almost lost in Telugu, Kui and other North Dravidian languages. Primitive Dravidian al when used as a feminine suffix becomes d! or a! which with a preceding a may become ol. In Telugu al as a suffix becomes alu and is preserved only in a few words :Manamaralu, grand-daughter', kodalu, daughter-in-law,' maradalu, niece. But the usual suffix in Telugu is di, a development of the primitive Dravidian atti meaning a woman'. (See infra). Thus, while the South and the Central Dravidian languages use al as the feminine suffix the North Dravidian languages use atti or ali. 6 Atta (fem. sing. sufix of N. Dra vidian). Primitive Dravidian atta attai, atti (Tamil). satsesi (Malayalam). satte (To.). s atta (Te.). *adi (Te.). atsisi or atti (Tam., Can, and Mal.). As an independent word it means 'an elderly woman', '& sister' or a father's sister,' etc. In Tamil, attai means 'an aunt', and atti, aunt' or sister ;'atte in Tula means aunt' or mother-in-law'. Atlige in Tula is brother's wife,' In Telugu atta is mother-in-law' or 'aunt' and atsisi in Malayalam means a Nair-woman. As a feminine suffix it is used most largely by the North Dravidian languages. In Telugu the suffix atti becomes adi. Compare Tamil ammai, a woman, and Telagu ammi, a woman. In Gondi and Kolami it is ad with the loss of the final vowel. In Naiki and Kurukh it is dd, with a lengthened, after the analogy of an, etc., also through accent change. 'In Malto it is ata where t is aspirated. (See note on ah, he' of Malto, above). In Malayalam and Tamil the feminine suffix atti is found in a large number of words denoting certain professional castes, e. g., Tamil, Malayalam, raditi, a queen'; tatratti, a woman of goldsmith caste'; kanndili, a tinker woman'; vannditi, a wasberwoman'; kollotti, a blacksmith woman,' etc. Atli also becomes atstsi, e.g., idaits si, 'a shepherdess'; ralatsei: 'fisherwoman ; ' etc. In Malayalam atti is cerebrated to atti in certain words, e.g., tamburatti, "a noble lady"; pel!dtri,' a servant woman,' etc, In Canarese the same suffix is iti or ti, e. g., arasiti, a queen'; okkalati, farmer's wife,' In these cases and the rest Telugu uses adi. The development of primitive Dravidian atti into adi in Teluga, and ad in the other North Dravidian languages has created confusion in the minds of great Oriental scholars like Dr. Caldwell. In the North Dravidian languages the neuter suffix adu of Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese has also become adi in Telugu and ad in Kolami and Gondi and ad in Naiki and Kurukh and ati in Malto. That is to say, atti, the feminine suffix, and adu, the neater Baffix of the singular, have the same development in the North Dravidian languages. Hence Dr. Caldwell was led to remark that amongst the Telugus the women were treated as chattels or as lifeless things. He says :-"Ordinarily every woman is spoken of in Telugu as a chattel or a thing, as we are accustomed to say of very young children (e.g., it did so and so) apparently on the supposition either that women are destitute of reason, or that their reason, like that of infants, lies dormant." He also

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JULY, 1911.3 A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 189 adds:-" whilst each woman taken singly is treated by Telugu Grammar as a chattel or as a child, women taken collectively are regarded with as much respect as by the other Dravidian languages." The fallacy of this argument need not be pointed out, as it is patent to every reader. 7. i (Sanskrit feminine sumx). This i is the shortened form of Sanskrit feminine suffix i. As Caldwell says, it is used in the majority of cases in connection with Sanskrit derivatives. But it has also come to be affixed to some pure Dravidian nouns, e. g., Tamil, talaivan, a Lord; Tamil, talaivi, a lady'; Tamil and Malayalam, kilaran, old man ; kilavi, old woman ; Tamil, Malayalam, ka!!an, thief'; kalli, *a thievish woman.' Thus in Malayalam and Tamil, the i, feminine suffix, has been added to Dravidian words. But in Canarese and Telugu only Sanskrit feminine words such as devi, etc., end in i. Dr. Caldwell gives perdgi, a girl, in Gondi, the masculine being perdgal. 8. du (Neuter singular sufix). Primitivo Dravidian neuter suffix was du. In Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese it is found in its original form. In Telugu it is di. In Gondi, Kolami, Naiki and Kurukh, Korvi and Kaikadi, it is d. In Malto it is unvoiced and aspirated to th. In Kui, it is trilled to r, and becomes eri. In short in the North Dravidian languages it has had the same development as the feminine suffix. ads. 2 Pr. Drav, atta. . Before concluding our article on Dravidian Gender, it will be well, we think, to give a table of the demonstrative pronouns in the different Dravidian languages as they very faithfully illustrate the various gender suffices used in those languages : No. Languages. She. They (rational). They (irrational) ... avan ... ava! 1 Tamil 2 Malayalam Canarese ... ... ada ... ada ... avar ... ... avar ... ... avai. ayan ...ava, avanu avaru ... aru. Tulu ... Telugu aru, akulu ... aikulu. varu ... ...avi. Vada au Gondi ... Kui on, or ... eanju amd , avand ad ewi, ewa. Kolami adan, ad. add. No plural. ... abta. aga. ar Naiki... Malto ... Kurukh Korvi 18 Kaikkli Brahui ... ... ... avga... ... ad au E, ...aya. ... ,6 ... E, 8 ...ofk, efk ...Ofk, etk. No difference of gender. (To be continued)

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. AN ENQUIRY INTO THE BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE KHASIYAS AND THE BHOTIYAS OF ALMORA DISTRICT, U.P. BY PANNA LALL, M.A., B.Sc., LL.B., 1.C.S. Birth Customs. From the commencement of the sixth month of pregnancy, a woman is supposed to become unclean. Her relations would not eat food cooked by her (probably intended to lighten her domestic work during this difficult time). In the eighth month there is a pre-natal ceremony. The husband and the wife sit together and worship the family gods, a Brahman priest officiating. There are a number of methods employed to lighten the labour: (a) the busband bas to go stark naked and fetch water from the junction of two streams. He must take care, when filling the bucket or other vessel with the water, to move it in the water downwards, i.e., in the direction of the carrent. This water, if sprinkled over the lady, would ease the delivery of the child. So will also any of the following: (b) a weapon, that has committed some bloody deed (e.g., a sword or a dagger that has tasted human blood), is kept in the patient's bed; (c) or a piece of a rope, which has been used to hang a man; hence a demand for bits of the bangman's rope from the jail; (d) or the genital organ of a bear kept under the pillow; a man must steal the iron head-piece of a moosal (a big wooden pestle) on a Somarati Amavasya. From this iron, rings sbould be made, which, if worn by the woman, would ease her pain; () a man must first untie the knot of his chos (pig-tail), then pick some grass which he must tie with three strands of cotton. These, tied to a woman's waist, are of great effect. The child's name is determined by the priest according to astrological considerations, though the parents, if so inclined, may give another name of their own selection. This ceremony is usually performed on the eleventh day. The people of the bradri and friends are invited. They bring presents and are feasted. The umbilical cord is not buried, but is placed outside the house on the top of the door (above the lintel). In some parts of the district it is so placed on the top of the door of the Raja's house (Tahsil, Deputy Commissioner's office, and so forth). A child dying during infancy is buried, the term infancy being interpreted variously. Some would bury a child if it died before his Yajnoparit investiture with the sacred thread). Others only if it had not eaten any grain (see below). Others again would cremato (not bury) a child if it had grown a tooth. A woman during child-birth is isolated ; but it seems to be due now not to any idea that it is she who is at that time specially susceptible to infection (as it must have been once) but that she herself is in a state of pollution and untouchable. To protect her, however, from the harmful visits of evil spirits, a fire must be kept alive in her room all the time, and in some places a sword or a dagger kept there as well. A woman who is enceinte must not eaturd-ki-dal or green vegetables.. Cayenne-pepper and meat are prohibited too. And she must eat only sparingly of salt. After child-birth, too, she may drink only medicated water, and eat panjri, a sweet preparation, or boiled rice by itself. A woman who has given birth to a chill must bathe on the 1st, 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th, 11th, and 22nd days of the delivery. Only then will her relations take food or water that has been touched by her. Up to the eleventh-day bath, indeed, even her touch causes pollution ; this extreme strictness is however relaxed after the eleventh day, though none inay eat things touched by ber until the twenty-second day. The sixth day is however an exception-on that day her touch causes no pollution to men or food. The original reason of these may have been to give a woman absolute rest for eleven days and no task for twenty-two days.

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JULY, 1911.1 AN ENQUIRY INTO BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 191 The feeding of the child for the first time or the anna--prushad ceremony takes place in the sixth month. The priest and the relations are invited. The child is clothed in new garments, and some rice, cooked in milk, is given to the baby to eat, after the priest has helped the family to worship. As for twins (two girls or two boys), they have no special significance. But if they turn out to be a boy and a girl, it is considered very inauspicious. In the latter case, too, there is a distinction. A girl followed by a boy, though bad, is not so bad. But if the boy prevedes the girl, it is a dreadful scandal indeed, for it is imagined they are really like husband and wife, though born of the same mother. It must be so arranged that a girl first menstruates while at her husband's home. Menstruating for the first time at her parents' house is an evil to be avoided at all costs, for it would certainly bring ill-luck to her brothers. So if it is suspected that a girl is about to menstruate, she is gent at once (if married, as indeed she usually must be at that age) to her husband's home. If, however, that cannot be arranged, she must be sent away to a friend's bouse at least. At her husband's home, a wife's attaining puberty is celebrated very much like the birth of a child. Friends and relations are invited. The husband and the wife together worship the godand there is feasting. * If the former children of a woman have died, there is a simple method for saving a subsequent one from a similar fate. The child is given away to a jogi so that he no longer belongs to her parents' household, and, therefore, escapes any evil fortune connected with it. - The jogi gives his mantram (the sacred formula) to the child by whispering it in its ear-thus completing the discipleship of the child; and finally, to mark this physically, ties a rudraksh bead round the child's neck. The parents then purchase the child from the jogi for money. The jogi has to be invited at the Yajno pavita and the marriage festivities of the child, who is often in such cages even called " Jogia." Marriage Customs: Polyan lry.-- Polyandry, though prevalent across the border in Tibet, does not exist among residents of Bhot on this side of the border, though the Bhotiyas are undoubtedly of Tibetan origin. The language has affinities with the Tibetan, and they have the same Mongolian cast of countenance. It may be that contact with the more elaborate social and religious polity of the Indian immigrants from the plains made the Bhotiyas give up this custom. Whatever the cause of the disappearance may be, there is now no trace of polyandry in any shape in the Bhot parganas of Johar, Darma, Chaudas or Bians. I made special and careful enquiries; for, it had been suggested to me by Mr. E. A. II. Blunt, I.C.S., that it may possibly be found in Darma. Bat in Pargana Askot there is a tribe called the Rajis. They live an uncivilized life in the wilds of Askot and Nepal borderland, and are called Ban-manas (men of the wilderness) by the residents. They practise polyandry, though now they deny it when asked specifically. One of these men who denied this before me was asked if he could say that his mother (there present) was not equally the wife of his father and his unole. The mother and son both kept significantly silent. As for parentage, the first child is said to belong to the eldest husband, the second to the second, and so on in order, whatever the real parentage may be. There have been various speculations about the origin of this tribe, but notbing has been established definitely yet. They probably represent some of the pre-Aryan inhabitants. Some Tibetan families, that have settled at Khimling (Darma), are of course polyandrous. Niyoga.-Niyoga was an ancient custom among the Hindus, by which a childless widow often raised a son to her dead husband through the agency of her dead hushand's brother, or sometimes a Rishi. Pandu and Dhritarashtra, the progenitors of the Pandavas and the Kauravas, who fought

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. in the Mahabharata of Great Battle, were born in this way. The idea was to have a son (putra) to offer libations to the dead husband to save him from the terrible hell (put.) Hence, (1) Niyoga was allowed only to a childless widow; (2) not more than one son was allowed; and (3) the son belonged not to his real father but to the dead husband of his mother. No trace of this custom in its entirety is found anywhere in India now. Bat among the Zamindars of Almora district (who are chiefly of Khasia origin), a widow generally becomes the wife of her dead busband's younger brother, and this oven though amongst those Rajpats ordinary widow-marriage is not allowed. But brother's taking to wife his elder brother's wife is looked upon as a matter of course, and the children of the union are treated as legitimate. And this is a younger brother's special right; for, if the widow goes to live with some other man (as concubine, for remarriage is not permitted), the younger brother can demand payment of the bride-price from the new husband. This custom, however, cannot have been derived from Niyoga, for there is no idea of raising children to the deal husband--the children of the union belong to the begetter, and, therefore, even widows having sons can become the wives of their dead husband's brothers. Nor is union with a stranger permitted as in Niyoga. The custom is far more probably a survival of polyandry, at least in the hills, for the widow does not marry the brother-there is no ceremony-but she simply begins to live with him as his wife. And even during the lifetime of her husband, a woman's liaison with her husband's younger brother is not visited with the same panishment as with a third person. The Doms and the Bhotiyas have somewhat similar customs. In Bians and Darma, where people have free choice in selecting their husbands or wives, a widow cannot marry anybody other than her husband's brother, unless that brother or the members of the family relinquish their right-almost a lien over her. This they signify by formally giving her a piece of cloth. Then, but not otherwise, the widow is free to marry anybody else she likes. Marriage by Capture. In the Eastern Bhot of the Almora District (Parganas Darma, Chaudas and Bians) a modified form of marriage by captare prevails to this day. As said above, these Bhotiyas allow their young men and women to choose their own mates. For this purpose they have in every small village public meeting places (called Rangbang) where young people of either sex meet each other and have opportanities of getting to know each other before choosing their life-partners. Here they sing and dance and feast together almost every night, and a young man who can sing well need not fear rejection. But a disappointed lover does not go and nurse his grief in silence. Having taken some sweets and cooked meat with them, he and his friends lay in wait for the lady, catch her by force, and the lover puts the meat and the sweets in her mouth. No sooner the meat touches her tongue than she becomes his lawful wedded wife." They then let her go. But no one else can after that marry her, unless the man releases her from the bond by formally giving her A piece of cloth. Often the woman yields after that and goes to live as the captor's wife. Sometimes she declines. Then the captor may or may not release her. I have known several virgin women of this kind who refused to live with their captors, and, who, not having been released, cannot marry any one else now and live a miserable life of forced virginity. In one or two cases I was told the British Law Courts interfered, panished the man and ordered him to let the woman go." But alas !" say the men," the magistrate did not order him to give her a piece of cloth as well, for not until then can she be free to marry again." Another variety of marriage by captare exists among the Bhotiyas (According to K. Khadga Singh Pal). A lover tells his sisters who the lady of his choice is. They track her in the fields, on the wild pastures, or on the mountain side geize her and bring her to their brother's home by force !

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JULY, 1911.) AN ENQUIRY INTO BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 193 Evidence of Matriarobal Times. There is little evidence of this in the bills beyond the importance of the mother's brother in certain functions. Amongst the Rajput Zamindars wbo, as said before, are chiefly Khasias, when people bring an offer of marriage to a girl's father, he asks for a certain price, and a part of it is fixed there and then as Mama-Jholi, or the maternal uncle's share in the price of the bride. Later, at the time of the wedding, he too performs the Kanyd-dana or the giving away of the bride. This would seem to point to times when the mother's brother was the head of the family and the guardian of his sister's children. The Brahmans (later Aryan immigrants in the hills) do not have this custom. But allied with this question is the custom of cousin marriages. These are common-uay they are the role-among the Bhotias of this district. For these I have obtained direct, as well as some valuable indirect, evidence based on linguistic considerations. But before discussing these I shall describe a minor custom, viz., that of marrying one's sister's husband's sister. Harsundari (f.) Ramsingh = Ramsundart (m.) (f.) Harsingh (m.) (m.) (.) Kishensingh Kishengundari (m.) (8.) (m.) (1) It Rameingh marries Ramsundarl, her brother Harsingh usually marries her husband's sister, Harsundari. Tbis is the rule among the Bhotias, and is not unknown even amongst the Khas Rajputs and the Bruhmaus of the rest of the distriot. Thus Ramsingh's sister, and wife's brother's wife is tbe same person Harsundari-accordingly we find (as we would expect) these two relationships denoted by the same word, This word is: In Chaudas Atd (for elder) Bhooli (for younger) In Bians Pota Ringsha . In Johar Atd >> Bhooli , In Almora Didi , Behn , Thus four different languages confirm the existence of this custom. (2). It is interesting to look at this double relationship from the offspring's point of view. It would be seen from the diagram that Kishensingh's Kishenginchi. 1 mother's brother, father's sister's husband od is the same person-Ramsingh. And we find these two entirely different relationships denoted by the same term : By Bhotias of Bians Thangmi. By Bhotias of Chaudas Thangmi. This term is not the same for the two relationships in Almora, but in Pargana Katyar of Almora even Rnjputs have the same word Mama for both mother's brother and father's sister's husband; or (3) Again, father's sister, Kishensingh's mother's brother's wife, is the same person--Ramsandari, and we find both these relations called by the same term : In Chaudas Chini. Ia Bians Chini.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. sister's son (m. 8.) (4) Kishensingh is Ramsingh's go wife's brother's son. We find these two relationships denoted by the same term : In Chaudas Bhanj. In Bians Bhany. (5) And finally brother's son. (f. s.) Kisbensingh is Ramsundari's husband's sister's son. We find these two relationships denoted by the same term : In Chaudas Nunu. In Bians Pij. Thus we find valuable linguistic evidence in support of this custom which we know exists all over this district, but which is repugnant to the higher Hindus of the plains of India, Cousin Marriages. I take up next the case of cousins. Cousins are of four kinds : 1. Father's brother's child, e.g., Kishensingh and C. 2. Father's sister's child, e.g., Kishensingh and Kisbensundari or C. and D. 8. Mother's brother's child eg., Kishensingh and Kishensundari or C. and D. 4. Mother's sister's child, e.g., Kishensundari and D. In the United Provinces, generally speaking, the Hindus make no distinction between these four classes of cousins. They are treated as brothers and sisters. But in the Almora District not only the Bhotias but the Rajputs and the Brahmans make a distinction, dividing these four into two groups. (1) Father's brother's child, e.g., Kisbensingh and o. Mother's sister's child, e.g., Kishengundari and D. (2) Father's sister's child, e.g., O. and D. Mother's brother's child, e.g., C. and D. (a) I shall first deal with the Rajputs and Brahmans. They do not have different terms for these groups, it is true. But we find the difference if we look at it from the parents' point of . view-we find Harsingh looking upon his brother A's children as his owa, Ramgundari looking upon her sister B's children as her own, denoting both by cheld or cheli (the words for son and daughter.) But we do not find Harsingh using these words for his sister's children, or Ramsundari using these words for her brother's children although the degree of relationship is the same. The Rajputs and Brahmans of Almora are unable to give any reason for this difference in the language. Why are a man's brother's children and a woman's sister's children more like their own children than the children of a man's sister or a woman's brother? The explanation, I have no doubt, is to be sought in the (what must have been once prevalent) custom of cousin marriages. The coasins of the first group (father's brother's children, and mother's sister's children) being forbidden, but not the other two cousins--group (2) above. And this would be the reason why two brothers look upon each other's children as their own, and so do two sisters--for these children are forbidden to marry each other. But a brother and a sister do not regard each other's children as their own-for these children can marry each other. Thus cousins of group (1) Kishensingh and O., or Kishensundari and D. cannot marry each other. And cousins of group (2) Kishensingh and Kishensundart or C and D can marry each other, (6) We find confirmation of this in the Chandas and Bians dialects. There, too, a man's brother's children, and a woman's sister's children are denoted by the same term as son (ori) or daughter (chamaine) but a woman's brother's son, aud a man's sister's son are not called sri, but are denoted by the same term bhanj. 1 M. S. = malo speaking. ?F.S. female speaking

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JULY, 1911.) AN ENQUIRY INTO BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 195 (c) Then, again, the terms used by the cousing themselves are most instructive. In Chaudas and in Bians, father's brother's son, mother's sister's son, are called Yhd (brother) brotber showing that these cannot be married, but | father's sister's son, i.e., marriageable male cousins are called Chhe (Chandas) mother's brother's son, and Pod (Bians) showing both these belong to one kind and are different from the cousins Yhd above; and father's sister's daughter, (m. 8.) i,e., marriageable female cousins, are called mother's brother's Chhemain (in Bians) showing that these two kinds of cousins belong to the same group. Both are marriageable, I have forgotten what the term is in Chaudas dialect, but I have no doubt it is the same for both. Thus we find that of the four kinds of cousins: (1) two are forbidden in marriage, and are denoted by the same term as brother (lha), and (2) two are marriageable and are denoted by the same term : Pod (Biang) for males. Chhemain (Bians) for females. That though among the Rajputs and Brahmans of Almora cousins of neither class may be married, yet their language from the parents' point of view divides the cousing into the same two groups: those of group (1) are treated as own children, but not so the other two. This possibly points to the existence of such cousin marriages at some remote time. But the Rajpats and Brahmane, laving adopted the Brahmanical religious code, resent any such insinuation. An interesting development of the idea that marriageable male cousins are called Pod and marriageable female cousins Chhemain, is seen in the application of the term Pod to all males, who are in marriageable degree of relationship, and whose brothers or sisters have actually been married and, therefore, who are (so to speak) cousins by courtesy. These are husband's brother (f. s.) 1 - PAA sister's husband (f. 8.) And the term Chhemain is applied to similar females, viz., wife's sister, m. s. Chhemain. | brother's wife, m.s. There remain only the cousins of the same sex bat within marriageable degree, i.e., who, if one of them had been of a different sex, would have been marriageable, and, therefore, whose brothers and sisters have actually married or are marriageable. These are : Father's sister's son (m. s.) Mother's brother's son (m. B.) Father's sister's daughter (f. 8.) Mother's brother's daughter (f. s.) Husband's sister (f. s.) Brother's wife (f. s.) Wife's brother (m. 8.) Sister's husband (m. s.) These all are denoted by the term Tete ! Thus we see that in the Biansi dialect the names for cousins is based upon the idea of marriage. There is one term for the forbidden ones, another for marriageable males (f. s.), a third for marriageuble females (m. s.), and a fourth for males and females who would have been marriageable but for the fact that they are of the same sex as the speaker. In the family given in our diagram Kishensundari and Kishensingh are, thus, marriageable cousins. Let us suppose them to marry each other. We thus get a triple bond between the couple, 8. c. (1) Kishensingh is Ramsingh's sister's son, wife's brother's son, daughter's husband, m. s. (2) Ramsingh is Kishensingh's mother's brother, father's sister's husband, wife's father, IN, S. (3) Ramsundari is Kishensingh's father's sister, mother's brother's wife, wife's mother, m. 8.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. According to our theory we should expect to find only three terms, one for each of these groups. And as a matter of fact we find all the relations of : group 1 called Bhanj. groap 2 called Thangmi. group 3 called Chini. Thus affording a beautiful example of the intimate connexion between the language used and the marriage customs of a tribe. Table showing the terms used for various relationships by the Bbotiyas and the Khasiyas of Almora. English By Khasiyaa round about Almore! By Bhotiyas of Jober. By Bhotiyas of Chaudes. By Bhotiyas of Bians. ... Yba ... Ata ... Tab ... Bajoo. Kaku ... ... Chichi. 1. Father ... .. Baba, Bajoo, Babjoo. Apa ... Ba. 2. Mother ... ... Ija ... ... . Ama ... Na. 3. Elder brother (m. s. Dada, D&joo ... Dada ... Yha. and f. 8.) 4. Younger brother (m. s. Bhai By name Nunu. and f. 9.) 5. Elder sister (m. s.) ... Didi Pota. 6. - (f. e.)... Didi Ata ... Tata. 7. Younger sister (m. s. Behin Bhooli... ... Ringsha Ringsha. and f. 8) 8. Father's brother, elder Bara bap, Thul bap, Teva ... Babu. younger. Kaka Kaka ... Kaku. 9. Father's brother's wife, Jethija; Thulija ; Timain Tamla... Puna. elder brother's. Jethja, Thulja. younger brother's. Kaki . .. Kaki... Yha, if older. 10. Father's brother's male Cbachera bhai, bhai. As bhai(3 above) Yhe ... ... Nunn, if younchild (m.s. and f.s.) ger. 11. Father's brother's fe- As sisters above ... As sisters above. As sisters above. Assisters male child. above. 12. Father's sister .... Didi, Babu, Phuphi. Ani ... ... Chini ... ... Chini. 13. Father's sister's hus- Bheena, (called also Pheeni, Pesha. Thangmf ... Thangmi. band. Mama in Katyur). Elder, Chhe.. Tete m. s. 14. Father's sister's son... As 3 and 4 above ....As 3 & 4 above. Younger by name. Poa, f. s. Chhe main, 15. Father's sister's daugh- As 5, 6 & 7 above... As 5, 6 & 7 ...... m. 8. above. Tete, f. s. 16. Mother's brother ... Mima Mame... ... Thangmi Thangmi. 17. Mother's brother's son As 14 As 14... ... As 14... ...As 14. 18. Mother's brother's As 15 As 15... ... A: 15... As 15. daughter. 19. Mother's sister (elder) Jethja (cf.)... Thuli ama .. Poo-chichi,Pochi Pochi. (younger) Kainja ... Nanhi ama ... Shen-chichi, Shenchi, Shencbi. ter.

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JULY, 1911.) AN ENQUIRY INTO BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 197 English. By Khasiyas round about Almora. By Bhotiyas of Johar, By Bhotiyas of Chaudas. By Bhotiyas of Bians. Titi . ... Lala. Titi. tion. (Elder sister's-Jeth 2 20. Mother's sister's hus-) bap. Kaka Kaka. band. Younger sister's Kasbap. 21. Mother's sister's child. As 10 & 11 ...As 10 & 11 ... As 10 & 11 ... As 10 & 11, 22. Father's father Buba (cf. 12) ... Bubu ... ... Titi. 23. Father's mother ... Ama ... ...Ache ... 24. Mother's father Buba, malkota baba. Mapa ... ... 25. Mother's mother Ama Munyan ... Lall ... .. Lala. 26. Husband .. ... Spoken of as malik... Bek, addressed Rithi, addressed Rithi, Yorashri, but addressed by by circumloca-l by circumlocal addressed by circa mlocution tion. tion. circumlocu"father of......." 27. Wife's father Sasur, sborja ... Sbaura Thangmi ... Thangmi. 28. Wife's mother Shisha .. ... Shasha Chini, pooni ... Chini, poonf. 29. Husband's father ... Shashur, shorju .. Shaura Thongmi ..| Thangmi. 80. Husband's mother ... Shasha, Jew ... Shasha Chinf, puni ... Ching, puni. Elder, Jethu ... Jethu ... Chhe, if older Tete. 31. Wife's brother Younger, Sala, but than the speaker I addressed by mame Sala ... ... Addressed by name if younElder, shasha, Jeth sbasbu ... Chhemain, it Chhemain, 32. Wife's sister... . Jethow. older. (Younger, Salt ... Sali ... ... By name, if ...... younger. Elder, Jethan .. Jetha (ef. 31)... Ohhe, if older... Pos. 83. Hasband's brother | Younger, Dewar .. Dewar... .. Puyu ... 84. Hasband's sister Chhemain ... Younger, Gusiant. Younger by 35. Wife's sister's husband Sarbdbaru bhai ... Sarbubhai Yhi ... Chbarpeo. 36. Husband's elder bro. Jethani, addressed as Ata ... .. Ata ... Tata. ther's wife. didi. 37. Husband's younger Deor&nt ... .. Bhuli ... ... By name Ringsha. brother's wife. 38. Son's wife's father ... Samdhi ... Samdbi Chhe ... Tete. 39. Son's wife's mother ... Samdhin Samdhin Tata. 40. Wife's elder brother's Didi Ata ... ... Ata . Pota, Tata. wife. 41. Wife's younger bro- Nadia behin Bhalt ... i Bhalt ... Ringsha. ther's wife. Elder. Jexenat Tete. 84. Hasband's sister name.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1911. English. By Khasiyas round about Almora. By Bhotiyas of Johar. By Bhotiyas of Obaudas. By Bhotiyas of Bians. ... Sri. Chamain. Sri. Pij. ... Pou. elder son. Mase. 42. Husband's sister's hus- Dada (cf. 40) ... band. 43. Son ... ... ... Chels, addressed as Chels ..Sri ... Bhow, or by name. 44. Daughter .. ... Cheli ... Cheli ... 45. Brother's son (m. 8.). Bhatija ... ... Chela Sri ... 46. Brother's son (f. s.)... Bhadiya ... Bhadiya Nunu ... 47. Husband's mother's Jethan, Jethji ... Chhe ... 48. Husband's mother's Dewar ... ... Dewar... ... Pooga... younger son. 49. Husband's mother's Pooi, addressed as Manchi elder daughter. Nanja. 50. Husband's mother's Nanda ... ... Ani ... ... ..... younger daughter.. 51. Wife's brother's child. Sala ... Bhanj... 52. Sister's child (m. s.). Bhanej ... ... Bhanj... ... Bhanj... 53. Husband's sister's Bhanej ... ... . ...... Nunu ... child. 54. Sister's child (f. s.) ... Chela (m.); cheli (f.) Chela; Cheli... Sri (m.) 55. Wife's sister's child... Chela ... Tete. Bhanj. ... Bhanj. ... Male child Pij ... Female child 1 Pima. Sri (m.); Cha main (f.) As 54. 56. Son's son m.swati or ... ... Nati. ... ... Khe ... ... Khwe. ... Jamai... Buari ... Rithishia ... Rithishis; Mi nangshri. ... Bhanj... ... Mayeh. ...Namsis ... Nambis. By name if ad. Poa. dressed youn ... Bheena ger. ... 57. Daughter's son f. s. 58. Wife ... ... ... Siani; Sheshni 59. Danghter's husband Jamai ... (m, S. and f. s.) 60. Son's Wife (m. S. and Buari f. B.) 61. Elder sister's husband Bheena (m. s.) 62. Elder sister's husband Bheena (f. s.) 63. Younger sister's bus- Jamai band (m. s.) 64. Younger sister's hus- Jamai ... band (f. s.) 65. Elder brother's wife Bhanji, Bojeo (m. s.) 66. Younger brother's Buari ... wife (in. s.) 67. Brother's wife (w.s.)... As 65.& 66 Bheena By name if younger; Pooga if older. ... Chhe ... ... Tete. ... ..Jamai. Jamai... Jamai ... ... Pooga if older : Pos. By name if not ... Bo .. ... Chemain if Chhemain if 1 older,by name older,by name ... Baari ... ... J if not. if not. ...As 65 & 66 ..As 65 & 66 ... Tete.

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JULY, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 199 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, 1.C.S. (Continued from p. 250, Vol. XXIIX.) Bangar : Quercas incana : Simla S, R, 1883, p. 43. Ban Kinu : wild mulberry : Simlas, R, 1888, p. 43. Bauta: a metal vessel smaller than the batoli for dipping water and drinking from. Karnal S. R., 188, p. 121. Bio baja: a camel ailment; the eyes water badly and sometimes the animal cannot raise his head or move his legs. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 306. B&pa : father. Cf. Aga. Bauria argol. Bar: the vertical lanthorn wheel on which hangs the mal. Cl. od. Karnal S. R., 1880, P. 160. Bira: a deep square box, usually made of cedar or pine, and holding from 20 to 50 mans of grain : built against a wall which forms its fourth side: cf. = Khani or Khandi. Simla S.R., 1883, P. 44. Bara: low-lying moist land on the edge of a stream, so called because of the bar or hedge put outside it to protect it in floods and from cattle. It is generally sandy but being moist is fairly productive. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 69. BAra: A cattle-shed. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 120. Bara: a part of a room (separated by a wooden wall) in which rams are kept. Sirmur. BArach, barch: a hedge-row, beyond a hedge of trees and bushes. Kangra Gloss. Barajna : = rarajna. Barara : an agricultural implement : Simla S. R., 1888, p. 45. Barehi: fallow for a whole year. Kangra S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Bares kata : buckwheat (Fayopyrium vulgare). Kangra 8. R., p. 25. Barbuni: a thick wood of rhododendron. See under bundr. Bari : the wedding presents brought by the bridegroom's father. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 166. Bari, Banni: a small grove of trees planted thick. Kangra Gloss. Baril, = chil (Pinus longifolia). Simla S, R., 1883, p. 48. Baroit : << bowl for cooking vegetables and boiling and setting milk. Cf. handi. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Barotuwala: a porter (Kulla). Kangra Gloss. Barra : barra. Barra : adj. white-eyed (of a horse). Barra Badd: a descriptive term applied to a big field in which some crop is standing.. Literally a big mow or reap. Kangra Gloss. Barral: the beam on which the ceiling or floor of an upper room is supported. Kangra Gloss. Barsaudi : the first anniversary after a death. Karval S. R., 1880, p. 188. Barti: Panicum brizoide. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 68. Barto: a cand held rent-free in lieu of military service. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. B&sa: a house belonging to a State or to a deota where grain is generally kept ; people also live in a State basd. Wherever there is a State land a bdsa is built for the storage of its produce, &c. Simla Hills. Basa : a hamlet, especially if secluded : Narpur. Kangra S. R. (Lyall). 22. Basand: fallow rice-land. See under dhowdr. Basantia : a small mango fruit of a yellow colour inside (tasanti). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Basi jana: to sit. Bauria argot. Basi: food cooked the previous evening. Sirsa S. R., 1883, 144. Basi: a house, dwelling-place. Kangra Gloss. Basika : & tenant located on the land. Kangra Gloss. = Basiku opaku (Lyall, p. 45), see opahu.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1911. Basnu; a tenant who lives on the land he cultivates basiku opdhu. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), SS 40 of Review. Basoa: a festival held on 1st Bisakh in Pangi; i. q., Bishu. [This is the common New Year's Day festival-called Bishu in the villages in Ravi Valley and Pangi-called Basoa in the capital of Chamba.] Basta fallow. Basati (adhatoda vasica): a small rank plant, avoided by cattle, though sheep eat its leaves and goats its skins. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Bat: a footpath or road. Kangra Gloss. Batalan: a species of maize. It has a short cob and a small grain, but is said to ripen in two and a half months. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 113. Batao: the state of the ground after the paleo or rain, when it is neither too wet nor too dry for ploughing. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 170. Bateo: a traveller; who, if he has no friends in the village, puts up as a matter of course in the common room of the village and receives food and tobacco free. Karnal S. R., p. 106. Batera: a stone-maker (sic.). Kangra Gloss. Bathauna: to cause to sit. Baththna: irr. p. part. of barasna, Bati: stony and sandy land. Of. pathrakal. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Batka a small metal cup. Cf. chhana. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 159. Batokaru: a due paid by shepherds for the passage of flocks through a village, as opposed to alokaru, a toll paid for crossing a swinging bridge: Lahul: Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 118. Batoli; a small narrow-mouthed cauldron, made of metal, for ordinary cooking and carrying water to the fields. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Batolna: to collect, gather together. Kangra Gloss. Battar: (1) the moistening of land by irrigation or rain, necessary to make it fit for plough; (2) the proper time for ploughing land. Kangra Gloss. Batua: a weed (chenopodium album), whose leaves are collected for spinach. Rohtak. Batwa: a large brass pot. Sirmur cis-Girl. Batwal: the village messenger and watchman. Kangra Gloss. Bauk: solid anklets. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Bauka: a small low platform with a saucer-like depression in it, made to a gyal and on an amawas, especially on the Diwali or amdwas of Katik; the people pour Ganges water and cow's milk in its saucer, light lamps, feed Brahmans, and dig mud by them. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 149. Cf. bharoka. Baunch: a thicket or impenetrable place (Dera). Kangra Gloss. Bauri: bauli. See bain. Bawan: woman. Bauria argot. Bawani: the lowest stratum which holds the real spring water. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 159. Bawar: a second storey: Sirmur. Bawar: a snare with which wild animals are caught. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 110. Bedi biah: a marriage ceremony in the ordinary Hindu form. Kangra S. R., p. 98. Behi: a spur or small ridge running out from a hill (GAdi). Kangra Gloss, Behi jana: to sit down; behijan, to be seated. Cf. beend, Kangra Gloss. Behnddol: see bahndol. Bei, ban or beyn; a small arm or branch of a stream or river. Kangra Gloss. Bejar a mixture of barley and masar. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 75. :

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JULY, 1911.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXIOOGRAPHY 201 Bela: a broad, shallow saucer for drinking hot liquids from. Karnal 8, R., 1880, p. 121. Belw: a cup. Sirmur trans-Giri, Boong: a nick-name. Karnal S. R., p. 77. Ber: an embankment. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 406. Bors: rope made of crushed cane. Jullundur S. R., p. 102. Bera : an open courtyard in a house. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 65. Beran: (1) the culm or seed stem of the panni (Andropogon muricatum) grass. Karnal S, R., p. 13. (2) five culms of the panni grass affixed with cowdung at the birth of a child, 16., p. 148. Bairra, berr: barley and wheat sown in the same field, so any two or more grains-ground together in the grdt or water mill-are called berr ka ata. Beski: watching the grain from the time it is cut till it is divided between proprietor and tenant. The watchman is called the beski. Kangra Gloss. Besna : to sit. Cf.brhi jand. Kangra Gloss. Besti: certain days on which periodical services have to be rendered to the Thakur in Lahul : Kangra S. R. (Lyall) p. 110. Batangna: a due or relief payable by a lalok or pass-crosser' if he care not to cross a pass during the year : Lahul: Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 110. Bhaba: the rent or tax of a sheep-run, used in Chumba. Kangra Gloss. Bhabar: the many of the Punjab Proper. Karna S. R., p. 14, Bhadauris ; & mango that ripens in the month of Bhadon. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 15. Bhaddu : & cooking pot. Sirmur trans-Girl. Bhadwal : A Cow which bas calved in Bhadon. Jollandur S. R. P. 55. Bhadwar: soil in which spring crops are sown, and which has not borne a crop in the preceding antumn. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 193. Bhagan: a fish (crossochilus reba). Karnal S. R., p. 7. Bhartoli : chapattis made of bhart flour, Bhatora : bread cooked with amlara or sour flour to make it rise. All the Paharis eat thatoru in spring and summer. In winter they generally eat unleavened bread, which they call poli. Kangra Gloss, Bhatri : . tenant farmer residing in another village. Cf. hal chak, oprl and dudharchar Opdhi. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. Bhattan, bhakrain : a mallet for clod breaking, also called kotela. Kangra Gloss. Bhed; a ewe sheep ; lar, a ram; dong war, & cut male under four years; bikanu a cut male over four years ; urnu, a lamb under six months ; dotri, young ewe which has not yet lambed (Gadi). Kangra Gloss. Bhokhal: a kind of bush, not more than 5 or 6 feet high. The fruit ripens in May and people grind its seeds for oil. It is not good eating, but bears like it. Simla Hills. Bher: an arbitrary division or allotment of a group of fields (= khun and rand) in Jaswan and Chinor Kobasan. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), SS 31. Bhors: a fish (Barbus chrysopterus). Karnal S, R., p. 7, Bhet: a benevolence made in cash by officials and by landholders in kind to the Rani at the Diwali, Kuthar. An offering made on appointmens to office by 8 mahr. Bilaspur, Bhot: the barren sloping land on a hill side. Hoshiarpar S. R., P. 69. Bhoth, bithlt: the steep side or bank of a field, plateau or hill. Cf. bhet. Kangra Gloss. Bhikar: clods; bhikkar bhandna, to break clods with a mallet as in rice-fields. Kangra Gloss. Bhiat: mud wallo. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 158 ; bhint, a wall. Sirmur. Bhina: a buffalo. Baaria argot.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JCLY, 1911. Bhiyal: a partner. Kangra Gloss. Bhobriya: a grass (eleusine flagellifera). Cf. ganthil, chimbar and kharimbar. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 14. Bholra: the five small vessels full of water put out at various spots near where a well is to be dug. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 158. Bhon: a small strong wheel fixed over the well, over which passes the idu (a strong rope). Cl. chak. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 161. Bhond: a kind of black beetle destructive to sugarcane. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 81. Bhondo : a grant of a few bigas of land rent-free for some secular service. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 89. Bhor : * servant, a dependent or attendant godling, subordiuate to a deord. Simla Hills. Bhajji: pl. vegetables. Bhalaw&: a drog. Bhakrain: a mallet=bhattan. Bhakri: a grass (tribulus terrestris) having a little epiked fruit which sticks into dogs' feet very readily. Cf. gokru. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 16. Bhambat:=bhambat. Bhandna: to break. See under bhilar. Bhdo: a young boy, whether elder or younger : an elder brother is called Dad. Dai means an elder sister, and chei, a younger sister. Simla Hills. Bhar, bhara, lahna, to marry a dangbter. Bhar: a sheaf of corn. Karnal S. R., p. 17. Bharais: a professional guide. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 33. Bharala : an oven for warming milk. Karnal S. R., 1880 p. 121. Bharau: a small hut wliere water is kept for travellers. Kaugra Gloss. Bharaun: a fee paid to the man who divides the grain between a proprietor and his tenant. Kangra Gloss. Bharok&: Cr. bduka. Bhart: cenchrus echinatur. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 14. Bharti : measurement entry or record. Kangra Gloss. Bhartiya: a metal pot in which liquids are cooked. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 159. Bharwa ka pani: the rain water let into a pakka well to keep its water sweet. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 178. BhAsri lagang: to commit burglary. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 150. Bhassi: old chhal (land which has received a fertile deposit from a stream). Hoshiarpur S.R., p. 70. Bhat: wedding presents sent by the bridegroom's maternal relatives. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 165. Bhatangra : & man appointed by a raja, who managed and distributed the begar or forced labour of a kothi in Saraj. Cf. seok. Kangra S. R., p. 80. Bhati: a giver of that, q..? Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 129. Bhati: a rent-free grant to a Brahman, Kangra Gloss. Bhatona: mad, insane. Kangra Gloss. Bhator: a name applied to a husband instead of his real name. Bhumbnai: a man who takes a share of another's land. Karnal S. R., p. 75. Bhamia: the god of the homestead. Cf. khera. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 147. Bhamka : s. . preface.

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JULY, 1911.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 203 Bhde; adv. loc. of bhi, on ihe ground. Ci. P. Dy., p. 145. Bhahala : a shed in which chaff, i.e., bhisa or bhd, is stored. Kangra Gloss. Bhuni: a scrub (anabasis multiflora), Rohtak, Bhuja: sag or greens. Kangra Gloss. Bhukran: a wooden club used for crushing stiff clods of earth. Cf. kothela and bhurota, also bhakrain (M). Kangra S. R., p. 29. Bhando: bad. Bauria argot. Bhanga: a grazing-fee. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 392. Bhungeri : a kind of grain the saine as phulan; Churah. Bhunje=bhunen. Bhansla: a harmless snake. Jullandur S. R., p. 12. Bhur: a sandy soil. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 6, and Hissar S. R., p. 16. Bhurat: a plant which yields a poor grain for man and folder (c.nchrum echinatuin). Rohtak. Bhurota : a wooden club used for crushing clods. Ci. bhuleran. Bhart: a grass (oenchrus echinatus). Sirsa S. R., 1883, pp. 14 and 314. Bhusari: a long low stack fenced in by cotton stems alone. Cl. chhan. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 164. Bhata : (P bata): cobs, of maize. Cf. kulri. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 173. Biak : see bihak. Cf. sdndh. Bichharn=-rna. Bichhla baga: a place half-way. Sirsa 8. R., 1883, p. 169. Bians: the icy wiad met with on the passes at some seasons. Kangra Gloss. Bida: the third day of a wedding. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 131. Bigari: rent at so much the bigha. Rohtak. Bih: a beam. Sirmur. Bihag : dawn; bari bihag, at early dawn. "Kangra Gloss. Bihak, bhiyak, baisak or baitak; a place where cattle sit after drinking, or in the heat of the day. Kangra Gloss. Biht: a raised place to sit on in front of a house under an overhanging roof; also called atli. Kangra Gloss. Bihotri: a married woman. Kangra Gloss. Biht: a plank. Kangra Gloss. Bihul: (grevia oppositifolia): a trae. Hoshiarpur S. R, p. 13. Bij battar: recovery of seed with interest, out of the harvest heap ; ordinarily it is recovered at the rate of 4 to 3 tirchoka, or 5 to 4 chapancha on the seed actnaliy sowo. Kangra Gloss. Bljar: a ball. Cf. khaggar. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 195. Bijhia: an owner of land, as distinguished from a tenant, op.thu. Kingra S. R.(Lyall), p. 44. Bijna: a hand fan. Karnal 8. R., p. 10. Bijri : a narrow-mouthed basket for keeping small articles in. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Bikana: a cat ram over 4 years of age. See under bhed. Bikhra : rough, difficult; applied to a road or bill-side. Kangra Glogs. Bil: a tree whose leaves afford fodder. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Bil : ogle marmelos: a thorny tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 13. Bilara : cat. Bauris argot... Bilra: the head of a gharra, sometimes used as a measure in distribution of canal water, Kangra Gloss.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. Bin: coriander (corianderum sativum); 1.9., dhania. Kangra 8. R., p. 25. Bina : the musk deer; kustara is also used. Kangra Gloss, Bind: the thick strong calms of sarkra (tiger graso) collectively used for making chairs, boxes, and screens. Karnal S. R., p. 13. Bindaik, binnlik: a god, Gurgaon. Bindhnt; bride. Sirsa S. R., 1888, p. 166. Bindri : a mat of rice straw. Kangra S. R., p. 44. Binng: a thick mat. See dhak. Bint: a heap of jharberi bushes. Karnal S. R., p. 12. Biora : detail. Kangra Gloss, Biotar: married ; opposed to rakhorar, 'kept.' Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 71. BipdA=bipta. Bir: a plot of land ; in Kangra the ridge or border of a field. S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Birbahotti : the lady-insect. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 20. Bishda = wirdha. Birhi : a fish-hook. Kangra Gloss. Birt: the thread on each side of the leather on the spindle of a spinning-wheel. Birla : scanty, scattered ; opposed to ganna. Birni torni: weeding the wild rice in a rice-field, or rather placking its heads when unripe, to prevent the plant from seeding again. Kangra Gloss. Birthi: a vampire, or sorcerer who takes the shape of a leopard to devour people. Kangra Gloss. Bisha: a festival beld on 1st Bisakh in Pangi. 1. q., Babva, also Biswa. Bishtang: the remuneration of a headman at the rate of 6 pies per rupee of land revenue. Kutbar. Bisk : bishk, a fee paid to the bride's sister by the bridegroom for allowing him to sit down on reaching her house. Churah. Bisudh : adj. unconscious. Biswa : see Bason. Bita kama : a farm labourer kept by a proprietor who generally cannot plough owing to age, etc. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 129. Bita und=bataund. Bithii: the steep side of a field or hill=bheth. Biyal: a level grassy plain, generally on a river bank, used in Kulu and Chamba. Kangra Gloss. Biyan, biyans: a feast given to enable a deceased to join his ancestors used in Jak Pangi. Biwah: a wedding. Bauria argot. Example, to-morrow I am going to a marriage=walna min biwahan jahan. Boali: & fish (wallago altu). Karnal S. R., p. 7. Boara : seed time. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 69. Boatia : a species of bamboo, found in upland villages. Kangra S. R., p. 20. Bobo: sister. Kangra Gloss. Bodh: see badha. Bohar, bohr: the garret or room under the roof of a house, Kangra Gloss. Boloha, see pharir. Bonkri: a broom. Kangra Gloss. Boti: a Brahman cook. Bowl : 0). shepherd, (ii) A measure of area, a ron in which about 150 sheep can graze. Kangta S. R. (Lyall), p. 43.

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JULY, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 205 Brabbu: the yellow bear: in Kulld called ratta balu or ratta gdi. Kangra Gloss. Bragh: a leopard or panther ; mirg is also commonly used; but it applies generally to all big game. Kangra Gloss. Bras: rhododendron arborcum. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 43. Briddhi: 8. f. increase, growth. Buara: a helper, one who helps a fellow-villager and gets food, but no payment, in return. Keonthal. Budhi: anirrigated land with an appearance of sand. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 94. Bugdi: a variety of tobacco. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 191. Bugtari : a long coat. Of. angarkha. Sirsa S. R., 1888, p. 155. Baji: a name used in addressing girls. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 155. Bnjni: a plain earring. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Bukwana: stunted straw. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 282, Bulahir : a messenger. Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 89. Bulala : a fish (bola goha). Karnal S. R., p. 7. Bulla marila: oold winds from north or west which blight crops. Ludhiana S. R., 883, p. 125. Bum: a pormanent supply of spring water, Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 159. Banar, banar: (Gadi), athickoak wood; barhuni, a thick wood of the brds or rhododendron : kelar, a cedar forest; khrangrela, a thicket of snow rhododendron. Bandar: broken ears of corn. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 173. Bandral: matting of rice straw; also bundri. Bandri, bandral: matting of rice straw. Kangra Gloss. Buinh, bunho : downwards or below. Bunh or jhik jand is to go down. Fita chalna is keep along a hillside at the same level.' Upridd jand is 'to go up.' In Kulla, ujeh is above.' Kangrs Gloss. Bur: a grass (Cymbopogon iwaranchusa). Cl. khoi and khadi. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 14. Bur: the flower of bajra. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 187. Burak : a light passing shower (Gadi). Cl. megh. Burho: a male spirit which causes sickness. Chamba. Burri: a man who follows the plough in the furrows. Ol. mithi. Karval S. B., 1880, p. 169. But: stone. Kangra. Butara : a stone-cutter, from but, stone. Kangra S. R., p. 41. Butur: the simplest mode of culture, by sowing the seed broadcast in its natural state. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Chabar: the cover of the stove on which milk simmers. Jullundur S. R., p. 60. 'Chachali : s. f. north-west. Chachao ; << monsure of capacity = 1 path: Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Chaddot: * plank to turn off water (Gadi) : see pantor. Chadyalt: a present made to a widow or divorcee's parents on her re-marriage ; ? chhadna for chhorna to leave or let go. Churah. Chagar: much the same as jabar (moist low lying land, very good for sugarcane and rice) : the principal rioe-growing land. Cl. chhamb and pabhan. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Chagreti : a stick by which the chak (wheel) of the potter is spun. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 200. Chahil pahil : = -bahil : jollity. P. Dy, p. 178. Chahn: ill-drained low-lying land of poor quality, often water-logged. Cf, dibar. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. Ohahora : first class rice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 88. Chai ohidar: or chaon-chidra-(fr. chai, shade and chidrd boring or entering)-the compounl word means that some evil spirit has taken possession of some person and caused fits. Simla Hills. Chaikan: a diver. Of. dabolia and dubkia. Karpal S. R., 1880, p. 159. Chak: (1) a small strong wheel fixed over the well, over which passes the ido (& strong rope). Cf. bhon. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 161 ; (2) a broad shallow earthen pan into which boiled juice of sugarcane is put to cool. Ibid, p. 182. Chakir, chokh: the line of division which divides one man's share of field from another. Kangra Gloss. Chakka: a brick or slab made of stone, deposited in foundations of a house and worshipped: it is called wasti (? diri). Kangra. Chakni: a sort of cover made of pottery. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Chakkn&:=chukkna. Chakkna : =chakkhna. Chakota : a cash rent taken in a lump sum, Karnal S. R., p. 105. Chakpadi: a devi who was sneezed out by Brahma in the form of a fly. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 155. Chakrat : astonished (adj. ?) Chakru : the shikor partridge. Kangra Gloss. Chalaka: & finer variety of rice, classed as ziri not dhan, syn. ramjawain. Rohtak. Chaletu, chaleta : the stubble or straw of Indian corn. Kangra Gloss. Challa: bringing or sending home a wife after marriage. Cf. muk lawa. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 133. Challa: the duct from a kal (canal), also=aula, 9.v. Kangra S. R., p. 92. Challan, Popalus cillata, the Himalayan poplar. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 42. Chalri, a small basket without a cover in which bread is asually placed. Simla S. R., 1888, P. 45. Chaman : the golden pheasant; called in books the chir. Kangra Gloss. Chamb: A variety of land, Gujranwalla-8. R., p. 25. Chambal: a lever-bag. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 406. Chambh: the high bank or cliff of a river. Kangra Gloss. Chamkar: leather trousers : see sular. Chan: a house, originally applied to a roof of grass; but in general speech applied to any dwelling house. Kangra Gloss. Chanat, chinat: a paved road or flight of paved steps down a hill-side ; syn. Okhwdl. Kangra Gloge. Chandi: (adj.) silver, moonlight. Chandna rerna: to take out and sift, as is done when grain is taken from the family storechest preparatory to use. Kangra Gloss. Chandri: a boil. Cl. chandara, at P. Dy., p. 189: Sialkot. Chang: a ceremony, in which a man stands to the south of a heap of corn and goes round it towards the west, the third and first time and the reverse way the second time. Karnal S. R., 1880 p. 173. Changli: A two-pronged wooden hay-fork, syn, shirni. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Channa: the side or side wall of a house as opposed to pichwodra, its back. Kangra Gloss. Chantegu: a tenant who farms land with plough and oxen provided by the landholder. Cf. trihana and athols. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. Chanun: a hole made in the border of a field to let out water above a certain depth. (Palam) Kangra Gloss. Chap: the leadless thorny bushes of the jhurberi tree. Karnal 8. R., p. 12. Chapancha : see under bij battar.

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JULY, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Chapla: foot and month disease. Cf. monkhar, rora and morkhar. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, P. 134. Chappa mer: a game like 'pitch-and-toss,' played with rounded pieces of potsherd; each player having two, which they throw alternately, the object being to get near a mark, and the winner appropriating little bits of potsherd which are used as counters. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 206. Chapri: a small pond. Cf. toba. Jullandur S. R., p. 58. Chapta a fish very like the mohoo, and closely allied to it in habit: common and found all the year round, it has a habit of turning over on the surface. A small fish rarely weighing lb. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 17. Chara: a silver wristlet-taken off by a bride, and which no married woman can wear. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 128. 207 Kangra Gloss. Chara stepping-stones in a stream; also called peindi, Charak chundi: a game which is a combination of the whirl-go-round and see-saw '; a bent stick is balanced on an upright post stuck firmly in the ground, a boy gets on each end and they are whirled round by a third. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 206. Charal: a kind of pulse, only cultivated in poor alluvial lands. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 78. Charanghal lit: 'washing feet': an initiatory ceremony consisting in washing one or both of the initiator's big toes and drinking the water. Jullundur S. R., p. 51. Charandh: grazing ground. Kangra Gloss. Charetar a fuel yard or place where the stock of fire-wood is piled up. Kangra Gloss. Chari: a staff. Simla Hills. Gloss. Charo antelope. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 124. Charoli: a round bamboo wicker tray deepening towards the middle. Kangra Gloss. Charoliya: a stile in the hedge of a field, called langana elsewhere. (Nurpur). Kangra Charrara a gelded goat-see under bakri. Charwi: a large pot. Sirmur Trans-Girt. Chatra: a cook-room on either side of the tamsal (open yard in a house). Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 120. Chatra: a small basket, holding about 8 sers, no cover: Simla S. R., 1883, p. 66. Chatri: an open basket, syn, pirktu. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. Chatru: a colt: Lahul, Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 111, Chatt: a stone or wooden trough for cattle to drink out of. Kangra Gloss. Chatur:ar. Chaubacha: a mode of distributing the produce of land. Hissar S. R., p. 10. Chaubara: central room. Sirmur. Chaudan vidya: the 14 kinds of knowledge (all that is to be known). Chaugandi: four times the sum of the seed corn, in Bangahal. Cf. panchgandi. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Chatera a muzzle made of nigal or nargal. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Chatti: a basket holding about 2 sers. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. Chauk: a yard in a private house, separated from the streets by a wall, and in which the cattle are tied up in cattlesheds, and the women sit and spin. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 120. Chaukhat: door frame. Sirmur. Chauki bharna; the form of worshipping Saltan (Sakhi Sarwar) by sleeping on the ground. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 33. Chaulai: seeds of the cockscomb; the cockscomb (Amaranthus polygonus). Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 157. Chauntra: a square platform, either large or small. Chaupal: a guest-house. Cf. hathai. Sirsa 8. R., 1883, p. 176.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1911. Chauri: & yak's tail. It is wived over a chief, a deota, or at a bridegroom's ceremony. Chauri-kh-deo, a chief deota, e.g., Kot Ishwar in Kumharsain, as being the Rana's family god Chauri: a fresh plastered ground on which the Brahman at a wedding makes a square enclosure of flour, and on it puts sand and sacred fire of dhale wood, ghi, sugar, and sesame: Cf. bedi. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 130. Chautal: a way of selling sugar. It is equal to 3 times 44 country seers. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 99. Cheb: a tarf used to stop a gap in the bank of field, canal, &c. Kangra Gloss. Chochar : follow and arable waste land. Cf. perowly. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 167. Chei : a younger sister : see ander bhuo. Chekh: see chakir. Chela: banahata, gur-chele, dharmi, dangaria, or= le. Of. Ra-deo in Malana P = banahata, q.v. Cheli : 2nd morning meal. Keonghal. Chelf: cheili, a kid-see under bakri. Cheori: wife (Saraj), see ldr. Chorshi: (from chin--three') any dues collected every third yerr. Simin Hills, Chetra: rapees. Ludhiana 8. R., 1883, p. 150. Chetri: cotton sown in March. Hoshiarpur 9. R., p. 87. Cheunta : a goad, usually made of restush and labair : Simla S. R., 1883. D 45. Chhabu: part of a pent roof. Sirmur. Chhahka: a disease of cattle in which the body is inflamed and insensibility ensues ; chhahed also appears to be an insect which is snid to cause this disease. Gurgaon. Chikri: a small hoe. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE JOINT AUTHORSHIP OF THE On page 29 (of the Kavyamdia edition of the KAVYAPRAKASA. Amarubataka), he says: "Yath-odahrilan DoshaWe find, at the end of the Kavyaprakdba of wirnaye Mammaf-Alakdbhyam---Praaide vartaava &c." On p. 55, while commenting upon verse Mammata, a verse which has been interpreted in two ways. Upon this verse Rajapaks Ananda 72, in which the expression 'vayur dadari 'ocsays that Mammata wrote as far as the figure curo, be points out that some regard that the emParikara in the tenth Uudia and that the rest was ployment of the word bayu gives rise to the fault finished by Alata.' MAnikvachandra. Baravati. called 4 Afla, and then he remarks that hath ah tirtha and many others say the same. Dr. Stein authors of the Kavyaprakasa, who were favoured saya: "In order to complete the onse for Alata as by the Goddess of speech, generally exhibit a the name of the continuator of the Kivyapraklda spirit of fault-finding. The Doshas (faults or it suffices for me to point out that this form of the blemishes) of Karya are dwelt upon in the 7th name is the only one known to the tradition of the Ullisa of the Kavyaprakda. Arjunavarmadeva's Kasmirian Pandite, to whom the double authorship horahip words lead us to infer that Alaka had a hand of the Kduyaprakaba is otherwise perfectly fami. not only in the tenth Ullasa, As bata by Anliar." (Quoted by Col Jacob in J. R. A, S, tor 1997, ands, but also in the 7th. This, I believe, is a p. 282). Many MSS, read Alaka for Alata. That valuable piece of information, coming as it does Alata (or Alaka) had something to do with the from a writer who nourished about # hundred Kavyaprakaca receives striking confirmation from years after the composition of the Kdvyaprakaba. a comparatively early writer. Arjunavarmadeva, Another point that deserves notice is that in the who is 13th in the order of succession from Blog short period of about a hundred years after Paramars and whose inscriptions have been found acrintinna have been found Mammata, tradition credited him with being tho with dates ranging from A.D. 1211 to 1216, while special favourite of the Goddess of speech. commenting upon the 4 marutataka twice refers P. V. KANE. to the double authorship of the Kavyaprakaga. BOMBAY. Ity-esha margo viduhani vibhinni Spyabhinnardpal pratibh daate yal na tad-vichitrath yad-amura na may vinirmita sanghatanaita hetul * Krita Srt-Mammafach dryavaryail Parikardvadhi prabandhal portal dood vidhdy=dlatarindit . Kim tu Elddaikamayi-vara-labdha prasadau Kavyapraklda-kdeau prdyona doshadriahk.

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AUGUST, 1911.) ORIGIN & DEOLINE OF BUDDHISM & JAINISM IN S. I. 209 ORIGIN AND DECLINE OF BUDDHISM AND JAINISM IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND. TF the Singhalese Chronicle, Mahavainsa, could be relied upon, as I think it should be, for the | reason that it is not a production of a later age but was a compilation from the accounts preserved by contemporary writers, the first invasion of Ceylon was undertaken by a prince of the Sakya race, and that he is reported to have ontered the island on the very day of the nirrana of Buddhal. Northern India was just the undergoing & mighty change from the existing system of religious belief, and this, we night safely presume, was not brought about all on a sudden, but was the work of years, if not of centuries. It is on record, and we can well give credence to it, that Buddha, after formulating his new faith, went on preaching and converting the people for a number of years before he attained nirvana. The Sakya race, to which Buddha belonged, could not have been slow to adopt his tenets, and as such, we can reasonably expect Vijaya, who was also a Sakya by birth, to have carried to Ceylon the new belief and the stirring teachings of the reformer. Vijaya's followers, who could not have been few, as they are reported to have conquered the island by overcoming the Yakshas by whom Ceylon was peopled, may thus be regarded to bave shared in the canons of Gautama's new faith along with their leader. It is, therefore, plain that the tenets of Buddhism were known in the island of Ceylon long before the creed spread completely in Northern India and propagated elsewhere. It is believed that till the time of Asoka, Buddhism did not gain much ground. The missionary efforts of the Maurya emperor contributed not a little to the spread of Buddhism in countries in and out of India. We may say that the several kingdoms of Southern India did not share in the belief of Gautama's faith for a long time, as it does not appear to have extended even throughout the Hindustan during the life-time of its founder. For aught we know, no direct influence was brought to bear upon the several provinces in the Dekkan till the time of Asoka. But Buddhism could not have been unknown in the Dekkan, especially in the Pandya country, long before Asoka. That there was free communication between this country and Ceylon can fairly be conjectured from the proximity of the two, separated only by a small gall. In this connection the story of Vijaya's advert into the island, as told in the Mahavarisa, is worth consideration. Vijaya, the son of Sihabahu, the ruler of Lala (Lata in Gajarat), and born of the princess of Kaliiga, became lawless and was sent over the sea. He landed in Tambapangi, ie, the island of Lanka amidst Yakshas and Yakshinis, its original inbabitants. With the help of Kuveni, a Yakshini, Vijaya defeated the reigning king Kalasena and his followers. The goddess of the island was Kali. Colonised by the family of Sihala, the island was named Simbala. Vijaya married a daughter of the Pandava (Pandya) king of Southeru Madhura having driven away the Yakshini wife who was subseqently put to death by one of the Yaksbas who regarded her as a spy. Vijaya was sending every year & rich tribute to the Pandya sovereign. This story of Vijaya, shorn of the mythical veil that environs it, means that Vijaya Was a powerful invader from Northern India; that be, with the aid of one of the most powerful natives of the island, learnt the weakness of the king of Ceylon, made friends with the neighbouring Pandya sovereign, on payment of an annual tribute, and by taking to wife one of his daughters colonised Lanka with a large number of followers. As the Mahavarisa states that along with the Pandya princess a large number of ladies of that country were sent to serve as wives of the followers of Vijaya, we may regard the colony as a joint colony of Sakya men and Pandya women. This early account shows that Ceylon was known to the Pandyas, and that The probability of Vijaya being a contemporary of Buddha is also indicated by the fact that Panduvasudeva, the pephew of the former, married a daughter of the cousin of Buddha. It capuot be contended on this sooount that the contemporaneity of Buddha and Vijaya is established beyond question, especially as there are discrepancies in the chronology of the Maharamia. But there are sufficient grounds to raise the presumption that Vijaya is not far removed in point of time from Buddha.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. their people frequented it in the 5th century B. C. Is it too much then to expect that Bude dhism was at least kuown, if not adopted, by the people of the Pandya country as the new faith appears to have been carried into Ceylon by Vijaya and his followers ? The person, who is expressly credited in the Mahava nia with having irftroduced Buddhism in Ceylon, is Tissa, the second son of Mutistva. On account of his piety he appears to have been known by the name of Devanampiya Tissa, just as his contemporary Asoka was known in the north. At the request of Tissa, his maternal uncle Maha-Arita, one of the greatest statesmen of the day, as the book puts it, went on & mission to the court of the Maurya emperor for fetching a branch of the Bodhi tree and the sister (therl) Saughamitta, both of which objects he successfully performed in the 18th year of the reign of Asoka. As Tissa had previously promised to allow Aritta to become a Buddhist monk, the latter assumed the yellow robes soon after his return from Patalipatra. For a clear account of the interesting events connected with the arrival of Sanghamitta in Ceylon by way of the sea, reference may be made to the Maharama. The mysterious way in which Mahinda is said to hare arrived in the island is incredible, and it is not unlikely that he accompanied his sister. If Asoka and Tissa stand forth prominently as the royal propagators of Gautama's creed, Mahinda and Aritta were the chief priests with whose aid they scem to have effected much to spread the faith in the south, The hills dedicated to Mahinda and Aritta in Ceylon bear ample testimony to the exalted position held by the two saints. Sura Tissa (247-237 B.C.), one of the brothers of Devanampiya Tissa, is said to have built superb vihdras at many places, of which one called Laikavihara was at the foot of the Aritta mountains. Not satisfied with the preaching in Ceylon, the two saints are expressly stated to have gone abroad to make fresh converts. We may, with advantage, quote the passage under reference. It runs thus "The five principal theras who had accompanied Mahinda from Jambadtpa, as well as those of whom Aritta was the principal, and in like manner the thousands of sanctifii priests, all natives of Lauka and inclusive of Sanghamitta, the twelve theris. who came from Jambudipa, and the many thousands of pious priestesses, all natives of Laika, all these profoundly learned and infinitely wire personages having spread abroad the light of the Vinaya and other branches of faith, in due course of nature, at subsequent periods, snbmitted to the lot of mortality." There is nothing to doabt the statement here quoted. The first country that the missionaries from Ceylon could have visited is the Pandya territory with which, as we have al. ready pointed out, the Singhalese were well acquainted and even connected by marriago tios. We shall now see if there is anything in the Pandya country to bear tertitony to our view. Since the discovery of a cavern with Brahmi inscriptions at Maragaltalai in the Tinnevelly district by Mr. Chadwick, I have discovered several similar ones with lithic records of the 3rd century B.O., all in the Maduri district. Four of these are at a place called Aritti patti in the Molur taluka, one on the Anaimalai hills near the insignificant village of Narasingam which may be characterised as an ancient Jaina settlement ; one on the hill at Tirapparaugun. ram, behind the village chuvadi, opposite the railway station ; another at Alagarmalai and still another at Ammanamalai, which last I was misled to believe to be Kongar-Paliyang alam where I learnt there was a Buddhist cavern and which was accordingly termed by me as such. Kongar-Puliyangulam was subsequently found to contain another similar monument, and this proves that my information was not incorrect. More of these caverns were found, one at Mettappatti by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, another at Varichchiyur by Mr. Vibert and a third at Kilavalava by Mr. Venkoba Rao. These monuments are the oldest that the Pandya country contains, or, for the matter of that, the oldest in Southern India. For a complete description of these caverns reference * Mahinda is said to have flown through the air from the dominions of the Maurya emperor to Ceylon. * They are notiood in the Annual Reports of the Assistant Arohwological Superintendent for 1906-7, 1907-8 And 1908-9, under "Earliegt Lithio Monuments of the Tamil Country."

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AUGUST, 1911.) ORIGIN & DECLINE OF BUDDHISM & JAINISM IN S. I. 211 may be made to Mr. Venkayya's remarks on them in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908. As regards the position of one and all of them, Mr. Griffith's excellent note that seclusion from the world and the active business of life was obviously the first essential of the saintly life of Buddhism, as of all ascetic forms of religion, and that the originators of the caves seem to have been influenced not only in the choice of the site, but also by a keen appreciation of natural beauty, and that all the caves are superbly placed with an obvious selection of a noble outlook and perfect seclusion from the world, are well applicable. That during the time of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian, caves were resorted to in India by Buddhist monks is evident from his statement that "three li before you reach the top of Mount Gsidhrakuta there is a cavern in the rocks facing the south in which Buddha sat in meditation; thirty paces to the north-west there is another where Ananda was sitting in meditation when the Deva, Mara-Pisuna, having assumed the form of a valture took his plazo in front of the cavern and frightened the disciple; going on still to the west they found the cavern called Sritapara, the place where after the nirvana of Buddha 500 arhats collected the stras." The Buddhist priests of later years than the time of the great founder appear to have followed thu same practice, and the hands of the devotees developed the rade natural caves into habitable dwellings befitting their residents. Whether they were primarily designed as the provision for the annual "retreat' initiated by Buddha when it was ordained that the monks were to keep rassa and refrain from peregrination during the rains, or were intended to give a cool resort during the hot season, cannot now be easily determined. Besides being watertight, convenient for human habitation and far above any possible accident from the rains and foods of the monsoon, to this day they are agreeably cool even in the hottest weather. The doubt raised in the first part of the passage quoted here, wbether the caverns were designed for the annual retreat" or were intended to give a cool resort, can be cleared from the reply which Mahinda gavo to Tissa when the latter requested the saint to halt in the beautifal garden adjoining his capital on a certain night. The statement of the thera shows that the Buddhist monks were prohibited by the rules of their order to stay even in the immediate proximity of cities or villages, and it also accounts in a way for the necessity for the caverns. In the general forms of these, viz., one boulder overhanging another, a flat one on which it rests at one extremity, in the cutting of the projecting rock to a certain depth in order to prevent the rain water from gliding into the cavern, in the existence on the bottom boulder (1) of smoothly chiselled beds with a slightly raised portion for the head, just safficient for a man to lie down, (2) of the groove immediately in the outer fringe of the cave quite below the cutting on the upper rock for carrying away the drippling of the rain water to a distance, (3) of big boles cut on the open yard intended perhaps for fizing poles or railings, and (4) of a number of smaller holes for other works of protection-in all these details the caverns of the Pandya country resemble those in Ceylon, which are assuredly Buddhistic in their characier. As Aritta and his followers, together with Mabinda and several others, are reported in the Maharania to have gone abroad to propagate the Bauddha religion, and as several caverns are found in the vicinity of a place called Arittapatti (the village of Aritta), it might be presumed that this place was the first settlement of the Singhalese apostle Arifta of the 3rd century B.C. Whatever might have been the origin of Buddhism in other parts of the Dekkan, it was in all probability introduced into the Pandya territory from Ceylon, mostly after the 18th year of the reign of Asoka. It is also likely that even in earlier times Buddhist influence was felt in the Pandya country, as its people appear to bave had frequent communication and even marriage connection with the early colonisers of Ceylon in the 5th century B.C. * Ajasta Paintinga by Mr. Griffith, Introduction. Ibid. Mahavara, Wijesinha's translation, p. 54.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. We shall now note the evidences relating to the influence of Gautama's faith in other parts of southern India. According to the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang, who visited India in the middle of the 7th century A.D., and who in about A.D. 640 was at Conjeeveram, which he describes as the capital of the Dravida kingdom, Kanchi is as old as Buddha, Buddha couverted its people, Dharmapala was born there, and Asoka built several stupas in its neighbourhood. He declares that the Jainas were very numerous in his day, and that Buddhism and Brahmanism were about on a par.? It might be that the pilgrim has simply recorded what the people had to say regarding the origin of Buddhism in the place; but as representing the belief or tradition of the 7th century A.D., the account is very valuable. We are not in a position to test the correctness of that part of his statement which connects Buddha with Kanchi. It is not improbable that Asoka built stupas near that city. Among the countries to which this Maurya emperor sent missionaries, are mentioned Mahishamandala, Vanavasi, Aparanta and Maharatta. These are either partially or wholly in the Dekkan. Mahishamandala is indentical with the modern Mysore State. It is called in ancient Tamil literature Erumaiyur, a term which appears to be an exact rendering of the Sanskrit Mahishamandala. Vanavasi was the capital of the Kadambas, and we know that their kingdom was on the borders of that of the Pallavas. Maharatta or Maharashtra perhaps included some districts round Poons, and Aparanta contained the dominion of Konkan whose southern position must have embraced several districts of the Dekkan on the west coast. In his Brihatsamhita, Varahamihira locates the Aparantakas in the western division and Vanavasi in the southern. It may be noted that Buddhism counted followers in Konkan till a very late period. The rock edict of Asoka discovered at Siddapura in the Mysore State proves that there is no exaggeration in the reported mission to that place. We cannot determine whether stupas were erected at Kanchi as stated by Hinen Tsiang, but it may be presumed that the influence of the Maurya emperor's missionaries to Mahishamandala and Vanavasi was felt at Kanchi. This being the case, we are naturally inclined to look for monuments of the description we find in the Pandya country in other parts of the Dekkan. Strange to say they are totally absent both in the Chola and the Pallava dominions. Perhaps future researches may bring to light some of them. The Tamil poem Manimegalai refers to a large Buddhist monastery at Kavirippumpattinam, the ancient capital of the Cholas. When that city was destroyed by the sea, the people are said to have removed themselves in a body to Kanchi, where also there were several monks of high order and some Buddhist temples. Two Chola sovereigns named Todukalarkilli and Tunaiyilankilli are mentioned in the book just referred to, as the builders of a Buddhist chaitya (sedi) at Conjeeveram. Two celebrated Buddhist monasteries, the Parvabila and the Aparasila Sangharamas at Dhanyakataka (To no ku teia kia) i. e., Amaravati, are mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang. 10 All through his route the pilgrim was shown an abundance of Buddhist monasteries. Some of them were in a flourishing condition while others showed signs of decay. It may be noted that this Chinese traveller has referred to another monastery named Polomolokili built by So to po ho. The correct rendering of these two names seems to be Paramarakkhita and Satavahana. The names Rakkhita, Maharakkhita and Dhammarakkhita occur very often among the early missionaries of the Bauddhas, " and it is not unlikely that the monastery referred to by the pilgrim was called after one of Asoka's apostles sent to propagate the faith in Mahishamandala, Vanavasi and Aparantaka. If this be the Mr. Sewell's Liste of Antiquities, Vol. I., p. 176, Mahavathsa, p. 46. In the South Arcot and Trichinopoly districts, similar caverns with stone beds and steps cut on the rook are' reported to exist. The steps provide for an approach to the cavern. As there are no lithic records, it is not possible to say when they came into existence. Neither is it easy to determine if originally they were the abodes of Buddhist or Jaina monks. That Jainism counted numerous followers in the South Aroot district is clear from the references in the Tamil Deraram. It is said that Palghaut was once a flourishing Buddhist centre, but the truth of this statement remains yet to be verified. 10 Above, Vol. VII., p. 6, footnote 5. 11 1bid. p. 4, footnote 4. 12 Mahorati:sa, p. 46.

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AUGUST, 1911.] ORIGIN & DECLINE OF BUDDHISM & JAINISM IN S. I.. 213 case, it also suggests where we should look for the monument. We know that the powerful kings of the Satavahana dynasty flourished at the commencement of the 2nd century B. C. and advocated the Bauddha faith. To their exertions we owe one of the most exquisite and elaborate works of art, viz., the Amaravati Stupa. The Andhra kings of the Satavahana line held sway over several parts of the Dekkan such as Dhanyakataka in Krishna, Chitaldrag and Shimoga in Mysore and Kolhapur, Paithan, etc., on the western side, where their coins and inscriptions have been traced.12 It is, therefore, reasonable to expect that under the Satavahanas, who were ardent Buddhists, Buddhism gained ground in those parts of sonthern India which had acknowledged their rule. Something about the state of Buddhism in the south is also found in the writings of Fa Hian the predecessor of Hiuen Tsiang by three centuries. Though he himself did not visit the Dekkan, he has recorded what he probably gathered from his enquiries. His interesting note on the splendid rock-cut monastery of five storeys with 1,500 cells,13 situated 200 yojanas to the south of Benares, shows what stronghold the religion of Gautama had on the people of the Dekkan. Rev. Mr. Foulkes writing on this says:-"There seem to be some considerations in Fa Hian's description which lead to the conclusion that the king of the country or some previous ruler or rulers of this kingdom was a patron of Buddhism, if not himself a Buddbist. It is scarcely probable that a colossal work of art, like Fa Hian's rock-cut monastery, could have been undertaken by any one but a powerful, rich and prosperous king; or rather considering the time which such a work would require for its completion, by a succession of such kings. And it is similarly improbable that a costly and everlasting monument of this description would have been so undertaken, unless the king or kings had religious convictions in harmony with the object for which such a magnificent building was constructed. 14" It is thus evident that at a certain epoch there were Buddhists throughout the Dekkan. What contributed to the spread of that religion in the south, besides the missionary efforts of the Maurya emperor, Asoka, and the Singhalese king, Tissa, of the 3rd century B. C., was probably the migration of the Pallavas and the Guptas from their northern homes, which took place in the early centuries of the Christian era. That the early members of the Pallava dynasty could have been Buddhists might be inferred to a certain extent from the fact that they had Asokavarman among their mythical ancestors. One of the Chola kings named Killi, who married the Naga princess, Pilivalai, the daughter of Valaivanan, appears to have been a Buddhist, as he is reported to have been hearing the discourses of a Buddhist priest at Kanchi. The account given in the Manimegalai, regarding the fortunes of the child born to this Naga princess, coincides with what is regarded of Tondaiman Ilandiraiyan, the earliest ancestor of the Pallava kings. It is not unlikely that there were several kings in the Chola and Pandya country, who professed the religion of Gautama, but all their names have not come down to us. We must not omit to mention the probability of there having been Jaina influence side by side with that of Buddhism. As Sir Alexander Cunningham puts it, both these sects were branches of one stock. Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamain have proved that Gautama of the Jainas and of the Bauddhas is the same personage. As Gautama of the Jainas has left no disciples, it has been correctly presumed by these writers that Gautama's followers constitute the sect of Buddha with tenets in many respects analogous to those of the Jainas or followers of Sudharma, but with a mythology or fabulous history of deified saints quite different. Both have adopted the Hindu pantheon or assembly of subordinate deities; both disdain the authority of the Vedas, and both elevate their pre-eminent saints to divine supremacy. To show that the canons of belief of the Jainas and Bauddhas are in several respects identical, and that the gods of the former are represented " 120 Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. X., p. 291 and Vol. XV., p. 357, 18 Above, Vol. VII., p. 2, footnote 2, quoted from Beal's translation. 14 lbid, pp. 3 and 4.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1911. in almost the same way as Gautama Buddha, we have no less an authority than the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang of the seventh century A, D. He says:-"The Jainas have built a temple of the Gods. The sectaries, that freqnent it, submit themselves to strict austerity, day and night they manifest the most ardent zeal without taking an instant's rest. The law that has been set forth by the founder of this sect has been largely appropriated from the Buddhist books on which it is guided in establishing its precepts and rules. The more aged of the sectaries bear the name of Bhikshas ; the younger they call Chamis (Sramana) In their observances and religious exercises, they follow almost entirely the rule of the Sramanas. The statue of their divine master resembles by a sort of usurpation that of ju lai (the Tathagatha); it only differs in costume; its marks of beanty (Mahapurusha-lakshanani) are exactly the same." 16 This passage, from the writings of the Chinese traveller, clearly shows that the two sects of the Jainas and the Banddhas should be regarded as branches of one and the same. Curiously enough the Singhalese Baddhists recognise twenty-four Buddhas prior to Gautams, and this number is exactly the same as that of the Tirtham karas of the Jainas. Here, then, is an additional ground for the belief that the Gautama of the Jainas and of the Bauddhas is the same person. As there is very little difference between the two sects, and as Buddha himself appears to have been the disciple of the Jaina Mahavira, it can be easily gathered that the two faiths flourished side by side for centuries, some people professing to be the followers of Gautama Buddha, while others adbered to the original Jains creed. The Maurya emperor Chandragupta is believed to have spent the latter part of his life in southern India, having settled himself at Sravana Belgola in the Mysore State. He is said to have accompanied the great Jaina teacher Bhadrabahu, whose disciple he was, in his migration to the Dekkan. Bhadrababu with a number of followers went to the Pun-nadu country, where he died. Though the account of Chandragupta's settlement in the Mysore territory cannot be asserted authoritatively yet it may be noted that the story receives some strength from the discovery of the rock-cut edict of Asoka at Siddhapura alluded to above. The edict establishes beyond question that the dominion of the Mauryas extended so far south. At the end of the 2nd century A. D., the Jaiva priest Simhanandi settled himself in another part of Mysore. The princes Dad ga and Madhava, belonging to the solar race, are said to have followed this priest, and ruled the kingdom whose capital was Kolala (see pago 9, Mysore and Coorg in the Imperial Gazetteer Volumes.) Though the names of those kings who adopted Buddhism in southern India bas not come down to us, we have on record that many of those were Jainas. Some of the kings of the Pallavas of Kanchi, and a few of those of the Pandya country, not to say of the western Chalukyas, the Gaigas and Rashtrakutas, were staunch Jainas, and one or two even went the length of persecuting other religionists-a very rare thing in Indian history. It is this attitude in the rulers that appears to have been one of the causes for the application of the destructive axe at the root of these religions. We know from the inscriptions of the western Chalukya kings, Palakesin II., Vijayaditya and Vikramaditya II., that they favoured the Jaina faith by executing repairs to temples and granting villages to them. 17 The Pallava king, Mabendravarman, was an avowed Jaina in the earlier part of his reign. The early kings of the Rashtrakutas were Jainas, and the records of Amoghavarsha I., dated in Saks years 765, 775 and 799, register provisions made for Buddhist communities by his feudatories 18 ; but the king himself was a Jaina king, a disciple of the famous teacher Jinasena. The spread of the Jaina faith in southern India belongs in no small measure to Samantabhadra, who is said to have visited Kancbi, to Akalanka who is credited with having defeated several Buddhists in disputation, to Vidyananda and Manikyananda, whose contributions to Jaina liters ture, like those of their two predecessors, are not few; to Prabhachandra, the pupil of Akalanka, who appears to have lived prior to A.D. 750 ; to Jinasena, the preceptor of the Rashtrakata king 18 Ibid, Vol. II., p. 16. 16 The views expressed in this paragraph will hardly be countenanced by the scholars of the present dayD. R. B. 11 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II., p. 191. 13 Ibid., pp. 101-405.

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AUGUST, 1911.) ORIGIN & DECLINE OF BUDDHISM & JAINISM IN S. I. 215 Amoghavarsha I, and to his pupil Ganabhadre, contemporary of Krishna II.10 Mandalapurusha, the disciple of Ganabhadra is the author of the Tamil metrical dictionary nigandu) compiled about the 9th centary A.D. Several purely Jaina works in Tamil are preserved to this day and they show that at a certain period Jaina influence was very strong in southern India. Among these may be mentioned Jivakachintamani, Chaldmani, Mahapuranam and Merumandirapuranam and the like. Contributions to general Tamil literature by Jaina authors are also not rare. One of the most powerful Jaina teachers celebrated in Jivakachintamani is Ajjanandi. Inscriptions of his have been found in the Melur, Periyakulam, Palni and Madura talukas of the Madura district, and indicato the extent of territory over which his influence was felt. According to one of these records Gunamatiyar was his mother's name 20. At the time of the Saiva saint, Nanasambanda, there were several Jaina teachers, and their names are preserved in one of his hymns on Tiravalavay, 21 where it is also said that Anaimalai (6 miles from Madura) was one of the several places of Jaina settlements. The names mentioned in the hymn are Sandusena, Indusena, Dharmasena, Kandusena, Kanakanandi, Patpanandi, Pavananandi, Sanaganandi and Gunaganandi. Inscriptions 2 found in the Pandya country show that Kurandi-Ashtopavasi was a famous Jaina priest who had for his disciples Kanakanandi, Gagasena, Maganandi and A'rittanemi. Two records make Kanakanandi the disciple of Kurandi. Ashtopavasi. Three generations of pupils of Kanaka are noticed in a Kilakkudi inscription, and they are Abhinandana-Bhatara I, Arimandala-Bhatara, and Abhinandana-Bhatara II. The second disciple Gunasena's pupils 24 were Aritganmasena, Kandan-Porpatean, Araiyangavidi, Kanakavira-Periyadiga! and Vardhamana-Pandita. The disciple of the last mentioned individual was Gunasena-Periyadiga!. We have not yet known if Maganandi and Arittanemi, the other disciples of Kurandi-Ashtopavasi, had left any followers. The names of the other Jaina priests mentioned in inscriptions are:-Santavira, pupil of Gunavira, who renewed the images of Parkva-Pacarar (Patsvanatha) and the Yakshis in the Aivarmalai Cavo in Saka 792 (= A. D. 870)25; Pavvanandikuratti, the female pupil of Pattinakuratti 20; Indrasena, Mallisena, Tinaikklattar, Dharmade vacharya, pupil of Kanakachandra-Pandita, Ilaiyapadarar and Chandranandi-chaya.27 Jainas seem to have prospered well in the North Arcot, Sonth Arcot, Madura and Tinnevelly districts and in the Mysore State, where we find a number of temples of Jaina Tirtharkarns and the names of Jaina monks in charge of them. Periyapurdnam alludes to the iestruction of several structaral monuments of the Jainas at Cuddalore by the Pallavs king Mabendravarman, who, it is said, built a shrine to Siva at Tinuyadi. Favoured and nurtured by the south Indian kings, Buddhism and Jainism appear to have had a career of prosperity for a few centuries, along with the Saiva and Vaisbnava forms of Hindu religion. Buddbism appears to have received the first check in its growth from the hands of the Jaina teachers, who seem to have been numerous in the 7th, 8th and 9th centuries. Both Tamil and Sanskrit literature clearly point to the triumph of the Jainas over the Bauddhas. If Samantabhadra and Akalaika stand forth as the vanquishers of the Buddhists in one part of the country, 19 Pp. 407-108 of the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II. 20 No. 61 of the Madra Epigraphical Collection for 1910. Two distinguished Buddhist teachers name Guniimati ant sthiramati are reported to have fourished in the 6th Century A. D., at Vallabhi in the Surashtr country (Mr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 272). 91 Tiravalavay is Madura. Nos. 61, 62 and 68 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1910. 21 No. 63 of the same colection. Nos. 65, 66 and 69 of the same and 330 of the Collection for 1908. 25 This took place in the reign of the Pandya king Varaguna-Varman (see No. 705 of the Epigraphical Collec tion for 1905.) * Nos. 67 to 74, 691 and 699 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1905 and Nos, 238 and 239 of 1904. 31 Nos, 239 and 367 of the Collection for 1905 and 67 to 74 of 1905,

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. we have clear references in ancient Tamil works of the same period, or a little later, to the disputations between the Jainas and Buddhists in other parts of the Dekkan, with varying results. But without proper leaders and with the withdrawal of the royal support, Buddhism seems to have declined gradually after the 7th and 8th centuries A. D. The few that still adhered to it met with further discomfiture at the hands of the Saiva and Vaishnava reformers. The disappearance of Buddhism in southern India is unparalleled in the history of any conntry or time. It now remains to trace out the causes that led to the decline of Jainism. At this remote age it is not possible to put down chronologically all the forces that worked for the removal of this sect from the country. So far as southern India is concerned, our aim shall be to collect the evidence bearing on the subject, and in this direction we shall have to refer to the literature of the country, that being the main source of getting any reliable information on the point. There are evidences here to show that corruptions had gradually crept into the two creeds by their contact with people of various customs and methode. Its original purity seems to have been tainted in the course of years by the introduction of undesirable changes which necessarily called forth vehement denunciation. At first, missionary agencies were resorted to for expounding the tenets of the religions and for showing the superiority of the principles inculcated in them. When men embraced the faiths, they did so not out of any compulsion, but from an open conviction. The later followers, not content with the number coming into their fold, seem to have thirsted after conversion; and they appear to have done it by the application of unwarranted influences, such as persecution through officers of State. Number, not faith, seems to have been their aim. Accordingly, people groaned under oppression and looked forward for the appearance of able supporters of their cause, who would not only defend them but expose to the world the inconsistency between the life led by the oppressors and the belief to which they adhered. Time calling forth, produced men of the stamp of Nanasambanda, Tirunavukkarasu (Appar) and Sundara among the Saivites, Nammalvar, Madhurakavi and Tirumangai among the Vaishnavites, the great advaita philosopher Samkaracharya and Manikkavachagar. These men were of no mean merit. Their works show that they were all scholars with wide sympathy for their followers, and of undaunted spirit and high learning, pre-eminently fitted to be the leaders of their community. The brightest period in Tamil literature is what belongs to the 8th century A. D. and the latter half of the 7th, enriched as it is with thousands of stirring hymns uttered without the slightest effort by a number of men of saintly character, who by their piety and good works are deified as avataras of celestial beings at the present day, in this land of hero-worship. Their utterances soon acquired sacredness, and provisons were accordingly made by the Dravidian kings for singing their hymns in temples,28 The practice continues to this day, and does not fail to move the heart of the hearers. The appearance of even one of them would have been sufficient to revolutionise the land. What a world of effect the joint efforts of no less than eight of them produced, all in the course of a century and a half, can better be imagined than described. The age of Appar and Nanasambanda is indicated by the fact that their contemporary, Siruttonda, was the general of the Pallavs king who conquered Vatapi (Badami in the Bombay Presidency). Inscriptions attribute this feat to Narasimhavarman I. (A. D. 648). Tamil works say that Appar lived to a considerably old age, and that the Pallava king of his time, giving ear to the evil counsel of his Jaina adherents, is said to have persecuted at first the saint when he reverted to the Saiva creed 20; but the credit of having converted that Pallava sovereign belongs to no other. This was Mahendravarman, son of Narasim 28 One of the inscriptions of the Chola king Rajaraja, I (A. D. 9E5-1013), found at Tiruvllimilalai and several others traced in other places, provide for the singing of the Tiruppadiyam hymns in temples. An epigraph dis covered at Elavanasur in the South Arcot district registers grants made for the recital of Manikkavachagar's celebrated song Tiruchchalal. 29 Some of the hymns of Appar relate his sufferings at the hands of the Jainas and the Pallava king.

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AUGUST, 1911.) ORIGIN & DEULINE OF BUDDHISM & JAINISM IN S. I. 217 havarman I. He is known to have been a Jsina in the earlier part of his reign, and to have adopted Saitism at the end. Thus, one of the most powerful kings of southern India felt the overpowering influence of the times. The marvellous fame of the comparatively young saint Nanasambanda was established in the land by his converting the Pandya king of the day, Kun-Pandya or Sundara-Pandya, an uncompromising Jaina, and by his completely vanquishing the foremost leaders of the Jains faith in religious discussions. Thus, both in the Pallava and the Pandya countries, where Jainism was rife, the kings were tumed Saivites and the leaders of the latter creed did their utmost to show their religion to the best advantage. Later in point of time was Sundaramurti-Nayanar. Invited by the Chera king SeraminPerumal-Nayanar, he visited Tiravanjaikkalam (Cranganore on the west coast) which was the capital of the Cheras and several other places in the Kongu country. He is said to have enjoyed the friendship of the three kings of the south, piz., the Chera, Chola and the Paqdya. In company with them, Sundaramurti visited a few places of southern India. Soon after the three saints, appeared Manikkavachagarel and Sankaracharya. The former was a minister of the Pandya king. He is said to have defeated the Buddhists in controversy at Chidambaram, but it may be noted that the advocates of the Bauddha faith came from Ceylon for the purpose of holding the disputation. Samkaracharya was born in Malabar, but his energies were directed chiefly to northern India. Kumarilabhatja, a learned Brahman of Berar, is said to have confuted the Buddhists of the west coast.32 The time of the three Alvars has been definitely made out.33 They belonged to the latter half of the 8th century A. D. and seem to have held high position in life. What Nanasambanda and Appar are to the Saivites, Nammi var and Tirumangai are to the Vaishnavites of the south. The hymns composed by them are equally stirring. Madhurakavi was the minister of the Pandya king Nedunjadaiyan and Namma var was the magistrate of the town of Alvar-Tirunagari in the Tinnevelly district. It is easy to conceive the amount of influence they might have brought to bear on the people. The conversion of the Pallava and the Pandya kings by Appar and Nanasambanda, respectively, seems to have dealt a fatal blow to the Jaina faith in the Tamil country. It will be admitted on all hands that State patronage in any scale whatsoever favours the growth of art or religion, and the withdrawal of it must necessarily tell on their advancement. As the Chola king of that period was a Hindu, the whole of the Tamil country professed Hinduism at the time. Under the circumstances narrated above, it is quite unreasonable to expect that other sects would thrive in such a soil. Besides the royal conversions, the saints attended by thousands of followers performed tours to places of pilgrimage which were distributed throughout the Dekkan, sang hymns and expounded the greatness of the Hindu religion. If it is also remembered that Appar, Nanasambanda and Sankara and a few of the Alvars had established mathas in various # Mahendravarman excavated the beautiful rock-cut cave of Biva on the Trichinopoly hill. * Opinions difform regards the date of Mapikkavachagar. While some place him in the 9th century A. D. others think that he must have flourished long prior to the three Devaram hymnista. 11 Madras Mapual of Administration, Vol. I, p. 78. [I wonder whether there is better evidence for this than that of a mere tradition.-D. R. B.) Tirumaagai-Alvar was the latest of the three Vaishnava saints. In hio hymns, he mentious two Pallava kinga. vis. Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Vayiramegan and describes the military achievements of the former. If the saint was a contemporary of Nadivarman Pallavamalla and of Vayirambgan, he must belong to the latter half of the 8th century A. D. Kyilongue states that Madhurakavi set up an image of Nammalvar at Tirunagari, and that the three Alvkrs were contemporaries. The proper names of Nammalvar and Madhurakavi suggest that the former must have been the father of the latter. As Madhurakari appears to have died some time prior to A. D. 769-70, if Tirumangai was his contemporary, there is every likelihood of the latter having lived in the reign of Nandivarman Pallavamalla.

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213 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. parts of the country to continue the work begun by them, it will be readily conceded that there was not much scope for Jainism or Buddhism to gain ground in southern India. The fact that Samkaracharya, though born in the south, mostly worked in the north, might perhaps be taken to show that already doring his time the two heretical faiths were on the high road to decline in the Dekkan by the loss of the hold they had on the Dravidian kings. The mathas already alluded to are a living institution in southern India, even at the present day. Those of the advaita philosophy are found in many a place; and three or four of them have succession lists of their pontiffs, dating back to the originator--and living representatives of great ability and vast learning. At present there is a matha of Sankaracharya in the Mysore territory with Sringeri as his headquarters and another at Sivaganga in the same province. A third extends its spiritual sway over the ancient Pallava and Chola dominions with its seat at Kumbhakoram. Nenasambanda's mathas are also found in several towns. Those found at Dharmapuri, Tirappattur and Tiruvaduturai are perhaps reminiscences of the mathas originated by one or the other of the three Saiva saints. While Hinduism made such rapid strides with powerful exponents, the two other creeds, having lost royal support and without proper votaries to advance their cause, seem to have died a natural death in the course of a few years after the 9th century A. D., except in Mysore. The longevity of these sects in the Kanarese country was rather great as the kings of that place, piz., the Western ChaJakyas and the Hoysalas, seem to have fostered them till a late period. The extirpation of the Jainas in this tract of land is in a measure due to the rise of the Lingayat or Virasaivs creed in the 12th century A. D. Two of the foremost leaders of this sect were Basava and Chenna-Babave. An account of their triumphant disputations with the Jainas is found in the Basava-purana. The king, who supported their caase, was the Western Chalukya Jayasimha II, who is said to have been converted ta, the Saiva faith by his wife's spiritual guru, Devaradasa. This person is also credited with having defeated the Jainas in disputation. The most powerful advocate of the Lingayat sect was a certain Ekanta Ramayya. About this time Ramanuja, one of the ablest Vaishnava reformers, who lived at the end of the 11th and the earlier part of the 12th centuries A. D., converted the Hoysala king, Bitti oi Dvarasamudra, to Vaishnavism, stayed for a number of years in Mysore and performed a tour of pilgrimage. These were briefly some of the causes that led to the decline of Jainism in the Kanarese country. In this paper, I have attempted to show that Buddhism was in all probability known in the Pandya country a few centuries prior to the time of Asoka, but that during the reign of the Singhalese king, Tissa, it counted several followers there, through the efforts of Aritta and those who accompanied him; that Buddhism was introduced in several other parts of the Dekkan from .northern India by the missionary influence of Asoka ; furthered by the Gupta or Satavahana and Pallava migration in the 1st century A. D., it gradually spread throughout southern India; that Jainism also dated back to the same period; that the votaries of the latter creed pat a permanent barrier to the growth of the former in the 7th and 8th centuries; that the rise of the Saiva saints, the Vaishyava Alvars, the advaita philosopber, Sankaracharya, and Manikkavachagar and their peregrinations throughout the Dekkan, the establishment of the mathas by almost all of them which continue their work even to the present day, effectively removed the two religions from southern India in the course of a few years after the 9th century A. D.; and that Jainism continued for three more centuries in Mysore and was stamped out by the Lingayat rising and the advent of Ramanaja in the 12th centary A. D.

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AUGUST, 1911.) TRIVIKRAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS 219 TRIVIKRAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS. BY BHATTANATHA SVAMIN, VIZAGAPATAM. The Prakpit grammars most familiar to the pandits of South India are the Prakritaprakdea of Vararuchi and the grammars of Trivikrama school. Oi these the pandits give preference to the latter as they treat of six dialects, whereas the former treats of only four. Before proceeding to consider the appropriateness of their giving preference to the latter, I mean to give a short account of the chief works of the latter school. The well-known works of Trivikrama's school are: 1. Trivikrama's Vritti, the first Adhyaya of which was published in the Granthapradarsin of Vizagapatam. II. Prdkrita-Manidipa of Appayya Dikshita. A portion of the work was published in the said Granthapradaraini. III. Shadbhdsh&chandrika of CherokGri Lakshmidbara. It is printed in Telugu characters in Mysore, and is now being published in the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit series. IV. Prakritarupdratara of Simharaja, son of Samudrabandhayajvan. It is pablished by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Prize Publication, Vol. I). . These four works comment on the same Sitras, the last three changing their original sequence and the first without that change. Some attribute these Sutras to Valmiki, while others to Trivikrama. But let us now consider the opinions of some of the notable men, past and present. Lakshmidhara, the author of Shadbhashachandriled, attributes them to Valmiki in the following verse : vag-devi janani yesham valmikir=mula-sutrakriti bhdshd-prayoga jieyaste shad-bhdsha-chandrik-adhvand 11 Prof. Hultzsch, after indulging himself in a discussion covering two pages, thinks at the end that his own interpretation of the following verse is far-fetched, but adds: "At any rate, I hope to have proved that the Satra to which Trivikrama alludes was the VAlmiki Satra, and that he was the author of Vritti alone, but not of the Satra itself." prakrita-padartha-sartha-praptyai nija-sutramargam-anujigamishatam vrittir-yatharthasiddhyai trivikramendgama-kramat-Kriyate il Here nija means sva. If not, we shall have to attribute, on a similar ground, Karikavali to another writer and not to Visvanathapanchanana, for he also says : nija-nirmita-karikavalim. Bat Prof. Holtzsch says that Trivikrama, being a souther ner, might have used the word in the sense "proper, real or true." But I could find no Indian poet using the word in that sense; and I think that no namber of references to Dravidian dictionaries will sapport his position for no Sanskrit poet as a rule uses a Dravidian word in his composition either separately or in compounds, Moreover, Prof. Haltzsch refers to the words adhika-ndea and nija-ndea of a year to his support. Evidently, the Professor is ander the wrong impression that nija in the latter word means "real." Far from this being the case, it means, again as I say, its own." Nija-mdea means the "year's own month," while adhika-masa means an extra or inserted month. Thus the evidence of a poor pasishangam (Panjika) also goes against him. Therefore, wherever it may occur, the word nija is always synonymous with spa, in Sanskrit. Thus the word nija alone, which cannot but mean, " his own," stands as a great authority to prove that Trivikrama was the author of Sutras as well as Vritti.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Again, Prof. Pischel is said to have interpreted the verse in two different ways, taking the word nija to mean "their own" or "his own," and referring it to the genitive anujigamishatam and to the instrumental Trivikramena. I suspect if Prof. Pischel himself understood his own first interpretation. I do not risk to stand on the strength of the authority of this nija only, however strong it may be, as the learned Editor has done, but give some other reasons equally strong to prove my statement that Trivikrama alone and not Valmiki is the author of the Sitras. In the following aloka, which is found at the end of Trivikrama-vritti: 220 LAUGUST, 1911. sapratyaya-prakriti-siddham-ading a-sutram satkarakam bahuvidha-kriyam-aptadesyam | sabdanusasanam idam praguna-prayogam traivikraman japata mantram-iv-artha-siddyai || how can adirghasutram be a compliment to his work if the sutras were not his own ? Moreover, Trivikrama says that he is composing the Sutras himself in the following slokas: desyam-arsham cha rudhatvat svatantratedch-cha bhuyasa | lakshma napekshate tasya sampradayo hi bodhakah || prakriteh samskritat sadhyamanat siddhach-cha yad-bhavet | prakritasy-deya lakshy-anurodhi lakshma prachakshmahe || Here the verb in the first person (prachakshmahe) clearly states that the author of the Sutras is the author of the Vritti. Again, it has been pointed out by the late S. P. S. Battanathacharya Aryavaraguru that the Sutras in Trivikrama's order (their original sequence) form slokas in Arya, and, in a few cases, in Anushtubh metre. It is only for the metrical construction the author had to change the old paribhasha, and create a new one in some cases. The following will convince us regarding the metrical construction of these Sutras: siddhir-lokach cha, nuktamanyasabelanusdeanavat, sanjid pratydamaged, up-addir-antyahaid, ho hrasvo, dir-dirghah, sashasdhuh, sah samasa, adih khuh, go ganaparo, dvitiyah phuh, samyuktm stu, tu vikulpe" "latas-tiptavichech, sipthas sesi mir-mibitau, ihijhau ntinte ire, dhadhvam-itthdhachau momunia masmahin." Thus it is clearly seeu that the attribution of the authorship of the Sutras to Valmiki is unfounded; as the ancient poets, like Valmiki and Vyasa, were not familiar with the metre, Arya, and no instance of such a metre occurs in their well-known epics. Evidently Prof. Hultzsch seems to have been led away by the tradition given in Prof. Rangacharya's Madras Catalogue (page 1088, No. 1548) attributing the Sutras to Valmiki. The author of Shadbhashachandrika seems to have originated the tradition-for before him no poet attributed these Sutras to Valmikihaving observed somewhere the reading-evidently a wrong one-prachetasa-hemachandrddydt for the original prachyair-a-hemachandram-acharyail. So I am of opinion that Trivikrama was the author of the Sutras, and agree with Prof. Pischel, in so far that Trivikrama drafted the text in accordance with Hemachandra's grammar. But Trivikrama made some improvements on Hemachandra. He uses the well-known samjnds of Panini, all through, except in a few cases where the metrical construction did not allow. And these new samjnds here and there were explained by the author himself and also by Prof. Hultzsch in his preface to Prakrita-rupavatara. The adoption of Panini's samjids made his Satras more concise, and the metrical construction of these Sutras, which has been referred to before, enables the students to memorise them more easily than the isolated ones of Hemachandra.

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AUGUST, 1911.) TRIVIKRAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS 221 Another difference between Trivikrama and Hemachandra is that the former, unlike the latter classified and divided his work into three adhyayas or twelve padas. In the Vritti, which is also closely allied to that of Hemachandra, Trivikrama gives also the Sanskrit equivalents of the Prakrit quotations, and he criticises Hemachandra in some places (See I, ii., 5; I. iv.. 79). Moreover, Trivikrama incindes deri words in his grammar, deriving a great many of them from Sanskrit. The aphorisms vapuayyddyah, gahiddydh, $c., are composed specially for this purpose. This derivation of dext words from Sanskrit is at least interesting to modern philologists, although they do not completely accept the view. Trivikrama was a follower of the Jaina religion, as is evident from the opening verses of his Vritti which invokes Bri-Vira, and it is also stated therein that he was the pupil of Arbanandi Traividya-deva, and belonged to Vanasakula. He was the son of Mallinatha and Lakshmi and grandson of Adityasarman or Adityavarman, Trivikrama bad a brother Soma, who was said to be a great scholar in prosody. He may be identified with the author of the same name, who wrote a commentary on Vritta-ratndkara (cf. Catalogus Catalogorum, Vol. I, p. 597). As to his time, Prof. Hultzach says: "The time of Trivikrama can be settled only within rather wide limits. He quotes Hemachandra, who lived in the 12th century, and he is quoted in the Ratndpana of Kumkrasya min, who belonged to the 15th or 16th century. Consequently Trivikrama has to be assigned to about the 13th, 14th or the 15th century." But I am of opinion that Trivikrama must be assigned to a date before A. D. 1400, for Trivikrama's aphorisms were quoted by Kataya vema in his commen. tary on Sakuntala. KAtayavema was the brother-in-law of Kamaragiriraja, who composed his Vasantardiva about A. D. 1400 (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV., p. 327). Again, it will be shown below that Simharaja, the author of the Prakrita rapdratara, another gloss on the Satras of Trivikrama, must have lived about the year A, D. 1300. So we may say that Trivikrama flourished about, or before, the middle of the 13th century. In some manuscripts of Trivikrams, va and ba are interchanged, and Lakshmidhara jastifies him by saying vabayor-abhedah. This fact, I think, is incompatible with the view that Trivikrama WAB # southerner, and creates a suspicion in me whether he might not be a northerner. But Mr. R. Narasimhachariar, of the Archeological Department, Mysore, says (in letter to my brother) : " Trivikrama appears to bave been a native of Southern India, judging from the names of his father (Mallinatba) and brother (Rama). He was most probably a Digambara, as he mentions Arbanandi as his guru. Arhanandi occurs in several inscriptions at Sravan Belgola, which is a celebrated Digambara place of pilgrimage." But I fear that the names Mallinatha and Rama (or Soms) may not prove the author to be a southerner, for we hear of such names as Mallishens in the north as well; and if Trivikrams were a Digambars would be refer to Hemachandra as an Acharya, who was of the Svetambara seot? And it seems that there were more Arhanandins than one, for we hear of an Arbanandin in the 10th century A. D. (Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 177-192). II. Now let us consider the second work Prikrita-manidipa. In the following verse, which is the eleventh of the opening ones, the author Appayya Dikshita pretends to attribute the work to Chinabommabhupa. anugrah&d=brahmana-pungavanam-avdptavidyas-chinabommabhuvah karolymamum prdkrita-ratnadipam mand-Anila-spanda-mibhairmpachobhih 11

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1911. But the colophon clearly states that the author was not Chinabommabhupa, but Appayga Dikshita, and it rans as follows: " ,... chokkendtha-bhapdla-priyasachiva .... china-bommabhipahridaya-kamala-kuhara-viharamana-sri-sambasiva-preritena appayya-dikshitena krite...." So it appears that Appayya Dikshita promised Chinabommabhu pa to publish the work under his name, perhaps accepting some remuneration, and not finding his nature reconcilable to the idea, he inserted his own name at the end. In his Dikshitacharita, Sivanandayogin says that Appayya Dikshita was born in 1554. It is evident from page 149 of the second volume of " Oriental Historical Manuscripts," translated by W. Taylor, that Appayya Dikshita was the contemporary of Muttatiramalai Nayakar, king of Madura, and was invited by the latter to his court in 1626. We do not hear of him any more after that date. Chinabommabhupala, therefore, must have belonged to the same period, being, as he was, the contemporary of Appayya Diksbita ; and Appayya Dikshita says in the colophon that Chinabommabhupa was the minister of Chokkanatha (the lord of southern ocean) and Prof. Holtzsch identifies him with either of the two Nayakas of Madura, who bore that name. At the request of the same Chinabommabhupa, Appayya Dikshita wrote a commentary on the Nilakanthabhashya and named it Sivarka-ma nidipika. Prof. Paltzsch thinks that this Chinabommabhupa should be distinguished from the Chinabommabhupala, who was said to be the anthor of Prakrita-manidipa at the beginning of the work. But I see no reason why the two should not be identical. We also learn from Prakrita-manidipa that Appayya Dikshita wrote three more works on Trivikrama's aphorisms : Varrika, arnava and the Bhashya. The vdrtilens, quoted in the present work, might have belonged to his first work. References to thishya are found throughout the work. The whole matter of the work, including that of the vartikas, etc., is contained in Trivikrama's work. But it is doubtful whether the reverse is true. The present author refers to Pushpavananatha as a Prakpit grammarian. Bat we know nothing as to his time or his works. This, as well as the two following authors, shape the Prakrit words cited by them according to the Sutras, but do not apply the Salras to forms already existing in the language. This shows that they are not good masters of the language and they depended entirely on the Sitras. III. Coming to the third work, Shadbhasha-chandrika, which is the most popular of the set, the author, Lakshmidbara, was a Teluga Brahman of Kayapagotra and Rigvedin. He belonged to the Cherukuri family. He is quoted in Appayya Dikshita's Prakrita-manidipa, and he quotes Singabhupala's Ripaka-paribhasha, # chapter of Rasdrnava-sudhakara. This Ravu Sarvajna Singamabhupa was an ancestor of the present prince of Venkatagiri and flourished in A. D. 1830. Lakshmidhara also wrote a few other works. His commentary on the Gita-Govinda is entitled Srudiranjani. It is evident from this work that he commented on PrasannaRaghapa. The late Prof. Seshagiri Sastriar, taking into consideration only the latter fact, says: "The drama Prasannardghava was composed in the early part of the 16th century, and the commentator, Lakshmidhara, must belong to a later period." But since Appayya Diksbita quotes the commentator, both authors must be assigned a date prior to that of Appayya Dikshita. Lakshmidbara after a time became a sanydain, and wrote a commentary on Anarghya-Raghara called Ishtartha-kalpavalli.

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AUGUST, 1911.) TRIVIKRAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS 223 The following few lines of Prof. Hultzsch from his third report are very important, and it will not be out of place to quote them here: "The Srutiraijani, a commentary on Gitagovinda is ascribed to Tirumalaraja I of the third Vizianagara dynasty. The Tanjore Palace Library contains two copies of the same commentary, one of which (No. 6672) has the same beginning as our manuscript (No. 2112), while the second (No. EUR671) professes to have been composed by Lakshmanasuri, a worshipper of Dakshinamurti, and younger brother of Kondubhatta of Cherukuru. He was evidently the actual author, and Tiramalaraja his patron. Lakshmanasuri is identical with Laksmidhara, the author of Sharbhushachandrika." We know from certain inscriptions that Tirumalaraya was reigning until 1574 or 1577. His reign begins from 1565 or 1568. Bat Srutiranjani seems to have been written in the reign of his brother Ramaraja (1541-1565). Lakshmidhara, who was his contemporary, must have belonged to the same period and composed Shadbhdshachandrika in Appayya Dikshita's youth or a little before him. IV. One more work remains, and that is Prakrita-rlparatara. The name suggests that the work might have been composed as an appendix to Dharmakirti's Sanskrit Rupivatdra. As Trivikrama's authorship of the Shadbhashasutras has been proved above by me beyond all doubt, it seems evident that Simharaja, the author of the Ripdvatdra, must have belonged to a later date, and as such, might have made use of Trivikrama's work. Prof. Haltzsch after expressing his despair at the impossibility of fixing Sinharaja's date from external evidence, proceeds to fix it from internal evidence, and says, "Simharaja mentions the Eastern (pirvavyakarana-praloriyayd tak sal: Tvib-iti dyapuharah XII, 42) Kaumara and Paniniya grammars." This interpretation of patrva as "eastern" does not reflect favourably upon Oriental scholars. But, I think, Simharaja's date can be fixed more easily in another way. Simharaja's father was Samudrabandhayajvan and he refers to Ravivarmadeva, author of Pradyumna hyudaya as his contemporary. Mr. T. Ganapati Sastrin, in his preface to Pralyumnabhyulaya, asserts on the authority of three inscriptions that Ravivarmadeva was born in A. D. 1965. Simbaraja, therefore, must have belonged to the last few years of the 13th and the early years of the 14th century. The last three authors, unlike Trivikrama, were Hindus, though they preferred to comment upon the work of a Jaina. These authors seem to have no clear conception of the difference between the two schools of Pruksit grammar, Brahmanic and Jaina. This misconception, which arose very early, was the cause of the groundless attribution of the Sittras to Valmiki. In the same way, two other Hindu pandits have written in accordance with Hemachandra's grammar, vit., Seshakrishna, author of the Prakrita-chandriled, and Hrishikesa-sestrin. This is the cause of the preference which the present pandits of our land give to this school. But none of these books apply to Praksit forms found in the Sansktit dramas, Gathdsaptasati, Setubandha, and other works. The other set of grammars, including Prdkrita-prakusa, with its many commentaries, Prakrita-kalpataru of Rama Tarkavagisa, Samkshiptaasdra of Kramadisvara, Prakrita-sarvasva of Markandeya, &c., only is concerned with them. So this latter set of grammars is more important for practical purposes, and claims greater attention than the others. So in order to understand the structure of the Prakrit found in Aryan or Sansksit works, we must have recourse to the latter set, leaving the other one, which is concerned only with the Jaina works written in their peculiar Praktit. So I wish the old order soon changes, giving place to the new.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. THE DATE OF MADURAIKKANCHI AND ITS HERO. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND. Maduraikkanchi is one of the collection of ten stanzas or idylls which goes by the name of Pattuppattu1. The authors of these idylls are popularly regarded as belonging to the learned academy (sangam) of Tamil poets of Madura, and the work is, therefore, classed among the productions of that body of eminent scholars. This is gathered from the verse which mentions Pattupattu along with others of its kind. The peculiar feature of this collection is that the stanzas contained in it are completely void of poetical embellishments, and display but little of the imaginativeness of the authors. Like the writings of the foreign travellers and ambassadors such as Fa Hian, Hiuen Tsiang, Megasthenes, Al Beruni and Nuniz, the poem under reference contains minute observations on the state of the country; the tribes and races by whom it was peopled; their ways, manners and customs; the various professions and occupations of the people; their religious rights, festivities, sports and pastimes; the products and manufactures of the territory; the chief imports and exports; the works of fortification raised by the ancient Dravidian kings round their capital cities against the attacks of enemies; the procedure adopted by them in war; the strength of their forces and such other interesting facts. It is thus an invaluable guide to the history of the times to which it relates. The poem, like the rest of the collection, is written in chaste and high class Tamil. The author of it was Mangudi Marudanar. Evidently Marudanar was his name and Mangudi was the place whence he hailed. This place is perhaps identical with the village of the same name in the Tanjore districts. It may be noted that Marudanar figures in the list of 49 posts of the last sangam whose names are preserved in the Tiruva-Unvamalai. The poem is ably annotated by the veteran Tamil scholar, Nachchinarkkiniyar. The time of both the author and the commentator is not indicated anywhere in their writings; but there is not the slightest doubt that the latter lived at a considerably later period, while the former could have almost been the contemporary of the king, in whose praise he composed the poem. Maduraikkanchi was sung in honour of the Pandya king Nedunjeliyan, whose military exploits it records. He gained a victory at Talaiyalanganam against two great kings and five chiefs. He is also said to bave captured Nellur. Among the king's ancestors are mentioned Vadimbalambaninra Pandiyan and Palyagasalai-Mudukumi Peruvaludi. The latter of these is considered to have won lasting fame by his adherence to men learned in ancient lore, whose wise counsel he always sought and followed, and by the performance of Vedic sacrifices. 1 The names of the ten idylls are contained in the stanza: Murugu Porunaru Pan-irandu Mullai Perugu-vala-Maduraikkanchi-Maruv-iniya Kola-Nedunalvadai Kol-Kurinji Pattina Ppalai Kadattodum pattu. 2 That Maradanar of Mangudi composed the poem is learnt from the note added at the end of the commentary of Nachchiparkkiniyar. It is worthy of note that Mangudi has supplied one of the flourishing sects of Tami! Brahmanas of Southern India. This village is near Ayyampet Railway Station of the S. I. R. He appears to have been a resident of Madura and to have belonged to the Bharadvaja-gitra. Southern India appears to have been divided into three great dominions, viz., those of the Chera, the Chola and the Pandya. Five smaller principalities also existed. They were ruled by the Tidiya, the Irungovenman, the Porunan, the Erumaiyaran and the Elini. This king is not mentioned by name in the poem, but it is the commentator that gives it. This sovereign is also mentioned by other authors. The title Palydgasdlai, assumed by him, shows that already during his time, which must be placed about the 6th century A. D., Vedic sacrifices were largely performed in Southern India.

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AUQuer, 1911.) THE DATE OF MADURAIKKANCHI AND ITS HERO 225 The ancient Tamil literature of goathern India, contained in such valuable works as Parananara, Pattappattu, Iraiyang Agapporul, the commentary on the last, etc., which mention a number of kings and their military achievements, clearly points out that the three great kingdoms of tho Dekkan, vis., the Chera, the Chola and the Pandya appear to have been at feud with one another and the extent of their dominions varied from time to time. When one of these powers was in the ascendant, the other two seem to bave held insignificant positions. At the time when the Pandya king Nedugjeliyan was holding the reins of govorument, bis territory extended over a considerable portion of southern India. Tirappati on the north, the two seas on the east and the west and Cape Comorin (Kumars) in the south formed the boundaries of his kingdom. If this boundary is correctly given, the territories of the Chera and the Chola ought to have been very limited. There are reasons to suppose that the Cholas oonfined themselves to the Cuddapah and a few of the Telugu districts. It is not unlikely that the Cholas of this period are represented by those kings whose names are traced in the Telugu ccuntry. They might even have been the allies of the Pallavas.10 The poet Maradanar does not mention the names of the Chera and the Chola kings with whom the Pandya Nodunjeliyan fought at Talaiyalanganam. But it is not diffi:alt to trace them. Some of the versell of Purananury, an equally trastworthy work, are sung in praise of the Chera king Yanaikkatchey-Man darancheral-Iramborai, who was the lord of the Kolli Mountains, who rescued the village of Vilangil, and ruled the Tondi port. He is said to have been captured by the Paniya king Talaiyalanganattu-Seruvenra-Nedunjeliyan, and was subsequently set at liberty. His (yinaikkan) Chola contemporary was Rajasuyamve ta Perunarkilli with whom he is said to have fought a battle. The Chera king of the time was Seraman Mavenk0.13 Thus the two kings defeated by Nedunjeliyan at Talaiyalanganam appear to be the Cbera Mavezko and Yanaikkatchey and the Chola Rajasuyamretta Perunatki]li. Another Pandya king of the same period was Kanapper-Eyil-kadanda Ugra-Peruvaladi, who is considered as one of the Pandya kings of the last sangam.13 If this Ugra-Pandya is different from Nedunjeliyan of Talaiyalanganam fame, he must have been bis immediate successor, There is not much doubt as to Nedunjeliyan being a historical personage. The Sinnamanur copper-plate charter, before it begins to give the genealogy of the Pan lyas and the events connected with some of them, mentions the achievements of their ancestors. Some of them are fictitious, but there is no doubt that a few others are credible facts. These are the defeat of the two kings at Talaiyelanganam, the establishment of the academy of Tamil poets, and the translation of the Bharata. The Velvikadi grant,15 which is much earlier than the Sinnamanur plates, preserves the name of Palyagasalai Mudukulami-Peruvaladi. From the way in which he is here spoken of, it appears that he was the last of a line of the Pandyas. The Kalabhras are said to have occupied Madura for a time, and the honour of getting back the kingdom rested with Kalungon. This name again is not unfamiliar to students of Tamil literature. We know that the first sangam ended in his reign. The Velvikudi grant furnishes the names of seven kings from Ka langon, the last of them being Jatilavarman. The identity of this king with Parantaka Sadaiyan, in whose reign the rock-cut temple of Narasimha-Perumal in the Anaimalai hill was excavatod, is apparent from the fact that both the records mention Madhurakavi as the minister of the Pandya sovereign. The date The northern boundary is given the big mountain which the commentator takes for Mount Meru, certainly > wrong identification. In all likelihood, Tiruppati is intended by the poot. Othor writers have fixed Vengalam so the northern limit of the Tamil apeaking distriots. For the names of a few of them 800 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-8. The Chinese traveller, Hinen Teing, who visited India in the middle of the 7th century A. D., 400m, to loonto his Chu-li-ye s...owhere about the Cuddapah district. The Pallure, were at this time, strong in the Chinglepat, the North Arcot and the South Arcot distriots. As further south was under the away of the Pandyas, the Cholas must have confined themselves to the Cuddapah district, where their insoriptions are actually found. That they had completely lost possession of the Tanjore and Triobinopoly districts oan, to some extent, be inferred from the fact that Vijayalaya, who founded the sevived Chola dynasty in the 9th century A. D., had to capture Tanjore (from some enemy). 10 This is nagconted by the fact that the father of Topdalman Ilandiraiyan was a Chola king, and that the Cholas did not play any signifiant part in history during the time of Pallava supremacy. 11 Posam 17, 20, 21, 59, 185, and 229. 11 Ibid. 367. 13 Ibid. 21 and 357. 14 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907, Part II, p. 61.Par. 14. 16 The same for 1908, Part II, pp. 64 and 35.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. thus obtained for Jatila is A. D. 769-70. The period of his reign and the date of his accession to the throne are facts yet to be determined. It is much to be regretted that the plates do not inform us for how long the Kalabhra inter-regnum, or the reigns of the kings mentioned, lasted. But as Maduraikkanchi states that Talaiyalanganatta-seruvenra Nedonjeliyan was a lineal descendant of Palyagasklai Madukudumi-Peruvaludi, and as Kadungon was the first sovereign that succeeded to the Pandya throne after the inter-regnum caused by the Kalabhras, which took place immediately at the end of the reign of Palyagasilai Mudukudumi-Peruvaludi, we are naturally inclined to seek for his name in the genealogy, which is happily farnished in the Velvikudi graut. Here the name Seliyan occurs but once, and as the grandson of Kadungon. It looks as if he is identical with the victor at Talaiyalanganan. Against the possibility of Nedunjejiyan's identity with any other king of the line, it may be pointed out (1) that none of them bears the name Seliyan; and, (2) that the Sinnamanur plates, which also give the genealogy of the Pandyas, but only from the immediate successor of Seliyan, mention the battle of Talaigalanganam, as they should, among the feats of the Pandya kings, who preceded the first member noticed therein. It will thus be seen that it is impoasible to bring down Neduojeliyan, and the correctness of the identity of this king with the grandson of Kadungon is more or less assured. As had already been pointed out, the minister of Jafilavarman, mentioned in the two inscriptions referred to above, was Madharakevi. He was living in the third year of the king, when the Velvikudi grant was issued, but was dead at the time of the consecration of the Adaimalai cave temple of Narasimha which took place in A. D. 769-70. We may tentatively presume that this date does not represent the time of the king's accession but rather the closing years. In the interval between the reigns of Nedonjeliyan now identified with Seliyan and Jatila alias Nedunjadaiyan Parantaka, there were according to the Velvikudi grant three sovereigns. Sapposing A. D. 770 as the last year of Jatila and giving the usual 30 years for each reign and working backwards, we get roughly A. D. 620 for Seliyan's accession to the throne. Until more reliable dates are forthcoming, we can keep the beginning of the 7th oentury A. D. for Nedunjeliyan and the poem before ns. The correctness of the identity of Noduojeliyan with Seliyan and of the date thus arrived at for him, is vouchsafed by the fact that the Velvikudi grant attributes to his son Arikesari Maravarman, the conquest in the battle of Neveli,16 This event should, therefore, have occurred in the period A. D, 650-680. The Pandya contemporary of the Saiva saint Jnanasambanda was a certain Neda-Maran, also oalled Kun or SundaraPandya. He is said to have won lasting fame in the battlo of Nelvoli where he defeated & northern king who invaded his dominions. As we know that Jnanasambanda lived in the middle of the 7th century, A. D., the conquest of Nelvoli attributed to Nedumaran should necessarily fall in the same poriod as that found for Nedunjeliyap's son who was known by the same name and who is also reported to have fought the same battle. The inevitable conclusion is that these two kings are not different. It will thus be seen that this fact lends support to placing Nedunjeliyan in the period A. D. 620-650. With these introductory remarks as regards the date of the poem and the king celebrated in it, I now append a translation of such of the passages occurring in the poem which throw light on the state of the country, the social life of the people and the political institutions of Nequnjeliyan's time as it would prove a useful gaide for a correct understanding of the degree of civilization attained by the Pandyas in that early period. The king submitted himself to the counsel of truthful men, and ruled the country so efficiently as to be praised by fature generations. At the dawn of day, which was indicated in his capital by the sounds raised by the cocks, the beautifully feathered peacocks, the elephants, the caged tigers and bears, the Bruhmans chanted the hymns of the Vedas; the musicians sung 16 Nedumarap defeated the Army of Vilveli at Nelveli, Vilveli is probably another name for Vilvala (nagara) which Dr. Hultssoh bas identified with Villivalam near Conjiveram. If this identification should prove cornot, it may be said that the Pandya king's opponent in the battle of Nolteli w probably the Pallars sovereiga Nara ofbevarman I in whose dominione Villivalam was situated.

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AUGUST, 1911.) THE DATE OF MADURAIKKANCHI AND ITS HERO 227 the mandiram songs on the ya! :"7 the elephants were fed, the horses were given grass, and the house fronts were swept, cleaned with cow-dung and strewn with white sand ;18 and the housewives wiping out their eyes attended to their daily routine, all the time the silambu, which they wore on their legs, making pleasant notes. The big-mouthed war drum (murasu) kept on the top of a high building (?) (pdsarki) was sounded; the sidar, a class of bards, the Magadar, a tribe sprung from a Kshatriya mother and a Vaiaya father and the Vaiddligar sang the praises and chivalrous exploits of the sovereign and awoke him from sleep.20 The brave and warlike Maravar!! talked loud of his deeds of valour. The king called for skilled troopers, the wounded Kurigilar, the Panar, the Pattiyar, the Yanar and the Vayiriyar and presented to them garlands of tumbai flowers in gold, cars and elephants. The Porun ar 2 were much favoured by the king. To them he gave tuskers with calves and female elephants. He adorned the heads of victors with lotus flowers made of gold and jewels. The king wore tod: 23 on his shoulders, His army consisted of elephants trained to serre in wars. These, when taken to the battlefield, were adorned with an ornamental covering for the face and a shining frontlet. They killed mea with their tasks. Swift-footed horses, rapidly moving cars drawn by powerful steeds and brave foot soldiers armed with swords were employed by the king in his wars. The commanders of his army drank toddy and smeared their body with sandal paste. The members of his council consisted of men free from fear, despair or attachmeat ; they did not give the uselves up to anger or pleasare and in rendering justice resembled the unerring point of a scale. His straightforward ministers of State easily discerned good anl bad, like the great men who performed the sacrificial rites, and led the king in righteous ways and never for once allowed him to swerve from the laws of piety and virtue. They carefully prevented him from doing blame'ul acts and always looked to the increase of his fame. As has alrealy boen pointel out, the king defeated two great sovereigns and the Velir. The commentator remarks that the Chera, Obola, Tidiya, Eramaiyaran, Elini, etc., were his enemies. The five chiefs appear to bave occupied hilly tract. The king took Nellur, and fought the celebrated battle of Talaiyalanganam with a large army, and in doing this be cut off the forest in front of the enemy's fortress, set fire to it, destroyed villages and cities with all the houses, temples, etc., let loose his fierce elephants to roam at will with uproaring sounds and devastate the country and attacked and destroyed the high walls, accompanied by the sound of conches and trumpets. The king is called the Porunan, s.e. the lord of the Tamraparnt. In the hamlets of his beautiful city, Korkai, tbore dwelt those who drank toddy and those who dived into the sea to procure rich pearls and shells. The king was also styled as the lord of the Paradavar, who resided in the southern districts. The Paradavar ate rice mixed with meat and the root of the kirai, wore bows and arrows which ever smelled flesh, uttered harsh words and raised uprorious sounds. Their streagth was often felt by the enemies of the king. The capital of the king had high winged beautiful streets with several storeyed buildings in them. The works of protection raised round it were: (1) a thick guard forest hard to be reached by enemies, (2) a deep moat, (8) high gates attached to far reaching towers, and (4) huge walls, one of which was painted with ornamental figures. On the tops of high palaces ventilated by spacious windows, several kinds of flags flattered in the air. The two large bazaara of the city were busy 11 From the description given of the ydin Parumbandgruppadai and elsewhere it seems that the instrument was something similar to the Vinai. The bards who handled it were 18 A reminiscence of this custom is still seen in Travancore. When the king goes out to the temple of to any other place, he walks on fine sand spread on the path for the purpose. 11 This is still in use in some of the temples of Southern India. ** This oustom appears to have been borrowed from the Aryans. 11 At present there is a class of persons who call themselves Maravar, and they are mostly to be found in the Madurs and Tinnevelly districts and in the Pudukkottai State. The river Tamnaparol is called the Poranai and as such the Puruinar must indicate the people inhabiting some tract of country on ita banks, Todi is a general name for ornamenta worn by kings, Warriors, and women, either on lege or on hande.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. with crowds of buyers of all castes; dramtuers announced festivities; elephants, horses, cars, and soldiers often moved to and fro; young and old women carried flowers, garlands, flower-dusts, betel leaves, lime and the like from house to house; hawkers soll various articles ; soldiers wearing clothes with flower worke, swords in their belts, todi on their feet, garlands of vem bu and Sengalunir flowers round their chests, rode on the backs of swift-footed horses. Women of high rank and great beauty adorned themselves with gold jewels and flowered bangles, gathered together on the open front yard of the upper storeys of their houses and witnessed the festivities, processions and other amusements in the streets. The Bauddha ladies accompanied by their husbands and children carried flower and incense to their temples for worship. Some of the Brahmans chanted the Vedas, others performed yaiii, while a few of great religious merit enjoyed a life of bliss dwelling as they did in caves. The Srdvakas (Jainas) of austere devotion, knowing all the times and what passel in the three worlds, flocked in large numbers in their temples with painted walls, carrying in hanging strings, the kandigai and flowers. There were the merchants, who led the life of householders, and dealt in gold, jewels, pearle and articles of foreign import; those who cut conches and made bangles from them ; who bored holes on precious stones, made beantiful gold ornaments, tested the carats of gold, gold cloths, flower and sandal paste and drew charming pictures. The weavers of cloths, young and old, crowded thickly in all the four quarters of the city. The volume of sound raised by these was something similar to that which usually accompanied the landing at miilnight of the ships from foreign countries with rich cargo which they emptied and took back other articles mannfactured in the country. Feeding houses there were, where jack, mango, and other kinds of unripe and ripe fruits, flesh mixed with rice, roots and sugar were nicely cooked and served. When the busy day closed and the evening approached, women anxious to meet their beloved, gathered Sengalunir flowers to make garlands, adorned themselves with jewels, scented their long hair with fragrant oils, prepared pastes of musks and sandal, perfumed their clothes with fragrant smokes of sandal, lightel the lamps, played on the ya!24 and enjoyed the night with their lovers in the first quarter of it and went to rest. The married women of the household, following the ways of elderly ladies who were mothers of children, went out in the evening gently and bashfully, bathed in the tanks, offered flowers and rice (nicely cooked in milk) to the gods and prayed for good children. They were celebrated for their high morality. Their ears were adorned with kulai, their hands with todi and several other jewels, their Angers with gold rings set with precious stones and round their necks they had garlands of flowers anil pearls. They were dressed in bright and 24 One of the oldest stringed musioal instruments of Southern India was the yal. Choloest materials appear to have been used in its making. The rule for the selection of a sounding board to it, was that no wood that had grows in water, that was rotting or that was not deep-rooted should be chosen. It shonld preferably be of such strong materiale as the ebony, casia, gmealina tomontos, etc. Several kinds of y&l are mentioned in Tamil works. Chief among them are (1) Periya, (2) Magara-ya?, (3) Sagaida-yal and (4) Sengotfi-yal. The first of these had 21 stringe, the second 17, the third 13, and the fourth 7. Frequent twinkling of the eye, koitting the brow, allowing the neck to tremblo or to swell, shaking the cheeks, displaying the teeth, opening the mouth wide, nodding the head and similar other movements of the body are considered as faults in a person who sings with the aid of the ya! There were export players on this instrument in the courts of the ancient Dravidian kings. Some of the big temples of Southarn Ladis employed them and their services were utilized in singing the hymns composed on god, to the accompaniment of vocal maslo. References to the yol are frequently met with in the Derdram. One of the greatest musicians who fourished in the middle of the 7th century A.D., was the Baiva devotee. Tirant Lakandu-Perumbapar. H. belonged to the Tanjore district. Another is mentioned in the Haldayamahalnya. Ho wus native of Madars and distingaished himself in the reign of an ancient Pandya king. There are references in Tamit literature of thomme period u Maduraikkanchi which go to show that the yal is either a slight modification of or identically the same as the vfq. Both men and women appear to have amused themselves by playing on the instrument.

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August, 1911) THE DATE OF MADURAIKKANCHI AND ITS HERO 229 valuable clothes which were stiff with gruel. Over the cloth they put on an ornament which enhanced its beauty. The wanton women wore white flowers in their locks, walked out in the streets with hands adorned with todi freely playing, filling the air with fragrance emanating from them, put in order their disturbed body, cunningly brought into their snares the wealthy, and deprived them of their riches In the grounds set apart for it, a few joined together and danced the kuravar to the accompani. ment of the music of the ari and kadu in honour of god Maruga, while a few others, belonging to the suburbs, recited punaindagam and pattu. The merchants, the sweetnreat sellers and the stage players shut their shops by removing the front poles and went to rest. At midnight devils and evil spirits roamed through the streets. Thieves who could disappear in the twinkling of an eye, wearing black costs, close undergarments in which they concealed a thread ladder, sandals to their feet and armed with chisel and sword, walked out slyly bent on plundering the rich. The city guards whose eyes knew nought of rest, whose hearts were filled with courage, who had learnt the art of protecting the city and who were armed with unerring bows and arrows, moved from place to place even when it rained cats and dogs. The dominion of this illustrious king was rich in wet fields, dry lands, forest and sea, * bordering tracts which yielded several kinds of millet, sesamum, paspulum fromentatiara, mani, hill rice, white mustard, ginger, turmeric, pepper, beans, sugarcane, salt and fi-h. There was basy life in all the four classes of lands throughout the year. Here the Kurarar dug out pits on the land and covered them lightly so that the pigs that came to destroy the produce might fall in and become their prey; there the Valuinar and Timilar with their wide-spreading nets ventured on the sex with their small boats to catch fish. In one part they cut fields to let in sea water to prepare salt. In due seasons, ploughing, weeding and harvesting were conducted and lively music and dance relieved the monotony of work even in the fields. The rivers in high freshes filled tanks in their eastward course to the sea.35 Water was baled for irrigation by means of the kavalai and lift systems to the accompaniment of songs of the working hands. In the forests, the Kdyavar bad their houses thatched with leaves wbere they slept on deerskins. They were skilled archers. Big ships with flying masts attached to long posts, propelled by the wind blowing on the sheets which became bent on that account, brought to the Papdyan's territory wealth-producing articles of merchandise for the consumption of the people of the inland districts.28 These were anchored on the sea. The articles were carried to the shore with the beating of the drum. The ships took back the products raised in the country, -pearls, gold and jewels.27 25 Almost all the rivers of the Tamil country are dry during the greater part of the year. To prevent the Boaroity of water which would otherwise have boen felt, the ancient Dravidian kings appear to have had recours to the digging up of tanks and wells. These, as evidenced by the reference here given, seem to have been fed by the water of the rivers when they were in high foods during the monsoon. 26 The reference is important as it shows that the ships frequenting the ports of India were propelled by the wind. The following extract from Gibbon confirms the statement of this poem. Every year, about the time of the summer solstioe, a fleet of an hundred and twenty vessels sailed from Mios Hormos, a port of Egypt on the Red Sea. By the periodioal assistance of the monsoons they traversed the ocean in about 40 day. (to reach the porta of India or those of Ceylon). The ships returned with rich cargo which as soon as they were transported on the backs of oamels from the Red Sea to the Nile and descended the river as far Me Alexandria, it was poured without delay into the oapital of the Roman Empire. 27 Roman historians inform us that in ancient times there was considerable demand in the Western world for the products and manufactures of the East and that the Roman fleet regularly carried on trade with Arabia, India and Ceylon. Soon after the discovery of Ceylon in the reign of Claudias, it became the important mart of the East. Silk and precious stones including pearls and diamonds were chiedy exported from Malabar and Cape Comerin (Kumari). Among the Eastern commodities that found way to the European marketa may be mentioned pepper, ginger, innamon and the whole tribe of Aromatios.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, J.C.S. (Continued from p. 208) Chara: ravine deer, Indian gazelle, chikara. Bauria urgot. Chhabu: part of a pent roof. Sirmur. Chhak pingikhani: lit. to eat food: to eat once only; to confirm a betrothal, by eating luchis or cakes. [AUGUST, 1911. Chhaka: a day-labourer paid with 2 seers of grain and a meal per day. Bilaspur. Chhal: land which has received a fertile deposit from a stream. As long as the effect of the deposit continues it will bear crops of the highest class without artificial manure. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 69. p. Chhal retar: very sandy chhal. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 69. Chhali: a long mango fruit like a maize cob (chhali). Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 16. Chhalla: a place for burning the dead. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 136. Chhamb: much the same as jabar rice). The principal rice growing land. Chhan: a variety of sugar-cane. Chhamb: ploughing after cotton seed has been sown broadcast. Jullandur S. R., p. 123. (moist low-lying, land, very good for sugarcane and Of. chigar and pubhan. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. It is thin and of reddish colour, and grows to a height of from 7 to 8 ft. It yields less juice than dhaulu, but the juice is said to be richer in saccharine matter, though this is very doubtful. Jallandur S. R., p. 117. Chhan: a bracelet. Cf. pachheli, kangni and ohura. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Chhan: a long low stack. Cf. bhusari. Chhand baddh: poetical. Chhanna: a sieve of sarr, used for separating the grain of mixed crops. Jullundur S. R., 108. Chhari: churn: Sirmur si3-Giri. Chharola: cutting off a child's hair. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 164. Chhat or khur: roof, Sirmur. Chhatalna: to seize. Bauria argot. Ez-lohri thaiya, chhatali le. The thief is hiding, catch him.' Chhatri a mausoleum, erected in memory of any respectable person or in honour of a deity, octagonal or circular in form with doors on all sides. Fr. chhatr, a canopy. Gurgaon. cf. Panjabi Dicty., P. 219. Chhatti: a stick, (?) a flail. Shahpur. Chheohar: Fr. Sanskrit shat, 6, and upachar, 'gift': a ceremony observed at weddings in Chamba and the Simla Hill States when the bridegroom reaches the bride's house with the wedding procession; at the gate the bride's father gives him (1) water to wash his feet, (2) a tilak of sandal, (3) a garland, (4) a robe, (5) a betel-nut and (6) an ornament, e. g., a gold ring, Koti. Chheti: a curious form of woman's separate property found in Kulla. It is usually land (and the stock necessary to work it) assigned to a second wife at marriage pending life and good conduct. Occasionally a first wife will stipulate that, in the event of her husband's taking a second wife (saukan), she is to obtain a specified chheti. Such arrangements are often reduced to regular deeds. The term chheti is also applied to property inherited through a female, i, e., a man who marries an only daughter, and gets with her ponies or sheep, retains them as his even if he be joint with one or more brothers; and on partition two or three generations later, such property will not

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AUGUBT, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 231 be brought into hotchpot, but will devolve only on the heirs of the original holder. Still the term is most usually applied to land given to a woman for maintenance only, though it is occasionally contended that the chheti of the wife of one of two brothers should not be divided between them. This was, of course, disputed and over-ruled. A Kallu xamindar is extremely fond of giving each of his wives a separate house, and dividing his land amongst them as chhets. Chhohir : a girl :-chhiuni, a young inexperienced girl. Chhopa: s.m. a spinning party, i. q. tiranjan. Chhor: the grain left on the threshing floor. Karnal 8. R., p. 116. Chhor: a stack in which stalks of the great millets and maine are stacked. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 164. Chhori chhora : & game in which one captain saye to the other," Guess whose honge I am thinking of in such and such a street in which there are two boys and girl," and according as the guess is right or wrong, the boys of one party mount the backs of the others and are carried to the house named where they ask the good wife, "above above or below above," and according to her answer they remain as they are or change places and so ride back to their playground. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 206. Chhot: evil influence. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 150. Chhuri : bari - marna, to receive with hostility. Chhuttha : irr. p.-part, of chhuhna. Chi: a funeral pyre, used in Pangi. Chib : the inferior fodder crop of jowar, cut green. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 187. Chichar: debris. Rangra Gloss. Chichkarna; a mode of worship which consists in touching first the object to be worshipped and then the forehead, with the right hand. Karnal S. R. 1880. p. 144. Chifala : slippery, as a hill-bide, or anything hard to hold. Kangra Gloss. Chigea: a tiny lamp of pottery used at the Diwali festival. Cf. chugra. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 122. Chiha: a boy : see damkera. Bauria argot. Chik: soil, ground, especially land owned, like fields, as opposed to waste. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 25. Chiklis, Chirkalio : sparrow. Bauria argot. Chiknot: a clayey soil found only in depressed basing. Gurgaon S. R., 1883 p. 6. Chilwa: & fish (chela gora). Karnal 8, R., p. 8. Ludhiana S. R., 1889, p. 18. Chingt :=chanat. Chingar: board of wheat. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 284. Chinggharna: to trumpet, of an elephant. Chinkhe: an inferior kind of red sugar-cane, the cane is very sweet, bat gives very little juice; this sort is sometimes grown only for fodder. Gujranwala S. R., p. 27. Chinta : s. e. Cf, Panjabi Dicty., p. 286. Chip: a fish trap of bamboo, or osier under a weir in a stream. Kangra Glosa. Chlpat: a tree (solanum santhocarpum). Cf. kandai. Karnal S. R., p. 9. Chirkalio: sparrow; see shiklia. Chirkhu-musan: a male spirit which swings, whence its name. It haunts cross-roads and frightens wayfarers. Chamba. * In Pattan (British Libul) there are some Digi families who hold chhath or small allotments of land renttree from the State, on condition of stacking wood at oertain balting places and carrying palanquins. They are pot liable to carry baggage or oross the passe

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1911. Chirna : to possess, enter (of a spirit). The possession by a spirit of a gur, ghanila or & devd. It is also called groni when a gur speaks; in the lower bills this state of a man is called garni. Hingarnd is the time when a gur speaks or moves in groni. Mind is a synonym for chirnd. Simla Hills. Chitan: black stripes (on earthen vessels). Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 122. Chitrera: a painter from chittar, a picture. Kangra Gloss, Chitta: a stripe. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 200. Chitwang=chitamna. Panjabi Dioty., p. 338. Chiwan: a string with which a finished vessel on the chal (wheel) of the potter is cut off. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 200. Cho : & water-fall. In the low hills, the bed of a torrent. Kangra Gloss. Choa : soakage. Karnal S. B., 1880, p. 159. Chobhi : the race of a water-mill by which water escapes. Kangra Gloss. Chobku: a trap door in the ceiling leading to an upper storey by a ladder (Nurpar). Kangre Gloss. Choh: (1) a drainage channel ; (2) a mountain torrent. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 8. Choldsop : an unsewn and unhemmed reddish yellow cloth provided by the bride's maternal grandfather which she wears on her head, used only at weddings, but worn after the ceremony till it wears ont. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 130. Cholna : to dress the sagar cane by stripping off the leaves and cutting off the crown. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 181. Cholyalu: the Hindu kitchen or room of the chila; also called rissiklu. Kangra Gloss. Chop31: the common room in a village in which a traveller, who has no friends, puts up (used in the north. Cf. paras). Karnal S. R., p. 106. Chot: a deduction allowed at the making up of accounts. Jallandar S. R., p. 72. Chotikat: a Muhammadan Rajput, so called by Hindus. Karnal S. R., p. 80. Chua: 'touch,' commonly used when someone is believed to be impure from touching or eating with a low caste person chud lagand=to outcaste for eating ; while bhot means outcasting for cohabiting with a low-caste woman or man. Simla Hills. Chuana : waving grain or tobacco over a patient's body. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 146. Chu chik : white clay-see golend. Chugra : a tiny lamp of pottery used at the Diwali. Of. chigsa. Chuhi : the reservoir of a well. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 97. Chui : a small pool. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 171. Chuk : pain in the loins, (? lumbago ). D. G. Khan. Chanchi: breasts. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 163. Chunchi khulat: a ceremony performed at the birth of a child by the mother's sister-in-law who washes her breasts and is presented with a suit of clothes in return for the service. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 163. Chunga: a male spirit ander a soroerer's control and employed to bring things to him. It also drinks milk of cows and brings milk, ghi, etc., to its sorcerer. Chamba. Chant : a red stone (dust, etc., of precious stones ?). Chunns : to pick up, p. 249. Churan : a conical shaped enlargement which crashes the cane against the sides of the kohli as it moves round in the cavity. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 161. Dab: a piece of wood, with which the side of the hole in which the vertical wheel revolves, and the side of the well, where the lath rests, are lined. Jullundur 8. R., p. 102 Dab (eragrostis cynosurvides): a weed with deep roots. Rohtak.

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AUGUST, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 263 Dab: << grass (Poa Cynosuroides). Karnal 8. R., p. 12. Daban: the villages on the border of the larger streams. Hissar S. R., p. 18. Dabar: hollow fringed with trees. Karnal 8. R., p. 3. Dabri: heavier olay, found only in the neighbourhood of the Bein stream; it varies with cultivation from a fine deep soil to an almost unworkable waste and requires constant watering. Hoshiarpar S. R., p. 70. Dach: a bill-hook for catting small wood. Simla S. R., 1888, p. 45. Daohi : sickle for cutting grass :=d&tri. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Dadali : & wooden barrow. Simla S. R., 1889, p. 45. Dadhrt: a disease : !=dadhar (m.), ring-worm. Dagdona: to light the wood for burning a corpse. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 136. Dagga: a huge narrow-mouthed vessel made of pottery, for storing water. Cf. mat. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 121. Dagh: a kind of maize with light yellow cobs intermixed with white grains. Cf. dhura and dhuri. Jullundur S.R., p. 122. Dahi: a fish (Rasbora elonga). Cf. dahoai. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Dabri: naturally irrigated land. Gurgaon 8. R. 1883, p. 5. Dahwai: a fish. Or. dahi. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Dai: an older sister; Bee under bhao. Daim: a row of bullocks, for threshing. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 172. Daint: a devil, believed to be a monstrous haman form, Simla Hills. DAJI: * game exactly the same as hockey. Cf. khudilus Ichundi. Sirsa S. R., 1888, p. 206. Dak: a block, of a canal. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 407. Dak : grapes. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 47. Dal: A basket by which water from a tank is raised into the irrigation channel. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 97. Dal: a lake; tal is also used. Kangra Gloss. DAI: irrigation of land by delivering the water below the fields. Karnal S. R., 1980, p. 170. Dalis : the man who stands on a penta to swing the dal (3000p). Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 171. Dall gundolt: fenugreek (Laffa). Kangra S. R., p. 25. Dalputi: a big lighted torch, a torch of fine or other resinous wood. Dalri: a small shallow basket for bread and grain. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 121. Damau : & petticoat wholly red. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 124. Damkora: a boy, cf. chiha. Bauria argot. Damkori : a girl, Bauris argot. Damras: & string. Of. rde. Karl S. R., 1872-80, p. 163. Dands : bullock. Bearia argot. Dands: very stony land, generally on a slope. Hoshiarpur S. R, P. 69. Dandal: kind of wooden plough used after the ground has been plougbed once and smooth ed by a mace; tho clods are again broken and smoothed by a maco. Kangra Gloss. Dandelwisa: place fixed for the residence of the guests of the bridegroom party. CE. jandalwasa. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 180. Dander: a stalk of bajra. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 187. Dandiyan : car-rings worn by Sikh women. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 157. Dandral: (1) a large rako. Hoshiarpar, 8. R., P. 72 ; () a barrow with 8 or 10 bamboo teeth, drawn by oxen, used for opening the soil round young corn. Kangru 8. B., p. 29. Dand wilka: to show teeth, entreat.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Augter, 1911. Dang: a band or embankment in a stream, to turn water into a canal. Kangra Gloss. Danga: a wall of loose stones. Dansra: stems of the til (sesame) plant. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 188. Dant: a fine curved blade set in a flat board which is held under the foot, while vegetables, etc., are sliced or split up against the blade. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 163. Danti: bare. Cf. susi. Badria argot. Danwandol: adj. restless, uneasy. Danwara : a system by which two or more owners club their cattle together, either for the year or for a special job. Karnal S. R., p. 114. Dap: see dip. Daphi: a window. Sirmur. Daradh: a hole whero water has forced a passage ; see tarota. Darati : & sickle, called dati in the plains. Kangra Gloss. Darbara: a fee given by Akbari clans of Jats at marriages to the Mirasis of Akbari families. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 51. Darotar: the second day's service (jowdri, q. v.) taken at reaping time. Darks: a small tree, which grows low down in the valleys, used for firewood. Simla S. R., 1888, p. 44. Darli: Cedrela toona serrata: a small tree, red wood, used for making yokes and posts. Simla S. R., 1883, 43. Darmal: s. m. medicine, Daroi, drohi: a dohai or an appeal to any one. Kangra Gloss. Daran, dran: a weight equal to 8 thimis. Kangra Gloss. Dasd bise: a game in which the two parties stand one at 10, the other at 20 paces, from a heap of earth as goal, and at the word "one, two, three-off!" one of each party starts off, the object of the one being to run bis 10 paces, slap the goal 10 times and get back his 10 paces before the other who has 20 paces to run, can reach the goal and then catch him. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 206. Dasghi: the rite performed on the tenth day after a death, when the household go to a tank, wash their clothes, share, offer ten pinds, and give the Acharj grain-enough for ten meals, Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 137. Dasha : 9. m. state, condition. Tasutan : the tenth day after the birth of a child, when the net is taken down and the fire let out. Karpal S. R., 1880, p. 126. Datha, Sitan ki: a bundle of pressed sugar-cane used for torches or for fuel. Kangra Globe. Dathoi : the soil in which spring crops are sown, and which has borne a crop in the autumn immediately preceding. Karnal S. R. 1880, P. 193. Datialu: light early breakfast; also called nowari towards Nurpur. Dopahri is the next meal then comes kalar, which answers to our lunch, and, lastly, sunji-ki-roti or supper. Kangra Gloss. Datti : sickle, Cf. datri. Sirsa 8. R. 1883, p. 252. Dau launa: to take the opportunity. p. 282. Daul: a variety of joudr, very hardy. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 186. Dault: a ridge of wapd, covered with thorns, round house. Gurgaon. Daukh : ten. Sirsa S. R. 1888, p. 124. Dauajs : platform built for men to sit in a field of the great millet and protect it from birds. Of. jaunda. Karpal S. R., 1880, p. 172.

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AUGUST, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 235 DAVA : left hand. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 124. Deh: a shrine, where the Jaglan Jats worship their ancestors. Karnal S. R., p. 78. Dehl: see dwatan. Dehri: a boundary-pillar.=kotali. Deila: a grass which gives good grazing. Rohtak. Den, Dain: a witch ; dugar is a sorcerer, or male witch. Kangra Gloss. Deora: a big temple ; deori, a small temple. Simla Hills. Deredar: a fire-carrier whose business it is to see that the huqqas are always fall and alight; Le sometimes gets five sera per plough for this service. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 182. Dha: the ridge or high bank which marks the division between aplands and lowlands. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 3. Dhabli: a blanket of white wool. Sirmur cis-Giri. Dhag, dag: a precipice. Kangra Gloss. DhAin : a husband. Bauria argot. Dhak: a thick mat for sitting on, made of plaited pressed sagar-cane, ordinarily called onna. Kangra Gloss. Dhakao : the first day of a wedding. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 180. Dhakh : a morsel. Kangra Gloss. Dhak-pacha: a man who collecta kino (resin which exudes from the dhak tree). Karnal S. R., p. 10. Dhal: a tax on land, levied to pay tribute. Mahlog. Dham: upland. Hence Dbami, the name of one of the Simla Hill States. Dhamakka: a kind of maize with orange-yellow cobs. Jullundur S. R., p. 122. Dhamakkt : kind of maize with white cobs. Jullundur S. R., p. 122. Dhaman: Grewia oppositifolia. Hoshierpar S. R., p. 82. Dhama: a messenger,--two are sent from the bride's house to fetch the bridegroom. Churah. Dhamari : * red wheat, having a firm stalk and root, and not easily stirred. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 74. Dhan: the coarser Varieties of rice. opp. to ziri. Roltak. Dhanak: a rainbow; the Gaddis call it pappan. Kangra Gloss. Dhanans : to give the bull to a cow. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 195. Dhandhors=Dhandora, Panjabi Dicty., p. 297. Dhang: a flail or rather stick used to thresh corn. Kangra Gloss. Dhanta: a beard-cloth. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 157. Dhanu: rice land. Kangra Gloss. Dhar: a high range, or the upper part of such range : also used for a sheep-run. Dhar chakra: the ptarmigan, see tilla. Dhari: a plaister shelf, on the inside wall of a house ; also called Lakhola or tak. Kangra Gloss. Dharn: ? a disease: Kapurthala. Dharothi: a large wooden box. Sirmur trans-Girl. Dharu : & breastplate of silver chain. Karnkl S. R., 1880, p. 125. Dharan: a measure of capacity,=one-sixth of a topd. Kangra 8. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Dhaturs: the strongest kind of tobacco and most liked. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 77. Phattha: p-part, of dhahind fallen, Dhsull: a late red maize. Karnkl 8. R., 1880, p. 184. Dhsulu: along soft thick white sugar cane. Rohtak., (To be continued.)

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MISCELLANEA. KALIDASA AND KAMANDAKI. THE date of Kalidasa is yet far from being settled. From the mention of Kalidasa by Ban and in the Aihole inscription of the time of the Chalukya king Pulakesin II. all scholars are now unanimous in asserting that he cannot be later than the 7th century A.D. And most Sanskritists are disposed to place him in the 5th century. In this state of things it behoves everybody interested in the chronology of Sanskrit Literature to bring to the notice of scholars every scrap of information bearing upon the date of prominent authors like Kalidasa. In the Raghurama (IX) Kalidasa speaks of the advantages of hunting, viz., skill in bringing down a moving mark, knowledge of the change of expression due to fear and anger, a fine body due to being inured to fatigue (Parichayam chalalakshya-nipatane bhaya-rushes-cha tad--ingitavedanam | Srama-jayat pragunam cha karoty-asau tanum-ato S snumatal sachivair-yayau). A similar verse occurs in the Sakuntala (2nd Act), where, in addition to the above, the reduction of fat is specially referred to. (Medas-chheda-kris-odarani laghu bhavaty utthina yogyam vapuh sattvanam apilakshyate vikritimach-chittam bhaya-krodhayoh Utkarshal sa cha dhamini yad-ishaval sidhyanti lakshye chale mithya hi vyasanam vadanti mrigayam-idrig vinodal kutahil). Hunting is one of those vices which kings are specially advised to avoid by Manu and other lawgivers. Kalidasa seems to have taken the opposite view. The Kamandakiya-nitisura, while speaking of hunting, remarks:-"Some point out the following as the advantages of hunting, viz., rising superor to fatigue, exercise, the decrease of indigestion, fat and phlegm and unsurpassed success in archery directed towards fixed and moving marks; but this is not proper; there are generally some very grave (lit. fatal) disadvantages, and, therefore, hunting is a great vice." (JitaSramatvam vyayama ama-meda-kapha-kshayal chara-sthireshu lakshyeshu bana-siddhir-anuttama Mrigayiyam gunan-etan-ahur-anye na tot kshamam doshal prana-harah prayas-taxmat-tad vyasanan mahat XIV., 25-26). The advantages of hunting selected by the Kamandakiyanitisara are almost the same as those pointed out by A SECOND NOTE ON VASUDEVA. To The Editor, Indian Antiquary. Dear Sir, I have since read the article "The Divine Vasudeva" by Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A., pp. 96 ff. of the Journal of the Bombay Branch, R. A. Society, No. LXIV. (1909-10). With reference to the concluding sentence of the above article, stating that the Divine Vasudeva is different from Kshatriya Vasudeva, my article in the Indian Antiquary, for November 1910, may be read. The Divine Vasudeva is the Eternal Vasudeva of the Holy twelve-syllabled (Dvadasakshara) mantra, called the Para-Vasudeva; and Kalidasa. It seems, therefore, that Kamandaki criticises the views of Kalidasa, whose poems must have been in his days on the lips of all, whether young or old. If this idea be acceptable, it will furnish another piece of evidence for arriving at the approximate date of Kalidasa. shall now mention some data for arriving at the date of the Kamandakiya-ritisura: I. Utpala, who wrote his comment upon the Brihat samhita of Varahamihira in Saka 888 (A. D. 966-67), quotes from Kamandaki; e.g., on 77, 1. [AUGUST, 1911. II. Vamana, in his Kavyalakura-sutravritti, quotes a verse, in which the Kamandaki niti' is referred to (under IV, 1, 2. Kamam Kamandaki nitir-asya rasya divinitam). Vamana flourished about 800 A. D. (See an article by me in the Journals of the Bombay Asiatic Society for 1909). Bhavabhuti in his Malatimadhava exhibits the character of a diplomatic lady named Kamandaki. It appears almost certain that the name was taken from the writer on statecraft whose fame must have been very great in Bhavabhuti's day. Bhavabhuti, we know, flourished about 700 A. D. In the 7th chapter of the Kamandakiya-niti sara, there is a list of kings who fell victims to poison and intrigue (verses 51-54). Varahamihira in chapter 77 of his Brihatsamhita mentions some kings, who are the same as those in the work of Kamandaki (eg., Varshamhira says Sastrena veni-rinigthitena Viduratham sva mahishi jaghana; compare Kamandaki: Venyam sastram samadhiya tathi chupi Vidurathamn). I do not dogmatically say that Varahamihira borrowed from Kamandaka. Such traditions might have been current in his day. Still I hold that it is not quite impossible that Varahamihira derives his information from the Kamandakiyanitisura. NOTES AND QUERIES. Apart from Varahamihira's reference to this intrigue, the Kumandakiya-nitisura must be older than the 7th century A. D. as just shown, and strongly confirms the position that Kalidasa is not later than the 6th century of the Christian era, P. V. KANE. Bombay. this Para-Vasudeva incarnates as Krishna, who is the Kshatriya Vasudeva. The passages in the Bhagavadgita: (1) Vasudevas-Sarvam, iti. [VII. 19]. (2) Vrishninam Vasudevo-smi [X. 37]. read together show that the Essential Vasudeva incarnates as Kshatriya Vasudeva. The two are identical essentially; but when viewed in the Para, Vyuha and Vibhava forms, they may be considered as different. Thus there is no difficulty presented warranting the speculation about "later interpolations." [p. 103 op. cit., J. R. A. S., Bombay Branch]. A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, M.R.A.8.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 237 EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS. BY D. B. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. (Continued from Jour. Bomb. ds. Soc., Vol. XXIIT., p. 106.) VIII.-The Kailasa Temple at Elart. DR. R. G. BHANDARKAR was the first to show from two verses in the Baroda grant of the Gujarat king Kakkaraja that the temple of Kailasa at Elura was built by Krishnaraja I of the Rashtrakuta dynasty, 1 The verses are - elApurAcalagatADutasanivezaM bhiivvismitvimaancraamrendraaH| GET(TPT) OTTA Teraw dRSTe itIti satataM bahu carcavanti / / bhUyastathAvidhakRtI bavasAyahA[ ne. resanmavA kathamahI kRtamityakasmAt / karnApi vasva khalu vismabamApa zilpI (1) TO 4 CET [] His translation is : "That king), by whom, verily, was caused to be constructed a temple on the hill at Elapara, of a wonderful structure-on seeing which the best of immortals who move in celestial cars, struck with astonishment, think much constantly, saying, .This temple of Siva is self-existent; in a thing made by art such beauty is not seen', a temple the architect-builder of which, in consequence of the failure of his energy as regards the construction of another such work, was himself suddenly #truck with astonishment, saying, Ob, how was it that I built it!" Here the points involved are two: (1) that Elapura is identical with Elara; and (2) that Kailasa can by its stupendous nature be the only temple referred to as striking one with astonishment. Both these conclusions are correct. For, in the first place, Elapura can easily run into Eldra or Veru). But if any further proof is needed, it is supplied by a local mahatmya, professing to be part of the Padmapuruna. Verse 38 of the first chapter is: - zivAlayaM kRte mAma zivasthAna pare buge / tasmAdelApuraM nAma nAgasthAnaM kalo yuge| From this it appears that Elure was known as Sivalaya, Sivasthana, Elapura and Nagasthana in the Kpita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali yugas, respectively. We thus find that Elurai has been actually called Elapara in the local mahatmya. As regards the second point, Kailaga is a Siva temple and is the most extensive and elaborate of all the cave structures at Elura, and can alone be taken to answer to the description given in the verses quoted above. This conclusion receives confirmation from another source. On the ceiling and architraves of the front porch of the Kailasa temple are some remains of old paintings. In one of them, "a raja is represented seated with a chhatra held over him; to the left some people are paying respects to him, and to the right are two bearded men seated with chhatras. Over the raja is written-Svasti Kannuradevardya." Kannuradeva here, according to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, is "Krishnadeva or Kannaradeva II., of the Nikumbhavamsa who ruled at Patna, probably as feudatories of the Devagiri rajas." But, I think, there cannot be even the shadow of a doubt as to this Kannuradevaraya being the Rashtrakuta sovereign Ksigboarajadeva I., especially if we remember that he is the only prince of the name Kannaradeva who is represented to have built a colossal temple at Elapara. The Kailasa temple must, therefore, be supposed to have been built by this Rashtrakuta king, and this explains why his painting 1 Above, VOL XII, pp. 228-30. Archaeological Survey of India by Dr. Barges, No. 10, p. 97.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. should have been found here. Again, the same temple seems to be referred to in the Kadaba plates of Prabhutavarsba. In line 34 of this inscription, Akalavarsha [-Krisbraraja I.,] is said to have erected a temple which was styled after his own name Kapnesvara (Kannesvara). Prof. Liiders, who has edited the grant, says: "In lines 29-30 it is said that the gun, reflected in its jewel-paved floor, seemed to have descended from heaven to show reverence to Parameswara. This and the form of the name indicate that the temple was dedicated to Siva. And it must have been an uncommonly magnificent building; for nearly the sixth part of the whole inscription is devoted to its description, and its erection is the only deed of the king which the author has thought worth mentioning. The temple spoken of here must, therefore, necessarily be that splendid Siva temple which, according to the Basoda grant, was built by Koishna on the hill of Elapars, the modern Elura.3 " It, therefore, appears that the Kailasa temple was originally known as that of Kannesvara, or rather Kannaresvara. Now the question arises : how this temple is now known as Kailasa, if it was originally called Kannaresvara. An explanation of it was given me by a Gurav, when I was there in February last ; and there is an air of plausibility about it. On the south side of the temple below a bridge, which is now fallen, but which was across from a balcony of the temple to a cave in the scarp, is a large sculpture of Ravana under Kailasa. Here Parvati is stretched out clinging to Siva ; while her maid, in fright at the shaking of the ground under her feet, is represented in the background fleeing for safety. This scene is sculptured touching the ground. In fact, the feet of Ravana have gone into the ground. This gives the idea that the temple is Kailasa which Ravana from below is trying to shake off. This sculpture, it therefore appears, first suggested the name Kailass for the temple. Epigraphic conclusions are also corroborated by archaeology in this respect. With regard to the date of this temple on purely architectural grounds, Dr. Burgess makes the following remarks: "No one will probably hesitate to accept this as a fact who is familiar with the plan and details of the grent Saiva templo at Pattadkal near Bademi. The arrangements of the plan and even the dimensions of the two temples are almost identical. The style is the same, and even the minutest architectural ornements are so alike as almost to be interchangeable. In fact it would be difficult to find in India two temples so like one another, making allowance, of course, for the one being structural and the other cut in the rock, and the one being consequently one storey in height, the other two. Barring these inevitable peculiarities they both might have been erected by the same architect and certainly belong to the same age. What that was has been ascertained from an inscription on the Paradkal temple, which states that it was erected by tho Queen of the second Vikramaditya in the year 783 A. D., and consequently during the reign of Dantidurga, thus confirming the probability, in so far as architectaral evidence can do so, that the Kailasa was excavated during the reign of that monarch." The building of the temple might have been commenced by Krishnaraja during the reign of Dantidurga but finished when he became king, IX. The Paramara King Dharanivaraha. In their accounts of the Paramaras, the chronicles of Marwap are full of the name of Dharani. varaha, who is looked upon as the most famous of the Paramara princes of Rajputana. It is reported of him that he made bimself master of nada-kot Marwar, which he afterwards divided amongst his nine brothers. The chhappaya-chhanda, which describes this, and which is known all over Rajputana, runs thus: maMDovara 1sAmaMta yo ajamera 2 sijusuva / gaDha pUgala gajamala huvo loga bhaannbhuv|| alhapalhAbharabaha bhojarAjA jaalNdhr| jogarAja dharadhATa huvI hAMsU paarkr|| navakoTa kirADU saMgata thira paMvArahara thppiyaa| dharaNIvarAha dhara bhAibAM koTa vAMTa jUra kiyaa| Bp. Ind., Vol. IV., p. 337. * Cave Temple of India by Ferguson and Burgess, p. 453.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 239 I, therefore, began to find out whether the name of Dharanivaraha could be traced in any of the Rajputa na inscriptions so far discovered. This name was met with by me in the Bijapur inscription of Dhavala, the Rashtrakuta prince of Hastikundi. Verse 12 represents Dhavala to have given support to Dharanivaraha, who had been completely ousted by the Solaiki king Mularaja. Though no surname was here attached to his name, it was surmised that Dharanivaraha here referred to was the celebrated Paramara king of that name. But it was, after all, & sur mise, especially so long as his name was not found in the Paramara records. Accordingly last year I began to hunt after the name in the inscriptions of the Paramara kings of western Rajputana. While going over the Vasantgadh inscription of Purnapala edited by the late Prof. Kielhora I came to the mutilated verse No. 5. It is as follows :-- - - - -- ifratura : 11 putropi tasmAnmahipAlanAmA tasmAdabhUddhaMdhuka eva bhUpaH // [5] In the first half of this verse the name of a king is mentioned whose name is lost but who is likened to the Boar. As Varaha is the upamina here, what could be the upameya, I thought ? It suddenly flashed on me that it must be Dharanivaraha, and my mind also at once restored the lost line to TTT TEATTRACTE:. I have, therefore, no doubt that this verse contained the name of the celebrated Dharanivaraba, though it was not recognised by Professor Kjelhorn owing to the first line being completely destroyed. Muta Nensi speaks of Dharanivaraha as reigning at Kiradu, the ancient Kiratakupa. So I asked mysel' whether this statement of the Marwar chronicle could be verified by any inscription from Kiradu. Kiradu is now desolate, and its ruins are spread near the modern village of Hatma, 16 miles NNW. of Badmer, the principal town of the Mallaai district, Jodhpur State. Here in a temple of Siva there are three inscriptions, one of which is a Paramara record'. So I commenced reading it carefully. This record, too, contains several lines highly mutilated. While going over it, I came to verse 8, the first line of which is gone but the second is : sindhurAjadharAdhAradharaNIdharadhAmavAn / Here also a king is mentioned and compared to Dharanidhara, i. e., Varaha, and just as the latter supported the dhura (earth) immersed in Sindhurdja ( the ocean), so the king also supported the dhard (kingdom) of Sindhuraja, 1. e., of his forefather of that name. There can hardly be a doubt that the first half of this verse, too, contained the name of Dharanivaraha, which by a strange fate las disappeared with the lost portion in this inscription also. There can be no question that the Dharanivaraha of the Kirada is identical with the Dharanivaraha of the Vasantgadh inscription, because the names of the predecessors and successors of both agroe. X.-The Pathari Pillar Inscription of Parabala. This inscription has been edited by Professor Kielhorn in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX., p. 248 ff. It is of the time of the Rashtrakuta king Parabala, and is dated V. E. 917=A. D. 861. The name of his grandfather was Jejja, whose unnamed elder brother is spoken of as having obtained the kingdom of Lita after defeating the Karpita soldiers. Jejja's son and Parabala's father was Karkaraja. who put to flight the king Nagavaloka and invaded his home. Now who was this Nagavaloka? He was undoubtedly raler of some importance', as Professor Kielhorn says. He is also quite correct in saying that this king is identical with that Nagavaloka who is mentioned in verse 18 of the Harsha inscription of Vigraharaja, in terms which woald imply that he was the overlord, and who certainly was a contemporary of the Chahamana Gavaka I. Vigraharaja was six generations removed from Guvaka I, and for the former we have the date 970 A.D. We bave thus to assign the period A. D. 816-838 to Guvaka I, whose contemporary Nagavaloka was. This brings Nagavaloka so close to Nagabhata II. (circa 800-25 A.D.) of the imperial Pratihara dynasty that there can hardly be a doubt as to the latter being referred to by the former name in the Pathari inscription. It is this Nagavaloka, therefore, whom Parabala's father, Karkaraja, is represented to have Ep. Ind., Vol. X., p. 21. v. 12. Ibid., Vol. IX., p. 18. This inseription has not yet been pubHehed. * Ep. Ind., Vol. II., p. 121; but the translation given is wrong.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. put to flight. We know that Nagavaloka or Nagabhata was a contemporary of and vanquished by Govinda III of the imperial Rashtrakuta dynasty". Karkaraja was in all likelihood a feudatory of Govinda III, and must have accompanied the latter in his expedition against Nagabhata. And it is no doubt to this defeat of Nagabhata that reference has been made in the Pathari inscription. That Karkaraja was a feudatory of Govinda III, is rendered all but certain by the fact that an unnamed uncle of the former is represented to have obtained the kingdom of Lata. The only prince of this time who obtained Lats was Indraraja, brother of Govinda III. The Rashtrakuta records expressly state that one of his acts was to give "the Lata province" to Indraraja 10. It is, therefore, not unreasonable to suppose that the unnamed uncle of Karkaraja was no other than Indraraja himself. And the Karpata soldiers defeated by him are probably the forces of Stambha (Kambaiya) 11 who was at the head of the confederacy of twelve kings that contended against, but were put down by, Govinda III. Indraraja probably sided with him, and consequently obtained from him the kingdom of Lata for the aid given. Now, the question arises whether Parabala of our inscription is identical with Parabala, the father-in-law of Dharmapala of the Pala dynasty. From the Sanjan copper-plate grant of Amoghavarsha it is clear that Dharmapala was a contemporary of Govinda III. For the last prince we have dates ranging from A.D. 794 to 808, and the date for Parabala furnished by the Pathari inscription is A.D. 861. Dharmapala being a contemporary of Govinda III, there is thus a difference of 53 years between Dharmapala and Parabala. This makes it improbable that the latter was a father-in-law of the former. But on the other hand, we must remember that Dharmapala had a long reign. According to Taranatha's account he reigned for at least 64 years. If this statement of Taranatha is given credence, the improbability of Parabala of our inscription being the father-in-law of Dharmapala is removed. One more point may be noticed en passant. Professor Kielhorn in his paper notices another Nagavaloka. He is mentioned as the supreme raler in the Hansot grant of the Chahamana chief Bhartrivadda. It is dated [V. S. ] 813 A.D. 756. This Nagavaloka is certainly not the Nagavaloka of the Pathari inscription. In my opinion he is to be identified with Nagabhata I of the same, i..., imperial Pratihara dynasty, who has been assigned by Mr. Smith to circa 725-40 A.D. He is credited with having defeated the armies of the mlechchhas (barbarians) called Valachas 1 (Baluchs). XI. The Patoda Grant of the Chalukya king Vinayaditya. 240 Last year a certain Delhi merchant had brought a set of copper-plates to my father for getting deciphered. They were found, he said, at Patoda, in the Panjab, in the estate of Thakur Ramsingh Chohan while some digging operations were being carried on. On 'inspecting the plates I found that the inscription had been greatly damaged and in some parts entirely destroyed, by verdigris. Fortunately for us, enough of the second side of the second plate has been preserved, as that contains the most important portion of the record. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Bhattaraka Vinayaditya Satyaaraya Sri-Prithivivallabha. It is dated Saka 617, corresponding to the 14th year of his prospering victorious reign. And it records a grant of his, while encamped at Dhapyapuva, to Sagarasarman, of the Kasyapa gotra, son of Damodarasarman, and grandson of Apaearman. The grant was made on the 15th of the bright half of Vaisakha, and consisted of the village of Sthudhirata in the district (vishaya) of Uttarada situated in Chemulys. Chemulys is evidently Chaul in the Kolaba district, Bombay Presidency, and this inscription is an instance of how copper-plate grants belonging to one part travel far and wide, and are found in quite a distant part of the country. Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXII, p. 118. 11 Ibid, p. 395 and p. 397, note 1; Ep. Ind., Vol. VI., p. 197. 13 Prog. Report Archeol. Surv. Ind., Western Circle for 1907-8, p. 41. 10 Bombay Gasetteer, Vol. I., Pt. II, p. 400. 1 Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report for 1903-4, p. 280, 1, 3, where Balana is read, but the accompanying photo-litho has distinctly Valacha.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] A COMPARATIYE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 241 A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES. BY K. V. SUBBAIYA, M.A., L.T., M.R.A.S., RAJAHMUNDRY. Lecturer in English, Government College, Rajahmundry. Nouns.-Number. Continued from page 189. 1. Dravidian nouns are inflected for number. There are two numbers:-Singular and Plural. Singular. 2. In all the Dravidian languages, the primitive or uncompounded nouns have no distinguishing mark of the singular number. The absence of the plural suffix is indicative of the singular number. But in the case of the compounded or derivative nouns, the gender suffixes themselves indicate the singular number. Thus, an and its varieties indicate the masculine singular; al and its varieties, the feminine singular; du and its varieties, the neuter singular. In short, in all the Dravidian languages, gender and number are conjointly expressed by one and the same termination. Plural. 3. The plural is of two kinds :-(1) rational, (2) irrational; and these have different suffixes. 4. In early Dravidian irrational or neuter nouns were not inflected for plural. In Old Tamil, neuter nouns were, as a rule, the same in both the numbers. Even in Middle Tamil, it was considered highly idiomatic not to inflect the neuter noun for the plural number. (Vide Tholkappiam Sutram 173 of Solladikaram, also Nannul, Sutram 281.) In the conversational dialect of New Tamil, the neuter singular is used in a plural relation as ndlu malu meygiradu, four cow grazes(the translation being literal). In Brahui, the number of nouns is generally left undefined. In Malto and Kurukh, there is no difference between the neuter singular and the neuter plural. Dr. Caldwell says that in Toda and Coorg neuter nouns have no plural; and it seems that the only words in Toda that are ever pluralised are the pronouns. Method of Pluralisation. 5. The plural suffix is directly attached to the crude base. Hence it replaces the masculine or feminine suffix in the case of the rational nouns. But as the neater singular of Dravidian languages is identical with the crade base, the neuter plural suffix is attached directly to the neuter noun. In some of the rude spoken dialects, such as the Korava and Burgandi, the rational plural suffix is added to the masculine singular form. (For illustrations see infra.) The Epicene Plural Suffic; (r, ar). 6. The Primitive Dravidian Epicene plural suffix is r. It is added directly to the base as in nir from ni, Thou'. It is the plural suffix in a few words in Tamil, Canarese, Malayalam, Telugu and Tula. But the usual rational suffix is ar. As an, male', and al, masculine and feminine singular suffixes in their unemphatic forms an became the rational plural suffix in its unstressed inflexional form ar. a woman'; and ar, persons,' 'men or women'. Later on, ar the lengthened form of ar was also adopted, because the original vowel of the stressed words an and a was long. Thus ar and ar are indifferently used as epicene plural suffixes in Old Tamil. woman'; became respectively and al, so their plural ar also Thus dn means a man'; al,

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. The a of ar was often rounded to o; and thus er became or. This form is common in Tamil and Malayalam. In the vocative plurals and the second personal pronominal plurals the a of ar has become i through the influence of the front vowel in ni. Thus we have the vocative and second person plural suffixes ir and ir. These were also extended, though only in a few cases, to other nouns :-.g., pendir, women'; and magalir, men'. These words are found only in Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese. Mar, which is found in Tamil and Malayalam as a rational plural suffix, is a compound word. It consists of ma, big'; and ar persons'. Thus it means big persons'. And we actually find that mar is used in Tamil and Malayalam as a plural suffix of honour of words denoting parents', priests', kings', etc. In Malayalam, it is used with a wider range of application than in Tamil, and in cases in which an honorific meaning cannot be intended-e. 9., kallanmar, 'thieves'. It is likely also that the honorific significance may here satirically be intended. Thus mar was considered in early Dravidian as a plural suffix like ar; and Satram 209 Tholkappiam confounds the future plural termination of verbs par mer with the above honorific mdr, and thinks that the two are identical. Dr. Gundert, too, makes the same mistake. The verbal plural suffix par is used only in the fatare tense, and by the side of a nasal becomes mar as in enmandr, they will say'; unmar, they will eat it.' etc. Thus the future plural verbal suffix mar and the nominal honorific plural word mar are entirely distinct. Dr. Caldwell's identification of this mar with the Irish mdr is, of course, based on an erroneous notion that the Dravidian and the Aryan languages are somehow connected. Var and bar are given as epioene plural suffixes by Dr. Kittel in article 119 of his Kannada grammar. But these are not suffixes different from ar; var is simply ar with the bomo-organic consonant. Take the example given by him: ivar, these men, ivar is i, these, and ar, men; and v is the homo-organic consonant developed before a in Sandhi. This v naturally becomes in most words of Canarese 6 (see my phonology). Thus we have bar. The Canarese anibar, 'many men', is the same as Tamil anaivar. Mbar is also one of the plural suffixes given by Dr. Kittel. Mbar is bar with m. This m is merely optional, see Sutram 99 of Sabdamanidarpana. Further it is found only in the plural forms of neuter nouns generally denoting number or quality : 1.9., kelambar, few men'; palambar, many men'; posambar, new men. Perhaps this nasal m is due to the influence of Sanskrit neuters and some Dravidian neuters like maram, tree', which end in m. Again the Canarese plural suffix ndir, given also by Dr. Kittel, is a double suffix. It is composed of and and ir and means in Telaga where it is anta and antu,' whole'. Hence it is itself a plaral word, and andir or ndir is a double plural suffix. Apandir.those menetc., are due to the influence of Telugu. Arir is no doubt a double plural being equal to ar plus ir. Thus var, bar, mbar, ndir, arir, of Canarese, are all reduced to the Primitive Dravidian ar, and we have also shown that mar is a compound of md and dr. To sam up, the Primitive Dravidian r is found in the epicene plurals of Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese, Telaga, Talu, Malto, Kai, and Gondi; the suffix ar is found in Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese, and Kurakh ; or is found in Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese and Naiki. 7. We shall now take each language separately and illustrate the use of the epicene plural suffix in it: Tamil. In Tamil ar, ar, or, and mar are the rational plaral suffixes. We may add to these the rare ir, ir. Nannul sums up all these in Satram 278 under r.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 243 4 4 Of these ar and a are also used as verbal suffixes: e. g., periyar and periyar, big men"; vandanar and vandar, they came'; ar as a verbal suffix is preceded always by the consonant n, while as a nominal suffix, it takes v or y, the homo-organic Sandhi consonant: e. g., vandanar they came'; but vandavar, those who came'; also periyar, big men'. (For explanation see verbs.) Mar and or are used only as nominal suffixes: tay mar, mothers'; tagappan-mar, 'fathers'; and periyor, big men'. Mar is used as a plural suffix of honour of words signifying 'parents', priests, kings, etc.; cf. peruman, 'respected person'. Ir is found only in a few words as pendir, women', magalir, 'men,' etc., also niyir and nivir, you'. Or is directly added to ni. Hence nir, 'you'. In the Korava dialect of Tamil, mar and aru are the plural suffixes :-top-mar, 'fathers'; manasaru, men' (vide L. S., p. 319). Malayalam. The epicene plural suffixes of Malayalam are mar, ar, ar (vide Article 86 in Sheshagiri Prabhu's Grammar). Examples are:-narimar, 'women'; tambiyar, younger brothers'; nayanar, 'chief men'. The demonstratives avar, ivar and the interrogative evar have, as in Tamil, plural suffix ar. But the second person plural is ninnal and not nir as in Tamil. Canarese. Sutram 98 of Sabdamanidarpana gives ar as the epicene plural suffix, e. g., arasar, 'kings'; deviyar, goddesses'. Dr. Kittel, as explained already, gives the following suffixes in Article 119, of his Kannada Grammar under Ancient Dialect :-ar, aru, or, bar, mbar, var, ir, arir, ndir: e. g., ivar, 'these men'; arasar, 'kings', nurpadimbor (in a sasana of 1123 A.D.); anibar, many men'; irvar, two men '; pendir, women'; akkaygalir, sisters'; ivandir, these men'. In the medieval and the modern dialect, too, these suffixes are given; only they take uniformly the final enunciative u. The forms palambar, kelambar have already been explained. Tulu. Tulu uses ru (Brigel 28) as the epicene plural suffix., e. g., naramani, 'man,' and naramanyeru, men'; kartave, lord'; kartaveru, 'lords.' Nouns like kudike, 'fox', have a double plural suffix, rlu, e. g., kudikerlu, 'foxes.' The Demonstratives meru, they (proximate) and aru, they (remote); as also the second person plural iru, you, contain the r suffix. Telugu. That ar or r was the epicene plural suffix in Prehistorie Telugu is proved by the existence of a few nouns in New Telugu which taker as the plural suffix. Chinnayya Suri refers to the follow ing words in rules 5, 6, and 7 atftfika paritStSedamu Chapter. 1. Rule 5. Singular. pagatudu, a foe; alludu, son-in-law; neyyudu, a friend; martudu, a foe; 2. Rule 6. ganda (n)du, a brave man ; minda(n)du, a paramour; 3. Rule 7. Plural. pagaturu, foes. alluru. neyyuru. marturu. gandandru. mindandru Words ending in ka(n)du become in plura karru; e. g., viluka()du, archer; velakadu, hunter; etc. vilukarru. itakarru.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. . All the other nouns have adopted the irrational plural suffix lu, a shortening and softening of the Tamil, Malayalam, Canarese, kal. Thus in Telugu, the ruling plural suffix, rational and irrational, islu. The Telugu second and third personal pronouns take r in the plural: miru, you'; cf. Tamil nir-vdru, evaru, and also tamaru, meaning respectively they, wbo, and themselves. Other North Dravidian languages. Kurukh forms the plural of rational nouns by adding ar. (Vide L. S., p. 412.) Thos al-ar, men ; mukkar, women. In Malto the rational plaral suffix is r (L. S., p. 448). Thus maler, men ; peler, women. In Kui, the rational suffix is ru, i.e., masculine plural suffix; for feminine and neuter bare another suffix, Thus dada, elder brother, daddru, elder brother (L. S., p. 462). Gandi. Dr. Grierson has the following interesting note on or, he, the demonstrative singular of Gondi :-Or is, however, by origin a plural form, which has become used in the singular, just as the corresponding plural pronoun in connected languages is very commonly used as an honorific singular. The old singular form must have been on. It is still preserved in the form ondu in the 80-called koi of Bastar and Madras Presidency. (L. S., p. 479.) Thus we see that in old Gondi we had r as the rational suffix. In Kolamt the usual suffix is l. Still in masur-ung, 'to the men,' we haie, says Dr. Grierson, apparently a plural suffix up, r, for the singular is mas, 'man."(L. S., pp. 562, 564.) In Naiki we have a rational plural suffix kor. Perbaps this corresponds to mdr of Tamil and Malayalam, or more correctly to ar. Thus pora, son; porakor, sons (L. S., p. 572.) The Neuter Plural Suffis gal. In Primitive Dravidian, the plural suffix of neuter primitive or uncompounded nouns was gal. This is found in its original form in the central and the south Dravidian languages ; bat in the Northern dialect the gutteral g bas disappeared, and the saffix is reduced to lu. We shall now give the various forms that this suffix has assumed in the different Dravidian dialects : Tamil and Malayalam. In these two languages the suffix is gal or kkal. Gal is used in the case of neuter nouns of more than two syllables, and nouns of two syllables that have a long vowel in the first syllable. In all the other cases kkal is used :--.g., Tamil and Malayalam : padagu, boat; padagugal, boats ; Tamil and Malayalam : ddu, sheep; ddugal, sheep (pl.); kadu, jangle; kaduga!, jungles';' pl, flower ; pakkal, flowers; pasu, cow; pasuklal, cows, eto. In Malayalam gal becomes nal if the noun should end in s nasal : 6.9. maram, tree; maranyal, trees; pen, girl ; pezzal, girls, etc. (Vide Art. 87, Shashageriprabhu's Vyakarna Mitran.) Saragove. Sutram 95 of Sabdamasidarpana gives ga! as the plural suffix of neuter nouns, e. g., kan, ege; kangal, eyes; tode, thigh; todegal, thighs; kojam, tank; kolamgal, tanks. Dr. Kittel's grammar, too, gives the same : gal in ancient dialect, gal, galu in mediaeval dialect, and galu in the modern dialect. But under the ancient dialect he gives also kal. The examples are only two :-kolkal, nalkal. Evidently the kal form must have been very rare. Tulu, In Tolu we have ag neuter plural suffixes kulu and lu (Vide Brigel's Tulu Grammar, Article 32), e. 9., mara, a tree; marokulu, trees ; leuri, a sheep; leurikulu, sheep; guru, a priest ; gwululu, priests; pa, flower ; pikulu, flowers; but jiva, life; jirolu, lives; paravddi, & prophet; paravadisu, prophets; meji, a table; mejilu, tables; bile, work; belelu, works, etc. It seems possible even in Tulu to apply the rules for the use of likal and gal in Tamil and Malayalam. Polysyllabic words of more than two syllables and dissyllabic words which have a long vowel in the first or the second syllable take lu and all other words take kalu. Here in this respect Tulu seems nearer Tamil and Malayalam than Canarese, though Tula and Canarese both belong to the central Dravidian group. In its use of ! it is like Teluga which uses lu, the softened form of su.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES 245 Telugu. The usual plural suffix in Telugu is lu. (This is also used in the case of rational nouns.) For example, avu, a cow; dvulu, cows; kalu, leg : kallu, legs, etc. That ka! was the plural suffix in Primitive Telugn, i.e., prior to the period of the Great Accent change, and that it was subsequently contracted to lui is amply proved by the following words :Singular. Plural. 1. kalanu, a battlefields kala(n)kulu. 2. kolanu, a tank; kola(n)kulu. 3. neranu, joint; nerankulu. Ihr dnu, a tree; mrd(n) kulu. kelanu, a side; kela(n)kulu. 6. korart, a pasture ground; kora(n)kulu. 7. gavanu, an opening; gavarkulu. 8. renu, a fig trees te (ne)gulu. 9. ganu, a kind of vegetable; go(ngulu. In these words kulu is regularly added to the singular. The analogy of words taking in only in the plural led to the false conclusion that ke in kal or -Kulu must be a part of the singnlar and not of the plural. Hence many false singulars with final k were formed and the old regular singulars without k, which exactly corresponded to the Kindred forn in other languages were replaced by these false forms : Telugu Plural. Telugu Singtilar. Tamil Singular. enugu... Anai. pinam. pinugu adi. enugulu, elephants ... ... pinugulu, corpses adugulu, feet madugulu, folds ... kongulu, branches or leaves... elukalu, rats... ... ... tfilukalu, parrot ... ... adugu... ma lugu kongu ... eluka ... ... tSiluka madi. unkai. ...eli. ... 7 ... ... ... killi. In these cases the Telugu singular has a k or g which is not found in the Tamil singulars. But the plurals exactly correspond. So it is evident that the k of the Telugu singular belongs to the plural. Other Spoken Dialects. Malto, Brahui, and Kurukh have the same form in the singular and the plural as Old Tamil. Vide L. S., pp. 412, 448 and 622.) In the other dialects galu has worn out to ga, i.e., its final syllable (u is lost. Sometimes this g is added to the masculine singular ending n, and we have the plural nga. This is due to the extension of ga to the rational nouns also. In Gondi the suffixes are k and ng, e. g., kd1%, feet; maid-ng, mountains. When a word ends in r preceded by a long vowel, then becomes h:-midr, danghters; midhl, daughters. Some are irregular :-alli, rat; all, rats; kallerark is a double plural having and l. (Vide L. S., p. 479.) Korava, a dialect of Tamil, bas galu, ga, nga as neuter plural suffixes. It has also rational suffixes, mar and aru : (L. S., p. 319) avanga, cows; mddanga, bulls.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. Kaikidi and Burgandi (also dialects of Tamil) have ang as neuter plural suffix. Kaikadi lag also ga :-kudri, horse; kudriyang, horses; ndy, a dog; ndyang, dogs. These dialects have no separate rational plaral suffixes. The above suffixes are also used as epicene suffixes. (Vide L. S., pp. 334 and 343.) To sum up, the neuter plural suffix of primitive or uncompounded nouns is ga! or ka! in Tamil and Malayalam, gal and kal in Canarese, kulu and lu in Tolu, lu in Telugu, and k, ga, or nga in Korava, Kaikadi, Borgundi, and Gondi. Brabui has sometimes t. Malto, Kurakh, and Bruhai have the same form in the singular and the plural. (6) Neuter Plural Sufix in a. Besides the neuter plural in gal with its varieties, we find in all the Dravidian languages a neuter plural in short a. But the following is the difference in use between the two suffixes: - (1) Ga! is the neuter plural suffix of primitive or uncompounded nouns, wbile a is the neuter plural suffix of compounded or derivative nouns. (2) Gal has a tendency in most languages to replace the rational plural suffix, and is often found compounded with it, while a has remained purely a neuter plural suffix of com pounded words. (3) Gal is not used as the verbal suffix of plurality, while a, like other suffixes of derivative nouns (an, al, ar), is used also as a verbal suffix. We shall now treat of its various forms in the different Dravidian dialects: Tamil. In Old and Middle Tamil the neuter plural suffix of compounded nouns is a:-ariya, rare things; siriya, small things. This a very early became ai, as it is found in the demonstrative and the interrogative pronouns :-avai, they; evai, what; etc. Gradually this ai form was extended also to other words. Thas Old Tamil ariya and siriya became areyarai and sireyavai in Middle Tamil. In New Tamil gal, the primitive neuter suffix, was added to ai. Thus we have, avaigal, ariyavaigal, etc Dr. Caldwell is right in thinking that pala, sila, pira, etc., when they are used as nouns, may contain the neuter plural suffix a. The final a of these words is not to be confounded with the adjectiveal suffix a. Malayalam. Malayalam faithfully preserves this suffix in its original form, a. We have, ara, they ; iva, these; eva, what. We have also the double plural form agul. Thus avaga!, evaga!, etc., are also found. Canarese. In Canarese this a becomes u, which in Sandhi becomes ou with the homo-organic consonant. Thus we have aru, they ; ivu, these ; peravu, others; pallavu, many things. In verbal forms, too, we find (which becomes vu); e. 9., keldapuva, they lear. Tulu. The Tulu demonstratives and interrogatives are so contracted that it is impossible to say if they contain this neuter plural suffix. But the existerse of this a as a ploral verbal suffix of neuters points out to the existence of the normal suffix a also in very early Tulu. Compare the following verbs ; mulpundu, it makes ; mulduda, they make ; maltundu, it made ; malta, they made. Double or Mixed Plural Suffixes. For a long time (till about the 7th century) the distinction between the rational and irrational suffixes was carefully preserved. But gradnally the rational suffixes r, aru, etc., were used to devote honorific singulars; and hence it became necessary to add to these words another suffix denoting plurality. The suffix that was used in all such cases was gal. Thus we have in all languages a donble or mixed plural, form : e. 9. Tamil, avargal, detarga!, etc. Malayalam: avargal, etc. Canarese : avargalu, etc. Telagu : raralu and ra!!u, etc. Tula : In this, r has disappeared and we have, akulu those men. Further kal or gal was extended to neater nouns as well. Thus we have avaigal, evaigal, etc., in Tamil; aragal, evagal, etc., in Malayalam; avagalu, etc., in Canarese and ailulu, they, in Tulu.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 247 GABRIEL BOUGHTON AND THE GRANT OF TRADING PRIVILEGES TO THE ENGLISH IN BENGAL. BY W. FOSTER. Most writers on the early history of British trade in Bengal have repeated with more or less reserve) the picturesque story according to which the concessions, that enabled the East Indis Company's servants to establish factories and to trade duty-free in that province, were obtained through the magnanimity of a surgeon named Boughton, who, having cured, first an imperial princess, and then one of the consorts of Prince Shuja, the Viceroy of Bengal, declined to receive any personal remuneration, but begged that in lieu thereof his fellow countrymen might be granted the commercial privileges they had long desired. The story has been traced by Sir Henry Yule (Hedges' Diary, Vol. III, p. 167) to Major Charles Stewart's History of Bengal (1813), where it is given as follows (p. 251) : "In the year of the Hegira 1046 [A. D. 1636 in margin) a daughter of the Emperor Shah Jehan having been dreadfully burnt, by her clothes catching fire, an express was sent to Surat, through the recommendation of the vizier Assud Khan, to desire the assistance of an European surgeon. For this service the Council at Surat nominated Mr. Gabriel Boughton, surgeon of the ship Hopewell, who immediately proceeded to the Emperor's camp, then in the Dekkan, and had the good fortune to cure the young Princess of the effects of her accident. Mr. Boughton, in consequence, became a great favourite at Court; and, having been desired to name his reward, le, with that liberality which characterizes Britons, sought not for any private emolument, but solicited that his nation might have liberty to trade, free of all duties, to Bengal, and to establish factories in that country. His request was complied with, and he was furnished with the means of travelling across the country to Bengal, Upon his arrival in that province, he proceeded to Pipley; and, in the year 1048 [A. D. 1638 in margin] an English ship happening to arrive in that port, he, in virtue of the Emperor's firman', and the privileges granted to him, negociated the whole of the concerns of that vessel without the payment of any duties. In the following year, the Prince Shujas having taken possession of the government, Mr. Boughton proceeded to Rajemahel, to pay his respects to his Royal Highness : he was most graciously received ; and one of the ladies of the haram being then indisposed with a complaint in her side, the English surgeon was again employed, and had the good fortune to accelerate her recovery. Owing to this event, Mr. Boughton was held in high estimation at the Court of Rajernahel; and, by his influence with the Prince, was enabled to carry into effect the orders of the Emperor, which might otherwise have been cavilled at, o, by some underhand method, have been rendered nugatory. In the year 1050 [A. D. 1640 in margin] the same ship returned from England and brought out a Mr. Bridgeman and some other persons, for the purpose of establishing factories in Bengal. Mr. Boughton, having represented the circumstance to the Prince, was ordered to send for Mr. Bridgeman : that gentleman, in consequence, went to Rajemahel, was introduced to the Prince, and obtained an order to establish, in addition to that at Pipley, factories at Ballasore and Hoogly. Some time after this event, Mr. Boughton died; but the Prince still continued his liberality and kindness to the English." Stewart explains that this was the farmin received at Surat in February, 1631, giving the English permi. sion to trado in Bengal, using Pippli as their port of entry. (Soe The English Factories in India. 1634-86, P. XXXV.) 1 Stowar here appenda : goo Et India Records, Vol. XIV. p. 32' reference which no one has succeeded in explaining. There is no sob series now at the India Office, nor is there any evidence of its having existed at the East India House; anl it caboot be linked in any way with the Memoran lun mentioacl on the next page.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. "This extract from Stewart," says Yule, "furnishes the earliest version that I have been able to find of this story in its completeness, and it has become the staple of the popular historians, but I cannot trace it to any accessible authority"; and after pointing out the impossibility of Boughton's deputation having had any connexion with the accident to the Princess Jahanara, he concludes: "If it be allowable to form a conjecture, mine would be that one of Stewart's native authorities may have combined the information' as to the lady's accident and Boughton's mission (the latter derived from some European source), and that Stewart had adopted this without inquiry." Apparently Yule had not noticed that much the same account had been given by Orme in the second volume of his History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan, published in 1778. Here (p. 8), speaking of Bengal, Orme says: "The trade of this country was opened to the English by means of a surgeon named Boughton, who in 1636 was sent from Surat to Agra to attend a daughter of the Emperor Shaw Jehan, whom he cured, and the Emperor, besides other favours, granted him a patent to trade free of customs throughout his dominions, with which Boughton proceeded to Bengal, intending to purchase goods in this province and to carry them by sea to Surat. His patent would probably have been little regarded, if the Nabob of the province had not wanted his assistance to cure one of his favourite women, whom he likewise recovered; on which the Nabob prevailed on him. to remain in his service, giving him an ample stipend, and confirming the privilege of trade which he had obtained at Agra, with a promise to extend it to all others of the English nation who should come to Bengal. Boughton wrote an account of his influence to the English governor at Surat, by whose advice the Company in 1640 sent two ships from England to Bengal, the agents of which, being introduced to the Nabob by Boughton, were received with courtesy and assisted in their mercantile transactions; and the advantages gained by this trial gave encouragement to prosecute the trade, " 248 Clearly, Stewart did not take his version from this, for his is the more detailed account; but the resemblance between the two is sufficiently close to warrant our concluding that both made use of the same authority. What then was this common source? We are guided to an answer by an examination of the Orme MSS. in the India Office Library, where, among the materials used by the historian, will be found two copies (India, Vol. VII, p. 1726, and O. V. 12, p. 13) of an unsigned memorandum, dated February, 1685, on the origin of the East India Company's privileges in Bengal, To one of these Orme has prefixed a note that it was copied from a document "by an uncertain hand, who appears to have been one of the Company's agents in Bengal during the Agency of Job Chanock; which I, R. O., first discovered in the East India House, in a book intitled Fort St. George Letters Received, from the 28th July, 1687, to 18th February, 1687-88. " This reference is precise enough to enable us to trace the memorandum among the India Office records, in what is now Factory Records: Fort St. George, Vol, XXX (p. 35). The volume containing it is one sent home from Madras in 1688 for the information of the Company, and comprises (as noted by Orme) copies of letters received at that Presidency between July, 1687, and the following February. The document in question, though dated in 1685, is entered without comment among letters received in September, 1687; but there is a possible explanation of this. It follows a letter from Thomas Davies, the interloper, protesting against his being kept a prisoner; and, as it contains an accusation against him of being partly responsible for the troubles experienced 3. I am indebted to Mr. S. C. Hill for this reference. My attention had, however, been previously drawn by Miss Anstey to the early copy among the records relating to Fort St. George from which Orme's transcript were made.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 249 by the Company in Bengal, it may have been recorded at this point in justification of his detention. Otherwiso, one may guese, it would never have been entered at all, since it was not in the nature of a letter. Of the fate of the original, by the way, nothing can be traced. Apparently it is no longer among the records at Madras. The document is of such interest that it is worth quoting in full, premising that, while the spelling remains unaltered, as regards the punctuation and the employment of capital letters we follow modern methols. A breis accountt of the rice and tenor of the Honourable English East India Companies priviledges, together [with] their losses of them and their present case as to the customs. Feb. Anno 1684 [i.e., 1685]. About the year 1686 there was one Gabriel Boughton, a chyrurgeon, at Madrass (in the time of Agent Cockaine), who design'd home for England, and according took his passage upon the Hopewell, Captain Gage commander, and near the Cape mett with very bad weather and in the storm the said ship sprang a leak, which to save themselves they threw overboard their lading, and made for the Moritious; where they arrived and mett with the ship Dolphin, Captain Proud commander, which ship in bad weather had lost her masts ; at which place both ships being fitted they went for Suratt. Mr. Boughton, haveing lost all that he had, tarried at Suratt; during which stay Assut Chaune, the Emperors Buxy, writt to Suratt for a chirurgeon to come to court; the Emperours daughter, by accident haveing her clothes set on fire, was burnt, for the cure of whom a chirurgeon was sent for. Mr. Boughton went and performed the cure. He was much made off, and allowed 7 rupies per diem and invited to serve the Emperour; but Mr. Boughton did not like to stay, and after some time travelled most part of India, and at last came down into Bengall. The Prince Shaw Sujah then residing at Rajamaule, Mr. Boughton went thither. He had been there but a little while, when he was taken notice off by a groat person that had seen him at the Emperours court, while he was performing the cure upon the Emperours daughter. And at that time there was one of the Princes concubines, which woman the Prince greatly loved, had a great pain in her side, and could find no cure. The said great person acquaints the Prince that there was a chyrurgeon in the town that had wrought a great cure on the Emperours daughter ; upon which the Prince sent for Mr. Boughton, who undertoke the cure and succeeded, curing the woman in a very short time; upon which Mr. Boughton was in very great favour and allowed by the Prince 10 rups, per diem. This Prince, Shaw Sujah, was the present Emperours elder brother, and bad given him by his fatber the government and all the revenues of the provinces of Bengalla and Orissa. He offers Mr. Boughton, if he would trade, he should be free from paying of custom and all other duties, and gave Mr. Boughton two nesbauns (nishan, an order] to that end. Mr. Boughton thereupon came down to Piply, and by a Moors ship then bonnd for Suratt writ to the President there and gave an account of all goods and merchandize that he could learn were here to be had. The President received the letter, and about two years after came a ship from England, whereof was commander Captain Brookhaven, and upon the account of Mr. Boughtons neshauns was free of all daties. He was at Hugly and bought severall goods and returnd; and after two year came the second time, and brought Mr. Bridgman Cheil, and severall others, to settle factories. And upon their arrivall Captain Brookhaven writt to Mr. Boughton, being then with the Prince at Rajamaule, that he was come to settle factories,

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1931. Mr. Boughton forth with sent down bis servant James Pries to Hagly to feteb Dr. Bridgman up to the Prince; who accordingly went up, and was presented by Mr. Boughton to the Prince, to whom Mr. Bridgman made a present of some rarities ; and Mr. Boughton took that opportunity to speak to the Prince for his neshauns for Mr. Bridgman to trade freely without the paying of custome or any other duties, The Prince gave it, apon Mr. Boughtons request; upon which neshaun Mr. Bridgman settled factories at Ballasore, Hagly, etc., which lasted till the United Company broke mp. When the United Company broke up, there was one Mr. Paul Walgrave Cheif of Bengall, who went from Ballasore over land to Metchlopatam [Mas o lipatan], und in the way was rob'd and lost the Princes neshaun, with several per wannas [Parwana, a grant or ord:r] grounded upon it. There was at that time a Company that went under the name of Maurice Thompsons Company here ; for whom there was Mr. Billedge, Gardon and Chamberlaine, to whom joyned Mr. Blak, one that was the old Cumpanies servant. But they haveing neither neshaun nor perwanna, and Mr. Boughton dying about that time, they apply themselves to James Price, that was Mr. Boughtons servant and well acquainted at the Princes court, to endeavour to procure the Princes nessun ; which said James Price under took to do them what service he could, and went up with Mr. Billadge from Ballasore to Rajamaulle, and did solicite for the Princes neshann now in our hands, which they and this present Company after them had and did hold those priviledges during the Prince Shaw Sajshs time. But it was but little time before the King, the youngest brother, by severall stratagems got the crown ; which no sooner he did posses but he sought Shaw Sajahs (his brothers) life, sent a great afmy down to take hin. Shaw Sajah Bed to Arracca [i. e., Arakan) where tis said he was kill'd. The King made Moor Jumle (the Generall that came down with the army) Nabob. Trad being small, and the English few, by presents be allow'd the English to go on. He continued about four years. After him, abont the year fifty-nine, came Daud Chawn (Daud Khan) to be Nabob. Still, the trade being small, etc., he allow'd the English free trade, being presented. The next was Shaw Esta Chawn (Shaista Khan), the present Nabob, who by presents was conduced to connive at the English free trade for about 16 years. The same Shaw-Esta-Chawn being Nabob from the year 1660 to 1677, was then turn'd out. Thon came Sultan Azum, the present Emperourg son, to be the Nabob; and at that time was Hodge Shuffy Chaun [Haji Sufi Khan) Doan fi. e., Diwan) and a great freind to the English, who by applycation made to him did greatly favour the English in procuring the Princes neshann to be custome free, which was granted anno [Blank]. But the Prince continued but for one year, and Shaw.Esta Chawn, the present Nabob, return'd again; and returning (being a most covetous man) came exceeding eager now to make the best of his time. And finding that the Moors and Mogalls were not for his turne, being a lazy people and given to their pleasure, he finds out a crafty fellow, a Gentue [i. e., Hindu] (who of all men are most cruell when they gett in power), & person suited every way to the said Nabobs temper and inclination, whose name was Boolebaund [Balchand). This person racks the people, gives the Companies affairs great distarbanee; so that it was thought adviceable that * Vackell [wakil, an agent) should be sent to endeavour to get the Kinge phirnand (tarman, an order), they never baveing any law for the Companies priviledges ; considering that the Nabob of Bebar, residing in Battana [Patna), would never take any notice of any of the neshanng or perwannaes of the Princes and Nabobs of Bengalla, but alwayer gave great disturbance. The latter end of anno 1678 a Vuckell was sent to the

Page #265
SEPTEMBER, 1911.) G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 251 Emperour, to get his phirmaund; who after some time had admittanoo to present his petition, which concerned principally those two things : first, that the English paying custome 2 per cent., and jeidge (dizya, poll-tax) 14 per cent. at Surrat, they should be free of custom in all other places of his Empire ; secondly, that there should be no rewannas (rawanah] or writing demanded of what goods or merchandize for quantity or quality the English ship of. The petition was received and accordingly there was drawn up & phirmaund and presented to the Emperour. The Emperour read it and, it being incerted according to the petition that, there being paid 2 per cent, custom and 1per cent, jeidga at Sarrat, the English should be free of custome, etc., in all other places, and that no writing [be ?] demanded of the English in any other place then Saratt, the former (viz., should be free of custome in all other places ') the King struck ont with his own hand, and added 'let not one hinder or molest them.' The latter (vis., that no writing should be demanded of the English in any other place") the Emperonr struck that quit out and added nothing. This I find the Vuckell adviseth Mr. Vincent, who returns an answer to this effect : 'if he could not gett it as he would, should gett it as he could.' The Vuckeel procures the phirmaund at great expence and sends [it P] , which arrivd here in anno 1680; which phirmaund was thought by many not of much value. A translate of said phirmaund follows: In the name of God, amen. To all present and future ralers in Surrat that remain in the hopes of the Emperours favour. Be it known that at this happy birth of time it is agreed of the English Nation, besides their usuall custom of 2 per cent, for their goods, more 11 joid ge or polemony shall be taken. Wherefore it is commanded that in the said place, from the 1st day of Sbavaal in the 28d year of our reign, of the said people there [should be three and a half rupees per cent of all their goods on account of castome and polomony be taken for the future; and [at?] all other places upon this account let no one hinder or molest them for custom, rawdarree, peashoum, phirmaish, and other matters by the Emperours court forbidden; not (nor ?] to make any demands in these particulars ; observe. Written the 23d day of the month Suffer in the year twenty three.. When the phirmaund came, though there was a dispute upon it, yet, Hodges Suffy Chaun being our friend, * perwanna was obtained of the Nabob and said Duan Hodgee Suffy Chaun for free passing our goodes upon the phirmaunde, interpreting the said phirmaund in our fayour; and accordingly for the following yeare the Honble Companies affairs were not molested. But the next year Boolchund, having a coppy of the said phirmand, puts & stop upon all affaires and gives great trouble, saying the phirmaund doth not at all concerne this place, it being directly to the Governours of Surrat, and the meaning was that those that paid custome at Surrat should not be molested in any other place, and if we would bave a rewanna that we had paid custom at Surrat, he would not require it for what goods we imported : and thereapon sends a copy of the said phirmaund to the Nabob with his interpretation of it, and withall informs the Nabob the English, under a pretence that they were freed of castome by the Kings phirmaunde, give their dusticks [dastak, a pass] to the natives of the Kings subjects and vassalls, by which means the King was defrauded of his revenue. At which the Dutch set in and excite the Governour, alleadging they have paid four per cent. custome over since they have been in the country, which amount to a very great sum; which was hard measure on them when the English go free. The Nabob writes all to the Emperour, and the effect was a husball hookum (or an order) from the * Rahdart, transit dues; peshkash, presenta ; farmdish, commission.

Page #266
252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1911. Emperour to Hodgee Suffy. Chaun, his Daan, to take of us per cent. custome; which came down the begining of anno 1682, a little before Agent Hedges etc. arrivall, who found a stop upon all the Honourable Companies affairs. And that which confirmed the stop' was Mr. Vincents complying with the orders, prying 5 per cent. custome, which was exacted from them. A little before agent Hedges etc. arrival Mr. Vincent had dispatcht & Vukeel to court, who was proceeded as far as Pattana when Mr. Pitt in the Crown arriv'd, upon whose arrivall Mr. Vincent orders the Vukell to stay there till farther order. When it was made known to the said Agent Hedges that there was a Vukeel going to court, be, having a design to go to Dacca, pleads the great expence, bath it collected; and calls a Consultation and there aggravates the expence and lenght of time etc., as may be seen in a Consultation September 25, 1682. And having framed his designs to serve himself, as well in that particular as many others, he dissembled matters so artificially that an honest mind could not entertain any thought of his hypocrisy ; but it appeard by the event that to serve himself was his design, and therefore the Vuckeel was remanded back. And to Dacca the said Ageut goes and spends near 50,000 rs. and only obtains 7 months time (we giving in bills of entry at Hagly of all goods shipt off) to try what could be done in the procuring a .phirmaunde (but did no more towards it then to trust the Nabobs promise to write on our behalf); and if a phirmaund cold not be procur'd in said 7 months then he yeilded to pay custome etc.; and give [gave?] the security of a merchant at Dacca (which trap it was thought was laid for him), into whose hands was deposited 20,000 rs. for counter security. After the 7 months was some time expired and no phirmaund came, the said merchant into whose hands was deposited the 20,000 rs.) paies the custome upon the tallicnes (talika] (or bills of entry), wbich were giveing [sic] during the said 7 months, which was for the goods that went home per Defence and Society etc.: the depositing the 20,000 rs, being a contrivance to draw into the fact, that they might have it entered into the Kings books that we had yeilded to pay custome and so be a president for the future, presidents in all cases being what these people build greatly upon, which they always plead as we do prescriptions in England. This paying of custome, although it was endeavoured to be bid by the A gent, yet it was rumored, and I told the Agent I heard that custom was paid ; which as appeared afterwards was a real truth, yet be the said Agent denyed it with the greatest aservation. Before the next shipping I told him again I heard that the merchant had paid the custome; the Agent still denyed it. After the Prulent Mary and the Herbert was gone, I told him I heard custome was paid for what we had given var tallicas for in 1683. He still denyed, and the said Agent in the first generall by the Golden Fleece, at a Consultation, by reading the letters being put hard to it, with great asservation affirme [s] that custome was not paid, when 2 yeares successively be knew it was paid, the 20,000 rs. being a cover to the design; bat before the Gollen Fleece went away, in a second generall he acknowledges custom was paid for the 2 years past, and writes 80.to the Honourable Company. So that now 3 years successively custom hath been paid for what goods hath been entered ; and that which is of vast prejudice to the Honourable Company, in that as well as in other respects, is Mr. Davis his offering to pay custom, as a motive to the procuring the Nabobs perwanna and his protection; who hath procured & perwanna upon those tearms, to build factories in, any place in Bengalla ; and these Governours will not understand any difference of parties of the English, pretending more right one then the other.

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SEPTEMBER, 1011.) G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 253 From what I have gathered by searching into the rice and tenor npon which the Honourable Company have had and held their priviledges, and how now it stands with them, I shall note a few things as follows, viz. :1st That Shaw-Sajah, that first granted the English those priviledges they enjoyed, had by his father the government and all the revenues of Bengall and Oriss given him, and therefore might bave (given 1] those priviledges as a right to the first English, but it could last no longer then his time, 2. That the Emperour hath never given any phirmaund (a phirmaund is an edict or law) but what is directed to the Governours at Suratt, the translate of which I have given your Honour. 8. Yet notwithstanding in the time of the severall Nabobs and Daans we have had the priviledges continued from time to time till anno 1682, with much strugling and great bribes. A. That the Emperour hath given his order to the Duan that he shall take 35 per cent. of the English, according as it is paid at Surrat, except we bring a rewanua that custom is paid there. 5. That the Duan cann't dispence with the Kings order; and the said Duan that now is, is a devout Musselman that will take no present to the value of a flower. 6. That customo hath been paid this 3 years according to Agent Hedges agreement with the Nabob, that if a phirmaund could not be procured in 7 months then he should pay it. 7. That the Dutch upon all occasions excite the Governoars to take custom of us, a!leadg ing their case, whom they (as they say) bave as much reason to be free of custom as the English, and yet pay 4 per cent. 8. That Mr. Vincent, and after him Captain Alley paying custome, and at last Mr. Davis offering to pay 31 per cent., if they might have the Nabobs perwanna, which was granted in the name of the Ld. Lamly, was of great prejudic to the Honourable Company in this affair. Since our present concern with this narrative is confined to its version of the Boughton legend, as current in Bengal about 1685, we sball say little or nothing regarding its other contents, except to note that they afford some grounds for thinking that the author was John Beard, who became Agent in Bengal in October, 1684, and died at Ilugli in the following August. Whoever he was, as regards the earlier part of the story he probably depended on hearsay, and in certain details bis information was demonstrably inaccurate. The opening date, for instance, is wrong. Andrew Cogan (here called Cockaine) was not Agent on the Coromandel Coast until the autumn of 1639; and it was in August, 1648, that the Hopewell (with Cogan on board) sailed from Madras for Bantam, where she arrived in the following November, Assuming that, as our narrative declares, Boughton sailed with Cogan from Madras, the question arises whether he merely joined the ship at that place, or whether he had taken part in her earlier cruises. The former theory is more consonant with the text; but the entire absence of any reference in the extant records to his being employed on shore at Madras rather favours the view that he had been the ship's surgeon froin the start, though no trace of his appointment can be found in the home records of the Company. On this hypothesis, it will be of interest to note that the Hopewell sailed from the Down on the last day of 1641, with Andrew Trumball as her master, and Francis Day in charge of her cargo. She was bound for Fort St. George, and duly reached that This must have been the nobleman who was created Baron Lamley (in the poorage of England) in 1681, Viscount Lumloy in 1680, and Earl of Scarbrough in 1890. He was probably a patron of the notorious interloper Alley, whose ship was named the Lumley Castle.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1911, place on July 5, 1642. A fortnight later she sailed for Masulipatam and thence to Balasore, in the Bay of Bengal, where she spent three months, returning to Madras in December. On the 30th of that month she departed for Gombroon in Persia, arrived there in March, and got back to Madras on May 19, 1643. There had been continual disputes between Day and Trumball, and charges of cruelty were brought against the latter by many of the officers and crew, with the result that the Agent and Council at Fort St. George ordered the master on shore and sent the ship down the coast to Tranquebar without him. On her return (August 1643) Trumball was reinstated; but this produced a fresh hubbub, and Day positively refused to venture on board again. At last a solution was found for the difficulty: Cogan himself took command of the vessel for the voyage to Bantam, while Day remained at Fort St. George as Agent in his place. The scanty records of the time include several documents relating to the charges against Trumball. One of these (0. C. Duplicates, No. 1824) contains the latter's answer, in June, 1643, to certain accusations made by Day (not now extant), which evidently alleged, among other things, that the master had used the surgeon of the Hopewell in a cruell horrid manner.' To this Trumball replied that: "It is not zoe. But the above said chirurgion havinge caused my servant to enter 8 pound in the pursers books to him for curinge (as he said) the runninge of the reynes, I questioned with him why he would have any dealinge with him that was my servant and not let me know of it, and to cause him to enter any money, which he, beinge another mans servant, could not doe. I said moreover, if he [had] acquainted me with it, I would have made him satisfaction. His reply [was] now it was entred in the booke, he had satisfaction. Whereupon I demanded whose the medecines were that he did use. He tould me the Company did lay them in for his use. I tould him, if the Company did lay them in for his use, yet they did not permitt him to sell them at such high rates. He made me answere verie proudly he would make what rates he thought fitt, and that it did not belonge to me to examine him in those particulers. I further asked him why he caried the medecines ashore now wee had noe sicke men there. He replied I should never know; which mov'd me, seeinge his infinite pride, to strike him 3 or 4 blowes with an inch rope; which I thinke was, roe more then I might doe." Further on in the same document Trumball alludes to his having on another occasion "had" some words" with the surgeon, who had refused to come near him, though his foot was giving him "extreame paine." There is also a reference to some complaint that Trumball sent his sick men ashore at Balasore without seeing that they had proper shelter and food; in reply to which he protests that he left the matter in the hands of the "chirurgion," who "never asked any thinge of me; but (as afterward I knew) tooke care to gett his owne chest and lumber into the boate." In none of these instances, however, is the name of the surgeon given; and so, unless some further evidence is forthcoming, it must remain doubtful whether they really relate to Boughton or to some predecessor of his. After this digression, we return to our examination of the narrative. The Hopewell sailed from Bantam for England in January, 1644, under the command of Captain Yates (not Gage); but she had not got far on her way when she was forced by bad weather and her leaky condition to put into the Island of Mauritius. There, as stated in the narrative, she met the Dolphin, which had left Surat at the beginning of the year and had likewise been badly damagel in a storm. After refitting as best they could, the two ships went on to Madagascar and the Comoros; but then, finding themselves in no condition to complete the voyage to Europe, they made their way to Surat, which was reached in September, 1644. Thus far the narrative appears to be in the main correct, though it must be confessed that in the extant records no trace can be found of Boughton's participation in the voyage. At

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 255 this point, however, the story runs right off the rails--how far may be seen by comparing the following extract from a letter addressed to the East India Company by their President and Council At Surat under date of January 3, 1645 (Inulia Ofice Records: 0.c. 1905), which gives the true story of Boughton's deputation to Agra. In excusing themselves for making a larger demand than usual for medical stores, the President and bis colleagues explain that an unexpected call bas been made upon their resources in this line: "Assalant Ckaune, a very great Umbra (umarl], gratious with the King and our very good freind, haveing long importaned us to supply him with [a] chirurgeon, wee consideringe how advantageous itt may be unto you, and haveinge a fitt oportunity, one Gabriel Boughten, late chirurgeon of the Hopewell, being thereunto very well qualifyed and being willinge to stay, wee have thought fittinge to designe him to that service ; wherewith Assal Eaut] Ckaune is soe well pleased that lately, when Mr. Turner was to leave Agra, he accompanyed Mr. Tash and Mr. Turner to the King, who honord them more then ordinary in a long conference be held with them, dismissing them with vests, and sending unto the President a firman and dagger; which not being yett received, wee know not what the former may import or the latters Falew, but shall heresiter advise." As will be seen, nothing is here said about the accident to the Princess Jahanara, which, according to our narrative, was the immediate cause of Bonghton's journey to Agra ; om the contrary, we find that Asalat Khan (not Asad Khan, who was quite a different person) had long been importunate for an English doctor-doubtless to attend to his own infirmities--and that only the difficulty of finding one who could be spared, and who was willing to accept the employment, had prevented an earlier compliance with his desires. Moreover, apart from this evidence, it has been pointed out by Yule and others that the fire-accident occurred early in 1644-nearly a year before Boughton was despatched; while in any case, as the Court was then at Delhi, it would have been impossible to procare a European surgeon from Surat in time to be of any real service. We must conclude, therefore, that this part of the story is incorrect; and it is noteworthy that Bowrey's slightly earlier version (quoted below) says not a word about Boughton having had anything to do with the care of the Princess. Further, in neither of them is it asserted that any farman was granted to Boughton by the Emperor. We next find the English surgeon at the court of Shah Shuja, who was then in charge of the province of Bengal. Asalat Khan is said to have died in 1647; and this may have been the cause of Boughton's seeking a new patron. The account given in the narrative of his having cured a member of the Prince's haram may be accepted as probably correct, especially as it is corroborated to some extent by a further traditional account which Sir Henry Yule found in a MS. discourse by a Captain who traded in India about 1669-79.7 This account, as printed by Yule (Hedges' Diury, Vol. III, p. 183), may here be quoted. After noting that the English were custom-free throughout Bengal, Bebar, and Orissa, it proceeds : "All which was procured by the ingenuitie of Mr. Gabriel Bowden, one of our owne nation. and a very eminent doctor of phisick, sometime doctor in ordinary to the great warriour * No reference is made to the farmin in lator letters, but it appears to have been one for which the factors haul applied, laying down the rates at which their export goods were to be valued at Surat. * The MS. has since been published by the Hakluyt Society under the title of A Geographical Account of the Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1689 to 1379, by Thomas Borcrey. Sir Richard Temple, who edited the work. considered that the passage quoted above was Stewart's authority for his story of Boughton's mission : but. apart from the notable discrepancies between the two accounts, there is no evidence that Stewart was aware of the existence of Bowroy's manuscript, while on the other hand he expressly acknowledges bis indebtedness to the East India House records,

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1911. Emir Jemla, who tooke a very great affection towards him, and was most courteous and free to him. And especially upon a notable cure of his owne lady performed (under God) by the doctor, the Nabob, callinge for him, ordered him att that instant to demand what he wold have given him or had most likeinge to and it should be granted in consideration of his loyal service and care of the best of his familie. The doctor, highly surprised with this great person's generositie, soone considered upon it, yett soe as not to be greedy of any present gaine (onely for himselfe), and now in the best of time requested that the English nation might settle factories in what parts of the kingdomes they pleased, and be free off all duties and customes, which then was four per cent, in and the like out for all the goods dealt io. The which was noe sooner demanded but as readily granted, with phyrmands in the Persian languadge that the English nation should hold that priviledge soe longe as they pleased to live and settle in these dominions, and many other rewards liberally bestowed upon the doctor (one beinge very rare amonge the Mahometants)." It will be observed that the two narratives differ as to the nature of the privileges obtained by Boughton, Bowrey's account representing that they were general to the English, while the other implies that they were special concessions to Boughton himself, though they were made to cover the transactions of Brookhaven in his first royage. The latter version is the more likely, and it is supported by a document quoted by Yule (loc. cit. p. 184) relative to Brookhaven's second visit. This is a set of instructions to James Bridgeman and other merchants, whom Brcokbaven was sending up from Balasore (December, 1650) to start a factory at Hugli; and in them stress is laid upon the necessity of obtaining a farman from Shah Shnja for trade in Bengal- clear proof that no general concession had yet been obtained from the Prince--and reference is made to certain promises received from "Mr. Gabriel Boughton, chirurgeon to the Prince," of assistance berein The statement in our narrative that Bridgeman and his colleagues were successful in obtaining the desired grant is borne out by a letter from Madras dated. January 14, 1652 (0. C. 2246), which says that our freinds there [i. e., in Bengal] have bin at the expence of 8,000 rups. at least to procure the Princes firmand for free trade in his dominions; which, if it can bee mainetained in its full vigour will in short time quite [i, e., quit] the charge." Presumably this was the farman that was lost by Waldegrave; whereupon a fresh grant was procured by the interlopers Gawton and Billidge, vis., the well-known nishan of April, 1656. The loss of the farman is narrated as follows in a letter from Madras to the Company dated November 10 and 22, 1656 (O. C. 2579): "Mr. George Gawton, who hath also settled a factory in Ballasore, with eight or nine assistants, and procured a new phirmand for trade, that of Your Worships being lost, togither with all the Bay accompts and papers, by Mr. Waldegrave; who, boing very sicke at the ships departare, could not come by sea but followed after by land, bringing the said phirmand, accompts, etc., with him, without leaving coppies behind in the factorie, recommended to the broker Narrana his charge, as hee ought to have done (having sent none by the ships) in regard of the dangers incident to so long a journey and the troubles on the way, some of our English etc. people having byn robbd and wounded not many months before betweene Verasheroone and Vizagapatam ; which This is a mistake. Mir Jumla did not come to Bengal until after Boughton's death. The error may have been due to the fact that Mir Jumla, as mentioned later, confirmed Shah Shuja's grant.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] G. BOUGHTON AND TRADING PRIVILEGES 257 last place Mr. Waldegrave, accompanied with Capt. Darson and Thumss Wilson etc servants having passed, about two daies journey on this side were sett on by other theeves, wounded, and robbed of all about them to their very clothes; in which disaster the said papers were lost, and could never since bee heard of, though Mr. Waldegrave bimselfe staied some daies behind to make enquiry after them, and Mr. Winter since by our order sent purposely others to looke for them." . The date of Boughton's death is unknown. There is reason to believe that he was still alive in January, 1652, when two small vessels, in whose lading he had an interest, started from Bengal for Persia; but he was certainly dead by the summer of the following year. A letter from Paul Waldegrave at Balasore to the President at Surat, dated August 17, 1653 (0.C. 2386), referring to this venture, says: "Mr. Boughton had a great share therein, who died in debt to one Churmull, a shroff in Pattanah [Patna], betweene 5 and 6,000 rups. With its interest; and from whome wee have often received very many troublesome solicitacions for payment or securitie for that debt, hee [Boughton] being the under the nocion of the Companies servant and did their bussinesse in Pattanah that yeare." Other claims were made upon the estate, particularly by William Pitt or Pitts, who had married "a Mogullana or Morish woman, the relict of Gabriell Boughton" (O. C. 2610). With this glimpse of Boughton's domestic arrangements we must here take our leave of him. It would lead us too far to follow the unknown writer's account of transactions in Bengal subsequent to the viceroyalty of Shab Shuja ; and it must suffice to warn the reader that the datesdoubtless given from memory-are approximate merely, and that there is an evident animus on the part of the writer (whom we have already guessed to have been John Beard) against Agent Hedges. It is quite possible, by the way, that the note was pended for the information of President Gyfford, who came from Madras to displace Hedges and at his departure left Beard in charge of the Bengal factories. We may conclude by citing an interesting passage in the Court Minutes of the East India Company, to which attention was first drawn by Sir Richard Temple in his edition of Bowrey's work (p. 234). It is from a report made to the Court on September 4, 1674, by a Committee specially appointed to investigate the question of trade in Bengal; and it gives the following account (based, it would seem, on hearsay mostly) of the origin of that commerce : ** We have discussed with Mr. [Shem] Bridges and others concerning the phirmaund or patent for trade granted the English by the Prince of Bengals; and we find that it was first procured by one Mr. Bowden, a chyrurgeon, and gave the English onely libertie to trade, paying custom according to the King's phirmand, but was altered and made to pay noe custom according to the King's phirmand : that afterwards there was another phirmand, thought to be more advantageous to the trade of the English, procured by Mr. Gauton and Billidge, by which the English enjoyed the privilege of trading custom free (but still according to the King's phirmand) till the King [sic] Hled out of Bengal : after which, and in Mr. Trevisa's time, the Nabob Mozam Cawne (formerly called Meere Jumbla) confirmed to the English the privilege of trading custom free, for all goods in and exported, by his perwanna: which privilege was again confirmed by Sbaster Cawne, the present Nabob of Bengal, in Mr. Blake's time."

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, L.C.S. (Continued from p. 285.) Dhaunohi: wheat liable to smut. Karnal S. X., 1880, p. 189. Dhwan: bellows. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 106. Dhoja : * widower when he marries again. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 136. Dheu (Artocarpus integrifolia): the jack-fruit tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 19. Dht dhain (fr. Whia daughter and drain or dhaer--a girl of the village). Hence daughters of the village are called ahi-dhaen. Simla Hills. Dhihalu : a small earthen pot: a big one is called hindi, and a middle sized one hindi. The dhihile used to carry small presents of curds, ghi, &c., which a nan takes to a friend or a patron's house when he goes to visit him. Kangra Gloss. Dhingand : adj. violent, forcible. Dhing-dhingane: willy-nilly. P.D. p. 308. Dhingiaria: a peacock. Bauria argot. Dhingon jofi : Panjabi Dicty, p. 309. Dhingra: buckwheat (Cajanus bicolor). Cf. urhur and Rouwli. Kingra S. R., p. 25. Dhinkar: a hedge of thorny busbes. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 171. Dhingari, a potsherd, Panj. Dy. p. 309. Dhokkhi : danger, lb. p. 310. Dhok marna: to join the bands palm to palm and raise them to the forehead in salutation. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 144. Dhol: el dhol: a term applied to a tom of the whole water of a leul ; "it is my dhol." When water is divided, the term would not be used. Dhol dena, to divert a stream into another channel. Kangra Gloss. Dhola: a pair of scanty drawers worn by a bride. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 180. Dhon: a tree whose leaves afford fodder. Kangra S, R. (Lyall), p. 38. Dhond: the big wood pigeon. Kangra Gloss. Dhonitar: elhup Ihdl: a dhobi's ghat or place for washing clothes. Dhonsd: a drummer. Kangra 8. R., p. 92. Dhontu : bellows. Sirmur cis-Giri. Dhotin: a woman. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 150. Dhouru : & tambourine. Cf. dhad. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 70. Dhowar: doh ir, dofasli land, as opposed to bisanul ; applied to rice land in which wheat is sown to be followed by rice : when left fallow, it would be called brisand. Kangra Gloss. Dhuan : an order of Uldsis. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 35. Dhukar: a variety of coarse, harly rice sown on dry land. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Dhunoh: << censer ( 7 fr. dhup, incense)-15ed in Pangi. Dhunka : * large double-stringed bow with which ginned cotton is scutched. Cf. pinan. Karnal S. R. 1883, p. 183, Dhap: the plant Dolomiora macrcocephala, used as incense in India and China. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 96. Dhup-dip: 'incense and light;' ghi, gugal, certain leaves, spices, ete., are mixed together to make dhip and put on the fire to make an odorous smoke. Dip is a light, generally a wick burning ghi. Dhip is offered to a diota and the place illuminated with dip. Simla Hills.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 259 Dhupkhal: see dhonitar. Dhurah: the middle-sized dove. Cf. kowi and kamloa. Kangra Gloss. Dbari: thick mist or cloud. Kangra Gloss. Dhurna, dhurach, dhanerd : a large spcon in which dhip is burnt. Simla Hills. Dhusrs: kind of maize with light yellow cobs inter mixed with white grains. Cf. dlusri and dagh. Jullundur S. R., p. 122. Dialo : day&lo= dayal. Diapan jag : # movable festival, observed when any man is desirous of holding it. Brahmans are fensted and given clothes or money. A person having observed fasts on the ikadshe Ram-naumi, janm-ashtmf days ceases do so after performing a diapan jag. Simla Hills. Dibar: ill-drained low-lying laud of poor quality, often water-logged. Cf. chahn. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 70. Dibald : a large mango fruit. Inside like curds dahi) and not stringy. Hoshiarpur B. R., p. 15. Dihar: s. m. a boliday, festival. Diklu : the marten cat. Kangra Gloss. Dikra : son. Bauria urgot. Dinga : a rake with long iron teeth. Cf. phdora. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 162. Dip, dap: a fish trap, consisting of a tasket with a small hole at the top; bait is pat into it to attract fish. Kangra Gloss. Dipi: a small bridge (Labul), see trangari, Ditta : p.-part of deud. Diudhi: dihudi= doudbi. Diva: a metal or earthen lamp. Sirmur trans-Giri, Diwari: a little door or passage through a wall. Kangra Gloss. Doda: A cotton pod, p. 325. Dodher: (1) a house occasionally lived in to cultivate land at a distance from ond's you house ; (2) the house (1) where cattle go to graze on certain bills. Dodbia : a small mango fruit, white inside like milk (dudh). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Doerah : a milk pot. Sirmur trans-Giri. Dogar: a good omen :-two water pots, one on top of the other. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 154. Dobar : see dhowdr. Dobki: a small mango fruit, with a strong taste of turpentine. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Dohki: a big spoon. Sirmur trans-Girt. Dohli: # grant of land set apart rent-free for the benefit of a temple, mosque or shrine, or viece of land given rent-free to a pandit or other member of a religious order. Gurgaon S. R. 1883, p. 88. Dohlidar: a holder of a dohli, q.1. Gurgaon S. R. 1883, p. 88. Dohr: a large fine blanket. Sirmur cis-Giri. Dobra: A man who puts the bandle of canes between the rollers. Hoshiarpur 8.11., p. 82. Dobru : a ladle for oil, ghi, &c. Kangra Gloss. Dolendhi: the day after the Holi festival. Cf. phag. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 150. Dolora: a wooden spoon with which gur is ladled out. Karnal S. R. 1890, p. 182. Dhonger : salvadora oleoides. Of. jul. Gurgaon S. R. 1883, p. 12. Dongwar: a cut male sheep ander 4 years of age--gee under dhed. Dopahri: breakfast-Bee under datialu.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1911. Dora : a gown worn by women in winter ; it covers the whole body, fitting close under the neck. Kungra S. R., p. 45. Donahi : a loose rich soil, quite as productive as the Rohi, for being lighter, all agricultural processes, ploughing, levelling and hoeing, are more easily carried on, and from its lightness the land is not so readily encumbered with weeds. Gujranwala S. R., p. 25. Dotli: a term used in Kullu to describe the grazing grounds round the villages. Rirra is also used. Kangra Gloss. Dotrl : a young ewe which has not yet lambed-see under bhed. Drabbar: a smooth grassy place or lawo. Drap is a species of grass. Kangra Gloss, Drap: a species of grass. Drrkar: a village official, always a Gaddi by caste, who collected the langokara (q. v.). Dran : see darun. Duarwala : A menial who goes with the bridegroom, at the time of marriage-fr. duar, door also called putriar. Churah. Mono.: p. 107. Dabh: a grass (Cynodon dactylon). Karnal S. R., p. 13. Dubbain (8. f.): a great friend of. Dubkia: a diver. Cf. chaikan and dabolia. Karnal 8. R. 1880, p. 159. DuchAb: a low grass, which remains green all the year round and is eaten by cattle, it has long spreading roots which cover the ground in all directions and are difficult to eradicate. Siria S. R. 1883, p. 14. Dudharchar opahQ : * tenant-farmer residing in another village. Cl. hal chak, bhatri, and opra. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. Dudhi: a white beardless wheat. Cf. dudh khani. Ludhiana S. R. 1983, p. 113. Dudh kham: a white boardless wheat. Cf. dudhi. Ludhiana S. R. 1888, p. 113. Dadni: a milk pail. Jullundur S. R., p. 61. Dugar: a sorcerer, see under den. Duhnt: a milk-pot := doerah. Sirmur cis. Giri Dulha: bridegroom, an, bride, wife. Dana : A vessel made of pottery, smaller than tha ghara, for dipping water. Cf. thilia and gharia. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 121. Dunun: wasan; a garlic. Simla S, R., p 46. Dunggan : the ears of jowar and bdjra. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 252. Dupatera : A one-stringed musical instrument. Pangi. (Dopatra). Durri: a fish (Pseudeutropins mitchelli). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Dwar: a door. Sirmur. Dwatan, or dehl: the beam on the floor between the door-posts on which the doorslints. Kangra Gloss. Ehhari: lit. a fly flap; a blue flag on the top of the shrine of the giga pir (the groastest of the snake-kings). Karnal 8. R. 1880, p. 152. Bk hal kA sajji: a than who has contributed a fall plough. Karnal S. R., p. 112. Ekar: a sugarcane, which resembles dhaulu (whiter, thicker and rather more easily peeled) only with dark colourel lines, the peel is harder, and there is less juice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 79. Parolta : a small basket for holding grain. Simla S. R., p. 45. Firoht () : a fine. Kangra S. R., p. 63. Fita ohalna: to keep along a hill-side-see under bunh. Gaba: a bnd of the jowdr. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 187. Gabhir=gambhir : an ulcer, syn, adith. Gad : & mud pillar. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 318.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 261 Gada : coarse unbleached country cotton cloth. Sirsa 1883, p. 155. Gadal: a beam fixed to the vertical axis of the horizontal cogged wheel of a Persian well, to which the bullocks are yoked. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 160. Gadal : fine mud. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 186. Gaddi: & reddish insect which preys on the inside leaf of the arrow, thus stopping all growth. Cf. sura. Jollundur S. R., p. 119. Gaddi: a sheaf, or man's load of rice in straw. Kangra Gloss. Gadel : a snake (Bungarus fusciatus). Cl. raond. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Gadt-vand: see tarophla. Gadwala : a felloe. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 158. Gadwala : a kind of brick. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 159. Gahi, gat: a bear (Kulla), chidha gai, black bear-se under bili. Gahi: a recess or shelf in a wall; ala is the common term. Kangra Gloss. Gahr: the sides of the high Limalayas, from the upper limit of the forests down to the grazing grounds about the highest villages, also a sheep-run in such a locality opposed to nigdhr, q.v. also called kundli. Kangra Gloss. Gal kt pan: the superstition under which cows and oken were exempted from grazing-tax. Kangra S. R., p. 24. Gaira : a small bundle of corn. Karnal S. R., p. 117. Gal lipatna : to embrace. Gal-pesa, -o: a disease of the throat: D. G. Khan. Syn. sanghri. Gala: a share or portion, as in ek-gala pani, one allowance or share of water from a canal: ekgala gha, one feed of hay for an ox. Kangra Gloss. Galana : to speak or say. Kangra Gloss. Galen (Gadi): any place where rocks and boulders lie in masses one over the other, a moraine. Kangra Gloss. Gali: the curved bearing of the beam of a sugar press, to which the oxen are fastened. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 161. Galla: bail-storm. Cf. gola. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 125. Galota : & reel or spindleful of spun cotton (Malwa). Gamina: a messenger. Karnal S. R., p. 118. Gamro : village. Bauria argot. Gand: a part of a plotigh. Jullundur S. R., p. 109. Gandals: an iron for digging holes. Cf. khuti. Hoshiarpur S, R., p. 72. Gandhi: a grass (Andropogon). Karnal S. R., p. 13. Gandmal : the worst combination of stars at a child's birth. Ludhiana S. R. 1883., p. 71. Gandra : grass found in ponds and depressions, very valuable for thatching and brooms : syns. jhund and pani (anathenum mudricatan): Rohtak, Ganlaha: a small chopper, with a long handle, used to cat ap sugar-cane into lengths. Kangra Gloss. Ganna: thick or close, As of a wood; opposed to birla, scanty or scattered. Kangra Gloss. Ganthil : a kind of grass, (eleusine flagellifera. Of. bhobriya, chimbar and kharimliar). Karnal S. R., p. 13. Gaopun: an offering of a cow. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 145. Gar: a scar or slip of part of a hill-side, Zhd is also used. Kangra Gloss. Garakha: thunder. Kangra Gloss.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. Garohi: a fish (Ohiocephalus gachua). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Garent: a glacier (Gadi). Kangra Glors. Garh: a pan of clay. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 159. Garh&na, gorhakara: the site where a house once stood-goe ander ghindara. Garhi: a small outlying hamlet in the village area in which are settled cultivators who till the surrounding land. Cf. mdjra. Karnal S. R., p. 76. Gharib chara: a form of sargudhi marriage among the poor--an inexpensive form. Churah. Garna (carissa diffu8a): Kangra S. R. Lyall., p. 38. Geroi : a worm. Kangra Gloss. Garff: one who plays the dopatra, an instrument like a violin with only one string or wire, played with both hands on the string in Charah and other parts. Gaffa : roan (of a horse). Garans: an insect destructive to sagarcade. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 81. G-Ash : heavy rain (Kollu). Kangra Globs. Gat: a bundle-see under gutta. Gatara : a numerous class who make a livelihood by baying corn in villages and carrying it on their backs iuto towns and selling it. Kangra Gloss, from gal, 9. v. Gatta: a sheaf (of corn); a faggot of (wood) a truss (of hay). A bandle of anything wrapped in cloth is called a gat. Kangra Gloss. Gauhin: a small tree (Premna mucronata): of no use except for firewood. Hoshiarpur B. R., p. 13. Gaula: the crown of the sagarcane. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 181. Gaun : the inclined plane on which the oxen run down from a well. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 161. Gawanr: a palae (Dolichos psoraloides). Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 179. Gohna : mortgage. Karndl S. R., p. 111. Gelar : & child born of a woman to her former husband=piohhlag. Karnal S. R., p. 100. Gena (? Gahna): a jewel. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 125. Genr: a disease of the stomach. D. G. Khan. Gesla: a flail. Cf. kutka. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 173. Ghachol : confusion or an erroneous account. Kangra Gloss. Ghai: a large seine used in very deep water. Karnal 8. R., p. 7. Ghalua : a dip or depression in a ridge. Kangra Gloss. Ghale : Field pease ; very little grown: eaten as dal syn-Ialao. Simla S. R., 1888, p. 39. Ghan: a haminer for breaking stones. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Ghan: a bundle of canes of sizes made up to be put in the sugar-press at once. Gannedi ghan. Kangra Gloss. GhandAra : the ruins of house; the place where a house stood is called garhdna or garhakara, if no walls remain standing. Kangra Gloss. Ghanitta = gur or deva: a man through whom a deola's spirit speaks; a functionary of a deota. Cbamba. Ghar: the house of a rich man. Sirmur. Ghara: a tenant who pays half the produce as rent. Of. adighari. Churuh. Gharethra : a wooden frame on which earthen vessels are kept. Jullandar S. R., p. 60. Gharia; a vessel made of pottery, smaller than the ghara, for dipping in water. Cf. thilia and duna. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 121. Ghar jawat: a custom, whereby a sonless man settles his daughter's husband (jawdi) in his house, as his heir. Karnal S. R., p. 101. Gbarti; a handmill. Baaria argot.

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SEPTEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 263 Gharora : a cradle on ropes which serves as a bridge. Jhula is ased for both this and a rope suspension bridge. Kangra Gloss. GhAt: husked barley. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 153. Ghatti : the sand which comes out in lumps mixed with pieces of clay and kankar when digging a well. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 98. Ghazimard : violent death. Cf. apgat. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 153. Ghidhi: past of ghinnana, take. Ghiu: = gheu 390. Ghi gundoll: fenngreek (Luffa). Kangra S. R., p. 25. Ghighianna: to implore, beseech. Ghimg&t: the bosses and chains fastened to the front of the orna so as to fall over the face. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 125. Ghona, ghoena: to mount, ascend; ghoigia, gong up. Kangra Gloss. Ghoro: a horse. Baaria argot. Ghorru: an inferior sort of sugarcane, having many joints and a great deal of leaf at the top, very hard and yielding much less juice than the others. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 110., Ghaan: an instrument used for scaring animals. The mouth of a small earthen pot is covered with leather, a hole is made in the bottom of the pot and another in the leather, and through these holes a thong is passed. The latter being pulled backwards and forwards through the pot in which some water is put), makes a terrifying sound. Cf. hinga. Jullundur S. R., p. 108. Ghagi: & shroud. Cl. guji. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 136. Ghakt (s. f.) : insensibility, the state of being sound asleep. Ghulna: to blow (as wind). , Amritsar 892. Ghunda: a veil-khard kand to lift the veil of a bride after the wedding, done first by the mother-in-law. Churah. Ghupa : a sieve for cleaning rice. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Ghura : ogling. Ludhiana. Gharal (on): a cattle-shed. Kangra. GioAnna: causal of girnd ; see Gaddnnd (P. D. p. 397). Giddh: not Gh. Gihan: wheat. Simla S. R., 1888, p. 39. Gilra : & goitered man. Kangra Gloss. Girao para: it is raining. Bauris argot. Girjh: a vulture. Girri: a heavy wooden roller. Cf. id. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 162. G10 : 8. m., & pebble, p. 400. Gos: the serow doer; jingal is also used, and ydmu in Kullu. Kangra Gloss. Gobt: a kind of tobacco stronger than desi (a kind of tobacco) and more popular. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 77. Goohani: mixed crop of wheat and barley. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 193. Gochni : a mixture of wheat and grain grown together. Rohtak. God lia : adopted. Ladhiana S. R. 1883, p. 314. Godal: a thorny bush ; it is weighted with clods and drawn over the land to remove the rass and weeds, Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 168. Goglas: a variety of cobra. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Gohara : * yard in which grass or straw is stacked. Kangra Gloss,

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1911. GolArah : a hedged enclosure outside a village, in which the manure heaps are kept and the women bake the cowdang fuel. Cf. wurah. Ludhiana S. R. 1883. p. 64. Gohr: the real gohr is the road by which the cattlo leave the houses to go out grazing. It is the big road in and out of a hamn'et, and runs between fences. Kangra Gloss. Gohra: a large mango fruit, round like the balls made up of cleaned coiton. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Gohral, gohran, a cattie-shed. Kangra Gloss. Gohth: a place where sheep are pemed or collected for the night in the high ranges. Kangra Gloss. Goiya, gongmo (Spiti): snow pliensant-see gulind. Gokru: a grass. Cf. bhakri. Gola : a hail-storm. Cf. galla. (To be continued.) CORRESPONDENCE, Oxford, 13th June 1911. was successful. This is quite possible; but so In the June number of this Journal, p. 170, far as I know, there is no known bistorical there is a valuable note by Professor K. B evidence of any sort in support of it. Anil, in any Pathak on the historical implications in the case, the verse itself would seem to indicate that, passage of Vamana's Karydlankara stitra-vritli, if there was such a civil war of the two brothers. which he quotes. In a footnote you rightly draw Chandraprakasa was successful. For the Verse attention to an earlier note of M. M. Haraprasad says of bim that he was kritartha-srama, ie, Sastri on the samo subject. As to the implica successful in bis endeavour. What endeavour 1 tions, I am disposed, in the main, to agree with On the hypothesis, one naturally thinks of ChanProfessor Pathak's interpretation of the pass- d apraksa's endeavour to secure the sucoession age, that it contains a reference to the accession as against his brother Kamaragupta. Here one Guito bhupatih) of Chandragupta II's son, Kuma- must observe the word sampruti (now), in the verse. ragupta. I have no prints or manuscripts of That word suggests an early date after the death V&mana's work at hand, but it would seem that of Chandragupta II, and M M Haraprasad might M. M. Haraprasad's reading of Subandhu is a reply that Chandraprakasa's success was quite mere conjecture, not supported by any manu- transitory, and was soon superseded by that of script evidence. The manuscript reading Vastti-kumaragupta. But is there any real need for the bandhuis obviously a clerical error for Vasuban- hypothesis? Is it not much simpler to suppose dhu. As to M. M. Haraprasad's objection that that Chandragupta's son was known as Chandra"a Buddhist monk would not accept office" (of prakasa, before, upon his succession to the throne, minister), does the term sichirya, in the verse he assumed the regnal name of Kumaragupta ! cited by Vamana, necessarily refer to the minis- Only upon this alternative hypothesis, the phrase terial office ? May it not simply mean "compa- kritartha-brana, successful in his endeavour, yields nionship" or "friendship" no satisfactory meaning. What was his endeaBut what concerns me more immediately is a vour in that case? Possibly there may be some, point that arises out of Professor Pathak's inter- now not intelligible, explanation of it on the pretation. The verse, as translated by him, does alliterations of the two phrases kritadhiyam and not name the person to whom it refers. Is that kritertha-srama. & probable thing in a verse wbich refers to a On either bypothesis, however, we have the person as "deserving congratulations on the result of the fixation of the date of the compa success of his efforts"? One does not usually sition of the verse within a brief interval, immecongratulate a person anonyinously. It appears i diately after Chandragupta's death, either before to me that M. M. Haraprasad Sastri is right in Chandraprakasa was displaced by his brother taking the term Chandraprakiba to be the name Kumaragupta, or before Chandraprakasa assumed of the son of Chandragupta. But, then, what is the regnal name KumAragupta; that is to say, the relation of this Chandrapraksa to Kumara- the date would be 413 A.D., to adopt Mr. Vincent guptaP M. M. Haraprasa 1 suggests the hypo- Smith's chronology. thesis that Chandragupta II had two sons, and that upon his death a civil war broke out between the two brothers, in which however Kumaragupta A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE.

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OCTOBER, 1911.] EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 265 EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE. BY C. HAYAVADANA RAO, B.A., B.L., F.R.A.I. (LONDON), MADRAS. [Ir need not surprise anybody if no systematic attempt, on the lines of Mr. Thomas' well-known brochure on Moghul finance, has yet been made in regard to the revenue finance of the dynasties that have successively held sway over Southern India. Southern India has been fortunate, however, in the preservation of its ancient records, which consist mainly of lithic inscriptions, coins and palm leaf MSS. These and the writings of European travellers and missionaries in later times afford the necessary material for studying in some detail this important subject. What is presented here is, however, nothing more than a mere attempt in this field of inquiry; and I would fain see others, more able and more learned, take it up and throw fresh or additional light on it. I may here add that the present paper is an amplification of a brief note, now incorporated in the Imperial Gazetteer (Madras, Vol. I, p. 90), which I supplied, some time back, to Mr. W. Francis, I.C.S., formerly Superintendent of Gazetteer Revision in Madras and now Collector of Malabar. I. The Cholas. Of all the early rulers in Southern India, the Cholas are the only ones of whom anything definite is known. They are mentioned, together with the Pandyas and Keralas, of whom we know as yet very little, as independent rulers as early as the 3rd century B. C. in the Asoka inscriptions.1 During the 11th and the following two centuries A. D., they ruled over the whole of what is now known as the Madras Presidency, the Provinces of Coorg and Mysore and the northern portion of Ceylon. The principal sources of their revenue are spoken of in their inscriptions as being of two kinds external and internal. The former probably included all taxes on imports and octroi duties, and the latter all other kinds of revenue, besides the land tax. The other kinds of revenue included tax in money; the share of the village watchman; the share of the Karnam or village accountant; the unripe fruit in Kartiggai; the tax on looms; the tax on trade; the tax on oil mills; the tax on goldsmiths; the dues on animals and tanks; the tax on water courses; tolls; tax on castes; the tax on weights; the fine for rotten drugs; the tax on bazaars; the salt tax; fishing rent; hedge tax; tax on collecting rents; and a good many others that have not yet been made out. There were besides collected a number of fines and other unnamed minor taxes and rents. With this may be compared "the variety of vexatious taxes" imposed by Chikkadevaraja, the greatest king of Mysore, in order to supplement the usual one-sixth share of the produce. Somewhat similar are the taxes recommended by Manu in his well-known Laws. The chief source, however, of state income was that derived from land revenue, and if that was not capable of direct increase, a number of petty imposts would, it was evidently thought, make up for it... As to the actual share that Government took during these days in Southern India, an inscription of the Chola king Rajadhiraja, who ruled from about A. D. 1018 to A. D. 1052, praises him for taking "the sixth share of the produce of the earth," and incidentally compares him with Manu+, who, it is well-known, recommends the taking of the sixth of the crops by the king, if not the eighth, or the twelfth part. King Adhirajendra, son of Virarajendra, who ruled from 1063 to 1070deg, is also said to have continually increased his great fame by following the laws of Manu." If from these praises we can infer anything, it is that some of their predecessors had deviated from the rule whose observance by their successors brought them fame. If such an inference is valid, as it certainly seems to be, then there is ground for believing Dr. Burnell when he says that the indigenous 1 V. A. Smith's Asoka, pp. 115 and 131. 3 Ibid. Laws of Manu, VII. 130, Dr. Buhler's Edition, in the Sacred Books of the East Series, pp. 233-7. Ep. Ind., VII., 9. 1 South Ind, Ins. III. i. 117. Dr. Hultasob's South Indian Inscriptions, III. i. 38, 43, 111 and 117. South Indian Ins. III. 57.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. Chola kings of the 11th century took about half the produce and Mr. Ellis when be more cautiously, and in all probability correctly, estimates that the tax was always more than the sixth or fourth, permitted by the Sanskrit lawyers. Over and above this proportion of land tax there were, as already stated, the extra taxes. Those forming the internal revenue were commuted during the reign of Virarajendra (1063-1070) to 1/10th of the gross produce paid in cash. Thus the total demand on land was, when the land tax was at 1/6th of the gross produce, 4/15th of the gross produce (1/6+1/10 4/15). If the land tax, however, was at 1/3-moderating the figures of Burnell to that of Ellis--then it would be about 13/30ths (1/3+1/10=13/30) excluding, in both the cases, the cost of cultivation. According to the latest calculations, 10 the share now taken by the British in the Madras Presidency is well below 10 %, including all cesses and charges for water; or exclusive of all charges for water the proportion falls to about 6 % or about 1/27th, and eren this includes a couple of cesses. It would appear from this that the land taxation of the ancient Chola kings was over four times, if they took 4/15ths, and over 7 times if they took 13/30ths, heavier than the British taxation at the present day. Taking into account the purchasing power of gold, it would have been much greater. Unfortunately, there are no materials for forming a correct opinion of its purchasing power in these ancient days. The value of the Chola gold coins-Southern India baring not much silver currency until the advent of Muhammadans13_is not known. Perhaps a rough approximation may be reached in this way. During the days of Rajaraja (985-1015) a krasu passed for its weight in gold and was worth 2 kalams of paddy," though it exchanged in the days of Virarajendra, fifty years later, for about 4 kulams.15 In Rajaraja's time, therefore, a kasu must have been worth about Rs. 2/- in modern currency, valuing a kalam of paddy on the average at Re. 1/. It is stated in another inscription that two krasus bought in the days of the same king 2 buffaloes, 2 cows, and 6 sheep. At the present day at the very least all these jointly would be worth about Rs. 407. It would appear from this that half a kdeu, or a rupee in modern currency, would in those days have bought ten times what it would buy now. That a kdsu may be worth about Rs. 2) may be inferred in another way. The rate of interest in Rajaraja's time is specifically stated to be 12 per cent.16 During the time of Rajendra, his son, 1/8th klisu is stated in a nusaber of inscriptions to be the interest for a kasu.17 At two rupees a kdeu, this comes to 12 per cent.; so that the rate of interest had not in his reign risen above what it was during his father's reign, which is natural seeing that he immediately succeeded bitn.18 Payment in kind-an economic fallsey, It might he imagined that a possible palliative to this high rate of assessment was that it was paid either in kind, gold, or both.19 This, however, involves an economic fallacy that is always forgotten but is easily laid bare. A little reflection shows that paying in kind could not have in Burnell's Sonti Indian Palmography, 2nd Ed., p. 119. South Indian I. III. I. 117. The internal revenues were, according to an inscription of that.king, collected at the rate of 25 k2u por 1,000 kalam of paddy. A kisu, according to inscriptions of the time, bought 4 kaime of paddy Thus, for every thonaand kulaws, the Government collection was one hundred kalams, ..., 1/10th which was paid in cash. 10 Land Revenue l'olioy of the Indian Gorernment, paras, 69 to 71. 11 The Famine Commissioners of 1890, who were the only body who had the evidence of all India before them, estimate the land tax on the average throughout British India "at from 3 p. o, to 7 p. o. of the gross out-turn." See also Indian Famine Commission Report, 1901, paras. 260-67, for the latest figures in respect to certain parts of India. 19 Land Revenue Policy of the Government, para, 68. 18 Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, p. 57. 10 South Ind. Inus. II. 68. 16 lbid. III. 117. 16 Ibid II. 1. 68. 17 Ibid. 95. 18 If a priori reasoning is permissible in a matter like this, it may be instructive to note here that rice solls at a price which is about six times what it sold sixty years ago. 19 South Ind. Inw. II.i. 42, 53, et seq.

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OCTOBER, 1911.] EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 267 any way diminished the heaviness of the burden. Collecting the revenue in kind," says Sir Thomas Munro in one of his able minutes," is a very clumsy, but very simple mode of realising it. No commutation is required, whether the crop is poor or abundant, a share can easily be taken, and Government can always draw from the ryot as much as he can possibly pay. The case is very different under money-rents. If the assessment is to be a fixed one-he means one fixed in Doney as contradistinguished from the fluctuating one in kind and not a perpetually fixed money asse-sment-it must be so moderate as to meet the contingencies of the seasons in ordinary times, and a more liberal share must therefore be allowed to the ryot than when he pays in kind; and the co:sequence is, that where the ryots pay a fixed money-rent, they are usually more substantial than wien by a share of the crop. "20 Elsewhere Sir Thomas Munro thus balances the advantages and disadvantages of the system of payment in kind and shows clearly that payment in kind itself discluses the heaviness of the assessments.-" The system of paying in kind, a share of the produce as th Government rent, is also well adapted to the same state of things, because Government is always sur of obtaining half of the produce, or whatever its sbare may be, from the ryot, whether the crop be scanty or abundant, and because the ryot is also sure of not being called on for rent, when the cro has entirely failed, and he is, perhape, unable to pay. Such a system is better caloulated to save the ryot from being oppressed by demands which he cannot pay, than to enable him to become Walthy. This protection to the ryot from payment of revenue in a season of calamity is the only advantage which appears to belong to the system ; but it is an advantage which could be necessary onls under a rigid system and would not be wanted under a more liberal one of assessment. The very existence of such a system in Arcot and other districts where it is prevalent, is a proof that, however light Indian revenue may be in the theories of Indian writers, in practice it has always been heavy. Had the public assessment, as pretended, ever been, as in the books of their sages, only a sixth or a fifth, or even only a fourth of the gross produce, the payment of a fixed share in kind and all the expensive machinery requisite for its supervision, never could bave been wanted. The simple plan of money assessment might have been at once resorted to, in the full confidence that the revenue would every year, in good and bad seasons, easily and punctually be paid. No person who knows anything of Indian revente can believe that the ryot, if his fixed assessment were only a fifth or a fourth of a gross produce, would not every year, whether good or bad, pay it without difficulty, and not only do this, but prosper under it, beyond what he has ever done at any previous period. Had such a moderate assessment ever been established, it would undoubtedly have been paid in money, because there would have been no reason for continuing the expensive process of making collections in kind. It was because the assessment was not moderate, that assessments in kind were introduced or continued; for a money-rent equivalent to the amount could not have been realised one year with another.21" He winds up with the conclusion that there is no ground, either from tradition or from record, or from the present state of the country, for believing that a moderate land-tax was ever at any time throughout India the principle of its revenue system." Nothing more, perhaps, is necessary to show the uncommon general acuteness of Sir Thomas Munro than these few sentences of his, written when epigraphical and other historical researches had not yet made known to as the really high rate of assessments that prevailed during the days of the Cholas and their Hindu and Muhammadan successors. 20 Minute on Northern Circare printed in Sir A. J. Arbuthnot's Selections from Sir Thomas Mundo's Minutes I. 216, whero, however, contrivance is plainly a misprint for commutation. See E. 1. House Selections III, parsa. 23 to 33. 1 Minute on the state of the country and condition of the people. Arbuthnot's Minutes of Sir Thomas Munro, I. 946-7. # Ibid. 249.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. His theoretic reasoning bas a strong substratum of truth underlying it, and the conclusions which he reached by it are thus shown to be in vulnerable. It is important that we should bear in mind, these remarks of his, since the system of payment in kind continued in Southern India down to its final cession in 1801 and during the later Hindu and Muhammadan times degenerated into the worst engine of oppression in the hands of renters who forced the Government share upon an willing ryots below the market rates. More than this, its effects were of the most demoralising character. It led, as between renters and cultivators, to mutual cheating and common ruin. The practical difficulties that beset its adoption in modern days, as advocated by certain writers, are admirably summed up by the Government of India in its resolution on the Land Revenue Policy of the Government. 23 No one, aware of the history of payment in kind and the worst abuses to which it had been in the past put, would ever hazard a word of its renewal, since sueba retrograde step would involve the exbuming of a system of oppression that has been rightly buried deep and the raising of the assessments all round. Some of its evils seem to have been noticed by the Chola kings as early as the 11th century A. D. One of them, Virarajendra, commuted a portion of the Government share into a money payment, as already stated, but his later Hindr and Muhammadan successors instead of following it up, were only too glad to do away with it and fall back on the system of payment in kind, which always afforded the amplest scope for oppression and rack renting, for which they seem to have had quite a genius. Payment in money is the best British factor in tbe Land Revenue system in India and though its inception in the beginning of the 18th century entailed a great deal of hardship on the poorer cultivators, which was always met by liberal remissions, owing to the remarkable fall in prices that took place then through the insufficiency of the currency of the country, its subsequent and general effect on their well-being and improvement by its characteristic security and certainty has been too great to be superseded by an essentially archaic system which in modern times would inflict several hardships without any compensating benefits. Chola aseessment, then, ranging as it did between at least 13/30ths and 4/15ths of the gross produce and being paid as it was partly in kind, was from 4 to 7 times heavier than the British assessment of the present day. That the petty imposts of their times were felt vexations and heartily detested is apparent from the praises bestowed on king Kulottunga Chola I, who ascended the throne about 1070 A. D., and abolished most of them and got the popular sobriquet of Sangandavsitta Kulottunga Soladeva or "the Kulottunga Chola who abolished the tolls.25 At the same time he seems to have recoa ped the loss thus sustained by a revision of the land assessments. He made A re-survey of the lands in 1086, about the time of the famous Domesday Survey in England36 and revised the assessments. The old survey of the lands, which was correct to 1/52, 428, 800,000 of a veli (6 2/3 acres), or 1/50000 of a square inch,27 had been made during the reign of, if not prior to, Rajaraja, 23 the greatest of CHola kings, who ruled from abont A. D. 985. It would follow from this that as early as the days of Chola kings, temporary and not permanent settlement was the rule. Even in the matter of collections and remissions on reasonable occasions of the land tax, the Chola kings seem to have been more rigorous than the British in modern times. Thus, we see Rajaraja sternly ordering the sale of the lands of defaulters2 and Vikrams Chole, one of his successors, who ruled a century later, refusing the expected remission even when the crops had boun totally destroyed by Vis major, e. g., destructive floods.80 ** Paras. 16 to 17. See an able article on the subject in the now defanot Bombay Quarterly Review, for April 1857. * Epigraphy Report, for 1900-1 p. 9. 16 Bewden's Domeday, Introd. 12. 11 Epigraphy Report 1899-1900, p. 11; South Ind. Ins., II. 62. A voli-6, acres, see Mr. Vepkasami Row's Tanjore District Manual, 515. # Bouth Ind. Inus. III. i, Et pausim; Epigraphy Report for 1800-1900, page 11, and Madras Review, VIII, p 112. * South Ind. Inw., III, i, ** Epigraphy Report, 1899-1900, para, 24.

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OCTOBER, 1911.] EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 269 II. Vijayanagara Kings. During the 14th and the succeeding two centuries, the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar was supreme all through Southern India.31 The prime-minister of the first king Harihara I (13361343), was Madhava, the celebrated dialectician. He composed a work on law and government, which is still extant.33 It was intended as a manual for the officers of the newly created State and is founded on the text of Parasara, with a copious commentary by Madhava, for which reason it is known as Pardiara-Malhaviyam or Vidyaranya-Smriti, from Vidyaranaya, or Forest of Learning, the surname of Madhava. In this treatise Madhava assigns the usual one-sixth as the royal share of the crop. But this share he was desirons of converting from a grain to a money payment and established fixed rules for the conversion, founded on the quantity of land, the requisite seed, the average increase and the value of the grain. "The result," says Col. Wilks, the well-known historian of Mysore,34 "literally conforms with the law of the Digest, viz., one-sixth to the king, one-thirteenth to the Brahmins, one-twentieth to the gods, the rest to the proprietor. It is unnecessary to enter farther into this detail, than to state that thirty is the whole number on which the distribution is made of which it is calculated that fifteen or one half is consumed in the expenses of agriculture and the maintenance of the farmer's family. The distribution of the remaining fifteen stands thus: "The sovereign one-sixth of the gross produce To the Brahmins one-twentieth To the gods one-thirtieth Remains proprietor's share, which is exactly th ... 73" The share of the temples and Brahmins was collected by the State and paid over by it, so that the share payable by the land-holder was really 4th of the estimated gross produce,35 and of the result of the rules laid down for the conversion into money, Wilks remarks36:-"It is evident that Harihare Raja called in the aid of the Shastras for the purpose of raising the revenue and did actually raise it exactly 20 per cent. by his skill in applying that authority to his calculations, the result of the whole being that he received one ghatti pagoda for 2 kuttis of land, the same sum having been paid for 3 kuttis." The Bombay High Court describe the transaction as a thinly-veiled violation of the law7 and states that although he affected to adhere to the Shaster, he exceeded the prescribed limit of th of the gross produce.39 This system, according to Wilks, continued in South Canara, a province of the Vijayanagar kingdom, until 1618, when the hereditary governors declared themselves independent and imposed an additional 50 per cent, on the whole revenues.39 Even before that, it appears from the information extracted by Buchanan, who travelled in these parts about 1807, from a hereditary village accountant of North Canara, that according to the valuation of Krishnaraja, king of Vijayanagar between 1509-1530,10 while the tax on rice lands was th of the gross produce, that on cocoanut was quite half the supposed gross produce, 5 1 1 32 Ibid, 25-6. 31 Sewell's A Forgotten Empire, 5. 33 A portion of it, the section on Inheritance, was translated by the late Dr. Burnell and published in Madras under the name of Daya Vibhaga, in 1858. Historical Sketches, Madras Ed. 1, 94-5. Munro in his Minute on the "Condition and Assessment of South Canara" (Arbuthnot I, 63-4), writing in 1800 after careful local inquiries and examination of official papers. Wilks published his first volume just before the battle of Waterloo. 3 Loc. cit. I, 95. 37 Canara Land Assessment Case, p. 84. Ibid. p. 120. 40 Sewell's A Forg. Emp., 120. Loc. cit. 1, 95. 41 Buchanan's Journey through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar (Ed. 1807), III, 170-2.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. If this was the system followed in a province like Canara, far away from the capital of the kingdom, we may take it that it was far more rigorous in near-lying tracts. At any rate, it seems pretty probable that Harihara I. and his successors would have stuck to the system propounded by their first prime-minister, who, according to tradition and inscriptions, was chiefly instrumental in bringing their kingdom into existence. More than this, Wilks would seem to infer that the latter's work Parusara-Mddhaviya, was written at the instance of the first Vijayanagara king ratber than for them. However that may be, it appears that more than even what is declared in Madhava's text was usually taken by Krishnaraya, if we may believe the incalculable extent of his revenues, a. stated by his foreign contemporaries. For instance, Domingos Paes, the Portuguese trader, who Bojourned in Vijayanagar about 1520," gives the following summary of the revenue resources of Krishgaraya :-"Should any one ask," he says, "what revenue this king possesses, and what his treasure is that enables him to pay so many troops"--Paes says, he maintained continually a million fighting troops, of which 35,000 were cavalry in armour, besides many elephant _"since he has so many and such great lords in his kingdom, who, the greater part of them, have themselves revenues," I answer thus:-" These captains, whom he has over these troops of his, are the noble of his kingdom; they are lords, and they hold the city, and the towns and villages of the kingdom there are captains amongst them who have a revenue of a million and a million and a half pardaoss, others a hundred thousand pardaos, others two hundred, three hundred or five hundred thonsand pardaos, and as each one has revenue so the king fixes for him the number of troops he must maintain, in foot, horse, and elephants. These troops are always ready for duty whenever they may be called out and wherever they have to go; and in this way he has this million of fighting men always ready ......................... Besides maintaining these troops, each captain has to make his annual payment to the king, and the king has his own salaried troops to whom he gives pay. He has eight hundred elephants attached to his person, and five hundred horses always ready in his stables, and for the expenses of these horses and elephants he has devoted the revenues that he recieves from the city of Bisnaga. You may well imagine how great these expenses may be, and besides these that of the servante, who have the care of the horses and elephants; and by this you will be able to judge what will be the revenue of this city."47 Besides these captains and lords having large territories and gresi revenues, the king, adds Paes, had vassal kings, and that whenever a son or a daughter was born to him all his nobles offered him a present of money and jewels of price as also on his each birthday : He moreover adds that Krishoariya, after retaining enough for his expenses and for the expenses in the houses of his wives" of whom he had "near him twelve thousand," put in his treasury "every year ten million pardaos." 2 Sewell's A Forg. Emp, 19, 20, 21. See also pp. 299-300, where the Portuguese trader, Nunis, in his Chronicle written about 1536-37, gives the same story. Rioe's Mysore, I, 314-45. Burnell's Ddyavibhaga of Madhava Introd. X and XI. Fleet in J. B. B. and R. A. 8. XII, 340. Fleet in Indian Antiquary IV. 206. Madhava's brother S&yana was also minister to Kampa, who reigned between A. D. 1943 and 1355. Sewell's A Forg. Emp. 28. Fleet in J. (Bomb.) B. R. A. 8. XII. 339. In the Colophon of Madhaviya-dhattuvsitti, Sayandcharya is desoribed as the prime minister of Sangama, the son of Kampa, monarch of the Eastern, Southern and Western Oceans; the son of Adyada; and the uterine brother of Madhava." See Roth's Ed. of Wilson's Works, V. 192 note. *3 Sewell' 4 Forg. Emp. Introd. vi. ** Ibid. pp. 281-82. Ibid. pp. 147 to 151, for some very interesting remarks by Sowell on the immense armies employed by Indian kings. 46 Pagodas: a pagoda, according to Yule and Burnell being of the value of, at the period treated of, about ... 60. See Hobson Jobson, p. 637, and Sewell's 4 Forg. Emp. 270-71, f. n. 2. 11 Sowell's A Forg. Emp. 280-81.

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OCTOBER, 1911.) EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 271 If we take it that his savings represented a third part of his income, of which, if we again suppose, only one-third came from land, then the land revenue of Ktishnaraya would come to about ten million pardaos, an estimate which very well agrees with the statement of another Portuguese trader. Naniz, writing about sixteen or seventeen years after Paes (1536-87), portrays in his interesting Chronicle how the poor cultivators suffered through the exactions of the Vijayanagar renters. "The kings of this country," says he, 48" are able to assemble as many soldiers as they want, as they have them there at their kingdom and have much wealth where with to pay them. This king Chitarao (Achyutaraya, 1580-1542) has foot-soldiers paid by his nobles and they are obliged to maintain six lakhs of soldiers, that is, six bundred thousand men, and twenty-four thousand horses, which the same nobles are obliged to have. These nobles are like renters, who hold all the land from the king, and besides keeping all these people, they have to pay their costs; they also pay to him every year sixty lakhs of pardaos as royal dues. The lands, they say, yield a hundred and twenty lakhs, of which they must pay sixty to the king, and the rest they retain for the pay of the soldiers and the expenses of the elephants which they are obliged to maintain. For this reason the common people suffer much hardship, those who hold the land being so tyrannical." It would seem to follow from this that although early Vijayanagar kings may have, in accordance with Madhava's text, taken only the then enhanced quarter share of the gross produce in money, the later kings seem to have quite disregarded it and took full one-half in money. At any rate, it seems clear from Nuniz's narrative that the net land revenue of the Vijayanagar kingdom, which included the whole of what is now the Madras Presidency and the Province of Mysore, with the exception of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, God Avari, and the northern portion of Kistna district, which never even nominally came under their rule, was about 120 lakhs of pardaos, or 12 millions of pardaos, which roughly agrees with our inference from Paes's narrative that the land revenue of Krishnariya might have been about 10 millions of pardaos. Taking the pardao, or pagoda, which was at the period treated of equal to 4s. 6d., at Rs. 8}, we see that the Achyutaraga's land revenue amounted to 42 millions of rupees. But the purchasing power of the rupee then was greater than what it is now. Nuniz says that in the markets they give twelve sheep for a pardao, and in the hills they give 14 or 15 for a pardao," viz., about 1 aunas for a sheep. The present price of a sheep, when and where it could be got cheapest, is at least Rs. 2 or 40 annas. In other words, the purchasing power of the rupee then was about ten times what it is now. During the time of Krishoaraya, about 16 years before, it seems to have been a little less. Paesgo, writing about 1520, says that in the city of Vijayanagarin the country they gave one more--they gave threo for a coin worth a vintem, which is equal to 17/20 of a penny. A fowl now, when it is cheapest, costs about 4 annes, which som during the time of Paes would have brought at least 8 fowls. The difference, thus, in the purchasing powers of the rupee between the times of Krishnaraya and Achyutaraya, separated as they were by period of over 15 years, is not very great. Taking, then, the purchasing power of the rupee at ten times what it is now, Achyutaraya's total net land revenue would come to about 430 millions of rapees. The total land revenue at present of the Madras Presidency is about 63 millions, or excluding the land revenues of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, Godavari and Northern Kistna, and including that of Mysore it is less than 60 millions. It seems *Sowell's A Forg. Emp. - Sewell's A Forg. Emp., 375. * Ibid257 01 Madras Administration Report, for 1901-02. Total land revenue, inolusive of coses, of the whole Presidenoy, is Rs. 6,52,99,814. (Pages 5 and 117.) The following is the average land rovento, inclusive of 008808, of the Districts noted in the text, for th three years ending 1901-21 Ganjam - 17-99 lakhs. Vizaga patam Godavari ... 7161 Kistna ... 71.33 (one half the amount taken into caloulation.) (See Ibid. p. 89.) The latest figure available for Mysore in that for 1894-95. The total land rovenue for that year is stated to be Rs. 95,57,323. (See Rice's Mysore, 1. 780.) * 1925 P

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. to follow from this that Vijayanagar taxation was about seven times that of the British, or about 42 per cent., an estimate that agrees with the former inference that the later Vijayanagar kings quite disregarded Madhava's injunction of th of the gross produce paid in cash, and bad in practice taken 50 per cent. of it. It would be much more, if we deduct from the present British revenue the amounts realised from the cesses and that derived from land that has since been reclaimed from the proverbial forest land of Southern India, and exclude also that resulting from the territories that form integral portions of the Presidency bat which during the times of the Hindu kingdom were only nominally part of it and as such in fact brought no revendes at all. No wonder then that the renters of lands, of whom there were in all more than 200 in number, 52 were tyrannical and that the common people, as Noniz feelingly complains, suffered much hardship. It would further appear from a Vijayanagar inscription of about A. D. 145553 that the fees of the village establishment were paid from the share of the cultivator. That inscription records the exempting of a number of villages from the taxes that they usually paid to the Government. Those enumerated are " the prime-minister's quit-rent, the karnam's quit-rent, the dues on animals, trees and tanks, and all other dues "-how many more we do not know. In all probability, most of the petty imposts of the Chola period continued andisturbed throughout the Vijayanagar and the succeeding periods of Muhammadan rule when they were unduly multiplied and absorbed in the general system-Mobaturpha and Sayer. At any rate, tolls seem to have brought a good amount to the Vijayanagar exchequer. Of the principal streets of Nagalupur, the present town of Hospet, in Bellary District, built by Ksishnaraya in honour of his favourite wife, Naniz writes,56 "it yields forty-two thousand pardaos of duties for things which enter into it, the duties in this land being very great; since nothing comes through the gates that does not pay duty, even men and women, as well as headloads and all merchandise." of the gates leading to "the city of Bisnaga," he says,56 " this gate is rented out for 12,000 pardaos each year, and no man can enter it without paying just what the renters ask, country folk as well as foreigners." Nor could any one well evade this exaction, since the gate was well guarded by 1,000 men.57 (To be continuer.) GOVERNOR RICHARD BOURCHIER. BY WILLIAM FOSTER. THE acquisition by the India Office of a half-length portrait (attributed to George Dance. Junior) of Richard Bourchier, Governor of Bombay, revives the memory of a half-forgotten worthy, and will perhaps justify the publication of a few notes upon a career that presents many points of interest. There were Boarchiers or Bowchers in India in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, and probably the sabject of this sketch was related to one or other of these; but the connexion has not been traced. Nor has it been discovered when and where he was born. Mr. Forrest, however, in his Selections from the Bombay Records, Home Series (Vol. I, p. xliv) says that Bourebier was sixty-one when he became Governor of Bombay; and this would indicate 1688 or 1689 as the year of his birth. His name does not occur in the East India Company's records until October, 1718, when he applied to the Directors for permission to reside at Madras As & Free Mercbant. His request was granted on November 26 ; and on the 3rd of the following month he was * Sewell's A Forg. Emp., 889. 16 lbid. 363-84. 1 South Indian Inscriptions i. 119. # 10:0., 366. Sewell, loc. cit., 398 and 1. n. 1. bT Ibid.

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OCTOBER, 1911.) GOVERNOR RICHARD BOUROHIER 273 authorised to carry out with him 2,0001 in foreign ballion. He seems now to have engaged in what was termed the country trade,' i. e., from port to port in the East. Ia Jane, 1721, he wrote from Gombroon (Bandar Abbas) to the Company, complaining of his treatment by the Agent there ; while a Madras list of 1724 includes his name among the seafaring people in Bengall service.' In 1725 Bourchier was at home, and (doubtless at the instance of his friends) was appointed (December 31) by the Directors Sixth in Council at Fort William in Bengal. He reached Calcutta on July 6, 1726, and was made Export Warehouse Keeper (and Member of Conncil) at 401. per annum. This post le retained for six years, and then came a sudden blow. In July, 1782, arrived a letter from the Court of Directors, dismissing President Deane (who, however, had already relinquished office) and most of his Council, for sending home goods of an unsatisfactory quality. Bourchier thus found himself thrust out of office at a time when he had reached the rank of Second in Council and might reasonably look forward to becoming in his turn the President and Governor of Fort William. Of the events of the next few years we know little; but it is certain that Bourchier remained in Calcutta and that at some unascertained date he was appointed Master Attendant there. A Calcutta tradition-preserved by Asiaticus in his Ecclesiastical and Historical Sketches respecting Bengal--ascribed to him the building of the Charity School House (which afterwards became the home, first of the Mayor's Court and then, for a time, of the Supreme Court); and this, it was said, he made over to the East India Company on condition that a sala of Rs. 4,000 was paid annually in return to sapport a Charity School and for other benevolent purposes. The tradition has, however, been shown by Archdeacon Hyde (Parochial Annals of Bengal, p. 91) to be erroneous, though it is possible that Bourchier contributed generously to the foundation of the Charity Schocl (about 1731). Evidently Bourchier had powerful friends in London, for, on February 18, 1743, the Court of Directors, at the instance of his uncle, George Harrison, appointed him to succeed Mr. Whitehill as Chief of Anjengo, on the Malabar Coast-one of the best posts in the Western Presidency. This decision was communicated to Bourchier by the Bengal Council on August 4, and on December 5(having presumably spent the interim in winding ap his affairs at Calcutta) he resigned the post of Master Attendant. He took up his appointment at Anjengo a few months later, and for the next five years we hear little of him. One little point may, however, be mentioned. He must have been acquainted with Sterne's Eliza,' who was born at Anjengo in April, 1744, and the acquaintance was doubtless renewed when in 1758 she married Daniel Draper, then Secretary to the Bombay Government. It would seem that Bourchier's management of affairs at Anjengo gave satisfaction to the Directors, for on March 15th, 1749, they wrote to Bombay appointing him second in Council there, and directing him to proceed at once to the Presidency to take up his new post. In November, 1750, he succeeded Mr. Wake as President and Governor of Bombay and held the office until February, 1760-a period of rather more than nine years. The chief event of his governorship was the capture of Gheria froun Tulaji Angria by Clive and Watson. Clive, by the way, complained bitterly of the way in which he had been treated by Bourchier, who had onnitted to consult him in the case of a court martial upon a military officer ; but his reraonstrance only provoked & severe snab from the Governor and Council. Bourcbier went home in 1760, and apparently settled in Sussex. In his later years, it would seem, financial misfortunes overtook him, for he is stated to have died penniless and insolvent. According to the London Najazine for 1775 (p. 612), the date of his decease was December 4 of that year.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. He was twice married. On November 25, 1723, he espoused at Calcutta & Mrs. Sarah Hawkins. Eight children were born in rapid saccession, and then, on February 12, 1789, Mrs. Bourchier died, aged 35 years, and was buried in the churchyard of St. John's, Calcutta, where a tablet to her memory now lies embedded at the base of the Charnock monument. A year later (February 6, 1740) Bourchier was married (again in Calcutta) to Elizabeth, widow of Joseph Badman. A daughter, Arabella, was baptised at the same place in November, 1742, and the couple had at least one other child (William), born at Adjengo on June 27, 1745. Elizabeth Bourchier died in August, 1756, and was buried in the Bombay Cathedral. Most of Bourghier's sons went to India. Edward, the eldest, became a Writer in the Company's service at Dacca, but died before completing his twentieth year. Richard, the Second, was allowed, while still a lad, to proceed to Calcutta . to be of service to his father there.' Charles, the third, may be confidently identified with the Madras Writer of that name, who rose to be Governor of Fort St. George, 1767-70; while James, the fifth, became a Member of the Madras Council. George, the fourth son, obtained a Bombay Writership, but died after about nine years' service. From the foregoing sketch, it will be seen that Bourchier just missed being Governor of Fort William, and actually became Governor of Bombay, while he had a son who, a little later, was Governor of Madras. Sach a conjunction was surely unique. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, LO.S. (Continued from p. 264.) Gotan : the women, visited by the bridegroom's father, who are of his own gens and live in the village, and are given one rupee each. Karnal 8. R. 1880, p. 192. Golena, golnen: white clay used for plastering walls of houses, also called chu chik. The place where clay is dug for such purposes is called a mithanna. In Nurpar, makol. Kangra Gloss. Goli kt sat: & fatal disease and there is no remedy for it; it seems to be anthrax fever, and the swellings which appear on the animal's body are ascribed to coag ulation of the blood. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 301. Got kundala: a wedding ceremony in which the women of the family all eat rice, sugar and ghe out of the same dish with the bride and thus admit her into the family or clan. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 167. Goth: (1) a level place on which a flook is penned at night on a dhar : (2)=dhar, q. v. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 41. Greh (in Kullu) : evil influence or bad luck, hence aigar, unlucky, uncanny ; e.g., it is unlucky to mention the cockoo till its voice is heard. Kangra Gloss. Guji: a shroud. Cf. ghugi. Gul: core. Jallundur S. R., p. 122. Gul: askew (beams in an upper storey not laid parallel to those in the lower storey are so called). Ladhiena. Gula: bread, made thick and lampy. Gulabi: a fish (Bolagoha). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Guldar: a snake (Daboia Russellit). Jullundur S. R., p. 12, Guliat : heads of sugarcane, which are broken off and given to cows as food, Kangrs Globs.

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OCTOBER, 1911.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 275 Gulind: the snow pheasant, called goiya or gongmo in Spiti. Kangra Gloss. Gulli: a groove near the edge of the potter's chdk (wheel). Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 200. Ganch: a fish (Bagarius yarellit). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Gundiali : an edible aram. Cf. arbi. Gone: lots. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p 405. Gunthi: a ring. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 125. Gupha : & grotto or cave scooped out of solid rock, Kul is a cave ander a rock. Kangra Glos Gural: the Himalayan chamois (Kulla), see pij. Guri jana : to lie down. Baaria argot. Gurdwan: a greyish-yellow caterpillar, which eats the young shoots as they spring up. Juilundur S. R., p. 119. Gyal: a man who has died without a son. Cf. dr. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 149. (tyas devuthni : the eleventh of Kartik. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 146. Tabbar: a field or bit of cultivated land, generally with a depreciatory application. Kancra Gloss. Habrt : land lying in small plots among boulders. Cf. abri. laddin : conj, however. (Potwar.) Jiagat: betrothal (=sagai). Bauria argot : Et. : hindo hagai kari awiyen, let us have him trotbed ;' hagai kare ariye, let us arrange a marriage.' Haha : = sana. Bauria argot. Hal chak: a tenant-farmer residing in another village. Cf. bhatry, oprd and dulharcha pah Karnal S. R., p. 8. Halari: the handle of a plough. Kangra Gloss. Haladhat: the day of the first ban (ceremonial oiling). Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 128. Halai: land. Karnal.S. R. 1880, p. 168. Hialas : the beam of a plough. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 99. Tialatar: the first day's service (jowari, q. v.) taken at ploughing time. Halbah: a ploughman. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 53. Ialela: (Terminalia chebula) a tree. Cf. harar. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 12. Italer: a small place built to put ploughs in; also applied to the day when neighbours join plough one man's land, eating at his expense. Sach service is generally done in turn or for 1 man of influence, or a friend (see jowdri). Kangra Gloss. Hales (Gadi): the halting place below a pass on a high range from which the push across the is made. Kangra Gloss. Blis: a beam passed through a mortice in the middle of a plough, to which the yoke is fasteni. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 162. Hlkaha = halkai (P. D. p. 425). Hallar: bastard. Pangi. Hallar : illegitimate birth. Kangra Gloss. Hallu : an effect of cold which attacks buffaloes only. Cf. tilla. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 134. Halud: the process of constant weeding and hoeing; when a couple of feet high, the ground between the plants is plonghed up. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 78. Han: an impermeable stratum of whitish clay. Sirsa S. R. 1889, p. 13. Anda : an appraiser or kan-karnewdla. Kingra Gloss.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. Handa: a lizard-see sanda. Bauria argot. Ex. handa marwa geiyo, he has gone to slay Handa: a wooden pot in which milk is churned. Sirmur trans-Giri. Handal: a conical bag net with very fine meshes, used for catching small fry in running water. Karnal S. R., p. 7. 276 sandas. Handhauna: to keep, harbour. Handi, see kauri.. Handi: a big earthen pot; hand, a middle-sized one: see under dhihala. Kangra Gloss. Handna: to trudge on foot. Hando: lizard. Cf. sanda. Sirsa S. R. 1893, p. 124. Handar: an officer on a hola, whose duty it is to let on the water. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 33. Hanwari: a fish (Mugil corsula). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Har: fields scattered here and there, forming the rest of a holding. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 21. Hara: snake: Bauria argot. Hara: a sort of oven in which milk is heated. Sirsa S. R. 1833, p. 152. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 21. Harar: (Terminalia chebula) a tree. Cf. halela. Harar: a small mango fruit like the fruit of the Harar. Hoshiarpar S. R., p. 15. Harewa: a snake. Cf. takwa. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Hargand: a crop of rice when ripe. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 89. Hargi: an iron staff. Simla Hills. Harh: Terminalia chebula. Kangra S. R., p. 21. Hari: hither: Bauria argot. Ex. hari dwi ja, hami thain ja, come hither. Harkari: vegetables, Bauria argot. Harkarn: the sum paid, in addition to the marriage expenses, by a man who abducts a man's wife, to her husband. Dhami. Haro: here. Bauria argot. Harriaban a wild wood. Hissar S. R., p. 15. Hara: a snake. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 124. Hat: seven. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 124. Hatarki: a leather glove faced with iron for beating the canes in a sugar press. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 182. Hathai: a guest-house. Cf. chaupal. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 176. Hathangna commutation for begar or corvee. Bilaspur. Hathra a frame made of mad and straw, something like a cage, in which lamps are sometimes put at the Diwali festival. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 144. Hathiar: the second son's share (a weapon or implement) in the inheritance. Churah. Hiti: a flat piece of wood with which boiled juice of sugarcane put to 'cool is worked about. Cf. hatwa. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 182. Hatth jharna; to lose. Hatwa: a flat piece of wood with which boiled juice of sugarcane put to cool is worked about. Cf. hati. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 182. Hazira: a tomb. Ludhiana 8. R. 1883, p. 36. Haziri: a small saucer of pottery in which lamps are floated in honour of Khwaja Khizr; also used for eating from and as a cover. Cf. khwajiri. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 122.

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OCTOBER, 1911 ] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Hela special begar or corvee, leviable for repairs to roads and buildings, providing supplies for the Rana when on tour, or State guests, and on special occasions, such as a wedding or a death in the Rana's family. Kuthar. Hen: (Gadi) an avalanche or fall of snow. Kangra Gloss. Hent: (Gadi) a drift of snow in a gorge or ravine. Kangra Gloss. Heri: a caste which collects kino (resin which exudes from the dhak tree). It came from the East. Karnal S. R., p. 10. Heri hai: a widow married again. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 136. Herna: to see. Kaddi-herd? when did you see it? Kangra Gloss. Hiali: supper. Keonthal Hik: the chest, breast. Kangra Gloss. Hilsa a fish (Engraulis telara). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Hindok: a handsome tree-found in the Jhajjar tahsil of Rohtak. Hingo a thorny tree or a shrub (Bulanites aegyptica), Rohtak (Balanites roxburghii). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Hisanihsan. Hittu: 8. m, friend, well-wisher. Hiund Hiundhs: winter; from hiun, snow. Kangra Gloss. = Hodh-karna: ploughing over young rice to destroy weeds, &c., or ploughing between rows of Indian corn. Kangra Gloss. 277 Hoghar, ughar: the first ploughing; jhel, second ploughing; any subsequent ploughing is called siyan, from sen, moisture, the object being to thoroughly mix wet and dry together. Kangra Gloss. Holdna: a practice of killing weeds in rice, by ploughing up and turning over the crop, weeds and all; the weeds alone suffer, but the rice springs up again. Kangra S. R., p. 27. Hole: roasted gram. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 190. Hondki: cooking pot. Cf. Handa. Sirmur trans-Giri. Horna: to stop, to countermand. Kangra Gloss. Hubbi: a camel ailment, the neck swells and the mouth waters and the animal ceases to wag his tail. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 306. Hudhar udhar. Hai jana: to sleep. Bauria argot. Hanga: an instrument used for scaring animals. See ghun. Har pig. Bauria argot. Ibhan: now. Kangra Gloss. Idda: adv. see aidd, so much. Ikk hikke, see next. Ikke: ado. loc. of ikk, for one thing. Cf. Panjabi Dicty. p. 443. Ikkowar: adv. at once. Iklana iklappa. (P. D. p. 467.) In the flying sanirrel. The name is used in Lahul and Spiti for the marmot. Kangra Gloss. Iniche: this way. Uniche, that way. Kangra Gloss. Irna fuel. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 404. Jabar moist low-lying land, very good for sugarcane and rice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 69. Jabra (fem. jabri) an old man or woman. In Kullu Kapra, (fem.) Kapri. Kangra Gloss. Jach: a festival. Kangra S. R., p. 98.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911 Jadolan: a ceremony observed when for the first time a boy's hair is cut or a girl's and nose are bored for a ring. It is observed round about Kumharsain at the Matri Dei temple of Adsbakti. Simla Hills. Jagannu: a torch of pine or cedarwood splinters. Kangra Gloss. Jagjup: a picture of Ganesh carved on a piece of stone or wood and set up in a hou. when completed, i. q., odstu ( 7 udsti) (8. Vastu, the deity of a house.). Kangra. Jahar= jahir (P. D. p. 467). Jahir pir: the greatest of the snake kings. Cf. bdgarwala. JAhlu: when, at the time when ; tahlu, then; khalu, at what time. Kangra Gloss. JAhra : the handle of a spade or koddl. Kanigra Gloss. Jakat: a little boy ; munu is also used ; muni, of a girl. Kingra Gloss. Jalakri: the woodcock; also called lan kui or naddil; but all the three names are loosely used. Kangra Gloss. Jalal: much the same as jabar (moist low-lying land, very good for sugarcane and rice). Cf. sebr. lloshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Jaljogan: a female spirit of a well or spring which is believed to cast spells over women and children and has to be propitiated with sacrifice. Chamba. Jamdar : & spear. Simla Hills. Jamna : right hand. Siisa S. R. 1893, p. 124. Jamoi: n tree (Eugenia operculata and jambolana). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Jan: a wedding guest. Churab. Ja nai: wedding. Chorah. Janas, Junas: a married woman. Kangra Gloss. Janda : the board for making irrigation beds. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 73. Jandalwiss : a place fixed for the residence of the guests of the bridegroom's party. Ci. dindalwdea. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 130. Jani, janji: the superior form of marriage in Pangi. Janna: a man ; el janna, a solitary man; do janna, two men together; kimnidn jannun, how many women are there? Kangra Gloss." Japot: the influence of a malevolent deity. Cf. opri. Karol S. R. 1880, p. 145. Jarri : steady fine rain or drizzle. JaswalA : (adj.) praiseworthy, reputable. Jatalt: & messenger or watchman of a kothi appointed by a rdja. Kaugra S. R., p. 80. Jathal, jothal: wife's elder sister. KAngra Gloss. Jathenjo: a mela held on the Purn mashi (full moon) day in the month of Jeth every year, Simla Hills. JAtro-ro-80 : the dancing lawn or arena of a temple. Kangra S. R., p. 92. Jauchani: a mixed crop of gram and barley. Karual S. R. 1880, p. 193. Jaunchi: a weed. Ludhiana S. R. 1883, p. 9. Jaunda : a platform. See daunja. Jauhera : a snake (Daboia Russellis). Of. gulddr. Jnllandar 8, R., p. 12. Jawainia : a large mango fruit, smells like aniseed (ajwain). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 18. Jawala jatra : a fair held at long intervals, probably only once in the reign of a chief. It 1s held at Rashot, Chambal, Jogahi near Rathal Kafar and Matri Deori, on an auspicious day in the month of Baisakh. Simla Hills. Jawasa: * tree (Alhagi maurorum). Karnal 8. R., p. 9. Jel. jhel: a second ploughing of a field; the first is called hoghar. Kangra Glo98.

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OCTOBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 279 Jela : powerful, from bodily strength or any other reason. Kangra Gloss. Jera : a pitchfork with 6 teeth. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 162. Jeth-wahag : eldest son's share (the best field). Churah. Jethal: wife's elder sisters jathal. Jhagala: a secret receptacle for treasure built in a house. Karnal. Jhagga : a large blanket (TM) Sirmur. Jhajja: (Gadi) a steep hillside overgrown with long grass, bushes, etc., and hard to get along. Jhajri: a kind of earthenware huqqa. Sirmur cis-Girl. Jhal: a lining of woven withies of jhdo or simbhalu or tunt for lining the lower part of a leacha well. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 160. Jhali: a rope net for carrying fodder. Karnal 8. R. 1880, p. 163. PJhalo na to arrest : Bauria argot. Ex. hapdhi jhaloan awe, hara para hathai ja. The constable is coming to arrest, let us escape. Jhalrs : a necklace of 14 rupees. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 125. Jhaluhana : to singe, burn. Jhamb: a dredge. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 159. Jhanjhiro: a tree. Rohtak. . Jhaolt: a vessel made of pottery, flatter and smaller than the dagga (q. v.), with a mouth broad enough to admit the hand, for grain and flour. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 121. Jhare : & small, prickly bush, which grows in abundance on the waste land of most villages. Cf. mallah. Ludhiana S. R. 1888, p. 8. Jharpala : & scrub, the cizyphus nummularia. Rohtak. Jharri: dr.zzle (Gadi). Cf, megh. Jhatt langghna : to spend a moment, pass any time (add to P.D. p. 497). Jhawaliyo: & cooking vessel; Ex. jhawdliyo le awiyo, harhari meliye. Bring a cooking vessel and put the vegetables into it. Bauria argot. Jheau : a measure of grain, equal to 2 sers kachha of cleaned rice, or 2) of dhan. Jhel, jel : second ploughing-Bee under hoghar. Jhik jana: to go down-see under bunk. Jhinw&: a good variety of rice. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Jhoka: a man who tends fire. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 82. Jhoka: a fireman who feeds the farnace for boiling juice of sugarcane. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 182. Jhokar: Capparis horrida. Cf. hins. Gurgaon S. R. 1883, p. 12. Jhold: a gust of wind. Jhona : a second-class rice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 88. Jhugla: a shirt. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 124. Jhala: a rope bridge. Cf. 'ala. Jhund: see gandra. Jhundar: a rude and primitive method of extracting jaice from sugarcane ; cattle are not employed, but strong active youths, and the cane is compressed by the sadden closing of two frames of wood. Kangra S. R., p. 27. Jhunditor: cutting down bushes and grabbing up stamps. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 168. Jhuttna =jhutna, add to P. D., p. 505. JI akkne : to be vexed, annoyed. Ji ka sajji: a man who contributes only personal labour, Karnal S. R., p. 112. Jicht41: (s. f.) annoyance.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1911. Jiddal : adj. perverse. Jidhari, jidhiari: on the day when; tidari, on that day; kiddri what day. Kangra Gloss. Jikkar: (GAGI) a thicket or jungle of trees and bushes hard to ponetrate. Jindh, jindha : the stubble of corn in a field; also called kanki. Kangra Gloss. Jingal: the sardo deer-see god Jinjarare : the ceremony of a woman's second marriage. Jinsal: an army tax. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), p. 83. Jiyach: a jatra : used in the Sanch pargana of Pangi. Jogia: a short red wheat of good quality. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 189. Johal : the bed of an old drainage channel. Cf. val and vahal. Sirsa S. R. 1883. p. 12. Johar: marsh and waste land, moist with springs; when cultivated with rice, it is called nadl. Kangra Gloss. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA, RAJPUTS AND MARATHAS. results of Mr. J. A. Saldanha's investigations Is the Journal of the Royal Anthropological into the tribes and castes of the Savantvadi Institute, Volume XL., January-June 1910, Mr. State of the Bombay Presidency. The remoteCrooke deals with the kindred topics of Rajputs ness of this little State from the more accessible and Marathas, and claims to establish the conten. Konkan and Deccan tracts in which Maraths tion that the term R@jpat denotes a status rather are commonly found, tends to confer a special than a caste. Into the question of the accuracy value on the results of Mr. Saldanha's enquiries. of this contention, I do not propose to enter. So Writing in the Journal of the Bombay Anthrofar as it goes, the evilence adduced is good. But pologicul Society,' he says: a remark seems called for in connection with his "One seldom or never hears the name Kunbi description of the Marathas as the higher status applied to Maratha Shudra cultivators or used vroup of the Kunbi or Kurmi, a tribe widely by them in Savantvadi. In the Bombay Gazetspread in Northern and Western India." It is teer (Volume X), no separate caste of Kunbi is true, as I have remarked in the Census Report mentioned as existing in the Savantvadi State. of Bombay, 1901, Chapter VIII, that Marathas are Here many communities, which in the Ratnagiri divided into a lower or cultivating class known as and other neighbouring districts are classed Kunbis, who, when asked their caste, will describe separately from Marathas, namely, Kunbis and themselves as Marathas, and a higher social Bandes, Ghadis, Lads, Blavins, Guravas, rejoice group which may be called Markthas proper, in the name of Maratha." claiming Kshatriya rank. But if Mr. Crooke This tends to support my contention that had been asked to push his investigations further Kunbi is an occupational term, as applied to the in the Bombay Deccan, he would have hesitated lower division of Marathas, and does not, as to describe the mass of Marathas as of the Kunbi suggested by Mr. Crooke, represent a distinct tribe. So far as I can ascertain, the term Kunbi tribe. is just as much a 'status'term as Rajput, and I hope to show later, in dealing with the resulta means little more than a cultivator. In the of the Ethnographic Survey of Bombay, what Kanarese parts of the Bombay Presidency, the the chief constituent 'elements of the Marathas corresponding term is 'valkul. Kunbis in the Deccan, who describe themselves as Marathas, are. They are likely to prove more heteroprobably have an exceedingly mixed origin. At geneous than has hitherto been supposed. At the present day, Kolis who take to cultivation present I have no reason for holding that they are termed Kunbis, and can readily become can correctly be described as consisting largely merged in the Marathi Kunbi caste. An inter- of a Kunbi tribe. sting side-light on the value of the term Kunbi R. E. ENTHOVEN. when applied to Marathas is thrown by the August 18th, 1911. 1 Volume VIII, p. 7, p. 502.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.) EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 281 EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE. BY G HAYAVADANA RAO, B.A., B.L., F.R.A.I. (LOND.), MADRAS. (Continued from p. 272) III.-Nayeks of Madura. FTER the crushing defeat inflicted by the combined Deccan Muhammadans on the Hindu A kings of Vijayanagarat Talikota in 1565,58 their kingdom broke up into several independent principalities, their former governors now founding independent hereditary royal families. One of these was the Nayak kings of Madura, who ruled over the modern districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, Trichinopoly, and part of Salem, for about two centuries, 60 (1559-1741 A, D.). Father Vico, one of the Madari Jesuit Mission, writing in 1611, sketches for us their revenue administration: The king or Grand Nayaker of Madura," says he,61 " has bat few domains which depend immediately on him, that is to say, which form his property (for in this country, the great are sole proprietors, and the people are only tenants or farmers); all the other lands are the domains of a multitude of petty princes or tributary lords; these latter have each in his own domains the fall administration of the police and of justice, if justice there is at all, they levy contributions which comprise at least the half of the produce of the lands; of this they make three parts, the first of which is reserved as tribute to the Grand Nayaker; the second is employed in supporting troops, which the lord is bound to furnish bim; the third belongs to the lord. The grand Nayakers of Madura, like those of Tanjore and Gingee, are themselves tribataries of Vijayanagar, to whom they pay, or ought to pay, each one an annual tribute of from six to ten millions of francs. But they are not punctual in their payment; often they delay, and even sometimes refuse insolently; then Vijayanagar arrives or sends one of his generals at the head of a hundred thousand men to enfaroe payment of all arrears, with interest, and in such cases, which are frequent, it is the poor people who are to expiate the fault of their princes; the whole country is devastated and the population is either pillaged or massacred." This letter shows that the subordinate princes, to whom the lands had been given, took "at least the half of the produce of the lands." It also shows the enormous amount that the Nayaks derived from land. According to it the three viceroyalties of Madura, Tanjore, and Gingee were each bound to pay a tribute varying from six to ten millions of francs or between PS240,000 and PS400,000 to the Vijayanagar sovereign, and if the Maduri province, which was the most extensive of those named, paid the higher sum, it is apparent that the revenue taken from the ryots of that province must have been at least three times that suni or PS1,200,000 or about 18) lakhs of rupees. In fact, most of the lands included in the Madura province were in the hands of Poligars, who, it is stated, paid to the local viceroys only one-third of the revenues of their polaiyams, and cut of this one-third, the viceroys had to pay the tribate after defraying their own expenses. The Madura province, as already stated, comprised the present districts of Madara, Tinnevelly, and part of Salem. The land revenue of these districts aggregates now about 120 lakhs of rapees only, and * Sewell's A Forg. Emp., 199. Ibid. 219. Madurd. District Manual, Part III, PP. 85 and 289. el Ibid. 149-150. # Madras Administration Report for 1901-2 gives the following average land rovenue, inclusive of cesses, for the three years ending 1901-2: MAdura... .. .. 3434 lakhs. Tionevolly ... ... . 3V-88 >> Trichinopoly ... 24.07 Salom ... .. ... 27 28 . (See p. 82.)

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1911. when it is remembered that in the 16th and 17th centuries much of the country now under cultivation was covered with forest and that the parchasing power of the precious metals was several times higher than it is at present, and that the present land revenue includes cesses, we might form an idea of the large share of the gross produce which the Nayaks took as revenue.c3 Perhaps, a possible approximation of the intensity of Nayak land assessment may be reached in this way. Father Martin, writing in 1713, says that 8 marakals of rice could in ordinary seasons be bougift for one fanam and would keep a man in food for more than fifteen days. Mr. Nelson, the Editor of the Madura District Manual, takes a fanam as equal to 2 d. and a marakal to be of twelve pounds weight. From these data, he deduces that the purchasing power of the rupee, at the commencement of the 18th century, would have been more than forty times what it is now.64 Mr. Srinivasa Raghavaiyengar, author of the Memorandum on the Progress of the Mudras Presidency during the last Furty Years of British Administration, estimates it even more moderately. If the quantity of rice required, says he, by a person be 3 lb. per diem, that required for fifteen days would be 45 lbs. Even if this reduced quantity be worth 2 d., the price would have been 480 lbs. per rapee or 1/12 of the price at the present time : in other words, the purchasing value of the rupee would have been in the beginning of the 18th century twelve times what it is now. If the purchasing power of the rupee was even half as much as this in the beginning of the 17th century, when Father Vico wrote, then Nayak land revenue would amount to six times 120 lakhs of rupees, or, making allowance for the difference in area, Nayak assessment was over nine times the actual British taxation of the present day, i. e., over 50 per cent. of the gross produce. This estimate would seem to agree with the other statement of Vico that Nayak fendatories took" at least half of the produce of the lands." Besides the land revenge there were the asnal imposts on every kind of profession and art; land customs ; plough tax; ferry-boat tax; free labour service, etc.65 IV.-Nayaks of Coimbatore. The Nayak Government of Coimbatore seems to have been even worse. A Jesuit missionary letter of the first half of the 17th century describes its rulers as "considering themselves rather owners of the people, and their kingdom as a vast farm to be operated upon. While they are of unbounded energy and acateness in extorting from their subjects the utmost possible revenue, they are wholly blind, careless, and weak in the matters of order, justice, and repression of crime." Another letter speaks of it as a "mere tyranny and a mass of confusion and disorder."07 Nor was the administration of Tanjore under the Maratha rulers, who beld it for about a century and a quarter (1674-1799),any way better. The deplorable condition of the ryot in 1683, when Venkaji, the first of the dynasty and brother of the celebrated Sivaji, the founder of the Marathi power in India, was king, is thus alluded to in a letter of the well-known but ill-fated Jesuit Missionary John De Britto, who was an eye-witness of what he wrote. "Tanjore," he says, " is in the possession of Ekoji (Venkajt) with the exception of a few provinces which have been seized by the Marava." Here is a short sketch of the administration of this country. Ekoji appropriates four-fifths of the produce. This is not all. Instead of accepting these four-fifths in kind, he insists that they should be paid in money; and as he takes care to fix the price himself mach beyond that which the proprietor can realise, the result 65 Madura Dt. Manual, Part III, 149-156. Ibid. 155-56. 60 Malura Dt. Manual, Part III, 153-155. "Coimbatore Manual, 89-90, quoting Mission De Madure, II, 384. *T Ibid. 90, quoting Mission de Madure, II, 6. Tanjore Manual (Dewan Bahadur T. Youkasami Rao's Edo.), p. 730. & Madura Dt. Manual, Part III, 151, quoting, Mission de M&dure.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.) EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 283 is that the sale of the entire produce does not suffice to pay the entire contribution. The cultivators then remain under the weight of a heavy debt; and often they are obliged to prove their inability to pay by submitting to the most barbarous tortures. It would be difficult for you to conceive such an oppression, and yet I must add that this tyranny is more frightful and revolting in the kingdom of Gingee. For the rest this is all I can say, for I cannot find words to express all that is horrible in it." This letter shows that Venkaji took fall 80 per cent. of the gross produce as revenue, leaving only 20 per cent to the cultivators. On the accession of Raja Pratapsing in 1741, the cultivators enjoyed 29 per cent. of the pisanam (staple crop), which required additional labour in watering. The rate for the former was raised by him and his successors till it amounted to 40 per cent, in the time of Amirsing.71 These rates applied solely to cultivation under river irrigation. In regard to wet cultivation under rain-fed tanks, the vdram varied from 50 to CO per cent of the gross produce.72 Besides the regular land assessment, there were several cesses, the names, nature, and extent of as many as twenty-seven of them being known.73 V.-Nawabs of Arcot. The conquest of Bijapur and Golkonda by Aurangazib by 1687" opened the way for Marathi raids into the sonth of India. But that puritanical Mogul would not desist from making the south an integral portion of his empire. Mogul thus followed in the wake of the Maratha and the state of the country, towards the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries, was truly distressing. Zulifikar Khan, the Mogul general in the sontb, was employed in a course of incessant and destructive warfare. The express statement," says Wilks,ne " of nineteen actions fought and three thousand cose (6,000 miles) marched by this officer in the course of six months only, may afford some faint idea of the wretchedness in shich the unfortunate inhabitants were involved during that period, and these miseries of var, in the ordinary course of human calamity, were necessarily followed by a long and Iestructive famine and pestilence." Within this period, Zulifikar Khan made three different xpeditions to the south of the Cauvery, levying heavy contributions on Tanjore and Trichinopoly. Both the Maratha and the Mogul fleeced the cultivators, who often had no Iternative but to give up their occupation and turn freebooters themselves. Shortly after, allowed the war in the Coromandel (174-1761) between the rival Nawabs of Arcot, aided by the rival subadars of the Deccan and the French and the English on opposite sides. This eaded in the Treaty of Paris of 1763 which recognised Muhammad Ali as the Nawab of the Carnatic, though to the close of the century the country knew no rest through the devastating vasiong of Haider Ali, the usurper of the Mysore throne. The territories, over which ohammad Ali's rule, nominal or actual, extended, were divided into the four Subhds of Arcot, Icluding the present districts of North Arcot, South Arcot, Chingleput, which was in 1763 Lanted as a jaghir to the East India Company: Trichinopoly, to which in 1774 was added by +Dquest the Maratha kingdom of Tanjore; Madura, including the present Tinnevelly district; id lastly Nellore. The system of administration introduced by the Nawabs of the Carpatic * atterly destructive of the ancient village institations of Southern India.77 To each of the bhas was appointed a Fauzdar,78 or Military Governor, who exercised the supreme authority of the State in it as the chief officer and representative of the Nawab. During early times ho . T Tanjore Dt. Manual, 478, quoting Report of the Tanjore Commissioners of 1708. 11 Ibid. 477. 12 Ibid. 479. 13 lbid, 482, 493, and 487. ** See Lane Polo's Aurangazfb in the Rulers of India Series, 183. To Ibid. 190. T6 Histor al Sketches, eto., I., 135, 11 See Nellore Dt. Manual, 481, and North Arcot Dt. Manual, I, 117-8, 18 Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, 125; Nellore Dt Manual, 482.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1911. was usually a Muhammadan and almost always a favourite of the Nawab. The revenues of each Subha were farmed out in large portions, never less than taluks, or sometimes even whole Subhds, to renters,70 who paid the revenue sometimes to the Fauzdar and sometimes direct to the Nawab's court. "All the demands of the State were" writes an authority,80 " in this manner farmed out to the highest bidder, whose hope of profit, therefore, lay in what he could extort from the people, The ancertainty of his position-liable as he was to be ejected at the caprice of the Nawab made the renter neglectful of developing or fostering the resources of his charge, which it would have been his interest to do had his tenure been more permanent. His aim was simply to get as much out of the country as he could ; to conceal what he got ; and to pay the Nawab or his agents as little as possible. The renters, on obtaining the rent, had to pay a Nazrana or benevolence to the Nawab, and another to the Fauzdar; and if it became notorious that the renter had made a good thing of his contract, or if the Nawab wanted money, extra Nazrdnas were, from time to time, demanded. If the renter could not or would not pay, eitber the rent was given to another, or the demand was discontinued, and the holder of th: Nawab's orders Vested with fall power to recover the amount any way he could. The renters when pressed by the Government, tightened the screw on the sub-renters, generally the head inbabitants of villages, and these in their tarn, recouped themselves at the expense of the other inhabitants, who were the ultimate sufferers. The Faazdar, whose power was the only check on the renters, leant to their side as being those who could pay best, so that the inhabitants got scant justice. Even this slight check disappeared in the last quarter of the 10th century when the misgovernment of the Carnatic reached its height under Mubammad Ali and Umdatl-ul-Umra. Then whole provinces were leased out and the Fauzdar and head-renter were often the same person, This was repeatedly the case in Nellore.31 Under these circumstances the last resource of the inhabitants was flight. Large numbers were thus driven from their villages and took refuge either in the Ceded Districts, Madras, or the Company's territory in the Northern Circars. The renters themselves, when bard pressed by the Nawab, adopted a similar course. When the Fauzdur was also renter, the peculation and corruption that took place under the other systum were doubled. All the demands from all the sources of the revenue and all payments on account of the Naw&b, were then in the hands of the renters. Tankas or orders for money, which the Nawab used to issue on the renters, were unpaid, but credits were taken in the accounta; 80 also for the pay of the Nawab's troops stationed in the di pict; which bad never been disborsed; for pensions, which were paid to the generality of the recipiente for from three to six months of the year; and in short, fraud and extortion flourished, of course, under a government by anscrapulous speculators." The oppression of the under-renters (usually heads of villages)," says the Fifth Report, 82 principally consisted in levying private contributions on frivolous pretences; in under-assessing lands in the occupation of themselves, their relations, or friends, and making up the differences by an over-a89essment of the other village cultivators, more especially those who were the poorest, and therefore unable to protect themselves; in forcing the poorer ryots to coltivate their lands and to perform for them, free of charge, various 1) North Arcot Dt. Manual, I, 119; Garstin's South Arcot Dt. Manual, 233; Moore's Trichinopoly Dt. Manual, 179; Nellore Dt. Manual, 182; Nelson's Madura Dt. Manual, III, 274, 277, 280, and IV, 4 et seq. ; Caldwell's Tinnwoolly, 125-6. As to Chinglepat, see Orme's Indostan, II, 368, 512, and Chinyle put D. Manual, 231. Also sa Follarton's View of the English Interests in India, 102-3, 138, 245-6, and 248-252 particularly. "M. C. S."in the Nellore Dt. Manual, p. 482-4. "So it would appear in the other Subhas also. See Fullerton's View of the English Interests in India, p. 248-252. # Fifth Report of the Parliamentary Committee for the East India Affairs, 1813.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.) EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 285 other services; in monopolizing the produce of the several villages, which they afterwards disposed of at an advanced price; and in applying to their own use the allowances and requisites of the pagodas and village servants, by which the parties were deprived of their rights, or the inhabitants, as was often the case, were obliged to make good the loss." "They also secured for themselves, either for tillage or pasture, the best lands of the village. Thus the mass of the people were ground down, nothing beyond a bare subsistence left them, and improvement in their condition was impossible,"43 An equally harrowing picture is drawn by Colonel Fullerton, who was Commander of the Southern Army of the Coromandel Coast during the years 1782-4, of the southern districts under the management of these wretched "inferior instruments (the renters) who are eager to perpetuate oppression, and to enforce unusual measures by unprecedented means. "4 In these circumstances it would be nothing less than strange if the Nawab's officers did not take what they chose for the Government sbare. Even if they wanted authority of a written test they would have found one in the Hedaia which states, "The learned in the law allege that the utmost extent of tribute is one half of the actual product, nor it is allowable to exact more. Bat the taking of a ball is no more than strict justice and is not tyrannical, because, as it is lawful to take the whole of the person and property of infidels and distribute them among the Musselmans, it follows that taking half their incomes is lawful a fortiori, 95 It is, however, more than doubtful if ever they consciously acted on the principle so openly asserted as that, for their radical defect was not so much a system founded upon avarice and cruelty but the lack of any system whatsoever that was compatible with good government. The effect was, however, all the same. The State share was in theory one half of the gross produce, 57 and the collection was farmed out to unscrupulous renters, who as the biggest bidders, bad every inducement to fleece the poor cultivators as much as they could, BO Touch so that the latter deemed themselves, fortunate if they held back stealthily bare subsistence for themselves. "The renters preferred to a moderate and fixed money rent, a large share of the crop, which by extortion they could increase, and which they could realise more easily than a proportionate money rent; while the ryots, as they afterwards often showed when the proportionate money rent was introduced, preferred a system, under which by deceiving the renter and abstracting the prodace, they could easily secure better terms for themselves." 8 Renters on the coast," says Colonel Fullerton, "have not scrupled to imprison reputable farmers, and inflict on them extreme severity of punishment, for refusing to accept of sizleen in the hundred as the portion out of which they were to maintain a family, to furnish stock and implements of husbandry, cattle, feed, and all expenses incident to the cultivation of their lands." Thus, in the present North Arcot district the rapacity of the renters had been so great that it was only in a few jagir villages that the ryots got their full proportion oi odram, while in Givernment villages sometimes the whole produce had been seized by the renters or the Nawab's servants. In others, the cultivators received one to three parts ont of ten, instead of the customary four or five. Their share was in fact often. "only what they could conceal or make away with."89 In Trichinopoly, as a general rule, the crops were equally divided between the Nawab's government and the onltivators, after a deduction of 5 per cent of the gross produce had been made for reaping expenses. But, since the allowances, paid to the village establishment, which varied from 23 10 28 per cent of the * Vellore D. Manual, 484. # Loc. cit., 248-252. See also Chingleput District Mamal, 231. # Hodeia, Dk. IX, chap. 7. quoted in Wilks' Historical Sketches, 101-102. "This text was written in the sixth century of Hijera, and had undoubtedly boen," says Wilke, "the chief rule of action since that period." * Sir Thomas Munro rejecte, after a lengthy argument, the view that assessments were low under ancient Hindu Governments and were rained by Muhammadan ralers. See bis Minute on the State of the Country and the Condition of the People. Arbathnot's Munro, I, 287-75. " Col. Fullerton, a contemporary of the times, is explicit on this point. So his Vieno, 219. M M , C. S." in the Nellore Dt. Massal, 477. North Arcot District Manual, 1, 119

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1911 gross produce, were paid by the cultivators alone from their share, they had really only about 23 per cent. As regards lands under dry cultivation, the demads were made in a mnost arbitrary nantier, and were invariably increased if the out-turn of the crops happened to be better than usual. The sale of grain, moreover, was a strict monopoly, the price being fixed by the manager. All importation was forbidden, and it was an offence punishable by exorbitant fines, even to lend a neighbour such small quantities of grain as he might require for his immediate support. The grain.was taken from the cultivators at the rate of 7 and 8 fanams" per kalam, and sold back to them from Government granaries kept in different parts of the district, at 9 and 10 fanams per kalam. Wben Mr. Wallace, the first Collector of Trichinopoly, settled the Government revenue, he had to base his settlement on the prices of grain prevailing in the neighbouring districts, as its natural prices in the Trichinopoly district itself could not be ascertained in consequence of the Government monopoly in it which had iong been subsisting there. Tanjore, which was in the Nawab's possession during the years 1774-5, was almost rained, as Schwartz, the well-known Lutheran Missionary, puts it in a letter to his English friends in 1799, by his "inhuman exactions." In 1774-5, the year of his sole management, the Nawab extorted from the landholders no less than eighty-one lakhs of rupees- som not yet reached with all the development of the natural resources of the country under the influence of peace and improved administration in the course of more than a century of British role. The highest revenue exacted by the Marathas of Tanjore was 57 lakhs of rupees, and that was by Raja Pratapsing in 1761.9* In Tinnevelly from 1770 to 1780, the usual grain rents prevailed, and the Nawab's Government took 60 per cent of the gross out-turn of the wet land ; and from 1780 to the end of the century 50 per cent. after deducting before the division some small cultivation expenses, besides ready-money cesses of varying amounts.95 In Nellore, the Nawab took 55 per cent, while the village fees absorbed 3 per cent., leaving only 414 per cent, to the ryote.96 Besides the income derived from the land, the Nawab had various other sources of revenue, all of them of a ready-money character, by which he squeezed out the poor inbabitants of their last coins. This was in general known as the "Sayer" or miscellaneous revenge and, as usual, rented out to the highest bidders. It comprised the duty on salt, transit duties collected at inland stations on all kinds of merchandise, personal and professional taxes, called Motur pha, sometimes levied on houses or shops and sometimes as a poll tax, on mercbants, weavers, oilmakers, fishermen, goldsmiths, brass-smiths, dyers, painters, cotton-spinners, etc., all assessed on no fixed principles; and the export and import duties. The evil of renting the transit duties tended to the multiplication of stations where they were exacted, so much so that in some cases they were erected three miles off each other on the same road. "So unsupportable," complains Colonel Fallerton, is this evil, that between Negapatam and Palghatcherry, not more than three hundred miles, there are about thirty places of collection; or, in other words, a tax is levied every ten miles upon the produce of the country." But their number was not so great a check on the trade a. the uncertainty and variation of rates. The effect was, the trade was checked very greatly. N. enterprises involving the transport of goods for long distances could be undertaken, as the profit. would be swallowed up in customs; and the variation of rates rendered & safe calculation of prof. impossible. That such a system, or rather the want of it, such as this, should have the effect of # 30 Janame made a pajoda; so that a fanam equalled 1 anns and 10 pies of our present ourrency. Trichinopoly District Manual (lat Edn.), pp. 180-1, quoting Mr. Wallace's Settlement Report for Fasli. 12:1 (1801-2). n Wilks' Historical Sketches, I, Appdr. 523, et seq. > The average land revenue for the 3 years ending 1901-2, inoluding cesses of Tanjore, is 64'18 lakhs. For Madras Administration Report for 1901.2, pp. 82, et seq. Tanjore District Manwal, 1st Edition, pp. 810 and 467. * Tinnevelly Mannal, 70-1. "Nellore Manual, ..

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NOVEMBER, 1911.) EARLY SOUTH INDIAN FINANCE 297 diminishing the revenue is only what was to be expected.(6 "In short," says the authority already quoted, the Mussalman rulers seem like the man in the fable, to have done their best to kill the goose with the golden eggs. No wonder then that the revennes of the Nawab for the last twenty years of his management in Nellore steadily declined.97 Nor was it better in any way of the other Subhds. Everywhere it was the same tale of cruel oppression and worse rack renting. The rapacity of the renters in every department of the revenue pauperised the people and left the cultivating masses nothing but their ploughs and cattle. The moneyed class was conspicuous by its absence, Trade was paralysed, and there were few indeed who lived by it. Irrigation was everywhere neglected, and roads there were none, properly so called. The confusion and uncertainty of revenue system; the oppression of renters; the fraud and venality which had infected all ranks, the poverty of the cultivators, who were nine-tenths of the community; the stagnation of the trade and manufacture consequent on restrictive taxation and general insecurity; the depredations of Poligars and Kavalgars, the supposed guardians of the public security; the total want of a system of judicature, all these, in the words of the authority" already quoted, combined everywhere in the Nawab's territories to produce a state of things which was wretched in the extreme and from which the country has not, despite the peace and progress of over a century under the aegis of British rule, yet recovered. Summary. To sum up :-Between the 11th and the 13th centuries A. D., the Cholas, who ruled orer the whole of what is at present known as the Presidency and a good deal even beyond it, took betweea 13/30ths and 4/15ths of the gross produce from the cultivators, for the Government share. This is about from 4 to 7 times greater than the proportion taken by the British Government at he present time, which is less than 6 per cent. or 1/17th of the gross produce. The proportion aken by the Cholas would be much greater than that of the British, if we but considered the Teater purchasing power of the precious metals then than it is now. Their other revendes were derived from a number of petty imposts which invaded every calling and occupation, and must have been a great impediment to the growth of commerce and enterprise. One of their later kings, who ruled between 1063 and 1070 A. D., commuted a portion of the Government share into * money payment, while another successor of his abolished most of the vexatious taxes and resurveyed the lands--the first survey having been carried out at least a century before-abont 1086 A. D., the time of the famons Domesday survey in England, and recouped the loss sustained is a revision of land assessments. Thus, the principle of temporary and not permanent settlements ems to have been adopted by the ancient Cholas, and considering the praises bestowed upon the trticular kings who carried out these reforms, there is every reason to believe that the people i referred a little addition to their land assessments to the retention of the oppressive imposts. In the matter of collection and remission, the Cholas seem to have been more rigorous than their British successors, refusing, as they did, even the expected remission when the crops had been destroyed wholesale by ris major. On the decay of the Cholas came the Vijayanagar kings. From about the middle of the >4th century to 1565 their supremacy was undisputed throughout southern India and Mysore. The early kings, if we may balieve the treatise on law and goverament, written by their first Prime Minister, Madhava, who was, according to unvarying tradition, chiefly instrumental in bringing their kingdom into existence, raised the land tax to of the groas produce, which was paid in cash and was exclusive of the fees absorbed by the village etablishm 3nt, which was met from the cultivators' share. Their later successors of the sixteenth centary disregarded the tax and practically raised it to " Nellore District Munnal, 495-8. Jbid, 433. Ibid, 489. 10deg Nellore Manual, 494-5.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1911. one-half. Their land revenue for the whole of the Madras Presidency and Mysore, except the districts of Ganjam, Vizaga patam, Godavari, and the northern part of Kistna, which never came under their survey, was, according to the chroniclers, Paes and Naniz, who visited Vijayanagar about 1520 and 1586-7, about 12) lakhs of pagodas. This in modern ourteney would be worth about 420 millions of rupees, the purchasing power of the rupee being about ten times what it is now. Allowing for the difference in area under cultivation, this means that Vijayanagar taxation was over seven times what the British is at present, or over forty-two per cent of the gross produce, taking the land revenue of the Madras Presidency, with the exception of the excluded districts and Mysore, according to the latest available statistics, at about sixty millions of rapees. But since the fees of village establishment and the expenses of the cultivation, as of necessity, were met from the cultivators' share, be would be left with a proportion, which, by the exactions of the renters, amongst whom the country was parcelled oat, would only be redaced to a bare subsistence. Hence it is that Nuoiz feelingly complains that the comnon paople suffer much hardship, those who hold the lands being so tyrannical." Besides the income derived from lands, the Vijayanagar kinga had many other sources of revenge. The collection of tolls alone seems to have brought enormous soms to the treasury. On the break of the Vijayanagar kingdom after the battle of Talikota, its former governors became everywhere independent. The Nayaks of Madura were one of these, and they ruled over the present districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, and Trichinopoly, besides a part of Salem. Their feudatories, amongst whom the country was divided, according to Jesuit letter of 1611, took at least the half of the produce of the land." Their land revenue, according to the same letter, seems to have been about PS1,200,000, or 180 lakhs of rapeos. The purchasing power of the rapee in the beginning of the 18th century woull, from another Josuit letter, appear, on the most moderate calculation, to be about twelve times what it is now. It it was only half as much-the probabilities are it might have been greater-in the beginning of the 17th century, then Nayak land revenue would, in modern currency, be about 1,080 lakhs of rupees. The present land revenue of these districts jointly amounts to about 1203 lakhs. Allowing for the difference in area and for the cesses included, Nayak land revenue of the present day is over 50 per cent., which quite agrees with the other statement in the Jesuit letter that the Niyak feudatories took " at least half of the produce of the lands." The Nayak governmant of Coimbatore is described in a third Jesuit letter as "niere tyranny and mass of confusios and disorder." The other sogrces of Nayak revenue were the asual vexations imposts on every kind of profession and art; land cnatoms; fishery; plough-tax; ferry-boat tax, etc. They also exacted free manual labour. Tanjore under the Marathas fared no better. The celebrated Jesuit missionary De Britto Bays, in one of his letters, that Venkajt, the founder of the dynasty, exacted four-fifths of the produce and insisted on its payment in money at a rate fixed by himself. Tie result of his thus extorting 80 per cent of the gross produce was that the sale of the entire proluce did not suffice to meet the whole coatribution. There were, besides the land revenue thus ex iotel, savaral casgos, the naturs and extent of ag may as 27 being known. The decling of Niyak power in the south preparol the way for Muhammadan congdest. The conquest of Bijapur and Golconds by the Mogal emperor, Aurangazib, opened the line for predatory Marathi marehes, followed up by Mogul generals to pat them down. Both Maratha and Mogal conquerors fleeced the inhabitants everywhere during the end of the 17th and the beginning of th13.b centuries. The establishm 3nt of the Nawab of Aroot was fresh beginning towards Battled government and order, but the war of successioa that followed in the Carnatic soon after, during the years 1749-1761, between the rival Nawabs, aided by the rival . 1204 lakhs includes the revenue for the whole of Salem, wheruns only a part of it was under the Nagaka. Moreover, the area under cultivation has inoremed since Nayak timor.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 289 Sabbedars of the Deccan and the French and the English nations on opposite sides, postponed it to a later date. However, Muhammad Ali was recognised as Nawab in 1763, and that indeed was a step gained towards security and order in the south. But his system of government in the four Subhas-Arcot, Trichinopoly, Madara, and Nellore-was entirely destructive of the ancient village institutions of the country, and conducted as it was through rapacious renters, was the worst kind of tyranny that was compatible with the name of government. In theory, the land tax was the now asual one-half of the gross produce paid in kind. But the rapacity of the renters redaced the other half of the cultivator to almost nothing. In the vigorons language of Colonel Fullerton, a contemporary of the times, "the renters on the coast did not scruple to imprison reputable farmers, and to inflict on them the extreme severity of the punishment, for refusing to accept of sixteen in the hundred as the portion out of which they were to maintain a family, to furnish stock and implements of husbandry, cattle, feed, and all expenses incident to the cultivation of their lands." "Their share, in fact," writes another authority, was often only what they could conceal, or make away with." The system of renting, which pervaded every department of pablic revenue, pauperisud the magses, paralysed trade, wrackel irrigation, and in general produced a state of things which was wretched in the extreme and from which, despite the peace and progress of over a century, under the aegis of British role, the country has not yet thoroughly recovered, CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPAY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE. (Continued from p. 280, Vol. XXXIX.) Johari : the ceremony at which the bride's mother pats the tilta on the bridegroom's forehead and gives him one rupee and two laddus; other women also feed him. Karnal S.R. 1880, p. 132. Johl, jobal: a long field or strip of low land sunk below the ordinary level. Kangra, Gloss. Joklam: risk. Sirsa S. R. 1883, p. 191. Jol: a long strip of land running between two banks or ridges of rock. Kangra Gloss. Jongra, jongls: a yoke for oxen. Kangra Gloss. Joth: a pass in the high Himalayas ; also applied generally to a great range. Jowara, jowari : (1) a bee or alternate gathering of neighbours to do some farm work such as lundi (reaping), niddi (weeding) on one holding. The proprietor tinds food and drink and sometimes music for all present; a bee to cat grass is often called a Icharodi ; (2) jowari, a form of service, consisting of one day's work (halatar) at ploughing time, another (danretar at reaping, and a third at karoti, or mowing time. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 45. Ju =jo (P. D., p. 516). Jaa: yoke consisting of a straight piece of wood which rests against the humps of the xen, 4 small pogs keeping it from shifting laterally. Karpal S. R. 1880, p. 162. Jaa: to fix the yoke to the plough. Karnal S. R., p. 116. Jas kt angathi: a yoko-ring sent by the bridegroom's fathor to the bride's house shortly before the wedding. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 180. Jubar: a plain. Simla Hills. Jugti: carefully. Jah: waste land near the house and home fields where the cattle graze every day. Kangra Gloss.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1911. Jul : scales of metal. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. Jun : a measure=16 kdt = 24 sera. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Jun, jo: wife (Kullu) see lari. Jan : & weight = 16 paththas or 24 sers. Cf. kdin. Jabhal, p. 28. Junts: a married woman = janda. Juphlots : Croton tiglium. Kangra S. R., p. 22. Jura: a bundle into which growing sugarcane is tied up when it shows any tendency to droop. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 181. Jati: a handful of seedlings. Karnal S. R. 1880, p. 185. Kabar: a weed. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 168. Kecha; the strip of land in the immediate vicinity of the river liable to annual inundation Ci, mand. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 3. Kacha par: the hole in wbich the cylinder of the well is to be sunk, dug in the sand. Jullundur S. R., p. 100. Kachhali: a vessel flatter and smaller than the dagga (q. u.), with a mouth for grain and flour broad enough to admit the hand. Ci. jhdkrd and jhdoli. Karnal 8. R., 1880, p. 121. Kachhalta : sea handa : Sirmur cis-Giri. Kachhrall : see hadh. Kachwa ka sajji: a man in the lana who has contributed a half plough. Karnal S. R. p. 112. Kadda : the operation of watering the ground and ploughing up and harrowing it while under water, till the field is turned into mad. Jullundur S. R., p. 124. Kadelni: a kind of coarse sieve, with a smaller mesh than the kharelna. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46 Kadhiall: a carpenter's workshop: a lohar's (is called ?) harniali. Kadran : porridge made of koda or mandwa flour. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 40. Kadroli : chapattis made of koda or mandwd flour. 'Simla S. R., 1888, p. 40. Kadu : broadcast sowing: to steep the seed of rice in water for two or three days and then scatter it broadcast in the mud. Cf. kadwan. Hoshierpur S. R., p. 88. Kadwan: broadcast sowing : see kadu, Kag: a fish (Belone cancila). Or. kawwu. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Kag: smat produced by east winds with cloudy damp weather. It attacks wheat especially ; and also jaw dr and sometimes barley. But it is, as a rule, sporadic in the two latter. Cl. kagwa. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 180. Kegan dora kbelna : the game in which the bride and the bridegroom are seated, on opposite sides of a dish into which water and various articles are pnt, and the bride unfastens the strings on the wrist and ankle of the bridegroom, while he does the same for her, and the bridegroom's brother's wife takes them and throws them into the water. Then the bride and bridegroom dip their hands into the dish and take out what they can find, and the brother's wife takes the articles and throws them into the water again. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 167. Kagwa: smut produced by east winds. See kdg. Kahi, (adj.) green, grass-green. Kahkar: land in which kahi grass grows, as on a bela, beside a river. Kahlu: a spirit which lives in the mountains and when angry causes landslips. It must b: appeased with sacrifices. Chamba. Kahu: half a gaddi, or sheaf of corn given to village servants at harvest usually. Kangra Gloss. Kaba: a kind of sugarcane. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 79. Kaimb: a tree only useful for shade. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 8. Klin: a weight = 16 paththas, 1. q. jiin.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.1 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 291 Kainohwa; an earth-worm, Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 20. Kaimal: a timber tree. (Pi.q., kaimbal, Odina wodier.) Kangra 8, R., p. 22. Kaindu: a tree. Diospyros montana. Karnal 8. R., p. 9. Kair: a tree. (Capparis aphylla). Karnal S, R., p. 3. Kait, kayat: an accountant appointed by a raja. Kangra S. R., p. 80. KA : funeral feast. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 85. Kaju: why? Kangra Gloss. KAka: father's younger brother, Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 121. Kakal: paper. Kangra Gloss. Kakkar: Rhus kukursinghi : a timber tree, yielding & very handsome yellow-grained wood. Of, kakkrain, and P. D., p. 535. Kangra S. R., p. 22. Kakra: a large long mango fruit. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Kakra : Podophyllum emodi, a good wood for boxes. Simla 8. R., 1883, p. 48. Kakrain: a timber tree. See kakkar. Kakrola : the koklds pheasant, also called qudglas in Kulla, or Ban kironk, 1. o, forest watchman. Kangra Gloss. Kala : & mango fruit having a dark coloured skin. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 15. Kalaigh : a snake (Cullaphis Maclandii). Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Kalak : a method of paying menials. Karnal S. R., p. 116. Kaldo: midday meal. Keonthal. Kalar : soil with a large mixture of sand (not applied to brackish land, as in the Punjab plains). Kangra Globs. Kalar, lunch: see onder datidla. Kalari : an earthen vessel, into which the juice of the cane flows as it exudes. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 82. Kala bathu : Amaranthas. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 40. Kalbans: a fish (Labeo calbasu). Karnal 8. R., p. 8. Kalchingam: the ordinary red wheat, so called because its ear (chingar) gets a dark colour when ripe. Sirsa S. R. 1888, p. 284. Kalhi: sm. quarrel, dispute. Kill angli : black finger,' the catcher in hide-and-seek. Sirsa S. R., 1888, p. 206. Kalons : a second class rice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 88. Kaloti: see khelothi, Kales: a little earthen pot. Sirsa S, R, 1883, p. 163. KamAna : screen. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 158. Kamashal: a plant similar to the bhakal; the fruit yields an oil, edible and used for lamps. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 48. Kamdart: a pafudr cess. Kuthar. Kameli: a blanket, Sirmur trans-Giri. Kamil, Kemble (?) : a tree whose leaves afford fodder. Kangra 8. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Kamlod: the big dove. Kangra Gloss, Kamrakh : Averrhog carambola. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 16. Kamri : a short overcoat fastening with a flap at the side. Of. miradi, Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 128. Kan : a measure, 49 yards in length, = 52 chappar or fists. Kan-bah : << wielder of the han (fr. bahnd), a measurer or surveyor. Kangra S. R. (Barnes), p. 48.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1911. Kan : the share of the produce taken by estimate of the yield, Karpal S, R., p. 105. Kanaila : an iron nail or ring. Simla Hills. Kanali: a large flat saucer for cooking in and eating from. Cf. kanda. Karnal S. R, 1880, p. 121. Kan-perl : see baih (pera appears to mean lump'). Kanara : white, very soft and juicy sugarcane, Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 79. Kanash : alder alnus), only used for firewood. Simla S.R., 1883, p. 43. Kanch kudhi: guessing the whereabouts of a hidden kauri with forfeits. Gurgaon S, R., 1888, p. 60. Kanchli : bodice. Ci, angi. Sirsa S. R, 1883, p. 155. Kandai: a tree (Argemone mexicana). Cl. khari and satiyandsi. Karnal S. R., p. 9. Kandai: a tree (Sotanum santhocarpum). Cf. chipat. Karnal S.R., p. 9. Kanda: a swelling below the ears. Jullundur. Kanger: a tree (pistachia int: gerrima). Rohtak. Kangna kholns : the bride unties the kangna or a knotted sacred thread, which the Brahman tied round the boy's wrist before he started, and he undoes hers. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 133. Kanga : a tree whose leaves afford fodder. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Kangu: (Flacourtia sapida), a tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 13. Kanhira : s, m, oleander, (herium odorum). Kanjul : s, m. fem. kanjit, a partridge. Kanki : straw of wheat, stubble, see jindh. Kangra Gloss, Kanku: a white boardless wheat Ci. mundri. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 74. Kanouji : late sown barley. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 114. Kanni : along with. Kangra Gloss. Kans: a kind of grass, used chopped up for fodder. Rohtak, Kans: saccharum spontaneum. 'Gurgaon S. R., 1883, p. 14. Kangua: a caterpillar which attacks young cang. Ludhiana S, R., 1883, p. 126. Kanti: a locket. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Kantle : a broad necklace made of chains. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Kanuri: -- an ornament worn on that part, add to P. D. p. 552. Kaphar, kupphar: a small pool of water in a hollow. Kangra Gloss. Kapni : a sort of cover uade of pottery. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Kappan: a sort of cover made of pottery. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121, Kappra-latta : clothes. P. D., P. 554. Kar: a rent or tax; a fee of 4 or 5 thi mis per topa, which proprietors take from the tenants' share of the grain; in many places also called koroh. Kangra Gloss. Kar : walking round in exorcism. Shahpur. Kera: aulj. = khara : P. D., p. 535. Kara : the bank which surrounds a mass of cultivation. Ci, kot. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 171. Karach: a spoon. Simla Hills. Karah : * portion of the booty set aside for the freirs of the slain. Hissar S. R., P. 10. Karaka : force. P. D., p. 556. Karl (Banthinia variegata): a tree. Ci, Kachnar. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 14. Karanu ? : an agricultural implement. Simla S. R., 1888., p. 45. Karari : Simla S. R. 1883, p. 45.

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NOVEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 293 Karasni or khasasni : the recitation of mantras morning and evening by a pujari before a deota. Simla Hills. Karat : the cultivator's share, as opposed to sat, the Raja's share. Kangra S. R. (Lyal). p. 31. Karbi: bajra straw. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 158. Karda : a fee payable to a landlord. Cf. panchetra. Karda : a commission charged for a loan and added on to the amount actually advanced. Jullundur S. R., p. 72. Karhan : a peasant. Bauria argot. Karlsthi: a variety of soil. Gajranwalla S. R., p. 25. Karonk : village watchman or messenger. Kangra Gloss. Karoti : the third day's service (jowdri 2. v.), taken at morning time. Kart : in Kulla: kort. The wild goat commonly called in books the ther. The female is called meh or mehi. Kangra Gloss. Karda: a vessel made of pottery, smaller than a baroli (q. v.) with spouts, used to carry milk to the fields. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Karambli : (..) lobe of the ear. Kas : # square stack of rice in bundles. Kangra Glogs. Kashara : a wooden cap. Sirmur trans-Giri. Kashi: a large hoe. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Kasi: a handful of corn or anything else. Kangra Gloss. Kaslana: to store up grain in straw. Kangra Gloss. Kasoli: a tiny one-handed spade used as a hoe. Karnal S.R., 1880, p. 163, Kasora : a platter, made of pottery, used once at feasts and thrown away. Cf. kasori, sarai, and sardnu. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Kasori : a platter made of pottery, used once at feasts and thrown away. Cf. kasora, sarai, and sarinu. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Kasst : & spale. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 162. Kasumbia : 1 small mango fruit having its outer colour like safflower (kasumb). Hosbiarpur S. R., p. 15. Kasun : who! Bauria argot. Es who is there?' kasin e ? Katak : a raid made by a large expedition of two or three hundred men, some of them mounted on ponies. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 31, Katara : a tall thistle-like plant with a yellow flower. Cf. kateli and satyanas. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 16. Kateli: tall thistle-like plant with a yellow flower. Ci, katura and setyan 1s. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 16. Katera : a Jat. Harni argot. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 150. Kathan = Kathan. P. D., p. 568. Katherti : a peach tree. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 42. Kathewat : Indigofera heterantha ; a small shrab; leaves used as fodder for sheep and goats. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Katkana : the revenue management. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 163. Kathla : a necklace of gold. Cf. tora. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 157. Kathra : A wooden plate. Sirmur cis-Giri, Katni: a work-basket in which rolls of cotton to be spun are placed. Jallundur S. R., p. 60.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1911. * Kauni, kangni : Pennisetum italicum, an Autumn grain. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 40. Kaur obhamb: like chahn (ill-drained low-lying land of poor quality, often waterlogged, but with an admixture of taltpetre). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Kauri: a band of silver cowries, worn by women, going up the parting of the hair, and lastening to pins on the back. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 125. Kauri : an earthen vessel for sugarcane juice, oftener called handi or raskn. Kangra Gloss. Kawal, akhwal: a paved rond going straight up a hill. Kangra Gloss. Kawnk: the ruddy sheldrake. Cf. surkhab. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 14, Kawwa : a fish. See Kag. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Koh : a place covered thickly with pebbles or small boulders. Kingra Gloss, Kela : a long mango fruit like a plantain (kela), with a small stone. Hoshiarpur S. R. p. 15. Kelar : a cedar forest. See under binar. Kemble (): See kamil. Kemlu: the sour lime. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 42. Keor (Holar antidissentiericum): Kangra S. R., p. 22. Kesari : a large mango fruit, in colour like saffron (kesar). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Ketal : the bed of a river consisting of sand and stone, no grass. Kangra Gloss. Kotla (Bungarus curuleus): a snake. Ci, kirait. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 18. Ken : a kind of bean grown in marshy lands, often mixed with barley. Hoshiarpur S. R., P. 78. Kewali : counting grains in order to ascertain the deity to be appeased. Karnal S. R., 1880. p. 146. Khabli: a lawn, from khabbal, lawn grass. Kangra Gloss. Khabre : adv. perhaps, who knows? Loc. of khabar. Khadauru :P kadenru, Turus baccata, the yew. Simla S. R., 1893, p. 43. Khadha : irreg. past part. of Khana. KhAhda so Khada : a ran. bher, a ewe. Simla Hills. Khaggar: a ball. Cf, bijar. Khaggna: to congh. Khahara : a shoe. Bauria argot. Khai: a ravine. See khal. Khai hus : to eat. Bauris argot, Khakhra : father in-law. Cf. suara. Sirsa S. R., 1883, p. 124. Khakha: mother-in-law. Cf. sasu. Sirsa S. R., 1888, p. 124. Khakkar: the barking deer. Kangra Gloss. Khal: a hollow or cutting made by water, big or little ; khola or khdi are words of similar origin applied to ravines, &c. Kangra Gloss. Khals: an old river channel. Karnal S. R., p. 4. Khalja: gum, of the chir pine, kail or kelon trees. Simla Hills. Khaltu : a luather bag, made of goat's skin, to hold 8 to 10 sers. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. Khambar ( m.): the flat disks which, connected by string (bair), form 'n spinning wheel. Khambi : diver. Of. kilia. Karnal S, R., 1880, p. 169. Khamra : a wide-mouthed vessel. Sirmur trans-Girl... Khan, (...): a mine, quarry.

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MISCELLANEA AND BOOK-NOTICE NOVEMBER, 1911.] Khandha: a flock of sheep or goats. Kangra Gloss. Khande di pohal: an initiatory ceremony, in which a two-edged dagger (khandd) is used; performed by Sikhs. Jullundur S. R., p. 51. Khanevar a decorative wooden frame attached to the ridge of a pent. Sirmur. Khani: adv., over and above. Khanor, Pavia indica: horse chestnut. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 42. Khantu: a small khanda, or box, to hold 2 to 4 mans. Khap a faction. Karnal S. R., p. 79. Khar leaves of the saccharum sara. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Khar manure. Of. khat kura. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 164. Khar= 20 jun Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Khara any government official. Harni argot. Ludhiana S. R., 1883, p. 15. Kharangni court-yard. Sirmur. Kharashu = 2 khar. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Kharet hail (Gadi). Cf. an and akhanet. Kharetar a grass or hay preserve. Kharshu, Kharu: Quercus semecarpifolia. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 43. Kharelna a coarse sieve, see kadelni. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. Kharen or khin: dues-when a deotd is invited by anyone, the host gives a feast to the people who come with the deota. This word is used in Saraj: in Shadhoch the word used is phanel. Simila lills. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), pp. 8 and 36. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. SIR WILLIAM H. SLEEMAN. THE Catalogue of the Indian Court at the Festival of Empire gives the good news that Captain J. L. Sleeman, Royal Sussex Regiment, E fast, is writing a full memoir of his illustrious ancestor, famous for his suppression of thuggee (age) and his well-known books. Captain Simla S. R., 1883, p. 46. THE BRAHMANAIC SYSTEMS OF RELIGION AND PHILO OPHY. By M. T. NARASIMHIENGAR, B.A., M.R.A.S., CENTRAL COLLEGE, BANGALORE. Reprinted from the unarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, for April, 1911. Printed at the S. P. C. K. Press, Church Road, Madras, N.C. 1911. 295 BOOK-NOTICE. MR. NARASIMHIENGAR's well-written pamphlet is intended as a contribution to the study of the Vedanta from the point of view of a Hindu who prefers the school known by the name of Visishtadvaita or 'qualified monism' as followed by the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmans. According to him most European scholars erroneously identify the Vedanta teaching with the school known by the name of Advaita, or 'monism', as taught by Sankaracharya, and Sleeman will be grateful to any one who will assist him by the loan of letters or papers. Several valuable manuscripts written by Sir William Sleeman, and sundry interesting relics connected with him were exhibited in cases 86 to 92. They included two charts showing the relationship of the Thag families. V. A. S. generally accepted by the Smarta community among the Brahmans, which recognizes only one entity called Brahman or Atman, and holds the world to be unreal. The third Vedantist school, that called Dvaita, or Dualism', which is followed by the Madhva Brahmans, teaches that the three entities-matter, soul, and God -are by nature distinct from one another, so that no two of them can ever be identified. The author gives numerous classified quotations to prove that the theories of all the three schools can be supported by texts from the Upanishads, and evidently is of opinion that the apparent discrepancies can be reconciled only by adopting the views of the Vialshtadvaita school, which

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1911. maintains the existence of natural differences (7) Divine Grace alone can ultimately secure between the three entities--matter, soul, and salvation, as human efforts by themselves will be God-while regarding the Supreme Being (Param- fruitless. at man) as inseparably united with matter and (8) All recognize that salvation consists in the souls, the universe of matter and souls forming attainment of Brahman, which is Eternal Bliss. the body of the Supreme Being. "The attributes It being inconceivable that any European could of God", be observes, "are as real as God accept the whole of those eight propositions, Himself; that is, the universe is not unreal." which would require bim to admit the authority Mr. Narasimhiengar, although holding that of the Hindu scriptures, to receive the karma 'every object in the universe is pervaded by the doctrine as axiomatie, to worship Hinda images. All-pervading God (Vishnu)', considers the term and to attnch himself to a guru, it appears to be Indian Pantheiem', commonly applied to impossible for any European to declare himVedantist philosophy, to be misleading. It seems self an adherent of the Vedantist philosophy, to me that a teacher who maintains that "every which is so inextricably mixed up with the pracobject in the universe is pervaded by the tice of Hindu religion. If that view be correct, it All-pervading God" may be described as 'a is easy to understand why Hinda philosophy ou pantheist' with perfect correctness. If that its own account is unable to attract the serious doctrine is not pantheism,' I have no notion notice of the teachers of philosophy at English what that term means, universities. An Englishman may be a follower Mr. Narasimhienger begins his discourse by of Aristotle, Plato, Kant, or Hegel, but he cannot remarking that "to treat of Religion separately be expected to become a Hindu in order to enrol from Philosophy is, from the Hindu point of view, himself in the ranks of the Vedantists. an impossible task." Maintaining this attitude | Mr. Narasimhiengar approaches the Upanishads throughout he tacitly assumes the divine authori- as the older Christian commentators approached ty of the Upanishads and other Hindu scriptures, the Bible, with a firm conviction that all passages and must be regarded as addressing Hindus in the sacred writings, however contra lictory rather than the world of scholars in general, in appearance, are reconcilable and must be and as appealing to authority rather than to pure reconciled. He states his attitude frankly in the reason. words: Every Vedantic scholar should admit He sums up as follows the points of agree that the Upanishads are, as a whole, a consistent ment between the three schools of Hindu er bodiment of philosophical thought; and any Vedantists: interpretation given of them, can be considered (1) All the three systems are based upon the sound, only if such interpretation is capable of authority of the Srutis (the Upanishads), the elucidating all the passages in the Upanishads, as Smritis, the Itihasas, and the Puranas. giving a consistent idea throughout.' The appli(2) All believe that the beginningless karma iscation of such a principle to a literature, the work the cause of worldly bondage, and that the soul of many authors, and probably extending over will undergo birth after birth until the whole of several centuries, cannot but produce forced karma is exhausted. interpretations, such as we are familiar with in (3) All recognize that the study of the Vedanta the pages of Biblical commentators, is essential for the attainment of Jhana (wisdom) Some Indian Vedantists, I believe, cherish the which serves as a passport to the Heavenly Abode. hope that the teachings of the Vedanta will give (4) Bhakti or Love of God is the most perfect birth to a universal religion fitted to supersede meape of salvation according to all the three all the existing religions of the world. But it is systems. plain that such dreams cannot be realized if the (5) Image-worship is an essential feature of all philosophy is presented, after Mr. Narasimhienthe Brahmanaic systems; and Narayana (Vishnu), gar's method, as inseperably bound up with purely in various forms, is generally worshipped, as the Hinda beliefs and practices and as resting on Supreme Being by all the three sects. the postulate that the Upanishade, whatever (6) The Spiritual Preceptor is the mediator be the date or authorship of each, form one between the individual soul and God; and is consistent whole. Tevered as equal to God in several respecte. V. A. S.

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DECEMBER, 1911.] INDIAN PAINTING AT FESTIVAL OF EMPIRE 297 INDIAN PAINTING AT THE FESTIVAL OF EMPIRE, 1911. BY VINCENT A. SMITH. The contents of the Indian Court at the Festival of Empire in the grounds of the Crystal Palace, assembled by Colonel Hendley, C.I.E., with infinite trouble in the face of great difficulties, comprised many beautiful and interesting objects, fully described in the Guide and Catalogue. The most important, although not, perhaps, the most popular exhibits were those contributed by Dr. M. A. Stein, C.I.E., and Mrs. Herringham, illustrating the early history of Indian painting. Readers of the Indian Antiquary, who have not enjoyed opportunities of visiting the Festival of Empire or perusing the Guide and Catalogue may be glad to have some account of those two remarkable exhibits. We begin with Mrs. Herringham's contribution of 26 new copies of the Ajanta fresco paintings. Ajanta Pictures. "These copies from the Ajanta frescoes," Mrs. Herringham writes, "were made by myself and one English [Miss D. Larcher] and several Indian painters during the winter seasons of 1909-10 and 1910-112.... Previous copies have shown all the blemishes and holes in the plaster. We have thought it advisable, for the sake of the beauty of the composition and of intelligibility, to fill up the smaller holes. But though some people may call this a restoration, altering our work from literal copies to studies, I think we may claim that this omission of damage has been done very cautiously, and the unfinished look of the copies is the consequence of our restoring so little. A copy of a damaged picture must necessarily look like the copying of a badly painted or unfinished one. In reality, the technique of the original work is so sure and swift and perfect, that we, none of us, were good enough executants to repeat it... Probably every part of every chamber was originally painted or intended to be painted. The principal remains now are in Viharas I, II, XVI, and XVII, and Chaityas IX X, XIX. . . . The aisles formed by the columns are to some extent thrown into sections by occasional piers, but except this there are no divisions between the paintings, nor are they surrounded by ornamental borders. The paintings represent the tale or incidents in a sort of continuous manner. The same personages appear twice or more times, only grouped variously, according to the subject There are what one might call nucleus points-points of interest in the narration, and there is a certain amount of connecting links. The transition from episode to episode is managed by such a device, among many, as a man looking through or guarding a doorway, sometimes by the continuousness of the pictorial architectural background. The impression is not so much that the walls were surfaces to be decorated, but that they offered precious space on which the legends might be depicted for the edification of the devout.. 1 Festival of Empire; Imperial Exhibition, Indian Section; Guide and Catalogue'; on sale at the Festival, price one shilling. Copies probably could be procured still either from the printers, Bemrose & Sons, Ltd., of Derby and London, or from Colonel Hendley, C.I.E., of 4, Loudoun Road, St. John's Wood, London, N. W. The special articles on Indian painting by Mrs. Herringham, Dr. Stein, and other contributors give the little book permanent value. The Indians were Nandalal Bose, Samarendra Nath Gupta, Asit Kumar Haldar, and Syed Ahmed, the last named being helped by his students.

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293 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1911. The pictures illustrate events in the life of Prince Gautama Baddha and the more popular of the Jataks stories, namely, the stories of the Buddha's previous incarnations, perhaps also some scenes of semi-mythological history. Incidentally they illustrate the court life and popular life of the time as told in the romances and plays. The pictures certainly spread over 200 years from 450 to 650." Some of the earliest, in caves IX and X, now, I believe, Tanished, may have been executed before the Christian era. The figures of Buddhas on the pillars of Cave X, which still exist, exhibit various forms of the nimbus and a style of drapery which suggest recollections of the Gandhara school of sculpture, Those figares may date from the fourth, or possibly the fifth century. But most of the paintings may be confidently assigned to the sixth century or the first half of the seventh. All the works copied under Mrs. Herringham's direction from Caves I, II, and XVII may be dated, I think, between A. D. 500 and 650. In the Burlington Magazine for June, 1910, Mrs. Herringham published novel and valuable criticisms on the technique and aesthetic merits of the Ajanta frescoer, of wbicb the principal passages are quoted in my History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon. In the Guide and Catalogue of the Indian Court she has added further observations of much interest, some of which may now be cited. It is greatly to be desired that Mrs. Herringham should record her description and estimates of the frescoes in a convenient, systematic, and permanent form. The publications on the subject are all painfully fragmentary and incomplete. The older accounts by Griffiths and other writers make little attempt to distinguish different. styles in the frescoes. According to Mrs. Herringham's expert judgment, "there are at least twenty different kinds of painting. Some pictures recall Greek and Roman composition and proportions, a few lato ones resemble the Chinese manner to a certain extent, but the majority belong to a phase of art which one can call nothing except Indian, for it is found nowhere else. In one respect the composition is unlike most Chinese painting, for there is not much landscape. The figures occupy the field, often grouped in a manner which recalls the alto-rilievo of sculpture ... ... .. . .. Nearly all the painting has for its foundation definite outlines, generally first on the plaster a vivid red, corrected and emphasized as the painting proceeded with black or brown. The outline is in its final state firm but modulated and realistic, and not often like the calligraphic sweeping curves of the Chinese and Japanese. The drawing is, on the whole, like medieval Italian drawing .... ..... The quality of the painting varies from sublime to grotesque, from tender and graceful to other quite rough and coarse. But most of it has a kind of emphatic, passionate force, a taarked technical skill very difficult to suggest in copies done in a slighter medium. To me the art is of a primitive, not decadent nature, struggling hard for fresh expression, The artists had a complete command of posture. Their seated and floating poses, especially are of great interest. Their knowledge of the types and positions, gestore and beauties of hands is simply amazing. Very many racial types are rendered; the features are often elaborately stadied and of very high breeding, and one might call it stylistic breeding. The drawing of foliage and flowers is very beautiful. In some pictarea very considerable impetus of movement of different kinds is well suggested. Some of the schemes of colour are very remarkable and interesting and there is great variety. There is no other fine portrayal of a dark-coloured race by themselves."

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DECEMBER, 1911.) INDIAN PAINTING AT FESTIVAL OF EMPIRE 299 Mrs. Herringham's informal observations, while sufficient to call attention to many matters deserving of close study, are obviously far from constituting a complete critique, even if read with her earlier and almost equally informal contribution to the Burlington Magazine. Considering that the Ajanta frescoes are the most important series of ancient paintings extant, with the exception of those at Pompeii, it is lamentable that no good account of them exists. Dr. Burgess did what he could to describe them in his Notes published in 1879, and that work is still the most systematic description of the paintings. But it is very meagre and illustrated only by outline sketches. Mr. Griffiths' fine volumes of reproductions published by the India Office, although containing much valuable description and criticism, are very far from furnishing A complete treatise on the subject. A large part of the pictures desoribed by Burgess and Griffiths has disappeared since they wrote, and each year the task of composing an adequate account of the frescoes becomes more difficult. Mrs. Herringham's notes add much to our knowledge of the subject, while leaving ample room for more exhaustive treatment, and all students of Indian art should be grateful to her for her disinterested labours. She has generously presented her copies to the. India Society,' small association recently formed for the purpose of studying and encouraging Indian art. The Society has at present no rooms of its own, and will, I presume, deposit Mrs. Herringham's valuable gift in some public institution. Her copies, being to some small extent restorations, are far more pleasing and easily intelligible than the more rigidly accurate facsimiles of earlier copyists. We are, I fear, still unlikely to see for a long time yet a worthy Indian Museum established and properly administered in London. So far as I know, nothing has been done to carry out the project of such a museum, which has been freely talked about. If such an 'institution ever comes into being, Mrs. Herringham's gift to the Indian Society should form one of the choicest treasures of the collection. A large series of one hundred photographs taken during last winter (apparently 1910-11] by M. Victor Golobew of Paris was exhibited as Nos. 307-310 in the Indian Court. These excellent photographs of the Ajanta frescoes should be stndied in connexion with Mrs. Herringham's copies, and it is desirable that sets of them should be acquired by the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and the Indian Section of the Victoria and Albert Museum. Specimens from Dr. Stein's Collection of Ancient Buddhist Pictures and Embroideries discovered at a site near Tun-huang, on the western confines of the Chinese Province of Kan-84. Four large cases in the Indian Court were filled with seleot specimens from the large collection made at Tun-huang which is the joint property of the Government of India and the Trustees of the British Museum. The art objects and an extensive library comprising many thousands of manuscripts in Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit, old Turkish, and other languages came to light by the accidental discovery of a small walled-up chapel in one of the many cave-temples known collectively as 'the Halls of the Thousand Buddhas.' Conclusive evidence proves that the chapel was walled op very early in the eleventh century. Nothing, consequently, can be later than A. D. 1020. As a matter of fact, most of the oontents of the chamber are much older, dating from the time of the Tang Dynasty, that is to say,

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911. from the seventh to the ninth century of the Christian era. One of the paintings on silk (No. 32) bears a Chinese inscription dated A. D. 892. Some of the Chinese manuscripts are still more ancient. It is obvious that even a preliminary examination of such a vast mass of confused and partially damaged material must take a long time, while the thorough study of the manuscripts will provide work for generations of scholars. The paintings on silk alone number about three hundred, and the greatest care and skill are required for opening them out and preparing them for critical examination. Description and criticisin of the paintings must be tentative and incomplete until the whole collection bas been examined in the light of the accompanying documents. The 68 items shown at the Festival of Empire have been described summarily by Dr. Stein in the Guide and Catalogue. We propose to bring his principal observations to the notice of our readers. Nearly all the paintings are executed on a fine gauze-like transparent silk, but a few are on paper. Most of them fall readily into two classes, namely, (1) oblong banners provided with triangular bead-piece and streamers on each side, with wood or bamboo strainers attached ; and (2) larger paintings intended to be hung on temple walls or gateways. The subjects of the wall-pictures are the familiar scenes of Buddhist legend-the dream of Maya, the departure from Kapilavasta, incidents in heaven, and so forth. The banners, pinted on both sides, are chiefly occupied by effigies of Bodhisattvas, Lokapalas, and Dharmapalas, generally Chinese in style, but based on Indian tradition. A few are distinctly Indian in style. The paintings comprise specimeus of considerable beauty and aesthetic merit, and like the objects brought home by Dr. Stein from his first expedition, show the influence of Chinese, Persian, Indian, Tibetan, and Greek art. They enable us to form some notion of what the lost mediaval paintings of India must have been like, and so help to fill up the wide gap between the latest paintings at Ajanta dating from the seventh century and the Indo-Persian painting introduced by Akbar about A. D. 1570. The cases at the Festival of Empire included remarkable examples of ancient embroidery belonging to the same period as the pictures on silk and paper. Dr. Stein points out that "the multi-coloured patterns woven into them present the most striking resemblance to patterned silk fabrics found in Egyptian tombs of the early Christian and Byzantine period, and showing a type of decoration usually known as 'Sassanian,' and supposed to originate in Mesopotamia or Western Persia." In support of this general statement the description of No. 54 may be quoted : 54-Manuscript wrasser-roughly made of silk fragments stiffened with paper, lined with silk, and with coarse sollen tapes for tying. Outer edges and triangular flap made of fragments of rich silk brocade of Sassanian design. On pink ground large elliptical cartouches, bordered with double rows of overlapping petals, contain two winged balls with abundant manes, facing each other on salmon-coloured field. Elliptical lotases fill spaces between large cartouches. Two roughly cut strips of extremely fine silk tapestry are attached to centre panel. Style of weaving is identical with that of the Copts of the third century A. D., and of the ancient Peruvians, and closely resembles that of the Gobelin factory,"

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DECEMBER, 1911.) THE DATES OF THE JODHPUR FAMILY 801 THE DATES FOR THE EARLY PRINCES OF THE PRESENT JODHPUR FAMILY. BY DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. In pp. 181-183, ante, I have given an account of the memorial stone of Siha Rathod found at Bithu. The transcript of the inscription engraved on it, which was therein given, was based on an impression supplied to me, which was not quite satisfactory. The stone has now been removed to the Tawarikh Mahkma, Jodhpar, where it is open to inspection. And an excellent inked impression of it has now boun kindly sent to me by Pandit Ramkaran. The transcript which I now give here may therefore be considered final. 1. i li aing 11 2. nan 29 413. Est witaar4. **ut alert5. Ta: [ ]6. marca: TTU T 7. Ta prigar a tra : It will be seen that the historical conclusions which I have already drawn are in no way ailected. Only the reading of the last two lines, which are of no importance, is definitely settled. No reliable dates have so far been known of the early princes of the Jodhpur dynasty. Consequently, it is impossible to over-rate the importance of the date V.S. 1330 for Siha, especially as he was the founder of that dynasty. A second date has now been brought to light by the same disinterested antiquarian, Nannuram Brahmabhat, but it is for Dhuhada, grandson of Sibi. The date is Samyat 1366, and Dhubada is called a son of Asyatthamna, according to the impression supplied to me. Whatever the form of the last name here intended may be, there can be no doubt that it is the same as Asothams of Tod's Annals of Marwar (Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 14). The inscription is on a memorial stone found at Tirsinghariin the Pachbhadra district. BUDDHIST PARALLELS TO PARSI HUMATA-HUKHTA-HUVARSHTA. BY G. K. NARIMAN, RANGOON. "His thought is quiet, quiet are his word and deed, when he has obtained freedom by true knowledge, when he has thus become a quiet man." Commenting on this verse of the PAli Dhammapada, Max Muller proceeds to show that *this very Gatural threefold division, thought, word and deed, the trividha-dvdra, or the three doors of the Buddhists, was not peculiar to the Buddhists or unknown to the Brahmans," and somewhat lukewarmly adds that "similar expressions have been shown to exist in the Zend-Avesta." (S. B, E., X, 28.)-(The reference to Hardy's Manual will be found at page 513 of the second edition. Max Muller's p. 494 refers probably to the first ed.) That good thonght, word and deed are of the essence of Zarathoshtrianism is a commonplace of comparative religion, and the Parsis rightly glory in this tenet of paramount ethical importance. What I would call attention to is that it is possible to exaggerate the value of this doctrine as an ethical asset peculiar to the Parsis and confined more or less to the doctrines of the Avesta alone Here the risarja is evidently intended for . virdma I. . This stands for kArApakoM

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911. On the contrary, it is inculcated with almost equal insistence in the younger Vedic literature and the Brahmana scriptures and the Buddhist writings. (A. Weber: Indische Streifen I, 209. Brunnbofer: Urgeschichte der Arier I, 192 seq. Tiele: Geschichte der Religion im Alterthum II, 830). It seems to me that the frequency with which this triad is alluded to, and the wealth of variety of manner in which it is emphasised in the Baddhist sacred books, deserves to be better studied by those who are misleading the Parsis that their Avestaic humata-hukhta-huvarshta is a spiritual monopoly all their own. I will only premise that the citations here produced are but a fraction of what can be produced and that they were ticked off in a fresh hurried re-reading of a few Pali and Sanskrit Buddhistie works. I have quoted the setting and the context at certain length so as not to deprive the originnals by truncation of their rogged unconventional attractions. It would be easy to compose quite a charming little anthology of Buddhism merely by stringing together those passages which are instinct with the spirit of thought, speech and act that are good. Him I callindeed a Brahman who does not offend hy body, word or thought, and is controlled on all these three points.-Dhammapada: 89). Even if he commit a sinful deed by his body or in word or in thought he is incapable of concealing it; for to conceal is said to be impossible for one that has seen the state of Nirvana. This excellent jewel is found in the Assembly, by this truth may there be salvation. --Suttanipata. Chullavagga: 11. He wbo is not opposed to any one in word, thonght or deed, who after having understood the Dharms perfectly longs for the state of Nirvana,-such a one will wander rightly in the world. - uttanipdta, Sammaparibbajaniyasutta: 7. And in which way is it, Siba, that one speaking truly could say of me: "The Samana Gotama denies action; he teaches the doctrine of non-action; and in this doctrine he trains bis disciples ?" I teach, Siba, the not-doing of such actions as are unrighteous either by deed or by word or by thought; I teach the not-bringing about of the manifold conditions of heart which are evil and not good. In this way, Siha, one speaking truly could say of me "The Samana Gotama denies action ......." I teach, Sibo, the doing of such actions as are righteous by word or by thought.--Vinaya-Pitaka Mahdoagga : VI, 31, 6. I deem, Stha, unrighteous actions contemptible whether they be performed by deed or by word or by thought; I proclaim the doctrine of the contemptibleness of falling into the manifoll conditions of the heart which are evil and not good.-Maldvagga : VI, 81, 7. I teach, Siha, that all the conditions of heart which are evil and not good, unrighteous actions by deed, by word and hy thought must be burnt away.--Mahdvagga : VI, 81, 8. And what is it that gives rise to legal questions of offence? There are six origins of offence that give rise to legal questions of offence. There is an offence that originates in deed, but not in word, nor in thought and so on till all the possible combinations are exhausted with mathematical precision after the approved Buddhist method).-Chullavagga : 10, 14, 6. I Vide Koppen: Religion des Buddha : 1,445. 1 I have limited my references to a few Buddhist works with whioh I am more or less familiar, but that the Jaina Soriptures also inculcate the same principle is equally remarkable. See Jacobi's Jaina Sitros: 1, XXVI and p. 230: "Henceforth the Venerable A soetic Mahavira was houselesa, ciroumspect in his walking, cirea mspeot in his speaking, circumspect in his begging, circumspect in bis accepting anything, in the carrying of his outfit and drinking vessel ; circain peot in his thoughts, oironm spect in his worda, oircumspect in bis aots: gurading his thoughts, guarding his words, goarding his acts....." For the doctrine of the three Gupte, as they are callled by the Jains, see 8. B. E., XLV, 50, 180, 160, 93 and 107.

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BUDDHIST PARALLELS 44 303 DECEMBER, 1911.] A Bhikshu who warns another should, Upali, when he is abont to do so consider thus: "Am I pure in the conduct of my body, pure therein without a flaw, without a fleck? Is this quality found in me or is it not?" If, Upali, the Bhiksha is not so, there will be some who will say to him: Come, now, let your reverence continue still to train yourself in matters relating to the body "thus will they say. (The same exhortation is repeated separately with reference to speech and mind.)-Chullavagga: IX, 5, 1. And was not Sariputra the Elder, O king, the best man in the whole ten thousand world systems, the Teacher of the world, himself alone excepted? And he who through endless ages had heaped up merit and had been re-born in a Brahman family, relinquished all the delights of the pleasures of senses, and gave up boundless wealth, to enter the Order according to the teaching of the Conqueror, and having restrained his actions, words and thoughts, by these thirteen vows, became in this life of such exalted virtue that he was the one who, after the Master, set rolling on the royal chariot-wheel of the Kingdom of Righteousness in the religion of Gotama, the Blessed One.-Milinda-Panha: end of Cb. IX. Through the merits of good theories virtuous men who understand noble knowledge go to heavenly worlds from their self-restraint as regards body, speech and thought.-Buddhacharita: XVI, 25. But all they who do good with their body, who do good with their voice, who do good with their mind, they love themselves. And although they should say thus: "We do not love ourselves," nevertheless they do love themselves. And why do I say so? Because, whatever a man would do to one whom he loved, that they do to themselves. Therefore they love themselves.Samyutta-Nikdya: iii, 1, 4. Suppose, O Monks, one does evil with his body, does evil with his voice, does evil with his mind..... ...Anguttara-Nikaya: 111,85. Permit me, Lord, give me absolution from all my faults committed in deed or word or thought.-Portion of Buddhist Confession. So it appears, O Monks, that ye are distressed at, ashamed of, and loathe the idea of life in heavenly beauty, heavenly happiness, heavenly glory; that ye are distressed at, ashamed of, and loathe the idea of heavenly power. But much more, O Monks, should ye be distresed at, ashamed of, and loathe doing evil with the body... with the voice... with the mind.-AnguttaraVikdya :111, 18 As everything he did in thought, speech and action was purified by his love, most of the animals given to wickedness were like his pupils and friends.-Jatakamala: VI, 3. But the lack of mercy is to men the cause of the greatest disturbance, as it corrupts the action of their minds, and words andbodies no less with respect to their families than to strangers.-Jatakamala: XXVI, 40. All that we are is the result of what we have thought. It is founded on our thoughts; it is made up of our thoughts. If a man speaks or acts with a pure thought, happiness follows him, like a shadow that never leaves him.-Dhammapada: 2. From thought, I say, proceeds deed; after having thought, a man puts into effect a noble speech or act.-Anguttara-Nikdya: Vol. III, 415. In deed was I well-behaved, so in words, so in thoughts; all thirst is finally quenched: extinguished I am; all put out.-Uttara's song: Therigatha. Those who weary of the three perfections (pradhana) and their accompaniment, become hermits and (take up) cool dwelling places, their bodies, speech and minds all well controlled, knowing the proper way to comport themselves;-they are truly Bhikshus.-Buddhist sutras from the Tibetan, Ante, Vol. XII, p. 308.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911, Steadily observing the tenfold way of virtuous action in body, speech and thought, and turning away from spirituous liquors, you will feel a sincere joy in this virtuous life.-Suhrillekha, the epistle of Nagarjuna to King Udayana (Journal of the Pali Text Society, 1886). Since then you must die in this manner (in uncertainty as to your fate) take the lamp of the three merits to give you light, for alone you must enter their endless darkness which is untouched by sun or moon. Commentary: The three kinds of merits are those of body, speech and thought.-Suhrillekha: p. 21. A monk kills a wild goose and is reprimanded with a sermon ending in "A Brother ought to hold himself in control in deed, word and thonght."-Jataka: No. 276. Le Buddha a enonce comment du corps, de la bouche, et des pensees decoulent les trois sortes de Karmans.-Huber's French translation of the Chinese version of Kumarajiva's Sutralamkara from the original Sanskrit of Asvaghosha. Tin-imani bhikkhave mon-yyani. Katamani tini? Kaya-moneyyam vachi-moneyyam mano-moneyyam.-- Itivuttaka 64, quoted by Minayeff in his Recherches sur le Buddhisme h. g.; see also his next note from the Abhidharma-kosavyakhyd. trividhaM kAyikaM karma vacasA ca caturvidham / manasA triprakAreNa tatsarvevezayAmyaham || kAyakRtaM vAcAkRtaM manasA ca vicintitam // kRtaM dazavidhaM karma tatsarve dezayAmyaham // Sikshasamuchchaya, p. 163. It is not possible, O Monks, it is without a foundation that one with good thoughts, words and deeds shoul have a fortune undesirable, joyless and cheerless.-Anguttara-Nikdya: Eka Nipata: 20. Les trois occupations sont celles ducorps (kaya-karma), de la bouche (vag-karma), et de la pensee (citta-karma).-Chavannes: Voyages des pelerins Bouddhistes: p. 171. Samanna-phala Sutta, etc., translated by Rhys Davids in his "Dialogues of the Buddha," pp. 57-8, 72, 103, 202, 221, 269, 279. Seydel notes this "astonishing similarity" and refers to Lalita-Vistara, Chap. 5, and to the Chinese Sutra of the 42 Articles. Seydel: Evangelium von Jesu in seinem verhalt nissen su Buddhasage und Buddha-Lehre: pp. 202, 213. And I know that those beings possest of good conduct in body, speech and mind, not upbraiding the elect ones, but right believers, incurring the karma of right belief, rise again, upon the dissolution of the body after death-some in the world of weal and paradise, and some among the human; while those beings possest of bad conduct in body, speech and mind, upbraiders of the elect ones, false believers, incurring the karma of false belief, do rise again, upon the dissolution of the body after death, either in the realm of ghosts or in the wombs of brutes, or in the damnation, woe and perdition of hell. "O soul, through thoughtlessness thou didst not right in body, speech and mind. Verily, O soul, they shall do to thee according to thy thoughtlessness. Moreover, this wickedness was not done by mother or father, brother or sister, friends or companions, relatives or kinsfolk; neither by philosophers, Brahmins or spirits: by thee the wickedness was done, and thou alone shalt feel its consequences."-Majjhima-Nikdya: 130.

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DECEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE. (Continued, from p. 295.) Khari a tree. Ci, kandai. Kharkana: accharum sara. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Kharkar: 8, m., noise, disturbance. Kharkhair: the demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo). Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 13. Kharodi: a bee held for cutting grass. See under joward. Kharot a lock. Ludhiana S. R., 1888, p. 150. Kharsa: the hot season, including Phigan, Chet, Baisakh and Jeth. Karnal S. R., 1880, P. 166. Kharsana (crotalaria burbia). Kharsu: a second class rice. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 88, Khartua: a weed (Chenopodium murale). Khata: a well. Ambala, 805 Khata; a mango fruit having bad colour and acid (khata) taste. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 13. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 122. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 43. Khata ana to swell (of millet). Khatalat: a small thorny tree. Khatam; a rite. Khati: an underground grain-pit. Ambala. Khati a ditch. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 406. Kbatna circumcision. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 71. Khatola a small stool made of a wooden frame covered with netted string. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 121. Kheir (? ai) a tree, whose leaves afford fodder. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Khaul a festival held in the puranmast or full-moon day of Magh in Pangi. Khawar: khabar. Khelothi, kalott: the grain which kamins, artizans, &c., get from the threshing-floor. Kangra Gloss. Khep a crate. Khera literally a village, the god of the homestead or village. Cf. bhumia. Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 148. Sirmur cis-Girl. Kheshri cloth pieced, used as a langot. Khetri: an allotment of land to a mahr. Khetar a big field. Of. Khetra. Kangra Gloss. Bilaspur. Khetrpali literally field-nourisher, a god. Ct. Bhairen. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 148. Khetru: a small field. Khioh: demand. Cf. mang. Birsa 8. B., 1879-83, p. 189. Khili: a wooden bearing on which the chat (wheel) of the potter rests. Cf. taola. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 200. Khili: uncultivated land, applied to land which has fallen out of cultivation, Kangra Gloss. Khind, khinda, khindola: a counterpane or coverlet and mattress made of rags stuffed between. Kangra Gloss. Cf. 288.

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806 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911. Khindana : sowing the seed broadcast. Of. phint. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Khinna: to tattoo. Cf. godna. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 125. Khip (leptadenia spartium.): Rohtak. Cf. Panjabi Dy., p. 599 Khirni (mimusops elengi): a tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 14. Khisar: a very poor sandy soil. Of, sir. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Khiyan: where ? Bauria argot. Ex.: khiyan jai ho ? where are you going ? Khiyanti : whence ? Baaria argot. Ex, khayanti di ho? whence have you come ? Khoga : a narrow shell. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 20. Khoi : the crushed cane, Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 182. Khola : a hollow or ravine. See khal. Khonai : digging, as opposed to ploughing, which is not possible in all fields. Kangra Gloss. Khorati : a small plot of waste land, reserved as a hay-field in the rains. Opposed to kharetar which is a large plot. Kangra Gloss. Khori: a measure used for ghi = 6 chitaks. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Khoro: lame. Of. panila. Bauria argot. Khowara : a place, whence earth is taken for plastering houses. Kangra Gloss. Khrangrola : thicket of snow rhododendron. See under bundr. Khad: a furrow. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 168. Khuddu khundi: a game exactly the same as hockey, each sido trying to drive the ball with clubs through its opponent's goal. Of. ddji. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 206. Khumandi : 8 sugar-cane (saccharum officinarum). Kangra S. R., p. 25. Khun: an allotment (Rajgiri). Seu bher, p. 31. Khur : roof=chhat. Sirmur. Khurohns : a metal spatula for turning bread. Of. koncha and palta. Karol S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Chariu: (quercus semicarpifolia.) i. q. kharen. P.D., p. 587, Kangra 8. R., p. 21. Khurns: to melt. Khurpi ka sadi: sharer of the hoe ; woman not of the family or any of the landed proprietors admitted into a lana. Karnkl 8. R., p. 112. Khurw&: land irrigated by well. Simus 8. R., 1879-88, p. 18. Khute : a mud receptacle for bhd., Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 164. Khuti: an iron for digging holes. Ol. gandala. Hoshiarpar S. R., p. 72. Khutna: to circamcise. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 171, Khwajiri: a small sauoer of pottery in which lamps are floated in honour of Khwajah Khizr, also used for eating from and as a cover, Ol, hasiri. Karnal 8. R. 1872-80, p. 122. Kian: why ? Kangra Gloss. Kidhron: adv., on one side, in some parts. Killa: a basket like a kilta. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Kilta : a basket, carried on the back. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Kilu: who? Kla: . diver. Of, khambi. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Kimu: the mulberry tree, moras serrata. Simla S. R. 1883, p. 42. Kinara : . variety of cane, has a rather soft fibre, which fits it for being eates. It is of yollowish colour with green lines. Jollandur S. R., p. 118. Kinng : (diospyros tomentiaa) a tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 12. Kino: the resin which exudes from the dhak tree, Karnal S. R., p. 10, See under dhak pack.

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DECEMBER, 1911.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 307 Kirat ghanta : 8. m., ingratitude, Kirt: the basket-work lining of cotton stems put inside a cart to carry manure. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Kirsan: a tenant who lives in the village but not on the land. See adheo. Kitha : where ? Bauria argot. Kitwa: adj. int., what share ? (Potwar). Kiyar : when ? Bauris argot. Ex.: kiyar di ho 7. when did you arrive?' Kleshai: jungle-fowl (Kalla). Cf. kolsa. Kochbi: a bag-net with a handle for catching small fish. Kangra Gloss. Kodal: a spade. Kangra Gloss. Kohal: a granary. Kangra. Kohla : a stream irrigating land in the bills. Hoshiarpur S, R, p. 79. Kohli : the canal watchman. Kangra Gloss. Koki, kutki: whither? In Kallu, oke, kuk, toke, here, where, there ; okena, tukena, thence, hence. Kokri : maize. Zea mais. Ci. ohuli. Kangra S. R., p. 25. . Kola (? khold, q. v.): a ravine ; kopa is also used by the Gaddis. Kangra Gloss, KOA : plot of rice land 5-10 ghimdos in area. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Kosa : the common kallege pheasant; also called kleshai in Kallu. Kangra Gloss. Konali: a wooden plate. Sirmur trans-Giri. Koncha : a metal spatula for turning bread. Cf. palta and khurchna. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Konwi : the part of the high Himalayas above the limits of forests. Kangra Gloss. Kopa (Gadi): a ravine=kila. Kor: the first watering to the young crop. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 170. Koroh (?).:=kar, 4.. Koss: adj. lazy, slack. Kamm koss. Kotali: ~ boundary pillar, also called dehrs. Kangra Gloss. Kotan : where? Kangra Gloss. Kotanki : some place or other. Kangra Gloss, Kotela : * mallet; see ander bhattan. Kotha: an interior wooden cylinder sunk below the water-level as a preventive in the well. Jullundur S. R., p. 101. Kothari : a small back room. Sirmur. Kothela ; a wooden club used for crushing clois. Of, bhukran and bhurota, Kothi : a large wooden box, which can hardly be mored by three or four men (made in Jubbal). Sirmur trans-Giri. KothiAls : the treasurer or storekeeper of a kotht appointed by a rdja. Kangra S. R., p. 80. Kotho : a house. Bauris argot. Kott: a receptacla for grain made of rings of adobe, built ap into a cylinder, Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Kowna: to call, summon. Kingra Gloss. Kowi, koht: the small dove. Of dhurah. Kowin: a class of dhar or pasture ground, lying in bare rocky ground above the line of forest (Bihlu), elsewhere called nigdhr. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 41. Krat (? karat): the remaining half of the grain, taken by the tenant, sat being the first owner's) hall. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 46.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911. Kuchhak: pron, and, adj., fome, any ; diminutive of Kuchh. Kud: 1 cave or hollow place under rock. In Kullo, rowodr. Kangra Gloss. Kadi kamint: A ground-rent. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 409. Kuh sittpa: to kill. Kukri: maie : syn. makki and chhali, Simla S. R. 1883, p. 89. Kakri : the cobs of maize. Cf. bhita. Karpal S. R., 1872-80, p. 178. Kuktu : a small hugga. Sirmur cis-Giri. Kulah: pea; i.q. matar. Kangra S, R., p. 24. Kalan species of crane. Karpal S. R., p. 6. Kulat or kolath: Dolichos uniflora : borse gram. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 40. Kulla: tiny pot, made of pottery, used for offerings and in play. Kamal S.R., 1872-80, p. 122. Kulis : the fine little earthen pots pat at wedding by - Bralman in the sacred enclosure. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 181. Kulhar: granary. Keonghal Kuthar. Kolharlys : small eartben uri. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 159. Kuller: 1 salino substance, consisting chiefly of sulphate of soda. Jallandur S. R., p. 2. Kulli: 8.1.1. hut, house. Kumantr: bad advice. Kulu, kela : the Cedrus deodara, 1. 9., kelon, P. D., p. 578. Bangra 8. R., p. 21. Kuluna : * variety of coarse, hardy rice sown on dry land. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Kumodh : good variety of rice. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Kan (Kulla): who; koura, of whom; kosbi, to whom; kosna, from wbom. Kunan : & small stack of grass. Cf. kundali. Kand: a pool or deep hole in a stream backed by rocks or a steep bank; if not so backed, it would be called an al. Kundali: rice stack roand in shape, made of bandles; if of straw only, phalur; of grass, small, kunan. Kangra Gloss. Kundi : buckwheat (Cajanus bicolor). Cl, urhur and dhingra. Kandt: crooked iron mace used by cbelas. Pangwal. Kandit: the part below the konsi, in the upper forests. These two words are only used by the Rihlu shepherds; xigdhr and gahr are the common terms, Kundrs : an earthen pot in which gaugati is boiled. Sirmur trans-Glint. Kundra : the stack in which the great millets are piled op. Karval 8. R., 1872-80, p. 172. Kuneri : piece of clay of the shape of an inking pad. Karpal S.R, 1872-80. p. 200. Kunoar: Cassia fatula. Kangra 8. R., p. 22. Kunja: a variety of wheat with a long straw and fall ear, of somewhat inferoir grain. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 189. Kunjrs: a heap of rice straw. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 164. Kap: a circular receptacle made of wisps of straw, wound spirally round and round upon a foundation of cotton stems for preserving and packing bhds. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 164. Kupall: camel ailment due to growth on the brain which causes the animal to keep its head constantly raised in the air. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 306. Kupphar: a small pool = kaphar.

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DECEMBER, 1911.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY S09 Kara : & threshing floor. Kangra S. R., p. 30. Kurd: adj. vexed : kure mathe rahind. to be vexed. Kurh: a cattle-shed in the jangal. Kangra Gloss. Kurhal : << shed for cattle. Kangra S. R., p. 44. Kurhe-ke-bach: distribution of the land revenue over the fire-places (kurha or chula). Hissar S. R. 1875, p. 10. Kurchhi: a brass ladle. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 166. Kori: a grass (Eragrostis). Karnal S. R., p. 13. Kuri: a bamboo hook for raking together corn on the threshing floor, &c. Kangra Gloss. Kupil : allj. sour, bitter (temper), 1. q., katwd. Kurm: family. Kufmni: related by marriage. Kurri: a dung-heap. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 164. Kurria: lit. he of the dang hill, the name of the next son of a mother, after she has lost one by small-pox. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 150. Kurumbh: a timber tree (Nauclea cademba). Kangra S. R., p. 22. Kut : bruise. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 121. * Kutbe : a constable or stranger, Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 150. Kutbar: a granary, syn. dobaroti. Sirmur. Kutra: a hairy red caterpillar, very destructive to the young shoots of maize, but fortanstely it only appears for twelve or fourteen days in the beginning of the rains and then disappears. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 78. Kyamal, Odina wodier : tree. Of. ldmal. Hoshiarpar 8. R., p. 13. Kyut: medler. Kangra S. R., p. 22, LA : a pass (Tibetan). Lab: the system of taking out the rice plants of the nursery and sticking them in the mud after the kadla operation has been performed. Ol. lair. Jullundur S. R., p. 124. Lab: the process of sowing rice by raising seedlings. Hoshiarpur S. R, p. 88. Labhwand: adj. useful, profitable. Lachakder: taste, liking. Lag lat: a fine or compensation for eloping with an unmarried girl, in the eastern part of Churah. Chamba. Lahna : A number of fields rented in one holding. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 128. Labr : the enclosed area round the homestead. Kangra S. R., p. 34. Lahri : a small plot of garden land, more precisely Idhru soudru : Idhri basi, eto., the whole site of the boubs and garden ; lahriana, a cess on the lahri. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.), pp. 35 and 36. Lahru : a small plot of land attached to a house, in which flowers, &c., are grown. Kangra. Laichi: a small mango fruit, that grows in clusters and said to smell like cardamum (ilaichi) Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Lair: the system of taking out the rice plants of the nursery. Of, 1db. Jullundur S. R., p. 124. Latra : the produce of new cultivation of the year. Cl. Moda. Moblog Lakhola : & plaister shell ; see dhari. Lakola : an ald or niche in a wall. Kangra Gloss. Lil: a very hardy and productive wheat of good quality. Karnal, S. R., 1872-80, p. 189. Laler : a large and sweet mango fruit, in shape like the coconut. Hoshirpur S. R., p. 15. Lalri: atbin, red hardy sugarcane : opp. to dhaula. Rohtak, Lalri: a variety of sugarcane having a hard, thin, red cane, very hardy, and will not spoil even if the catting be long delayed; but not very productive of juice. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 180.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1911. Lamabata (P), & prophet of lower grade, who passes on oracles given through a deity's inspired representative to his worshippers if many of the latter are of low caste. Oldham, Sun and Serpent, p. 94. LAmnis reaping. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 172. Lan: the straw of the great millete with the ear and grain. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 172. Land: the combination of all the people of a village in cultivating their lands. Hissar S. R., P. 10. Land : an association of households or individuals to conduct the agriculture of the whole tract. Each member contributes oxen or labour, or both, and the whole land works jointly and cultivates certaiu lands of which some of the members of the association have the disposal, whether as owners or tenants. Karnal S. R. p. 112. Langana: a stile = charolid. Langu-karo : lit. crossing-tax,'a tax or due paid to the native government on account of the spring and autumn grazing. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 41. Langri: a raft made of the beran on the festivals of Holi and Diwali, for setting it afloat on the tank with a lamp on it in honour of Khwaja Khizr. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 148. Langri: the placing of an offering with a lighted lamp on it on some moonlight night while the moon is still on the wax at a place where four roads meet. Of, nagdi. Karnal S. R. 1872-80. p. 146. Leo: a strong rope made of san fibre by wbich the charas (leather bucket) is drawn up. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 160. Laphi : a porridge, made of the grain of the b&tha (Amaranthus) roasted med ground. Simla S. R. 1883, p. 40. Lar: a ram-se under bhed. Laf bhir: enmity. Larna bhifna: to quarrel : lattha past. part. irreg. (?) Lafa: fem. i. Lart: the striker of a well. Jullundur S. R., p. 100. Lari: wife. Swans or voti is used by Rajputs ; jo or jun in Kulld; cheori in Plach (Saraj). Larki: a kind of net for catching doves. Larumbi : the female barber who accompanies the bride when she is to travel. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 182. Lat: the crusher in a sogar press. Karnal 8. R. 1872-80, p. 161. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. SOME NOTES ON THE BODLEIAN defect that will be indicated in the following lines, SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPT CATALOGUE, to wit, a very inadequate knowledge of Jain VOLUME II. The following notes embody some of the prosopographia and of the dialect and modes of corrigenda and addenda, which I have made in writing used by scribes, which is especially reading the second volume of the Catalogue of marked in the errors and omissions of the index. Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. Page 120, col. 2. The scribe "Lesa RbhimaThis volume was begun by Professor M. Win- vijaya" is an impossible monster. Read in the ternitz, and completed by Mr. A. B. Keith. In colophon tac-chisyalefa-r. -Bhimavijaya, "his inmany respects, it is fully worthy of the high significant disciple Roi Bhimavijaya." The terms reputation which these scholars have earned ; tipyaleta, literally "scrap of a disciple," and and this excellence renders more regrettable the rei, used for a Jain ascetic, are quite common.

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DECEMBER, 1911.) MISCELLANEA 311 Page 131, col. 1. "Sagaramisra" is another Page 220, col. 1. In Ksamakalyana's pedigree, person who owes his existence to a misreading. the name of bis guru has been omitted at the The colophon gives his name correctly as head of the article. The Sanskrit quoted Matisagara, who is known from other sources. further down in the column clearly shows that The words mean: "belonging to the Lecturer the pedigree is : Jinalabha, Amftadharma K.", disciple of the Mahopkiby&ya Matis&gara, Vacaka, Ksamakalyana. in the Upakesa fraternity." Page 221, col. 1. If we may judge by the Page 131, col. 2. The word mogendra is not index, this colophon has not been understood. part of a name. It is to be connected with the The senso is as follows: The manuscript was preceding word: gani-rrgendra means merely a written at Azimganj on the banks of the Ganges, noble gani or Dean. by a "Yatisn" whose naine is not clear (perhaps Page 132. col 2. Sripattana is certainly not Jita sobhagji), by the grace of the blessed Patoas it muans Anbilv&d or Anahilla-pattana Cintamani; the Yati Sundaravijaya appended in Gujarat. his sign manual to attest that it was a true copy. Page 133, col. 1. The opening words of article * Cintamani" here and in Weber, loc. cit, is 1140 seem to be a mistake, for, something like the Tirtbagkara Parsvanatha, not a patron, as "Hemachandra's commentary Sabdanus sagavptti the compilers imagine; cf. p. 228. col. 1, and on his own Sabdanussana." p. 237, col. 1. Page 266, col. I. Is there a distinct Tulu Page 222, col. 2. Is not "Gunaprabha" an cltaracter ? error for "Gunabhadra?" Page 169; col. 1. For " Voudhyesvariprasad," Page 223, col. 1. The authorship of this comread Vindhyesvari prazdi." mentary is doubtful; Mitra, Notices, VIII, Page 169, col. 2. For "Zainul Abuddn," read p. 174, is not by any means " decisive for Ratna ** Zain ul-Abiidn." sekhara's authorship." The compilers omit to Page 181, col. 2. " Arama" is another mention that Mitra, Notices X, p. 151, describes chimaera bombinens in vacuo. The manuscript # manuscript of the avacari with a colophon itsell rightly reads mevarima, a good Hindi ending with the words lilekha Tilakodayal; name (for an example see Garcin de Tassy, and it seems to me very likely that Tilakodaya Vol. II, p. 302); the compilers of our Catalogue (Udaya-tilaka P) was not only the seribe, but also apparently take me for m.iyi, and make up an the compiler of the gloss, as so often happened in imaginary "Varama" from the remainder. the making of avaciris. Page 192, col. 2. "Jadubbarata" is a mistake. Page 226, col. 1. I do not understand the "Jarlu" has nothing to do with Yadr, and interrogation in line 23 from the top. All that is could not by any possibility be a "prakritism for the latter word. The right form is Jada wrong is a misplaced anusura; read Yalindra. bharata. The tale comes from the Visnu-purana, vara-Shajakarttayah. and is well-known in South India. The colophon of this article 1393 seerns to have Page 208, col. 2. The work noticed in article been quite misunderstood. It moans apparently 1346 is identical with that by Padmasagara that Sabajakirtti had two brothers," Srivardescribed in Mitra's Notices, Vol. IX., p. 81. dbana and Vararatna, whose disciples were Page 215, col. 1. It does not seem reasonable to Nemaranga and Kanakaranga. The latter's dis Identify the pious Jain scribe Jagardinn with the ciple, Dauavisil, was guru of Ksama kamala, Saiva author Jagurana, when they come from Vidyasoma, Ganesa, and Lacchirima, for whom diferens religions ancestries, and have only a the manuscript was written. name in common. Page 227, col. 2. "Sritajayapamhutastotra "is Page 219, col. 1. In line 10 from bottom there obviously # mistake for the well-known Tijaya. is a wrong division of words. Read Meghabhapabutta-stotra, commonly ascribed to Abhayaryasa Viriti, i.e., Meghabharya dsa Viri iti, deva. "Megba's wife was named Viri." The latter Page 223. col. ), sect. 11. The darsana here name is common among Jains. mentioned has nothing to do with the portraits in Page 219, col. 2. "Lelaklya" is not a name, the preceding pages of the manuscript. It means but a compound. The name is Lela (if the a visit to a temple and adoration of the idols. reading is right), to which is added 'khya in Page 228, col. 2. There seems no reason for the usual sense of Namaka. classing the Jicarapamahatmya of Hariraya

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1911. among Jain works. It appears to be purely | Page 244, col. 2. For "Allanddin" read Vaisnava book. "A1A-ud-Din." Page 237, col. 1. For "Khande Lava1(c)" read P age 245, cols. 1-2. Among the manuscripts "Khamdelava1.0" The family is well known, of the Samyaktva-kaumudi mentioned, that The names "Holde," " Patamadle," etc., given described by Mitra, Notices, VIII, p. 231, in the index, are incorrect; the lettera de stand apparently been overlooked. for deri. Page 236, col. 1. In article 1513, read "Vastu p&la." One would hardly think it necessary to point pala." out that Har inajogya means "intended for the Page 297, col. 1. In article 1543, the mysterious use of Haris, if the index did not present us ganyanavijayena is perhaps an abbreviated way with the interesting entry " Hariskjogya, recipi of writing ganina Jninavijayene, in popular ent of manuscripts from Pata made." spelling. Page 241, col. 2. The colophon means that Page 304, col. 2. The colophon of article 1568 seems to mean that the manuscript was copied by Paja and his wife Pajal-devi had a son Manasimha, whose wife Devaki, a pious lay woman Gangadas for the use of M&idas. (Sravika), made a present of this book. The Page 318, col. 1. If this colophon is correctly reported, it seems to mean that the scribe's name compilere have failed to see that d is an abbreviation for ders, and that dharma-patri means was Keso, and that he worked for the service of "Kanakamfgarkja" (i.e. probably Kanakasimba). lawful wife," and they have bence created the imaginary "Pajalade," " Pamj4-dharma," etc. L. D. BARNETT. CORRESPONDENCE. DEAR SIE.ON p. 264, ante, in connection with Professor Pathak's Note on Vamana's Katyalant kdra-sutravritti on p. 170 of the same Journal, Dr. Hoernle pays incidentally that Mabamabot dhyaya Haraprasada Shastri's reading of Subandhu seems to be a mere conjecture, not supported by any manuscript evidence. I venture to think that there is enough manuscript evidence in support of M. M. Haraprasada Shastri's reading. One of the manuscripts used for the Kaoyamala edition of Vamana's work (see p. 32) has the readingkrita-dhiyam-ity-asya cha Subardhu-edchivyopaleshepa paratvat. A palm-leaf manuscript, written in Grantha characters, found in the Madras Oriental Manuscripts Library, reads thus:-- kerita dhiyam-ity-usya Subandhuo &c. It may also be mentioned here that the above Library oon. tains four more manuscripts of the same work, two on palm leaves and two on paper, written in Grantha, Telugu and Nagari characters, in all of which, curiously enough, a different reading, namely, krita-dhiyam-ity.asya budhao do, is given. One of them bas likewise the reading chandaprabhapa in place of chandra-prakdio of the other manuscripts. It will thus be seen that in none of the manuscripts of this Library is found the reading Vasubandhu. The reading budha, unless it can be taken for the name of a person, which is very doubtful, is not satisfactory, since there can be no upakshepa or allusion here. The case is, however, different with the reading Subandh. In the well-known 10th verse of the introduction to his Vasavadattd, Subandhu mourns the death of Vikramaditya, i.e., Chandragopta II, who was apparently his patron. And there is nothing unreasonable in supposing that he became the minister of Chandragupta's son Kum&ragupta. But it may be urged against this supposition that Subandhu, who mentions Udydtakara and, according to some manuscripts, Dharmakirti's work, could not have been a contemporary of Kumiragupta (A.D. 413-455). This argument will no doubt carry much weight if the dates that have been assigned to those authors by some scholars can be accepted as finally settled. Such, however, does not appear to be the case. It is just possible that the ball-verse given by Vamana is a quotation from the introductory portion of some drama, giving the Satradhdra's words. The reading chandaprabhava is noteworthy in view of the contro versy about the term chandra-prakaba. R. NARASIMHACRAR

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INDEX G. F. refore to pages of the Folklore Notes from Gujarat and the Konkan, in the Appedie, Abd-ul-Aals, prince of Kabul ... ... ... 71 akshards, syllables... ... ... 50, 54, 56-58 * Abdulla Qutb Bbah of Gulkandah ... ... 78 a, Drav., a woman ... ... ... 187, f. abhaya, a hand ... ... ... 158, 159 and R. Alagarmalai, Madura dist., inscrip. at... ... 210 Abhimanyu, a demon ... ... ... G. F. 14 Alagiyamanavala, god ... ... ... 135, 139, f. Abbinanda na-Bhatara, I. and II. .. ... 216 Alata, Alaka and the Kdvyaprakasa ... 208 Abhinava-gapta, commentator, and Bhes ... 88 All-ud-Din, Alllauddin ... .. .. 312 Abhiras, modern Ahirs ... ... ... 16 Alavandar, and Srirangam ... ... ... 135 Abbon, in Nasik dist., find of Kalachuri Alexander the Great ... ... ... ... 11 copper-plate at ... ... .. ... 20 Albana, k. ... ... .. 164, f. Abd., mt. 25; and the fire clans 86 and n.; tem- Alikasundara II., Alexander of Epirus ... 11 ple on ... ... ... ... ... 160, f. 1'Alf Mardan Khan, and Qandahar ... ... 72 Aba'i Hasan, of Gulkandah ... ... ... 79 Alloy, Capt. .. ... .. ... 253 and n. Achyuta, Vijayanagara k, 143; Achyu- Almora, U. P., birth and marriage ... 190, ff. tariya or Chitarao .. 21 Alphabet, Indian, origin of 4; in the Dhanop Adhirajendra, Chola k. inscrip.... .. .. .. .174 * Adil Shahi of Bijapur Amardraul, Dhanyakataka, Buddhist MoAditya I., Chola k. ... ... ... , - 107 nasteries at ... ... ... ... 212, f. Advaita School, of 'moniam ... 295 Amaydaya, last day of Hindu calendar month agastya, constellation ... ... G. F. 26 G. F. 9, 10, 12, 13, 23 Aguikulas, the Padihars 24; and the Solan Amber, C., and the Chobans ... . ... 5 ... . 25; 30 Ammanamalai, Madura dist., inscrip, at ... 210 Agnikunda, mt., Abd ... ... 25; G. F. 11 Amogavarsha I., Rashtrakata k. 107, 214, Agra, c. 74, 75, 77 and 92; and G. Boughton f.; his Sanjan grant... ... ... ... 240 248, 256 Artiyoka, Antiochos Soter ... ... ... 11 Ahalladevi, Hana princess ... ... . 21 Anahilla-pattana, or Anbilvad in Gujarat Ahalya, wife of Gautama ... ... G. F. 19 Srlpattana ... ... ... ... ... 311 Ahichchhatra, tn. 26, 27; three places of that Anaigondi, e., and the R&yas ... ... ... 139 name 28 and n., cap. of Sapadalakaba 29, 80, 84 Anaimalai, inscrip. at 210; Jaina settlement Ahirs, ancient Abhiras ... ... 16,17, 86; 151 | 215; cave temple ... ... ... 225, 226 Ahirwar, near Jhansi, and the Ahirs ... 16 Ananda, Buddhist monk ... ... 211 Ahmadabad, Gujarat, and Aurangzeb ... 71 Ananda Raj&naka, and the authorship of the Ahmadnagar and Aurangzeb ... ... ... 81 ". .. ... ... 208 Abraura, in the U. P., and the Abhiras ... 16 Anandalvar, Pandit, found a new play by . Aihole inscrip... .. ... 31, 162, 236 Bhasa ... ... ... ... ... 87, f. din-i Akbari and Siy ji ... ... ... 181 Anandapura, Vadnagar ... ... ... 34 AirAyat. Indra's elephant ... ... G. F. 32 Anantvirya, commentator ... ... ... 46 Aivarmalai Cave images ... ... ... 215 AndA!, female saint ... ... ... 58, f. Aiwyaonghan and avyanga ... ... ... 18 Andhra, coins at Bathalapalli 173; kings ... 213 Ajamidha, and hymn in the Rigveda... ... 8, 9 Andhrabhsityas, in the Dekkan ... .. 16 Ajanta pictures, at the Festival of Empire 297, f.Andhradesa, Andhra cap. ... ... ... 173 Ajar clans, and the Rajputs ... ... 85-87 | Andhra-parna or Vaduganambi ... ... 152 Ajita-purana, Puranatilaka ... ... ... 41,4. Anekarthasangraha, a work by Hemachan. Ajjanandi, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 dra ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 Akalanka, Jaina author ... ... 46; 214, L. Anjengo, on the Malabar Const, and R. Bour AkAlavarsba, Krishnaraja I., and the Kai ... ... 273, f. jasa temple . ... ... Annalladevi, wife of Alhana, Analadevt 144, akash-ganga, Milky Way ... ... G. F. 28 145 and n. Akbar, emp., and Qandahar ... ... 72, 150 anna-prashad, first feeding ceremony... ... 191 Akbar and the R&thors... ... ... 77, 78, 88 antarpat, cloth used at wedding ... G. F. 16

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314 INDEX Antialkidas, Antalikita, Greek k. .. ... 13 Askot pargana, Almora, and the Rajis ... 191 Antigonos Gonatas, k. of Macedonia. Anti- Asoka Numerals... ... . .. 55-58 kini ... ... ... ... ... ... 11 Asoka, rock edicts 111; tree 130, 159, 1.; and Antiochos Soter, Amtiyoka k. of Syria ... 11 Buddhism 209, 218; Devanampiya 210-214; antiquities of Java .. .. 99, ff. inscrips... ... ... ... ... 265 and D. Antonines, on coins ... ... .. 179 Assam and Aurangzeb ... ... ** .. 76 antyaja, low-caste .. .. .. .. 147 Asvatthama, A sothama, Rathod k. ... ... 301 anuloma, marriage between persons of differ atlas, silk fabric .. ... ... G. F. 3 ent castes ... ... ... ... ... 8 Atman, Brahmas ... ... ... ... 295 Aparajita, probably Aparaditya, Silahara k.... 42 Atpur inscrip. of Saktikumara ... 86 D Aparanta, co., and Buddhism ... ... ... 212) atta, Drav., meaning of ... ... ... 188, f. Aparabila, Buddhist Monastery at Amaravati 212 Aurangabad, the Sonebanri at ... ... 152 Appar, Tirunavukkarasu ... 216 and n., 217 | Aurangabaidi Mahal, a wife of Aurangzeb ... 82 Appaya Dikshita, grammarian ...219, 221, ft. Aurangzeb Alamgir-I, Birth and Accession Apollodotus, bis coins at Bharooh ... 11 and n. 69, ff.; II. War of Succession 73, .; III., Araiyangavadi, Jaina teacher ... ... 215 IV. Years of reign. 76, ff.; V Wives and Arakan, Arracca, and Shah Shuja .. .. 250 Children 81, f.; VI. Initial Days of Reg. Aramaic script and the Kharosthi ... ... 51 nal years 83; VII. Bibliography ... ... 84 arati, ceremony ... ... ... ... G. F. 30 Aurangzeb, in Bijapur and GolkondAh 283 Arcot, S., rook caverns in 212 n.; N. and and n., 288 the Jainas 215; Nawabs of ... 267, 288, ff., 288 Aurva-Bhargava, hermitage of .. . 19 Ardashir Babakan, k. of Persia ... ... 179 A uvaiyar, poetess ... ... ... ... 89 Ardjmand Band Begam, wife of Shahjahan... 69 Avantisundari, wife of Rajasekhara.. ... 26 arghyas, an offering ... G. F. 8, 11, 26 and n avyanga, snakeskin worn by the Magas, Arhanandi Iraividyadeva, Jaina teacher ... 221 and Airydonghan ... ... ... ... 18 Ariana, Medes ... ... ... ... ... 147 Ayodhyl, Oudh, and the Chalukyas 24; Arikdeari, Obalakya prince ... ... 41 and n. Ayodhyapura ... ... ... ...48, f.; 131 Arikesari MAravarman, Pandya k. ... ... 226 A'zam Shah, son of Aurangzebu.. 74, 77, 8; 81, #. Arimandala Bhatara ... ... ... ... 215 A'zam-tara, tn., Satara ... ... ... ... 80 Aritta, Maba Aritta, Buddhist... 210, 211, 218 Azas, & Saka ... ... ... ... 13 and n. 'Arittanmdeena, Jaina teacher... ... ... 215 Azimganj, on the Ganges ... ... ... 311 Aritt&patti, Madura dist., care inscrips, at 210, f.Azim-ud-din, son of Mu'azzim... .. ... 81 Ariyur plates of Virupaksha ... ... ... 149 Arjunavarmadeva, and the authorship of the Kavyaprakaba ... ... ... ... ... 208 drogyakdlai, sacred hall... ... ... ... 136 babari vow ... .. .. .. G.F. 72. artha, wealth ... ... ... ... G. F. 15 Babb¶, Babbhapura, Babor near Jamma 98 Arundhati, wife of Vasishtba ... ... G. F. 26 Bactrian alphabet and the old Indian nu. Aryabbata, and numerical notation ... ... 60 merical symbols ... Aryan, origin of castes 4; speech 150, f.; Badakhshan co., and Aurangzeb ... .. 71 descent of the Brahmanas ... .. 179, 180 Badami or VAt&pi ... ... ... 43, 216 Asad Khan, viajer to Shahjahan ... -80 BadA-Nagar, Nagara ... ... ... ... 34 Asaf Khan, Yamin-ud-daula, grandfather of Badeghia, White Hun cap. ... ... ... 31 Aurangzeb ... ** badha, impending evil ... ... ... Asklat Khan GF. 2 ... ... ... ... ... 255 Badman, Mrs., married R. Bourehier ... 274 asasika, probably a dwelling ... Badr-un-nisa, Begam, daughter of Aurangzeb82, . As&parf, goddess ... 26 B&e Odepuri, & wife of Aurangzeb ... Ashtadala, figure .. 82 ... F. 8, 9, 11 Baglanah co., and Aurangzeb... ... ... 70 Ashtapada, Chaumukh ... ... ... 160 Bab&dur Shah of Delhi, in a Mutiny Song... 166 ashwamedha, saorifice ... ... G. F. 28 Babmint kings and the Vijayanagaras 140, 148 Asians, O., and Aurangzeb ... ... ... 81 Bahu, Indian k., and the Haihayas ... ... 19 Apir, fort, and Shahjahan ... 69 | Bahubali, Canarese poet . * .. 46

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INDEX 315 Bahu Begam, and the k. of Oudh Bhallila, Rashtrakata k. ... ... ... 174 bajana, a tumbler ... ... G. F. 4 Bhandarkar, Dr., and UshvadAta 14, 87 n. ; bakla, an oblation ... G. F. 2 and n., 3, f. on Foreign Elements in the Hindu PopulaBoktriana, Greek prov. .. ... 11 tion 149, 179, f.; and the temple at Eldra 237 Bala, tribe, Rajputs ... ... 85 bhangi, a scavenger ... ... ... G. F. 21 BalAditya, Narasimhagupta k. ... ... 170 bhanj, son, cousin ... ... ... 194, 196 Balchand, Boolchaund... 250, f. Bharata, author... ... ... ... 177, f. Baldeoni, Bhawani .. .. ... 119 Bharatayuddha, Kaliyuga, and the YudhisBalfour's Cyclopaedia and the Meds... thira Eras ... .. ... ... 162, ft balgalchchu, a note on the word ... 89 Bharatitirtha Sripada, Vijayanagara minisBali, isl. ... ... .. .. ... 94 ter ... ... ... ... ... ... 139 balidun, sacrifice... ... ... ... G.F.2 Bharatpur, Ballad of 115, ff.; Song of ... 120 Balkh, co., and Aurangzeb .. ... ... 71 | Bhargava, Parasurama . ... ... 8 Ballad of Bharatpir ... ... ... 115, ff. Bhartsivadda, Bhabamana chief, his Hansot Ballaba, Taila ... ... ... ... ... 42 grant ... ... . .. ... ... 240 Ballasore, Eng. factory ...247, 250, 253, 256 Bhasa poet, discovery of some plays by him 87, 1. Baluchistan and the Meds ... ... ... ... 147 ... 147 Bbaterka, founded the Valabhi dyn. .. 31 Bana, poet, and tobacco 37; and Bhasa 88, Bhatis, a tribe, home of ... ... ... 30 171 ; and Kalidasa ... ... ... ... ... 236 ... 236 Bhatta-kumarila, author ... ... ... 178 Bana Inscriptions, five, at Gndimallam 10+, ff. Bhau Daji, the late Dr., on Asoka numerals 56 Bapavid y Adbara, alias of Vikramaditya I, Bhavabhati, author .. ... ... ... 236 Bana k... 105, 106, 107, and n., 108, 112 n. Bhavanapatis, Jaina deities ...127, 156, 158, 161 Bandar Abbas, Gombroon ... ... ... 273 Bhawani, Baldeoni ... ... .. ... 119 Ban-manas, men of the wilderness, the Rajis 191 ... ... ... ... ... G. F. 13 Bantan, tn. ... ... ... ... 253, 253, f. Bhima II., Chalukya k. ... ... ... 44 bantdsi, offering ... ... ... ... G. F.11 Bhima-parakrama, Chalukya k. .. 44, 45 Baroch, sacked ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 78 Bhinmal, in Jodhpur, probably ancient GurBaroda grant, and the temple at Eldra ... 237 jara cap. 3; or Pi-lo-mo-lo 5,22; Srimala... 86 Basava, Lingayat leader ... ... ... 218 Bhishma, Devavrata ... ... ... ... 163 Batavia Museum and Javanese anti- Bhogavati, cap. of Vatala ... ... ... 27 quities ... ... ... ... ... 93,95 Bhojak and Sevak Brahmanas... ... ..19 Bathalapalli, Anantpur dist., Andhra coins, Bhojukas, Magas ... ... ... ... 18 found at . .. ... . . 173 Bhotiyas of Almora, their Birth and Mar. Battana, Patna ... ... ... ... ... 250 riage customs ... ... ... ... 190, 1. Bayley, Sir E. Olive, on old Indian numeri Bha, q. to Narayana ... ... ... ... 59 cal symbols .. ... .. ... 50,-54 Bhupalaraya, Srigiri Bhupala, VijayanaBazan, Narayan, ancient capital of Guzarat 21 gara k.... ... ... ... ... ... 141 Beard, John, E. I. Co.'s agent ... 252, 257 Bhupati-Udaiyar, Vijayanagara k... ... 141 Begam Sahib, sister of Aurangzeb ... 70, 71 bhuda, exorcist ... ... ... ... G. F. 1, ff. Bejeyitta-Banarassa, k... ... ... ... 106 Bians, pargana, Almora dist., and marriage Benares, Kashi ... ... ... ... G. F. 36 by capture ... ... ... .. 192, #. Bengal 22 and n.; English trading privi Bibliography, relating to Aurangzeb 83; to Jahangir ... ... ... ... ...84, f. leges in 247, ff.; and R. Bourcbier... Bijapur, and the Mugbala 70, 73, 78, ff.; 283, Bespagar inscrip. ... ... .. .. 13 288, inscrip. of Dhavala .. ... 239 Bhadrabahu and Bhandragupta . ... 214 Bijjala, a Kalachurik. ... ... ... 19 Bhagabhadra k... ... ... ... ... 13 Bijolia inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 26 Bhagirathi, riv. ... ... ... ... G. F. 28 Bilhana, poet ... ... ...... ... 24 Bhagvan Al Indraji, on Indian numerical Billadge, Mr., of the Maurice Thompson Co. symbols ... ... ... 50, 53, f., 58, f. Bhairan matti, in Bijapur district, Sinda 250, 257 Birjieqadar, q. of Oudh ... .. . 68 record at ... ... 27 | Birth and Marriage customs of the Khasiyas Bhakti, Love of God ... ... ... ... 2961 and the Bhotiyas of Almora district 190, ... 273

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31e INDEX Bisnaga, c. ... ... ... ... ... 272 Buddhist Parallels to Parsi Humata-Hukh. Bitha inscrip. of Siha Rathod ...181, ff.; 301 ta-Huvarshta ... ... ... 301, f. Bitti, Vishnuvardhana, Hoygala k.... 136, 218 Buddhist, religion and the Greek 12, f.; and Blak, Mr., of Maurice Thompson Co. .. 250 Kanishka 17; images in Java 93, 95, 98 ; Blake, Mr., of the E. I. Co. ... ... ... 257 pictures and embroideries from Tunhuang Bodleian Sanskrit Manuscript Catalogne, at the Festival of Empire ... ... 299, 4, some notes on it ... ... ... 310, ff. Buhler, Dr., and old Indian numerical symBombay, and R. Bourchier ... ... ... 72, f. Bombay Gazetteer, and the late A. M. T. bols ... ... ... 50, 53, 54 n., 55, ff. Jackson ... .. ... ... 1, if. Bundelkhand, campaign of Aurangzeb ... 70 Bonta-devi, Bonkadevi ... ... ... 43 n. Burgess, Dr., and Jrina iconography 125; boterun, cessation of rain ... ... G. F. 331 and the Eldra temple 237 n., 238 and n, and Bourelier, Rich., Governor of Bombay 272, ff. the Ajanta frescoes ... . .. ... 299 Bower, MSS. ... ... ... ... ... 53 Burhanpar sacked by the Mahrattahs ... 78 Bowrey, Thos., on Gab. Boughton 255 and Burnell, Dr., on old Indian numerical sym n., 256 bols 50; and the Muhammadans in S. Brahma g. ... ... .. 93, f.; G. F. 35 India 139; and the Cholas 265, 266 and n., Brahmagiri inscrip. ... ... ... ... 58 269 n., 270 n. Brahina-Kehatri, meaning of ... ... ... 85 buste, on Indo-Scythian coins ... ... 179 Brahma-Kshatrie, Brahmans ... ... ... 6 Buttaya, goddess ... ... ... G. F. 4 Brahmanabad, in Sind, and the ancient BAD- Batuga, probably a Ganga prince ... manwisi ... ... ... ... ... 25 Brahmanas 7, ff; the Sevak and Bhojak 19, 28, 27 and n., 29; Aryan descent of 179, 160 and n. Caddapah dist., coin finds in ... ... ... 173 Brahmanic religion, Brahmanism and the Calcutta, 92, 117, 119; and R. Bourchier 273, t. Kshatrapas 14; and the Hunas 21; in S. Caldwell, Dr., on Dravidian grammar 184, India 212; images ... ... .. 93, 95, 96 188, f., 241, 1., 246 Brahmans, Sakadripa 149, f.; Nagar 152; Campbell, Sir J., 2; and the name Gurjjara Aryan immigrants 193, #; taxes paid to 22, 80; and the Nagar Brahmanae ... 33 295, f. ; 302 Canara, S., Vijayanagara kingdom 269 and Brahmana-varuna, appointment of Brahmans G. F. 31 Canarese, characters in the MallishanaBrahmastri Shastri, the late, had a MS. of mahdpurana MS. 46; lang. ... 241, 11., 246 the Mallishana-Mahdpurana ... ... 46 Carnatic, the, and Muhammad Ali 283, f., 288 Brahmi, or Sanskrit numerical symbols 49, cases, Dravidian, a note on ... ... 171, . ff.; 54, f. ; inscriptions .. ... ... 210 Castes, Aryan, origin of, eto... ...4,6, 7, 8, 37 Brabui lang. ... ... ... ... 241, 245, f. Cavern inscrips, in Madura dist. ... 210, 212 n. Brandes, Dr. J. L. A., and the Batavia Ceylon, and the S&kyas, etc. 209, 210 and n.; Museum Catalogue ... ... ... 93 discovered 229 n.; present, and the Cholas 265 Bridgeman, Mr., in Bengal ...247, 249, 250, 256 Cbachcha, reputed Rashtrakota k., his Bridges, Mr., E. I. Oo.'s servant ... ... 257 Dhanop inscrip. ... ... ... 174, f. British Administration ... ... 282, 287, f. OhabamAnas, Agnikulas 25, 1.; bome of, etc.. Britto, John de, Jesuit Missionary ... 282, 288 29 and n., 80, 86 Brookhaven, Capt., E. I. Co.'s servant 249, 256 Chaitya, tree, 153, 156; sedi, a religious shrine 212 Boughton, Gab., and the grant of trading Chakrava from Chakravuba, a figure.. G. F. 14 privileges to the English in Bengal 247, ff. Brussels c. ... ... ... ... Chakravarti, or Sovereign of all India. G. F, 28 89, f. Buddha, stupa 14 ; on coins 17; eto. 55, f, Chalukya genealogy ... ... ... 41, ff. 58 n., 209 and n , 210, 211 Chalukyas, and the Gujars 1 ; and the KalaBuddharaja, k. ... ... ... ... 20, 174 churis 19; or Solanki, etc. 24, f., 27, 29, f., Buddhism and Jainism in Southern India, 86; Western, and Jainism ... ... 214, 218 origin and decline of ... ... ... 209, f. chamaine, daughter ... ... ... ... 194 n., 270

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INDEX 317 Chamberlaine, Mr., of the Maurice Thomp- Chola, kings, list of 107; and Pallavas 134; son Co.... ... ... ... ... ... 250 and Pandyas, etc., 138, f. ; inscrips. 216 Chamis, Sramana ... ... ... ... 214 n., in S. India 224 n., 225 and n., 227; Chandra, g. ... ... ... finance ... G. F. 18, ff., 23 ... ... ... 265, ff., 272, 287 Chandrabhaga, riv., the Chenab ... 18 and n. Cholendrasimha, k., and the Srirangam Charnock, Job, of the E. I. Co. ... ... 248 temple ... ... ... ... ... ... 135 Chandragupta, the Maurya, and the Greeks Chronicles of Marwar, and the Paramaras 238, . 11; and Bhadrabahu... Chu-li-ye, mentioned by Hiuen-Tsiang ... ... ... 214 225 n. ChutukadAnanda, Andhra feudatory, coins Chandragupta II. 170, 264; or Vikrama ... ... 173 ditya ... .. .. ... . cigar stick ... ... ... ... ... 38 Chandranandi-acharya, Jaina priest... Chintamani, Parvsranatha ... ... ... 311 Chandraprakasa, and Kumaragupta... Clive, captured Tulaji Angria... ... ... 273 Champaka, father of Kalhana .. .. Cochaine, Andrew Cogan, E. I. Co.'s Agent Chapag, Gurjara subdivision ... .. 249, 253, f. chapati, a symbol ... ... ... G. F.5 n. Coimbatore, the Nayaks of .. 38, fr. ... 282, 288 Charaka, writer, and the use of tobacco eoinage, coins, Indo-Saseanian 5; Groek 11 charita, good conduct ... ... ... G. F. 16 and n, 12, 13; Kusbana, etc. 17, 18, 20 n., charmakara, shoe-maker . ... ... 147 21, 25, 26, 29 and n., 31, 33; as evidence Chashtana, founder of the Kshatrapas of of notation 51, 53, f., 57, 83; Hana, etc. M&lw ... ... ... ... ... ... 14 86, 87 n.; Muhammadan 91 n., 92 n., 96; chats, braids of grass ... ... ... G. F. 26 Indo-Scythian 179; Andhra, etc. 213, 266; chatur-laghu, a penance ... ... .. 159 and the Swastika ... ... ... G. F. 17 . chaturmas-orat, vow ... ... G. F. 10, #. coins of the Andhra Dynasty, Note on 178 and n. chaturthi-vrat, or choth vrat G, F. 17, 18 and n. Comorin, Kumari, c. 225 ... ... 229 n. chaudas, of Almora dist., and marriage by Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Langcapture... ... ... ... ... 192, ff. wage 184, #., 241, f.; referred to ... 171 Chaul, in Kolaba dist., perhaps Chemulya .. 240 Conjeeveram, tn. 134; Dravidian cap. ... 212 Chauhan, Chahumana Rajpats .. .. 86 Contributions to Panjabi Lexicography 199, Chaumukh or Asbtapada temple ... ff. 230, f. 268, 11. 274, ft., 289, ff., ... 305, 1. Chovunda-raya, Ganga general, patron Coorg, lang. 241; Co., and the Oho! ... 265 the poet Ranna ... ... ... 41, 42 Chedi inscrip. ... copper-plate inscrips. 14; 20, 21, 28 and n., ... ... 26, 32, 96 Chenab, riv., Chandrabhaga ... ... Coromandel, war in ... ... Chenna-Babava, Lingayat leader ... ... 218 ... ... 283 Oranganore, Tiruvasjaikkalam, on the W. Chora kingdom in 8. India ... 224 n., 225, 227 Coast ... ... ... ... ... ... 217 Cherukari Lakshmidbara, grammarian ... 219 Crown, the ship... ... ... ... .252 Chhandovichiti, a work attributed to Dandin Cuddalore, tn., Jaida Monuments at ... 215 177, f. Curzon's, Lord, Persia ... ... ... 148 and n. chhappaya-chhanda, song .. ... ... 238 customs of birth and marriage q. 6. 190, ft. Chchar Minar at Hyderabad ... ... ... 152 Cyrus, k., and the Medes .. . 147 chhi, marriageable male cousins ... ... 195 Chikkad&varaja, Chola k. of Mysore ... 265 Chinabommabhopa, reputed author of the Prakrita-manidipa ... ... ... 221, f. Dacca, Dhaka, where Mir Jumlah died 76; Chinese, notation 54 n., coins, in Java 96; and the E. I. Co. ... ... ... ... 252 art, and the Ajanta frescoes ... 298, 300 Dadiga, Solar prince ... ... ... ... 214 chint, cousins ... .. ... 196 Dagad-cloth day, ... ... . G. F. 18 Chinnayya Surt, and Telugu ... ... ... 243 Dakhin, see Dekkan .. ... .. 69, c. Chitarao, Achyuta ... ... ... ... 271 Dalavapar, S. Aroot diat., inscrip. at ... 140 Ohohans, Hapa Chobans, and Gujaras ... 5 Dandin, autbor, and the Ahirani dialect 17; Chokkanatha, a Nayaka cf Madura... ... 222 and the Chhandoviohiti ... 177, .. 20, 24

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318 INDEX . .. ... 301 dankla, dag-dudioon, spirit instrument, Dharmakfrti, author of the Sanskrit Kapuva G. F. 3 and n. tara ... ... ... ... ... .223 Dantidurga II., Rashtrakata k. 107; and Dharmapala ... *** ... .. 212 the Pattadkal temple at Badami ... ... 238 Dharmapala, Pala k. ... ... ... ... 240 Dantippottarabar, Dantirarman, eto., Pal. Dharmasena, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 lava k. ... ... ... ... 106, f. Dharmavarman, ancestor of the Kili-Ohola Dantivarman alias of Vayiramegan ... ... 134 dyn. ... ... ... ... ... 131, f. Dantivarman, Rashtrakata k. ... ... 174 Dharmavarman, and the Srirangam temple... 139 Dara Shukoh, son of Shahjahan 69, f., 72, Dhavala, Rashtrakata pr., his Bijapar ins crip. ... ... ... ... ... 239 Daridra-Charudatta, a drama, and the Mrich- Dhedvada, sweepers' quarter ... ... G. F. 4 chhakatika ... ... ... ... ... 88, f. | Dhod, Dohad, birth-place of Aurangzeb .. 69 Darma pargana, Almora dist., and marriage Dholpur, tn., and Shabjahan ... ... ... 69 by capture ... ... ... ... 192, f Dhritar&shtra, k. of Hastinapura ... 163, 191 Dasapura, Mandasaur ... ... ... ... 15 Dhruva, as a pole star ... ... ... G. F. 24 Dasara, Vijayadashmi, a holiday, G. F. 29 and ne Dhahada, a Rathod k.... ... dashd, evil influence .. ... ... G. F. 10 dhapa, burning incense... ... ... G. F. 2 dastak, dustick, a pass ... ... 251 Dilras Band Begam, a wife of Aurangzeb 82 datara, tooth stick ... ... ... G. F. 7 n. Dirge of the Begams, eto., Mutiny Song - 165 Dates for the Early Princes of the Present disenses, Sk. names of ... ... ... 39 and n. Jodhpur Family . . * ... 301 Divasi, day for worship ... G. F. 2, 3, 31 Daud Khan, Nabob . . Dolphin, the ship ... ... ... 249, 254 Daulatabad, and Aurangzeb ... ... ... 70 Domingos Paes, Portuguese traveller, and Daulatpuri copper-plate of Bhoja I... ... 21 Vijayanagara revende ... ... 270, 4. Davis, Thos., of the E.I. Co.... ... 248, 253 Doms, their marriage customs ... ... 192 Day, Francis, of the E. I. Co.... . 253, f. doshas, faulte ... .. ... . ... 208 Deane, of the E. I. Co.... ... ... .. 273 Draper, Dan., E. I. Oo's servant ... Defence, the Ship ... ... ... ... 252 Dravidian Cases, a note on ... ... 171, f. deities ... ... ... G. P. 1, 4, 6 and n., 6. Dravidian Languages, Comparative GramDekkan, the 13, 1., 16; Dakhin, and the Mu m ar of ... ... ... 184, 11., 291, 1. ghals 69, f., 72, f., 75, ff., 81, ff; invaded Dravidian kings.. ... ... ... 224, 229 n. 139; and Buddhism... 209, 211, ff., 216, 218 dramas, attributed to Bhasa ... ted to DABBA ... .. .. 88 Delhi, and the Mugbals ... 75, 77, 81, 83 Dahad, Dhod ... ... .. ... ... 69 Demetrius ... ... ... ... 11 n., 12 dundubhi, kettledrums... ... ... G. F. 32 devachchhanda, a pedestal ... 136, 157, 159, f. DurgA, Durgs, goddess ... ... 89; 94 Devaradasa, Saiva guru ... ... ... 218 Durga D&s and Akbar... 77, f. Devaraya II., Vijayanagara k. inscrips. Durgaprasad, the late Pandit, and the Raja of .. ... ... ... ... 141, 143 tarangini ... ... . .. 97, ff. devas ... ... ... ... ... G. F. 1, ff. Dureon, Capt., of the E. I. Co. ... ... 257 Devavrata, Bhishma of Hastinapura ... 168 Dutch in India ... ... ... ... 251, 253 Devendra, a pontiff .. * *** * *** *** 160 Doud, Dualism... . .. . ... 295 Devi, in Java .. ... .. .. .. 94 Dhanada, Bhavanapati... ... ... ... 15deg Dhanop inscrip. ... ... ... 174 f. Early South Indian Finance--I., The Cholas Dhanyakataka, Amaravati 212, and the An- 265, 4; II. Vijayanagara Kings 269, tf.; dbra kings ... ... .. III. Nayaks of Madura 281; IV. NAyaks Dharanendra, serpent k. " .. . .. 27 of Coimbatore 282; V., Nawabs of Aroot Dharanivaraha, Paramara k.... ... 288, f. 283 ff.; Summary ... ... ... 287 f. Dharma, a banner ... ... ... ... 155 earth, earthquakes ... .. G. E. 30, 34, f. Dharmadevacharya, Jaina priest ... ... 215 East India Company 247, ff.; and R. BourDharmaghosha-suri, Dharmakirti, a pontiff, chier *** ... ... .. .. . 272 and author ... ... ... ... ... 125 eclipses ... ... ... ... G. F. 21. f. * ... 273 ... 213

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INDEX 319 ... 149 Eggeling, Prof., and the Rajatarangini 97 n. Fort St. George 248 and n., 253, f.; and R. Ekaji, Venkaji ... ... ... ... ... 262 Bourcbier ... ... ... ... .. 274 Ekanta, Ramayya, Lingayat leader ... ... 218 Fort William, and R. Bourchier ... 273, f. El&pura, Verdi, modern Eldra ... 237, f Foucher, Iconographic bouddique ... 95 and 1. Elavanasur, in S. Arcot dist., epigraph French and English in the Coromandel 283, 289 found at ... ... ... ... 216 n. frescoes of Ajanta ... ... ... 297, f. Eliza, Sterne's, and R. Bourchier ... ... 273 Fullerton, Col., on finance 284 n., 285 and Elandalaiyanan, legend on coin ... 138 and n. n., 286, 289 Eldra, Elapura, Veral, the Kailasa temple at fyle-foot, the swastika ... ... G. F. 17 n. 237, f. Fyzabad, 1857, A Mutiny Sung ... .. 123. embroideries, Buddhist, at the Festival of Empire... .. . ... ... 299, f. Emir Jemla, Mir Jumla ... ... 256 and D. Gada yuddha, or Sahasa-Bhima-vijaya, Enadi Tirukkidli, k. ... ... ... ... ... .. 133 .. 133 1 work by Ranns ... 41, f. Englisb, Bongs from Northern India, relat- laaddao bharn gadiso bharvo, ceremony ... ... G. P. 11 ing to them 89, ff.; and French in the Gadheri, a Mata ... ... G.F. 1 Coromandel ... ... ... ... 283, 289 Gadhwal inscrip. ... ... 28 English, grant of trading privileges to the, Gadras, a tribe. . in Bengal ... ... ... ... 247, 1. Gage, Capt.. of the Hopetoell ... ... 249, 254 Ephthalites, White, the dnas 21; a coin of 31 Gaje, a banner ... ... ... 155 Eras, The Kaliyuga, Yudhisthira and Bhar Gajapati dyn, of Orissa ... ... 135, 137, f. ratayuddha ... ... ... ... 162, f. gajaprishthakritivimina ... ... 104 and n. Erumaiyar, Mahishamandala... ... ... 212 Ganabhadra, Jaina teacher . ... ... 215 Ganagor, goddess ... ... ... G. F. 4 Ganapati, KAkatiya k.... ... ... ... 138 Ganapati Sastrin, Mr. F., and RavivarmaFa Hian, Chinese pilgrim, in India ... 211, 213 deva ... ... ... ... ... ... 223 Famire Commissioners on taxes ... 266 n. Ganapati Sastry, Pandit, and the discovery farmaish, phirmaish, commission ... 25] n. of supposed BbAsa plays ... ... ... 88 FathAbad or Samdgarh .. .. ... 74 Gandbars art Gana ... ... ... ... Fath-ul-Khaib or Torna, tn.... ... ... 81 Gandova tn., and the Meds ... Fattehgarh, Khudaganj ... ... 166, f., 169 Ganga, riv. 110; ... ... ... G. F. 28 fausdar, military governor . .. 283, f. Gangaikondacboa-puram record of ViroFergusson, D. Wm., works by him... 103, f. pakeba 1II ... .. .. ... . 142 Festival of Empire, Indian paintings, etc., at Gangaikondan, later Chola cap. ... 131 and n. 297, 11. Ganga-Pallavas and the Pallava. .. ... 100 Finance, Early South Indian ... 265, ff.; 281, ff. Gangas, list of 107; and Jainism ... ... 214 firman, farman, an order 247 and n.; phir Ganges, riv. ... ... ... ... G. F. 35, f. mand ... ... ... 250, 255 and n., 256 Ganjam, and early notation 55; revenues of Flavian busts on coins... ... ... 179 271 and n. Fleet, Dr., 31 n.; and the earliest Saka dato Ganpati, g., and the Swastika G. F. 15, 17, 87; Gupta Inscriptions 52, f., 54 n., 57, 58 18 and n., 20 and n.; and bal-galchchu 89; and the Gardon, Mr, of Maurice Thompson's Co. ... 250 Rajataranginf 100; and Ariyur plates 149; garuda dhvaja at Besnagar .. ... .. 18 on the derivation of Gujarat 150 and n.; Gaud Brahmanas . ... ... 22 and n. and the Vijayanagaras ... ... 270 n. Gauda ... .. ... .. ... ... 151 flower drawing, in the Ajanta frescoes ... 298 Gauramukha ... ... ... ... ... 18 foliage drawing, in the Ajanta frescoes ... 298 Gaurishankar Ojha, Pandit, on inscrips. 174, foods, and Sun-worship ... ... G. F. 9 175 n., 176 n. Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population Gautama Buddha ... 209, f., 212, ff., 298, f. 9, ff.; notes on ... ... 149, ff.; 179, 1. Gautamiputra Satakarni, and the KshahariForrest, Mr., and R. Bourchier ... ... 272) ta family ... ... ... .. . 14

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320 INDEX gautrat-orat, ceremony... ... ... G. F. 12 Gudimalla, five Bana inscrips.at ... 104, ff. Gaya, inscrips, at ... ... 28 Guebres or Parsis ... ... ... ... 149 gayatripurushavachana, form of devotion Gubilots, the 6; Nagar Brahmanas... 35; 86 n. G. F. 31 Gujar, the 1, 21, f.; tribes descended from Gawton, Mr., of the E. 1. Co. ... ... 256, f. them, etc. 25, 29, ff.; their affinity with the gedi-danda, a game ... .. G. F. 32, f. Rajputs ... ... ... 5,85, ff.; 150 genealogy, Chalukya ... ... ... 41, ff. Gujarat, Gujarat-MAIWA, and the Kalachuria Ghatiyala, Rohinsakupaka, inscrips. at 16, 18 20; several places of the name 21; and gherdyala, while still eclipsed... ... G. F. 23 Gurjaratr& ... ... ... ... 24, 150, 152 Gheria, tn., captured ... ... ... ... 273 Gulab Singh Thakur of Barwi Batola, HarGhoghs, cobra g. ... ... ... G. F. 4 I dol, A Song of the Mutiny dof, A Sone of the Mntiny ... ... 124 Ghsamotika, father of Chashtana ... ... 14 Gulkandah co., and the Mughals 70, 73, 78, f. Gharjara army defeated by Satyasraya 42 Gunabhadra, Jaina teacher 215; and GunaGibbon, quoted ... .. .. .. prabha... ... .. ... .. . 311 Gingee, kingdom, and the Nayaks of Madura Gumaganandi, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 Gunamati, Buddhist teacher... ... 215 n. goatrad, vrat ... ... ... ... G. F. 31 Gunasena, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 GodAveri, co., revenues of ... ... 271 and n. l Gunda. in Kathi wad. Abhira inaerin. Gunda, in Kathiawad, Abhira inscrip. at ... 16 Golden Fleece, the ship... ... ... ... 252 Gundert, Dr., and Dravidian langs. ... 242 Goleni temple, in Kumalgadh ... 180, PS. Gundu Aluvaiya, Vijayanagara officer 139, f. Golconda, conquered by Aurangzeb... 283, 288 Gupta dyn. 20, f.; inscrips. 52, tf.; migration, Golobew, M. Victor, of Paris, and the Ajanta etc. ... ... ... ... ... 213, 218 frescoes ... ... ... ... ... 299 Gurjara kingdom ... ... ... 3, ff; 28, 31 Gombroon, tn. 254; Bandar Abbas, and R. Gurjara Pratihara, dyn. 21, ff; kingdom, of Bourchier ... ... ... ... ... 293 Kanadj ... ... ... 86, 88 and n. Gonanda II. and III., kings ... ... ... 164 Gurjaras, Gajar ... ... 85, ff., 150 n. Gondi lang. ... ... ... ... 242, 245, f. Gwalior inscrip. ... ... ... 23 Gondophares k. 13 n., or Gondopheres, a Gwaliyar and Murid Bakbsh, etc. ... 74, f. coin of... .. .. ... .. ... 179 Gyfford, of the E. I. Co. ... ... ... 257 Gopinatha Rao, Mr., and the Airyur plates 149 Goppana-Udaiyar, Vijayanagara officer 189, f. Gotama, Samana doctrines of ... 302, f. Govinda III., Rashtrakata k. 107; 174; con- Haddon, Prof. Alf, and smoking ... ... 40 quered Nagabhata II. ... .240 Hadrian busts on coins ... ... .. 179 Govindpur inscrip. ... ... ... 17, 18 Haidar All, usurper ... ... ... ... 283 grahana, eclipse ... ... ... G. F. 23 Haidara bad, Gulkandah ... ... 78, f., 81, 83 Grammar, Comparative, of Dravidian Lan Haihayas, the, in India ... 19, 20 and n., 150 guages 184, 17.; 241, ff.; referenoe to ... 171 Haji Suff Khan, Diwan ... ... 250, f. Grantha alphabet, in Bana inscrip. 108, ff.; 112 halahal visha, poison ... ... G. F. 21 Greeks in India 11 and n., 12, 13, 17, 180; Halevy, M., on old Indian numerical symbols 50 their art and the Ajanta frescoes, etc. 298, 300 Halls of The Thousand Buddhas, MSS. Gridhrakata, hill near Bodh-gay& ... ... 211 from ... ... ... ... .. ... 299 Grierson, Dr., 80; on foreign elements in the Ham, ancestor of the Meds and Jats... ... 148 Hindu population 149; and Dravidian Hansot grant of Bhartsivadda ... grammar ... ... ... ... ... 186 Haradatta, author ... ... ... ... 178 Griffiths, Mr., on the Ajant& paintings 211 Hara Hanas, see Honas ... ... ... 5 and' n., 299 Haraprasad Sastri, and the Kavydlankaragriha shanti ceremonies ... ... G. F. 18, 25 okra-vritti ... ... ... ... ... 264 Groenveldt, Mr., W. P., and the Batavia Harichandra, Kohilladdhi, a Brahmana 23, Museum Catalogue' ... ... ... ... .93 35, f. Grunwedel's Buddhist Art in India... 105 n. Harihara I, II., Vijayanagara kinga 139, f., A Guda-Tandshar, province ... .... ...22 n. 269, f.

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INDEX 321 Hari-vana, the, A Lacuna in ... 58, ff. Hugli, Hugly, Hoogley, tn., and European Hari-vansa, the, and the late A. M. T. Jack traders ... ... 80 247, 249, f.; 252, f. son 4; on caste ... ... ... ... 9 hukki, hubble-bubble, in India ... 37, 40 Harrison, G., uncle of R Bourchier ... 273 Hultzsch, Prof., and the Valuga Chronicle Harsha inscrip. of Vigraharaja ... ... 239 131, f; and Trivikrama ... ... 219, ff. Ilarshavardhana, k. of Kanauj ... ... 38 Humata-Hukhta-Huvarshta, Parsi, Buddhist llasta nakshatra ... ... ... G.F. 34 and n. paralels to ... ... ... ... 301, ff. Hastikundi, Hathundi, in Jodhpur St., ins Humayun, Emp., and Qandahar ... ... 72 crip. at .. ... ... ... ... ... 175 Hunas, Hara Hunas 5, 18 n., 20, f., their Hastinapura, tn. ... ... ... ... 163 cuins, etc. ... 25, f., 29, 31, 85, f., 179, f. IIavig Brabmanas of Karwar... ... 27 n., 29 hunting mentioned ... ... ... ... 236 Havishkar, his coinage... ... ... ... 179 Huvishka, Kushana k. ... ... ... ... 17 Hawkins, Mrs. Sarah, married R, Bourcbier 274 Hayobans=(Haihayavamsa) Rajputa ... 150 Hedaia, the, and tribute ... ... 285 and n. Hedges, E. I. Co.'s Agent ... ... 252, f., 257 Ibbetson, Sir Denzil, and Panjab EthnograJlemachandra, author 125, f.; 153, ff.; 220, f., 223 phy, etc. 85 and n, 87; and the Meds. ... 147 Tiendley, Col., C. I. E., and Indian Paint Iconography, Jaina, II. Samavasarana ings ... ... ... ... 297 and n., 800 125, ff., 153, ff. Jlerbert, the ship Ilaiyapadarar, Jaina priest ... ... ... ... ... ... 262 ... 215 Hermaios, k. of Bactria ... ... ... 179 image-worship ... ... ... ... ... 296 Hierodotus, on the Meds ... ... 147 Immadi Narasimba, Vira-Narasimharaya, k. 143 ina, the Egg ... ... ... ... G. F. 28 Herringham, M18., and Indian paintings 297, ff. India, Northern, Songs from ... 89, t., 115, ff. Himalayas, tribes of 27; and the Rajpats 85, India, Southern, and the origin and decline ff., 151, f. of Buddhism and Jainism ... ... 209, ff, Hindu population, foreign elements in ... India, and the Turkomans, etc. 1, 4, 5, 7, 11, 7, ff.; 149, ff.; 179, f. ff. 16, f.; and foreign tribes 19, ff., 28, 31, Bindu, civilisation, etc. 4, 6, f.; faith, and 147, ., 179, f., 282, f., 287; and tobacco 37, foreigner's 12, tf., 88, f.; in S. India 125, ff., 50; under Aurangzeb 70, 72, 75; and 217, f, 267, f.; numerical notation 49; immigrants 86, f; South, temples of 104 temples destroyed 77; art in Java 93, f., and n., 105; ancient dynasties of 131; and 96; gods 145; eras 162; pantheon 213; the Muhammadans 139; divisions, etc. 224 n. kings, defeated, etc. 281, 285 n.; homage 225, 228 n, 229 n. to Muhammadan Pir, etc. G. F. 5 and Indian Numerical Symbols, old ... 49, ff. D., 7 and n., 10, ff. Indian Finance, Early South... 285, 1, 281, ff. Hindustan under Aurangzeb 75, f,, 80, 118; Indian Painting at The Festival of Empire and Buddhism ... ... ... ... 209 297, ff. History of The Military Transactions of Indian, Antiquities, and the late A. M. T.. The British Nation in Indostan, by Orme, Jackson 1, 3, 4; and Javanese 93, ff.; quoted ... ... ... ... ... ... 248 drama, etc, 88, f., coins ... ... ... 179 Hiuen Tsiang, in India ...212, 4., 224, 225 n. Indo-Parthians, and Sakas ... ... 13 n. llodgson MSS. from Nepal ... ... ... 56 Indo-Sassanian coins ... .. ... 5, 179 II oli festival ... ... ... G. F. 5 n., 30 Indo-Scythians, and Sakas 13 n; coins of ... 179 Indra, g. ... Homa sacrifice ... ... G. F. 19, 27 and n., 28 and n. ... ... G. F. 10 ... Indra dhanushya, the rainbow ... G. F. 27 Hopewell, the ship. ... ... 247, 249, 253, ff. Indraraja, brother of Govinda III. ... ... 240 Hoogley, see Hugly ... ... ... ... 247 Indrasena, Jaina priest... ... ... ... 215 Hospet, in Bellamy dist., ancient Nagalan Indus, riv. 11, 27; and the Meds ... 147, f. pur ... ... ... ... ... ... 272 Inscriptions, Bana, Gudimallam ... 104, ff. Hoysa!a dyn., and R&manuja ... 135, tf., 218 Inscriptions, some unpublished ... 174, ff. Hrishikesa-k&strin, grammarian ... ... 223 Inscription, the Bithd ... ... 181, ff., 301

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322 INDEX *** 101, 183 <Page #337
INDEX 823 ... 27 Kadphises, I. and II, Kushana kings, coins of 179 Kanishka, Kushanak... ... 17, 18 and n., 179 Kadungon, Parantaka Sadaiyan, k. 01 Ma- Kannada langs. ... ... ... ... 171, f. dura ... ... ... ... ... 225, f. Kannanur, Samayavaram in Trichinopoly 136, ff. Kahya Naga, demon ... ... ... G. F. 36 Kannaradera II, Kannuradeva, KtishnaKailasa Temple, ancient kannaresvara, at deva of the Nekumbhavamasa dyn.... ... 237 Eldra ... ... ... .. ... 237, f. Kannesvara, Kannaresvara, modern Kailasa... 238 Kaisar Bagh at Lucknow. Song of ... ... 62 Kansa, k. of Mathura ... ... ... G. F. 33 aitabha, demon... .. . . G. F. 30 kansar, an oblation - G. F. 3 and n., 17, f. Kakkaraja, Gujarat K., his Baroda grant 237, f. Kanva,and the Kanvayana Brahmanas ... 9 akubhas, bells ... ... . .. ... 155 kanya-duno, giving away of a bride ... ... 193 Kalablars, dyn, in Madras .. ... 225, f. Kanyakubja, Kapauj ... ... 28 n. Kalachuris, and the Haihayas ... 19, fr. Kapila, a sagc ... ... ... G. F. 28 Kalajara, and Kalinjar fort in Bundel- kapilashashthi day ... ... ... G. F. 12 khand ... ... ... ... ... ... 20, f. Kapilavastu c. ... ... ... ... ... 300 Kalasena, k. of Lanka ... 209 Krgudari, Kadamba inscrip. at ... Kalhana's Seventh Taranga, Notes on 97, ff. Karbade Brahmanas, Gujars ... ... .. 23 Kalhana, author ... ... ... ... 164 Karikala k. ... ... ... ... ... 134 Kilt, goddess ... ... ... ... ... 209 Kariy&rru-tunjina Nedun-Killi, k. ... ... 133 Aili-chaudas day ... ... ... G. F. 2 Karkaraja, prince ... ... ... 239, f. Kalidasa, and Bhaga 87, ff.; and Kamanda 236 Karli, Karle, cave inscrip. .. 12, 14, 51, 53 Kaliya Naga, serpent ... ... ... ... 94 karma ... ... ... ... ... ... 296 Kaliyuga, Yudhisthira, and Bharatayuddha Karnal, and the Gurjara-Pratih&ras ... ... 87 Eras ... ... ... ... ... 162 ff. karnan, village accountant ... ... 265, 272 Kaliyuga, and smoking ... ... ... 39 Kartavirya-Arjuna, Haiyaya k. .. 19, f. Alyan, welfare, and swastika ... G. F. 15 | Karavar, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 188 Kalyanakotaka, Kanaaj, and the Chalukyas, 24 Kishi, Benares ... ... ... ... G. F. 36 Kalyani, seat of the Haihayas ... . 19 Kashmir, and the Hinas 21; Eras 162 ; and kim, love ... .. ... ... G. F. 15 Vasubandhu ... .. ... .. .. 171 Kamandaki and Kalidasa ... ... ... 236 kasu, a coin ... ... ... ... 266 and n. K&m Bakhsh, son of Aurangzeb ... 80, f. Katayavema, commentator ... ... ... 221 Kambap, two persons of the name ... 132 and n. Kathi&wad, Kathien war 12; Surashtra 87; Kampana Udaiyar's conquests ... 139, f. deities of G. F. 4, 6; birth customs... ... 13 Kampardja, k. ... ... ... ... 141, f. Kathis, tribe and the sun ... ... G. F. 7 Kampaya-Dandanayaka, Hoysala minister 136, 1. Kattaikkavalar, deity of the Palni hills ... 68 kanvara, prince ... . .. ... 181 Kauthern grant and the Chalukyas ... ... 44 Kanakachandra, Pandita, Jaina teacher ... 215 | kaustubha, jewel .. ... ... G. F. 21 Kanakanandi, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 Kaveri, riv. ... ... .. . 131 Kanakasimba, and Kanakamagaraja... ... 312 Kaviputra, poet ... ... ... ... ... 88 Kanakavalli ... ... ... . ... 131 Kavirripumpattinam, ancient Chola cap. ... 212 Kanakavira-Periyadigal, Jaina teacher ... 215 Kavyalankara sutra-vritti, a work by VamKanarese co., and the Rashtrakutas 1; lang. 171 ana ... ... ... ... ... 264, 312 Kanauj, co.-1; 22, f.; or Kalyanakataka 24, Kavyaprakaba, the, its joint authorship ... 208 86, ff. Kayasthas of Bengal ... ... .. 33 and n. Kanchi, and Buddha ... ... ... 212, f. Keith, Mr. A. B., and the Bodleian Sanskrit kand, Dravidian, a male ... 187 manuscript catalogue ... ... ... 310 Kandan-Porpattan. Jaina teacher ... ... 215 Kerala, dyn., in S. India ... ... ... 265 Kandusena, Jaina teacher ... ... 215 Kern, Prof., on old Indian numerical symKangda, Nagarkot ... ... bols ... ... ... ... .... 50, 54 Kangavarman, son of Mayuras arman Kesava, grammarian ... ... ... ... 172 Kanheri cave inscrip. .. 15, 173 Kebi-dandanayaka, known as Brahma, helped Kanigiri, Vijayanagara cap. ... ... ... 142 Ranna ... ... kinikkai, a tar ... ... " "* ". ... * 142 | Ketu, demon ... ... ... G. F. 21, 25

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324 INDEX . 69 Khamdelaval, Kbamdelavalo... ... ... 312 Krishna-Samahvaga, alias of Periya-vKhin Khanan traitor... ... ... Aooban-Pillai ... ... .. .. .. 59 Khan Zaman, officer under Aurangzeb ... 70 kritartha-drama,=successful in his endeaKharoshthi, script in India 50, notation 51, 54, 56 voor ... ... ... ... ... ... 265 Khasns of the Sub-Himalayas ... 150, ff. Krom, Dr. N.J., and Jaina inscrips. ... 94 n. Khasiyme, and the Bhotiyas, of Almora, their Kababarita, a Kshatrapa family name ... 14 birth and marriage customs ... 190. ff, Kshatrapas, Satrape, become independent khat-muhurt or puja ceremonies ... G. 1. 29 and rule various provinces, etc. 13, ff.; Khazars, and the Gdjars 30, and the Kach their coins their coins ... ... ... ... ... 51, 53, 57 chhare, etc. ... ... ... ... 31 and n. KabatrapAvan, Persian title for Satrap .. 14 khichdo, khichedi, an oblation G. F. 3,7,8,11 Kshatriyas, Brahma-Kshatris...6, fl., 19, 8., Khela ji, a Mahrattah, and Aurangzeb .. 70 23, f., 26, 1., 86, 180 and 2. Khudaganj, Fattehgarh, Mutiny Song 166, ff. Kubera, g. in Java ... ... ... 93, 9R Khurram, Shahjahan ... .. ... ... 69 Kui, lang. ... ... ... ... ... 242 Khusru II., Parviz, k., his coinage... 25, 4. Kujala-Kadphises, Kushana k. .. 17 khyats, chronicles ... ... ... ... 181 Kulasekhara-Peruma), k. . .. ... 132 Kielhorn, the late Prof., and Indian numerals Kulottunga I., Rajendra-01.&a 135, 1.; three 54 f.; and the Nadol Plates 144, 145 n., of the name ... ... ... ... 138; 268 and the Vasantgadh inscrip. etc. ... 239 4. Kumalgadb, in Udaipur State, Goler& templo Kilakkudi inscrip. ... ... ... ... 215 at ... ... ... ... ... 160, f. Kilavalavu, in S. India, care inscrip. at ... 210 Kumaragiririja, author of the Vasantaraji ya 221 Kili, Killi Chola k. 131, f., 134 and Buddhiem 213 Kum&ragupta, Patron of Vasu bandha 170, f; Kiradu, ancient Kirktakupa ... ... ... 239 and Chandraprakasa ... ... ... 264, 312 Kirtipala, Maharajaputra, his Nadol Plates Kumarapala, k. ... ... ... ... ... 34 144, ft. Kumarasvamin, writer ... ... ... ... 221 Kistna, co N., revenues of ... ... 271 and n. Kumari, Comorin, co.... ... 110, 225, 229 n. Kittel, Dr., and Dravidian langs.... 242, ff. Kumarils writer... ... . ... ... 178 Kodandaranan-Sandi festivals .. ... 138 Kumarilabhatta, Brahman ... ... ... 217 Kokkuka, Pratibara k. ... 16 Kumbharia in Danta, State, Jaina temple in... 161 Kotala, an ancient cap. in Mysore . .. 214 Kunbi, Kurmi, tribe ... ... ... ... 280 Kolhapur, Jaina Matha at .. ... 46 Kondakundacbarya, and Mallsobena .. 46 Kunadu, in Puddukottai State ... 133 n. kundali, astronomical diagram G. F. 18 and Kondubhatta of Cherukdru, k. ... ... 223 n., 24, 25 Koneriraja, S&luva k. Kundavvai, Bana, q. ... .. ... 106, f. Kongar-Puliyangulam, Madura dist., inscrip. Kunje, Kunja vil, in Rurki ... 121 and n., 129 at ... ... ... ... ... ... 210 Kuntala, co., and the Kadambas ... ... 27 Konkan, co., and Buddhism 212; and the Kug-Pandya, Sandara Pandya, k. ... ... 217 Stoastika .. .. ... G. F. 18 Kurandi- Ashtopavasi, Jaina priest ... ... 215 Koris, a tribe ... ... . .. ... 149 Kurinji, Stobilanthus, plant, and the wor Korkai, Pandya c. ... ... ... ... 227 ship of Kattaikkavalar, in the Palni Hills 68 Koyilolugu, Tamil work . .. 131, ff. Kurugor, or A}var-Tirunagiri, tn. 132 and Knyalo, mt. ... ... ... ... G. F. 5 n., 134 Kfishna, commentator 49 R. Kurokb, lang. ... .. .. .. 241, 243 Krishna II., k. ... ... ... 107, 215. Kurukshetra, battle .. . 163; G. F. 14,30 Krishna III., k., patron of the poet Ponna... 41 Kushanas in N. India 17; overthrown 19,1.; Krishnadasa, author of the Parasiprakala ... 149 coin of ... ... ... ... ... ... 179 Krishnadeva, Kannaradeva II. ... ... 237 Kuveni, a Yakshini, helped Vijaya in LanKA 209 Krishnaraja I., Rashtrakata k., built the Kailasa temple at Eldra ... ... 237, f. Krisboar&ja, Vijayanagara k.... 269, f., 272 Krishnaraja II., Rashtrakuta k. ... 105, f. Lacuna, A, in the Haripama . .. 58, 8. Krishnaraya Uttamanambi, at Srirangam 142, f. | Lahore, tn . .. ... 121

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INDEX 325 17, ff. Lakmanagash, the Bailey Guard, Lucknow Madhva Brahmans ... ... ... ... 295 124 and n. Madhyamike, supposed, to be Nagari, siege, Lakshmi, g. ... ... ... .. ... ... ... 94 ... 94 of .. ... ... ... ... .. 11 Lakshmidbara, Lakshmanas)ti, author 219, 221,ff. Madras and Gab. Boughton 253, f., 256, f.; Lakshmisena Bhattaraka, head of the Jaina and the Cholas 265; and the Vijayanagaras matha at Kolhapur, and the Mallishana- 271, 288; and R. Bouchier ... ... 272, ff. Mahapurina ... ... ... ... ... 46 Mandavraj, in Kathiawar, and Sun worship LAIA Srinawas Das, author of the Song, The G. F. 6,7 Night Before Waterloo ... ... ... 89 Madura, conquered, 139; the Nayakas of 143; Lanka, and Sundara-Pandya I. 137, f; or cavern inscrips. in 210, 212 n., 215; or Tambapanni ... .. ... ... 209, f. Tiruvalavky 215 n.; tue Tami) poets of 224 lapsi, an oblation ... G. F. 2 and n., 3, 4, 10 and n.; the Nayaks of 181 and n., 182 and Lata, part of Gujarat 24; Lala 209; conquered n., 183, 188, f. 239, f. Maduraikkanchi, Tamil idyll, its date and its Leemans, Dr., and Javanese archaeology ... 93 hero ... ... ... 224, E. Legend of The Clever Builder... ... ... 152 Maga, or Sakadvipi Brahmanas ... Leiden Museum and Javanese antiquities 93, t. maga, a child, Dravidian ... ... ... 187 Lexicography, Panjabi,contributions to, contd. Magadar, tribe of mixed descent ....... 227 from p. 250, Vol. XXXIX, 199, f1., 230, ff., Magadha, c, 19.; Chronology, Eras of ... 258, ff, 274, ff., 289, ff, 305, # Maganandi, Jaina teacher ... ... Leyden plate inscrips, and the Cholas 132, f. Magi, and the Sakadvipa Brahmans... 18, 150 Laika, Kusulaka... ... ... ... ... 14 Maha-Aritta, and Buddhism ... ... ... 210 Library, Oriental Manuscripts, Madras, Mahabali, ancestor of the Ranas ... ... 109 where the new Bhasa play was found 87, Mahakata pillar inscrip. .... ... ... 29 f; of the British Museum and the works Mahammad Mu'azzam, son of Aurangzeb 75of D. W. Fergusson ... ... ... ... 103 77, 79, 81, f. Lightning, Vijli ning, Vijli ... .. .. G. F. 33, f. Mahapadma, Nanda k.... ... ... ... 8 Lingakriti-Vimina, ... ... .. ... 104 Mahipurusha-lakshanuni, marks of beauty ... 214 Lingavat or Virasaiva Creed ... ... ... 218 Maharatta, Maharashtra co., and Buddhism 219 Literature and Antiquities, Indian 1, 3. ff.; Mahirudra sacrifice ... ... ... G. F. 31 Sanskrit ... ... ... ... ... 8 mahatmya, account of a sacred place... ... 237 Little Clay Cart, the Mrichchhakatika ... 88 Mahavali-Vanaraya, Bana name ... 108, f. Levi, M., on notation ... ... ... .. 58 Mahavamsa and the first invasion of Ceylon Lokavibhiga, Jaina work, and the earliest 209, ff. Saka date ... ... .. ... 67 Mahavira, a Jina... ... ... ... .. 130 London, c. ... ... ... ... ... 124 Mahavira, Jaina ascetie ... ... 214, 302 n. Lucknow, c. ... ... ... ... 62, 63, 65 Mahay&oa School of Buddhism under KanishLumly, Lord ... ... ... ... 253 and n. .. ... .. ... ... ...17 Lumly Castle, the Ship... Mahendra, mt. and Parasurama ... ... 20 Mabendrapaln, Pratihara k... ... 23, 26, 87 Mahendravarman, and Rajamahendra 134; and Jainism ... .. .. .. ... 214, ff. Ma'bar, the Pandya Co. Mahinda in Ceylon ... ... 210 and n., 211 Mac Crindle, and the Polver riv. ... ... 147 Mahipala, Pratih&ra k. 23, Vinayakapala . 26, Madagascar Isl. ... ... ... ... ... 254 88 and n. Madhariputra Isvarasena, Abbira k.... ... 16 Mahishamandala, Erumaiyor, in Mysore Madhava, Solar prince ... ... ... ... 214 State, and Buddhism .. .. ... 21: Madhava, Vijayanagara prime minister 269, ff., 287 M&hishmati, cap. of Kartavirya-Arjuna, idenMadhu, demon ... ... ... ... G. F. 30 tified with Mandhata ... .. 19, f. Madhupakavi Alvar, Vaishnava St., 132; or Mahmud Shah I., N&suradin ... ... ... 182 Marangari 184,216; Pandya prime minister Mahodaya dya., and the Gurjaras ... ... 5 217 and n., 225, f. Mohomedans and Mughals ... 76, 78, 79, 81

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326 INDEX .. de bouc Mahrattah and Mughal powers Marasmiha, Ganga prince, probably identiMaitraka, tribe ... ... ... ... 6, 31, f. cal with Nolambantaka ... ... 42; 107 Maka, Magas of Cyrene .. .. .. 11 Marathi, co., and the Chalukyas .. ... 1 Mabran, home of the Meds ... ... ... 152 Marathis and Rajpats 280; and Tanjore Malavikagnimitra, work by Kalidasa ... 88 282, f., 286, 288 Malayalam, MSS. and notation 55; lang. ... 241 Maravar, a people in Madura, etc. ... 227 and n. ff., 246 murgas, objects of human desire ... 6. F. 15 Marriage and Birth Customs of the Khasiyas Malik Ambar Habshi, minister under Jahan and the Bhotiyas of Almora ... 190, #f. gir ... ... ... ... * * Maruda nar of Mangudi, author of the MaMalik Kafur, conquered Madura ... duraikkanchi ... ... ... 224 and n., 225 Malladeva, Jagadekamalla, Bana k. ... Marugaltalai; Tinnerelly dist., Brahmi ins crip. at... ... ... ... ... ... 210 Mallikarjuna, k.... ... ... ... Marwar Chronicles and the Paramaras 238, f. Mallisena, Jaina priest ... ... ... ... 215 Masulipatam, Metehlepatam ... ... 250, 254 Mallishena, author of the Mahapuraya Matana-dahada-mata, Navaratra holidays Mallishena Jaina ascetic ... 46 G. F. 2 n. Malto lang. ... ... ... 241 1., 245, f. mathas, established ... ... ... 217, f. mama.jholi, maternal uncle's share ... ... 193 Mathura, Lion cap. inscrip. etc. 13 and n., 16 Mammata, author of the Kavyaprakaba ... 208 51, 53, 56, 57; and Muhammad Sultan 70, mana, a banner ... ... ... ... 74, 77, 83, art ... 155 .. ... ... 95, 118 matriarchal times in Almora, evidence of ... 193 Managwal Plateau, Hoshiyarpur Dist., Huna coin find at ... ... ... Maukhari dyn. ... ** ... ... ... ... 33 Mandalapurusha, Tamil writer ... Maurice Thompson's Company in Bengal ... 250 mandapika, custom-house ... ... ... Maurya dyn., 11; and Buddhism 209, 210, Mandaraficheral-Irumborai, Chera k. and n., 212, 214 MAbenko, Chera k. Mandasaur, Dasapura, tn. 15, inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 133 Mandh&ta, in the O. P. and Mahishmati ... 19 Maya, dream of ... .. ..... ..... ... 300 Mayara k.... manek-stambha, first pillar of a marriage bo ... ... ... ... ... 24 wer ... Mayarasarman, and Maytravarman, ancestor .. .. ... ... G. F. 29 Mangalesa. Chalukya k. .. .. .. 20 of the Kadambas ... 26, 27 and n., 29, 36 58. Ubalukya k. moda, flesh and marrow Mangudi, in 8. India, home of Marudanar ... ... G. F. 30 224 and n. Medea, the Colchican, and the Meds ... 147 Meds of Makran ... Manigatta Gollahalli, in Kolar dist., inscrip. ... .. 147, ff. Medhatithi, ancestor of the Kanvayana at ... ... ... ... ... ... 106 Brahmanas Manikkavachagar, author 216 and n., and ... ... .. . ... ! Media, co. 147; and Milan Pandya Minister ... ... 217 and n., 218 ... ... ... 146 Medical works and smoking ... Manikyachandra, and the Karyaprakasa ... 218 ... 38, f. Manikyanandin, Jaina writer ... ... Medos, Polver riv. 46, 214 ... ... ... Manimegalai, Tamil poem ... ... 212, f. Meer Jumla, Mir Jumlah q. v. Manjusri image in Berlin Museum ... ... 96 Meerat, 1857. A Song of the Mutiny Mannargudi, Tanjore dist., inscrip. at ... 136 Mogha-Kumaras, Jaina deities Mant, on caste, etc. 7, 10, 11; and the Medes Meghanada ... ... 147, 265 and n. Megharaja, rain, g. ... ... G. F. 3: Manur, Pandya inscrip. at ... ... 112 n. Meldi, goddess ... ... ... ... manushya buman soul ... ... ... G.F 16 Melpadi, vil., temples in ... ... ... 13: Marad Bakhsh, prince ... ... ... ... 73 Menander and Buddhism Buddhism ... ... ... 12 Maraka nimadigal Bana q. .. 105, f. Merbaboe, mt. in Java, epigraph from ... 96 Marangari, Madurakavi Alvar. ... ... 134 Meru, mt., 225 n.; G. F. 16; and eclipses .. Maranjadaiyan alias Nedunjadaiyan, Pand- Metohlepatam, Masulipatam .. ... ... 250 yak. ... ... ... ... ... ... 134 Method in the Study of Indian Antiquities, Mara---Pieuns, Deva ... ... ... ... 211! by the late A. M. T. Jackson ... ... 1,3 ... 12

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Mettupatti, in S. India, cave inscrips. at Mihira, form of Surya, also a name Rijihva... ... *** Milan, ancient Medea, and the Meds. Milinda-panho, Queries of Milinda Mihira, gotra of Rijihva, ancestor of the Magas, and the Persian Mihr Mihirakula, Mihrgul, Hana k.. Mihiras, the Mers, and the Maitrakas Mitra dyn. Moas, Saka k. ww *** *** ... ... of Mihr-un-nisa Begam, dr. of Aurangzeb Mios Hormos, port in Egypt... Ardistani, Mir Jumlah, Meer Jumle or Mir Mahammad 73, 75, 76, 250, 256 and n., 257 33 13 and n. G. F. 34 *** ... ... INDEX ... mobhird, threshing-stoue Moghol finance ... Moguls and S. India Mohini, Vishnu ... moksha, salvation G. F. 15; 36 Monro, Sir Thos., on revenue 267 and n., 269 n. moosal, pestal 190 Moslem invaders 4 moturpha, taxes ...286 Mrichchhakatika, a work attributed to Bhasa ... 88; and Dandin 177, f. Mrig constellation G. F. 23 n., 24 MSS, and notation 55, f; Sk., in Madras Govt. Library, etc., 59 and n.; of the Svapnavasavadatta 87, f.; of the Rajatarangini 97 and n.; ancient, from Tunhuang... Mudali Andan, keeper of the Srirangam Temple... 299, f. 210 18 21 31 83 229n. 18 148 12 ... 135 158 mudgara, noose and hammer... Mudhol or Muduvolal, in Belgaum birthplace of the poet Ranna... Mughals and Kabul, etc, Muhammad Akbar, Akbar Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic 283, f., 288 Muharimad Sultan, Emp. 70, 73, ff., 82, f. Muhammadan, coinage 91 n.; advance on Srirangam 138 ff.; in S. India, etc. 142; 182, f.; 266, ff., 272; conquest 281, 285 n. 288 Mujmal-ul-tawarikh, on the Jats and Meds... 148 Mulananda, Andhra feudatory coins of Malaraja, Solanki k. and Dharanivaraha Mulher, fort in Baglanah co 173 239 .70 301 Muller, Max, quoted 71 Maltan, Sambapura 19 n.; and Aurangzeb... Mumtaz Mahal Ardjman Banu Begam 69 dist., ... 41 and n. 71, f, 76 ff. 83 227 Murad Bakhsh, son of Shahjahan 69, 71, 73, f., 83 murasu, war drum Musalmans, and Hindus G. F. 5 and n.; and the Milky Way Museums and Javanese Antiquities Muta Nensi, author Mutiny Songs Matisiva, father of Tissa Muttutirumatai Nayakar, k. of Madura Mysore, Mahishamandala 212; and Jainism 215, 218; and the Cholas 265; and the Vijayanagaras ... 271, 287 f. ... ... ... 265 283, 238 Nabhagarishtha, a Vaisya, whose sons became Brahmanas G. F. 21 Nabi Shahgarh, tn., Rajgarh *** Nachchinarkkiniyar, Tamil scholar, and the Maduraikkanchi ...224 and n. 132 13 144, f. 144 ... ... *** 28 93, 96 239 123, f., 165, ff. 210 ... ... *** Nachchiyar, goddess Nadasi-Kasa, wife of Rajala Naddalai, Kingdom Nadlai, vil., in the Nadol Plates Nadol Plates of the Maharajaputra Kirtipala of Vikrama Samvat 1218 144, ff. Nagabhata I and II 86; and Nagavaloka 239, 240 Nagalapar, Modern Hospet 272 34 ...32, ff., 152 Nagari, in Udaipur supposed ancient Madhyamika Nagar, Bada Nagar, tn. Nagar Brahmanas Nagari, numerals, 54,56; inscrips. 94, 96; MS. of the Rajatarangini 97; characters in Shergadh inscrip.... Nagarkot, Susarmanagara, ancient Kangda 31 and n. 27 12 ... 237 239, f. 14 212 naivedya, an oblation ...G. F. 30. 38 nakshatra, a constellation G. F. 23, 24 and n., 33 and n., 34 G. F. 9 G. F. 13 ... Nagas, and the Sinda tribe. Nagasena, and Menander Nagasthana, Elura Nagavaloka, Nagabhata II Nahapana, father-in-law of Ushavadata Naiki, lang. ... 327 ... *** www *** ... 9 80 ... 11 namaskar, bow... Namkaran ceremony Nammalvar, Sadagopan 132 and n.; or Karimaran 13, f., 216, f 175

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328 INDEX 21, 170 Nan4gbat. inscrip, .. 51, 53, 54, 57 | Niravadva, or Vijayaditya, Chalukya k. 43, ff. Kanasambanda, Saiva St. ... 215, A. Niru kto, the, note on ... Nanda dyn. ... .. ... ... ... 8 nirvana of Buddba ... ... 209, 211, 302 Nanda-Cbola, k. ... ... ... .. 131, f. nishan, neehaun, an order ... ... 249, 256 Nandan (ban), London... ... 63 n. Niyoga, ancient Hindu custom .. 191. f. Nandi, on Kughana coins .. Nolambantaka, noted for liberality, probably Nandippottarabar, 105; or Nandivarman, Marasiba ... .. .. ... .. 42 Pallava k. ... 106, f., 111, ff., 134, 217 n. Norris, Sir W., and Aurangzeb ... ... 80 Nannuram Bbah mabbat, antiquarian, and I Nouns, Dravidian, ... ... ... 184, 241, if, the Bitha inscrip. ... ... ... 181, f., 301 | Npipatunga, Pallava k.... ... 105-107, 110 Nappianai, Nie ... ... ... ... ... 59 Nrisimhabharati, Chief Jaina pontiff at SrinNarad-Muni, and the swastika ... G. F.14 geri ... ... ... ... 46 naraki hellish soul ... ... ... G. F. 18 Nuniz, Portuguese trader ... 270, ff. Narasa, Nayak, general ... ... 142, f. Norjahar, q. ... ... ... ... ... 69 Narasimha II, III, Hoysala kings and Vira. Numerals, the Asoka ... ... ... 55, ff. Narasingaraja .. ... . ... ... 136 Narasimhachar, Mr., and the earliest Saka date 67; and the discovery of Bh&sa's ... ... plays 87, f.; on Trivikrama Orissa, notation 55 ... ... 221 Orme, historian, and G. Boughton ... 218, and n. Narasimhagupta-BalAditya, and Mihirak ala Oudh, Songs about 61, f., 124; Ayodhya ... 131 Outliers of Rajasthani ... ... ... 85, ff. Narasinha-perumal temple, at Anaimalai ... 134 Narasirahavarman I, Pallava k. and Vatapi 216, 226 n. Narasimhiengar, Mr., and Brahmanaic Sye Padea, Rao, Praudhevaraya ... ... ... 149 tems, etc. ... ... ... ... 295, f. Padihars, Pratihara tribe ... ... 24, 25, 30 Narayana, commentator ... ... ... 178 Padmapani, Bodhisattva ... ... ... 95 Narayanpur, in Jaipur, identified with Bazan 21 Paes Domingos, Portuguese trader ... 270, f. Nasik, cave inscrip. 12, 14, ff., 51, 53, 57; pagoda, Pardao, a coin . .. 270 n., 271 dist., coin finds in .. ... .. 173 Pab&di group of lange. ... ... . .. .30 Nisuradin, Mahmud Shah I., emp. ... 182, f. painting, Indian, at the Festival of Empire Natiea Sastri, Mr., and the Airyur plates ... 149 297, ff. navaratra holidays ... ... G. F. 2, 5, 31 Palghaut and Buddhism ... ... 212 n. Nayakas of Madura, and Srirangam 143, f., Pali, lang. on Greek coins 12, tn. in Jodhpur 222; and fnance, eto.... ... 281, f. 288 and n. 181, ff. Nawabs of Arcot... ... ... 283, ff., 287, f. Palika, a Kehatrapa ... ... ... ... 14 Nazar Muhammad Khap k. ... ... ... 71 Pallnvas, inscrip. of 51; and Gangn-Pallavas natrana, benevolence ... ... ... ... 284 108; list of 107; and Cholas 134, 225 and Nedumaran, Pandya k. ... ...226 and n. n., 226 n.; and Buddhism, etc, 213, f. Nedunjeliyan, Pandya k. 133; hero of the 216, ft. Maduraikkanchi ... .. ... 224, fr. pallasald, probably a storehouse ... ... 176 Nedunjadaiyan, Maranjadaiyan, k. 134; Palni bills, and the Kurinji plant ... ... 66 217; alias Jatila ... ... ... ... 226 Pallival Brahmanas and the Muhammadans 182, f. Nellore, Vikramasingapura 137, f.; Nellar Paly&gasalai-Mudukumi Peravaludi, Pan224, 227; revenue ...284, 286, 287 and n., 289 dya k... ... ... ... ... 224, ff. Nepal MSS.,from 18, 54; dialects ... 150,| Pampa, poet, author of the Adipurana, etc.... 41 nesbauns, nishan ... ... ... 249, f. Pamvare, ParamAras ... ... ... ... 30 Nichu!apuri, Uraiyar, Chola cap. ... 131 and n. panar, bards, who used the ya! ... 227 n. NIM, Nappinnai, third q. of Narayana ... 59 panchamrit, an offering .. ... G. F.11, 29, 31 Nulakantha, writer ... ... .. ... 164 pancharatna, five precious things ... G F. 29 Nil-parvan ceremony ... ... ... G. F. 28 Panchasiddhantika, and the hitherto earliest Nelveli, scene of a Pandya victory ... 226 and n. known Saka date .. ... 6.

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panchopachar, five-fold ceremonials Pandava, Pandya kings and Vijaya Pandavas Pandu, hero Panduvasudeva, nephew of Vijaya Pandya inscrips. 112 n., 215, 133; co. 139, 209, ff.; and Jainism, etc. 214, 217, f.; kingdom in S. India... 224, ff., 265 Panini, and the Rajatarangini 98, 100, 102, 177, 220 Panjab, and the Greeks, etc. 11, 13, 22, 24; inscrip. 51 ... ... Panjabi Lexicography, Contributions to, contd. from p. 250 of Vol. XXXIX. 199, ff., 230, ff., 258, ff., 274 ff., 289 ff., 305, ff. Panjtar inscrip. 13 n. pantheism, Indian 296 papadkhar, Marathi, impure soda 173 paper, paintings on ...*300 Parabala, Rashtrakuta k. inscrip. of 239; two of the name Paramarakkhita, monastery at Dhanyakata www *** ... Parasara, a sage of low origin Parasara, writer on law *** ... ... ... ... ka Paramara, an Agnikula tribe 25; or Parvars 30; dyn. of Rajputana 238, f. Paramartha, Buddhist author, and the date of Vasubandhu ... 170 296 ... Paramatman, Supreme Being... Parantaka I, Chola k. 107, f.; Sadaiyan, and Kadungon *** Parsvanatha, a Tirthankara Parthishwar, Lord of the Earth parwana, perwanna, grant or order pastana; portion of luggage G. F. 9 209 163, f. 191 209 n. ... ... ... ... INDEX ... 212 *** parabava, ... Paras prakasa, work by Krishnadasa Parasuramesvara temple, Gudimallam, N. Arcot, contains five Bana ingerips. 104, f., 108, ff, 112, f. ... pardao, pagoda, coin 270, ff. Parihars and Gujaras 5; or Pratihara Raj puts ... parikura, pedestal Paris, Treaty of parivattam, a tax Parmars, and Gujaras 5; Rajputs, and Sunworship G. F. Parsi Humata-Hukhta-Huvarshta, Buddhist parellels to 301, ff. Parsis, Guebres... 149 311 ... ... G. F. 30 pisanam, staple crop *** 250 G. F. 30 and n. 225 9 ...269 10 149 240 ... ... ... 86 . 160 283 142 6 Patala, Patal, the lower rigions 27; G. F. 34 and n., 36. *** "*" Patalene... 11 Pataliputra, tn.. 210 Patanjali, and the Greeks in India... 11 and n. Pathak, Prof., on the Kavyalankara-sutravritti Pathans, under Aurangzeb Pathari Pillar inscrip. of Parabala patit pavan, purifier of the fallen Patika, Satrap, date of, etc. patla, a stool ...264 76, 119 239, f. G. F. 36 .. 13 n., 14 . G. F. 26 250, 252, 257 240 Patna, Battana, Pattana ... Patoda grant of Vinayaditya... Pattadkal temple near Badami Pattinakuratti, Jaina teacher pattu, a tax Pattupatiu, a collection of ten Tamil idylls 224 Paurava family... 36 ... 215 86 ... 238 215 142 *** Pavananandi, Jaina teacher ... Pawar, Pramar Rajputs payment in kind, under the Cholas, etc. Pearl lake, the... peashcum, peshkash pen, Dravidian, a woman penda, an offering Periya-&cchan-Pillai, alias Krishna Samahvaya, and the Saint Andal 266, ff. 118 251 and n. ... 187 .. G. F. 11 ... ... Perma Jagadekamalla II., Chalukya k. Persians, in Sind 25; and Qandahar, etc. 72, 81, 83, 180; their art, and the Tun-huang paintings Perunarkilli, Rajasuyambetta, Chola k. Perufijinga, Pallava general... Peshawar and Aurangzeb peshkash, peashcum, presents Peterson, Dr., on Dandin pherd of lakh-choryasi, cyole ... ... ... ... ... www ... ... ... ... ... ... *** *** ... 329 0.7 ... ... *** ... of births pictures, from Tunhuang pilgrim customs ... G. F. 12 and n. phirmand, phermaish, for farman 250, ff., 256, f. ... 299 ...G. F. 36, 37 and n. Pilivalai, Naga princess ... 213 Pi-lo-mo-lo, Bhinmal, cap. of Kieuchelo 5, 22 Pingala, poet ... 177 Pipley, Pippli, English factory at 247 and n., 249 pir worship G. F. 4, 5 and n. ... 150. Pisacha, langs. of the N. W. Frontier *** 283 Pischel, the late Dr., on Bhasa 88; Dandin 177, f.; and Prakrit grammar 220 59 20 300 133 ...136 71, f. 251, n. ... 177

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330 INDEX F. 9 Pitt, Mr., of the E. I. Co. 252, 257 Ptolemy Philadelphos, Turamaya ... plays of Bhasa, discovered ... ... 87, ff. Pugalvippavarganda, Vijayaditya II... ... 105 Plutarch, and Menander ... ... .. 12 pajd, forms of, G. F. ... ... ... ... ? poa, marriageable cousin ... ... ... 195 Pujyapada, author ... ... .. ... 46 pohor, prahara, a period of time. G. F. 19 Pulakesi I, Chalukya k. 43, ff; II. 262; inand n., 22 and n. scrips of ... ... ... ... 214, 236 Polver, Medos riv. ... ... ... ... 147 Palikala, Sinda prince ... ... ... ... 27 polyandry, in Tibet ... ... ... ... 191 Pumbarai, vil. in the Palni Hills and the g. Pompeii, frescoes 299; and the Svastika Kattaikkavalar ... ... ... ... 68 G. F. 17 1. Punyaha-wachan ceremony ... ... G. F. 16 Pondah, near Goa ... ... ... ... 78 Puranas, and the late A. M. T. Jackson, etc. Ponna, author of the Santi-purana ... 411, 4, 16; and smoking ... ... 39; 162 porri, Brabman title ... ... ... ... 113 purapari, a tax ... ... ... ... ... 142 Portuguese and tobacco in India 37, 40; purndhuti, an offering ... ... ... G. F. 25 and Aurangzeb ... ... .. Purnapala, Paramara k., his Vasantgadh Porunar, probably the people of the Porunai inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 239 basin ... ... ... ... ...237 and n. Parnimi, full moon day ...G. F. 13, 17, 23, f. Pothias, Pothia ... ... ... G. F. 1, 35 Parvasila, Buddhist monastery at Amaravati 212 Prabhachandra, Jaina teacher . .. 214 Pushpavananatha, reputed Praksit gramPrabhasa, Somnath-Pattan ... ... ... 14 marian ... ... ... ... 222 Prabhumeru, a biruda of Vijayaditya II. Pushya Nakshatra festival ... 105, ff put, hell ... ... ... 192 Prabhatavarsha's Kadaba plates ... ... 238 Putpanandi, Jaina teacher . .. pradakshinas, perambulations ... ... G. putra, son ... ... ... ... ... 192 pradhana, perfections ... ... ... ... 303 Puttanah, Patna... ... ... ... ... 257 pradhani, minister ... Puvvanandikuratti, female Jaina teacher ... 215 Prajnaparamita, Transcendental wisdom, im age ... ... ... ... ... ... 95 Praksit grammar in S. India ... ... 219, ff. Prakrita-Manidipa, a work by Appaya Dik. * shita ... ... ... ... ... 219, 221, f. Qandahar, and the Mughals .. ... 69, 72 Prakritaprakdfa, a work by Vararuchi ... 219 Qilich Khan, Suhban Quli, prince of Kabul 71 Prakritartaparatara, a work by Simharaja 219, 223 Qutl Shahi court at Gulkandah ... ... 69 Pratib&ra, dyn. 4; 22; the Juzr kings of Kanauj 23, ff., 27; agnikulas ... 30, 86 Pratijna-yaugandha-rayana, a drama attribut ed to Bhasa ... ... ... ... 88 Raghunath Kunwar, songs by him ... ... 61 pratiloma, marriage between persons of rahdarf, rawdarree, transit dues ... 251, and n. different castes ... .. ... .. 8 Rahimabad, tn. in Hardoi ... ... 124 and n. Pratapachakravartin, secretary ... ... 136 Rahmat-un-nisa, a wife of Aurangzeb ... 82 Pratapsing, Raja ... ... ... 283, 286 G. F. 10, 21, ff., 25 Praudhadevaraya, Mallikarjana, Padea Rao, railway train ... ... ... ... ... 92 k. 141, ff. rainbow, kachbi, or Indra-dhanushya G. F. 27 pregnancy customs ... ... ... ... 190 Rajadhirkja, Chola k. ... ... ... 265 Price, James, G. Boughton's servant ... 250 rajaka, washerman ... ... ... ... 147 Prinsep, the late J., on old Indian numeri. Rajala-de, wife of Sib& ... ... ... ... 183 cal symbols, etc. .. 49 and n., 50 and n. Rajamahondra, Chola k. 131, f; and MahendraPrithvipati I., 106; and II. ... ... 107, L., 133 varman... ... *** *** *** Producer, the, Savita, the San ... G.F. 13 Rajapuri, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 101 Proud, Capt., of the Dolphin ... ... . 249 Rajaraja I., Chola k. 135; inscrips. of 276 a.; Prudent Mary, the ship... ... ... 252 266, 268; III ... ... . .. .. 136 Ptolemy and Sakastana 18 n. Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore ... 131 . - 134

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INDEX 331 Rijasekhara, poet and the Pratfharas, etc. Rathod, family name of the rulers of Jodb23 and n., 26, 28 n, 29; and Bhasa 88 and pur .. . 16, 181; 301 11.; and Dandin.. ... .. . ... 177 Ratnagiri, Mt. ... ... ... ... ... 127 Rajasekhara-Maharaja, Vijayanagara k. ... 143 Rava! ascetics ... ... ... 145 n. Rajasthani, The Outliers of ... ... 86, ff. Ravana, g. 180; statue at Eldra ... ... 238 Rajasthani, quasi, dialects of .. ... 150, ff. Ravu Sarvajia Singamabhapa, ancestor of Rijatarangini, a work by Kalhana ... 97, ff. the prince of Venkatagiri ... ... .. 222 Rijatarai gini, eras used in it.. ... ... 162 rawanoh, rewannas, receipt ... .. 251, 253 Najerahel, and Gab. Boughtou ... 247, 249 f. Raya, Vijayanagara dyn. ... ... 139, 141 Rajendra Chola I., 131 n., Kulotunga I. regnal years of Aurangzeb ... ... ... 83 136, 266 Rehman, Allah, and Ram ... ... G. F. 5 n. Kajgarh, tn., Nabi Shahgarh ... ... ... 80 rekhas, lines in the milky way.. ... G. F. 28 knjis, Ban-Manas, a tribe in Askot pargana, relations, Bhotiya and Khasiya, tables of 196, ff. Bhot .. .. .. .. 191 revenue, of the Cholas 156, ff.; of the VijayaKajor, inscrip.... ... ... ... 21, f. nagaras ... ... ... ... 189, ff. Rajpats, Royal races 4, 6; and allied tribes Rijihva, Bujihva or Rijvahva ... ... 18 and n. *5, f.; or Hayobans of the Sub-Himalayas Rishabhadatta or Vrishabbadatta, Ushava150, ff.; and widow marriages. ete. 192, ff.; 280 9 . 280 data .. ... ... .. . 14 Rajputank, and the Gujars 1; 21, f., 30, f.; Rishabhanatha, a Jina... ... .. .. 130 and Sapardalukshan 28, 29 n.; and Aurang. Rishabhanatba, author... ... ... .. 153 vb 77; foreign settlementa 86, t.; migra- Ritter, and the Arians ... ... ... ... 147 tions from 151; and Rashtrakata inscrips. 174, f. Rivers, holy. ... ... ... ... G. F. 35 Rijala, Mahakshatrapa... ... ... 13 Rohini, wife of Chandra ... ... G. F. 20 Rikshas e, in JAVA ... ... ... 94, f. Roman, busts on coins 179; art, and the RA), g., and Rehman ... ... .. G. 5 n. Ajant& frescoes ... ... ... 289 Ramanathu, Vira; Hoysala k.... . ... 137 Rome and the Swastika ... G. F. 17 n. Ruanuja, and Srirangam 135, f. ; 152 ... 218 Rudra and Rudraman... ... .. 11-16 Rawaraja, Kandadai Annan ... .. ... 142 Rudrakshmala, & rosary G. F.8 Ramaraja, k. ... .. ... .. 223 Rudrasimba, Mahakshatrapa ... Rangharib Chaube, collected Mutiny Songe... 123 Rudrata, author .. .. 177 Rakaran of Jonk, Pandit, and the Dhanop Rubtas, fort held by Shahjahan inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 174, 175 n. Rupnath rock inscrip. Ramnagar, in the U. P., and Ahichchhatra... 28 Ran. Rajah, a Mahrattah ... ... 79, f. Rani Sahib, Beni Madhav ... ... ... 66 Raneki, goddess ... ... ... ... G. F. 4 Sadagopan, Namma var ... ... 132 Ranchhodji temple, Nagar, Jodhpur, inscrip. sudhana, recitation ... ... G. F. 3. at ... ... .. ... ... ... 181 sadhvis, female ascetics... ... ... 161 Rau acharya, Prof. and Valmiki ... ... 220 Sagar, k. ... ... ... ... G. F. 28 Ranganatha, g. ... ... ... ... 131, f. Sagara, son of Bahu ... ... ... .. 19 rangbang, public meeting places in Almora... 192 Saharanpur. Songs of ... ... Rani of Jhausi, song of her ... ... ... 166 Sahasa-Bhima-Vijaya or Gada yuddha a Rani JindA, mother of Dulip Singh ... 121 n. work by Ranna 41; gives the Chalukya Rauna, Kavi Ranna, Kannada poet, on genealogy ... ... * Cblokya genealogy ... ... ... 41, ff. Sahasram inscrip. ... . .. 56, t. Rapeon, Prof., 14; and Indian, Coins, etc. 25 Sahityadarpana, book-notice of .. ... 88 and n., 26, 53, f. 57; 173 Sahya, Mt., and Parasurama ... ... Rashis, signs of the Zodiac ... G. F. 24 and n. Saiva, faith, in Java 96; temples in S. India Rashtrakata, tribe, and the Gujars, etc. 1, 22; 104 n.; Saints, etc. ... ... .. 218, ff. dyn., and the W. Chalukyas, etc. 44, 174, f.; Saka Date, the earliest ... ... ... 67 and Jainism . .. ... 214 Saka dyn., and Buddbism, etc. 13, ff., Era, or Ratunpar and the Kalachuris ... ... ... 20 Salivahana 162, ff.; tribe 179, f.; or SAkyas... 209 *.

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332 ... Sakadvipi or Maga Brahamanas 17, ff., ... 149, f. Sakakala era, probably originated by Kanishka Sakambhari, goddess Sakambhari, tn. Sakastana, co. Saketa, Oudh, seige of Sakunika Vihara, the Sakyamuni, images in Java ... ... ... 900 ... ... sana samanya, ordinary pujd ... samavasarana Samayavaram, Kannanur Sambapura, Maltan Sambhaji, son of Sivaji samelu, a log ... Samvatsari, Jaina festival sandhya a prayer Sandila, tn. *** *** Sakyas in Ceylon ... Salankis and Gujaras Saldanha, Mr. J. A., on Savantvadi State tribes... ... 280 Salem, and the Nayaks of Madura... 281 and n., 288 and n. 74 200 ... ... Salimgarh, fort, and Murad Bakhsh Salivihana, Satavahana, dyn. 14, f.; or Saka Era, date of... Saluva Mangu, Vijayanagara officer Saluvas and Vijayanagaras Samanta, Chahamana prince. Samantabhadra, author of the Yuktya-nusa46, 214, f. G. F. 2 ...125, 153, f., 156, ff., 161 136, f. 18 n. 78, ff, G. F. 34 Sanghamits, Sanghamitra, wife of Ushava *** ... ... ... ... 14 data Samkarachariya, Sankaracharya, Advaita philo. sopher... 216, ff., 295 Samugarh, Fathabad, battlefield Samvat Era, Vikramarka 74, f 162 145 and n. G. F. 8 124 and n 215 *** Sandusena, Jaina teacher Sanghabhadra, Buddhist monk Sanghamitta, daughter of Asoka Sanjan grant of Amoghavarsha Sanjaya era, used in Java Sankara, commentator ... a Chellaketana chief... Sankranti days and sun worship Sannaba, reputed k. of Java ... ... ... ... *** 21. ... ... *** 145 13 n. 11 125 95 209 5 ... INDEX 18 n. ... ... 162 140 141 f. 26 www 26 ... Sankaracharya, Samkaracharya Sankaragana, Kalachchuri k. Sankaraganda, noted for liberality, probably ... 96 n. 171 216, ff., 295 ... 20 ... 170 210 240 42 G. F. 10 96 Sanskrit, literature, and Indian antiquities 1, 3, 4, 8, 9; and tobacco in India 37, 39, n., 40; lang. of the Mallishena-Mahapurana 46; or Brahmi, numerical symbols 49, 51; MSS, in Madras Govt. Library 59; in the Bodleian Catalogue 310, ff.; in Java 96; in inscrips, 108, ff., 113, 174, f. Santanu, k. of Hastinapura Santavira, Jaina priest... Sapadalaksha, co., probably the Sivalik bille 5; and the Chalukyas 24, ff., 28, and coins, etc. 29 and n., 30, f. 163 ... 215 G. F. 23, 25, Saptarshi, the Great Bear Sarada, MS. of the Rajatarangini Saraostos, Surashtra, Kathiawad Sarasvatitirtha, and the Karyaprakaea Saraswati, goddess Sarmalio, g. Sarmans, name-endings Sarnath ruins Sarsavni in Baroda, Kalachuri grant found at ** ... ... 97 11 208 ...G. F. 23 n. G. F. 4 32, ff 37 *** ... ... Sassanian, coins 25, 179; decoration, and the Tun-huang pictures... 300 G. F. 14 sat, essence 80 www Sat&ra, A'zam-tara, Mahrattah cap. Satavahana, or Salivahana, dyn., 14, f.; So to po ho 212, f.; or Gupta, influence and Bud ... dhism... sathara, spot occupied by corpse sathia, swastika ... 218 G. F. 32 G. F. 15, 17 Satnamis, Hindu sect, rise of... 77 G. F. 26 satpati ceremony Satyasraya, son of Taila II., and hero of the Gadayuddha 42; or Vishnuvardhana 43, ff. G. F. 33 88 ... Saudamini, Vijli, lightning Saumillaka, poet Savalak, Sawalakh or Siwalik mts., and the Chalukyas, etc. ...5, 24, 28 280 Savita, Savitri, the sun, or Producer G. F. 6, 7,18 sedi, Chaitya, sbrine or temple Savantvadi State, tribes in 000 .. Seliyan, k., and Nedunjeliyan... 212 226 Senart, M., and the Brahmi system of nota tion Seraman-Perumal-Nayanar, Chera k. Seshagiri Sastriar, the late Prof., on Laksh 20 55, 58 ... 217 midhara... Seshakrishna, author of the Prakritachandrika 223 Seta, Sri-Setram, Rathod prince ... 181, 183 Sevak and Bhojak Brahmanas in Jodhpur 19 *** 222

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INDEX 333 ... 237 Stikas, followers ... .. ... G. F.3 | Singasari, in Java, Bhairava figure from G. F.3 ... 94 Sewell, Mr., and the Srirangam temple ... 131 Sinnamanar copper-plate charter ...133, 225, f. Sdbhdshachandrika, a work by Cherukuri Siruttonda, Pallava general ... ... ... 216 Lakshmidhara... ... ... 219, f., 222, f. Sistan, in Sakastana ... ... ... ... 13 n Shah Abbas II., of Persia, in Qandabar 69; 72 Sibupalavadha, the, and the Kijatarangini ... 100 Shah Alam Mahammad Mu'azgam ... 79, 81, ff. Siva, g. on coins etc. 17, 21, 23, in Java 94, f., Shabdheri, Takshasil ... ... ... .. 13 100, 104, 105 n.; cave in Trichinopoly 217 Shahjahan, Emp., or Prince Khurram 69, f., n.; temples at Badmer, etc. ... ... 238, f. 2. ff., 77; and Gab. Boughton ... 247, f. Sivadatta, Abhira k. ... *** ... *** ... 16 Shahnawaz Khan Safawi, a father-in-law of Sivaji ... ... ... ... ... ... 282 Aurangzeb ... ... ... ... 70, 74, 82 Sivalaya, Sivasthahana, Eldra S hriyar, brother of Shabjaban ... ... 69 Sivalik, Savklak q. v. ... ... ... 5, 24, 28 Sbih Suja ... ... ... 73, f., 247, 267 s'ivamara II. Ganga k.... ... .. ... 107 SH.Aista Khan, Shaw Esta Ohawa, Nawab of Sivanandayogin, and Appapya Dikshita ... 222 Bengal ... ... .. . ... 250, 257 Siyadoni inscrip.... ... ... ... ... 176 Shkta, Shakti, goddess G. F. 5 Skandagupta, Vikramaditya, k. ... ... 170 Shimaghana, a cloud ... .. G. F. 27 Skanda-Purana, the, and smoking ... 39, f. Shankhasur, demon ... G. F.30 Sleeman, Sir Wm., and thagi ... .. .. 295 Sbushtbi-Karma ceremony ... G.F.13 Smarta Brahmans ... .. .. .. 295 Shutachandi sacrifice ... G. F. 31 Smith, V. A., and tobacco in India 37, 392 n., 40 Shaw, Mr., mentioned in song ... ... ... 122 Society, the ship... ... ... ... ... 252 Shergadh stone inscrip. ... 175, f. Sodasa, Satrap, date of ... ... 13 n. Shesba, divine cobra .. ...G. F. 34, f. Solakubavalli, daughter of Kulasekhara PeruShilab-ud-din, Ghori Emp. ... ... 181 ma! ... ... ... ... ... ... 132 shikhar, pinnacle ... ... C.F. 11 Solan Ilavandigaipalli-tusjina Nalankili Set Solan Ilavandigaidalli-twine Shikotar, g. .. .. ... G. F. 3 chenni, k. ... ... ... ... ... 133 Shitala, goddess... ... ... ... G. F. 4 Solan Kulamurrattuta mjina Kiivalavan k... 133 Shivaji, and Aurangzeb... ... ... 76, 78, ff. Solanki, or Chaulukya R&jputs ... 24, f., 86 shirratri day ... ... ... ... G, F. 23, f. Solar eclipses and sun worship Solar eclipses and sun worship ... G. F. 10 shodashopachar, sixteen-fold ceremonial G. F. 26 Soma, scholar ... ... ... ... ... 221 Shuja, prince, Shah Suja' 73, f.; 247, 249, f., Somadeva, and Bh&sa ... ... ... ... 88 253, 255, if. Somavati Amavasya .. ... ... 190 shyama-varna, dark-complexioned ...G. F. 20 n. Somesvara I., Chalukya, k. .. Sidihantsar, a work, and the stastika G. F. 14 Somnath Pattan in Kathiawad, or Prabh&sa. 14 Siddhapura, rock edict ... ... ... 212, 214 Sonebauri, at Aurangabad .. ... .. 152 Sila, Siya-ji, a Rathod ... ... 181, 1.; 301, . Son-Kolis, mized tribe... ... ... ... 149 Sibabahu, father of Vijaya ... ... ... 209 songs, about the king of Oudh 61, ff.; from Siba la family, colonised Ceylon ... N. India, relating to the English 89, fl.; Sikandar, Adil Shah ... ... ... ... 79 Echoes of modern History 115, ff., of the Sikhs ... ... ... ... Motiny... ... ... ... 123, f.; 165 ft. silk, paintings on, from Tun-huang... Sorath, Surashtra, in Kathiawad, conquered. 145 simha, a banner ... ... . ... ... 155 Borro, surma, lead-ore ... ** - G. F.3 Sinabala, Ceylon... .. Soter Megas, k., coin of Simbanandi, Jaina priest .. .. .. 214 So-to-po-ho, Satavahana Simharija, author of the Prakrita-rupavatara, Spalahores, a Saka ... ... 219, 221, 223 Spalgadames, a Saka ... ... ... 13, 14 Sivih astha, when Jupiter is in the sign of Spalirises, a Saka ... ... 13 Leo ... ... ... ... ... .. Sravana Belgola inscrips. 35, 46 and n., 214, 221 Simhavarma, Pallava k. of Kanchi, and the Sri, q. to Nardyana ... .. earliest known Saka date ... ... ... 67 brf, son ... ... ... ... ... Sindh inscrip. ... ... Sri-gadya, and Vaikuntha-gadya ... Sindhu, riy. ... ... 27 Sringeri, record at . .. 209 .. ... 179

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334 INDEX ... 240 Srinivasapur taluka in Kolar dist., inscrip. Sura Tissa, brother of Tissa .. . . 210 at .. . ** ... .. 112 n. Surdhan, g. ... ... ** ... G. F. 4 Spinjaya, reputed k. of Java ... ... ... 96 Suro-paro, g. .. . *** ... G. F. Sripattana, Aphilvad or Asahilla-pattana ... 311 Sarya, the Sun ... ... ... G. F. 7 Sriperumbadar, birth place of Ramanuja ... 135 9, 10 n. 21 Srirangam, isl., temple on it 311, f., 135, 138, f. Suryapasthan ceremony ... 'G. F. Sri-Ramanuj.-ashtottara-satanamani, Sanskrit Susarmanagara, Nagarkot 34 bympal... ... ... ... ... ... 152 Susruta, on cigars ... ... 38. Ari-Ranganatha temple in Srirangam ... 131 Smarex, and R. Bourchier ... ... ... 273 Sriranganktharaja, priest ... ... ... 138 sutaki, ceremonially impure ... ...G. F. 22,6 Sritapara, cavern ... ... ... ..211 Sv&lakh, in Jodhpur ... ... .. ... 5 Stein, Dr,, and the Rajatarangini 97, 99, A., Svapna-vdsavadatta, newly discovered drama 164; and the Kdvyaprakaba 208; and attributed to Bhasa, ... ... ... 87, f. Indian painting, etc.... 297 and n., 299, f. swargas, celestial regions ... ... G. F. 37 Sterne's Eliza, and R. Bourchier ... ... 273 swastika figure, sathia, origin of, etc. Stewart's, Major Ch., History of Bengal ... 247 G. F. 14, #. and n., 248, 255 n. Swat Valley and the Gajars ... ... 85, T. Stevenson, and old Indian numerical sym. swayamvara, maiden's choice G. F. ... ... 7 bols .. ... ... ... ... .. 50 Sylvain L'evi, M, and the poet Bhasa ... Sthanugadhapura, or Talgund ... ... 27 88 and 1. Sthiramati, Buddhist teacher.. .. 215 n. symbols, old Indian numerical Sthudhirata, vil. in Ohemulya, mentioned ... 49, in the Patoda grant .. stobilanthus, Kurioji plant ... ... ... 68 Subandhu, Bana poet ... ... ... 178, 312 Taila I., Chalukya k... 171, f. Subbaya, Mr., K. V. and Dravidian cases ... ... ... 4 Subhadra, wife of Arjuna ... ... G. F. 14 Taila II., Ballaha, patron of the peet Ranna 'Sadar, a class of bards... ... ... ... 227 41, f. sudarshana-chakra, Vishnu's discus ... G. F. 21 Tailapa, the Senior, Chalukya k. ... sudhakar, sudha, relating to nectar ... G. F. 20, f. Takhti-Babi inscrip. ... ... ... 13 r. Takka, in N. W. India 25; or Tukan Sudbarma .. . ... ... 213 ...29 n. Sadraka, k., and tobacco ... ... .. 38 Taksbasila, Greek Taxila, Sb&bdheri, ...13, f. Sadras, origin of, etc. ... ... . 7, , 10, f. Talabhara ceremony ... ... ... ... 140 ... Suhban Quli, Qilich Khan ... ... 71 Talaiyalanganam, battle .. ... 224 F. Sultan Azum ... .. 260 TalanjAlanganattu-seruvenira-Neduvjeliyan, . Sulaimin Shukoh, son of Dark Shukoh 73,75 Sun, worship of, etc. . .. G. F.7, ff., 21 tatika, tallicaes, bills of entry ... ... 252 Sunaganandi, Jaina teacher ... ... ... 215 Talikota, scene of a battle ... ... 281, 288 Sundara, Saiva St. ... ... ... ... 216 TA!gund. Sthanugadhapura, pillar inscrip. SundaramArti-Nayanar, Saiva St. ... ... 217. 6, 26, f., 36 Sundara-Pandya, Kon-Pandya, k. ... KOn Pandya k .. 217 tamala, tandku, leaf, and Kali ... SO, f. Sundays and sun-worship G.F. 2, 8, ff Tembapanni, Lanka, and Vijaya ... ... 209 Sunga dyn, and the Maurya... . .. 11 Tamil, in inscrips. 108, ff., 113; literature Bungandavritta Kulottunga Soladeva, title 131, ff., 172, 216, 241, ff.; lithic monu of Kulottunga I. ... ... ... ... 268 ments 210 n.; poets of Madura, ete. 221, f. Sura . . . . .. . ... 153 . 153 Tam raparpi, riv., Porunai ... ... 227 and n, surd, liquor ... ... ... ... G. F. 21 Tang, dyn., M88., of their time ... ... 299 Suraj.deval temple, Dear Than... ... G. F. 7 Tanjore, and the Choas 134, 225 n. and the Surishtra, Saraostos 11; and the Gurjara- N&yaks of Madura, etc. 281, ff., 286 and n., 288 Pratibaras ... ... ... ... 87, 145 Tanyatun, Vidyat ... ... ... G. F. 32 Surat, sacked by Shivaji 76; and the Dutch tara-baras day ... ... ... ... G. F. 26 80; and the English... ... ... ... 247, T&ranatha and Dharmapala ... ... 240 A., 251, 253, PS., 257 | Tarunga, Kalhana's Seventh .. 97, ff.

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INDEX 335 Tirulianasambanda, Saiva St.... ... ... 132 Tiranavukkarasu, Appar, Saiva St. ... ... 216 Tirunt Lakanda-Perumbanar, Saiva devotee and musician ... ... ... ... 228 n. Tirupati, Tiruvengadam or Tirumalai ... 139 Tiruppadiyam hymns ... ... ... 216 n. Tirapparangupram, Madera dist., inscrip. at 210 Tiruppati, mt. ... ... ... ... 225 and n. Tiruvalargadu grant ... ... ... ... 133 Tiruvalavay, Madura ... ... ... 215 and n. Tiruvallam inscrip. ... ... ... 106 Tiruvaljaikkalam, Cranganore ... .. 217 Tiravaran gattandadi, and Ramanuja-nutra dadi ... ... ... ... ... ... 152 Tiruveallarai, temporary home of Ramanuja 135 Tiruvengadakkottam ... ... ... 110, f. Tiravilakku-Picbeban, and Tirumangai " 132 Tiruvilimiajni, inscrip.at ... ... 216 n. Tiruvippiramapedu, modern Yerpedu 108, ff. 113, f. Tash, Mr., of the E. I. Co. ... - 264 Tattah, prob., under Aurangzeb ... 72 cavo, an oblation ... ... ... ... G. F.3 Tawarikh Mahkma, Jodhpur, and the Sth Rathod memorial stone ... ... ... 301 taxes, under the Cholas, etc., 265, 266 and n; and the Vijayanagaras . ... ... 272 Taxila, Takshasil, tn, 13, ; incrip. ... ... 51 Taylor, Canon, on old Indian numerical symbols ... .. ... 50 Tegh Bahadur, Sikh guri, executed ... .. 77 Tekkeri inscrips. .. . .. 52 Telugu, lang. ... ... ... ... ... 241, ff. temples, Saiva 104 n., Jaina, in Nadol grant 144, f.; at Aihole 162, at Eldra and Badami 237, it. tete, marriageable cousins ... ... ... 195 thagt, thuggee, and Sir Wm. Sleeman ... 295 thingmi, cousins ... ... ... ... 196 Thomas, Mr., F.W. and Sakastana 13 n.; and old Indian numerical symbols ... 50,53 thunder ... .. ... ... G. F. 32, ff. Tibet, and polyandry ... ... ... .. 191 Tibetan art, and the Tunhuang paintings 300 Tibeto-Burman dialects ... ... 150, f. Tilakodaya, Udayatilaka,scribe ... ... 311 tili-vrat, vow to the sun .. ... G. F. 7 Timma-Gopa, founded the second Vijayana gara dyn. ... ... ... ... ... 142 Tipaikklattar, Jaina priest ... ... ... 215 Tinnevelly, and the Nayaks of Madura, etc. 281 and n., 283 and n., 286 and 1., 288 Tinuvadi, in S. India, shrine at ... ... 215 Tirsingharim, Pachbhadra dist., Rathod in scrip. at... ... ... ... ... ... 301 tirtha, sacred water ... .. ... G. F. 31 tfrtha, four-fold congregation ... 155, ff. Tirthamkaras ... ... 155, 157, 160; 214, f. Tiruchchalal, song by Manikkavachagar 216 n. Tirukkattupalli, inscrip. at ... ... ... 142 Tirumalainatha Uttamanambi, at Srirangam 141, f. Tirumaiyam, Pudukkottai State, record at 136 Tirumalairkja, Salava k. ... ... 141, f. Tirumalaraja I., Vijayanagara k., and the Srutiranjani ... .. .. .. .223 Tirumalirujolai, tn. ... ... ... ... 135 Tiromangai-Ajvar, St., 182; works of, etc. 134; 217 and n. tirunadai maligai, covered enclosure ... ... 136 Tirunagari, vil., Alvar Tirunagari, or Kurugor .. ... ... 132 and n., 134 tiryanchal, tiryach, lower animals, and soul of ... ... ... ... 160; G. F. 16 Tisse, Dev&nampiya, and Buddhism in Cey lon ... ... .. .. 210, f., 213, 218 Tittakudi, inserip. at ... ... tobacco, is it indigenous to India ... 37, ff. .. ... 183 Toda, lang. ... .. ... ... ... 241 Todali, goddess ... .. ... ... G. F. 4 todi, ornaments ... ... ... ... 227, ff. Todukalarkilli, Chola k., and Buddhism 212 Tondaiman, k. ... ... ... ... ... 89 Tondaiman Ilandiraiyan, ancestor of the Pallavas ... - ... ... ... 134, 213 Tondai-mandalam, and the Muhammadans 138, 1. Toramana, Huna k. ... .. . ... 21 Torna, modern Fathul-ghaib ... ... ... BO trading privileges to the English in Bengal, grant of ... . .. ... 247, ff. Traikatakas, probably a Haihaya sept. 20 and n. Tranquebar, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 254 Travancore, and the discovery of the suppo sed Bh&sa plays .. ... .. ... 88 Treaty of Paris ... ... ... ... ... 283 Trevisa, Mr., of the E. I. Co ... ... 257 Trichinopoly, and the Saluvas, etc. 141, f'; rock eaverns in 212 n.; and the Choas 225 n.; and the Nayaks of Madura 281 and n.. 283, 285, f., 288, f. Tripathaga, the Ganges.. ... .. G. F. 36 Trishashti-Salakapurusha-charitra, quoted 153, 4; 156, t.

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336 INDEX trishal, trident ... .. ... G. F. 1, 1. Vadugavali, co., under the Bana kinge 105, trividha-dvara, three doors ... ... ... 301 111, f. Trivikrama, grammarian ... ... 219, ff. Vagbhata, writer, and cigars... . 38, f. Trojan busts on coins ... ... ... 179 Vahmana, Vasudeva, and Bahmana ... ... 25 Trumball, Capt., of the E. I. Co. ... 253, f. Vaimanikas, goddesses... ... ... 156, ff., 16) Tulaji Angria, under whom Gberia was lost 273 Vaishnava, faith in Java 94 and n.; Alvars, Tulsi-vivaba ceremony... ... ... G. F. 12 etc. ... ... ... .. ... 216, ff. Tulu lang... ... ... ... ... 241, f. 246 Vaisravana, g. in Java ... ... ... Tunaiyi ankisli, Chola k., and Buddhism ... 212 Vaisyas, origin of ... ... ... 7, #. Tun-huang, in C. Asia, Buddhist pictures, etc.,from Vaitadhya, mythical mt. ... 299 Vajnavalkya, on caste intermarriage Turki costume of the Kushanas ... ... 17 Vajrapani, Bodhisattva, in Java Turkomans of O. Asia 1, the Royal Rajput vakkal, status term ... ... .. Races ... ... ... ... * VAkpati, poet, and Bhasa ... ... Turner, Mr., of the E. I. Co. ... ... ... 254 Valabhi, dya. ... ... ... ... 3], f. Vallala, Hoysala... ... ... ... ... 137 Valmika, grammarian ... ... ...219, 1., 223 Valugu Chronicle, and Srirangam ... ... 131 abhi choth day ... ... ... .. G. F. 18 VAmana, rhetorician, and Vasubandhu 170, Udaipur, Mewar the Ranas of 86; and Nepal f; 177, f. ; 236 ; 264 ; 312 150, f. ; inscrip. of Aparajita . .. 174 Vanamantaras, Jaina deities ... ... ... 126 Udayendarim grant of Vikramaditya II. 105, Vanavasi, Kadamba cap., and Buddhism ... 212 f., 131 Vana-Vidyadhara, the Bana ... ... 105, 109 Odepur and Aurangzeb... ... ... ... 77 Vanavijjadhara-Mahavali-Vanaraya, Bana Ujjain, cap. of the Malwa Kshatrapas 14; k., inscrip. of ... ... ... .... ... 111 inscrips. ... ... ... ... ... 80 Vana-Vyantaras, Jaina deities ... 153, f., 158 Umdatl-ul-Umra, in the Carnatic ... ... ... 284 Varagina-Varman, Pandya k. ... 215 n. Una, wife of Shiva ... ... ... G. F. 36 Vardhamihira, Indian astronomer 18, f.; United Company in Bengal ... ... ... 250 And foreign tribes in India 31 and n.; 67; Upanishads ... .. 295, f. 178; 236 Uraiyur, Nichulapari ... 131, ff. Vararuchi, grammarian . .. ... ... 219 Uraiyar, cap. of the Noyakas of Madura ... 144 Vardhamana-Pandita, Jaina teacher... .. 215 Urga-Pandya, and Nedusjelleyan ... ... 225 Varichchiyar, in Madur& dist., inscrips, at Urga-Peruvaludi, Pandya k. .. ... 133 143; 210 Urvasi, an Apsaras ... ... ... Ushavad&ta, Rishabadatta, or Vpishadatta, Varuna, g. Jyotishka ... ... ... ... 158 Kshatrapa Vasantgadh inscrip. of Parnapala ... ... 239 .. utar, offering ... ... Vasistha, sage ... ... .. ... 9; 19; 25 . ... G. F. 3 Utpala, commentator... Vasisthiputra Pulumayi, Satavahana k., ... ... 236 Uttamanambi, Tirumalainatha, and Sri-ran and the Kshatrapas, etc. ... ... 14, f; 173 g8 m + + + . . . 139, f. Vasubandbu, poet, and Kum&ragupta 170, f ; 264 uttarayana-parvan ... ... ... Vasudeva g. G. F. 10 ... ... ... ... ... 13 Uttungamalla, Vikramaditya ... Vasudeva, Kushana k. 17; 25, f. on coins Uvata, author ... ... . 29 and n. ... 178 . Uzbak tribe, and Aurangzeb ... ... ... 21 Vasudeva, a second note on ... ... ... 236 Vasurdta, author, date of ... ... ... 170 VAtapi, Badami, and the Chalukyas 43; con 1 quest of .. .. ... .. .. 216 Vachbro, Dada, g. ... ... ... G. F. 4 vatad, a fictitious creature ** * G. F.28 vadan, oblation ... ... ... G.F.2 and n, 4 Vatsarkja, Gurjara k.... ... ... . 86 Vadnagar, Anandapura . .. ... 34 Vat-Savitri-vrat ceremony .. ... G. F. 12 Vaduganambi, Andhrapurna, and the Yatirth Vayiramogan, Pallava k., and Dantivarman ja-Vaibhavam... ... ... ... ... 152 134; 217. 9

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INDEX 337 Vayu-kumaras, Jaina deities ... ... ... 126 Vikramaditya IIT., Chalukya k. 43, f.; VI. 20; 24 Vodanga, a work by Pingala, and the Chhan- Vikramaditya of Ayodhya, Skandngupta ... 170 dovichiti ... .. . 177, f. Vikramankadavacharita, and the Rajataran Vedantist Schools, three .. ... gini ... ... ... ... ... 100 Vodas 8; and Buddhists, etc. ... ... - 213 Vikramasingapura, or Nellore ... 137, f. vedha, under demon influence ... G. F. 22 Vimala Sa's temple, mt. Abu ... Vimala s ... 125; 160 Vadio sacrifices in S. India ... ... 224 and n. Vimanapatis, Jaina deities .. ... .. 127 Velliyambalattu-tukijina Urga-Peruvajudi, pinai, vind, musical instrument ... 127 n., 129 n. Pandyak. ... . ... ... 133 Vinaya, Buddhist ecclesiastical code... ... 210 Velvikudi grant 133,1.; 325, f. Vinayaditya, Durdharamalla, Chalukya k. Venklji, Ekoji, Marathe 282, f., 288 44 ; his Patoda grant... ... .. ... 240 Venkayya, Mr., on inscrips. 105; the Velugu Vincents, Mr., E. I. Co's servant ... 251, ff. Chronicle 121; Tamil lithic monuments 210, f. Vindbyavase, Isvarakrishna, author ... ... 170 Verasheroone, tn. ... ... ... ... 258 vintem, a coin ... ... ... ... ... 271 Veral, El&pur, Eldra ... ... ... ... 237 Viragondagopala, and the Pandyas ... ... 138 Vichitravirya, k. of Hastinapura... ... 168 Vira-Narasingargja, Hoysala k., perhaps Vico, Father, on the NAyaks of Madura 281, t. Narasimha II. or III; 136; 142, f. Victoria, Queen ... ... .. . ... 65 Virarajendra, Cho!a k. ... ... 136 ; 265, f., 268 Vidy&dhara, Banak. ... ... ... ... 105 Virasaiva, or Lingayat creed ... ... ... 218 Vidyknanda, Jains author 46, and Pontia; Virasena, tutor of Jinasena ... .. .. 46 125; 214 Virasomdavara, Hoysala k. ... ... 136, #f. Vidy&ranya, Vidyatirtha ... .. . 139 Virupaksha III. 142; bis Ariyur plates - 149 Vidyaranya Smriti, a work by Madhava 269, f. Virapanoa-Udaiyur, Vijayanagara k. 139, ff. Vidyut. Tanyatup, and thunder G. F. 32 Visabat. Brahmans price of PAIR 182, f. Vigrabaraja's Harsha inscrip... ... ... 239 Visaiya Dantivikramavarman k. 105 Villivalam, noar Conjiveram, Vilveli 226 n. Visa khila, writer on art 1ER ATT, Writer on art . ... ... 177 Vijaya and Ceylon 209 and n.; 216 vishesha, special puja ... G. F. 2 Vijayabaha, Vikramaditya II. alias Vidyh Vishnu, g. 94; 100; Narayana 296; G. F. 15, 20 dhara 107 and n., 21 Vijaya-Dantivikrama-varman, Dantivarman 106 VisishtAdvaita, School of qualified monism 295 Vijayadashmi, Dasara holiday ... G. F. 29 n. ... ... 34 Vijayhditya, I., II., III., IV., Bana kinge Visvamitra and the Rigveda ... ... 8, 9; 180 105, 107, f. Vishvanatha, author ... Vic ... ... .. 68 Vijayaditya-Vapardya, Bana k. inscrip. of his Visvanatha Nayakka... ... ... 143, f. time ... .. ... 109, f., 113, f. Visvanatha PatchAnana, writer ... ... 219 Vijayalaya, Chola k. ... ... ... 225 n. viverra ich neumon, mongoose ... 95 Vijaya Nandivikrama-varman, or Nandi-var Vizagapatam 256; revenues of ... 271 and n. man, k. ... ... ... ... ... ... 106 Vogel, Dr., and the Rajatarang ini ... ... 98 Vijayanagara, dyn. 139; and the Shluvas Vonones, founded the Saka dyn. .. 13 n. 142, f.; finance, in 8. India 269, ff.; Vritrasur, demon ... ... ... G. F. 30 defeated ... ... ... ... 281, 287, t. Vritti, a work by Trivikrama ... 219. ff. vijli, saudaming, lightning .. .. G. F. 83 Vyaghrapataka, vil... .... .. ... 21 Vikkiraunkditta-Mavali-Vanaraya, Banak. Vyantaras, Jaina deities 126; 153-156, 160, f. inscrip. of .. . ... ... 111, f. Vyasa, 9; composed the Harivanda 59; 147 Vikrama era 13 D.; or Sarvat, date of ... 162 Vikrama, k. ... ... ... ... G. P. 25 Vikramacholadava, k. .. ... ... .. 104 Vikramaditya I. Bana k. ... ... 105, t. Vikramaditya II. 105; alias Banavidyd- Wajid Ali Shah, k. of Oudh, Songs of 61, ff. dhara ... .. ... 108; 238 Wake, Mr., Gov. of Bombay ... ... ... 273 Vikramaditya II., W. Chalukya k. 214; or wakil, vuokell, agent ... ... ... 250, A. Chandragupta II ... ... ... ... 312 | Wakinkorah, fort, near Bijapur . .. 81

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338 INDEX Walgrave, Mr., P., Chief of Bengal 250, or Waldegrave .. ... 256, 1. Wallace, Mr., first Collector of Trichinopoly 286 and n. Waterloo, battle... ... ... ... ... 89 Watson, captured Talaji Angria ... ... 279 Weber, the late Prof., 17 d.; edited the Parasiprakaba ... ... ... ... 150 and n. Wems-Kadphises, Kushanak. .... ... 17 Whitehill, Mr., E. I. Co.'s chief at Anjengo.. 278 widow-marriage, among the Rajpata ... 192 Wilks, Col., and Vijayanagara revenue 2,669 and n., ... ... ... ... .. . 270 Wilson, Thos., of the E. I. Co. ... ... 257 Winternitz, Prof. M., and the Bodleian Sans krit Manuscript Oatalogue... ... ... 310 Yama, Vana-Vyantara ... Yama-Sanhita and the Meds ... Yasahkams, Chedi k. ... ... ... ... 21 Yasodharman, defeated Mihirakula ... ... 21 Yates, Capt. of the Hopewell ... ... ... 256 Yatiraja-Vaibhavam, a note on ... ... 152 Yavana, Greeks ... ... ... ... 11, f. Yerpeda, in Madras, ancient Tiruvippamapadu 108 yha, brother ... ... ... ... ... 195 Yuan, Chwang, Higen Theang, mentioned Gujarat as Kieuchelo .. 21, 1.; 28, 31 Yudhishtira, Kaurava Prince ... ... 163, f. Yaddhisthira, Bharatayuddha and Kaliyuga Eras ... ... ... ... ... 162, 1. Yagadideva, Risbabhadeva ... ... ... 100 Yule, Sir H., and Gab. Boughton. 247, 1., 255, f. Y dava and Yamuna ... ... .. .. 152 Yadavaprakasa, tutor of Ramanuja ... ... 185 yajamans, patrons ... ... ... G. F. 16 yajnopavit, investiture with the sacred thread. 190, f. Yakshas in Java 95; in Ceylon . .. 209 yal, ancient musical instrument 227 and n., 228 and 2. Zabulistan Zaulistan ... ... .. 25, 29 n. ZainabAdt Mahal, mistress of Aurangzeb ... 82 Zarmdsaryan ceremony... ... ... G. F. 13 Zeb-un-nisa Begam, daughter of Aurangz8b... 83 Zinat-an-nisa Begam, daughter of Aurangzeb 83 Zodiac, the signs of ... ... ... G. F. 29 Zoroaster, Jarstusta and Jarasasta ... ... 18 Zubdat-tan-nisa Begam, daughter of Aurangzeb 83 Zuliokar Khan, Mogul general ... ... 283

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT NATURE POWERS CHAPTER 1 RESIDES the higher-grade deities, whose D worship is enjoined and treated of in the Shastras and Puranas, numerous otler minor deities, none of whom however find a place in the Scriptures, are worshipped by the lower classes. The principle underlying the whole fabric of the worship of these minor deities, who for the most part are the spirits of dead ancestors or heroes, has more in it of fear for their power of harming than of love for their divine nature. All untoward occurrences in domestic affairs, all bodily ailments and unusual natural phenomena, inexplicable to the simple mind of the villager, are attributed to the malignant action of these nameless and numerous spirits, hovering over und haunting the habitations of men. The Intent dread of receiving injuries from these evil spirits results in the worship by the low. cinss people of a number of deras and matas, as they are called. The poor villager, surrounded on all sides by hosts of hovering spirits, ready to take offence, or even to possess him, on the smallest pretext, requires some tangible protector to save him from such malign intluences. He sets up and enshrines the spirit that he believes to have been beneficent to him, and so deserving of worship, and makes vows in its honour, often becoming himself the officiating priest. Each such deity has its own particular thanak (sthana) or locality. Thus there is hardly a village which has not a particular deity of its own. But in addition to this deity, others in far off villages are generally held in high esteem. There are a number of ways in which these lower-class deities can be installed, Their images are made either of wood, stone, or metal. No temples or shrines are creeted in their honour. An ordinary way of representing them is by drawing a trident, (triskul, a weapon peculiar to god Shiva) in red lead and oil on an upright slab of stone on a public road, on any dead wall, on the contines of a village, or a mountain side, or hill top, in an underground cellar, or on the bank of a stream. Some people paint tridents in their own houses. The trishul, or trident, may also be made of wood, in which case its three points are plastered with redlead and oil and covered with a thin conting of tin. Sometimes carved "ouden images in human shape, daubed over with red-lead and oil, are placed in a small wooden chariot or in a recess about a foot square. In some shrine's two brooms or whisks of peacock's feathers are placed on either side of the image. A slight difficulty overcome or 1 disease remedied by a vow in honour of any of these deities offers the occasion for an installation, and in all future emergencies of the same kind similar vows are observed. A mata installed to protect n fortress or a street is called a Gadheri Mita, and the worshippers of a fortress, or street, mother are known as Pothias. At the time of installation flags are hoisted near the dedicated places, A troop of dancers with jingling anklets recite holy verses, while the Dhura, cxorcistpriest, performs the ceremonies. Generally installations are frequent during the 1 Khan Bahadur Fazlullah and Mr. K. D. Desai. # The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. . The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. + Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. - Mr. D. K. l'andya, Schoolmaster, Dhank, Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpar.. r, M. D. Vyas, Shastri, Bhayavadur.

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Navaratra holidays when, if no humanshaped image is set up, a trishul at least is drawn in red-lead and oil,1 Some of these evil deities require, at the time of their installation, the balidan (sacrifice or oblation) of a goat or a he-buffalo. Also, when a spirit is to be exorcised, the symbol of the familiar spirit of the exorcist is set up and invoked by him. After the installation, no systematic form of worship is followed in connection with them.2 Regular forms are prescribed for the real gods of the Puranas. But upon these the low-caste people are not authorised to attend. Still, in practice there are two forms of worship ordinary or samanya-puja and special or vishesha-puja,3 Ordinary worship is performed by bathing the deity-which can be done by sprinkling a few drops of water over it-burning a ghi, or an oil, lamp before it, and by offering a cocoanut and a pice or a half-anna piece. The last is taken away by the bhuva, or priest, who returns generally half or three-quarters of the cocoanut as a prasad of the god. There are no particular days prescribed for such worship, but Sundays and Tuesdays would seem to be the most favoured. On such days, offerings are made for the fulfilment of a vow recorded in order to avoid a badha, or impending evil. In the observance of this vow the devotee abstains from certain things, such as ghi, butter, milk, rice, juvar, betelnut till the period of the vow expires. When a vow is thus discharged, the devotee offers flowers, garlands, incense, food or drink according to the terms of his vow. The dhupa, ie., burning incense of gugal (balsamodendron) is one of the commonest methods of worship. The days for special worship are the Navaratra holidays, the second day of the bright half of Ashadh, the ninth month of the Hindu Calendar, Divasa" or the fifteenth day of the dark half of Ashadh, and Kali-chaudas or the fourteenth day of the dark half of Ashvin, the last month; besides other extraordinary occasions when a spirit has to be exorcised out of a sick persen. The Navaratra days are said to be the most auspicious days for devi-worship. People believing in the power of the matas observe fast on these days. Most of them at least fast on the eighth day of the Navaratra known as Mata-ashtami, taking only a light meal which consists of roots, as a rule, especially the suran (Amorphophallus campa nulatus), and of dates and milk. On the Navaratra days red-lead and oil are applied to the images of the devis, and a number of oblations, such as loaves, cooked rice, lapsit, vadant and baklaSS are offered. The utmost ceremonial cleanliness is observed in the preparation of these viands. The corn is sifted, cleaned, ground or pounded, cooked, treated with frankincense, offered to the gods and lastly partaken of before sunset, and all these operations must be performed on the same day; for the offerings must not see lamplight.10 Girls are not allowed to partake of these offerings. All ceremonies should be conducted with much earnestness and reverence; otherwise the offerings will fail to prove acceptable to the matas or devis.10 On Mata-ashtami and Kali-chaudas devotees sometimes offer rams, goats or buffaloes as victims to the devis or devas in addition to the usual offerings of lapsi, vadan and bakla 10 The night of Kali-chaudas is believed to be so favourable for the efficacious *The first nine days of Ashvin, the last month of the Gujarat Hindu Calendar, known otherwise as Matina dahada-mata's days. The influence of the matas is very strong in these days. Mr. M. D. Vayas, Shastri, Bhayavadur. Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. K. D. Desai. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad, Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara, 7 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. + Lapsi is coarse wheat-flour fried in ghi and sweetened with molasses or sugar. Vadan-bean flour-generally of gram or peas-is allowed to remain in water with spices until the paste. cquires a sufficeint degree of consistence, when it is rolled into small biscuit-sized balls and fried in oil. $ Bakla are small round flat cakes of dry boiled beans. Mr N, D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 10 Mr.N. M. Dave, Schoolmaster. Sanka.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT recitation (sadhana) of certain mantras, mysterious incantations possessing sway over spirits, that bhuvas. (exorcists) leave the village and sit up performing certain rites in cemeteries, on burning-ghats, and in other equally suitable places where spirits are supposed to congregate.1 On Divasa, the last day of Ashadh, the ninth month, low-caste people bathe their gods with water and milk, besmear them with red-lead and oil, and make offerings of cocoanuts, lapsi, bakla of adad (Phansolens radiatus) or kansar*. Particular offerings are believed to be favoured by particular deities for instance, khichdo (rice and pulse boiled together) and oil, or tavo (flat unleavened loaves) are favoured by the goddess Meldi, boiled rice by Shikotar and lapsi by the goddess Gatrad.2 On these holidays, as well as on the second day of the bright half of Ashadh the devotees hoist flags in honour of the spirits, and play on certain musical instruments producing discordant sounds. Meanwhile bhuvas, believed to be interpreters of the wills of evil spirits, undergo self-torture, with the firm conviction that the spirits have entered their persons. Sometimes they lash themselves with iron chains or cotton braided scourges.3 At times a bhuva places a pan-full of sweet oil over a fire till it boils. He then fries cakes in it, and takes them out with his unprotected hands, sprinkling the boiling oil over his hair. He further dips thick cotton wicks into the oil, lights them and puts them into his mouth and throws red-hot bullets into his mouth, seemingly without any injury. This process secures the confidence of the sevakas or followers, and is very often used by bhuvas when exorcising spirits from persons whose confidence the bhuvas wish 3 to gain. A bowl-full of water is then passed round the head of the ailing person (or animal) to be charmed, and the contents are swallowed by the exorcist to show that he has swallowed in the water all the ills the flesh of the patient is heir to.1 In the cure of certain diseases by exorcising the process known as utar is sometimes gone through. An utar is a sacrificial offering of the nature of a scapegoat, and consists of a black earthen vessel, open and broad at the top, and containing lapsi, vadan, bakla, a yard of atlas (dark-red silk fabric), one rupee and four annas in cash, pieces of charcoal, red-lead, sorro (or surmo-lead ore used as eye-powder), an iron-nail and three cocoanuts. Very often a trident is drawn in red-lead and oil on the outer sides of the black earthen vessel, The bhuva carries the utar in his hands with a drawn sword in a procession, to the noise of the jingling of the anklets of his companions, the beating of drums and the rattling of cymbals. After placing the utar in the cemetery the procession returns with tumultuous shouts of joy and much jingling of anklets." Sometimes bhuvas are summoned for two or three nights preceding the day of the utar ceremony, and a ceremony known as Danklan-beswan or the installation of the dankla is performed. (A danklat is a special spirit instrument in the shape of a small kettle-drum producing, when beaten by a stick, a most discordant, and, by long association, a melancholy, gruesome and ghastly sound-K. B. Fazlullah). Many sects have special deities of their own, attended upon by a bhuva of the same order. The bhuva holds a high position in the society of his caste-fellows. He believes himself to be possessed by the devi or mata whose attendant he is, and declares, 1 Mr. N. M. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sanka, Kansar is course wheat-flour cooked in three times as much water and sweetened with molasses or sugar and taken with ghi.-B. L. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. 4 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 6 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 7 Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh. Mr. Jagannath Hirji; Schoolmaster, Chok. Mr. G. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sultanpore, 5 Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. + A dankla is otherwise known by the name of dug-dudioon

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4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY while possessed by her, the will of the mata, replying for her to such questions as may be put to him. The devis are supposed to appear in specially favoured bhuvas and to endow them with prophetic powers.2 The following is a list of some of the inferior local deities of Gujarat and Kathiawar : (1) Suro-puro. This is generally the spirit of some brave ancestor who died a heroic death, and is worshipped by his descendants as a family-god at his birthplace as well as at the scene of his death, where a pillar (palio) is erected to his memory.3 (2) Vachhro, otherwise known by the name of Dada (sire).-This is said to have. been a Rajput, killed in rescuing the cowherds of some Charans, who invoked his aid, from a party of free-booters. He is con sidered to be the family-god of the Ahirs of Solanki descent, and is the sole village-deity in Okha and Baradi Districts." Other places dedicated to this god are Padana, Aniala, Taluka Mengani, Khajurdi, Khirasara and Anida, He is represented by a stone horse, and Charans perform priestly duties in front of him. Submission to, and vows in honour of, this god, are believed to cure rabid-dog-bites." (3) Sarmalio commands worship in Gondal, Khokhari and many other places. Newlymarried couples of many castes loosen the knots tied in their marriage-scarves as a mark of respect for him.* Persons bitten by a snake wear round their necks a piece of thread dedicated to this god," (4) Shitala is a goddess known for the cure of small-pox.-Persons attacked by this disease observe vows in her honour, Kalavad and Syadla are places dedicated to her." (5) Ganagor.-Virgins who are anxious to secure suitable husbands and comfortable 1 Mr. Jethabhai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal. 3 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank. Mr. L. G. Travadi, Schoolmaster, Upleta. Mr. H. R. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Khirasara. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank. establishments worship this goddess and observe vows in her honour," (6) Todalia-She has neither an idol nor a temple set up in her honour, but is represented by a heap of stones lying on the village boundary-Padal or Jampa. All marriage processions, before entering the village (Sanka) or passing by the heap, pay homage to this deity and offer a cocoanut, failure to do which is believed to arouse her wrath. She does not command daily adoration, but on occasions the attendant, who is a Chumvalia Koli, and who appropriates all the presents to this deity, burns frankincense of gugal (balsamodendron) and lights a lamp before her,10 (7) Buttaya also is represented by a heap of stones on a hillock in the vicinity of Sanka. Her worshipper is a Talabdia Koli. A long season of drought leads to her propitiation by feasting Brahmans, for which purpose four pounds of corn are taken in her name from each threshing floor in the village.10 (8) Surdhan. This seems to have been some brave Kshatriya warrior who died on a battlefield. A temple is erected to his mepory, containing an image of Shiva. The attending priest is an Atit.10 (9) Ghogho. This is a cobra-god worshipped in the village of Bikhijada having a Bajana (tumbler) for his attending priest.1 10 (10) Pir. This is a Musalman saint, in whose honour no tomb is erected, the special site alone being worshipped by a devotee, 10 (11) Raneki is represented by a heap of stones, and is attended upon by chamars (tanners). Her favourite resort is near the Dhedvada (ie., a quarter inhabited by sweepers). A childless Girasia is said to 2 Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa. Mr. H. R. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Khirasara. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank, 8 Mr.L. G. Travadi, Schoolmaster, Upleta. *Two pieces of cloth, a shouldercloth and a scarf are cast over the bridegroom and the bride, and they are tied together by a knot. It is the unloosening of this tie which is here referred to.-Mr. K. D. Desai. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Schcolmaster, Sanka

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT have observed a row in her honour for a four or five children, then his wife and son, and a son being born to him, he dedi- lastly himself. In reward for his selfcated certain lands to her ; but they are no devotion the goddess faced towards Miani longer in the possession of the attendants, and no mishaps are believed to take place in (12) Hanuman.--On a mound of earth the village, there is an old worn-out image of this god. (15) Hinglaj.---This goddess has a place People sometimes light a lamp there, offer of worship a hundred and fifty miles from cocoanuts and plaster the image with red- Karachi in Sind, to which her devotees and lead and oil. A sadhu of the Maragi sect, a believers make pilgrimage. Koli by birth, acts as pujari, 1 In the village of Jasdan, in Kathiawar, (13) Shakta (or shakti).-This is a Girasia there is an ancient shrine of Kalu-Pir in goddess attended upon by a Chumvalia Koli. whose memory there are two sepulchres On the Navaratra days, as well as on the covered with costly fabrics, and a large flag following day, Girasias worship this goddess, floats over the building. Both Hindus and and if necessary observe vows in her name. Musalmans believe in this saint, and offer (14) Harsidh.--Gandhavi in Barda and cocoanuts, sweatmeats and money to his Ujjain are the places dedicated to this soul. A part of the offering being passed goddess. There is a tradition connected through the smoke of frankincense, burning with her that her image stood in a place in a brazier near the saint's grave in the of worship facing the sea on Mount Koyalo shrine, the rest is returned to the offerer, in Gandhavi. She was believed to sink or Every morning and evening a big kettleswallow all the vessels that sailed by. A drum is beaten in the Pir's honour.3 Bania named Jagadusa, knowing this, pro- Other minor deities are Shikotar, believed pitinted her by the performance of religious biy sailors to be able to protect them from austerities. On being asked what boon he the dangers of the deep; Charmathvati, the wanted from her, he requested her to descend goddess of the Rabaris ;5 Macho, the god of from her mountain-seat. She agreed on the the shepherds ;5 Meldi, in whom Vaghries Bania promising to offer a living victim for (bird-catchers) beliere ;6 Pithad, the faevery footstep she took in descending. vourite god of Dheds ;Dhavdi, who is Thus he sacrificed one victim after another worshipped by a hajam (barber):* until the number of victims he had brought Khodiar;! Gela, Dadamo," Kshetrapal," was exhausted. He then first offered his Chavad," Mongal, 10 Arad, 10 Palan, Lu Vir Mr. N. M. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sinka. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank. The tendency to fraternise as much in belief as in nationality is a notable feature of Indian life. The saying goes Hindu Musalman ek Ram biji Rehman. The Hindu and Musalman are not far apart: one is the follower of Ram, the other of Rehman (the most compassionate -a Kuranic name of Allah). Again says another proverb: The Hindu and Musalman are as closely connected as the breast and the skirt of a garment Hindu ne Musalman moli di man jo vehevar). The Hindu pays homage to the Pir, the Muslim repays the compliment by holding some of his Hindu brother's lower class deities, such as Vaital and Kali and Amba, in awe. The Hindu worships and breaks cocoanuts before the Moharram taasias-the Musalman responds by showing a sneaking sort of a regard for the Holi, whom he believes to have been a daughter of the patriarch Abraham. This reciprocal good fellowship in time of political agitation, like those of the Indian Mutiny, results in the chapati ", or unleavened bread loaf, being considered a symbol to be honoured both by Muslim and Hindu: and in more recent times, as during the plague troubles in Allahabad and Cawnpore, shows itself in the Muslim garlanding the Hindu on a holiday, and the Hindus setting up sherbat-stalls for Musalmans on an Id day.-ban Bahadur Fazlullah. Mr. J. N. Patel, Schoolmaster, Jasdan. * Mr. Jaggannath Hirji, Schoolmaster, Chok. Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa. * Mr. O. A. Mehta, Schoolmaster, Lakhapadar. Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti Marad, * Mr. J. D. Khaodhar, Sayala, Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, 10 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Vaital, Jalio,1 Gadio,1 Paino, Parolio, Sevalio, Andhario, Fuliol Bheravo, Ragantio, 1 Chod, Gatrad,? Mammai and Verai. There are frequent additions to the number, as any new disease or unusual and untoward incident may bring a new spirit into existence. The installation of such deities is not a costly concern, and thus there is no serious check on their recognition. The sun, the beneficent night-dispelling, light-bestowing great luminary, is believed to be the visible manifestation of the Almighty God," and inspires the human mind with a feeling of grateful reverence which finds expression in titles like Savita, Life-Producer, the nourisher and generator of all life and activity. He is the chief rain-sender?; there is a couplet used in Gujarat illustrative of this belief. It runs:-"Oblations are cast into the Fire : the smoke carries the prayers to the sun; the Divine Luminary, propitiated, responds in sending down gentle showers." "The sacred smoke, rising from the sacrificial offerings, ascends through the ethereal regions to the Sun. He transforms it into the rain-giving clouds, the rains produce food, and food pro- duces the powers of generation and multiplication and plenty. Thus, the sun, as the propagator of animal life, is believed to be the highest deity.?" It is pretty generally believed that vows in honour of the sun are highly efficacious in curing eye-diseases and strengthening the eyesight. Mr. Damodar Karsonji Pandya quotes from the Bhagvadgita the saying of Krishna: TAIFA STAZO: "I am the very light of the sun and the moon.*" Being the embodiment or the fountain of light, the sun imparts his lustre either to the bodies or to the eyes of his devotees. It is said that a Rajput woman of Gomata in Gondal and a Brahman of Rajkot were cured of white leprosy by vows in honour of the sun. Similar vows are made to this day for the cure of the same disense, Persons in Kathiawar suffering from ophthalmic disorders, venereal affections, leucoderma and white leprosy are known to observe vows in honour of the sun. The Parmar Rajputs believe in the efficacy of vows in honour of the sun deity of Mandavraj, in curing hydrophobia. 10 Women believe that a vow or a vrat made to the sun is the sure means of attaining their desires. Chiefly their vows are made with the object of securing a son. On the fulfilment of this desire, in gratitude to the Great Luminary, the child is often called after him, and given such a name as SurajRam, Bhanu-Shankar, Ravi-Shankar, AditRam 11 Many cradles are received as presents at the temple of Mandavraj, indicating that the barren women who had made vows to the deity have been satisfied in their desire for a son, the vows being fulfilled by the present of such toy-cradles to the sun, In the case of rich donors, these cradles are made of precious metal,12 At Mandvara, in the Muli District of Kathiawar, the Parmar Rajputs, as well as the Kathis, bow to the image of the sun, on their marriage-day, in company with their newly married brides, 19 After the birth of Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. * Mr. G. K, Dave, Sultanpore. Mr. K. D. Desai. 5. Mr. D.K. Pandya, Dhbank. 6 Mr. K. D. Desai. * Mr. M, D. Vyas, Schoolraster, Chayavadur, * Cl. Allaho nur-us-samawatiwal ard, mathalo nurihi-ka miskatin biha nusbah-Koran. Allah ! He is the light of the Heavens and the Earth. The likeness of His Light being sinilar to a lamp in a glass.-Fazlullah Latfullah, Mr. Jethabai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal; and Damodar Karsonji, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. Nr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. 12 Mr. X. M. Deve, Sanka

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT a son to a Rajputani, the hair on the boy's The following are some of the standard head is shaved for the first time in the pre- | books on sun-worship: sence of the Mandavraj deity,* and a suit of (1) Aditya-hridaya-literally, the Heart rich clothes is presented to the image by the of the Sun. It treats of the glory of the sun maternal uncle of the child.1 and the mode of worshipping him, The sun is it the observer of all (2) Brihadaranyakopanishad and Manduthings and nothing can escape his notice. His eye is believed to possess the lustre of la-Brahmans-portions of Yajur-veda recithe three Vedic lores, vis., Rigveda, Yajur ted by Vedic Brahmans with a view to veda and Samaveda, and is therefore known tender symbolic as well as mental prayers to by the name of The attestation of the sun. a document in his name as Surya-Narayana- (3) Bibhrad-the fourth chapter of the Sakshi is believed to be ample security for Rudri, the sincerity and good faith of the parties," (4) A passage in Brahman-a portion of Oaths in the name of the sun are considered the Vedas, beginning with the words FTOTTE so binding that persons swearing in his name Thou art self-existent-is entirely devoted to are held to be pledged to the strictest truth. Sun-worship. Virgin girls observe a vrat, or vow, called (5) Surya-Purana-A treatise relating a the 'tili-vrat' in the sun's honour, for number of stories in glorification of the sun. attaining is atta-eternal exemption (6) Surya-kavacha, 10 from widowhood. In making this vrat, or (7) Surya-gita. vow, the votary, having bathed and worshipped the sun, sprinkles wet red-lac drops (8) Surya-Sahasranama--a list of one before him.5 thousand names of Surya. 11 According to Forbes's Rasmala, the sun It is customary among Hindus to cleanse rewaled to the Kathis the plan of regaining their teeth every morning with a wooden their lost kingdom, and thus commanded stick, known as datant and then to offer their devout worship and reverence. The salutations to the sun in the form of a verse temple named Suraj.deval, near Than, was which means: "Oh God, the datans are torn set up by the Kathis in recognition of this asunder and the sins disappear. Oh the favour. In it both the visible resplendent i penetrator of the innermost parts, forgive us disc of the sun and his image are adored, our sins. Do good unto the benevolent and People whose horoscopes declare them to unto our neighbours." This prayer is comhave been born under the Surya.dasha,or solar mon in the moutlis of the vulgar laity. 19 influence, have from time to time to observe Better educated people recite a shloka, vows prescribed by Hindu astrology.? which runs: "Bow unto Savitri, the sun, the Cultivators are said to observe vows in observer of this world and its quarters, the honour of the sun for the safety of their cye of the universe, the inspirer of all cattle. energy, the holder of a three-fold person A similar custom is observed in Gujarat. Unfortunate parents, who have lost many children, vow to grow the hair of their little children, if such are preserved to them, observing all the time a votive abstinence froin a particular dish or betelnut or the like. When the children are 3 or 5 or 7 years old, the vow is fulfilled by taking them to a sacred place, like the temple of Ranchhodji at Dakor, to have their nair cut for the first time. This vow is known as babari in Southern Gujarat.-K. D. Desai. I Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. * Mr. Jethabhai Mangaldas, Gondal. Mr. K, D. Desai. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. The Deputy Educational Inspector. Gohelwad. "Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Fem ile Training College, Rajkot. 7 Mr. G. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sultacpora. Mrs. Raju Ramjee Kanjee, 2nd Assistant, Girls' School, Gondal, 9 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank 10 Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. 1 Mr. Girijashankar Karmeashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh, The Hindus tise the tender sprigs of the Nim or Babul trees for tooth-brushes. After they have done duty as brushes they are cloven into two and the tenderest part is used as a tongue-scraper. -Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. 12 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ality (being an embodiment of the forms of the three gods of the Hindu Trinity, Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshvar)-the embodiment of the three Vedas, the giver of happiness and the abode of God. After his toilet a high-caste Hindu should take a bath and offer morning prayers and arghyas to the sun, The Trikala.Sandhya is enjoined by the Shastras on every Brahman, ie., every Brahman should perform the Sandhya thrice during the day: in the morning, at mid-day and in the evening. The Sandhya is the prayer a Brahman offers, sitting in divine meditation, when he offers three arghyas to the sun and recites the Gayatri mantra 108 times." The arghya is an offering of water in a spoon half filled with barley seeds, sesamum seeds, sandal ointment, rice, and white flowers. In offering the arghya the right foot is folded below the left, the spoon is lifted to the forehead and is emptied towards the sun after reciting the Gayatri mantra.1 If water is not available for offering the arghyas, sand may serve the purpose. But the sun must not be deprived of his arghyas. The Gayatri is the most sacred mantra in honour of the sun, containing, as it does, the highest laudations of him.5 A Brahman ought to recite this mantra 324 times every day. Otherwise he incurs a sin as great as the slaughter of a cow. Accordingly a Rudrakshmala, or a rosary of 108 Rudraksh beads, is used in connecting the number of Gayatris recited. It is exclusively the right of the twice-born to recite the Gayatri. None else is authorised to recite or even to hear a word of it. Neither females nor Shudras ought to catch an echo of even a single syllable of the Gayatri mantras. A ceremony, called Suryopasthan, in which a man has to stand facing the sun with his hands stretched upwards at an angle towards. Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, * Mr. K. D. Desai. the sun, is performed as a part of the sandhya," Of the days of the week, Ravivar, or Sunday is the most suitable for Sun worship10. Persons wishing to secure wealth, goodhealth and a happy progeny, especially people suffering from disorders caused by heat and from diseases of the eyes, barren women, and men anxious for victory on the battlefield, weekly observe vows in honour of the sun, and the day on which the vow is to be kept is Sunday.11 It is left to the devotee to fix the number of Sundays on which he will observe the vrat, and he may choose to observe all the Sundays of the year. 12 On such days the devotees undergo ceremonial purifications by means of baths and the putting on of clean garments, occupy a reserved clean seat, light a ghi-lamp and recite the Aditya-hridaya-patha, which is the prescribed mantra for Sun worship.13 Then follows the Nyasa, (ar) in the recitation of which the devotee has to make certain gestures (or to perform physical ceremo nials). First the tips of all the four fingers are made to touch the thumb as is done in counting. Then the tips of the fingers are made to touch the palm of the other hand, Then one hand is laid over the other. Then the fingers are made to touch the heart, the head, the eyes, and the hair in regular order. The right hand is then put round the read and made to smite the left.13 An ashtadala or eight-cornered figure is drawn in gulal, 2 The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Schoolmaster, Aman. Mr. K. D. Desai, The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. 7 Mr. N. D. Vara, Rajpara, s Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. M. D. Vyas, Shastri, Bhayavadur. 10 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi, and L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. 11 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, and Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani, 12 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. 13 Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT (red powder) and frankincense, red oint- (6) In Chaitra, people should break ment and red flowers are offered to the sun. their fasts with a little ghi and molasses. Durva grass is also commonly used in the (7) In Vaishakha, the only satisfaction process of Sun worship.2 allowed to those observing the vrat is to lick Sometimes a hexangular figure is drawn their own palms three times. (8) In Jyeslitha, thie fast is observed simply on three anjalis or palmfuls of pure water. (9) In Ashadha, three chillies may be eaten. (10) In Shravana, only cow-urine and molasses are tasted. (11) In Bhadrapada, cow-dung and sugar are partaken of (12) In Ashvina, the application of chandan (sandal wood) either in the form of an ointment or of powder. Only a few very pious and enthusiastic instead of the ashtadal, a copper disc is devotees observe all Sundays in the above placed over it and the sun is worshipped by manner. In average cases, the devotee Panchopachar or the five-fold ceremonials. or the five-fold ceremonials, allows himself rice, ghi, sugar, milk, i, e., Of all ceremonials a namaskar is especially white food, the restriction being only as to dear to the sun.4 It is said : colour, namaskArapiyo bhAnurjaladhArApriyaH shivH| People observing vows in honour of the paropakArapiyo viSNu mhaNo bhojanapriyaH // sun take food only once during the day, and A namaskar or bow is dear to the sun; a that too in bajas or dishes made of khakhara stream of water (pouring water in a small (or palash) leaves. This is considered one stream over Shiva's idol) is dear to Shiva : of the conditions of worship. there being benevolence to Vislinu and a good dinner to soine mysterious relation between Surya and a Brahman, the khakhara. In observing vows in the sun's honour on 1 If the Pushya Nakshatra bappens to fall Sundays, the following special foods are on a Sunday, the worship of the sun on prescribed in particular months : that day is believed to be most efficacious in (1) In Kartika, the first month, the fulfilling the desires of the devotees, devotee is to take only three leaves of the Of the days of the month, the seventh day Tulsi or the holy basil plant. of both the bright and the dark halves of each (2) In Margashirsha, the devotee may months and the Amarasya day, i.e., the only lick a few pieces of candied sugar. last day of a Hindu calendar month, are (3) In Pausha, the devotee may chew set apart for Sun-worship. The ceremonies three stalks of green darbha grass. of the worship are the same as those on (4) In Magha, a few seeds of sesamum Sundays. In fact, in almost all the obserand sugar mixed together may be swallowed. vances in connection with the sun the same (5) In Phalguna, a consecrated draught ceremonials are to be gone through. Very of curds and sugar may be drunk. often a Brahman recites the patha direct 1 Mr. K.P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. ? Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. * Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. Girijashankar Karunasbankar, Schoolmaster, Songa 1h. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa. * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. * Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadavah * Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. 9 Mr. N D. Vora, Rajpara.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ing his hosts or hostesses to perform certain mind, and well-to-do people give in alms as ceremonial gestures. On es On the last of the much as they can afford of all kinds of the last of the number of days which the devotee has grain. decided to observe, the vrat is celebrated The Chaturmas-vrat, very common in and Brahmans are feasted. This celebration Kathiawar, is a favourite one with Hindus. of the vrat is known as vratu javavun.1 The devotee, in performing this vrat, abThe special occasions for Sun-worship stains from food on those days during the monare the Sankranti days and the solar soons on which, owing to cloudy weather, eclipses. the sun is not visible. Even if the sun is In cach year there are twelve Sankranti concealed by the clouds for days together, days on which the sun moves from one sign the devout votary keeps fasting till he sces of the zodiac to another. Sun-worship is the deity again. performed on all these Sankrantis, but 1 Barren women, women whose children die, Makara-Sankranti, which falls on the 12th or and especially those who lose their male 13th of January, is considered the most im. children, women whose husbands suffer from portant." The uttarayana-parvan falls on this disenses caused by heat, lepers, and persons day, i, e., the sun now crosses to his north- suffering from ophthalmic ailments observe ern course from his southern, and the time the vow of the sun in the following manner. of that Parvan is considered so holy that a The vows are kept on Sundaysand Amavasya person dying then directly attains salvation." days, and the number of such days is deterOn this day, many Hindus go on a pilgrim mined by the devotee in accordance with the age to holy places, offer prayers and sacri behests of a learned Brahman. The woman fices to the sun, and give alms to Brahmans observes a fast on such days, bathes herself in the shape of sesamum seeds, gold, gar at noon when the sun reaches the zenith, and ments and cows. Much secret, as well as dresses herself in clean garments. Facing open, charity is dispensed,5 grass and the sun, she dips twelve red karan flowers in cotton-seeds are given to cows, and lapsi* red or white sandal ointment and recites the and loaves to dogs. Sweet balls of twelve names of Surya as she presents one Sesamum secds and molasses are eaten as a flower after another to the sun with a bow.t prasid and given to Brahmans, and dainties On each day of the vrat, she takes food sucli as lapsi are partaken of by Hindu house- only once, in the shape of lapsi, in bajas of holds, in company with a Brahman or two, khakhara or palish leaves ; white food in the who are given dakshina after the meals.c form of rice, or rice cooked in milk is some On solar eclipse days, most of the Hindu times allowed. She keeps a ghi-lamp burn. sects bathe and offer prayers to God. Dur- ing day and night, offers frankincense, and ing the celipse the sun is believed to be sleeps a night on a bed made on the floor 10. combating with the demon Rahu, prayers be- People who are declared by the Brahmans ing offered for the sun's success. When the to be under the evil influence (dasha) of sin luns freed himself from the grasp of Surya, observe vows in the sun's honour and the demon and sheds his full lustre on the go through the prescribed rites on Sundays. enrtli, the people take ceremonial baths, Such persons take special kinds of food offer prayers to God with a concentrated and engnge the services of priests to recite 1 Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. G, K. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Songadh. Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti-Durad. * Mr. Ranchbodji Becher Tandya, Shastri, Jelpur, Sanskrit Pathashala Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * Wheat flour fried in ghi with molasses. Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. M. M, Rana, Rajkot. * Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. + The names are: 1 Aditya, 2 Divakar, 3 Bhaskar, 4 Prabhakar, 5 Sahasranshu, 6 Trilochan, 7 Hari tashva, 8 Vibhivasu, 9 Diyakrit, 10 Divadarshatmaka, 11 Trimurti, 12 Surya. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara,

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imigv Fotletsotle0eE OF GUJseesei holy texts in honour of the sun. It all goes to cause the destruction of sin. The subject well on Sunday, Brahmans, Sadhus and has been dwelt on at length in the Dharmaother pious persons are entertained at a feast. sindhu-grantha, Vrataraja, and ShodashopaThis feast is known as vrat.ujararun. Some chara among the Dharma-Shastras of the persons hare the sun's image (an ashtadal) Hindus, engraved on a copper or a golden plate for The object round which turns are taken daily or weekly worship. 1 is either the image of a god, such as of On the twelfth day after the delivery of a Ganpati, Mahadev or Vishmus or tire portrait child, the sun is worshipped and the home of a guru, or his footmarks engraved or sacrifice is performed. impressed upon some substance, or the agniIf it a wedding the sun happens to be in kunda (the fire-pit)," or the holy cow lo, or an unfavourable position according to the some sacred tree or plant, such as the Vad bridegroom's horoscope, an image of the sun (banyan tree), the Pipal (ficus religiosa),11 is drawn on gold-lent and given away in the Shami (prosopis spicegera), the Amba charity. Charity in any other form is also (mango tree), the Asopalava tree (Polycommon on such an occasion. ? althea longi folia), or the Tulsi (sweet A Nagar bride performs sun-worship for the seven days preceding her wedding." It is said to have been a custom of the In Hindu funeral ceremonies three arghyas Brahmans in ancient times to complete their are offered to the sun, and the following daily rites before sunrise every morning, mantra is chanted : and then to take turns round temples and Adityo bhAskarI bhAna raviH sUryo divaakrH| boly objects. The practice is much less SaNnAma smarennityaM mahApAtakanAzanam || common now than formerly. 1.3 Still, visitors It means-one should ever recite the six to a temple or an idol, usually are careful to names of the Sun, Aditya, Bhaskar, Bhanu, yo round it a few times at least (generally Ravi, Surya, Divakar, which destroy sin. fire or seven). The usual procedure at such The sun is also worshipped on the thirteenth a time is to strike gongs or ring bells after day:ifter the death of a person, when argh yas the turns, to cast a glance at the shiklar are offered, and two earthen pots, contain- or the pinnacle of the temple, and then to ing a handful of raw khichedi-rice and return. pulse--and covered with yellow pieces of Women observing the chaturmas-vrat, or the cotton are placed outside the house. This monsoon vow, lasting from the eleventh day of cereinony is called gadaso bharvo. the bright half of Ashadh (the ninth month) Rajahs of the solar race always worship to the eleventh day of the bright half of Karthe rising sun. They also keep a goldentik (the first month) first worship the object, image of the sun in their palaces, and engage round which they wish to take turns, with learned Brahmans to recite verses in his panchamrit (a mixture of milk, curds, sugar, Ironour. On Sundays they take only oneghi and honey). The number of turns may meal and that of simple rice (for white food be either 5, 7, 21 or 108. At each turn is most acceptable to the sun). they keep entwining a fine cotton thread Circumambulations round images and other and place a penda* or a bantasat or a betelholy objects are considered meritorious and leat' or an almond, a cocoanut, a fig or some Mr. G. K. Dave, Sultanpur. Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Ganod, * Girijashankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh. Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Ganod, Mr. Chhaganlal Motiram, Wala Taluka. Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur, Sanskrit School 7 Mrs. Raju Ramjee Kanjee, Girls' School, Ganod. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank. Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School, 19 Mr. J. D. Khandhar, Sayala. 1 Mr. D. K. Pandya. Dhhank. 14 Mr. V. D. Vora, Rajpara. 11 Mr. D. K. Pandya. Schoolmaster, Dhhark. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. * Milk and sugar ball. A sugar cake,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY other fruit before the image or the object case of Shiva, one must not cross the jala. walked round. These offerings are claimed dhari* or the small passage for conducting by the priest who superintends the cere- water poured over the Shiva-linga." mony. When & sacred tree is circum- Sometimes in pradakshinas the votary ambulated, water is poured out at the foot repeats the name of the deity round which of the tree at each turn." the turns are taken while the priest recites During the month of Shravan (the tenth the names of the gods in Shlokas. Some month) and during the Purushottama (or the times the following verse is repeated." intercalatory) month, men and women observe | pApo'haM pApakarmA'haM pApAsmA paapsNbhvH| a number of vows, in respect of which, every If i godtar atari 11 morning and evening, they take turns round bAni kAni ca pApAni janmAMtarakRtAni c| holy images and objects, tAni tAni vinazyantu pradakSiNapadapade / / People observing the chaturmas-erat (or 'I am sinful, the doer of sin, a sinful monsoon vow), called Tulsi-vivaha (marriage soul and am born of sin. O lotus-eyed One! of Tulsi), worship that plant and take turns protect me and take away all sins from me. ro'und it on every eleventh day of both the Whatever sins I may have committed now as bright and the dark halves of each of the well as in my former births, may every one monsoon months. The gautrat-rrat (gaur of them perish at each footstep of my cow) necessitates perambulations round a pradakshina cow, and the Vat.Savitri-vrat round the Vad The recitation and the turns are supposed or banyan tree. The banyan tree is also to free the soul from the phera of lakhcircumambulated on the Kapilashashthi day choryasit. Alms are given many times to the (the sixth day of the bright lialf of Marga- poor after pradakshinasi shirsha, the second montlu) and on the Ama- The reason why pradakshinus are taken vasya or the last day of Bhadrapada (the during the day is that they have to be taken eleventh month). in the presence of the sun, the great ever. Women who are anxious to prolong the lasting witness of all human actions. 11 lives of their husbands take turns round the Tulsi plant or the banyan tree. At each Ulu turn they wind a fine cotton threud. At the end of the last turn, they throw red Inc and rice orer the tree and place a betonut and a pice or a half-anna piece before it." The Shastras authorise four pradakshinas (or perambulations) for Vishnu, three for the goddesses, and a half (or one and a huif)" for Shiva. But the usual number of pradakshinas is either 5, 7, 21 or 108. In taking turns round the image of Vishnu, one must take care to keep one's riglit side towards the image, while in the 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. ? The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, * Mr. P. L. Mehta, Schoolmaster, Luvaria. 3 Mr. Jeram Vasaram, Schoolmaster, Jodia. * Mr. M. H. Raval, Ganod. 1 Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. # See figure above, A shows Shiva's image: the arrow-bead, the jaladhari which a person is not to cross He is to return from the point B in his first round and from the point in his half turn. Thus B C remains uncrossed. The circle round A shows the Khal, place wherein god Shiva is installed.-K. D. Desai. #Mr. G, K. Dave, Sultanpore. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. | Hindus believe that a soul has to go through a lac and eighty-four thousand transmigrations before it attains final emancipation. The cycle of 1,$4,000 births is called the phera of lakh-choryasi.-K, D. Desai. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sinka. 11 Mr. D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dbhank,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 13 As all seeds and vegetation receive their widespread, nor does it prevail in Kathiawar. nourishment from solar and lunar rays, the In Kathiawar, on the contrary, women are latter are believed in the same way to help kept secluded from sunlight in a dark room embryonic development at the time of child-birth, and are warmed The heat of the sun causes the trees and by artificial means.11 On the other hand, plants to give forth new sprouts, and there- it is customary in many places to bring a fore he is called 'Savita' or Producer.2 Solar woman into the sunlight after a certain period and lunar rays are also believed to facilitate has elapsed since her delivery. The duand expedite delivery. 3 The medical science ration of this period varies from four days of the Hindus declares the Amavasya (new to a month and a quarter. Sometimes a moon day) and Purnima (full-moon day) woman is not allowed to see sunlight after days-on both of which days the influence of child-birth until she presents the child to the sun and the moon is most powerful-to the sun with certain ceremonies, either on be so critical for child-bearing women as to aring women to the fourth or the sixth day from the date cause, at times, premature delivery. Hence, of her delivery. 12 before delivery, women are made to take A ceremony called the Shashthi-Karma is turns in the sunlight and also in moonlight, performed on the sixth day after the birth of in order to invigorate the fetus, thus a child, and the Namkaran ceremony-the securing that their delivery may be easy. ceremony of giving a name-on the twelfth [The assistance rendered by solar rays in day. The mother of the child is sometimes facilitating the delivery is said to impart a not allowed to see the sun before the comhot temperament to the child so born, and pletion of these ceremonies, 13 Occasionally, that by the lunar rays a cool one.]After on the eleventh day after child-birth, the delivery, a woman sho'uld glance at the sun mother is made to take a bath in the with her hands clasped, and should offer sun, 14 rice and red flowers to him. Sitting in the Exactly a month and a quarter from the sun after delivery is considered beneficial to date of delivery a woman is taken to a neighwomen enfeebled by the effort". It is a bouring stream to offer prayers to the sun cure for the paleness due to exhaustion and to fetch water thence in an earthen and infuses new vigour, vessel. This ceremony is known as Zarma. The Bhils believe that the exposure of a zaryan 15 Seven small betel-nuts are used in new-born child to the sun confers upon the the ceremony. They are carried by the child immunity from injury by cold and mother, and distributed by her to barren beat, 10 women, who believe that, by eating the nuts The practice of making recently delivered from her hand, they are likely to conwomen sit in the sun does not seem to beceive.16 1 Mr. D. K, Pandya, Dhbank. ? Mr. N. M, Dave, Sanki. 3 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * Mr. D. K, Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. * Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Schoolmaster, Ainan, * Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School. + Mr. D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank. & Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti-Murad. . Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, 10 Mr. D. K. Shah, Schoolmaster, Charadwa. 11 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. 19 Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrese, 13 Mr. Chhaganlal Motiram, Schoolmaster, Wala Talu. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. 15 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani, and the Schoolmaster, Movaiyam. 19 Mr. K. D. Desai.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In difficult labour cases, chakrava water T he figure Swastika (literally auspicious), is sometimes given to women. The cha- drawn as shown below, is an auspicious krava is a figure of seven cross lines drawn on a bell-metal dish, over which the finest white dust has been spread. This figure is shown to the woman in labour : water is then poured into the dish and offered her to drink. The figure is said to be a representation of chitrangad. It is also believed to be connected with a story in the Mababharata.3 Subhadra, the sister of god Krishna and the wife of sign, and is believed to be a mark of good Arjuna, one of the five Pandavas, conceived luck and a source of blessings. It is one a demon, an enemy of Krishna. The demon of the sixteen line-marks on the sole of the would not leave the womb of Subhadra even lotus-like feet of the god Ishwar, the twelve months after the date of her concep- Creator of the Universe. The fame of the tion, and began to harass the mother. good effects of the Swastika figure is said Krishna, the incarnation of god, knowing of to have been first diffused throughout society the demon's presence and the cause of his by Narad-Muni, as instructed by the god delay, took pity on the afflicted condition of | Brahma." his sister and read chakrava, (Chakravyuba) 1 Various conjectures have been made cona book consisting of seven chapters and | cerning the origin of this figure. The fol explaining the method of conquering lowing explanation is found in a work named a labyrinthine fort with seven cross-lined Siddhantsar, The Eternal Sat or Essence, forts. Krishna completed six chapters, and that has neither beginning nor end nor any promised to teach the demon the seventh, maker, exhibits all the religious principles provided he came out. The demon ceased in a chakra or a wheel-form. This round troubling Subhadra and emerged from shape has no circumference; but any point the womb. He was called Abhimanyu. in it is a centre ; which being specified, the Krishna never read the seventh chapter cxplanation of the whole universe in a circle for then Abhimanyu would have been is easy. Thus the figure o indicates the invincible and able to take his life. This creation of the universe from Sat or Essence. ignorance of the seventh chapter cost Abhi- The centre with the circumference is the manyu his life on the field of Kurukshetra womb, the place of creation of the universe, in conquering the seven cross-lined laby. The centre then expanding into a line, the rinthine forts, As the art of conquering | diameter thus formed represents the male a labyrinthine fort when taught to a demon principle, linga-rup, that is the producer, in the womb facilitated the delivery of through the medium of activity in the great Subhadra, a belief spread that drinking womb or maha-yoni. When the line assumes in the figure of the seven cross-lined the form of a cross, it explains the creation labyrinthine fort would facilitate the of the universe by an unprecedented combidelivery of all women who had difficulties in nation of the two distinct natures, animate child-birth. and inanimate. The circumference being * Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwa. 1 Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School. Mr. K. D. Desai, * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 15 removed, the remaining cross represents the originally drawn in the form of a cross (+). creation of the world. The Swastika, or Some persons therefore suppose that the Sathia, as it is sometimes called, in its winged Swastika may be nothing more than the letter form( ) suggests the possession of crea- (ka), written in the old style and standtive powers by the opposite natures, animate ing for the word kalyan or welfare. and inanimate. 1 Though the Swastika is widely regarded Another theory is that an image of the as the symbol of the sun, some people as. eight-leaved lotus, springing from the navelcribe the figure to different deities, viz., to of Vishnu, one of the Hindu Trinity, was Agni," to Ganpati, to Laxmi,' to Shiva, formerly drawn on auspicious occasions as besides the sun. It is also said to represent a sign of good luck. The exact imitation Swasti, the daughter of Brahma, who reof the original being difficult, the latter ceived the boon from her father of being assumed a variety of forms, one of which is worshipped on all auspicious occasions, the Swastika. 2 Most persons, however, regard the Swastika Some people see an image of the god as the symbol of the sun. It is said that Ganpati in the figure. That god being the particular figures are prescribed as suitable master and protector of all auspicious cere for the installation of particular deities : monies has to be invoked on all such occa- a triangle for one, a square for another, a sions. The incapacity of the devotees to pentagon for a third, and the Swastika for draw a faithful picture of Ganpati gave the sun 10 The Swastika is worshipped in rise to a number of forms which came to be the Ratnagiri district, and regarded as the known by the name of Swastika,3 symbol as well as the seat of the Sun-god. 11 There are more ways than one of drawing The people of the Thana district believe the Swastika, as shown below, but the the Swastika to be the central point of the helmet of the sun ; and a vow, called the Swastika-vrat, is observed by women in its honour. The woman draws a figure of the Swastika and worships it daily during the Chaturmas (the four months of the rainy season), at the expiration of which she presents a Brahman with a golden o'r silver plate with the Swastika drawn upon it, 12 A number of other ideas are prevalent about the significance of the Swastika, Some persons believe that it indicates the four directions ;13 some think that it represents the four margas-courses or objects of human desires-vis., (1) Dharma, religion ; (2) Artha, wealth ; (3) Kam, love ; (4) Moksha, salvation. Some again take it to be an image of the ladder original form was of the shape of a cross. The first consonant of the Gujarati alphabet, ka, now drawn thus 3, was also 1 Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Moti-Murad. 3 Mr. H. R, Pandya, Schoolmaster, Kbirasara. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. 7 Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwa, Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwa. 11 The Schoolmaster, Pendhur, Ratnagiri. 13 Mr. Jethabbai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal, 2 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. * Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh. * Mr. H.R. Pandya, Khirasara. The Schoolmaster, Chank, Kolaba. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 12 The Schoolmaster, Anjar, Mr, Girijashankar Karunasbankar, Schoolmaster, Songa db,

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY the names of those who are not eligible. These latter are the yajamans or patrons of the inviting Brahman, who is himself their pujya, i, e., deserving to be worshipped by them. A bindu or dot, in place of the Swastika, is considered inauspicious. The Swastika is used in calculating the number of days taken in pilgrimage by one's relations, one figure being painted on the wall each day from the date of separation, 10 It is said that the Swastika when drawn on a wall is the representation of Jogmaya, Joymaya is a Natural Power, bringing about the union of two separated beings11 The Jains paint the Swastiku in the way noted below and explain the figure in leading to the heavens. Others suppose it to be a representation of the terrestrial globe. and the four piles of corn placed in the figure, as shown below (p. 16) represent the four mountains, Udayachala, Astachal, Meru and Mandarachala.2 The Swastika is also believed to be the foundation-stone of the universe, The Swastika is much in favour with the gods as a seat or couch, and as soon as it is drawn it is immediately occupied by some deity. It is customary therefore to draw the Swastika on most auspicious and festive occasions, such as marriage and thread ceremonies, the first pregnancy ceremonies and the Divali holidays. In the Konkan the Swastika is always drawn on the Antarpat, or the piece of cloth which is held between the bride and the bridegroom at the time of a Hindu wedding. And at the time of the Punyaha-wachan, a ceremony which precedes a Hindu wedding, the figure is drawn in rice and is worshipped. Throughout the Chaturmas some persons paint the auspicious Swastikas, either on their thresholds or at their doors, every morning. On the sixth day from the date of a child's birth, a piece of cloth is marked with a Swastika in red lac, the cloth is stretched on a bedstead and the child is placed upon it. An account of this ceremony is to be found in the treatises Jayantishastra, Jatakarma, and Janakalaya. Before joining the village-school, little boys are made to worship Saraswati, the goddess of learning, after having installed her on a Swastika, in order that the acquisition of learning may be facilitated. A Brahman host, inviting a party of brother-Brahmans to dinner, marks the figure one (1) against the names of those who are eligible for dakshina, and a Swastika against H the following manner:-The four projectors indicate four kinds of souls: viz., (1) Manushya or human, (2) Tiryach or of lower animals, (3) Deva or divine, (4) Naraki or hellish. The three circular marks denote the three Ratnas or jewels, vis., (1) Jnan or knowledge, (2) Darshana or faith, (3) Charita or good conduct; and the semicircular curve, at the top of the three circles, indicates salvation 12 1 Mr. L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. * The Schoolmaster, Agashi and Arnala, Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Songadh. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. . Mr. M. H. Raval, Vancd. 11 Mr. Girijasbankar Karunashankar. Songadh. * The Schoolmaster, Ganod. Mr. T. D. Khandbar, Schoolmaster, Sayala. * The Schoolmaster, Mith-bao, Ratnagiri. * Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Schoolmaster, Aman, 10 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. 19 Mr, K, D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Every Jain devotee, while visiting the images of his gods, draws a Sathia (Swastika)' before them and places a valuable object over it. The sign is held so sacred that a Jain woman has it embroidered on the reticule or kothali in which she carries rice to holy places.* the I am the very light of the sun and the moon,' observes Lord Krishna in his dialogue with Arjuna, and the moon also receives divine honours like the sun. Moon-worship secures wealth, augments progeny, and betters the condition of milch-cattle. The suitable days for such worship are second and the fourth days of the bright half of every month (Dwitiya or Bij and Chaturthi or Choth, respectively) and full-moon every day (Purnima or . Punema). On either of these days. the devotees of Chandra (the moon) fast for the whole of the day and take their food only after the moon has risen and after they have seen and worshipped her. Some dainty dish such as kansart, or plantains and purist, is specially cooked for the occasion. A sight of the moon on the second day of the bright half of every month is considered auspicious. After seeing the moon on this day some people also look at silver and gold coins for luck, The belief in the value of this practice is so strong that, immediately after seeing the moon, people refrain from beholding any other object. Their idea is that silver, which looks as bright as the 17 moon, will be obtained in abundance if they look at a silver piece immediately after seeing the moon, Moon worship on this day is also supposed to guarantee the safety of persons at sea. In the south, milk and sugar is offered to the moon after the usual worship, and learned Brahmans are invited to partake of it. What remains after satisfying the Brahmans is divided among the community." On this day, those who keep cattle do not churn whey nor curd milk nor sell it, but consume the whole supply in feasts to friends and neighbours. The Ahirs and Rabaris especially are very particular about the use of milk in feasts only: for they believe that their cattle thereby preserved in good condition," are The fourth day of the dark half of every month is the day for the observance of the chaturthi-vrat (or choth-vrat). This vrat is observed in honour of the god Ganpati and by men only. The devotees fast on this day, bathe at night after seeing the moon, light a ghi lamp, and offer prayers to the moon. They also recite a path containing verses in honour of Ganpati, and, after worshipping that god, take their food consisting of some specially prepared dish. This vrat is said to fulfil the dreams of the devotees.10 The day for the chaturthi-vrat in the month of Bhadrapad (the 11th month of the Gujarati Hindus) is the fourth day of the bright half instead of the fourth day of the dark half11, and on this day (Ganesh 1 Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Songadh. *The Swastika is found at Pompeii and in the Greek 'key' pattern. It is also found on Persian and Assyrian coins and in the Catacombs at Rome. It is to be seen on the tomb of the Duke of Clarence, who was drowned in a butt of Malmsey wine, at Tewkesbury, and occurs in Winchester Cathedral, where it is described as the fyle-foot.-R, E, E. 2 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank, Compare a similar idea in the Kuran in the chapter An Nur (the Lights): "Allah is the Light of the Heavens and the Earth. The semblance of his light is the nyche wherein there is a light."-K. B, Fazlullah. 3 Mr. J. A. Jani, Schoolmaster, Aman. Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara; and Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani, Kansar is coarse wheat flour sweetened with molasses and cooked in water until the whole quantity of water is absorbed and taken with ghi. Paris are cakes of fine wheat flour, fried in ghi. Mr. K. D. Desai, The Schoolmaster, Rajpara, 10 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi, and B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. 11 Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh.

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18 Chaturthi) the moon is not worshipped. The very sight of her is regarded as ominous, and is purposely avoided,1 The story is that once upon a time the gods went out for a ride in their respective conveyances. It so happened that the god Ganpati fell off his usual charger, the rat, and this awkward mishap drew a smile from Chandra (the moon). Ganpati, not relishing the joke, became angry and cursed Chandra saying that no mortal would care to see his face on that day (which happened to be the fourth day of the bright half of Bhadrapad). If any one happens to see the moon unwittingly on this day, he may expect trouble very soon.2 There is one way, however, out of the difficulty, and that is to throw stones on the houses of neighbours. When the neighbours utter abuse in return, the abuse atones for the sin of having looked at the moon on the forbidden night. The day is therefore called (in Gujarat) Dagad-choth, i, e., the Choth of stones. even THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY On the fourth day of the dark half of Phalgun (the 5th month of Gujarati Hindus) some villagers fast for the whole of the day and remain standing from sunset till the moon rises. They break their fast after seeing the moon, The day is, therefore, called ubhi (ie., standing) choth, Virgins sometimes observe a vow on PoshiPunema or the full-moon day of Pausha (the 3rd month of the Gujarati Hindus). On this day a virgin prepares her evening meal with her own hands on the upper terrace of her house. She then bores a hole through the centre of a loaf, and observes + The original is Poshi Poshi Punemadi, the moon through it, repeating while doing so a verset which means: O Poshi-Punemadi, khichadi (rice and pulse mixed together) is cooked on the terrace, and thre sister of the brother takes her meal. The meal usually consists either of rice and milk or of rice cooked in milk and sweetened with sugar, or of kansar. She has to ask the permission of her brother or brothers before she may take her food; and if the brother refuses his permission, she has to fast for the whole of the day. The whole ceremony is believed to prolong the lives of her brothers and her future husband. The moon is also worshipped at the time of grihashanti, i, e., the ceremonies performed before inhabiting a newly-built house." If the moon is unfavourable to a man born under a particular constellation, on account of his occupying either the 6th, the 8th or the 12th square in a kundalit (see below) 3 2 4 7 10 * All observers of the Chaturthi-vrat worship the god Ganpati on this day, and offer him one thousand trifoliate sprouts of durva (cynodon dactylon). The dish specially prepared for the occasion is Golanaladu-sweet-balls of wheat flour fried in ghi andmixed with molasses.-Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, 3 Mr. K. D. Desai, prayers are offered to the moon; and if the occasion is a marriage, a bell-metal dish, full of rice, is presented to Brahmans,8 * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad, The Schoolmaster, Vanod. Agashe randhi khichadi, jame bhaini benadi. The Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani and The Schoolmaster, Jodia, Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School. Mr. L. D. Mehta, Schoolmaster, Mota Devalia. A Kundali is an astrological diagram of the position of planets at any particular time. The number in the diagram change their positions according to the position of planets at any given time.-Mr. D. Desai, Mr. Chhaganlal Motira, Wala Taluka,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT The appearance of the moon and the fall on Wednesday, intense cold is said to be position of the horns of her crescent at the result. Their occurring on a Tuesday, particular times are carefully watched as threatens absence of rains, and on a Monday, omens of future events. Cultivators believe a Thursday or a Friday, foreshadows ex. that if the moon is visible on the second day cessive rainfall. of the bright half of Ashadh (the 9th month Thunder on Jeth-Sud-Bij, or the second of Gujarati Hindus), the sesamum crops day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, is a bad of that season will be abundant; but if the omen and threatens famine. moon be hidden from sight on that day, the The spots on the moon have given rise to weather will be cloudy during the whole of numerous beliefs, mythological as well as Ashudh, and will prove unfavourable to ve. | funciful. One of them is that they are the getable growth. If the moon appears result of a curse, pronounced by the sage reddish on a Bij day (or the second day of Gautama on Chandra, Indra, the god of rain, the bright half of a month), and if the was infatuated with the charms of Alalya, northern horn of the crescent be high up, the wife of Gautama, and with the help prices in the market are believed to rise ; of Chandra laid a cunning plot to gain his if, on the other hand, it is low, it prognosti- ignoble object. Accordingly, one night, cates a fall in prices. If the two horns are Chandra set earlier than usual and Indra on a level, current prices will continue, assumed the form of a cock and crowed at Similarly, the northern horn of the cres- midnight in order to dece ve Gautami into cent, if it is high up on the Bij day of the belief that it was dawn, and therefore Ashadh, augurs abundant rainfall; if it is his time for going to the Ganges to perform low, it foreshadows a season of drought.2 his religions services. The trick was If the moon presents a greenish aspect on successful, and the holy sage being thus the full-moon day of Ashadh, excessive rains got rid of, Indra assumed the form of may be expected in a few days; if on that Gautama himself and approached Ahalya, day she rises quite clear and reddish, there who was surprised to see her lvusband (as is very little hope of good rains; if she is she thought) so quickly returned. The wily partly covered by clouds when she rises and god allayed her suspicions by explaining then gets clear of the clouds, and then again that it was not yet time for the morning disappears in the clouds in three ghadis, three ceremonies, and thus enjoyed the favours polors,* or three days, rain is sure to fall, due to her husband. Gautama, in the If on the 5th day of the bright half of meanwhile, finding the water of the Ganges Chaitra, the moon appears to the west of the cool and placid, and discovering that it was Rohini constellation, the prices of cotton not yet dawn, returned to his hermitage. On are believed to rise; if to the east, they are reaching home he detected the treachery of said to fall; and if in the same line, the Indra, who tried to escape in the disguise of current rates are believed to be likely to a tom-cat. The exasperated sage then continue. cursed Indra, Chandra and his wife : Indra The Bij (2nd day) and the ninth day of to have a thousand sores on his person, Ashadh (the 9th month of the Gujaratis Ahalya to turn into a stone, and Chandra to and the 4th month of the Hindus of the have a stain on his fair face, Deccan) falling on a Sunday is a combina- Another mythological story is that Daksha tion that foretells excessive heat. If they | Prajapati, the son of Brahma, gave all his * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. * The Schoolmaster, Khandhar. * Oae ghali is equal to 24 minutes and one pohor (prabara) lasts for three hours. * Mr. M. P. Sha's, Schoolmaster. Zinzuwada. Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. Mr. M, P. Shah, Schoolmaster, Zinzuwada. . Mr. N. M, Dava, Siak, . 7 The Schoolmasters of Dhbank, Rajpara and Limbdi.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 13 twenty-seven daughters in marriage to with a goat tethered near her. If the Chandra, who was inspired with love for one droppings of the goat were to fall on earth, of them only named Rohini, the most departed souls would return to the earth. beautiful of them all. The slighted twenty. It is said that a child and a tree are six sisters complained to their father, never seen to grow except during the night Daksha, of Chandra's preference for Rohini, Such growth is therefore held to be due to Daksha in anger cursed Chandra to be lunar rays.10 As all trees, plants, etc.. attacked by consumption (which is supposed thrive owing to the influence of the moon, to be the reason of the waning of the moon) the moon-god is called the lord of herbs, and his face to be marred by a stain, The moon is also a reservoir of nectar and is The curse of Gautama and the curse of called Sudhakar, i, e., one having nectaDaksha are also supposed to be reasons of rine rays! As the lord of herbs, the moonthe waxing and the waning of the moon. god is supposed to have the power of remov Another belief regarding the moon-spots ing all diseases that are curable by drugs, is that when the lead of Ganapati was and of restoring men to health.12 severed by Shiva's trident, it flew off and Persons suffering from white leprosy, fell into the chariot of the moon. The black leprosy, consumption and discases of spots are either the head itself or are due the eyes are believed to be cured by the to drops of blood fallen from the flying observance of the Bij and Punema vows.13 severed head, Consumption in its incipient and latter stages The spots are also said to be explained by is also said to be cured by exposure to the the fact of the image of god Krishna or rays of the moon,14 Constant glimpses of Vishnu* residing in the heart of the moon the moon add to the lustre of the eyes 15 who, as a devotee of Vishnu, holds his image On the Sharad-Punema, or the 15th day of dear to his heart.4 the bright half of Ashvin (the last month of The moon is often called mriganka (lit. the Gujaratis and the 7th month of the deer-marked) and mriga--lanchliana (lit Deccani Hindus), tailors pass a thread deer-stained); and a further explanation of through their needles in the belief that they the spots in this connection is that the moon- will thereby gain keener eyesight.ic god took into his lap a strayed deer, out A cotton-wick is exposed to the moon on of compassion, and thus his lap became Sharad-Punema, and is afterwards lighted in stained." Jains believe that in the nether oil poured over the image of Hanuman. The parts of the moon's viman or vehicle, there soot, which is thus produced, if used on the is an image of a deer whose shadow is seen Kali-chaudas day--the fourteenth day of the in the spots. dark half of Ashvin-is said to possess much Some persons declare the spots to be a efficacy in strengthening the eyesight and shami tree (prosopis spicigera ). The also in preserving the eyes from any disease belief of the masses in Gujarat is said to be during the ensuing year.17 that the spot on the moon's disc is the seat Sweetened milk or water is exposed to of an old woman who sits spinning her wheel moonlight during the whole of the night of 1 The Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 1 The Schoolmaster. Dadvi. The Schoolmaster, Lilapur. Throughout the Hindu Scriptures, Vishnu and his incarnations are described as being of Shyamavarna or dark complexion. -Mr. K. D. Desai. The Schoolmaster, Dadvi. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Halar. Mr. K. P, Joshi, Limbdi, The Schoolmaster, Lilapur. Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. Mr. M. P. Shah, Zinzuwada. 10 The Mistress of Rajkot Civil Station Girls' School. 11 Mr, Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. 11 Rao Saheb Shelke and the Shastri of Bhayavadur. Is The Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 1. The Schoolmaster, Dhbank. He refers to the books Vrataraj and Pathyapathya on this point, 15 The Deputy Educational Inspector, Halar; and the Schoolmaster of Chauk, Kolaba. 16 The Schoolmaster, Jodia. 17 The Schoolmaster, Kolki,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 21 Sharad-punema (the full-moon day of Ashvin) | the son of Sinhika, fearing lest the whole in order to absorb the nectarine rays of the of the nectar might be exhausted before the moon, and is drunk next morning. Drink- turn of the demons came, took the shape of ing in the rays of the moon in this manner a god and placed himself amongst them betis believed to cure diseases caused by heat ween Chandra (the moon) and Surya (the as well as eye-diseases, and it similarly sun). The nectar was served to him in turn, strengthens the eyesight and improves the but on Chandra and Surya detecting the complexion. Sugar-candy thus exposed and trick, the demon's head was cut off by preserved in an air-tight jar is partaken Vishnu's discus, the sudarshana-chakra. of in small quantities every morning to gain Rahu however did not die : for he had strength and to improve the complexion. tasted the nectar, which had reached his The absorption of the lunar rays through throat. The head and trunk lived and the open mouth or eyes is also believed became immortal, the former being named to be of great effect in achieving these ob- Rahu, and the latter Ketu. Both sworo jects. revenge on Chandra and Surya. At times, Once upon a time the gods and demons, therefore, they pounce upon Chandra and by their united efforts, churned the ocean and Surya with the intention of devouring them. obtained therefrom fourteen ratnas or pre- In the fight that ensues, Chandra and Surya cious things.* These were distributed among are successful only after a long contest, them, Lakshmi, the kaustubha jewel, the with the assistance of the gods, and by the Sharnga bow and the conch-shell fell to the merit of the prayers that men offer. share of Vishnu, and the poison, Halahal The reason of the eclipse is either that visha, was disposed of to Shiva. Only two Chandra and Surya bleed in the fight with things remained, sudha, or nectar, and sura Rahu and their forms get blackened"; or or liquor. To both gods and demons the that the demon Rahu comes between the two nectar was the most important of all the luminaries and this earth, and thus causes an prizes. A hard contest ensuing between them eclipse; or because Rahu obstructs the sun for the possession of it, the demons, by and the moon in their daily course, and this force, snatched the bowl of nectar from the intervention causes an eclipse?; or because gods. In this disaster to the gods, Vishnu Rabu swallows the sun and the moon, but came to their help in the form of Mohini-ea his throat being open, they escape, their most fascinating woman-and proposed to short disappearance causing an eclipse.* the demons that the distribution of the Besides the mythological story, there is a immortalising fluid should be entrusted to belief in Gujarat that a bhangi (scavenger her. On their consent, Vishnu or Mohini, l or sweeper), creditor of the sun and the moon, made the gods and the demons sit in goes to recover his debts due from them, and opposite rows and began first to serve that his shadow falling against either of the nectar to the gods. The demon Rahu, them causes an eclipse. 1 The Schoolmasters of Rajpara, Limbdi, and Ibhrampur. * Mr. K. D. Desai. The Shastri of Jetpar, Pathashala, The following Sanskrit verse mentions all of them: - lakSmI kaustubhapArijAtakasurA dhanvaMtarizcandramA / gAvaH kAmahaH surezvaragajo rmbhaadidevaanaaH|| azvaH saptamukho viSaM haridhanu: zaMkho'mRtaM cAMbudheH / ratnAnIha catuIza pratidinaM kurvantu vo maMgalam // 1 // Rao Saheb P. B. Joshi. * The Schoolmasters of Jodia, Dhbank, Songadh, Rajpara, and Limbdi. $ The Schoolmaster of Kbirasara. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. 7 Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasawad Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh, Mr. K. P, Joshi, Limbdi.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A third explanation of the eclipse is that of charity during the actual period of an the sun and the moon revolve round the eclipse are the lowest classes only, such as Meru mountain, and the shadow of the bhangis, mahars and mange. When an inountain falling upon either of them causes eclipse is at its full, these people go about an eclipse, 1 the streets giving vent to such cries as apo It is believed amongst Hindus that eclipses dan chhute chand (give alms for the relief of occur when too much sin accumulates in this the moon 1).5 world. Most Hindus regard an eclipse a's Among the gifts such people receive are ominous, and consider the eclipse period to cotton clothes, cash, grain such as sesamum be unholy and inauspicious. The contact of seeds, udad, pulses, and salt. The gift of the demon Rahu with the rays of the sun a pair of shoes is much recommended. and the moon pollutes everything on earth. Sometimes a figure of the celipsed sun or Great precautions therefore become neces- moon is drawn in juari seeds and given away sary to avoid pollution. A period of three to a bhangi. pohors' (prakars) in the case of the moon, Although the period of an eclipse is consiand of four in the case of the sun before dered inauspicious, it is valued by those who the actual commencement of an eclipse, is profess the black art. All mantras, incantaknown as vedha, i, e., the time when the tions, and prayogas, applications or experilaminaries are already under the influence of ments, which ordinarily require' a long time the demon. During this period and during to take effect, produce the wished for result the time of an eclipse people ubserve a without delay if performed during the prostrict fast. Anyone taking food within the cess of an eclipse. prohibited period is considered antaki or If a man's wife is pregnant, he may not ceremonially impure, as if a death had smoke during the period of an eclipse lest happened in his family.. An exception his child become deformed, 10 Ploughing & is, however, made in the case of children, farm on a lunar eclipse day is supposed to pregnant women and surkling mothers who cause the birth of chandra-children, i.e. cannot bear the privation of a strict fast. children afflicted by the moon, 20 From the beginning of an eclipse to its end, After an eclipse Hindus bathe, perform everything in the house is believed to be ablution ceremonies and dress themselves in polluted, it touched. clean garments. The houses are cleansed As the sun and the moon are believed to by cowdunging the floors, vessels are rubbed be in trouble during an eclipse, people and cleanred, and clothes are Washed, in offer prayers to God from the beginning order to get rid of the pollution caused by of the vedha for their release. It is the eclipseli. Unwashed clothes of cotton, the custom to visit some holy place on an wool, silk or jute, according to popular belief, eclipse-day, to take a bath there, and to do not become polluted, 11 The placing of read holy passages from the Shastras, Some darbha grass on things which are otherwise people, especially Brahmans, sit devoutly on liable to pollution is also sufficient to keep river-banks and offer prayers to the sun. them unpolluted,1 Much secret as well as open charity is given Brahmans cannot accept anything during at the time of an eclipse. But the receivers the impious time of an eclipse, but after it * Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. * Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasa wad. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. * The Schoolmasters of Jodia and Songad'.. * Mr. N. D. Vors, Rajpara. 20 Mr. K. D. Desai. 13 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, * Mr K. D. Desai. * A pohor or prahar is equal to three bours, * Mr. Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. * Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. G. K Bhatt, Songadh. 11 The Schoolmaster of Jodia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 23 is over, alms are freely given to them in the bodies seems to be that they are the souls of shape of such costly articles as fine clothes, virtuous and saintly persons, translated to gold, cattle and the like, 1 the heavens for their good deeds and endow. After an eclipse Hindus may not break ed with a lustre proportionate to their their fast till they have again scen the full merits. And this idea is illustrated in the disc of the released sun or the moon. It traditions that are current about some of the sometimes happens that the sun or the moon stars. The seven bright stars of the consets gherayala (while still eclipsed), and stellation Saptarshi (or the Great Bear) people have then to fast for the whole of are said to be the seven sages, Kashyapa, the night or the day after, until the sun or Atri, Bharadwaj, Vishwamitra, Gautama, the moon is again fully visible. Jamadagni and Vasishtha, who had mastered There is a shloka in the Jyotish.Shastra several parts of the Vedas, and were consito the effect that Rahu would surely devour dered specialists in the branches studied by Chandra if the nakshatra, or constellation each, and were invested with divine honours of the second day of the dark half of a in reward for their proficiency.' Another preceding month, were to recur on the story relates how a certain hunter and his Purnima (full-moon day) of the succeeding family, who had unconsciously achieved month. Similarly, in solar eclipses, a groat religious merit, were installed as the similar catastrophe would occur if the constellation Saptarshi* (or the Great Bear). constellation of the second day of the bright A hunter, it is narrated in the Shivaratri. half of a month were to recur on the mahatmya, was arrested for debt on a Amavasya (the last day) of that month, Shivratrit day, and while in jail heard by The year in which many cclipses occur is chance the words 'Shiva, Shiva' repeated by believed to prove a bad year for epidemic some devotees. Without understanding their diseases. meaning, he also began to repeat the same The Jains do not believe in the Hindu words, even after he was released in the theory of grahana (or the eclipse)." Musal- evening. He had received no food during mans do not perform the special cere- | the day, and had thus observed a compulsory monies beyond the recital of special prayers fast. In order to obtain food for himself and even these are held to be superero- and his family, he stationed himself gatory. behind a Belt tree, hoping to shoot a deer With the exception that some people be or some other animal that might come to lieve that the stars are the abodes of the quench its thirst at a neighbouring tank, gods, the popular belief about the heavenly While adjusting an arrow to his bowstring, 1 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * Mr. K. D. Desai, * Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwah. * Mr. T. D. Khandhar, Sayala. * The Schoolmaster, Jodia. * Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. . Mr. M. M. Rada, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa, and Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Mr. Motichand Vasani Doshi, Kaluwad, I believe the name of the constellation is wrongly given: it ought to be Mriga. One of the stars in this group, known as "Sirius', in Western astronomy, is often called Vyadha (i. e., the hunter).-Mr. K. T. Gupte. The Mrig constellation is also said to represent the goddess Saraswati, who had assumed the form of a onzelle in order to escape the amorous grasp of Brahma, her father. While the door in the Mrig constellation is Saraswati, the Ardra constellation is Mahadev who had followed to chastise Brahma, who also is seen as the Brahma constellation.-Mr. N. M. Dave, Sinka. + The thirteenth day of both the bright and dark halves of a month, sacred to the worship of god Shiva The three-leaf-clusters of this tree are loved by the god Shiva if put upon his image.-Mr. K. D. Desai.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 12 he plucked sonde leaves out of the thick foli position in the heavens at the time of his age of the tree and threw them down. The birth. A kundali, i.e., a figure like the one leaves, however, chanced to fall on * Shivalinga which happened to stand below, and secured for him the merit of having worshipped god Shive with Bel-leaves on a Shivratri day. He was also all the while repeating the god's name and had undergone a fast. The result was that not only were his past sins forgiven, but he was placed with his family in freaven, Similarly, Dhruva, the son of king Uttanapad, attained divine favour by unflagging 8 devotion, and was given a constant place in the heavens as the immovable pole-star, shown here, is drawn by astrologers to According to Hindu astrology, there are illustrate the respective positions of the wine grahas* or planets, twelve rashist or planets. The twelve squares of the diagram represent the twelve signs of the zodiac, the signs of the zodiac and twenty-seven and the positions of the planets in different nakshatrast or constellations. Books on sjuares influence persons in different ways. astrology explain the distinct forms of the Ravi (the Sun), Budha (Mercury) and Shunakshatras. For instance, the Ashvini con-kra (Venus) Occupy one racha for one month ; stellation consists of two stars and presents Chandra (the Moon) occupies # rashi for the appearance of a horse. It ascends the 135 ghadis, 1 i.e., two days and a quarter ; zenith at midnight on the purnima (the 15th Mangal (Mars) for one month and a half ; day of the bright half) of Ashvin (the first Guru (Jupiter) for thirteen months; Shani. month of the Gujarati Hindus). The constel (Saturn) for two years and a half, and Rahu lation of Mrig consists of seven stars, four for a year and a half. This is their normal like the legs of a sofa and three others and ordinary motion. But if they take an abnormal course and move either too fast or under them in a line. All these twenty too slow, they finish their revolution through seven groups of stars reach the zenith at a rashi within a shorter or a longer period, midnight on particular days in particular If the planet Guru (Jupiter) occupies. months; and the months of the Hindu calen- either the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 8th, LOth, or dar are named after them.3 12th, square of a kundali, it is said to bring All planets influence the life of a person, I about rupture with friends, pecumiary wants, one way or the other, according to their and an increase in the number of enemies. 1 Mr. D. K, Pandya, Dhbank. Mr. N. M. Davo, Sanka. * The nine grahas are, Ravi (the Sun), Chandra (the Moon), Mangal (Mara). Budha. (Aiercury), Guru (Jupiter), Shukra (Venus), Shani (Saturn), and Rahu and Ketu. The names of the twelve rashis are:-1 Mesha (Aries), 2 Vrishabha (Taurus), 3 Mithun (Gemini), 4 Karka (Cancer), 5 Sinha (Leo), 6 Kanya (Virgo), 7 Tula (Libra), 8 Vrishchika (Scorpio), 9 Dhanu (Sagittarius), 10 Makara (Capricornus) 11 Kumbha (Aquarius), 12 Mina (Pisces). 1 The following are the twenty-seven nakshatras - Ashvini, 2 Bharani, 3 Kritika. 4 Robini, 5 Mrig. 6 Ardra, 7 Punarvasu, 8 Pushya, 9 Asblesha, 10 Magha, 11 Purva-phalguni, 12 Uttara-phalguni, 13 Hasta, 14 Chitra, 15 Swati, 16 Visbakba, 17 Anuradba, 18 Jyesbtba, 19 Mal. 20 Purvsbadha, 21 Uttarasbadba. 22 Shravana, 23 Dhanishtba, 24 Shatataraka, 25 Purvabbadrapada, 26 Uttarabhadrapada, and 27 Rowati. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, 9 One ghadi24 minutes. * Mt. Motechand Vasanj Doshi, Kalawad * The Schoolmaster, Dadi

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 25 If Shani (Saturn) occupies the 1st, 2nd, loger; and on the last Tuesday, when purna. 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, or the 12th square kuti* is offered, Brahmans are feasted and in a man's kundali, it causes despondency of dakshina is given to them. A piece of red mind, family quarrels, imminent injuries cloth and some corn are used in the installafrom foes, and pecuniary wants. tion of the planet; these and the golden The presence of Mangal (Mars) in the engraving are carried away by the priest? 3rd, the 6th, or the 11th square is auspi- Similarly, in propitiating Rahu and Ketu cious, the same ceremonies are gone through: only, of the nine planets, Budha, Guru, and instead of wheat, mag (Phasolens mungo) is Chandra are benevolent, Mangal and Ravi eaten by the devotee. In the same way are neither benevolent nor baneful; and Shani (Saturn) is said to favour the diet of Shani, Rahu, and Ketu are downright malev. adad (or lentils): Guru (Jupiter) inclines to olent. Each planet has a story connected chana (or gram), while Shukra (Venus) with it concerning its benevolence or malev- favours chola (colichos sinensis)." olence, and showing also the way to secure Certain for us or figures, called mandals, its propitiation. For instance, the malev. are favoured by particular grahas, and are olence of Shani drove King Vikrama to drawn in their lunour in worshipping them, "unknown countries, and subjected him to Different things, too, are given in charity in grave calamities. On the advice of a wise honour of different planets. man, however, he obsrved the Saturday- All the nine grahas and the twenty-seven vows and thus overcame his difficultes.3 nakshatras are worsluipped on the occasion When a planet is unfavourable to a of the Griha-Shanti ceremony, which is perperson, it has to be propitiated by vows, and formed before occupying a newly crected the person who is under its evil influence building. often lays upon himself the obligation of It is considered inauspicious to hold a abstaining from particular articles of food marriage ceremony while Shukra (Venus) is or from wearing certain articles of clothing invisible. In such a case, however, the cerefor a certain number of days.* Particular mony may be performed after setting up and days of the week are set apart as appro- worshipping a small golden image of the priate for the worship of particular planets, planct. and, on such days, the person keeping the Of the stars, the constellation of saptarshi vow observes a fast and worships the planet is perhaps the one most often worshipped. through the medium of a Brahman, For Its worship forms a part of the ceremonies instance, vrats or vows are observed on Tues- performed on the occasion of investing boys days in honour of Mangal (Mars), when an with the sacred thread? and also of the cereimage of the planet, engraved on a golden monies of marriage. The worship of the dish, is worshipped, and the person observing sa ptarshi on marringe occasions is believed the vow takes food consisting of wheat only to be an attestation of the marriage, and to and that too, only once during the day. This secure the benign care of the saptarshi for mode of fasting is followed for a number of the couple. The form of worship is someconsecutive Tuesdays prescribed by an astro- times as follows: a red and white piece of 1 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. ? N. M. Dave, Sanka. 3 M.H. Raval, Vanod. * Hirji Monji, Ganod. N.D. Vora, Rajpara. * Gangaram Tribhowandas, Lilapur. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, . 1. c., a bandful of rice, ghi, cocoanuts, and some other objects are cast into the fire as an offering.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY cloth is stretched on the ground, bearing an calf and a heifer to be married, an enterimage of the saptarshi over it; wheat and tainment being simultaneously given to one rice are scattered over the cloth, a ghi-lamp hundred and eight Brahmans, and on the occais lighted, and red lac and flowers are offered sion of Vastu or the ceremonies performed to the image. Another form of worship before or at the time of occupying a newlyis to mark seven red-lac-dots on a patla or a built house, burnt offerings and worship are wooden stool, and to place seven pice and offered to the saptarshi. seven betel-nuts thereon. After worship- Every Brahman must offer arghyast to, ping the seven pice, the bridal pair are made and worship, the agastya constellation, in a to take four turns round the stool, touching hut of darbhag and kasada, within seven the stool with their great toes at every turn. days from the date of its appearance. A proverb runs to the effect that, whatever may Failure to make this offering brings polluhappen to the couple, still the seven pice of tion on him for seven months, and disqualisat pati (i, e., the ceremony described) are fies him from performing any of the rites or secure? A third process is to form seven ceremonies prescribed by t'ie Shastras. small piles of kamod," on each of which, Married couples are made to look at the successively, the bride places her right foot Pole star immediately after the Hymenal while the bridegroom removes each pile one knot is tied by the priest, in the hope that by one. they may be as long-lived or as inflexible or The fifth day of the bright half of Bha- unmoved by the ups and downs of life.2 drapad (the eleventh month of the Gujarati The twelfth day after the death of a Hindus) is observed as a day of worship in person, known as Tara-baras (or the star. honour of the saptarshi group. People twelfth) is kept as the day of star-worship by observe a fast on that day. Brahmans set the relatives of the deceased, when one up seven chatst in honour of the seven sages, member of the family observes a fast on that adding an eighth in honour of Arundhati, day in honour of the deceased, and takes the wife of Vasishtha, and worship them by food only after worshipping the stars at shodashopachar (i.e. sixteen-fod ceremonial). night: It is customary on this day to give. The worship is said to secure felicity for up the use of bronze vessels and to give them departed souls.* away in charity. The saptarshi are also annually worship. Just as persons carrying or accompanying ped by Brahmans on cocoanut-day (the 15th a corpse to the cemetery are considered day of the bright half of Shravan) on the sutaki (under ceremonial impurity), so those occasion of changing their sacred threads, who witness this rite are also considered Hindu seamen also worship the constellation unclean : but they are purified by a sight of on the same day.5 the stars, In the performance of the Nil-parvan cere- 1 Young girls watching the starry sky at mony, which is held to propitiate the spirit's night recite a verse which means, "I worshipof departed ancestors, and which requires a ped the star-spangled firmament first and 1.K, P. Joshi, Limbdi. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit Pathashala. The Schoolmaster of Khirasara. + D.K. Pandya, Dhhank, and N. M. Dave, Sanka. "B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. * Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. Kalyanji Bhaishankar, Kolki, and R. B. Pandya, Jetpur, G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. * A superior kind of rice. Twisted braids of darbha grass. Arghya is an offering of water in a spoon filled with barley seeds, sesamum seeds, sandal ointment, rice, and Aowers, Two varieties of sacred grass, used in thatching roofs,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 27 then my lover Abhla dabhla Kankuna as it appears at particular hours and in dabhla* - "Ye stars ! blind the prowling particular directions. If a rainbow appears thief and seize him if he tries to steal away, in the east a speedy rainfall is expected ; if. and your blessings on my lord confer !" on the other hand it is seen in the west, rain. The Rohini and Krilika constellations, fall is apprehended to be distant. Some popularly known as Gadli, are supposed to people, however, believe the contrary, i.e. indicate the rise and fall in the cotton. they regard the appearance of a rainbow darket. in the west as an indication of good rains, The dimmest star of the saptarshi group and in the east as a sign of scarce rainfall 10 foretells the death of a person within six Perhaps both ideas are reconciled by a third months from the date on which it becomes belief according to which the appearance of invisible to him. Again, if a man cannot a rainbow in a direction facing the sun, perceive the saptarshi or the galaxy in the indicates the proximity of rain. 11 sky, it is considered such a bad omen that If a rainbow is seen at sunset or sunrise his end is believed to be near at hand, just before the commencement of rain the The rainbow is believed to be the bow of fall of rain will be excessive; but if it Indrat, the god of rains, and is therefore appears after rainfall, the rain will procalled 'Indra-dhanushya.' We see it when bably cease.1? According to some persons Indra draws his bow to release the rains the appearance of a rainbow in the morning from the rakshasas (demons);" or, when portends a drought." There is, however, a successful in bringing down rain, Indra popular saying to the effect that were the manifests his glory by drawing a bow; or kachbi, i, e., the rainbow, to be seen at sunwhen in the struggle for supremacy between rise in the west, it foretells great floods Suminer and the rainy season, Indra draws before nightfall.? his bow to defeat Summer.7 The sight of a rainbow is sometimes reIt is also believed that when Ramachan. garded as a bad omen. Some believe that it dra, the hero of the Ramayana, adjusted an shortens a man's life and brings misfortunes arrow to the bow of Shiva, to compete for to him. Others believe that it is calamithe hand of Sita in the swayamvara (or tous to a man's relations by marriage, espemaiden's choice marriage) celebrated by her, cially to the mother-in-law, who is sure to lose the bow was split into three pieces, which her power of hearing.14 People sometimes ever since present themselves as rainbows in clash earthen vessels against one another to the sky. avert the evils which are to be feared from The rainbow is popularly regarded as an a rainbow. It is also said that the sight of indication of good or bad rainfall according the whole of the rainbow is a good omen: 1 Odhowji Avichal, Lakhapadar. ? Tala kshi Dharamsi, Khandhar. 3 The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad. * Hirji Monji, Ganod. 5L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. * Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. + N. M. Dave, Sanka. * The Schoolmaster of Palanvar. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. 10 K, P. Joshi, Limbdi. ii The Schoolmaster of Luvaria. 11 Mr. Kalyanji Bhaishankar, Kolki, 13 The Schoolmaster of Khandhar. 14 Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur. 15 Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Meaningless terms. 1 Indra has full sway over the twelve meghas (or clouds), of which Shamagbana is the greatest. Indra directs them to pour down waters in whatever regions he likes. At the time of the deluge be lets loose all the twelve meghas under the lead of Shamagbana and thus brings about the destruction of this world. N.D. Vora, Rajpara.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY but the sight of a part, however large, is celestial regions is held in great respect by inauspicious. the gods and purifies the heavenly bodies, According to the Puranas, the milky way just as the earthly Ganges washes away the or akash-ganga is the celestial river Ganga worst sins of mortals. which was brought down by Bhagirath to Some people, however, believe the milky the earth.2 King Sagar once performed an way to be the track by which the holy ashwa-medha" sacrifice, when, according to Ganges descended from heaven to earth. custom, he let loose a horse, and sent his Another belief is that the God Vishnu, at sixty thousand sons with it. Indra, jealous the time of his Vaman (or Dwarf) incarnaof the growing power of Sagar, stole the tion, touched the ina (i, e., the Egg) in his horse and concealed it in the hermitage of third footstep and thus caused a flow of Kapila, when the sage was deeply absorbed waters, which is known as akash-ganga. in religious meditation. The sixty thousand Some suppose the milky way to be a ladder sons of Sagar followed it to this asylum, leading to the heavens. Astrologers call where they taunted and insulted the sage, it Vatsa, a fictitious creature with numerous believing him to be the thief. Kapila, who horns, mouths, and tails. According to was ignorant of the theft, opened his long- another belief, the milky way consists of two closed cyes in anger, emitting sparks of rekhas-lines-one of sin and the other of flane from them, and destroyed the song good and meritorious actions. The length of Sagar together with the whole of of one line compared to the other betokens their army. Bhagirath, the grandson of the predominance of good or evil as the Sagar, propitiated the sage, and on his advice case may be. The milky way is also suppractiscd religious austerities in honour of posed to be the track left by the rath or car Shiva for the purpose of bringing down the of Ramachandra 10 River Ganga from heaven. Through the Akash-ganga or the milky way is said to kindness of God Shiva, Bhagirath was at last consist of one crore and eighty lacs of successful in bringing the celestial river stars, 11 If a man cannot perceive the milky down to this world ; and with the water of way in the sky, his end is believed to be near the river he revived the sons of Sagar. The at hand. 12 River Ganga (i. e., the Ganges) in this world The Musalmans declare the milky way is therefore also known by the name of Bha- to be the track formed by the footstep girathi. It is this heavenly river which of the horse of the Prophet Muhammad, we see as the milky way. Like the sacred on the occasion of his night-journey to Ganges on the earth, the river Ganga in the Heaven.' 1 Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwah. Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, and B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. Vallabh Ramji, Mendarda. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Aman, + Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * Mr. N. M. Dave. Sanka, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, 10 Mr. K. B. Fazlullah. 11 Mr. G. K. Bhall, Songadh. 1: Mr. Hirji Monji, Ganod. * When a king desired to be Chakravarti-Sovereign of all India-be used to perform a horse-sacrifice, and a horse was let loose with a copper-plate fastened to its head with the name of the king engraved upon the plate. The horse moved in front followed by the king's army. Those who were not willing to acknowledge the suzerainty of the king challenged his army by seizing the horse. Such a horse-sacrifice, if successfully completed, threatens the power of Indra, who is therefore said to be very jealous and to create obstacles to the performance of such sacrifices-K, D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 29 The occasion for earth-worship most fre- constructor who happens to be under the quently arises when anything is to be built influence of Sinha (Lco), Kanya (Virgo) and upon its surface. At the time of setting the Tula (Libra): in the north-east corner, if manek-otambha, pr the first pillar of a mar- under the influence of Vrishchika (Scorpio), riage-bower or a bower for a thread-cere- Dhanu (Sagittarius) and Makar (Capricormony, before commencing the construction of nus): in the south-east corner if under the wells, reservoirs, and tanks and in laying sway of Kumbha (Aquarius), Min (Pisces) and the foundation-stone of a house, a temple, or Mesha (Aries): in the south-west corner in a sacrificial pit, or of a street, a fortress, a the case of Urishabh (Taurus), Mithun city, or a village, or of any constructive (Gemini) and Kark (Cancer). After the work raised upon or made under the ground, worship of the earth-mother, sugar or molascertain ceremonies, called khat-muhurt or ses is distributed among neighbours, bystankhat-puja, are performed. The earth-mother ders and relatives, in token of the auspiciousis then worshipped in the manner prescribed ness of the occasion. An image of Ganpati in the Shastras, to propitiate her against is worshipped in a copper-dish, this is buried interruptions in the completion of the work underground, and a brick is laid on it when undertaken. The owner or the person inter- starting the work of construction,3 In ested in the new construction pours a little setting up the manek-stambha on marriage water on the earth where the foundation-pit occasions, a small earthen bowl is filled with is to be dug, sprinkles red lac and gulal milk, curds, turmeric, durva-sproutst and (red powder), places a betel-nut and a few mag seeds (phasoleus mungo), and buried in precious coins, and digs out the first clod of the ground after being sprinkled over with earth himself. Some of the things offered red lac and rice. to the earth at the time of khat-puja are The ceremonies appertaining to khat. panchamrit, betel nuts, betel-leaves, pancha- muhurt are treated of at length in a book ratna (or the five kinds of precious things, called Dharma-vindhu. They are believed namely, gold, silver, copper, coral, and to secure durability of construction, pearls), a bowl and green garments." Under On the Dasarat day or the 10th day of the influence of particular rashis (signs of the bright half of Ashvin (the last month), the zodiac), particular corners of the build- Rajas go out in state with their ministers ing under construction are required to be and subjeets to worship the earth-mother and dug in the khat-na uhurt ceremonies. For the holy shami tree (prosopis spicegera). A instance, a little digging in the nortl.-west wetted plot of ground is first dug over with corner is belioved to be favourable to the pikes, japala (tender wheat plants) and 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * Mr. N. M, Dave, Sanka. * Mr. Talakshi Dharashi, Sayala. * The Schcolmaster of Dadvi. * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. 1 The Schoolmaster of Gondal Taluka * A mixture of milk, curds, ghi, honey and sugar. + Durva is a kind of sacred grass. 1 On the Dasara holiday, which is also known as Vijayadashmi, Hindus take special dishes, dress them. selves in their best garments and go out of towns and villages to worship the earth-mother and the holy shami, with javila stalks, a few of which are inserted in the folds of their head-dress as auspicious tokens. In towns and big cities a procession is formed, conducted by some city magaate or a native chief riding an elephant. They go in stateto the place of worship, and after the completion of the worship a goat or a he buffalo preferably the latter, is killed, and a salvo of three to seven or more cannon is fired. People then return hone and prostrate themselves before their olders, and receive from them a handful of candied sugar, a betel-nut and leaf, with blessings for long-life and prosperity. Such blessings are considered likely to prove effective. - K, D. Desai.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY shami leaves are then mixed with the muddy cooked food is allowed to fall on the ground earth, and small balls of the mixture are on this day: even the lenvings after meals made. A pice and betel nut are placed in are given away to cows, each ball, and they are presented to the wors When any ceremony is to be performed on shipper as a mark of good luck. Travellers the earth's surface, as much of the spot as carry such balls with them on their journeys is required for the ceremony is cleansed by for luck. Kings carry the same to obtain watering it and plastering it with cow-dung. success on the battle-field. The Pandavas A betel nut and a pice are then placed on it had such balls with them on the field of as the Chada or rent of the spot.? Kurukshetra when they obtained a victory On those occasions when dakshina is given over the Kauravas.1 The balls are also to Brahmans outside the village limits, worused as pastana.* The javala in the balls ship of the earth-mother is performed by are taken out and allowed to grow in an 1 pouring milk on the ground, and by placing earthen vessel filled with clay and manure seven betel nuts and seven 'single coppertill they reach a span in heigth, when they pieces thereon. are taken up and used.2 Some ambititions Brahmans dig earth Earth-worship is performed before bury- from near the roots of a banyan tree after ing treasure underground, and also when a offering prayer to the earth, and out of marriage-procession, at the time of return- it, make an image of Parthishwar-Lord ing, reaches the limits of the bridegroom's of the Earth-hoping thereby to obtain village, wealth. The same ceremony, if observed In some places, virgins worship the plot near the roots of a pipal tree (ficus of ground on which the Holi is lighted, for religiosa), is believed to confer wealth and about ten or twelve days after the Holi male issue.3 holiday. When Vishnu killed the demons Madhu Another occasion for earth-worship is the and Kaitabha, the earth was strewn with third day of the bright half of Chaitra (the their flesh and marrow (meda). Therefore sixth month), on which day Vishnu saved the earth is called medeni, and for the same the earth in his Varaha (or Boar) incarna- reason, is unclean, and no holy objects are tion, when it was being carried to the nether allowed to touch it. Another explanation is regions by the demon Shankhasur. that the earth was rendered unclean because On the eighth day of the bright half of blood was shed on its surface in the Magh and also of Ashvin (the fourth and the combat of the demon Vritrasur with the god last month respectively), naivedya (an obla- | Indra.19 tion of food) is offered to the earth-mother, The things polluted by a contact with the and is then used as her prasad (gift). No earth are either objects which are to be 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpan.. * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod, * Mr. Talakshi Dharashi, Sagala. * Mr. B. K, Dave. Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa, and the Schoolmaster of sasdan. The Schoolmaster of Patanvav. * The Schoolmaster of Sultanpur. Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasavad, 10 Mr. Madhowji Tulsiram, Movaiya. * Some Hindus, when intending to go on a journey, consult an astrologer as to the muhurt or auspicious hour for setting out. If they do not happen to leave their place at the prescribed moment, they put a pastand-some of the articles to be carried by them in their journey-such as a suit of clothes or a box, in neighbogr's house as a token of their having set out at the stated time.---K. D. Desai,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT dedicated to gods, such as sandal-wood ointment, panchamrit,* the leaves of the bel tree (Aegle marmelos), tulsi leaves (leaves of the holy or sweet basil plant), betel-leaves and flowers; or objects which are sacred because of their having been dedicated to the gods, including tirtha2 or water used in bathing the images of godst; or things which are by nature so holy that it is improper to place them on the bare earth; for instance, images of deities, water of the sacred Ganges or the Jumna,3 any holy writ, a conch-shell and even gold, Cooked food also deserves respect, as it supports the lives of men, and it is sinful in a Hindu to let it lie on the bare ground. Any irregular conduct in this respect arouses the wrath of the Annadeva (or the food, deity). It is, however, maintained by some that the reason why certain things, such as materials of worship, are not allowed to touch the carth, is that the earth itself being a deity, such things would be dedicated to this deity by a contact with the earth and would thus become incapable of any further use, as things that are dedicated to one deity cannot again be offered to another.7 During the course of the recitation of mantras (holy hymns) in honour of Vishnu and Mahadeva; on the occasion of offering prayers to the grahas (planets) for their propitiation and on occasions like Vishnu. yaga, Maharudra, Shatachandi, GayatripurushavachanaSS and Brahmana-varuna|| the devotee or the sacrificer and the priest 31 sleep on darbha grass or on clean woollen blankets, spread on the bare ground.1 Other occasions for sleeping on the floor are the days of the observance of certain vrats or vows; such as, the Divasa or the 15th day of the dark half of Ashadh (the ninth month), the Jamnashtami or the 8th day of the dark half of Shravana (the tenth month), the days of Goatrad, a vrat lasting from the 11th day to the 15th day of the bright half of Bhadrapad, Mahashivaratri or the 14th day of the dark half of Magh, the Ekadashi day or the 11th day of both the bright and dark halves of a month, the Navaratra days or the first nine days Ashvin, eclipse days, and the day of Jagran or the 15th day of the bright half of Ashadh," besides, sometimes, the whole of the months of Shravana and the Purushottam or intercalary month; and the chaturmas, i, e., the four months of the rainy season.8 A Brahman in his brahmacharya (or the period of his life which, according to the shastras, should be devoted to the acquirement of learning, and which commences from the date of his being invested with the sacred thread and terminates at the age of twenty-three) and a widow are not allowed by the shastras to sleep elsewhere than on beds made on the ground.1 Women, while in menstruation, sleep on the floor for four days,2 Some women, when they are separated from their husbands, also sleep in this fashion,8 A dying person, two or three minutes be fore his death, is placed on the ground, which 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. 3 Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, Mr. K. D. Desai, The Schoolmaster of Gondal Taluka. Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. *A mixture of milk, curds, ghi, honey, and sugar. + Such objects are taken in a plate and thrown over a tulsi (or sweet basil) plant.-K, D. Desai, Sacrifices in honour of Vishnu, Mahadev and the goddess Chandi, respectively.-K. D. Desai. A form of devotion requiring the recitation of the Gayatri-mantra a hundred thousand times with certain symbolic ceremonies.-K. D, Desai: The appointment of duly authorised Brahmans to perform religious ceremonies.-K, D, Desai, 2 The Schoolmaster of Lilapur, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank The Schoolmaster of Dadyi,

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY is first purified with cow-dung-plaster,1 For ten days after a death, the members of the deceased's household and his relatives sleep on beds spread on the bare ground.2 If the demise be very affecting, the nearest relatives sleep on the floor for periods which may extend to three months, six months, or even for a year, and sometimes the penance lasts for their whole lives.1 It is customary, among some sects, not to allow the sathara-i, e., the spot lately occupied by a corpse in the house-to be suna or unoccupied for a single night. Someone must sleep on the spot for twelve consecutive days from the date of demise.3 Pilgrims, after pilgrimage, abandon sensual pleasures, take their meals only once every day, and sleep on the floor.1 It is customary to sleep always on the ground while in holy places. Devotees, ascetics, sadhus, and their disciples sleep on the ground.2 The God Indra has twelve meghas or clouds under his control, and he directs each of them to pour out their waters wherever he likes. When in the least irritated in the execution of his orders, Indra's voice is heard in this world in thunder-claps which rise to a terrible pitch if the deity becomes downright angry. Thunder is also said to be the loud laughter of Indra when in a happy mood.* Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, Another belief is that during the rainy season, Indra plays gedi-dandat, and the strokes given to the gedi in the course of the game, produce what we call thunder; or, that the clouds are god's footballs, and thunder is produced by his foot striking them, while at play during the rainy season." Some believe thunder to be due to the loud sounds produced by various musical instruments which are played upon on the occasion of the marriage-ceremony of Indra. Accord ing to others, thunder is produced by the cannon of Indra ; or, as some again say, by the trumpetings of Airavat, the elephant of Indra; or, we hear thunder when Indra draws his bow and adjusts an arrow to the bow-string, in order to bring about the fall of rain." A further belief attributes thunder to the very rapid pace of the chariot of Bhagwan, 10 Some people, however, say that it is produced when Bhima (one of the five Pandavas) wields his prodigious club or bludgeon,11 In the opinion of others, Vidyut or Tanyatun, the offspring of Lamba, the daughter of Daksha, and the wife of Dharmaraj thunders in the rainy season,12 It is also suggested that the god of rains shakes the heavens and thus produces thunder.3 The shastras, it is said, declare that thunder is caused by the sounds of the dundubhi-or 2 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. Mr. L. I. Joshi, Surela. Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. 6 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, or of Bhagwan, according to Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, 10 The Schoolmaster of Paolauvav. The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashala. 11 Mr. G, K. Dave, Sultanpur, 13 The Schoolmaster of Rajkot Girls' School. Intending pilgrims sometimes impose such self-denials upon themselves, vowing abnegation from partcular articles of food or wear till they have performed their pilgrimage. Some renounce the use of ghi, some of milk, others of betel-leaf or nut, others swear not to wear a turban or a dupatta-till they are given the merit of a pilgrimage.-Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. This game, much resembling the English boys' game of Tip cat, is also known as gilli-danda. The gedi or gilli is a small piece of wood, two or three inches in length, an inch or less in diameter and sometimes tapering at both ends. The danda is a small round stick, of the same thickness and a foot or more in length, by which the gedi is played. There are two sides to the game as in cricket, though not composed of a definite number of players. There are a number of ways in which the game can be played.-K. D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 33 kettledrums-beaten by the gods in delight that Vijli is a goddess who rests upon at the sight of rain. There is also a winds, fire, and rains : that Vijli is but the popular belief in the Surat district that an thunderbolt of Indra:7 that lightnings are old hag causes thunder either when she the flashes of the bright weapon of Indra:8 grinds corn or when she rolls stones in the that lightning is the lustre of the fireworks clouds and the lamps lighted by the gods in honour The prevalent belief about lightning seeins of the nuptials of Indra :. that lightning is to be that it is the girl whom Kansa tried to produced by the sparks caused by the friction dash against a stonc,' but who escaped and of the gedi and the danda of Indra when the went up to the sky. Kansa, the tyraat king god plays the game, 40 Vijli is also known of Mathura, was informed by a heavenly as Saudamini, i.e., one residing on Mount voice, by way of prophecy, that a son would | Sudama, 11 be born to his sister who would cause his The occurence of thunder and the appear. destruction, Kansa thereupon confined his ance of lightning on particular days and in sister Devaki and her husband Vasudeva in particolar directions are regarded as signs of prison, loaded them with fetters, and kept the the abundance or scarcity of rain during the strictest watch over them. He took from season, Devaki, and slew, every child of hers as soon Thunder during the Rohini nakshatra is as it was born. In this way he disposed of a bad omen: it foreshadows either a her first six children. On the seventh famine, 12 or a Boterun, i, e., complete cessaoccasion, however, on which Devaki gave birth tion of rains for seventy-two days after the to a son named Krishna, a girl was born at thunder-claps are heard. According to the same hour to Nanda in Mathura ; and another view, if the Rohini nakshatra lasts Vasudeva secretly interchanged the two for a fortnight and if the sky is clear during children in spite of the vigilance of Kansa, the period and yet lightning and thunder When Kansa knew of his sister having been occur, & Boterunt will be the consequence; but delivered, he seized the infant girl and tried if lightning and thunder were to accompany to dash her against a stone. The little one the clouds in the same nakshatra heavy and immediately flew away to the skies, where plentiful rains may be confidently expected, 13 she still dwells in the form of Vijli or light- Lightning without clouds in the same nak. ning." shatra is believed to be the cause of what is The shastras describe l'ijli as the distinc- popularly called Rohini.dasi, i.e., the burning tive weapon of Indra, just as pashupalaka is heat of Rohini, 14 peculiar to Shiva and the Gandiva bow to Some persons expect & Boterun after Arjuna. kadakas or crashing thunder. Others appreOther beliefs about lightning are that hend a famine if they hear thander on the Vijli is the sister of Megharaji, the god of second day of the bright half of Jyeshtla rains, and appears to announce his approach: (the eighth month). Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. * Mr. K. D. Desai. The Schoolmasters of Dhhank, Sanka, Limabdi, and Sultanpur. * Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. * The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. * The Schoolmaster of Surela. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. . Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. ** The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 11 The Schoolmaster of Gondal. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhank. 15 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani e Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * 1 c., the period for which the Rohini nakshatra lasts.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Thunder or lightning in the Hasta* Lung-continued thunder shows that the rainnakshatra foretells good harvests and a pros- fall is distant. Similarly, continued flashes perous year. Thunder in the same nak- of lightning intimate danger to the lives and shatra is believed to muzzle the jaws of property of people.? Sudden thunder porserpents and other noxious creatures, and to tends an immediate cessation of rain. 1 achieve this object, also, o samelu (or a log Thunder or lightning out of season threatens of wood) is struck against & mobhasa (or & calamity to the country. hollow stone used for threshing corn). If Vijli or lightning is said to be fettered on thunder is not heard during this nakshatra, the fifth day of the bright half of Ashadhmosquitoes and other insects and vermin are (or, as some say, on the second day of Shrabelieved to be likely to multiply.3 van)-after which date no apprehensions If thunder is heard during the Ardra of its destructive powers need be enter. nakshatra, the rainfall will be delayed for s tained. Till then, however, it is free and month. is likely to injure those personst who have Lightning is commonly seen on the second not cut or shaved their hair from their and the fifth day of the bright half of birth, 10 Ashadh, and is considered a sign of good The occurence of lightning is believed to rainfall, while its absence indicates a pro- cause the delivery and sometimes even the bable scarcity of rain. Its appearance on death of pregnant women 11 the fifth day of Ashadh is believed by some Any period marked by the occurrence of to foretell an early fall of rain. Since lightning is considered inauspicious, 12 the rainfall, and therefore the state of the The Puranas speak of fourteen worldscrops during the ensuing year, are suggested the seven swargas (celestial regions) and by lightning on this day, corn-dealers settle the seven patals (nether regions)1. Undera rise or fall in the price of corn according neath the seventh patal lies Shesha (the as lightning is or is not seen on that occa- divine cobra) who supports all the fourteen sion, worlds on one of his one thousand hoods. On Thunder in the cast predicts a speedy fall account of the heavy burden, the serpent-god of rain. If flashes of lightning are seen sometimes gets tired, and tries to change his in the north-east or the north, rain will fall position. The result of the movement is an within three days. Lightning in the south- earth-quake. According to another version, east or the south foretells extreme heat, an earthquake occurs when Shesha changes Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. ? Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 3 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. * The Schoolmaster of Luvaria, * The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * The Schoolmaster of Songadh. + Talakshi, Dharashi, Saya!a. * Mr. L. H. Jadow, Vasawad. Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. 10 Mr, G. K. Dave, Sultanpur. 11 The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. 13 Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * The Hasta nakshatra generally commences at the end of Bhadrapad or the beginning of Ashvin and lasts for a fortnight. The rains during this period, which are required for the rabi crops, are so much esteemed that each drop of them is said to be worth a drop of ghi. People store the hathio-varshad or the rain water of Hasta in reservoirs for drinking purposes, believing it to be very pure and digestive.-K. D. Desai. Among the Hindus it is customary for those whose children do not live to keep their children unshaved for a certain number of years, after which the children are taken to a holy place and shaved there for the first time. The temple of Ranchhodji at Dakor is a favourite place for such ceremonies.-K. D. Desai. 1 The seven nether worlds are Atal-Vital, Sutal, Talatal, Mabatal, Rasatal, and Patal. In an ocean, as some say-D. K. Pandya, Dhbank,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 35 his posture in sleep, or is the result of a outbreak of fire, a revolution, or a great hair falling from the body of Shesha.? Some war. The phenomenon is, therefore, repeople say that ordinarily Shesha does not garded with great fear; and when it oecurs, feel the weight of the fourteen worlds on his people endeavour to avoid the contingent head : he bears the load as if it were only evils by such meritorious acts as the giving single sesamum seed. But when too much of alms, and generally by leading a virtuous sin accumulates in any of the regions, the life.10 burden becomes unbearable for him: he The most popular of the holy rivers are begins to shake under it, and an earthquake the Ganges, the Jumna (or Jaumna), the occurs, Narbada, the Saraswati (near Sidhpur), the Some believe that there is a tortoise under Kaveri, the Godavari, the Gandaki, the the divine cobra who supports the world : Sarayu, the Damodara, the Sindhu (or Indus) others go further, and add a frog below the the Mahanad, the Gomati (near Dwarka), tortoise :) and it is said that the slightest the Brahmaputra, the Sabarmati, the Ghels motion on the part of either the tortoise or (near Gaddheda), the Tungabhadra, the the cobra is the cause of an earthquake. Suvarnabhadra, the Bhadrashita, the Jambu Another belief is that earthquakes occur vati, the Phalaku (or Phalgo), the Kanshiki, whenever there is tyranny or injustice on the the Tamraparni, the Sita and the Alakapart of a king, or whenever immorality nanda. Any point where three rivers meet is spreads in society, because the earth is also a sacred place. Most of the holy rivers unable to bear the sin, and trembles at the are the subject of many traditions, and sight of it. books have been written to celebrate their According to a different opinion, the carth is supported by the Pothia or the The Ganges, the Jumna, and the Godavari favourite bull of Shiva on one of his horns. are said to be the holiest of all rivers." An earthquake is caused whenever he trans- There are a number of beliefs about the fers the carth from one horn to another in origin of the Ganges. One of them is that order to relieve the former from the constant the Ganges is the stream caused by King pressure of the burden.7 Bali washing the feet of Vaman (the Dwarf There is also a belief that deities of some incarnation of Vishnu).11 Another story strange species reside in the nether regions, relates that the god Brahma was exhausted and the earth is shaken whenever these be. by overwork at the time of the marriage of ings fight among themselves, 5 Shiva and Parrati. The gods, therefore, According to the Varaea-sanhita, an earth- created water from their own lustres, and gave quake is always the precursor of some it to Brahma in a gourd, to be used in a unprecedented calamity. The prevalent similar contingency. When Vishnu in his belief in the popular mind seems to be that Vaman avatar(or Dwarf incarnation) bestrode an earthquake is the result of immorality the heavens with a single step, Brahma washand sin, and further that it forebodes some ed his toe in the water from this gourd. A dire calamity, such as famine, pestilence, an stream was thus created called Swarga-ganga 1 Mr. Jethalal Devji, Bantwa. Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, and Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad. Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * Mr. K. P. Josi, Limbdi, and Mr. Raju Ramjee Kaujee Pathak Girls' School, Gondal * Mr. J. K. Upaddhyaya, Patanvao. * Mr. Raju Ramjee Kanjee Pathak, Gondal. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. 19 Mr. K. D. Desai. 11 Mr. M. M. Rana Rajkot.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and brought down to the earth by Bhagirath, woman is dressed as Una, the wife of the grandson of Sagar, When the Ganges Shiva, and Brahmans are entertained fell from the heavens, it was supported and at a feast, dakshina being given to held fast by God Shiva in his jata or matted them.2 hair. It was released by his loosening the The water of the Ganges, as well as that hair, and in its coirse, iaandated the sacri- of the Jumna, is believed to be so pure that it ficial ground of King Juins. The latter cannot be affected by microbes, even if kept being angry, drank up to waters. On the for years in the house. This quality is entreaties of Bhagirath, ie released the believed to be a manifestation of its divine stream by tearing off his thigh.* The river nature. It is further called patit-pavan(lit. then flowed to the spot where the sixty purifier of the fallen), and exculpates the thousand sons of Sagar were burnt to ashes; sinful from their sins, either by a single and it is said by some that one of the draught or by bathing in it.3 Gangajal is sixty thousand was saved at the end of kept in most Hindu families, a draught of it each year up to the year 1955 of the Samvat | taken by a dying person being believed to era (corresponding to A. D. 1899), by the secure moksha or eternal salvation for the end of which period all the sixty thousand soul. had attained salvation. From the earth A vow is observed by women, in honour of the Ganges went to the nether regions. the Ganges, for the first ten days of the Thus flowing in the heavens, on the earth month of Dyeshtha. On these days they and in the Patal, the Ganges is called rist early in the morning and bathe in the Tripathaga (i. e., flowing in three courses). holy waters of the Ganges. In its divine form, the Ganges is the Sometimes ghi lamps are placed upon the wife of Shiva. Owing to the course of waters of the Ganges or the Jumna, and Brahma, she was born in human form in this vessels of metal, pice, and cocoanuts are world and was married to Shantanu, by cast into the stream. At such a time, when whom she became the mother of Bhishma, many people are standing on the banks the heroic uncle of the Kauravas and the offering prayers with folded hands, or Pandavas, 1 engaged in the arati,t the river presents a It is customary among Hindu pilgrims, | very picturesque scene, the numerous lights when they visit Kashi (Benares) to take with being reflected in the water. them copper-vessels filled with Gangajal, | The Jamuna or Yamuna is the daughter (water of the Ganges) and to worship the of the Sun, and the sister of Yama, the god Ganga when they reach their homes after of Death. The banks of the Jumna are the pilgrimage. A figure is drawn in seven well known as the scene of the amorous different kinds of corn: the bowl is placed sports of God Krishna.? The story of the on it : abil gutal (red powder), frankincense, defeat of the demon Kahya Naga who was and naivedya (an oblation of food) are ejected from the Jumna by Krishna is welloffered : a ghi lamp is lighted : a Brahman | known. Mr. M, M. Rana, Rajkot. 2 The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 0 The Schoolmaster of Upleta. The Schoolmaster of Kolki and the Shastri of Jetpur Pathasbala. ? Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. * The river is, therefore, regarded as his daughter, and is called Jahnavi. + The waving of lights to and fro-before an object of worship.