Indian Antiquary Vol 22

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032514/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXI.-1893.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
... 219
The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE G. BÜHLER, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E.:
Pror. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GOTTINGEN: - ASOKA'S SAHABRAM, KUPNATH AND BARAT A Short Account of Six Unpublished Inscriptions. 80 EDICTS ...... ... .... ...
.... ... ... 299 Pausha Samvataars in the Kasika-Vritti on p. iv.
2, 21 ... ...
... WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S. -
.. .. ... ... 83
Miscellaneots Dates from Inscriptions and MSS. 107 FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN
Dates from South Indian Inscriptions ... No. 4.-The Gadariya and the Natii of Lalpur.. 21
... 18 No. 5.-The Lucky Herdsman ... ... ... 75 A. A. MACDONNELL No. 6.-Princess Fireflower
... 289
Kahaha's Rajutarangini, or Chtonicle of the No. 7.-Why the Fish laughed .
391
Kings of Kashmir, edited by M. A. Stein, Ph.D.... 139 No. 8.-The Prindess who loved her Father like Salt .. ... ...
V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L. -
.. Santal Folktales, tradelated from the Santali
TAMIL HISTORICAL TATSA. Campbell ... ... ..
No. 4.-The Vikrama-Cholat-6 .. ... 141 SHANKAR B. DIKSHIT :
TAW SEIN-KO: The Date of Sundara-Pandya-datavarman
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE Po&o&DAUNG GEO. FR. D'PENHA:
INSCRIPTION OF S'INBYUYIN, 1774 A. D. ... 1 FOLKLORE IN SALSETTES
A PREIAMINARY STUDY OF THE KALTANI INNo. 15.-The Parrot's Tale and the Mains's
SCRIPTIONS OF DHAMMACHETI, 1476 A. D. ...11, Tale ... ... .. ... ..
. 53
29, 86, 150, 206, 236 No. 16.-The Prince and the Kambalo ... 943, 276 Ratanasingha-Shwebo-Moutabobo-kongbaung: 28
No. 17.-A Cinderella Variant ... ... ... FOLKLORE IN BURMAC. MABEL DUFF:
No. 3. --The Three-Eyed King .. .. ... 150 The Chronology of the Kakatiya Dynasty
... 325
Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Langukge ... 182 J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., PA.D., C.I.. :
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, I.S.C. :HIUEN TSTANO'S CAPITAL OF MAHARASHTRA ... 113 THE NAME "BASSEIN" ... .. ...
18 TE TOPOGHAPHICAL LIST OF THE BRIHAT. A Note on the Name "Shwe-Dagon ** ... ... 28 SAHITA ... . ... ... "
Ratanasingha--Shwobo-Moutshoto-Kongbaung. 28 Srahe. ... ... ... ... .. .
Mnaselwoman ... ... ... .. . *** Vaddatara ...
Wishing Stones in Burma ... ... .. ... Some Dates in the Chaltikya Vikrama-Kala
Beo :-Indo-European for." Monastery" ... ... 185 G. A. GRDERSON, 1.0.8.:
Ordeal in Modern Indiat Life ... .... ... 199 NOTES ON Tot's Das... ... 89, 122, 197, 2, 253
Bassein-Basgeen ... ... Die Handschriften verteichtnisse der königlichen
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF TE KALTANI IN
BORIPTIONS: PORTSCRIPT +++ Bibliothek zu Berlin ...
... .. .. ... ... 112 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, by Arthur A.
Intorchange of Initial K and Pin Burmese Place Macdonnell ...
Names ... . 160 .
... . . ... .
... ..
Talapay-Talapoin ... ... Panini, Ein Beitrag for Kentrīss der indischen
...
** ** .. . 828 Literatur und Grammatik; Yon Bruno Liebrich 229
NOTE ON ANTIQUITI IN RAMANNADESA .. 827 BERNARD HOUGHTON, C.S.:
V. VENKAYYA, M.A.:Sanskrit words in the Burmese Language... ... 24 MATRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN ... 5 The Evil Eye ... ... ... .. A FOLKTALE OF THE LUARAS
L. A. WADDELL, M.D. :The Story of Kungori .... ..
NOTE ON SOME AJANTA PAINTINGS YOLKTALES OF ARAKAN
FROG-WORBHIP AMONGST THE NEWABB, with a No. 1.-The Snake Prinde ... ..
Note on Etymology of the Word 'Nepal' ... 293 THE KUDOS OY KATHA AND THEIR VOCABULART. 129
THE TRADITIONAL MIGRATION OF THE SANTAL Folk Etymology of Place-Names in the Sandoway
TEEBZ ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 234 District, Barms .. ..
. .. 195
PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORS OF SGAW-KARENG, from the Papers of Saya Kyaw Zan in the Se-tu-waw...
PARBI AND GUJARATI HONDU NUPTIAL Sowoe... 109 ... ... 284
FOLKLORD IN WESTERN INDIA :L. HULTZSCH, PH.D., BANGALORS:
No. 18.-The Sleeping Nasib ... .... . 18 DANISH COTS FROM THANQUEBAS - 116 No. 19.-Saffa and Chandra .. .
... 169
... 261 ... 308
99

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CONTENTS.
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. PAGE
PAGE Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, by Dates from South Indian Inscriptions, by F. •Bernard Houghton, C.S. ... ... .. ... 24 Kielhorn ... ... ... . ... ... .. 136 A Note on the Name "Shwe Dagon," by R. c. Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, by Taw Temple ... ... ...
Sein-Ko ... ...
... ... ... 162 The Evil Eye, by Bernard Houghton... ... ... 56 Folk- Etymology of Place-Names in the Sandoway A Short Account of Six Unpublished Inscriptions, District, Burma, by B. Houghton ... .. by F. Kielhorn ...
The Date of Sundara Pandya-Jatavarman, by
Shankar B. Dikshit Pausha Samvatsara in the Kasika-Yritti on p. iv. 2,
.. .. . . .... 21, by F. Kielhorn ...
... 8* Vaddavara, by J, F. Fleet ... ... ... Miscellaneous Dates from Inscriptions and MSS. Some Dates in the Chalukya Vikrama-Kala, by J. by F. Kielhorn ... .. ..
... ... .. 107 i F. Fleet .. ... .. .. ... ... ... 296
NOTES AND QUERIES. Ratanasingha-Shwebo-Moutahobo-Kongbaung, by Srahe, by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... . ...
R. C. Temple and Taw Sein-Ko ... ... ... 28 Bassein-Basseen, by R. C. Temple ... ... .. Musselwoman, by E. C. Temple ... ... .. 112 The Chronology of the Kakatiya Dynasty, by C. Winhing Stones in Burma, by R. C. Temple ... 166 1 Mabel Duff ... ... ... . .. ... 325 Bao :-Indo-European for "Monastery," by R. C. Interchange of Initial and P in Burmese Place Temple ..
... ... ... ... 165 Names, by R. C. Templo ... ... ... ... Ordoal in Modern Indian Life, by R. C. Temple ... 196 Talapay-Talapoin, by R. C. Temple... ... ... 326
BOOK-NOTICES. Die Handschriften vorzeichnisse der königlichen Santal Folktales, translated from the Santali by Bibliothek zu Berlin, by G. A. G.... ... ... 112
A. Campbell, by W. Crooke ... ... ... ... 196 Kalbana's Rajatarangini, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, edited by M. A. Stein, Ph.D., by
Panini, Ein Beitrag zur Kentniss der indischen A. A. Maodonnell ... ... ... ... ... 139 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, by Arthur A.
Literatur und Grammatik, Von Bruno Liebrich, Macdonnell, by G. A. Grierson ... ... ... 166 by G. A. Grierson ... ... ... ... ... 229
70
.. 274
Do.
ILLUSTRATIONS. Poềuddaung Inscription of S'inbyuyin... ... ... 6 VI.--Images and Mural Decoration, Kogun Cave.. 366 Transcription into Modern Burmese Characters, VII.--The Great Stalagmite Kogun Cave ... ... id. pp. (1)-17] ... ... .. ...
... 6 VIII.-(1) Grotesque figures from Pegu and Madras Museum Plates of Jatilavarman
Syriam ... ... ... ... .. ib. Danish Coins from Tranquebar... ...
118
(2) Images of Buddha, with terra-cotta Restored Portions of the Pali Stones of the Kalyani
bricks in situ, near the Kyaik pan Inscriptions of Dhammacheti, 1476 A. D. (Six
Pagoda, Pega... ... .. .. Plates) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 274 IX.-Inscribed Tablet from Pegu ... ... ... Stones 1 to 10 of the Kalyanı Inscriptions ... ... 974 IX.-(a) Bas reliefs on terra-cotta bricks from Broken Portions of the Kalyani Stones ...
Pegu ... ... .. ... ... General Plan of the Site of the Kalyani Inscrip
Do. tions ... ... .. .. ... .
XI.
Do.
XII. Aeoka's Inscriptions:
XIII.
Do. 4.-Rupnath Rock Edict of Devanampiya. --The XIII(a).-Bas-reliefs on Stone from Thaton... Year 256 ... ... .. *
... 299
XIV.B.-Sahasram Rock Edict of Devanampiye.-The XIV().-
Do. Year 256 ...
XV.-(1) Specimen of a Cambodian Tower - KyaikMap of Ramaanadesa ...
pun Pagoda, near Pegu ... ... 1.-The Farm Cave-Main Entrance ... ...
(2) Votive tablet from Buddha Gaya found I(a).-Images and Objects in the Kogun Cave
in Pega... ... ... ... ... ... II.-(1) Bhinji Cave-Entrance. ...
XVI.-Figures and votive tablets from the Caves e) Bhinji Cave-Interior ... ...
of the Amherst District ... .. III.--General View of Entrance Hall, Kogun Cave. ib. X-V1(a). -
Do. IV.-Mural Ornamentation, Entrance Hall, Kogun XVII.-The Shwethayamg or Great Recumbent Cave ... ... .
ib.
Buddha at Pegu... V.-Kogun Cave. looking towards Entrance of XVIII.-The Kyaiktiyo Pagoda near Shwegyin ... ib. Main Hall...
... ib. .. .. ... ..
XIX.-The Approach to the Dhammatha Cave 10.
Do.
-
.. .
.209 .. 329

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXII.-1893.
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE PO:U:DAUNG INSCRIPTION
OF S'INBYUYIN, 1774 A. D.
BY TAW SEIN KO. The right bank of the Irrawaddy River near Prome is fringed by a range of hills, and Posû:daung is the name applied to the topmost of seven hills, forming part of this range. The Posa:daung Hill is crowned with a massive rock, called the Hermit's Cap, and shaped like a Buddhist priest's alms-bowl. On this rock a platform of brick is raised, on which stands the Pô::danng Pagoda. It is about 30 feet high, and its form and architecture bespeak its being the handiwork of masons from the maritime provinces. Near the pagoda is an imagehouse, which bears date 1236, Burmese Era, (1874 A.D.). In this image-house Gautama Buddha is represented in a standing posture with the index-finger of his right hand pointing towards Prome, and Ananda, his beloved disciple, in a praying attitude, begging the sage to explain his oracle fully.
On the eastern side of the Hermit's Cap – which is surrounded on every side, except the one where it joins the next hill, by sheer precipices of some thousand feet in depth -- are three caves cut into the rock. Over these are images of the two traditional moles, also cut in the rock, representing them in an adoring attitude and asking some boon from Gautama Buddha. One of the caves is devoted to the custody of an inscription engraved on a sandstone slab, about four feet high by three feet wide. The inscription was placed there by S'inbyuyin (1763-1776 A. D.), the second son of Alaungp'aya (Alompra). It bears date 1136, B. E., (1774 A. D.), and contains a record of his progress from Ava to Rangoon, his placing a new til on the Shwe Dagôn Pagoda at Rangoon, and the removal of its old ti, which was thrown down by an earthquake in 1769, to be enshrined in the P0gdedaung Pagoda.
The placing of a new t'i on the Shwê Dagon Pagoda by Sinbyûyin was symbolical of the consolidation of the power of the dynasty founded by his father in 1757 A. D., of the replacement of the Talaings by the Burmans in the government of United Burma, and of the national jubilation over the successes which attended Burmese arms in the wars with Manipur, China, and Siam. The ceremony of placing the t'i was witnessed by the king in person, in order to convince the Talaings, whose abortive rebellion in Martaban had just been suppressed, that his rule was a personal one, and to impress on them the splendour of his power and the resources at his command. Moreover, to minimize the possibility of all future attempts at rebellion, with
1 At''(= umbrella) is the umbrelliform ornament which must be placed on the summit of every pagoda.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
the last of the Talaing kings as a centre of intrigue and disaffection, and to remove a!l hopes of the restoration of a Talaing monarchy, he ordered the execution of Byinnyà Dalà, the ex-king of Pego, who had surrendered to Alaungp'aya.
Lines 1 - 8 of the obverse face of the stone are in PAli gathas and the rest are in Burmese verse. The reverse face of the stone is in Burmese prose.
Tho decipherment of this inscription does not present any paleographical difficulty, but the formation of certain letters shows that Burmese calligraphy was in a transition state a century ago. is expressed by mjl as well as my; by m or by or His by on or o Goo by cofior of. There are four modes of representing :, namely,
8: & è.
The abrupt tone is indicated by placing either single or double dots below the letter, affected : y or 48.
The long vowel 30 with the heavy tone is expressed by two dots like the visarga is Sanskrit: u: = 505!; mi = 2: The vowel is expressed by S; US = 6000. The vowel 80 is symbolically expressed by a curve placed over the letter affected : = a; and
by Q: H = The symbolic O is expressed thus : = go. The following letters radically differ in form from those now in use :-; 2 = a; O = 0; 2 = 0; M = G =g; 3= #; @= 0; $ = ñ; = .
TRANSLATION.
Obverse Face, Reverence to the Blessed One, the Holy One, and the Folly Enlightened One!
With a pure and serene mind, I do respectfully reverence the Conqueror, who is the highest, the noblest, the greatest of the great, and the giver of the bliss of Nirvana.
The Buddha, who was the highest, the noblest, the protector, and the greatest of the great, stood on the top of the high Po:dedaung rock and pronounced an oracle.
Like the erection of the 84,000 monasteries, pagodas, &c., by Asökadhammarája in former times (was the building of the pagoda recorded here). On the first day of the waning moon of Magha 1136, Sakkaraj, and 2818, Anno Buddhe, when Aburinda had seized the bright moon and released her from danger, and when an auspicious victory bad thus been accorded to Soma, the king, who was wise and replete with merit and other good qualities, who was mighty and powerful, and whose fame had spread far and wide, caused the Posû:daung bonlder, which is one single mass of rock, to be cleared, and repaired an old pagoda, wherein he enshrined the fallen t'i of the Digumpa Chêti, which he had purposely ordered to be brought away. To ensure the durability of the pagoda for a great length of time, he made a beautiful bejewelled t'i, (like that) of the pagoda standing on the top of the Himavanta mountain, and planted it on the (Pôsû:daong) pagoda. He then proceeded up-stream, and on the auspicions Saturday, the full moon day of Visakha 1137, Sakkaraj, and 2919, Anno Buddha, he held a great festival and planted the beautiful bejewelled " (on the pagoda) called Nyåndd-myinů.
"In virtue of this, my good deed, may I, in the future, become a Buddha, and be able to dispel the ignorance of a great many creatures immersed in ignorance, and may I finally reach the tranquil, transcendent, immutable, blissful, peaceful, and happy city, which is secure from danger of death, re-birth, and old age !
." During the period that intervenes between my present existence and my becoming Buddha, may all my enemies flee on hearing about my might and power or by seeing my person; and during the same period, may good fortune be my lot, whenever my might and power is heard of or my person seen!

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PO8U8DAUNG INSCRIPTION.
JANUARY, 1893.]
"May the brahmás, devas, and men of all the lokas, my father, mother, and other relatives share my merit equally with me, and may they rejoice with glad and joyful heart!
3
"May all creatures practice liberality and exert themselves for the good of the Religion; and may the people live in happiness, and increase in honour and wealth!"
During 20 asankhéyyas and 100,000 kalpas, the embryo of Gautama Buddha received an assurance of his attaining Buddhahood from each successive Buddha that appeared.
During the cycle of seven asankheyyas, beginning with the one called nanda, 125,000 Buddhas, headed by Brahmadêva, appeared. At the feet of each of these Buddhas, Our Lord, as a Bodhisattva, buoyed up with joy and hope, prayed to be a Buddha. With faith and zeal, which can never be equalled, he performed works of inerit and received from the successive Buddhas of that cycle the assurance of attaining Buddhahood,
During the next cycle of nine asankheyyas, beginning with the one called sabbabhadda, 387,000 Buddhas, headed by Pôrânasakya, appeared. At the feet of each of them, our Bodhisattva repeated his prayer of becoming an Omniscient One and the suzerain of the three lokas. He performed good deeds and followed the precepts inculcated by them.
During the next cycle of four asankheyyas, beginning with the one called séla, 12 Buddhas, headed by Tapbaikara, appeared. After our Bodhisattva had received an assurance of attaining omniscience, nine other Buddhas, headed by Dipankara, appeared. During the dispensation of Dipankara, our Bodhisattva was possessed of merit and the qualifications necessary for the attainment of Buddhahood. One day, he made his body serve as a bridge for Dipankara to step across, and the latter granted him an assurance that he would become a Buddha in the future. This assurance was confirmed by the eight other Buddhas who followed,
During the next 100,000 kalpas, 15 Buddhas, headed by Padumuttara, appeared. Each of these Buddhas confirmed the assurance granted to our Bodhisattva by their predecessors.
Thus, during 20 asankheyyas and 100,000 kalpas, our Bodhisattva received an assurance of his attaining Buddhahood from 512,027 Buddhas. In his last birth, he became the son of Suddhôdana, King of Kapila, by Queen Mâyâ. His birth took place in a delightful grove of sal trees, and when he grew up, he was surrounded by comforts and pleasures befitting a prince. Three palaces were built for him, to be occupied according to the three seasons. His wife was Yasodhara, and he had a number of concubines. At the age of 29 he renounced the world and became an ascetic. After undergoing penance for six years, he, one night, dreamt five dreams. Next morning, he became a Buddha, and received an offering of rice-milk from Sujata, which he, with relish, ate, while sitting cross-legged on the bank of a river (Nêrañjarâ). On the evening of the same day, the dévas directed his steps to the spot where the Bôdhi tree was. This tree had sprouted forth from the earth simultaneously with his birth, and is worthy of veneration by all dévas and men. Here, the grass-cutter Suddhiya presented him with eight handfuls of grass, with which he prepared a seat for himself. While remaining under the Bodhi tree, he was assailed by Måra and his hosts on every side: on his right and his left, behind him, in front of him, and over him. The contest, however, could not last long. On the evening of the same day, he merged forth victorious from the struggle and became free from every passion and tie. At dawn on the following day, he comprehended the Four Sublime Truths and attained Buddhahood. The news of this victory and of this attainment was received by the inhabitants of the three lokas with deafening acclamation.
With a view that future generations might embrace a faith and attain Nirvana, as if they had prayed at his feet, Gautama Buddha promulgated an excellent religion and defined the period of its continuance.
It was the good fortune of the King of Avà to flourish during the dispensation of such a saviour as Gautama Buddha.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1899.
The ruler of Avd was assisted in his government by wise ministers, and was happy in the possession of trastworthy friends. He was the possessor of military weapons, soldiers, horses, elephants, and fortified towns, and received tribute from sixteen states, such as Sundparanta, Tampadipa, and Kampoja. His capital, Batangpurs, was the storehouse of all kinds of precious minerals and the repository of all wealth. He was wise, mighty, and powerful, and had reduced to subjection all the other ralers of the world..... He was of opinion that, although he might exert himself in various ways to ensure the continuance of the excellent religion promulgated by the Greatest of Conquerors, ...........
Reverse Face. His glorious Majesty King Sʻinbyuyin, the possessor of the han s'inbyd and many other white elepliants, and of gold, silver, and ruby mines, the suzerain of all the other ralers, and the overlord of the sixteen states, namely,
Sunaparanta, with its districts Kale, Tennyin, Yd, Tilin, Salin, and Saga; Sirikhêttarame, with its districts Udêtarits and Pandaung; Ramanna, with its districts Kubôn, Yaungmyà, Muttamà, and Pagð (Pego); Ayuttays, with its districts Dvârâvati,e Yôdayà, and Kamanpaik; Haripuncha, with its districts Zimme, Labôn, 10 and Anàn ;!1 Lavarattha,1% with its districts Chandapuri, Sanpa påbet, and Mainglon ;13 Khémavara, with its districts Kyaingtôn and Kyaing kaang; Jətinagara, with its districts Kyaingfôn and Maingse; Kampôja, with its districts Mônè, Nyaungy wê, Dibd, and Mômék ; Mahimsaka, with its districts Môgôk and Kyàtpyin ; Son (Chinarattha), with its districts Bamo (Bhamo) and Kaungsin: Aļavi, with its districts Môgaung and Mônhyin ; Manipura, with its districts Kabe and Mwêyin ; Jeyavaddhana, with its districts Jeyavati and Kétumatt;
Tampadipa, with its districts Pagân, Myinzaing, Pinyà, and Ava; resolved to make a resplendent offering to the Pagoda, wherein were enshrined the parıbhöga of three Buddhas, as well as the hairs of Gautama Buddha, given by him on the 49th day of his Buddhahood to the two brothers Taphussa and Bhallika, with a view that these relics should be objects of adoration by all dévas and men. The King was endowed with such might and power, that any desire of his would be consummated by the co-operation of Sakra and the dévas. He was desirous of placing a t'i covered with pure gold on the Sàndòshin Chot1,15 which is 900 bàndaungs16 in perimeter, 225 in diameter, and 183] in height.17
On Sunday, the 8th waxing of the moon of Py86, 1136, Sakkaraj, the King left Avà with the magnificence of 'Sakra, leaving the city of Mahasudassana for the purpose of worshipping at the Chalamani Chêti. He was escorted by 80 battalions of land and naval forces; by 1,600 elephants, headed by the hàn s'inbyû; by 500 ponies from the royal stables, headed by the royal charger, Nàtbayinbyàn, which was four taungs, two maiks, and four letbits high; by
: (Hore is a title for Ava or Avå. Mindồn named Mandalay, Ratanapuņņa; see post, page 28.-ED.] 8 Shwedaung in the Prome district.
• Padaung in the same district. 6 Bassein.
• Now called Myaungmya in the Bassein district. 1 Martaban.
* Bangkok, • Ayudhia.
16 Labong. 11 Annam.
19 Lsos. 13 Now called Mainglôngyi.
16 Kiang Hung. 15 The Shwe Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon.
16 A bandaung is equivalent to 191 inches, 11 The British Burma Gazetteer, II., 631, gives the measurementa as 1855 ft. perimeter, and 321 ft. plus 26 ft. for tl, total 347 ft. height. This text gives the measurements ss 1434 ft. 51 inch. perimeter: 355 ft. 37 incl diameter; 291 ft. 114 inch height. There is no reconciling possible of these measurements. The base of the pagoda is in fact octagonal and not circular.-ED.

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JANUARY, 1893.]
PO:USDAUNG INSCRIPTION.
20,000 cavalry men; by other members of the four-fold army; by various tributary Sòbwas and Myôzâs ; by ministers and military commanders of different grades, who were distinguished for their birth, character, and talents; and by the members of the royal family, consisting of sons, brothers, kinsmen, queens, concubines, and attendants of the King). The King embarked on a beautifully-wrought bejewelled raft, fornished with all regal splendour. Four white umbrellas were planted on the raft, which was surrounded by various kinds of gilt boats and other rafts. During his progress, the King was accompanied by over 200,000 infantry, cavalry, and elephants. At every stage on the journey, high festivals were held. On Monday, the 8th of the waning moon of the same month, Prome (Pyimyo) was reached, and the King took up his temporary residence on the sand-bank at the month of the Nawinchaung.
In the 8th year of his Buddhahood, Gautama Buddha, at the solicitation of the merchants of Vânijjagima in Sunâ paranta, visited the sandal-wood monastery built by them, and left two impressions of his Holy Foot on the banks of the Namanta river, for the adoration of all dévas and men, including the people of the Myan Country. On his return, he turned round the soles of his feet, and pronounced an oracle on the summit of a hill, which, in after times, was called the Pawasa daung. The King, observing that the pagoda erected by his ancestors on that hill would not last for ever, resolved to replace it by another, which would last throughout the 5,000 years allotted by Buddha for the continuance of the Religion, and which would be an object of adoration by all men. As he was possessed of sach might and power as to cause the consummation of his wishes by the co-operation of the Nats, who watch over the Religion, and by 'Sakra and other Nåts, the t'i of the Digôn Sándòsbin was brought away by Sakra and the Nats for the purpose of being enshrined together with images, chétis, bone-relics, and hair-relics. In order that the pagoda to be built might last throughout the 5,000 years allotted for the continuance of the Religion, its foundations were laid on a massive rock. Gold, silver, and mogy818 bricks were laid as foundationstones, and the building of the pagoda, which was 164 bàndarng819 in diameter, was begun on Wednesday, the oth of the waxing moon of Tabodwè, 1138, Sakkaraj, and 2318, Anno Buddhe. As when King Siridhammasôka built 84,000 pagodas, &c., there was an eclipse of the moon on the evening of Wednesday, the lst of the waning moon of Tabodwè. When the moon had become bright and clear, in the capacious receptacle-chamber were deposited great numbers of gold and silver images and chétis, bone-relics and hair-relics, and many representations of the Baddha at the Mahabodhisattathana. The building of the pagoda was finished on the 7th day of the waning moon of Tabodwè, and it was named the Nyandòmyint. On its completion, it was worshipped by the King, his queens, sons, daughters, brothers, kinsmen, ministers, and generals.
The King left Prome on the 8th day of the waning moon of Tabodwè. He placed & golden t'i on the Digôn Såndòshin Chêti, and completely covered it with new gilding on Wednesday, the full moon day of Tabaung. From the date of his arrival to the 2nd day of the waning of the moon of Tagų, 1137, Sakkaraj, he held high festivals in honour of the pagoda and made great offerings. On his return, he reached Prome on the 8th day of the waxing moon of Kason 1137, Sakkaraj. At an auspicious hour after midnight on Saturday, the full moon day of the same month, the King placed a golden t'i on the P8:0:daung Pagoda, and completely covered it with gilding. An offering of food and priestly requisites was made to the Royal Preceptor and a great many other monks, and festivals were held in honour of the occasion.
"For this, my good deed, may I become an Omniscient One, surpassing others in wisdom, and . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10 An alloy of gold and copper in proportions of half and half. 19 This equal 29 ft. 1 inches.

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1893
NOTES.
Obverse Face. Line 2.-Pádaggé-sélé is a Paļi translation of the Burmese appellation Pawasa:daung, the “ foot-print hill," which is supposed to have subsequently been corrupted into Po:adaung.
According to a tradition, which is fully recorded in the Maháyázawin, Gautama Buddha, in the fifth year of his Buddhahood, was presented by the two brothers, Mahậpunna and Chủlapuņņa, with a sandal-wood monastery situated at Vanijagama, otherwise called Lègaing, in Sunaparanta.20 The sage accepted the gift, and occupied the monastery for seven days. During his temporary residence there, he left two impressions of his left foot: one, on the top of the Thitsabàn Hill, at the solicitation of the Rishi Sachchhabandha (Thitsabåndà), who had been converted to Buddhism, and the other on the left bank of the Mànchaung at the solicitation of Namantâ, King of the Nagas.
* On his return, from the top of the Po:a:daung Hill, where he turned the soles of his feet, Gautama Buddha saw a piece of cow-dung floating in the sea, which stretched to a range of hills on the east. At the same time, a mole came and paid him homage by offering him some burrowings. On seeing these two omens the Master smiled, and being asked by Ananda the cause of his doing so, he replied: "My beloved Ananda, after I have attained parinirvana, and after the Religion has flourished for 101 years, five great events will happen: (1) there will be a great earthquake; (2) a great lake will appear at the Poa: point; (3) a river, called Samôn Samyek, will appear; (4) the Popa Hill will rise up perpendicularly through the upheaval of the earth; (5) the sea will recede from the land on which Tharekhottara will be built in after times. The mole before us will be incarnated as Duttabaung, King of Tharêkhêttarà, from whose reign will date the establishment of my Religion in the Country of the Mrànmàs.21
The above tradition appears to be pregnant with historical truth. Both historical and geological evidence goes to show that the country up to Prome22 was, at one time, under the sea. A hill, to the south of that town, is called to this day Akauktaung or Customs Hill, from its having been a station, where customs dues were collected from the ships that visited the port.
The following extract from Mr. Blanford's account, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XXXI., 1862, fixes the probable age of the Popa Volcano in the Myingyan District of Burma:
“The period during which Pappa (Popa) was in action was therefore, in parts at least, not later than that of the deposition of beds containing remains of Elephas, Mastodon, Rhinoceros, Hippopotamus, and Ruminants. The geological age of these beds has, with somo doubt, been considered to be Miocene, but from their general fauna, and especially from the abundance of bones of Bos and Cervus, a more recent date may, I think, with at least equal probability, be assigned to them. There can be no question but that the fires of Puppå have long been extinct. Its thick coating of jungle and grass, and the existence upon it of a species of plants and animals, which, for want of a suitable habitat, cannot exist in any neighbouring locality, and the evidence of the effects of sub-aerial denudation on its surface, render it certain that it must long have been in a condition for vegetation to flourish upon it, but it is scarcely possible, even in the dry climate of Upper Burma, that a volcano of Miocene age should have retained its form so perfectly. It is more probably Pliocene. Its bulk is not great, and, from the absence of other vents in the neighbourhood, so far as is known, it is scarcely probable that its volcanic activity can have extended over a lengthened geological period. I could not learn that there was the slightest tradition among the people as to its ever having been in
70 [Both legend and inscription fix Sunparanta as the Minba District of Burma, but see ante, Vol. XXI. p. 121, the word is apparently syuonymous with the Shan Samparalit, "to the S. E." of the Shan Country, which = (*) Champapur, Cambodia. With Sampůralit compare the Sanpåpabet of the Inscription=the Laos country.ED.)
21 Mrånmi= Bam, the spelling and pronunciation by the Burmans of their own name. n Srikshetra Sirikhéttarúma : see inscription.

Page #11

INDIAN ANTIQUARY.]
THE PO:USDAUNG INSCRIPTION.
[ 1 ]
TRANSCRIPTION INTO MODERN BURMESE CHARACTERS.
Obverse face.
(၁) နမော တဿ ဘဂဝတော အရဟတော သမ္မာသမ္ဗုဒ္ဓဿ၊ အဂ္ဂ သေဋ္ဌိ ဇေတ္တမံ နိဗါနသုခဒံ ဇိနံ သုစေတသာ ဖသန္ဓေန အဟံ ဝန္ထမိ သာဒရံ။ ။ အဂ္ဂိဒ္ဓေါ သေဋ္ဌိ နာထော ဇေဋ္ဌိဉ္စ ယေ ၁ ယာ ၊
(၂) ဗုဒ္ဓေါ ရွေ့ရွေ့ ပါဒဂ္ဂ သေလေ ဌနေခက၁သံ က၁သိ။ ။ ရာသီတိသဟဿဝိဟရစေတီယဒိကေ အသောကဓမ္မရာဇာ ဝ နိပတိ ပု ရေ ယထာ။ ။တထေကဿနေ သေလေ
(၃) ပညာပါ ပုညဒယေ၁ မတဗ္ဗ မဟာတေဇာ မဟာယာ သုကိတ္တိမ၁။ သက္ကရာဇေ ဆကျေကေကေ ပသေ့ကရာမစမ္မကေ ဇိန၀တွေ ဂတေ က၁လေ ,မ၁ဃမာသဿ ကလော၊ ပဒိပ္ပဒဝသို့
(၄) အသူ.သုတံ စန္ဒီ ဂဟေတွာန ဘယာ မ သုမင်္ဂလေ ဇယေ မေး ။ပါဒဂ္ဂသေလံ သေ၁ ပုရေ စေတီ ခုဝံ ကတွာ ဂူဗီစေတီယဿဿ ပရိဘောဂတ္ထ ပါဝိတံ၊ ပဲပုရာဏဆတ္တကာနေတွ၁ ပါဒဂ္ဂလမတ္တ
(၅) ကေဣမသ္မိံ ဝ နိခါပေသိ စီရကလံ ဌိတာယ သေ၁။ ။ဟိမဝန္တဿ ရငွေ ဌိတဿ စေတီဃဿဿ ရတနာမယဆဂုံ နိဋ္ဌိတ၁ ရောပထိတွန။ ။ ပိုသေ၁တံ အဂမ္ဘန မုနိရာမေကော စ သက္ကရာဇေ ဇိနစဏ္ဏ အော်
(၆) က ရာမစမ္မကေ ။ဝိသ၁ခါပုဏ္ဏမီယံဝသေခရီဝါရေ သုမင်္ဂလေ မဟာ သဘာယံ ကတွနညဏ်တ်မြင်ဦစီမံ ခံရတန၁မယဆံ အရေပယိဉ္စ ကရေ ထိ။ ။မိ၊ ပုညကမ္မန ဗုဒ္ဓါဟုတွာ အန၁ဂတေ မောဟနို င်
(၇) နွေ ဗဟူသဏ္ဏ မောဟနိဒ္ဒါ ပဗေဒတွာ ။ သန္တံ ပဏိတမစလံ သီဝံ အဘယမဇ္ဈတံ အဇ၁တိမဇရံ ခေမံ တရေမိ နဂရံ သုခံ။ ။ဣတော ဟံ ယာဝ ဗုဒ္ဓထံ မမ တေဇံ သုတေန စ မုံပဿန ပဝါယ သဗ္ဗဝေရာ ဘဝေ ဘဝေ။ ။
(ဂ) ဣ ဟံ ယ ဗုဒ္ဓဝံ့ မမ တေဇံ သုတေန စ မံ ပဿန အ ဂုန္တာရံသဗ္ဗလာဘာ ဘဝေ ဘဝေ။ ။သဗ္ဗေ သဒေဝကာ လော့က မာတ၁ပိတ၁ ဒီညတကာ လဘ၊ မေ သမံ ပုညံ ဟဌတုဋ္ဌ နုမောဒထ။ ။ဒါနံ ဒဒ5 ယေ သတ္တာ သမ္မရ ။
(၉) ပါသ၁သနံ သီရိဘောဂါ ပဝေ သု ဘဝန္တိ ဇနေ၁။ ။ အောင်ပန်ကြက်သရေ ရွှန် ရွှန်ပိန္နဲ သင်္ချေနှစ်ဆယ် စွန်ကယ်အမွန် တသိန်လွန် သဤဝန်ဆင့်ဆင့် တပ်ခွန်လွှင့်သို့ ပည်ဖြင့်က၁လ နိမိတ်ရက် နခွဲစသည် ခု
(၁၀) နှစ်မည်ဖြင့် မြင့် ရှည်တွက်ရေ တိုင်မဲ့နေသေး သချေအပြီး ထိုပ်သည် များတွင် ရွှေဈေးနှင့်စွင့် ချိန်သင့်ရှယ် ပွင့်တ်မူကြ ဗြဟ္မဒေဝ ရှင်စဝ် စသည် ရေထ တွက်ကိန် တသိန်နှစ်သေခင် အပေါင်းထောင် မြတ်မာန်အောင်မြို့
(၁) က် ဘုန်ခေါင်အ တိုရှင်တ်သည် မန်ဆွဆွ နို့တဖြင့် ဗုဒ္ဓထု

Page #12

THE PORUIDAUNG INSCRIPTION.
(INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[ 2 ] ယူ ပန်တ်မူရုယ် တူဘက်မရ နှိုင်မမျှသစ် မြတ်လှသဒ္ဓါ စေတန၁ဖြင့် မဟာဒါနု ပေ လှူချချယ် ရတ်မှုသဝ် အောင်သူတကာ မြတ်မြတ်တို့ ဒေသန၁မိန့်သံ
(၁၂) ဘိသေကံဖြင့် ခံတ်မူပြီး အစည်မှ သဗ္ဗဘဒ္ဒ စသည်အနေ ကိုသချေ နှိုက် ရောင်ဝေလူလူ သုမ်ဘမ်သူတို့ မှန်ကူသင်ကျစ် မျက်နစ်တန်ဆ၁ ဆင်ထိုက် ရာဖြင့် ပေါရာဏသကျ စသည်ရှင်တ် ပွင့်စင်မြရွယ် ရေသ်တွက်ကိန် သုမ်
(၁၃) သိန်း ရှစ်သောင် မြတ်ပေါင်ခုနှစ်ထေခင် မာန်အောင်တို့ တန်ဆောင် နေလ ထွန်ဝင်ပသို့()ကတမ်ခွန် အတန်တန်နွိုက် အလွန်ကြိုက်မြို့ တို့ရှင်တ် သည် ရွှေသ်ကထက် ဆဆတက်ချယ် နှစ်သက်အင်ဂျ် မရောင့်
(၁၄) ရဲလျှင် ဖန်တ်မြွက်ချီ မြတ်ဝစီဖြင့် မဟီတလ မြေးဦးစွန် နန် နှိုက် သုခန်လေက ပိုရသ၁မိ မုနိဘုန်ထင် ဖြစ်လိုချင်ဟု ကြည်ရွှင်ဆုယူ ပန်တ်မူ လျက် လှူစက်နှင့် သမြွက်ဟောဘ် တရတ်ကို က်ရ်ညွတ်ခူး တင် ,
(၁၅) ၌ဖူးမှ (သေလစ)သည် လေမည်အနေ ထိုင်သင်္ချေနှိုက် တွက်ရေတံ ဆိပ် တကျိပ်နှစ်ဝင် တဏင်္ကရာအဦး မြတ်ဘုန်ထူးသို့ ချီးကျူးထဝက် ကျဲဝှန်တက် ဂျယ် ပွင့်ဆက်စည် မြတ်သုမ်ဖြ၁တွင် တို့ချစ်ရှင်သည် သန့်
(၁၆) စင်ကြည်ပြု ပေးလှူရွှင်လန် ပန်(သ)မည ဘိသေကကိုပ် ပန်ရသည် နေ၁က် ကိုပေးမှောက်တွင် ဒီပက်၍ ထက်ဦးစွာဖြင့် မင်္ဂလီရောင်ပြီး ဘိသိက်ကြီးကို အပြီးရေက်အေခင် ပေဆောင်မည် ထိုမြတ်စွာသည် အင်္ဂ)ပုည
- (၁၇) ပြည်စုံမ်လှချယ် ကာယဝါ၀၁ ပတ္ထန၁ဖြင့် မေခက် ရှင်တ်မေ့ဆက် ဝယ် နင်းလျှောက်တန်း ခင်သေခံအားနှင့် စွန်းကိုယ်သက် ကုသိုလ်စက်ကြောင် ဘဝက်88 နှံ့သိနတ်လူ ထိန့်ရိုက်ဆူသီး မှန်ကူမျက်ရှင် ဒီပက်ရာ
(၁၈) မြတ်စွာဘုန်ထူး ဘိသိက် ကျူးးရယ် လက်ခွဲခံရ ဝိသေသဖြင့် မြှောက် သည်နေခက် ရှစ်ပါးမှောက်ဝယ် ထပ်ဗောက်ဆင့်ဆင့် ဘိသိက်မြင့်မှ ကပ္ပတွက်ရေ တသိန်နေထွင် ဝင်ဝေရွှန်းရွှန် ထိုက်သုမ်ခန်ကို ပထွန်လင် "
(၁၉) ရောင် မီးရှူထောင်သို့ ဘုန်းခေါင်အကျဲ တုမမြဲသည် ထဲကစက္ခု၊ သဗ္ဗ ဩဟု ပဒုမတ္တရာ လက်ဝဲစွာဖြင့်သစ္စခပင်ထ(တ)ကျိပ်ဝင်မာန်အောင်မြင်သော်သုပ် ခွင်မည် တို့ဘုန်စည်ထည် မြတ်သည်ရှင်နှင် သုပ်ခွင်လောက
(၂၀) စိုရထွတ်ထ ရှင်ချစ်ကို မျက်ဝအေမြဲ ကြိုကြိုက်တယ် ထိကဗ သဗ္ဗသူတို့ အထုမမြဲ သိသိက်ကို နှုတ်တ်တွတ်တွတ် ကြိမ်ကြိမ်ရွတ်လျှက် သံ မြတ်သ၁၆ ဆင့်ကပေသပ် ဓမ္မက်မေ့ခင် လင်လင်ပြေခင်
(၂၁) သ ဘုန်ခေါင်အဤ မြတ်ရှင်တ်ကို ရေတွက်ကိန် သချာထိန်သင်္ သိန်တင် အပေါင်နှစ်ထောင် ခင်ဝင်စက်ရိပ် နှစ်ကျိပ်ခုနှစ် မြတ်ရှင်ချစ် ဝယ် သစ်သစ်ဆင့်လျှင် မြတ်ဆုတောင်ရယ် အဟာင်စွင့်စွာ
(၂) င့် ဘိသိက်မြှင့်လျက် ယခင့်ကမ္ဘာ စည်ထိပ်ထဲမှ ထချ်နှစ်ဆယ် ပြည့် လျှမ်ကြွယ်ရွယ် စွန် ကယ်(တသီန) တွတ်ထိန်လွန်မှ ဆုံးဘဝရှိုက် ပြည်ထွတ်မ ထ၁နဂရ ကလထွင် ရာဇဝံသာ ဆက်က၁ကဝဖြင့် နွယ်လာဘ် ဆက်တိုင်

Page #13

INDIAN ANTIQUARY.]
THE POSU:DAUNG INSCRIPTION.
ချယ်
သောက်
က မနိုင်)သစ်ဆွမ်
(2) ရေ၀ ထက်
[ 3 ] ( ၃) သား သုဒ္ဓေါဒန မွေဘရာဇာ မာယသမိခင် တောင်နန်ရှင်၏ ဝမ်တွင်ဆယ် လ ကိန်ပြီးလျှင် မွှေမြသင်ထုံ ပန်မျိုးစုံသုံး ရဂုံသ၁မော အင်ကြင်တောတွင် ထိ ကတပ်ခွန် မီးရှုလွန်မှ ယမန်ယူခါ မင်းတို့ စံရာမထိုက် အောင်
( ၄) မြိုက်ကြက်သရေ ရဝေထွန်ပြောင် နန်သုပ်ဆောင်နွိုက် အခေါင်မှန်ကင် သည်ရင်ဘဲ ဆက်ထိုင် သည် ယသော်ဓရာ ရံ(၉၁)နှင့် ချမ်းသာရွှင်ပြို နှစ်ဆယ် ကိုလျှင် မင် မတန် စည်စိမ်လွန်ကိုဝ် တဖန်မသေခင် စံပြီးရှောင်
(၂၅) မှ တောသိုပ်ကြွလည် ဒုက္ကစရိယာ ခြောက်နှစ်ကြာလျှင် ဝှေ့ရာတွင်နှိုက် သိထင်ပြက်ပြက် မယွင်ကွက်) အိမ်မက်ပ နိမိတ်ကြေးချယ် သောက်နေ့တွင် စုံစေ့အ ဓမ္မတာဖြင့် သူဇာလှူ(ကမ်နိုပ်)သစ်ဆွမ်ကို ငြိမ်းချမ်း
(၂ ) ရေစ ထက်ဝယ်လှလျက် သတ္တသတ် လုပ်ရေက၁လျှင် မြန်ဝ၁ထွေထွေ ဘုန်ပေ ပြီးမှ ထိုနေညတွင် စိမ်မြရဂုံ ပန်စုံလေး ရိပ်မြုံပင်ကျည် ပန်ဥယည့်နှိုက် သွေးစည်ခဏ တူတကွလျှင် မြေမညွှန့်ညှက် ပေါ်
(၇) ငါယောက်သား ထက်ြက်ခုတ်လူ သုပ်သုပ်သူတို့ ဆယ်ဆူလက် ရှက် ဦးတင်ရွက်ရုယ် စုံမက်(မြတ်)ရိုညွတ်ကျိလျက် ရှိခိုဝန၁ပြုထိုက်သစ် မင်္ဂ လာအောင်မြေ ထယ်ချက်ဗွေနှိုက် ညွှန့်ဝေလန်ထန် ဗေနန်သို့ နတ်ညွှန်လမ်မ ချီ လေကြွသ်
(၂ ဂ) သုယကြည်ဖြူ မြက်ဆုပ်လှူရုယ် ခင်သူမျမင် အောင်တပ်နင်မှ ခင်ခင်ရာ ဖင်သာထက် မြဲစွာခိုင်လုံ မိဌာန်ကြုံလျက် ပြည့်စုံမည်ခါ မာရ်နတ် ထဲရယ် လက်ယာလက်ဝဲ ထဲကေင်ကင် ပြင်နေခက်နေ ဗိုလ်ခြေ
(၂ ) နှင့် လွင့်လေခန့်{ စစ်မက်လိုလည် မလှူမျှ နေဝင်ညတွင် ခဏလွယ် ကျ င်တ်မူရုယ် ထိုညည့်နေ့ တွင် ကုန်တင်ကိလေရန်လုပ်ကြွေလျက် နေအရုဏ် ၏ ရောင်ခြည်ဖြာသ် သစ္စာလေတန် သဗ္ဗညဒဏ်ကို မကျန်မကြွင် သိ
(၃၀) ထိုထွင်ရုယ် သုမ်ကွင်တိုက်ဘုံ အလုပ်စုံရှိုက် လှဲအနှမ ဂုဏ်တ်မ ထံ ကြေးလွှမနတ်လူ ရိုညွတ်မှုဖြင့် ကြည်(၉)နှစ်သက် ဦးတင်ရွက်ပေး ဘုန်ကြက်သရေ မြုတေလျှံဝင် တမင်၏ စက်ရင်ရွှေဝက် ချိန်မရောက်ရုယ် တထေဝ်က်
(၃၁) ငံ့လင့် ကြံတုံနှင့်လည်း ရှင်ပင့်ကိုယ် မခြားမှုဖြင့် နေ၁က်လူတကာ သ တင်န၁ရယ် အောင်ခြေ ပြည်မြတ် ထိုက်ကြလတ်ဟု ဘုန်ထုတ်မိန့်မြွက် ဗျာဒိတ်စက် ဖြင့် ခန့်တွက်ပိုင်း ထတ်မူအပ်သပ် အလွှန်ထွန်ဝင်စည်ပင်လှစွာသ6
(၃)) အဘွယ်ရှစ်ပါးနှင့် ပြည့်စုံစွာသပ် ၁၁သနခတ်အတွင်ထမှုထည်ဖြစ် ထထပ်၊ သမျှမစ္စေ၁သခါ ကောသေ၁ အစရှိသဝ်ဂါထ၁နှင့်အညီ ရထုသုန်(တန်) ရှိ ထန်ထူးဆန် နေထွန်သပ် ရွှေနန်းသခင် ပြည်ရှင်မင်မြတ် မှူးမတ်နိုင်ဆက်
(၃၃) မိတ်ဆက်ခင်ဝန် လွန်ကျိကြ ခဲထုကျိုမြေခင် တန်ဆောင်ပြဆို ပြည့် နိုင်ငံ (ပ)တ်ရပြည်ရွာ ဗိုလ်ပါဆင်မြင် လုပ်ရင်ဆက်ပြီး ဤသို့အားဖြင့် ထင်ရှား နှမသိ ပြည်ကြီးအင်္ဂါလက္ခဏ၁ဝနှင့်လည်ပြည့်စုံစွာထသုတ် သုနခပရမံ တမ္ပဒီပ

Page #14

[ 4 ]
THE POSUEDAUNG INSCRIPTION. [Indian AntiquarY. (၃၄) ကမ္ဗောဇဟု စသည်ဝန်လှိုင် ဆယ်ခြောက်တိုင်က ခွန်ဆက်ရာ မကြာ မဏိ ဝေဠုရိယ ပါဠသီလ သခ် ရဇတ သုဝဏ္ဏ လောဟိတင်္ဂါ မသ၁ရကန် မြတ် မွန်ဆယ်ဖြ၁ ရတန၁အပေါင်တို့၏တည်ရာစင်စစ်တန်လည်ဖြစ်ထသပ်
(၃၅) အောင်မြတ်ဂုံမက် တောင်တက်လျှင် နှစ်သက်ရိုကျို မြတ်နို့တန၁ ပြုအပ်သဒ် သဝိညာဏက အဝိညဏက ထိုင်မျှရတနာ ပြည့်စုံမ်ရကြေင့် ရတ ပူရ ရွှေဝမြို့၌ ကြီး ပြည်ထီးဟု ဝေနီးမျက်နှု၁ ထင်စွာထွန်ပ
(၃၆) ကော်ပေတ်ပြသပ် ရာဇဌ၁နီ မင်နေပြည်ကြီး ရွှေနန်းကြီးဝယ် ရွှေထီးရိပ် ၆ တွင်တ်မူရုယ် ဇမ္ဗူဒိပ်ခွင် မြေအပြင်ထက် ထွန်ထင်လတူ ငါးရာစင် ဆောင်ကဒ် သစ် မင်တို့ကိုဝ်ရွှေစက်တ်စုံအေ၁က်(ရေက်လဲစေ၍)
(၃၇) ဘုတ်ပညာအာဏ၁ .......................................... အောင်သူတကာတို့၏အထွတ်ဖြစ်သ ဘုရားသခင်သ၁သနတ်မြတ် (ကိုမရေ) မ တွက်နိုင် မြတ်စွာဖြည့်ခင်တ်မူသ်လည်
Reverse face. (၁) ဘုရားအဖြစ်သို့ရေက်တ်မူရုယ် ၄ ၉ ရက်စေ့ဝယ် ခပ်သိမ်းကုန်သပ်နတ် လူတို့၏ ကိုကွယ်ဆုယူရာ(ဖြစ် သဝ်) (တဖုဿ)ဘလ္လိကကုန်သည်ညီအစ်ကို အ ပေအပ်တ်မှုသဒ်(ဆံ)တ်မြတ် နှင့် "
(၂) (အ)ကွ၃ဆူသဉ်ဘုရားသခင်၏ ပရိဘောဂစေတီကိုဝ် တည်ထာပနာ၁ သဝ် ဆံတ်ရှင်စေတီ ထူးပြီးကြီးကျယ်ဆန်းကြယ်စွာ၁ဘန်နယ် ငါသ၁)မြင့်ရ အဟု ကြံတ်မှုလျှင် ဘုန်တ်စီရင် မြေ(င)လျင်သည် ။
(၃) (ဌ)ပ်သပ် သိကြားနတ်တို့ စသဖြင့် အလိုတ်ပြည့် ရသပ်ဘုန်တ် မြတ်နှင့်ပြည့်စုံမ်တ်မူထသပ်။ ။ကလေ တိန်ညင် (ယင် ထီးလင်) စလင် စကု စသပ် ပြည်ကြီးတို့ ၏တည်ရ သုနာပရန္တတိုင်။ဥဒေတရစ် ပန်၌
(၄) (၀သ)ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏ တည်ရာ သီရိ ခေတ္တရာ မတိုင်း ကုသိမ် ရောင်မြ မုတ္တမ ပဲကူ စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရ ရမညတိုင်။ ဝါ(ရ)ဝတီ ယိုတယ က မန်ပိုက် စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာအယုတ္တယတိုင်။ဇင်မ
(၅) (ယ် လ)ပန်ပြည် (အနံ) စသင်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာဖာရိပုည့္တိုင်။ ပူရီ စပါသက် ခိုင်လုံ စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာလဝရဌတိုင်း ကျိုင်တုံ ကျင် ခေါင် စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာခေမာဝရတိုင်။ကျိုင်ရုံ
(၆) (မိုင်း)နဲ့ စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာဇော်နဂရတိုင်း ချိန် ညခင်ရွှေ ဆီဖပ် မိတ် စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့ ၏တည်ရကမ္ဘောဇတိုင်။ကုပ် ကျတ်ပြင် စသပ် ပြည်ကြီး၏တည်မယီသကတိုင် ́ ပန္ဒိမ် ကေခင်ဝင် ပသဝ်
(၇) (ပြည်-ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာစိန်တိုင်းဝင် ညှင် စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့ ၏တည်ရာအာဠဝီထိုင်။ ကသည် မွေယင် စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာမဏိပူရထိုင်၊ ဇေယျဝတီ ကေတုမသိ စသင်ပြည်ကြီးကိုမ၏တည်ရာထ

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INDIAN Antiquarr.] THE POŁUIDAUNG INSCRIPTION.
[ 5 ] (ဂ) (ဝ၃)ခုတိုင်။ ပုဂံ မြင်စိုင် ပင်ယ အင်ဝ စသပ်ပြည်ကြီးတို့၏တည်ရာ တမ္ပဒီပ တိုင်တည်ဟူသပ် တိုင်ကြီး တဆယ်ခြောက်တိုင် တို့၏သခင် အ ပြည် ပြည် ထောင်သဝ်ထီး သေခင်မင်တိုဝ်၏သခင် ရွှေတွင် ငွေတွင် ပတ္တမြတ်
(ဇ) (သခင်) ဟံဆင်ဖြူရတန၁ စသပ်စွာသပ်ဆင်ပြုသခင်ဖြစ်တ်မှုသည် ဘုန်တ် အလွန်ကြီးမြတ်တ်မူလှသပ် ဆင်ဖြူသခင် အသျှင်ဘဝရှင်မင်းကြီးသည် အလုပ်စုံပြီးပြေသဝ် အဝန်အဖြင့် သံတောင် ၉ဝပ်ရှိသဝ်
(၁၀) (အချင်) ၊ ၆ ရပ်တ်ဂဉ်ရှိသပ် ဆံတ်ရှင်စေတီတော်အား ရွှေဝင်အတိမွန် မံရွယ် ရွှေထီးရတန၁တင်လွှတ်မှုအ သဝ်ဌ် များစွာသင်ကြည်ရေတပ်ပေါင်ရှစ်ဆယ် တွင် ဟံဆင်ဖြူရတန၁
(၁၁) (စသ6) 8တ်ပေါက် ဟိုင်ဟံ တည်တံ ဆင်ဖြူ ဆင်နိနှင့်အကွ ပတ် ယတ် ပြည့်စုဒ်သပ် ဆင်တ်ပေါက်မ ၁၆၀၀ အတိုင်ဧရှိသဝ်နတ်သယ၁ည်အ မည်ရှိသမြတ် နှင့်အကွတ်မြင်ငါး
(၁၂) (ရာ) နေဘက်တ်ပါသင်မြင်စီးသူရဲ နှင့်အ မြင် ၂ဝဝဝဝ စသင်များ ၉၁သပ် စစ်အင်္ဂ’၄ပါးဝိစည်ခင်ကျင်ရုယ် အပြည်ပြည်ထောင်သပ် ထီးဆောင်စဉ် မြို့ပြုံးကိုင်နိုက်တ်သို့ လိုက်
(၁၃) စေသဖြင့် မြတ်မြင့်မည် ဂုဏ်အင်္ဂညီညွတ်သပ် အဂ္ဂမဟာသေန၁ ပတိ အတွင်သေန၁ပတ် ပြည်ကြီးစွယ်သွား မှူးမတ်ရာ ဗိုလ်ပါသူရဲ " သူခက်တည် ဟူသပ်အမစ္စဗလးညာတိဗလတည် ၊
(၁၄) ဟူသဝ် သတ် ညိတ် ဆွတ် ချိ တ် မင်မိဖုရား မောင်မမိသံ ခြွေရံကြီး ကျယ်ဝ၁ မဟာသုဒဿနုမြို့မှ စူဠာမဏိစေတီတ်အား ပုဠ်သွားသပ်သိကြားနတ်မင် ၏တင့်တယ်ခြင်ကဲ့သို့ အလွှန်တင့်တယ်စွာ
(၁၁) ရတနာပူရရွှေဝမြို့တ်ကြီးမှ သက္ကရာ လွှန်လျှင်ဆန်ကြယ်လှသင် ရတန၁ရွှေဘေ၁င်တ်ကြီးဝယ် မင်ခင်စုံမ်နှင့်အက္ခရတနာ ထီးဖြုတ်၄စင်ပိုက်လျက် အရံရွှေလှေ
(၁၉) ရွှေလောင် လှော်က လက်သင် ကူရွပ် သပ္ပန် သက္ကဒန် ရလေ့ ဇလား ()ကပင် ကြီး ငယ်သရဲရုပ်တွေစသဝ်ဝ၁သပ် ရွှေလှေ ရွှေဘေခင် အထိန်နှစ် လီမကများလှသပ် ဆင်မြင်ဗိုလ်ပါအပေါင်နှင့်ချိတ်မူရုယ်
(၁၇) ကွန်တထေဝက်ဝံတ်မူထိုင် ပွတ်သဘင်စုံမ်ခံတ်မှုသည် လံ ကေဝင်ပြ၁သို ထပြည့်ကျဲ ဂံ နေ့.ပြည်မြို့သို့ရေက်တ်မူရုယ် နဝင်ချေင်၌ သခင်ကြီးကွန်နနတ် တွင် စိတ်မူသည်။ ဘုရားသခင်သည်ရှစ်ဝါမြေခံ
(၁၈) က်ဝယ် သုနခပရန္တတိုင် ဝါနိုဗ္ဗမကုန်သည်ဆောက်လှူသပ်နံ့သာ ကျောင်တ်သို့ ကြွရောက်တ်မှုသစ်အခါ မြန့်တိုင်သူထိုမှစရွယ် နတ်လူအပေါင်ကို) ကွယ်စိဌ နမ မြစ်ငယ် စက်တ်ရာ) ဆူ

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သည်ဟု
ထေ5
ဆန်ကိုရက်
[ 6 ]
THE POSUEDAUNG INSCRIPTION. [Indian ANTIQUARY. (၁၉) ချထ၁တ်မူပြီးရွှေစက်စုံမြတ်ဘတ်ဦးလှည့်ရယ် ကြွရောက်တ်လျှင် ဗျာဒိတ်တ်မြတ်ကြရာ ဘဝါးဦးတောင်ထိပ်ထက် ရွှေဘေထောင်တ်တို့တည်ထသပ် စေတီသည် ထာဝရ
(၁၀) (ပ)မဏမရှိသည်ကို မြင်တ်မူရုယ် သာသန၁တ်ထောင်ေအောင် တည်ရယ် ခပ်သိမ်းကုန်သပ် သူတို့ အစည်ကိုကွယ်ရာဥဒါန်ကျေဖူးမော်ကွန်ထွန်စိမ့်
(၁) (ဆံ)ဟော်မူလျှင် သ၁သန၁တော်စောင့်သေနတ် သိကြားနတ် သည်ကြည့်ရှုမစ ညီညရသေ၁ ဘုန်တော် မြတ်အားဖြင့် အလိုတေ5 အထိုင် ပြည့်ရ
အ သိကြားနတ် (၂၂) ()ဘန်ဆောင်ဖို့ ရသ ဒိဂုံဆံတော်ရှင်ထီးတော်ပရိဘေ၁ဂနှင့်အ ကွ သာရီရိကရုပ်တုစေတီ ဓာတ်တော်မွေတော်မြတ်များစွာထ၁ဝနာရယ် သာသန၁
( ၃) (တ)ည်ဗိမ္မိသေ၁၅ တခ်နက်ကြီးစွာသေ၁ကျောက်တောင်ကိုင်စနစ်စေ ရုယ် သာသန၁တ်နှစ်ထောင် သုမ်ရာ တဆယ် ရှစ်နှစ် သက္ကရဇ်၁၁၃ ၆၃တပို့တွဲလ
( ၄) (ဗုဒ္ဓ)ဟူးနေ့ အချင်သံ ၁၆9ဟိသောစေတီတော်ကို ရတန၁ရွှေအုတ်, ငွေအတ် ကြိုင်အုတ်တို့ဖြင့်စရုယ်တည်လုပ်စေချယ် ၁၉၁သေ၁ထာပနာတိုက် တော်ကြီး
( ၅) (၀)ယ် သိရိဓမ္မာသောကမင်သည်စေတီ ဂ၄၀၀၀ ကိုဝ်တည်သောအခါ ကယ့် သို့ လံကေခင်တပို့တွဲလပြည့်ကျေ၌တရက်ပုဒ္ဓဟူးနေ့ ညလေချက်တီးကျေ၌ တွင် လက်
(၂ ) (န)တ်သားကို ရာဟုမည်သေ၁အသူရိန်နတ်သားသည် စွဲဘမ်ရွယ် သေမှလွတ်သေ၁အခါတွင် မြတ်လှစွာသဝ်ရွှေရုပ်တုငွေရုပ်တုရွှေစေတီငွေစေတီမွေ တေ်ဓာတ်တ်
(၂၇) (အ)ဆူဆူများမြတ်စွာ မဟာဗောဓိသတ္တဌါနနှင့်အကွ ထပ၁ချယ် များသော အလုပ်အရင် မင်မိဖုရ မင်သား မင်သမီး ညီတော် သ၁တ် ဆွေတ် မြို့တော် မှူးမတ်
(ဂ) ဗိုလ်ပါတို့နှင့်အကွာ တွေးမြင် ပုဇော်တ်မူသော ညဏ်တော်မြင်ဦး ကမ္ပည်တပ်တော်မူသေစေတီတော်သည် တရုပ်တွဲလပြည်ကျဉ်ခုနှစ်ရက်နေ့ အလုပ် ရမ်ပြီး
(၂ ဧ) သည် တပိုင်တွဲလပြည်ကျော်ရှစ်ရက်နေပြည်မြို့မှတ်မှုရွယ် တပေါင် , လပြည့်ဗုဒ္ဓဟူနေ့ ဒိ ဂုံဆံတ်ရှင်စေတီတော်မြတ်အား ရွှေတီးရတနာတင်လှူတ်မှုသည် ရွှေ
(၃၀) စင်အတိမွမ်းမံတော်မူသည့် ရောက်စံတော်မူသည်မှစရုယ် သက္ကရဇ် ( ၁၁၃၇၃. တန်ခူးလပြည့်ကျော်နှစ်ရက်တိုင် ကြီးစွာသေသပွဲသဘင်စုံမ်ပူဇေတော် မူရုယ် အလှူ

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[ 7 ]
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.] THE POSUIDAUNG INSCRIPTION.
(၃၁) ကြီးကိုပ်ပေးတော်မူပြီးလျှင် ရွှေစက်တော်မြတ်ပြန်လှည့်ချိတ်မှုရွယ်သက္က ရဇ်၁၁၃၇ခုကဆုန်လဆန်ရှစ်ရက်နေ့ ပြည်မြို့သို့ရောက်စံတော်မူသည်၊ လံကောင် ကဆုန်
(၃၂) လပြည်စနေနေ့ညည့်နှစ်ချက်တီးကျေဝ်အခါတော်တွင် ရွှေထီးတင်တော် မှုသည် ရွှေစင်အတိမွမ်းမံမှုသည် ဆရာတော်မြတ် နှင့်အကွမျးဝ၁သေ၁သယ်၁ ထော်အား
(၃၃) ဆွမ်ဘေသဇည်ပရိက္ခရာ အသုံးအဆောင်များစွာလှူတ်မှုသည် (ပွဲသဘင် ပု)ဇ္ဇ်တော် (မူသည်) ။ထိုသို့မြတ်ထုပ္ပ၁သဤကောင်းမှုတ်ကြောင့်ပည၁ဓိကဘုရား သဗ္ဗသူဆုကိုင်ပြည့်စုပ်၍
(၃၄) ခပ်ဆိမ်...... .... . . ..... ....တရားတည်ဟူသပ် မြန်မြတ်.... ..... .... .... ..... .... သမ္မသမ္ဗုဒ္ဓ အဖြစ်သို့မရေက် ဘဝဆက်ထိုင်ထူဖြစ်သ်ထည်လူတ .... .... .... .... .... .... (၃၅) ••• •• ••••....
.... .... .... က်သိုဝ်လူမင်နတ်မင်အဖြစ်ကိုဝ်ရတ်မှုစေဆဝ်၊ ဤကောင်းမှုအဘိုးကိုလည်
(၃၀) .... .... .... .... ..... ..... .... .... .. ... ... ... ..... ..... ..... .... .... သဝ်သခုခဒါယကာ ထ... .... .... (၃၇) .... ....
.. .... .......... အက္ခအနန္တစ ..
...
.... ...
. ..... ....
•
.

Page #18


Page #19

JANUARY, 1893.]
PO:U:DAUNG INSCRIPTION
action within the memory of man, a circumstance, on the grounds mentioned, extremely improbable. The occurrence, on the summit, of the common brakes, and doubtless of other plants of temperate regions, renders it probable that the close of the glacial period found its surface in a fit state to support vegetation."
Line 3. - The Jinachakka or Anno Buddhe, corresponding to the year of Sakkaraj or vulgar era, is indicated throughout the inscription by mnemonic words used in astrology. The method of expressing numerals by means of words is also a Soath-Indian practice, which is fully described at pages 57-59 of Burnell's Elements of South Indian Palmography. It may be noted that the Burmans reckon their Era of Religion from 544 B. C., the year, according to them of the parinirvúna of Gautama Buddha.
Line 4. - The Digumpacheti of the Pâli appears to be a translation of the Dagon Choti, now called the Shwe Dagon33 the celebrated pagoda of Rangoon. The correct appellation should be Tikumbhacheti according to pages 16-17 of Forchhammer's Notes on the Early History and Geography of British Burma. I., The Shwe Dagon Pagoda.
Reverse Face. Line 2. - It is the belief of the Buddhists of Burma that the Shwê Dagon Pagoda contains the relics of the four successive Buddhas of this Bhaddakappa, namely, the water strainer of Kakusandha, the bathing-robe of Kôngamana, the staff of Kassapa, and eight hairs of Gautama.
Lines 3-8.- The division of the Burmese Empire under S'inbyuyin into sixteen states or provinces is interesting, as it illustrates the substitution of classical names of India for native appellations. See Appendix B to Yule's Mission to Ava for similar classification effected during the reign of Dalan Mindaya in 1636 A. D.24
Line 7.- Kabèmweyin is the Burmese appellation for Manipur. Sir Arthur Phayre derives Mweyin from Mora nga or Moriya, and identifies it with the Kubo Valley in the Upper Chindwin District (Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XXXIII. page 15). In the Maháy drawin it is stated that Dhajarâjâ, a king of the Sakya race, settled bere, after his expulsion from Northern India about the middle of the 6th century B. C. Upper Pagân was built by him. He married Någachhinna, the Queen of Bhinnaka, the last of the Tagaung kings, who, on his expulsion by the TATÁrs, fled to Malè and died there. On the destruction of the Tagaung dynasty the people were divided into three divisions and one emigrated to the Shân States; the second to the country of the Pyús and Kàrràns, over which Muduchitta, son of Kånrâjâgyi, had formerly raled as king; and the third remained at Malè with Nagachhinna. The finding among the ruins of Tagaung of terra cotta tablets, bearing Sanskrit legende, affords some corroboration to the statement of the native historians that, long before Andrat'ázo's conquest of Daton in the 11th century A. D., suocessive waves of emigration from Gangetio India had passed through Manipur to the Upper Valley of the Irrawaddy, and that these emigrants brought with them letters, religion and other elements of civilization.
Line 8. - Joyavaddhana is the classical name of the ancient kingdom of Toungoo (Taang-ngů).
Line 9.- The Hàn S'inbyll, or the white elephant called Hàn, was one of the animals, from the possession of which King S'inbyllyin (Lord of the White Elephant) derived the title, by which he is known in history.
Line 11. - The charger called the Nathayinbyan, which is described, in the language of exaggeration, as being 4 taunga, 2 maiks, and 4 letbits, or nearly 22 hands high, appears to be an animal presented by foreigners. A Burman pony rarely exceeds 13 hands.
*[As a contribution to the orthography of this word I may note that French traveller of 1786 calls it la pagoda de Digon.' See Taung. Pao, Vol. II, p. 397 ff. Forchhammer's conclusions are, I think wrong. At any rato they are not atually supported by any authoritative document I have yet noon.- ED.
[Mindön named some of the quarters of Mandalay by Pali names.-ED.]

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8
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1893.
Line 15.-Ratanapura, is the classical name of (Ava) Awâ or Inwa, or Shwê Wa, 'the golden entrance,' as it is called in the language of poetry and song. It was founded by Dadôminbyâ in 1364 A. D., its site being selected for its strategie position at the confluence of the Myi(t)ngè and Irrawaddy rivers, and for the swampy nature of the ground on its open face. Ava was the capital of Burma Proper for nearly five centuries. It witnessed the Chinese and Shan invasions, the desperate struggle for supremacy between the Burmans and the Talaings, and lastly a British army advance within four marches and dictate its own terms to Bâgyidò at Yandabô. Through its antiquity as the capital of Burma, it is better known among the neighbouring nations than Shwêbo, Sagaing, Amarapura, or Mandalay. Even to this day, the seat of the Burmese Government is known to the Chinese as Awâ, and the Shâns call the Burmese king Khun hò khâm Awà,' the Lord of the golden palace of Ava.
Line 17.-The sand-bank at the mouth of the Nawinchaung, where Sinbyûyin took up his temporary residence, may be seen to this day.
Line 18.-Mrànotaing: means the country of the Myàn. Sir Arthur Phayre derives Mrànmà from Brahmâ (see page 2 of his History of Burma). The exact derivation and meaning of the designation, by which the Burmans are known, have not yet been settled. The term Mrànmà is not met with in Burmese history till the First Century A. D. In Marco Polo's Travels, Burma is referred to as the kingdom of Mien. The Burmans are known among the Chinese as the Mien, and among the Shâns as the Mân, the same appellation by which the Mongols are known among the Chinese. In the accounts of Burma written in Pali the country is known as Marammadése. If Sir Arthur Phayre's derivation is correct, it is difficult to justify the action of the learned priests of the 14th and 15th centuries in making use of the barbarous appellation Maramma in lithic inscriptions as well as in literary works, while they had the familiar term Brahmâ for their national designation.25
The various theories on the subject are thus summarized in the British Burma Gazetteer (Volume I. pages 141-142).
"The name by which the Burmans call themselves is Myàmmà or Mràmmà, commonly pronounced Byàmmâ or Bam-mâ (Bamâ). Mr. Hodgson appears to conclude that the appellatian can be traced to the native name for 'man': Sir Arthur Phayre that it is derived from Brahmâ, signifying celestial beings,' and was not adopted till after the introduction of Buddhism and after several tribes had been united under one chief: and Bishop Bigandet that it is another form, or a corruption, of Mien, a name the Burmans brought with them from the Central Asian platean."
Line 32.-The Royal Preceptor was the Atalà Sayâdò, whose full title was Mahâtulayasadhammarajaguru. He was the Dâbanabaing or Buddhist Archbishop, appointed by Alaungpaya, when the latter became king. The Sayâdò retained his office throughout the reign of five kings, and was removed by Bôdòp'ayâ for his schismatic doctrines.
NOTE ON SOME AJANTA PAINTINGS.
BY L. A. WADDELL, M. B.
In February 1892 I communicated to the Bengal Asiatic Society a detailed description of that fragmentall fresco hitherto known as 'the Zodiac,' which occupies a conspicuous place in the verandah of Ajanta Cave No. XVII. By a reference to the extant paintings of the Lâmas, I was able to interpret its details and restore its chief blanks. It is a Bhavanachakra or Pictorial Cycle of Existence, and its chief value for scholars lies in the fact
25 [A French traveller living in Rangoon (1786-7) called the Burmese as distinguished from the Peguans, 'les Bramas. See Taung-Pao, Vol. I. Les Français en Birmanie au XVIIIe Siècle,' passim. Quirini, Vita di Monsignor Percoto, Udine, 1781, uses the words Barma and Barmani throughout his curious book.-ED.]
A mere fragment now remains.'-Fergusson and Burgess, Cave Temples, p. 310.

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JANUARY, 1893.]
NOTE ON SOME AJANTA PAINTINGS.
that in the outer circle are pourtrayed in concrete pictorial form, the twelve nidánas, regarding the exact sense of which there have been so many divergent opinions, owing to scholars hitherto having had only the ambiguous Pali and Sanskrit terms to interpret from.
Again from Lamaic sources, I now offer a note on two more of the Ajanta paintings, which may be of interest at the present time, when a new edition of these paintings is being published.
1.-Avalokita as 'The Defender from the Eight Dreads.' This painting is also in Cave XVII., forming No. В in the series of photographs of Mr. Griffith's copies, and $ IV. in the report of Dr. Burgess, who, in his brief note of eight lines, entitles it the Litany of Avalokitesvara,' and notes that of the oval compartments at each side only a few can be partially made out.'
This picture is not very uncommon in Tibet, where it is known as 'Avalokita: The Defender from the Eight Dreads.' It is thus described by the great Lama Taranatha in his gsung-hbums or The Hundred Thousand Sayings.
Arya Avalokita is represented in a standing posture in the form of a rishit of a white complexion, with one face and two bands. The right hand is in the bestowing' attitude (mudra). The left hand holds a rosary and an anointing vase or pitcher. He is dressed in white silk, with Amitabha seated in the locks of his bair.
The secondary figures depict scenes, which are eight in number, four being on each side of the central figure. On the right are the following scenes :1. Dread in Fire. Two villagers being at enmity, one of them set fire to the other's house ;
when the one in the burning house, unable to escape, prayed O! Avalokita !' Instantly over his house appeared a white cloud, which gave forth a copious shower of rain, and so
the fire was quenched. 2. Dread in Prison. Once a thief entered the king's store and finding there & vase of wine
drank deeply, and becoming intoxicated fell asleep. In the morning the king's servants found him and having fettered him cast him into prison. In his distress the man prayed to Avalokita. Then a bird of five colours, an incarnation of Avalokita, appeared and loosened
his chains, and the prison door was opened and the man escaped to his home. 3. Dread in Plunder. A wealthy merchant set out to Maru, with a thousand camels and
five hundred of the best horses laden with valuables. He saw by the way the bones of many previous travellers, who had been murdered by robbers; and he himself was attacked by these robbers. In his fear he prayed to Avalokita, when instantly appeared a host of heroes armed with swords - incarnations of Avalokita himself , who came to the
merchant's rescue, and defeating the would-be robbers the merchant oscaped in safety. 4. Dread in Water. Five thousand merchants went to the Southern Ratnadwip (= Ceylon)
in three ships. In returning to their own country they filled one ship with jewels and setting sail they reached Chandan-bhùmipradhan-dwip.7 The 'wealth-owners' (spirits) of the ocean being angry, sent storms which blew the ships ont of their courses. And when the ships were enveloped in a mighty wave and about to founder one of the merchants prayed to Avalokita. Then instantly the storm ceased, and they all reached their own countries in safety.
: Arch. Survey, West-Indiu, Rep. No. 9.
apyan-rai-grig. There is no element in the word representing Ituara. • Drang-orong.
The rosary is almost a chinha of Avalokita. • spyi-blago ( literally crown of head' + 'to pat"): Beal, Si-yu-ki, II. 187) appears to have misinterpreted this object. It is also believed to hold perfume.
* Tean-Idan-sa-mcbhog kyi gling, probably the Sunderbans or their eastern section, the modern Sandwip.

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On the left hand of the central figure are depicted the following scenes :5. Dread of Enemy. A king named Otibishar was sleeping in a grove, when a party of
armed enemies surrounded him and were about to kill him, when he prayed to Avalokita, who instantly appeared, and from beneath his feet arose a fearful wind which dispersed
the enemies to the ten directions. 6. Dread of Elephant. A girl went to a forest to gather flowers. She encountered an
elephant named Khani(=? bloody), which caught her around the waist with his trunk and was about to kill her, when she prayed to Avalokita. Then the elephant instantly released
her and she escaped unhurt. 7. Dread of Lion. A wood-catter went to a forest, and met a hungry lioness which was about
to seize and eat him. Being much terrifted he prayed to Avalokita. Then instantly appeared A white boy dressed in tree-leaves and lifting him up bore him off through the air and set
him down in the midst of the city. 8. Dread of Venomous Snakes. A courtesan on her way to a merchant's house after dark,
after leaving her house was attacked by a black venomous snake. In her fear she prayed to Avalokita, then the snake immediately became white (.e. harmless) and disappeared into the river.
II. The Nine Bodhisattvas. This group of Buddha and The Nine Bodhisattvas' is also in Cave XVII. and forms photograph B details of L' of Griffith's Series and paragraph &XXXI of Bargess, who merely notes regarding it that Buddha stands surrounded by four Arbats and two Bodhisattvas.
The Nine Bodhisattvas' consist of four anadorned disciples standing in front, and in the background five bejewelled and crowned lay devotees. Taranatha describes them in his mdsad lrgya or The Hundred Deeds. Following his description, I give here a key to the picture, in which the firm-line ovals represent the faces of the figures in the foreground, and the dotted ayols the faces of the background figures of the group :
1. Sakya Muni. 2. Samantabhadra, incarnate as a diseiple of Buddha. 3. Vajrapani
do. 4. Manjusri
do. 5. Avalokita
do. 8. Brahma, incarnate as an earthly king to hear Buddha's teaching. 7, Indra
do. 8. Iswara
do.
do. 9. Vishnu
do.
do. 10. King Prasenajit 10 of Kosala, & contemporary of Buddha and one of his first converts.
This is of course a mythical arrangement of Buddha's disciples. But the Lamas, following their Indian traditions, explain that four of the historic disciples of Buddha and four of
do.
Literally 'son.'
Op. cit. p. 60. 10 gwal-rgyal. See also Cuoma de Körösi in Asiatic Researches, XX. p. 76, 294, &o.

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JANUARY, 1893.]
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
his lay hearers were incarnations of the deities and Mahîyâna Bodhisattvas above specified. Attention is invited to the rosary as the chinha of Avalokitesvara. Indra's third horizontal eye in the forehead is also characteristic, and Indra is usually the umbrella-holder to Buddha.
In conclusion, I may note that for several years I have been engaged on a work dealing with quite an untrodden field of Indian Buddhism, for the study of which I have had exceptional opportunities, vir., The Tantric Buddhism of Magadha as illustrated by its remains, and in its relations to the Lamaic Pantheon.'
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS OF DHAMMACHETI,
1476 A. D.
BY TAW SEIN KO. The absence in the Buddhist Church of any organized ecclesiastical hierarchy ander a central Government renders it imperative that some kind of efficient check should be devised for the dae maintenance of discipline, harmony, and moral control. It was, therefore, ordained by Gautama Buddha that twice in the month, at full moon and at new moon, and also once a year, at the end of the rainy season, meetings should be held, where the assembled priests should be asked whether they had committed any of the offences mentioned in the Patimökkha, or whether the commission of such offences by any of them had been seen, heard of, or suspected by the others. The former meetings are called upôsatha and the latter pavúraná. For the purpose of holding these meetings, at which it is the bounden duty of all priests to attend, it is necessary that & convenient and central place should be appointed. Such a place is called & sime, and the ceremonial for its consecration is prescribed in the second khandhaka of the Mahavagga, a part of the Vinaya Pitaka. This ceremonial has, however, been interpreted in various ways by the commentaries and scholia on the Mahavagga, such as the Vinaya!! hakatha, Sáratthadipani, Vimativinôdani, Vinayaļiká by Vajîrabuddhithêra, Kankhavitarani, Vinayavininhchhayapakarana, Vinayasangahapakarana, Simálankárapakarana, and the Simalaikúrasangaha; and the object of the Kalyani Inscriptions is to give an authoritative ruling on these varied opinions, and to prescribe & ceremonial for the consecration of a sima, which shall be in accordance with what is laid down by Gautama Buddha, and which, at the same time, shall not materially conflict with the interpretations of the commentators.
Incidentally the inscriptions are meant to prove the apostolic succossion of the Buddhist priesthood of Burma, and give a good deal of valuable information as to the geography of the period. So many positive ourrent dates are also given, with references to Sinhalese and Burmese History, that the historical truth of many of the statements contained in them should be capable of conclusive proof,
A sima serves another purpose than that above explained. It is the place where the upasampada ordination and other ecclesiastical ceremonies are performed. Unless the consecration of the sima is considered to be valid, the coremonies performed therein are held to be null and void. Hence a sima is intimately connocted with the existence of the Buddhist Priesthood, on which the whole fabric of Buddhism rests.
The following account of the manner in which simas aro at the present day consecrated in Burma will be of interest, as showing how the accretions of ages have modified the simple ceremonial of Gautama Buddha. A piece of land suitable for the consecration of a simá, and generally measuring about 105 or 126 feet in perimeter, is obtained from the British Government, which declares that the land is visur gáma, that is to say, land in respect of which revenue and all usufructuary rights have been irrevocably relinquished by the secular authorities in favour of the Buddhist Priesthood. Within the limits of this land, the learned and qualified priests, who have been appointed to perform the ceremony of consecration,
* The modern Bermone word for this is beng, spelt sim.

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mark the extent of the sima. At the distance of about ten feet from the boundaries thus marked an outer boundary-line is indicated. The land enclosed within these two boundary-lines is levelled and cleared and besmeared with mud. When the mud is dry, allotments of space, measuring six by three feet, are marked out in rows with lime or red earth, and an awning is constructed over the whole ground. Then a Chapter, consisting of ten or fifteen priests, take their seats in the first allotment of space in the first row and proceed to intone by turns the kammavách for the desecration of & sima, it being held negessary that, for the proper consecration of the new simd, the one which may possibly exist on the same site, should be first desecrated. This ceremony is repeated till the last allotment of space in the first row is reached. The priests then seat themselves in the last allotment of space in the second row and continue the intonation of the same kammaváchd. The same ceremony is repeated till the first allotment of space in the second row is reached. Thus, once in a forward order, and then in a reverse order of the allotments of space arranged in rows, is the same kammaváchá intoned till the number of rows has been exhausted. The ceremony of desecrating & simá is repeatedly performed for about a week or ten days. After this, one or two days' rest is given to the officiating priests.
Twenty or thirty learned and qualified priests are now selected ; and they proceed to mark the limits of the proposed simá, such limits being smaller in extent than those of the visungáma. At the four corners of the site of the simá, and also on its sides, pits are dog deep enough to hold as much water as will not dry up before the conclusion of the intonation of the kammavacha for the consecration of a sima - Buch water being regarded as the boundary. At the distance of a foot and a half from these pits, towards the inside, bamboo trellis work is set up, and the space thus enclosed is decorated with various kinds of flags and streamers, water-pots covered with lotus and other flowers, plantain trees, sugarcane, cocoanut' flowers, baby leaves, and nézá grass. The awning mentioned above is likewise adorned with a ceiling of white cloth and with festoons of flowers.
Meanwhile, the pits are continnally filled with water, so that it may not dry up before the ceremony is over. When the time approaches for the ceremony to begin, no more water is poured into the pits. Near each of them, a junior priest is stationed to furnish the officiating senior priest with replies in respect of the boundaries of the simá. At the appointed hour, the senior priest, holding a kammaváchá, slowly walks along the boundary-line of the simá. Approaching the Eastern water-boundary' be asks: "Puratthimaya disdya kin nimittari and the junior priest answers: - "Udakas, bhanté." Similar questions and answers are asked and given also at the South-eastern, Southern, South-western, Western, North-western, Northern, and North-eastern points of the site, and to make the boundary-line continuous, also at the Eastern and South-eastern points, which have already been proclaimed. The questions and answers are asked and given first in Pali and then in Burmese. The same ceremony of proclaiming the boundaries is repeated by two other senior priests in succession. After the boundaries have thus been proclaimed three times, the kammavaoha for the consecration of & samanasam vasakasima is intoned seven (or eight) times by three of the priests at a time. After this, the kammaváchå relating to the consecration of an avippavasasima is chanted.
At the conclusion of the above ceremonies, a statement recording the year, month, day, and hour at which the sima was consecrated, the names of the senior priests who officiated at the os emonies, and the name of the sima, is pablicly read out. Lastly, in honour of the occasion, cdrums and conch-shells are sounded, and muskets are fired, and a shout of acclamation is raised by the people.
The above account is similar to that recorded in the Kalyani Inscriptions, which are frequently cited or appealed to as the ruling authority on the ceremonial relating to the consecration of simas.

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JANUARY, 1893.1
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
13
Dhammacheti, or Ramadhipati, King of Pegu, who erected these inscriptions in 1476 A. D., was an ex-priest, who, in emulation of Asoka, Sirisang babôdhi-Parakkamabaha, and other Buddhist kings of old, made the parity of Buddhism one of the objects of his earnest solicitude. The main object in founding the Kalyani-sims appears to have been to afford to the Priesthood of Ramantadesa & duly consecrated place for the purpose of performing the aposatha, upasampada, and other ecclesiastical ceremonies, and indirectly to secure continuity in their apostolio succession from Mahinda, the Buddhist Apostle to Ceylon. It was held that the succession from Soņa and Uttara, the missionaries to Suvannabhumi, had been interrupted in Burma because of the violent political convulsions to which the country had been subjected. In the 11th century A. D., the Talaing Kingdom of Datên was conquered by Anuruddha or Anòratazo, King of Pagan; and two centaries later, the Pagân monarchy was, in its turn, overthrown by three Shân brothers, who took advantage of the dismemberment of the Burmese Empire caused by a Chinese invasion in 1284 A.D. While the Upper Valley of the Irrawaddy was passing through troublous times, the Talaings of the lower country had been fighting among themselves after they had regained their independence from subjection to Burma. Thus, during the four centuries that preceded the accession of Dhammachêti, Burma had scarcely enjoyed peace for any great length of time, and matters appertaining to the Buddhist Religiou had not been efficiently supervised or regalated.
The Kalyani.sima derives its name from the fact that it was consecrated by the Talaing prieste, who had received afresh their nepasampada ordination at the hands of the Mahavihêra fraternity, the spiritual successors of Mahinda, on the Kalyani River near Colombo. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Buddhist priests from all parts of Burma, from Ceylon and Siam, flocked to it to receive their upasampadá ordination. Even at the present day, priests, whose ordination is of doubtful validity, will suffer themselves to be re-ordained in it.
In preparing for the present study of the Kalyani Inscriptions, owing to want of time, I had no access to the original stone-blobs. The text was collated from two palm-leaf manuscripts, one of which was found among the papers of the late Dr. Forch. hammer, and the other was procured from the Bernard Free Library at Rangoon. On the whole, the latter manuscript, marked (B) preserves & better text, and has been generally followed in the present paper. Numerous palm-leaf copies of the Paļi text of the Kalyani Inscriptions are extant, and are carefully preserved owing to their containing an account of the proper ceremonial of consecrating & sima. No apprehension need, therefore, exist that there is any material divergence between the present edition and the original text of the inscriptions. Indeed, the general accuracy of the MSS. above alluded to will be shown later on in this Journal.
The Kalyani Inscriptions are situated at Zaingganaing, the western suburb of the town of Pogu. They oomprise ten stone slabs covered with inscríptions on both sides, and are arranged in a row. Owing either to the vandalism of the Portuguese adventurer, Philip de Brito, who, for ten years, held supreme power in Pegu at the beginning of the 17th century A. D., or to the insensate fury of Alompra's soldiery, who plundered Pegu in 1757 A. D., all of them are more or less broken ; but the fragments, which are lying scattered about, are capable of at least partial restoration. When whole, their average dimensions were about 7 feet high, 4 feet 2 inches wide, and 1 foot 3 inches thick. There are 70 lines of text to each face, and three letters to an inch. The language of the first three stones is PAli, and that of the rest is Talaing, being a translation of the PAli text.
• The modern "Kingdom of Pega," that is, the Telaing Country.
*[The Government of Burma bae rery kindly entrusted to me the task of restoring these invaluable documents to their original condition, fatis now practiomble. The work has been already begun.-ED.)

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I would here advert to the absolute silence of these lithio records regarding the celebrated Buddhist divine Buddhaghose, the author of the Visuddhimagya and Afghasálini, and the Apostle who is reputed to have brought a complete set of the Buddhist scriptures from Ceylon to Daton in the 6th century A.D. If the story about Buddhaghôsa's advent to Datôn be historically trae, the event would have been considered to be an important epoch and would certainly have been mentioned in these inscriptions, which give a résumé of the vicissitudes of Buddhism in Burma and Ceylon, and which were erected by a king, who was called from the cloister to the throne, and to whom every kind of information was accessible. Considering that the identification with the Suvannabhami of the ancients has been urged in favour of three countries, namely, Råmaññadêsa, the Malay Peninsula, and Cambodia, in all of which gold is found, one cannot help being sceptical as to the historical accuracy of the socount relating to the mission of Buddhaghosa to Daton. Such scepticism becomes somewhat confirmed, when it is borne in mind that there is no palæographical affinity between the Talaing and Sinhalese alphabets, and that Cambodian writers affirm that the great divine came to their country, vide Bowring's Kingdom and People of Siam, (Vol. I, page 36). See also the conclusions of Mr. Foalkes in his careful researches into the legends of Buddhaghôsla, ante, Vol. XIX, pp. 121-122.
My notes to the Kalyani Inscriptions are in preparation, and will form the subject of a separate study with a transcription of the Pali text into the Burmese character. In brief the contents of the Pali text on the three stones are as follows:
OBVERSE FACE OF THE FIRST STONE.
Introductory Observations. Convocation of the Third Buddhist Council and despatch of missionaries. Arrival of Sona and Uttara at Goļamattikanagara in Savannabhmi. Decline and fall of Ramaññadêsa. Its conquest by Anuruddha, King of Pugima (Pagån). King Sirisanghabôdhi-Parakkamabahu reforms Buddhism in Ceylon. Uttarajivamahathêra, Preceptor of the King of Pagama, visits Ceylon. His papil, Chhapata remains behind; and, after ten years' residence, retarns home, accompanied by four other theras. Schisms in the Buddhist Church at Pugama consequent on the death of Uttarajivamahâthêra.
REVERSE FACE OF THE FIRST STONE.
Introductory Observations. - (Concluded). Schisms at Dalanngara and Muttimanagare. Such ecclesiastical ceremonies as the consecration of a sima and repasampadá ordination are performed in various ways. Accession of Ramadhipati. His reflections on the valid manner of consecrating a simá.
OBVERSE FACE OF THE SECOND STONE.
Mission to Ceylon. The King's reflections concluded. After consultation with the learned théras he is confirmed in his opinion regarding the simavipatti and purisavipatti of the upasampada and other ecclesiastical ceremonies in Ramaññadosa. Twenty-two théras are invited to visit Ceylon and introduce into Ramañõadesa the Sinhalese form of upasampadá ordination, as practised by the Mahavihára sect, founded by Mahinda. The invitation is accepted. Offerings for shrines and priests in Ceylon, and presents for King Bhûvanêkabahu, as also letters for priests and the king, are prepared. Chitradata and Ramadûta accompany the theras to Ceylon.
REVERSE FACE OF THE SECOND STONE.
Re-ordination of the priests from Ramatinadosa. Departure of the party in two ships. Chitradüta's ship arrives first. Reception by the King of Ceylon. Rûmaduta's ship arrives. Various shrines are visited. The priests from Rimania

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JANUARY, 1893.)
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
15
desa are re-ordained on the Kalyani River by a Chapter elected from the Mahavihara sect. The Sinhalese King confers titles on them. Rûmadůta's ship returns home and arrives safely. Chitradata's ship is wrecked at Kalambu (Colombo). Chitraduta's party is again shipwresked. The members of the party travel on foot to Navutapatana, whence four théras and their disciples travel on to Komâlapattana. Of the latter party, six théras and four young priests die and the rest reach home.
OBVERSE FACE OF THE THIRD STONE.
Consecration of the Kalyani-sima. Ramadhipati's reception of the eleven théras, who return by Ramadata's ship. A site is selected for the consecration of a sima for these théras. Enquiry is held into the antecedents of the theras and their discipleg. A Chapter consisting of nine théras and five young priests is appointed for consecrating the proposed simd. Ceremonies of desecration and consecration are performed, and the simd is named the Kalyani-sima, after the river where the officiating priests received afresh their upasampadá ordination. The priests of Ramaññadosa request RÂmadhipati to be permitted to receive the Sinhalese form of the upasampadd ordination. Suvannasôbhaņathêra is appointed upajjháya.
REVERSE FACE OF THE THIRD STONE. Establishment of the Sinhalese form of ordination in Ramannadesa. The priests of Ramaññadêsa receive the Sinhalese form of wpasampadd ordination in the Kalyani-sima. Râmidhipati's edict to the priesthood regarding admission into the Order. Expulsion of pseudo-priests from the Order. Royal gifts to bhikkhus and sdmaneras. Hortatory yerses.
I will now give a translation of the MS. Text. The transcribed text which follows the translation is that collated from the MSS. above alluded to.
TRANSLATION.
Obverse face of the first stone. Reverence to the Blessed One, the Holy One, the Fully Enlightened One. May the excellent Religion of the Conqueror flourish and prosper, and may reverence be paid to Buddha !
The purification of the Religion of the Conqueror was effected by Ramadhipati, King of Ramannadesa. An account of this event will be related.
During the reign of Ramadhipatiraja, King of Râmaññadesa, the Religion of the Con. queror became purified.
Two hundred and eighteen years had passed away since the attainment of ParinirVaps by the Pully Enlightened One, the Sage of the Sakyas, when Dhammasokaraja was inaugurated as king. In the fourth year after this event, owing to Nigródhassmanera, the King had grest faith in the Religion of Buddha'; and the gifts and honours to the prieste greatly increased, while those to the heretica diminished.
The heretics, for the sake of gifts and honours, embraced the ascetic life among certain, priests, received the upasampadá ordination, and promulgated their own hevesies, such as the Sassata hereby. Some took orders themselves, assumed the guise of priests, and taught their own heretical doctrines, All these heretics mixed promiscuously with, and resided among the priests, who performed wpôsatha and such other ecclesiastical ceremonies. Owing to this cir
As the Burmese rookon, the parinirudna to bare taken place in 844 B. C., this yields 222 B. C. m the traditional date of the conyersion of Anks to Buddhism.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1893.
cumstance, the Sangha considered that the parisá was corrupt, and would not perform uposatha. Therefore, for seven years, the performanoe of this ecclesiastical ceremony had ceased in the Asokar&ma monastery.
On account of these circumstances, King Dhammasoka became desirous of purifying the Religion by removing the impurity, heresy, and corruption that had arisen in it, and secured the co-operation of MoggaliputtatissamahAthéra. Having acquired, by study, the knowledge that the Fully Enlightened One was a Vibhajjavadi, and that those who professed the doctrines of the Sassata and other schools, were heretics, the King convoked an assembly of all the priests. Those who held similar doctrines, were commanded to form themselves into groups, and each group was dismissed one by one. There were six millions of priests professing the Religion, who, if asked what the belief of the Fully Enlightened One was, would say that he was a Vibhajjavadi, while the sinful, heretical priests, who declared that the Fully Enlightened One professed the doctrines of the Sassata and other schools, numbered sixty thousand. The King directed all the sixty thousand sinful priests to leave the Order, and, saying: "Now that the parisd has been purified, let the Sangha perform uposatha," returned to the city.
Therefore, Moggaliputtatissamahathêra performed uposatha in the Asokarama monastery in the company of all the six millions of priests. This being concluded, he promulgated, in an enlarged and expanded form, but on the lines indicated by the Blessed One, the treatise called KathAvatthu, of which a summary had been expounded by the Blessed One. Subsequently, like as the venerable Mahakassapathêra selected five hundred priests, in whom all passions were extinct, and who had attained to the possession of the six abhiññá, and the four paļisambhidás, and convened the First Council, which sat for seven months; and like as the venerable Mah&yasathêra selected 700 priests, in whom all passions were extinct, and who had attained to the possession of the six abhiññás and the four pațisambhidás, and convened the Second Council, which sat for eight months ; even so did he (MoggaliputtatissamahAthéra) select 1,000 priests, in whom all passions were extinct, and who had attained to the possession of the six abhiññás and the four pafisambhidds, and convened the Third Council, which sat for nine months. At the conclusion of this Council, he foresaw, that, in the future, the Religion would be established in foreign countries, and sent suc. théras as Majjhantikathëra with the injunction : "Do you establish the Religion in such and such countries." Of these théras, he sent Mahamahindathers to establish the Religion in the Island of Tambapanni, and soņathöra and Uttarathera to establish the Religion in Ramanadose, which was also called Suvaņpabhami.
At that time, a king, called Sirim soke, ruled over the country of Suvarnabhumi, His capital was situated to the north-west of the Kolasabhapabbatachétiya. The eastern half of this town was situated on an apland plateau, while the western half was built on a plain. This town is called, to this day, Goļamattikanagara, because it contains many mud-and-wattle houses resembling those of the Gola people.
The town was situated on the sea-shore; and there was a rakkhasi, who lived in the Bea, and was in the habit of always seizing and devouring every child that was born in the King's palace. On the very night of the arrival of the two théras, the Chief Queen of the King gave birth to a child. The rakkhasí, knowing that a child had been born in the King's palace. came towards the town, surrounded by 500 other rakkhasas, with the object of devouring it. When the people saw the rakichasi, they were stricken with terror, and raised a loud cry. The two thêras, perceiving that the rakkhasi and her attendants had assumed the exceedingly frightful appearance of lions, each with one head and two bodies, created by means of their supernatural power) monsters of similar appearance, but twice the number of those accompany. ing the rakkhasí, and these monsters chased the rakkhasas and obstructed their further progress.
Near Bilin in the Shwegyin District. Ayetpèma in the Shwégyin District.

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JANUARY, 1893.)
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
17
When the pisachas saw twice their own number of monsters created by the supernatural power of the two théras, they cried out: "Now, we shall become their prey," and, being stricken with terror, fled towards the sea. In order to prevent the return of the pisáchas, the théras established a cordon of guards around the country, and preached the Brahmajalasutta to the people, who had assembled together. At the conclusion of the sermon, 60,000 people attained to the comprehension of the Truth; 3,500 men and 1,500 women renounced the world, and the rest were established in the Three Refuges' and the silas. Thus the Religion was established in this country of Ramannadega by the two theras in the 296th year that had elapsed since the attainment of Parinirvana by the Fully Enlightened One.
Thenceforward, in Ramannadsa, all princea, born on the anniversary day of that event, were named soņuttara. In order to shield all new-born infants from the danger of being seized by the rakkhasi, the appearances created by the supernatural power of the thêras, were inscribed on armlets, wristlets, and leaves, and placed on their heads; and a stone, on which the same appearances were engraven, was placed on the top of a hill to the north-east of the town. This stone may be seen to this day.
Since its introduction, the Religion flourished for a long time in Râmaññadêsa. In course of time, however, the power of Ramaññadêsa declined, because civil dissensions arose and the extensive country was broken up into separate principalities, and because the people suffered from famine and pestilence, and because, to the detriment of the propagation of the excellent Religion, the country was conquered by the armies of the Seven Kings. Owing to these calamities, the priests, residing in Ramaññadêsa, were unable to devote themselves, in peace and comfort, to the acquisition of scriptural knowledge, or to the observance of the precepts; and the Religion also declined.
During the reign of Mandhari, who was also known by his princely name of Suriyakumara, the power of the kingdoma became very weak. This happened in the 1600th years that had elapsed since the attainment of Parinirvâņa by the Fully Enlightened One.
In 1601, Anno Buddha, and 419, Sakkaraj. King Anuruddha, the Lord of Arimaddanapura, took a community of priests together with the Tipitaka (from Ramaññadosa), and established the Religion in Arimaddanapura, otherwise called Pugama.
One hundred and seven years after this event, or in the year 526,' Sakkaraj, King Sirisanghabodhi-Parakkamabahu purified the Religion in Lankadipa.
Six years after the latter event, or in the year 582, Sakkaraj, Uttarajivamahathéra, the Preceptor of the King of Pugama, with the object of worshipping at the shrines in Lankadipa, set out for Kusimanagara,10 saying to himself: "I shall embark in a ship with a great many priests." Who was this Uttarajivamahathêra? He was a native of Ramannadesa, and was a pupil of Ariyavarasathers, who was a disciple of Mahakalathéra, a resident of Kappunganagara. 11 MahAkalathéra was a pupil of Pranadassimahathéra, who lived at Sudhammanagara,13 This maháthéra was endowed with likiyajjhana and abhinná. Being thas gifted, he would, every morning, proceed to Magadha and sweep the court-yard of the Mahâbôdhi tree in Uruveļa, return to Sudhammapura, and go on his alms-pilgrimage. One morning, while he was sweeping the court-yard of the Mahabodhi tree, certain traders, who lived in Uruvê!A, and were on their way to Magadha from Sudhammapura, saw him, and, on their return, related what they had seen to the people of Sudhammapura. Thus it was that the possession of supernatural powers by Prânadassimabâthêra, as a concomitant of bis attain. ment of loliyajjhána and abhina, became known.
(To be continued.)
1 Or 308 B. C. Or 1056 A. D.
Or 1164 A.D. 11 Kabaing near Twinter in the Houthawaddy District.
10 The modern Bassein. See ante page 181. 11 The modern Daton in the Amherst District.

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THE NAME "BASSEIN."
BY MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE. The name Bassein is perhaps the most irritating of all Anglo-Indian corruptions, for there are three towns in the Indian Empire so named by Europeans at the present day, and none of them are so known to the natives.
The most important of these towns is Bassein in Burma, then comes Bassein in Bombay, and lastly there is Bassein in Berar. The natives of these respective countries call Bassein in Burma Pabéng, Bassein in Bombay Wasai, and Bassein in Berar Basim or Wasim.
Old European names for Bassein in Bombay have been Bazai, Bagaim, Basain, Passaí, Bessi; but those for Bassein in Burma have been far more diverse, puzzling, and, it may be said also, interesting. It has been known by many variations of such widely differing words & Cosmin, Persaim and Bassein.
To take Cosmin first. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v., quotes Cosmin in 1516 and 545, Cosmynt in 1554, Cosmi in 1566 and 1585, Cosmin in 1570 and 1587. In 1800 Symes quotes a chart by Wood, called the “Draught of the River Irrawaddy or Irabatty," published in 1796, which gives both Cosmin and "Persaim or Bassein," as towns 30 or 40 miles apart, I have in my possession an atlas of old maps of the regions about Burma, and from these I can add information on this point. Cosmi appears in du-Val's map of the Royaume de Siam et des Pays circonvoisins," 1685; in Van der Aa's maps in 1720, (1) dressez sur les voyages de Nueno de Cunha, (2) déorites par Lopo Soares d'Albegeria, (3) Datch map after Nuno da Cunha, (4) Dutch map after Ralph Fitch, (5) Dutch map after Lopo Soares d'Albegerin, (6) Datch map after Fernando Perez d'Andrado (7) Dutch and French maps after Caspar Balby; in Pierre Mortier's map of " les igles d'Andemaon, Ceylan, les Maldives," 1740. Cosmin appears in that fine scientific prod action Coronelli's Route Maritime de Brest a Siam, 1685; in del'-Isle's Carte des Indes et de la Chine, 1705, copied in 1710, and again by Covens and Mortier in 1720; in Van der Aa's maps, 1720, (1) déorit par Ralph Fitch, (2) Datch map after Cæsar Frederiks; in a French map. 1764," Carte des Royaumes de Siam, de Tunqnin, Pegu, Ava, Aracan." And, lastly, a French map, "Carte de l'Empire Birman dressée et dessinée par Desmadryl jeune, 1825" gives Persaïm as 35 milles anglais" north of Cosmin, Persaïm being the more important place.
For Persaim, Yule, .. v., quotes Dalrymple's Repertory in 1759, a chart by Capt. Baker in 1754, Symes in 1795, and Wood's chart above mentioned in 1796. These two last be quotes for both Bassein and Persaim, and also for "Persaim or Bassein." Crawfurd, Embassy to Ava, p. 513, quotes Liester, 1757, for Persaim.
Bassein appears to have come into nse about the beginning of this century. It is Rassein throughout in Wilson's Documents relative to the Burmese War, 1827, who quotes, p. xliv. a Gazette Notification of 1826. It is Bassein also in Jackson's map, 1826, attached to Wilson's book. Boileau Pemberton's exceedingly rare and admirable " Map of the Eastern Frontier of British India with the adjacent countries extending to Yunan in China," 1838, has Bassein. But for the lower portion of the "Irawattee River" Pemberton expressly quotes “the chart of the lato Colonel Wood of the Bengal Engineers and the map of Major Jackson, Deputy Quarter-MusterGeneral of Bengal.” Snodgrass, Burmese War, 1827, p. 289, also has Bassein througboat. By the timo of the Second Burmese War in 1852 Bassein seems to have become thoroughly established, vide Wilson, Narrative of the Burmese War in 1824-6, 1852, p. 81; Laurie's Pegu, 1854, pp. 218ff; and in most authors of the period.
The evidence then is that up to 1764, A. D., Cosmin was the usual European name for the
As an instance of the rise of corraptions in place names in the Rast, I found an impressive photograph of the great Kogun Cares in the Amherst District labelled in . Rangoon Photographer's show-book, "The Cocoon Cave."
. . When the author was stationed at Bassein in Burme, about 17 years ago, letters for " Bassein " were constantly sent to the wrong place.
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 6. v., Bassein. Campbell, Bombay Gasetteer, Thane, Vol. XIV. pp. 28 & Porasim occurs at pp. 57, 58, 62, eto, in Symes.

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THE NAME “BASSEIN."
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place, that by 1800 the situation of " Cosmin" had become forgotten, that by 1750 Persaim had also become established, and that Bassein began to supersede Persaim about 1800.
The modern Burmese name is Pabóng, by urdinary Burmese phonetics used for Pubông, spelt Pusin and Pusim.
In the Kalyani Inscriptions (1476 A. D.) we have Kusima-nagara for Bassein and Kusimamandala for the Bassein division of the Talaing Territories (Ramaññadêsa). In the Kaung. můdd' Inscription (1650 A. D.), we have Kubêng, and in the Porsdaung Inscription (1774 A. D.) wo have again Kubèng (spell Kusim). Yule says, 8. v. Cosmin, that Alaangpaya changed the name from Kubong to Pubêng on his conquest of the Talaing Country in 1755-60. This is comparable with that monarch's well-known deliberate change of the name Dagôn to Yángôn (Rangoon) in 1755, bat Yale's statement is unfortunately bad history, because we have Yule's own and other evidence to show that Persaim (Pabeng) was used before the date of Alaungp'aya's conquest in 1735-60.
It is, however, evident from the above quotations that the Burmese changes of sound must have have been synchronous with the European attempts to pronounce them : that as long as the Burman said Kabêng, the European said Cosmin, etc.: and that when the Burman changed his pronunciation Kabêng to Pabeug, the European used Persaim. The uncertainty in the initial cousonant was still observable among the Burmaus ap to nearly the middle of this century, for Yule, Ava, p. 352, quoting Colonel Burney, 1830, says it is uncertain whether he wrote Kothein or Pothein for Bassein :-" The letter in Burney's MS. is doubtful."
This change from initial P to K in such names is not isolated, and is probably purely phonetic, for we have a well-known place dame in Upper Burma, now called Pak'an (spelt Puk'an), which in old Burmese MSS. is written Kuk'an. Doubtless upon this hint other examples might be unearthed.
The s in such words &s Bassein, Syriam, Tenasserim, Cassay, where the Burman distinctly uses b, may be due to two causes.
Firstly, the Talaing pronunciation may be responsible, as the Talainge uses for the same letter that the Burmese pronounce b. The Talaing pronunciation of the name Bassein is Pasêm or Pasim, according to dialect.
Secondly, many early European writers, such as Sangermano, could not say D and attempted to reproduce the sound by s. In Sangermano we have many instances of s for b in parts of Burma beyond the influence of the Talaing tongue.
Thus, Sangermano, in a short account of the Burmese language, writes, p. 1458 :- "Thus, I go is stà si; I went, suà bi; I will go, sud mi." And again :-"Thus, the imperative go is sud tò; is he gone, suà bi là; by going, sud lien." These vernacular expressions are really pronounced bra ti, Drá by bwá mi, bwd do, bwa bi lá, brod.lyin.
Besides the above we have such strong instances on the following :- p. 95, seinabang; p. 144, sôn=bông (three); p. 78, sesaucchi=bwebaukchí, a sergeant, (see ante, Vol. XX. p. 433), p. 104, Mengasalot, by mistake for Mengalasot, for the well-known book Mingaldbók; pp. 35;
6 Yule, Mission to Ava, p. 807.
• Yule, Hobson-Jobson, quotes in support Forchhammer's Notes on the Early Hist. and Geog. of British Burma, No. 2, p. 12. Forchhammer's statement that the word pubong means a "hot image-house" is false etymology, for no Burman would use the expression, but would say "béngba:" besides beng is not an "image-house," bat a "hall of ordination." It may be interesting to make the following quotation from Symes, Embassy to Ava, 1800, p. 23:
Previous to his departure from Dagon, Alompra laid the foundation of the town now 80 well known by the name of Rangoon or Drangoon, which signifies victory atchieved (sic). Here stond in former days large populous city called in the Pali Singounterra.' And here is a pas le : close to "Dogon" in two mape by Van der As, 1720, both after Caspar Balby, is a place called "Langon." If this -" Rangoon" the received tale falla.
See Crawford's Embassy to Ava, pp. 288-284, and Yale, Hobson-Jobson, .. . • The pages refer throaghout the paper to the reprint of 1888.
• It must be remembered that, Sangormano wrote in Italian, all his tranporiptions of Burmese soods must be treated as Italian words.

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51. etc., Casse=Kabe (Manipur); pp. 53, 73, &c. Badonsachen Badun buken, a title of King Bôdop'ayâ both before and after his accession to the throne,p. 177. Damasat=D'ammabat, the great Burmese law book (Páil, Dhaminasatta, Skr., Dharmasastra).
Similar evidence is forthcoming from Quirini, who wrote in 1791 about Bishop Percoto, the missionary to Pega and Ava. The good Bishop landed in Burma in 1761, and died in 1776, In this book we have Satton. Thaton (Daton) at p. 131 ; Savedy-Tharrawaddy (Darkwadi) at p. 177; Siriam throughout; "il Re Pegaano Simingh-To" = Damindò, at pp. 98,100;"questo libro, il quale Simingh-To chiamosi" = Damaindo at p. 94, and the word again at p. 78; CasseKabè at fp. 76, 172.
The pronunciation of Persaim! must have been nearly Pasôm, and that of Bassein has always been Bassin, both due, no doubt, to Talaing dialectic variation. In Sangermano, who wrote between 1783 and 1808, we have contemporary evidence of the sound of the word, at the time that Bassein began to supersede Persaim, in Bassino, thrice used by him at pages 67, 158 and 174.
There has however been used a variant spelling side by side with Bassein in Bassien: vide a French copy of Wood's chart, 1795; Symes, Embassy to Ava, 1800, pp. 16, 17, 18, 28, etc.; Two years in Ava, 1827, p. 244; and a tract entitled Negrais Island and Bassien, 1852, by J. Martin, passim. Ever since Sangermano's time, ie has usually stood in Burmese transliteration for short i and frequently does 80 still, but to show the variant sounds represented by Symes and the writers of his and later times by identical letters I may quote bis Talien, p. 34, for Talaing. Doveton, Reminiscenoes of the Burmese War, 1852, has, p. 276, Kokien and, p. 279, Kokien for Kókkaing.
Quirini in the book above quoted, Vita di Monsignor G. M. Percoto, 1781, never mentions Bassein, getting no nearer than "Negrajall nuova colonia degl' Inglesi" (p. 117), unless we read a curious expression at p. 93 to include Bassein :-"li Regni di Battiam, Martaban e Pegù, cui spettava la citta, e porto di Siriam."
It may be as well to note here that the evidence now collected upsets the theory that the Besyngytai (Bouyyuras) of Ptolomy represents the people about Bassein, or that the Besynga (Bhouyya) River is the Bassein River, or branch of the Irrawaddy (Erâvati).13 At the same time it is right to note the following evidence: In a version which I have of Ptolemy, undecima Asiæ Tabula, 1552, there occurs Begynga 4. In another version of 1590, copied by Sanson d'Abbeville in a Latin map called India Vetus, 1674, there occur Besyngitis Reg. Besynga f., and Besynga Emporium.
Postscript. Sangermano requires editing by the light of the increased knowledge of Burma that has been gained since he wrote, and the English edition of his work was published, 18 and the work is well worth undertaking. The book is full of information as to the rise and cause of many common Anglo-Burmese words of the present day, and all the forms of vernacular words in it are worth study and annotation. The persistent use of gets for s is curious, thus sp. 59, Zabgd=Sàbwa : p. 57, eto., Zinguza=Singúsd; p. 55, etc., Zempinscien8'inbyúshin; p. 50, etc., MostoboMó(k)s'ébó (-Shwebo-Moutshobo, see post, p. 28); p. 67, sicchèasi(t)ke (the bakhshi of Indian armies); p. 90, sarado sayádò for sorádo (=Pali ácháriya + tə)-the modern pronunciation sado; p. 139, nated, an evil spirit, for nats'.
• As to the er in this word it should be noted that in Rangoon the name of well-known citisen, Rai Bhagwa Die BahAdar, is sometimes written by Kuropeans "Burgwan Dose," no representing their pronunciation of the name, scount on the first syllable. So Peronim may well represent the sound of Palm.
11 Negrais, the Negraglia of Sangermano. p. 88. 11 MoOrindlo, Ancient India described by Ptolom, p. 197. Yule, Ave, p. 208.
18 A Description 1 of the Barmece Empire compiled chiefly from Native documental by the Round. Father Bengermano and I trunslated from his MB. by William Tandy, D.D., I Member of the Roman Sub-committee. I Rome : 1 Printed for the Oriental Translation and of Great Britain and Ireland : Sold by 1 John Murray, Albermarle Street; und Parbary, Allen, and Co. I Leadenhell Street. I KDCOCXEXDI. The Reprint, Government Proos, Rangoon, is dated 1886

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FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN
21
It is also worth noting that he writes, p. 58, Siam as we do, but throughout his book Sciam for Shân.
The sounds of b and 8 always puzzled him, thus he wrote, p. 67, miodighi and ioadighi for myőbaji and ywábají. The hard sound of the Burmese ky, k'y, gy and gʻy (which letters also represent the modern Burmese pronunciation of kr, k'r, gr and gr) appears in the above two words, and in sesaucchi above quoted, and also in the following: pp. 66, etc., vunghi for wunji; pp. 91, etc., ponghi for panji. This hard pronunciation is still common among Europeans in Barma in spite of the usual vernacular soft sound of k and g as ch and j in such circumstances.
Quirini's book 14 is of much the same value in this connection, though it has never been translated. Besides the instances of his expressions already given he writes sueminulo (pp. 77, 141) for shwémyód), while giving a correct explanation of the import of the word. He has rondai=yándo: Cariani, as also has Sangermano (pp. 35, 36), - Karens, with which may be compared Crawfurd's (Embassy to Ava) Karians (p. 354, et passim): and many other interesting words and names.
Quirini has further a curious Miazza Pra Re dell' Ava, (pp. 79, 151, etc.), evidently meant for s'inbyayin (1763-1775). Miazza Pra may possibly stand for Myêdu (P'aya), a title of that mighty monarch as prince.
FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S.
No. 4.-The Gadariya and the Ráni of Lálpur.1 Once upon a time a Râjâ went to hunt in a jungle. As he was returning he reached a great river on the bank of which was a fig tree (bargad) and then he sat down to rest. Meanwhile a boat appeared, coming from the direction of the city of Lalpur. On it a woman was sitting. She looked at the king and let go the iron anchor of the boat into the water. After this she dropped a ruby into the water, and opening her bodice showed him her breast and smiled at him, showing her teeth. Then she raised the anchor and went away in the boat. The Raja fell into great fear and returned to his palace, and went to sleep on his couch. Then a handmaiden brought him his food, bat she could not wake him. She returned and told the Rânt, who went herself to the Rajâ, but she could not make him sit up or speak. Then the Rani proclaimed in the city that whoever could make the Rają speak should receive half the kingdom. Many people came and tried to wake him, but no one succeeded. Then a shepherd woman (gaderin) came to the Rani and said to her, "My husband is grazing his sheep in the jungle; if he be sent for he can wake the Râja." The Rani sent her soldiers to bring the Gadariya. He said: “If one of the king's clerks (musaddi) comes and makes a list of my sheep, and the king's soldiers graze them for me, I will come." The Rani ordered this to be done. So the
14 Della Vita 1 di Monsignor Gio Maria Percoto della congregazione di S. Paolo Missionario ne' Regni di Ava e di Pogu' vicario apostolico e vescovo Massulense. I libri tre i scritti dal padre 1 D. Michelangelo Griffini della medesima congregazione. I el dedicati agl' illustriss sigg. I deputali della citta' di Udine. I per li Fratelli Gallici alla Fontana 1 con licenza de' superiori. The copy I have seen belongs to Bishop Bigandet, kindly lent me by him. It has a seal on the title page :-Missio Barmana India
Oblator B. M. V. * On the title rage also is the very interesting note written in caps :-D. D. JO. BALMAE O. B. M. V. I EPISC. PTOLEMAID. I VICAR. APOSTOL. I AVAE ET PEGV I CL. REGVL. S. PAVLI AP. I PROVINC. TAVRINENS. DD. DD. I A. MDCCCLIII. The date of the work is gathered from the colophon and other places. It contains pr. X. and 221, octavo. The colophon is worth reproduction here :-Noi Riformatori della studio di Padova. Avendo veduto per In Fede di Rivisione, ed approvazione del P. F. Gio: Tommiso Mascheroni, Inquisitor General del Santo Offizio di Venezia nel Libro intitolato Della Vita di Monsignor Gio : Maria Percoto, etc. M. S. non vi esser cosa alcuna contro a Santa Fede Cattolica, o parimenti per Attestato del Segretario Nostro, niente contro Principi, e buoni contumi, concediamo licenza alli Fratelli Gallici Stampatori di Udine, che possi essere stampato, osservando gli ordini in materia di Stampe, o presentando le solite Copie alle Pubbliche Librerie di Venezia, e di Padova. Dat li 24. Agosto 1781. (Andrea Querini Rif. (Alvise Vallaresso Rif. (Girolamo Ascanio Giustinian K. Rif. Registrato in libro a carte 17. a N. 139. Davide Marchesini Seg.
1 A folktale told by Hiralal, village accountant of R&mgarh, MirzApur District, and literally translated.

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Gadariya came and wat by the Raja and after some time he woke. Then the Gadariya asked him what he had seen, which caused him to sleep in this way. The Raja got up and took the Gadariya with him to the jungle. They reached the same river where the fig tree stood. Then the Rajá told the Gadasiya what he had seen. The Gadariya asked what he wished. The RajA replied that he wished to see this woman. The Gadariyê asked if he knew from where she had come and where she had gone. The Râjâ replied that he did not know. The Gadasiyá answered "As she threw the ruby (lál) into the water, she lives in Lalpur; from her showing you the upper bone (asthi) of her chest, it appears that her name is the Bone Queen (Asthráni), and as she showed you her teeth, she must be the daughter of the Tooth King (Dantrájá)." So they both went off in the direction of Lalpur. They asked every one where Lalpur was, but could get no trace to it. At last, when it was very late, they came to & village, where they saw a man ploughing with a pair of oxen, one very large and the other very small. The Gadațiya said to him, "If you could not buy an ox to match the larger of the pair, why don't you sell the large ox and buy another small one and save a few rapees?". The ploughman answered, “How can I buy or sell P" The Gadariyê said to the Raja, "I know that there is something curious about this ploughman's wife. Let us stay with him for the night and I will afterwards explain it to you." So they arranged to stay with him for the night and went on ahead to his house. The ploughman's wife said, “There is no room here for you, but you can sit a short distance off." When the ploughman came back from the field and heard what had happened, he made his wife give them a place to stay, and asked them if they would eat anything. They refused, and after some time the Rajá fell asleep in the ploughman's hut.
The Gadariyê remained awake. At midnight a lover of the woman came and went inside. As dawn came he said to her, "Give me some place to stay, as I cannot go away now." So she told him to go into the large mud granary (kuthla) inside the house, and plastered up the opening with clay. In the morning the Raja and the Gadariya wanted to go on, but the ploughman would not let them go till they had eaten. Then the Gadariya said to the ploughman, "There is something in your granary which does not grow in our country. Let us take it and we will convey it to our land and grow it there." The ploughman agreed to let them have it, but his wife objected. The Rajâ said, “Why do you object to give us such a trifle P" Then they opened the granary and the man appeared, whom, having made over to the ploughman, the Raja and the Gadariya went their way.
As they went on they came to a garden which was in charge of a gardener woman (málin) and there they halted. She used to sapply the Râni of that land with flowers. The Gadariya, knowing that it was the Rânî, who had come in the boat, sent a message to her by the Malin that the traveller, whom she had met near the fig tree, had arrived. The Râni put some gold coins (ashrafi) in a tray, and covering them with rice secre:ly, gave it to the Mâlin, and, as if to show her diapleasure with her, marked her five times on each cheek with black, and told her to give the tray to the traveller and dismiss him from her house. If she failed to do so she would have her children forced to work at stoking the furnace of the grain parcher. The Gadariyâ, when he heard the account of the Målin's interview with the Ranî, said: “There are still ten days of the dark-fortnight remaining. When the light-nights come you will obtain an interview." When that time elapsed he again sent the Malin to inform the Râni that the traveller still awaited her pleasure. The Râni again appeared displeased, and gave the Malin, as before, e tray filled with gold coins for the traveller, and, marking each of her cheeks with five lines of white dismissed her. Then the Malin came back, and striking the Rajâ with a house broom (baru), ordered him and his companion to leave her house. After five days the Gadariyê again sent the Malin to the Rani to announce that the traveller was still waiting. The Râni again appeared displeased and pushed the old woman out of the wicket of her palace. But the Gadariya consoled her and enquired what had happened. Then he told the Raja, “The Rani means that it is by this wicket you are to go and visit her."

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When night fell the Raja went to the wicket. When he arrived there he found a silken string hanging from the roof of the palace. The Gadariyê said: "Ascend by this cord and visit the Rani."
He went up, found the Râni there, and sat down beside her; but through modesty he chanced to sit by the end of her couch, and the Râni, believing him to be a fool, gave him some pán and dismissed him. On his return he told the Gadariya what had happened, and he replied: “Well, as you did not obey my orders, you will not see her again."
Then the Gadariyâ purchased a small tent and he and the Rajâ got themselves up as ascetics (sádhu) and stayed outside the town. He told the Rajâ to personate an image of Siva, and if anyone came to sit motionless and silent. He himself took a rice pounder (músal) and went about the city saying, "I have worshipped Mâhâdêva for 12 years and in answer to my austerities he has appeared on earth." All the people came to worship the deity. Finally the Raja of the land and his daughter the Rani came to worship. The Gudariya stopped him outside and said: "If you want to do worship, you must dismount and enter on foot." So he worshipped, and after him the Ranf, -she who had gone in the boat, ---came to worship. The Gadasiyá made her too come in on foot. As she came in the Raja, suspecting who she was, opened his eyes. The Gadariyê said, "All my trouble is wasted." Thus the Rani was alarmed at seeing that the god had come to life, and went and told her father, the old Râjâ, who came and offered the Gadariyê a handsome reward to take the deity out of his land, lest he should incur his curse. Finally the Gadariya obtained a karor of rupees from the old Raja. When he got the money he and the young Råja left the place.
They went on to a neighbouring city, and then the Gadariyê sent for a goldsmith (sunár) and had a quantity of splendid jewellery made. Then he dressed the young Raja in women's attire and adorned hit with the jewellery, and promised to bring him back to the old Raja's city and again introduce him to the young Râni, but that he was not to come until the Rani gave him leave. The Gadariya then purchased a fine horse and a litter (palli). He mounted the horse himself, and took the young Raja in women's dress in the litter. When the old Rajà beard that this equipage was approaching he went out to meet them and escorted them to his palace. The Gadariyê said to the old Raja : “I am a Råjå myself and this lady is the wife of my younger brother who has gone on his travels. I am going to search for him: meanwhile I request that you will allow this lady, my sister-in-law, to stay in the female apartments." The Râjâ said, "I agree. She can remain with my daughter." So the young Raja went into the female apartments, and the Gadariya went away on pretence of searching for his missing brother.
Then the young Raja in women's attire stayed with the Rani. Sore time after, one of the handmaidens suspected that he was a man in disguise and told the Rani's brother. So he went to the Râni and said, “I must see the person that is with you, as I suspect he is a man, not a woman." The Râni said, “If you see her it must be in private, and you can come after four days and investigate the matter." When he had gone away the Rani said to the young Râjâ, “There is an inner room in the palace and in it is a well. Stand inside with a drawn sword, and when my brother comes in cut off his head." So on the day her brother was expected she shut up the Rajâ in the inner room, and told her brother to go in and make his inquiries. As he came in the Rajâ cut off his head and fung his body into the well. Then the Rânî advised him to go back to the Gadariya and let him out by the secret wicket of the palace.
The Rani then raised an outcry and said that her brother had eloped with the lady who was in her private apartments. Hearing this news her father, the old Raja, was much distressed in mind : and the Gadafiya dressed the young Bajâ in his own clothes and sent him back to the palace with instructions to demand the return of his wife, to listen to no excuses, and only to withdraw his claim when the old Raja agreed to marry him to his daughter. This all happened as the Gadariya instructed him. The old king was deeply ashamed that his son had eloped with the lady. So he was obliged to assent to the Gadariya's terms. So in the end the Raja married the Pâni and they lived happily ever after -- and the Gadariyê was suitably rewarded.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1993.
MISCELLANEA. SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BURMESE have undoubtedly from time to time been LANGUAGE.
made in Burma The note under the above heading, ante, Vol. It is natural therefore that there should be a XXI. p. 94, is interesting as drawing attention to certain number of Sanskrit words in Burmese the use of Sanskrit words in the far East, and relating te philosophical pseudo-scientific and it must be admitted that all the Burmese words courtly expressions, but we should certainly be mentioned in it are clearly derived direct from surprised to find any such terms in common use, Sanskrit and not through Paļi. At the same time even at this epoch. The list of words given by Mr. I can scarcely agree with the learned author in Taw Sein-Ko scarcely supports Dr. Trenckner's considering that any of such words relate to theory of an early Pali form, and so far as social life. It would seem, on the contrary, that internal evidence goes they would seem to have they relate almost entirely to the ideas of been borrowed at a comparatively late epoch in philosophy, of theology, and of astrology, one of the ways above mentioned. which are precisely the subjects in which Sanskrit To illustrate this position we will discuss seriawords have made most headway in the Non-Aryan tim the twenty-one words adduced. languages of Southern India. Most of the latter
The first of these is adhvan sture, which is class of languages in the Far East, (Chinese form
principally used in Sanskpit as an astrological ing a noteworthy exception), would indeed seem
term, signifying the orbit' or 'way' of the to be deficient in the more abstract terms
heavenly bodies, from which the meaning in which they have consequently borrowed from the
Burmese of length, duration' is obviously a Sanskrit. In the case of Burma, where partial
derivation. The word is, however, an extremely civilisation was introduced by the Buddhist mis
rare one, and its meaning would probably not be sionaries from India, it is natural to find & con
understood by nine educated Burmans out of ten. siderable number of the more abstract terms
The use of the short tone in this a word of derived from the Pâļi, and such words are, AS A
Sanskrit origin, is noteworthy. general rule, transliterated according to the old system of Burmese vowel-sounds, thus showing
The form which the word amrita (TTT) has that they were introduced at a period not long assumed in Burmese is a decidedly anomalous subsequent to that when the language was reduced one, though it is more than doubtful whether the to writing. It seems, however, pretty certain that penultimate vowel in the Burmese form of it from very ancient times indeed the kings of
had formerly the value (6) attributed to it by Mr. Burma kept Brahman astrologers at their
Taw Sein-Ko, who, it may be remarked, gives no court for the purpose of making forecasts, reasons for adopting this spelling. The final fixing dates, and what not. Now the Brahmans letter also is given ask and not t in' Dr. Judson's have unquestionably always used Sanskrit dictionary, nó alteration, moreover, having been works in performing their duties, indeed made in this spelling by the late "Spelling Rethey would most certainly eschew any PAli books form Committee" of which Mr. Taw Sein-Ko on astrology and cosmogony, even if such existed. himself was a member. This being so, the Burmese It is natural also that they should interlard their
word would be transliterated amraik, adopting reports and speeches as much as possible with the modern pronunciation of the penultimate Sanskrit words, the more high-sounding the bet- vowel. That the letter had always the ai sound ter,) for the purpose of adding weight and abstruse- is almost certainly not the case, though it does ness to their rigmaroles, and a certain propor- | not by any means follow that it was always protion of such words would thus come to be adopted nounced , as it still is when final. But from by the Court, and thence by the more coltivated this very fact of the change of the vowel sound it classes. Further, the courtiers would gladly can be shown that the word amrita was adopted adopt from the Brâhmans any grand Sanskrit into the Burmese language at a comparatively titles which might please the king's ear, and thus late period, long after it was first reduced to in both these ways a certain number of Sanskrit writing by the Buddhist missionaries. For it words would oreep into the language, though may he taken as granted that this vowel belonged owing to the circumstances of their introduction originally to the 'varga' (so to speak) and not probably not into common use. A further source to the i one, and it seems incredible that for the supply of Sanskrit words would be trans- Burman in trying to pronounce the vowel sound lations from books in that language, which in amrita should render it by u, 6, &c. On the [The t, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 95, is a misprint for k: se sloo my note on an analogous spelling, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 198.1-ED.

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MISCELLANEA.
JANUARY, 1893.]
other hand, the vocalic ri of the Sanskrit would be naturally rendered first by ri in Burmese, (the r being still extant,) after which the strengthening or vriddhi on the elision of a final a, of the vowel i to ai, (the modern sound of the vowel) though somewhat anomalous in Burmese is a perfectly legitimate example of the compensation for the loss of a vowel common in many languages. The late date of the introduction of this word into Burmese is also borne out by the final letter k which shews that the modern practice of confusing the sounds of final k and t was already in existence. The application of the epithet amraik (amrita) to the Buddhist nirvdna is obviously modern and needs no discussion here.
According to the corrected spelling, the Sanskrit abhisheka (f) is represented in Burmese by bhisik, (not bhissik,) which word is if anything rather nearer to the Pali than the Sanskrit. This is, however, a matter of small importance, as this word was very probably indeed introduced by the Brahmans with the king of Burma. It may be added that the fact of the penultimate vowel in the Burmese form being i and not é is a proof of its late introduction (see amrita).
With regard to chakra, (transliterated by chakrá in accordance with the Burmese tendency
to throw the accent on the second syllable), this word originally meant the disc of Vishnu and has since come to mean any supernatural weapon. The Burmese use it partieularly to denote the weapon of Sakrå (see below), but a far commoner word is chak, which is obviously derived from the Pâli chakka. We have therefore in Burmese two forms of the original root, one of which is very commonly used, and has formed compounds with several indigenous words, whilst the other is comparatively rare and is used principally in the language of flattery and in the more 'high-falutin' books. Under these circumstances the inference is irresistible that the former or Pâli word was that originally used, and that the Sanskrit word has been introduced subsequently by some courtly scholar.
Chakravala,
meant originally in Sanskrit the range of mountains supposed to encircle the world, but in Burmese it means generally the world itself. The received cosmogony in Burma with its central Mrang 8-môr, (Mêru) mountain,
[It would be interesting to know how the author would account for mir Méru.-ED.
s Mr. Taw Sein Ko is doubtless right in deriving this word from kalpa, but at the same time the words allapaHapa quoted by him are always pronounced, in Arakan
25
&c. &c., is so obviously of Brahmanical origin that little importance could in any case be attached to this word. It seems very probable that the Burmese have derived their cosmogony from the Brahman astrologers at the Court.
The same observations apply to shakravati, universal ruler,' as to ohakra, the word having probably come into use through the courtiers at the king's court, (and who are more cunning flatterers than the Brahmans ?). The last syllable we would derive direct from the Sanskrit nominative vartt, the Burmese phonological ideas coinciding very much with those of the old speakers of Pali.
Chankram. This seems to be rather a doubtful Sanskrit word, at any rate it is not given in Monier Williams' Dictionary. There may possibly be such a word with the meaning "promenade" derived like chankrama from kram, but, so far as we can see at present, authority is wanting, and such being the case it is unnecessary here to discuss further this word.
The Sanskrit dravya , meaning 'stuff' or wealth,' (and generally used in Southern India with the latter signification) becomes drap in Burmese spelling, but is there used solely in philosophical works to signify 'substance' or 'matter,' and has never come into common usage. It is evidently a purely scientific term probably introduced by some translator of a Sanskrit work on philosophy. As regards the word for planet (groh) we need only say that if any word was likely to be introduced by the Brahman astrologers it would be this.
The Sanskrit kalpa, FT, and the Pali kappa have both derivatives in Burmese, namely kambhús and kap, but as precisely the same observations apply to these as to chakrd and chak it is unnecessary to discuss them further.
Mrigasiras मृर्गाशरस् and Pushya पुष्य, are merely the names of two lunar nakshatras and it is therefore natural to find the Burmese equivalents derived from Sanskrit and not from Pali.
Parisat, (as it is now spelt,-not parisad) is defined in Judson's Dictionary as a 'religious assembly,' but it is also used for an assembly in general. The original Sanskrit word means rather a 'council,' as in a Court, or an assembly of ministers, and it is not a violent assumption to
at least, as spelt, and not'as antipa-sanlapa. The change of final to n is however not unknown in the TibetoBurman family, ef. Lushai lal, and Southern Chin lan, 'a chief.'

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26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
suppose that it was so first used by the Brahmans in the king's court, the use of the word becoming afterwards more generally extended.
As with chakra and kalpa, so has the Sanskrit prakriti f (not prakati) two derivatives in Burmese one direct from Sanskrit and the other (pakati,) from Páli, and as with those words the latter is the more commonly used.
The Sanskrit prasada ger (Burm. prásád), means a palace,' and although the word has now come to mean a pointed turret, wherever placed, it seems probable that it first meant the king's palace, as consisting originally mainly of this kind of building, and has thence come to mean generally this peculiar architectural ornament. The latter would seem to have been introduced
from China at a comparatively late period, and it is unlikely that the early Buddhist monks (coming as they did from India), adorned their monasteries with them, as is the custom now-a-days.*
The fact of pritta (from the Sanskrit prêta), being spelt with an i instead of an é is fairly conclusive that this word was introduced at a com. paratively late period when the modern pronunciation of penultimate i as é had become established. This word has not the meaning assigned to it in Sanskrit and it is met with principally in books.
The Pâli form isi of the word rishi is found in Burmese (at least according to Dr. Judson), as well as in Talaing, but rasé or yube (for rishi) is undoubtedly more generally met with. Practically in Burmese it is however more used as a title of respect than otherwise, and looking to the fact of the Pâli term being gene. rally used by the Talaings it would seem probable that the Sanskrit word has with the Burmans superseded the Pâli one, owing to its being more high-falutin' and therefore more likely to please the monk addressed.
The term samudara for 'sea' has in Burmese never in the slightest way supplanted the vernacular panglay (pinle) and it is used almost entirely for purposes of metaphor. It was therefore probably introduced at a late period by some philosophical writer.
The next word, Eariputtara, is the only one which I think in any way supports Mr. Tuw SeinKo's case, and it is undoubtedly remarkable as noted by him that the chief disciple of Gautama Buddha should be known in Burma by his Sanskrit appellation.
(JANUARY, 1893.
It is however possible that this name may have become popularised through a Burmese translation of some Sanskrit Buddhistic work, in which this
disciple formed a prominent figure; but the matter requires further investigation.
Sattava has the meaning in Burmese only of a rational being,' though in Sanskrit besides the common meaning of 'goodness' it denotes beings in general, and not merely rational ones. It seems probable that the Sanskrit form of this word (which is mainly used in philosophical works), was adopted in Burmese, because in that language the Pâli root satta would have been identical with satta "seven," and might have led
to confusion.
Last on the list given by Mr. Taw Sein-Ko is Bikra, (whose name is however more correctly spelt by Dr. Judson as Sakra,) and who is styled by him the "Recording Angel of Buddhism." In giving this personage the latter title however the learned writer must surely have allowed this religious zeal to overstep his discretion, as a very little inquiry would have shown him that the popular Burmese "Thaja" is simply our old friend Indra (Sakra) somewhat altered to suit Burmese (not Buddhist) ideas. In spite of their Buddhistic professions no people are less atheists than the Burmese, and in addition to the old nat or spirit worship (common to all races of the Tibeto-Burman stock), they have adopted as a superior kind of spirits many of the Hindu gods. Indra (Sakra) is naturally the chief of these, and has from one cause or another come to occupy a very conspicuous place in Burmese ideas. Now however much the Buddhists in India may have found it expedient to adopt the Hindu cosmogony it is very unlikely that the early Buddhist missionaries in Burma, finding themselves amongst a Mongoloid race of spiritworshippers would have dragged any Hindu gods into their religious system; and the absence therefore of a Páli synonym is easily a explained. It is true that in several of the Zdts, the Sakra
mang (Thaja-min) is brought in as a kind of Deus ex machind, but no argument can be drawn from this until the date and place of origin of these stories is more definitely ascertained. (The fact of Sakrå (Indra), being made to figure favourably in Buddhist stories would seem to imply that this god was very popular amongst the Hindus converted by Buddhism, and hence it was considered expedient to incorporate him into the Buddhist system), So warped have the modern
• [The ancient remains in the Talaing Country do not wrong spelling in English can be shown to be due to this bear out this idea.]-ED.
osuse.
The popular etymology of this word would seem to be responsible for this alternative spelling. Many cases of
The word déva is commonly understood to mean a spirit or fairy by the Burmese.

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JANUARY, 1893.)
MISCELLANEA.
27
ideas of bakra become that it is even supposed Kalyani Inscriptions, (1476 A.D.) is Tigumpanathat there is a whole class of spirits of that name gara, and not Trikumbha', or Tikumbhao, as of whom Sakra-mang (Indra) is chief, but never he says, following the modern (false ?) Palicism until now we fancy has that worthy figured as of the Burmese literati, who always write Tikumthe Buddhist Recording Angel. Truly, mutato bha and Tikumbhachøtt. Whether Digôn or nomine de te fabulae narrantur.
Dagon is a Burmese derivative from a Paļi form In connection with Sakrá it may be noted the
Tigumpa or Digumpa, or whether the latter are well-known Burmese sankran is obviously
false Palicisms for the Burmese word is not yet derived from the Sanskrit Sankrantil, meaning
certain: but the presuinption would be in favour the passage of the sun from one sign to another.
of the latter hypothesis. We then have to fall It may be predicated with equal certainly that both
back on Digon or Dagon as an indigenous or words were introduced by the Brahmans at the
borrowed word. king's court.
Now the modern Anglo-Indian word dagoba, BERNARD HOUGHTON, C. S.
formerly also dhagope, dagop and dbagob, is
no doubt derived ultimately from the Past A NOTE ON THE NAME SHWE-DAGON.
(and ? Prakritio) dhatugabbha = Skr. dhatuThe name Shw-Dagon has always been a
garbha, which in modern Sinhalese is dagaba. stumbling-block to antiquaries. It is now It means a receptacle for Buddhist relics, but, spelt Takun and pronounced Dagon. But literally, an inner chamber for deposits (autov, in the last and earlier centuries it was evidently cella). Yule says that to derive dagon from also pronounced Digon, for Yule, Hobson- the same source as dagoba is mere guess-work. Jobson, 6.0. Dagón, quotes Pinto, 1546, to this There is, however, more in favour of this deri. effect, and the word is always Digon in Flouest'a vation than of any other yet produced, so far account of his travels in 1786. It is always
as I know. Thus, we have dagaba, Sinhalese, Digon (except once: "Digone capitale del Pegà," admittedly from dhdtugabbha, and as far back as p. 149) in Quirini's Vita di Monsignor G. M. the 16th century we have a persistent word Percoto, 1781: and it is Digon in a map by An- tigumpa or digumpa (=dagón, digón) in Burma tonio Zultae e figli, Venezia, 1785.
with the same meaning. Until a clear derivation Yule further quotes Gasparo Balbi, 1585, for
is made out, it is, therefore, not unsafe to say Dogon, and Fitch, 1587, for Dogonne. Dogon
that dagon represents some mediæval Indian albo occurs in eight of Van der Aa's maps in my
current form of dhatugabbha. This view is suppossession dated 1720 : and Dougon in French
ported by a word gompa, used in the Himalayas mape, dated 1705, 1710, 1720 and 1764. The
about Sikkim for a Buddhist shrine, which looks modern pronunciation of the word was used
prima facie like the remains of some such words in 1755, for Yule quotes the Oriental Repertory
as gabbha, the latter half of the compound both for Dagon and Dagoon. Symes, Embassy
dhdtugabbha.
The derivation of Dagon from a Talaing to Ava, 1803 (pp. 18, 23) has Dagon. Crawfurd,
word Takkun, and the legend' attached there. 1829, Embassy to Ava (pp. 346, 347) calls it Dagong. There is further a curious word
to, may be safely discarded as folk-etymology,
and the derivation from tikumbha or trikumToodegon in one of Mortier's maps, 1740.
bha is even more open to the charge of In the På808 daung Inscription, 1774 A.D., the
guess-work, though accepted by Yule, who shrine is called, in Pali, Digumpacháti, so that follows Forchhammer blindly, as final. For, in the Burmese Dagon (=Digôn) = the PAļi Digumpa, the first place, either form is a doubtful reading The form Digôn would be a legitimate equivalent from the Kalyani Inscriptions; in the next place in the vernacular for Digumpa. Pace Forchham. neither Trikumbha-nagara in Sanskrit nor mer, Notes on the Early Eist. and Geog. of British Tikumbha-nagara in P&ļi would mean Three' Burma, No. 1, the name of Rangoon, or more hill City, as Forobbammer, loc. cit., says, kumbha correctly of the town round the Shwê-Dagôn being in no sense a hill,' which is kita ; and in Pagoda, then newly restored and enlarged, in the the third place, there are not (pace Foroh hammer)
(But see my note Vol. XXI. p. 188 ante, on this word.] • Yale, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Dagon. British Burma ED.
Gasetteer, 8.0. Shwedagón. . It is curious to note how in some parts of the 24ta the * The form Tikum[bba)dagars is comparable with Brahman is made to play the part of the modern 'villain," KALAN [bbs pabbataohitiys in the Kalyani Inscriptions, whilst at the same time he is always resorted to for pur where bha has been clearly interpolated. I understand poses of divination and state-craft.
that there are other instances of such insertions of bha in Taung Pao, Vol. I. Les Français en Birmanie an the " PAli " writinge of the Talaings. XVIIIe siècle, parim.

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28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1893.
three hills on the site of the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon.
There is another Shwd-Dagon at Martaban, now said to be so-called because it was founded
at the same time as the great Shwê-Dagón at Rangoon, but it is quite possible that it was really so named because it also was a 'golden dagoba.'
R. O. TEMPLE.
NOTES AND QUERIES. RATANASINGHA-SHWEBO-MOUTSHOBO | pura = Ava, as the English pronounce the wellKONGBAUNG.
known word, - Awd and Inwà, as Burmese The Burmese are so fond of PAli designs- pronounce it. Yedanabon - Ratanapunna = tions for places in their epigraphic, official and Mandalay. historical documents, that it will be neces- Ratanasinghs - Shwebo, the first Capital sary, as these are further studied, to prepare of the Alompra Dynasty and the home of a "classical map ” of Burma. This I hope to
Alaungp'aya (Alompra) himself. do before very long.
Shw6b8, as the town is now known, is the The name above given, Ratanasingha, or as Moutshobo of Phayre and the old histories, the Burmese pronounce it Yedana Denga, is documents and maps. typical of these classical and semi-classical Near Shwebo is a famous reservoir, known as names, of which many are quite modern inven
Kongbaung, and hence to the Burmese the two tions. The second part if it is not sangha, as
names have become synonymous. They so apGray in his Alompra Dynasty supposes, but pear in the title of the eighth king of the Alom. singha.
pra Dynasty, 1837-1846 A. D., who is known to us There are three Burmese words, all having the aa Darawadi (Tharawaddy), his title as prince, but same phonetic value, vie., benga, which are written to the Burmese as Shwebo or Kôngbaung, his respectively singa, sivk'a, and sing'a. Singa' is title as king. a kind of gold used in ornaments. Sinka is said
R. C. TEMPLE. to mean the Capital.' Singid is said to mean'a Moutshobo represents the Burmese word meeting point, a place where four cross-roads Moksbo (spelt Mus' gộp'68), the old name for meet.' The Burmese meaning attached to the Shwebo. It means the cooking-place (p ) of name Ratanasing'a is the meeting point of the the hunter (mus'ó 8. pronounced máks). treasures.
There is a curious legend attached to this name. The PAli word for singa is singf = Skr. bringi When the Talaings in 1751 A. D. turned out the and bringt. Sing'a appears in Påļi as singhataka, Burmese (Taung-nga) Dynasty of Ava there was and in Skr. as bringdta and bringataka. Sink'a current a prophecy that one of the p'ós (an I cannot trace in the classical tongues, though it
apparent pun on the word 60,9 spelt bol, - Pali, would apparently be a legitimate enough deriva- bala, a leader) would restore the Burmese line. At tive from the root common to singa and sing'a. that time there were three towns having the suffix All the three words, and at any rate singa and p's (16) to their names, vis., Moksôbô, Okp'o now Ring'a, are traceable to a stem, which in Skr. is a deserted town in the Mandalay District, and a &ringa,' a top or summit.'
third, whose full name and site are now forgotten, Ratana is the Paļi form of the Skr. ratna,' a gift, in the Magwê District. The duty of turning out
treasure,' and appears in the classical name the Taluings fell four years later to Mók sobů, for two famous Burmese towns, vis., Yedana. under the leadership of Alaungp'aya. paya and Yedanabon. Yedanapûyà = Ratana.
TAW SEIN Ko.
1 It is also written with its true PAļi form, ringt. See below in the text.
Ratanathinga in Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 162.
baráwadi, PAli Saravati, (HP Skr. Barkvatt) was a division of the old Talaing kingdom of Pegu (Hans vati in PAli), and is now the Thara waddy District.
[The tsh in this word and the ths of Phayre's form of it (neo next note) are interesting. The letter pro- nounced by the Burmese as & is the ch of the Nagar! Alphabet, and was always represented by the school to which Phayre and the writers of his time belonged by ta, for some reason I have been unable to ascertain. The aspirated form, pronounced by the Burmese as, (ochh of Nagari), Phayre and the others wrote tsh and
often also th. This last arose from assimilation to the other aspiraton they employed, such as hk, ny, ht, hd, &c., in place of the usual kh, yh, th, dh, &c. This latter habit arose from the pronunciation of the Nagart by the Burmese both a band, which these writers represented by th, as in English. Hence tsh really - ' and Moutahobo = Mous'obo. The pronounciation of mou in the above word is gauged by Phayre's writing it mu. Moutahobo and Muthsobo are in fact nothing but at. tempts to transliterate the characters represented by Mus'obo.-ED.)
(Panyre, Hist. of Burma, p. 150, explains "MuthBobo" as the home of the hunter-captain, i.e., maksu, hunter, bo(l), leader.-ED.)

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FEBRUARY, 1893.]
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
29
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS OF DHAMMACHETI.
1476 A. D..
BY TAW SEIN KO.
(Continued from page 17.)
N arrival at Kusimanagara, Uttarâjivamahâthera embarked in a ship, accompanied by many Why was he called Chhapatasamanêra? His parents were natives of Kusimaratṭha, while he himself was a pupil of Uttarajivamahathêra. He was called Chhapatasâmanêra, because his parents were natives of a village called Chhapata, in Kusimarattha.
Uttarajivamahâthêra embarked in a ship and set out for Laikâdipa. On his arrival there, the maháthéras, residing in Laikâdîpa, came together in a body and accorded him a meet reception. As they were well disposed towards him they said: "We are the spiritual successors of Mahamahindathêra, who established the Religion in Lankûdîpa, while you and the other priests in your company are the spiritual successors of the two maháthéras, called Sona and Uttara, who established the Religion in Suvanṇabhûmi. Let us all, therefore, perform together the ceremonies incumbent upon the Order." Having spoken thus, they performed the upusampada ordination on Chhapata, the twenty-year old samanera.
After this, Uhttarajivamahâthêra, having accomplished the object of his visit, namely, the worshipping, &c., at the shrines in Lankâdîpa, made preparations to return to Pugâma.
Then the priest Chhapata thought thus: "If I were to return home with Uttarâjîvamahathera, owing to the impediments caused by my relatives, I should not be able to enjoy that peace and quiet, which are conducive to the study of the Tipitaka together with its commentaries. It is, perhaps, advisable, therefore, that I should, with the permission of the maháthéra, remain in Lankadipa, and return home only after I have mastered the Tipitaku together with its commentaries." Accordingly, Chhapata asked permission from Uttarâjivamahâthêra and remained behind in Lankadipa.
Uttarajivamahathera, accompanied by his large company of priests, embarked in a ship, and returned to Kusimanagara. Thence he proceeded to Pugama, and took up his residence there.
Meanwhile, the priest, Chhapata, by dint of hard study, had acquired a knowledge of the Tipitaka together with its commentaries; and, as he had completed his tenth year in orders, he acquired the designation of thera. Being now desirous of returning to Pugâma, he reflected thus: "If I were to return home alone, and if, in the event of the death of Uttarâjivamahathêra, I did not wish to associate with the priests of Pugâma in the performance of ecclesiastical ceremonies, how could I, in the absence of a pañchavaggagana, perform such functions separately? It is, perhaps, proper, therefore, that I should return home in the company of four other priests, who are well-versed in the Tipitaka."
After reflecting thus, he appointed Sivalithera, a native of Tamalitthi,13 Tamalindathers, the son of the Raja of Kamboja, Anandathera, a native of Kinchipura, and Rahulathera, a native of Lankadipa, to accompany him, and, embarking in a ship, returned to his native country. These five maháthéras were well-versed in the Tipitaka, and were learned and able; and, among them, Bahulathêra was the ablest and the most learned.
On the arrival of these five mahathêras at Kusimanagara, the time for journeying on to Pugama was unseasonable, because of the approaching vassa, and they, accordingly, observed their vassa at Kasimanagara. The site and walls of the monastery, where they spent the vassa, may be seen to this day, on the south side of Kusimanagara. At the conclusion of the
15 Tâmalitthi is probably Tamluk in Bengal; Kamboja is either Cambodia or the Shan States, and Kinchipura is probably Conjeveram in Madras.

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observance of the vassa, ChhapatamabAthera celebrated the paváraná, and set out for Pugama, accompanied by the four théras.
Meanwhile, a few days before the arrival of Chhapata mahathêra, Uttarajivamahâthêra had died.
On reaching Pagama, Chhapatathêra heard that his own teacher, Uttarajivamahấthêra, was dead, and repaired to his tomb and performed such acts as that of making obeisance and asking the forgiveness of the deceased. He then took counsel with the four théras, addressing them thus: “As the mahdthéras of LankAdipa associated with our teacher, the venerable 'Uttarajivamahathêra, in the performance of ecclesiastical ceremonies, it is proper that we should now perform such functions after associating ourselves with the priests of Pugâma, who are the spiritual successors of Sonathêra and Uttarathêra. However, our teacher, UttardjiVamahathéra, who was a native of Ramanadese, was formerly the sole Head of the Church : but now, the priests of Marammadêsal have become Lords of the Church; and we are not disposed to associate with them in the performance of ecclesiastical ceremonies." Thus, through pride, Chhapatamahkthêra declined to associate with the priests of Pugama in the performance of ecclesiastical ceremonies, and he performed such functions reparately.
It should thus be borne in mind that, in the year 543,16 Sakkaraj, and the 124th year that had elapsed since the introduction of the Religion to Pugams in Marammadesa from Sudhammanagara in Ramanadese, the Religion from Lankadipa was established in Pugama.
At that time, a king, called Narapatijayasura, was ruling in Pugama. He conceived a feeling of great esteem and reverence for the five mahathras, and, after having had a bridge of boats constructed on the great river Eravati (Irrawaddy), requested them to perform the
pasampali ordination on the many priests who desired to receive it. In consequence of this, the mahathéras gradually gained influence and their following grew in nambers.
One day, the king ordered festivals to be held in honour of the occasion of his giving a great offering to the five maháthéras. On that occasion, Rahulathera saw & beautiful dancinggirl, and the loss of his delight in asceticism became burdensome to him. He longed .be a layman, and made preparations to carry out his object. Chhapatamabâthëra and the three other maháthéras repeatedly expounded religious discsurses to him, and, in a body, entreated him to turn away from the course he had resolved to take. But the religious discourses expounded by the four mahithéras, by way of admonition, were of no avail in turning his mind. They, therefore, said: “Brother, we have expounded to you various religions discourses by way of admonition, and yet, we have not been able to turn you away from your object. Such being the case, do you forbear to become a layman here, but go to Ramañoadês, and there embark for Malayadipa, where you may carry out your wish." Being repeatedly urged to adopt this course, he went to Ramannades, and thence by ship to Malayadipa.
Now, the King of Malayadipa was desirous of learning the Vinaya, and Rahulathora taught him the Khuddasikkh& together with its commentary, and instructed him in the meaning of the text of the whole of the Vinaya. The King was pleased with the théra, and presented him with an alms-bowl filled with many kinds of gems. Bahulathora accepted the gift, became a layman, and married.
Subsequently, of these four mahathéras, Chhapatamsháthéradied, and the surviving three naháthéras, namely, Sivalimahathéra, TamalindamahAthers, and Anandamah&thêra, continued to maintain the Heligion in splendour in Pagama.
One day, the King of Pagama, having conceived a feeling of esteem and reverence for the
14 Burma proper, as distinguished from Ramaññadésa, the land of the Talsinge. 15 This yields the date 1181 A.D.

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three maháthéras, presented them with three elephants. The two mahathéras, namely, Sivalimahâthêra, and Tâmalindamahâthêra, liberated their two elephants in a forest. But Anandathêra, saying to himself :-“I shall make a present of my elephant to my relatives living in Kiñchipara," proceeded to Kusimanagara and shipped it off. The two mahấthéras then said: • Brother, when we received our elephants, we get them free in a forest. Why bave you caused pain to an animal by making a present of it to your relatives? Your action is improper." Â nandathêrs replied: “Why, Reverend Sirs, have you spoken to me in this manner P What! Reverend Sirs, has not the Blessed One declared that kindness to one's relatives is a sacred duty ?" The two maháthéras continued : “Ananda, you are indeed headstrong. If, brother. you will not accept the advice and admonition from elders like us, do you perform your ecclesiastical ceremonies separately, and we shall perform ours in like manner." Thenceforward, the two mahdthéras performed their ecclesiastical ceremonies separately, and Anandathêra performed his likewise.
In course of time, Tamalindamahâthêra, for the benefit of his pupils, who were learned, wise, and able, said to the laymen, belonging to the ruling and other classes, that came to his presence: "Olaymen, the priests are learned, wise, and able; but, because of their not being supplied with the four requisites,' they are unable to devote themselves to the acquisition of scriptural knowledge, or to the observance of the precepts. Laymen, it is our desire, therefore, that these priests should be furnished with the four requisites. Should you undertake to do this, the priests would certainly be enabled to devote themselves to the acquisition of scriptural knowledge, or to the observance of the precepts." The théra thus procured the four requisites' by means of vachipinnatti. Then Sivalimaháthêra said to Tamalindathêm: "Brother, the acquisition of requisites,' by means of vachiviimatti, was censured by the Blessed One; but why, brother, have you procured the four requisites' by means of vachíviññatti? Your action is improper." Tâmalindathêra replied to Sivalimah åthêra: "Reverend Sir, the acquisition of requisites,' by means of vachiviinatti, was censured by the Blessed One, when such property was for oneself; but, Reverend Sir, the four requisites, procared by me by means of vachiviñatti, were not for myself. I thought that, if my pupils, who are learned, wise, and able, obtained the 'four requisites,' and devoted themselves to the acquisition of scriptural knowledge, and to the observance of the precepts, the interests of the Religion would be promoted; and therefore, I procured for them the 'four requisites' by means of vachívithatti." Sivalimahấthêra again said to Tamalindathêra: "Brother Tamalinda, is this your explanation ? Do you perform your ecclesiastical ceremonies separately, and I shall perform mine likewise. Brother Támalinda, association in the performance of ecclesiastical ceremonies is agreeable only when the parties taking part in the performance are of the same mind and opinions and are amenable to the advice and admonition of each other." Thenceforward, these two maháthéras performed their ecclesiastical ceremonies separately.
At that period, there were, in Pugams, four distinct communities of priests, each of which formed a separate sect, namely, - (i) the successors of the priests, who introduced the Religion from Sudhammanagara; (ii) the disciples of Sivalimahathéra; (iii) the disciples of Tamalindamahathdra; (iv), the disciples of Anandamahathéra.
of these communities, that of the spiritual successors of the priests, who introduced the Religion from Sudhammanagara, was called by the Marammas of Pugama the
Purima' fraternity, because of their anterior arrival; and the remaining communities, whose members were the spiritual successors of the priests, who introduced the Religion from Sthaladipa, were called the 'Sihala' fraternity, and also the Pacchima' fraternity, because of their later arrival.
Two of these three maháthéras, namely, Sivalimahithérn And Tîmalinda mahathêra, passed away according to their deeds after maintaining the Religion in splendour to the end of their lives; and Anandathéra, after spending fifty-four rainy seasons in maintaining the

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Religion in splendour in Pagama, also passed away acoording to his deeds in the year 607, Sakkaraj.16
Bevorse face of the first Stone.
May the Religion of the Conqueror shine forth in splendour ! A sámanéra, called Sariputte, who was a native of Padippajeyya village, 17 in the province of Dala, went to Pugams and received the upasampada ordination at the hands of Anandathéra. He studied both the Dhamma and the Vinaya together with their commentaries. Being thus well-versed in the Dhamma and the Vinaya, the fame of the learning, wisdom, and ability of the priest, Såripatta, spread abroad. The King of Pagama heard about his fame, and reflecting :-"If the priest, Såripatta, is learned, well-informod, a seeker of knowledge, wise, and able, and, if the members of his body are perfect, I shall do him honour by 'appointing him to be my Preceptor," sent messengers to institute enquiries. The messengers sent by the King, accordingly proceeded to enquire whether the members of the body of the priest, Sariputta, were perfect. In the course of their enquiry, they found that one of the big toes of the priest was too short, and reported the result of their investigation to the King. The King thinking inwardly : “ The priest is not perfect in all the members of his body," presented him with great many offerings, conferred on him the title of Dhammavilasethera, and dismissed him with the injunction : "Do you maintain the Religion in splendour in Kamaññadêsa."
DhammavilAsathdra proceeded to Ramantiadesa, and taught the Dhamma and the Vinaya to a great many priests in Dalanagara 28 The people of Ramaññadêsa called, at the time, the fraternity of those priests at Dalanagara, the Sthalapakkhabhikkhusangha, and designated as the AriyArahantapakkhabhikkhusangha, the fraternity of priests who were already in the country and were the spiritual successors of Sonamahathêra and Uttaramahathêra.
There was a learned mahath@ra, belonging to the Ariyarahantapalkhabhikkhusangha, who lived in a monastery situated near the mouth of a river, in the Lakkhiyapura, province, 1° called the Bakass, because of its teeming with fish, which served as food for paddy-birds. Near the monastery, was a market, and not far from the latter was a settlement where a great number of Kamboja prisoners of war were located. On account of this fact, the market was called tbe Kambojao Market, and the monastery was called the Kambojấpanavihara, because of its vicinity to the Kam bôja Market. The maháthéra, living in the monastery was, in like manner, called the Pathams-Kambójá paqavihârathêra. Subsequently, the designation Pathams-Kamboja paņsvihArathers was changed to KambojapapamahAthers.
A pious nobleman, called Sîrijayavaddhana, who was living at Dalapura, built a monastery near a great lake, and invited the Kambôjâpanamahâthêrs to occupy it. At that period, because this Kambðjâpapamahathêra was the oldest and most celebrated member of the Ariyarahantasaoghapakkha, in Dalanagara, the whole of that fraternity was designated the KambojapapamahAthéraranghapakkha.
In after times, the designation Kambôjâpañamahathêrasanghapakkha fell into diouse, and the fraternity was called the Kambojapanasanghapakkha. However, the latter term Kambôjâpaņasanghapakkha itself fell into, disuse, and the fraternity came to be known as the Kambojasanghapakkhs.
Because the Ariyarahantasanghapakkhs, in Dalanagara, was onlled the Kamboja sanghapakkha, the same designation W88, thenceforward, applied to that fraternity in the whole of Ramannadons.
1..., in 1845 A.D. 11 Near Rangoon. 19 Lekke'nik near Twente in the Hanthawaddy District.
The modern Dall, about 15 miles 8. E. of Rangoon.
* 1..., the Shkn Market.

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There were in Muttimanagara31-(i) the Kambojasanghapakkha; (ii) the Sihalamaghapakkha, whose members were the spiritual successors of Sivalimahathêra; (iii) the Sthalasanghapakkha, whose members were the spiritual successors of Tamalindamahathers; (iv) the Sthalasanghspakkha, whose members were the spiritual successors of Anandamahathëra; (v) the Sihaļasanghapakkha, whose members were the spiritual successors of Buddhavamsamahathéra, the Preceptor of the Queen, who went to Sihaladipa and received his upasampadá ordination there, and who, on his return, performed his ecclesiastical ceremonies separately in Muttimanagara; and (vi) the Sibaļasanghapakkha, whose members were the spiritual successors of Mahasamimahathëra, otherwise called Mahanagamshâthêra, who visited Sihaladipa and received his upasam padá ordination there, and who, on his return to Muttimanagara, performed his ecclesiastical ceremonies separately.
Through the inability of these six divisions of the Order to perform ecclesiastical ceremonies together, various fraternities and sects arose into existence.
Owing to the want of a large number of priests, who were well-versed in the Tipitaka, learned, wise, and able, and who could, after meeting and consulting together, investigato as to what was proper or not, the maháthéras, belonging to any of these six sects, would, whenever they had to perform such ecclesiastical ceremonies as the consecration of a simá and the upasampadá ordination, carry out their object in a manner that appeared fitting to them, thinking inwardly: "We, indeed, are wise and qualified."
There were some theras, who, wishing to consecrate a simá on a gámakhétta of whatever size, would place boundary-marks all round it, and carry out their object by inducting within the hatthapása the priests who were within the boundary; but they would not effect purification through the acts of inducting with a the hatthapása 'the priests living outside the boundary, of receiving the declarations of assent of such of them as were absent, and of excluding such of them as merited exclusion. In such a simd the upasampadá ordination would be performed.
There were some théras, who declared: “If it is desired to consecrate a simd on & gámakhétta, such consecration should be carried out after effecting purification through the acts of inducting within the hatthapása, &c., the priests residing round that gámakhélta, who are inside or outside the boundary." Therefore, whenever a simd was to be consecrated, they thought that it wonld be difficult to purify the whole of the gánasimá, and would not ascertain the true nature of the characteristics of a visugáma. They, however, assumed that, if & piece of land, with its boundaries defined, was granted by a king, that land was a visu gama; and they would ask the ruling authorities to define the boundaries of a piece of land, which they had chosen, and whose area would be sufficient for the consecration of a simd, or of a piece of land of larger area. They would then consecrate the simá after effecting purification through the acts of inducting within the hatthapåsa, &o., the priests residing on the gamak hétta, but without effecting purification in regard to the whole of the gámasima. In such a symá the upasampadá ordination would be performed.
There were some théras, who, holding the opinion that “there would be mutual confusion, if two baddhasimés were connected with each other by the branches of trees, &c., but there would be no such confusion, if a baddhasimá and a gdmasimá, or two gámasimás, were connected with each other by the branches of trees, &c.," would, whenever there was a simá to be conteorated on a gámakhétta, perform the consecration without cutting off the branches of trees, &c., which connected that gámakhétta with the others around it, but after effecting purification through the acts of inducting within the hatthapdua, &c., the prieste residing on that gámakhétta. In such a simd the wpasampádá ordination would be performed.
There were some théras, who would not ascertain, in every way, the characteristics of rivers or lakes, mentioned in the páli and the atthakathás, and who, without ascertaining well
# Martaban near Manlmain.

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the interpretation of the words mentioned in the atthakathas, namely, anvaḍdhamasam anudasaham anupanchaham would, in this excessively rainy region of Ramaññadêsa, perform the upasampada ordination in an udakukkhé pasima consecrated on a river or lake, which was devoid of its respective characteristics.
There were some theras, who, whenever they wished to consecrate a simú on a gámakhétta, would cut off the branches of trees, &c., that connected it with other gúmakhettas, and carry out their object through the acts of inducting within the hatthapása the priests residing inside or outside the boundary of that gámakhetta, of receiving the declarations of assent of such of them as were absent, and of excluding such of them as merited exclusion. But, whenever there was an upasampada ordination to be performed in such a simú, the ceremony would be performed without cutting off the branches of trees, &c., which connected that gamakhetta with others.
In the two thousand and second year that had elapsed since the Parinirvana of the Fully Enlightened One, and the 820th year of Sakkaraj,23 there reigned in Harhsavatinagara, Ramadhipati, who, assuming the title of Siripavaramahadhammarajadhiraja, ruled justly and righteously and afforded protection to the people of Ramaññadėsa, which comprised the three provinces of Kusimamandala, Hamsavatimandala, and Muttimamandala. He was the Lord of a White Elephant, whose colour was like that of the white esculent water-lily, or of the jasminum multiflorum, or of the antumnal moon, and was replete with faith and many other qualities. He was well-acquainted with the languages of various countries, and with many mauual arts, such as masonry and carpentry. He was, moreover, learned and well-read, and was versed in the Tipitaka and the sciences of takka, byakarana, chanla, alankára, astrology, medicine, and arithmetic, pertaining to the Védasá. The King had exceedingly deep faith in the Religion of the Teacher, and the following thoughts arose in his mind: "The upasampalá ordination is dependent on that of pabbajjú, and the basis of the Religion itself is the upasampala ordination, which in order to be appropriate, inviolable, and valid, must be possessed of five characteristics, namely, simásampatti, parisasampatti, vatthusampatti, nattisampatti, and anusávanasampatti. Of these characteristics there exist means of attesting the validity of vatthusampatti and nattisampatti, owing respectively to the ability of a candidate for the pure form of the upasampadá ordination to fulfil the condition of the former, and to the accessibility of qualified acháriyas, who could recite the kammaváchá with correct intonation. But, by what criterion can I ascertain the non-existence of simásampatti and parisasampatti?"
The King, in repeatedly investigating and considering the ruling of the Vinaya as regards the consecration of a sima, which would be in conformity with the intention of the Blessed One, as interpreted by the authors of atthakathas, tikás, and pakaranas, consulted both the spirit and the letter of the following works, controlling the atthakatha by means of the páli, the fiká by means of the atthakatha, and the pakarana by one another, and, at the same time, collating what was gone before with what came after:-the Vinayapáli; the Vinayatthakatha; the Vinayatika called the Sáratthadipan; the Vinayațiká called the Vimativinôdani; the Vinayatika written by Vajirabuddhithora; the Matikatthakathú called the Kankhâvitarani together with its fiká; the Vinayavinichchhayapakarana together with its tika; the Vinayasangahapakarana; the Simálankirapakarana; and the Simálankárasangaha. To the King, who repeatedly investigated and repeatedly considered this question, the ruling of the Vinaya appeared to be thus:
"If it is desired to consecrate a simú on a selected site, whether it be a pakatigámakhetta or a visumjámakhetta, whose boundaries have been defined for the purpose of collecting revenue,
22 Or 1458, A. D.
23 The modern Pegu.
These comprise the major part of what are now known as the Bassein, Thongwà, Henzada, Hanthawaddy, Pegu, Shwêgyin and Amherst Districts of Lower Burma.

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and which possesses the following characteristics, namely, that it is inaccessible to men and women; that it is favourable to the exercise of the four iriyapathas; that it is not a place subjected to noise; and that the usufructuary right, exercised in respect of it, is capable of support. ing life ;-the branches of trees, &c., connecting that pakatigamakhétta or visungámakhétta with other gámakhéttas should be cut down ; and a number of boundary-marks should be placed around the site setected for the consecration of the sima, should such simá be a mahasimá, whose extent is difficult to apprehend and whose form is not well defined. If, however, it is desired to consecrate & khuddakasi má, whose form is triangular, and whose extent is easy to apprehend, three boundary-marks should be placed. But if the form of the simá to be consecrated is square or rectangular, four boundary marks would suffice; and if the form is a polygon, the number of boundary-marks should be in proportion. The connecting branches of trees, &c., which are either within or without the boundary, should be cut down, and the extent of the simá clearly defined. Of all the priests residing within or without the boundary of that gámakhélta, those, who are worthy of the privilege, should be inducted within the hatthapása, and the declarations of assent of those who are absent, should be received, the remaining priests being excluded from the gánakhétta. For the purpose of guiding travelling prieste, guards should be stationed all round the gamakhatta ; and, in order to notify the fact publicly, flags and streamers should be planted at various places; and the boundaries should be proclaimed three times by the sounding of drums, conch-shells, and other musical instrumente. Eventually, the simá should be consecrated by having the kammaváchá read with proper intonation. The consecration of a simá, which is attended by such ceremonies, is inviolable and valid; and the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies, performed in such a simá, are likewise inviolable and valid.
The characteristic of an equable rainy season is, that, daring the four months of its continuance, an uninterrapted shower falls once every half month, or every fifth day; that of a deficient rainy season is, that a shower falls after the lapse of a half month; and that of an excessive rainy season is, that the intervening period between one shower and another is less than five days, that is to say, rain falls every fourth, third, or second day, or every day (without interruption).
"If, during the four months of an equable rainy season, the under-robe of a bhikkhuni crossing a stream, at any place, whether it be a landing-place or not, is wetted to the extent of one or two finger-breadths, such a stream acquires the status of a nadi. If, during the four months of the rainy season, which is an equable one because of rain falling once every halfmonth, the under-robe of a bhikkhuní crossing a stream, at any place, is wetted, such a stream acquires the status of a mahánadi. If, during the four months of the rainy season, which is an equable one because of rain falling once every tenth day, the under-robe of a bhikkhuní crossing a stream, at any place, is wetted, such a stream acquires the status of a majjhimanadi. If, during the four months of the rainy season, which is an equable one because of rain falling once every fifth day, the under-robe of a bhikkhuní crossing a stream, at any place, is wetted, such a stream acquires the status of a khuddakanadi.
“If, during the four months of a rainy season, which is an equable one, the, under-robe of a bhikkhuni crossing a stream, at any place, is wetted, but is not wetted when the rainy season is a deficient one, it should not be declared that such a stream does not acquire the status of a nadi, because a deficient rainy season cannot be the criterion in determining its status. If, 1 wever, during the four months of a rainy season, which is an equable one, the under-robe of a bhikkhuni crossing a stream, at any place, is not wetted, but is wetted when the rainy season is an excessive one, it should not be declared that such a stream acquires the status of & nadi, because an excessive rainy season can neither be the criterion in determining its statas.
"A lake is of spontaneous origin. It is not excavated by any one, but is filled with water that flows from all round it. If, during the four months of a rainy season, which is an

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equable one, there is, in a reservoir of such description, water sufficient for the parpose of drinking or ablution, such a lake acquires the status of a játassara. If a lake, which satisfies such a condition, when the rainy season is an equable one, does not contain water sufficient for the purpose of drinking or ablution, when the rainy season is a deficient one, or during winter or summer, it should not be declared that such a lake does not acquire the status of a játasara.
"If, during the four months of a rainy season, which is an equable one, a lake does not contain water sufficient for the purpose of drinking or ablution, but satisfies this condition when the rainy season is an excessive one : such a lake does not acquire the status of a játussara.
"This Ramaññadêsa is a very rainy region, but how could one know that its rainy season is an excessive one? That the rainy season comprises four months is thus declared in the affhakathas :- Yasmá hi vassánassa chutrisu másésu. Bat, in this country of Rimaññadêsa, the rainy season comprises six months. Because it is said that the characteristic of an equable rainy season is, that rain falls every fifth day, methinks that the characteristic of an excessive rainy season is, that rain falls every fourth, third, or second day, or every day (without interruption).
" In this country of Ramañvadêsa, sometimes once every fourth, third, or second day, or every day (without interruption), sometimes once every seventh or tenth day, the rays of the sun are invisible, and the sky becomes cloudy and murky, and a continuous shower of rain falls. Therefore, it is established beyond doubt that the rainy season of Ramaññadêsa is an excessive one.
"For the reasons stated above, in this country af Ramaññadesa, during the four months of an cquable rainy season, when rain falls in the manner described, the under-robe of a bhikkhrení crossing a stream of such description, at any place, is wetted. On such a nahánadi an udakukkhépasimá may be consecrated, and the upasampada ordination performed in it will be valid and inviolable.
"If, during the four months of an equable rainy season, when rain falls as described above, a lake of such description contains water sufficient for the purpose of drinking or ablution: on such a mahájátassara an uakukkhépasimá may be consecrated; and the upasampada ordination performod in it will be valid and inviolable."
The following thoughts arose in the mind of Ranadhipati, to whom the valid manner in which a simd should be consecrated, had appeared, as described above :
“There are some théras who, wishing to consecrate a simá on a gámakhetta, carry out their object by inducting within the hatthapása the priests residing inside the boundary, but without effecting purification through the acts of inducting within the hatthapása, &c., all the priests rosiding on that gámakhetta. The consecration of such a simá by the théras is invalid by reason of parisavipatti.
“If, in order to alienate the revenue of a selected place, whoso bonndarios have been defined for the purpose of collecting revenue, and which is situated on a pakaļigánakhétta, the boundaries are again defined, and the place itself is given away by the ruling authorities : such a placo acquires the status of a visurigámakhétta. The consecration of a badilhasimú is consummated at the conclusion of the recitation of the kammaváchi, and not merely by the proclamation of its boundaries. Therefore, the land referred to abore, which is situated inside the boundary, does not acquate the status of a risterinyama, bocause of its perpetually forming a part and parcel of the yánasima; nor does the simá become a baddhasimá, because the lands, both inside and outside the boundary, constitute but one gámasime. If all the priests residing on that very gámasima, who are deserving of the privilago, are not inducted within the hatthapasa; - if the declarations of assent of those, who are entitled to send them, are not received ; if those who doserve exclusion, are not excluded; and, if only the priests residing within the boundary are inducted within the hatthapusa : the consecration of the simá (attended by such ceremonies)

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37
is violable and not in accordance with the law. The upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies, performed in such a sima, are void by reason of the invalidity of its consecration.
“There are also théras, who ask the ruling authorities to define the boundaries of some place selected by them, but which does not possess the characteristics of a gáma. Considering that such a place is a visurigámakhêtta, they select a site on it, and consecrate a simá by inducting within the hatthapasa only the priests residing at that place, and not all those residing on the whole of the pakațigamakhétta. The consecration of the simá by these theras is void by reason of parisavipatti. Therefore, because of simávipatti, the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies, performed in such a sima, are invalid.
"There are also other theras, who, wishing to consecrate a sima on a gámakhétta, do not ont down the branches of trees, &c., connecting that gámakhétta with others, but carry out their abjent after effecting purification through the act of inducting within the hatthapása the priests robe on that gámakhetta. By reason of parisavipatti, the consecration of the simu by themest i nyalid.
Obverse Face of the second Stone. As there is mutual junction between two baddhusimas, because of their being connected by the branches of trees, &c., so there is mutual junction between a baddhasimi and a gúmasima, or between two gamasimas, because of their being connected by the branches of trees, &c. By reason of simavipatti, the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies, performed in such A simú, are void,
“There are other théras, who perform the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies in an udakukkhépasimd consecrated on rivers and lakes, that are devoid of their respective characteristics (judged by the conditions prevailing) in the exceedingly rainy region of Ramaññadêsa. By reason of simávipatti, the upasampada ordination and other ceremonies, performed by these théras, are void. As to this exceedingly rainy region of Ramaññadêsa: during the four months of an equable rainy season, when rain falls in the manner indicated above, the ander-robe of a bhikkhuní crossing a river, at any place, may not get wet (provided that the prevailing conditions are normal). Bat owing to excessive rainfall in this country, the underrobe will get wet. Judging, therefore, by the wetting of the under-robo, when the rainy season is, as stated before, an equable one, how can it be correct to say that such a river acquires the status of a nadi? Again, during the four months of an equable rainy season, when rain falls in the manner indicated above, a lake may not contain water sufficient for the purpose of drinking or ablation (provided that the prevailing conditions are normal). But, owing to excessive rainfall in this country, during the four months of the rainy season, it will contain water sufficient for the purpose of drinking or ablution. Judging, therefore, by the sufficiency of water in such a lake for the purpose of drinking or ablution, when the rainy season is, as stated before, an equable one, how can it be correct to say that such a lake acquires the status of a játassara ?
“There are also some théras, who, desiring to consecrate a simá on a gámakhêtta, cut down the branches of trees, &c., connecting that gámak hétta with others, and carry out their object by inducting within the hatthapása, &c., all the priests residing inside or outside the bonndary of that gámakhétta. Bat, whenever the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies are per. formed in such a simá, the connecting branches of trees, &c., of that gámasima are not cut down. The upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies of these théras are, therefore, void by reason of parisavipatti, caused through the confusion (of boundaries) of such baddhasimá and gámasimá. If, on the other hand, these théras perform the repasampadá ordination and other ceremonies in a valid baddhasimá, or on a pakaļigámokhátta, or visurigámak hétta, possessing the characteristios of a gáma, or on a mahanadi possessing the characteristics of a naii, or on a játassara possessing the characteristics of a játaseara, or on a samudda possessing the characteristics of a samudda, they may constitute a Chapter ; but the functions, performed by them,

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are void by reason of parisavipatti, caused through their having been ordained in a simá, whose consecration was invalid for the reasons indicated above, or on a visurigamak hétta, that does not possess the characteristics of a gáma, or on a khuddakanadi, that does not possess the characteris. tics of a nadi, or on a khuddakajátassara, that does not possess the characteristics of a játassara."
Then King Ramadhipati became aware of the existence of simávipatti and parisaripatti of the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies in Ramaniadêsa, and thought thus:
“The simávipatti and parisavipatti of the nipasa mpadá ordination and other ceremonies appear to me in the manner indicated above. Now, there are, in Ramaiñadêsa and Hatsavati nagara, many priests, who are well-versed in the Tipitaka, learned, and able; and I am not sute whether the simavipatti and parisavipatli of the upasampadá ordination and other ceremonies appear to them in the same manner. It is, perhaps, advisable that I should ask all of them to investigate the subject by the light of the interpretation, literal or otherwise, of the VinayapiJaka together with its af!hakathás and fíkás, to compare and collate the atthakathas with the páļi texts, the ţiká with the a!thakathás and what follows with what is gone before, and to give an authoritative ruling, based on the Vinaya, as to the valid manner of consecrating a sima."
All the priests, who were well-versed in the Tipitaka, were accordingly asked to give an authoritative ruling, based on the Vinaya, as to the valid manner of consecrating a simá.
Then, in compliance with the request of King Ramadhipati, all the priests, who were well-versed in the Tipitaka, investigated the subject by the light of the interpretation, literal or otherwise, of the Vinayapiļaka, together with its atthakathás and fikus, and, through repeated comparison and collation, perceived the existence of simávipatti and parisavipatti, and communicated to the King the result of their enquiry as to the manner prescribed in the Vinaya.
The King said to himself: "The excellent compilers of athakathás have declared that the Religion of Buddba will last 5,000 years; but alas ! only 2,047 years have now passed away since the Enlightened One attained Buddhahood, and the Religion has become impure, tainted with heresy and corruption, and the upasam pada ordination has also become invalid. This being the case, how can the Religion last till the end of 5,000 years P” The King again reflected thus: "Being aware of the impurity, heresy, and corruption, that have arisen in the Religion, methinks that, in order to ensure the continuance of the Religion to the end of the period of 5,000 years, it is essential that it should be purified by resuscitating the pure form of the upasampadá ordination. However, if I do not exert myself and remain indifferent, I shall be guilty of not having intense love for, or faith in, the Blessed Fully Enlightened One, and of being devoid of respect and reverence for Him. It is, therefore, I think, expedient that the purification of the Religion should be effected by me. How shall I first call into existence the pure form of the upasampadá ordination, and establish it in this country of Ramañcadêsa ? There are men having faith, belonging to good families, and desirous of receiving such upasampadá ordination. If, at my instance, they receive it, the Religion will become purified through the existence of a pure form of the upasampadů ordination."
The following were the thoughts that arose in the mind of King Ramadhipati, who considered about the condition of the Religion :
"It is said that, in the 26th year26 that had elapsed since the attainment of Parinir. vana by the Fully Enlightened One, Mahamahindathora, who was sent by Moggaliputtatissamahathéra, went to Tambapannidipa, and established the Religion. Devanampiyetissa, King of sthaladipa, conceived a feeling of esteem and reverence for the thera, and founded the Mahavihára monastery. During the period of 218 years, 26 tbat elapsed since the foundation of the Mahåvihîra, the Religión remained pure, and there was only one fraternity, namely, that of the residents of the Mahâvihêrs. Then King Vattagamani» Or 308 B. O,
* This yielda's date, 40 B. C.

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Abhaya conquered Dadhiya, King of the Damilas, and attained to kingship in Lankadipa. After founding the Abhayagirivihara monastery, this King was defeated by & confederacy of seven Damila princes, and was obliged to fly the country and remain in hiding for fourteen years. (On his restoration, he invited a théra, called Mahâtissa, who had afforded him assistance during his exile, and presented the monastery to him. This Mahatissathéra, however, used to associate with lay people, and, for this very offence, had been expelled from the Mahâvihara by the fraternity of that monastery. Thenceforward, the priests were divided into two sects, namely, that of the residents of the Mahavihara, and that of the residents of the Abhayagirivihara.
"In the 357th year that had elapsed since the foundation of the Abhayagirivihara monastery, a king, called Mahasena, ruled over Lankadipa for 27 years. This king, in the course of his reign, founded the Jētavanavihara monastery, and presented it to Tissathora, a resident of the Dakkhinavihara, who associated with wicked people, and was of an intriguing and licentious character, but for whom he conceived a feeling of esteem and reverence. Thenceforward, the priests of the Jētavanavihara monastery detached themselves from those of the Mahavihara and the Abhayagirivihara monasteries, and thus arose the (third) sect of the residents of the Jetavanavihara monastery.
“ Thus, 600 years had not yet elapsed since the establishment of the Religion in Lankadipa, when the priests in that Island were divided into three divisions, 27 and three sects were formed. Among these sects, that of the Mahavihira was extremely pure and orthodox; but the remaining two were neither pure nor orthodox. In course of time, however, in Lau kadipa, the number of the orthodox priests gradually decreased, and their sect became weak, while the unorthodox priests continually received fresh accession of strength owing to increased numbers. These heretical sects did not conform to the rules of the Order, and were followers of evil practices. Owing to this circumstance, the Religion became impure, and tainted with heresy and corruption.
“In the 1472nd your that had elapsed since the establishment of the Religion in Lankadipa, the 1708th years that had elapsed since the attainment of Parinirvana by the Master, and the 18th year since the inauguration of Maharaja Sirisanghabodhi-Parakkamabahu as ruler of Lankadipa, that king, by seeing the priests, who, though professing the Religion, did not conform to the rales of the Order, and followed evil practices, became aware of the existence of the impurity, heresy, and corruption, that had arisen in the Religion, and he thought thus:
**If such an one as I, knowing the existence of the impnrity, heresy, and corruption, that have arisen in the Religion, do not exert myself and remain indifferent in the matter of effecting its porification, it will be said of me that my love for, or faith in, the Fully Enliglutened One, and my respect and reverence for Him, are not intense. It is, perhaps, expedient that I should afford support to the Mahavihara fraternity, who are orthodox, whose conduct is in conformity with the rules of the Order, and whose superior is Mahakassapathêra of Udumbaragiri; and that, as Asôka, King of Righteousness, with the assistance of Môggaliputtatissamahấthêra, afforded support to the great fraternity of exceedingly pure and orthodox priests, who declared that the Fully Enlightened One was a Vibhajja vadi, and effected the purification of the Religion by commanding the expulsion from the Order of the 60,00impure and sinful priests who declared that the Fully Enlightened One professed the doctrines of the Sassata and other schools, even so, should I purify the Religiou by commanding the expulsion from the Order of the large number of impure, unorthodox, and sinful priests, who do not conform to the rules of the Order, and are followers of evil practices, and by constituting the fraternity of the residents of the Mahavihara, the only sect (in my kingdom).'
357 = 602
11 I.e., before 292 A. D. The 600 years must have nearly elapsed, however, because 218 + 27 years as the date of Mahasena's death.
35 This yielas the date 1164 A. D.

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"The King acted accordingly, purified the Religion, and caused a covenant to be entered into by the priests. In after times, with a view to purifying the Religion, Vijayabahuraja and Parakkamabahuraja caused (similar) covenants to be made.
"From that time up to the present day, there has been existing in Lankadipa, a sect of priests, who are the spiritual successors of the fraternity of the Mahavihara, the exceedingly pure and orthodox sect, whose members conformed, in a proper manner, to the rules of the Order.
"I (Ramadhipati) shall, therefore, invite, in a respectful manner, learned and qualified priests to receive the extremely pure form of the upasampada ordination in Lankadipa, and to establish it in this country of Ramannadesa. By inducing men of good family, who have faith, and are desirous of taking orders, to receive it, and by thus calling into existence the pure form of the upasampadá ordination, the Religion will become purified and free from impurity, and will last to the end of the period of 5,000 years."
Accordingly, King Ramadhipati invited the twenty-two théras, headed by Mog. galana, and addressed them tbus: "Reverend Sirs, the upasampadá ordination of the priests in Ramaññadêsa now appears to us to be invalid. Therefore, how can the Religion, which is based on such invalid ordination, last to the end of 5,000 years ? Reverend Sirs, from the establishment of the Religion in Shaladípa up to the present day, there has been existing in that island an exceedingly pure sect of priests, who are the spiritual successors of the residents of the Mahâvihára monastery. If, Reverend Sirs, you go to Sthaladipa, and, after selecting out of the fraternity, whose members are the spiritual successors of the priests of the Maha, vihira, a Chapter, who are pure and free from censure and reproach, receive at their hands the upasampada ordination in the udakukkhépasimt consecrated on the Kalyani River, where the Fully Enlightened One enjoyed a bath; and, if you make this form of the upasampalá ordination the seed of the Religion, as it were, plant it, and cause it to spront forth by conferring such ordination on men of good family in this country of Ramañoadêsa, who have faith and are desirous of taking orders, the Religion will become pure and last till the end of 5,000 years.
"Reverend Sirs, by your going to Sthaladipa, much merit and great advantages will accrue to you. Reverend Sirs, on your arrival in Sihaļadipa, an opportunity will be afforded you of adoring and making offerings to the Holy Tooth Relic, to the Bodhi trees, headed by the one which was the Southern branch (of the tree at Buddha Gaya), to the Ratanachêtiya and other shrines, and to the Chêtiya of the Holy Foot-print of the Blessed One on the top of the Samantakúta Hill. Therefore, Reverend Sirs, your great accumulation of merit will increase. For the reasons stated above, I beseech of you the favour of going to Sthaladipa."
To this the théras replied: "Maharaja, your excellent request is, indeed, in conformity with the law, because it is actuated by a desire to promote the interests of the Religion. The visit to Sthaladipa will increase our great accumulation of merit. We, therefore, grant you the favoar, and will visit Sihaladipa.” Saying thus, the théras gave a promise.
On receiving the reply of the theras, the King directed the preparation of the following articles to serve as offerings to the Holy Tooth Relic :-- stone alms-bowl, embellished with sapphires of great value, and having for its cover a pyramidal covering made of gold weighing 50 phalas; an alms-bowl, with stand and cover complete, made of gold weighing 60 phalas; & golden vase weighing 30 phalas; a duodecagonal betel-box made of gold weighing 30 phalas; a golden relic-receptacle weighing 33 phalas, and constructed in the shape of a chétiya; a relic-receptacle made of crystal; a relic-receptacle, embellished with pieces of glass resem. bling masdragalla gems; and golden flowers.
For the purpose of offering to the Ratanachêtiya and other shrines, to the Holy Foot-print, and to the twenty-two Bôdhi trees, the following articles were prepared :-85 canopies of various colours ; 50 large, gilt, waxen candles; and the same pumber of small, gilt, waxen candles,

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For presenting to the maháthéras of Sihaladipa the following articles were prepared : -40 boxes containing cotton cloth of delicate texture; 20 silk and cotton uppur robes of various colours, namely, red, yellow, motley, and white; 20 betel-boxes of motley colour, manufactured in Haribhunja; four stone "pitchers ; eight painted pitchers manufactured in Chinadese; and 20 fans manufactured in Chinadésa.
Rimadhipatirija, the Lord of Ramaññadêsa and of the White Elephant, sent respectful greeting to Their Reverences the Mahathêras of Sihaladipa, and thus addressed them by letter:
" Reverend Sirs, for the purpose of adoring the Holy Tooth and other Relics I have sent priests with offerings. Voucbsafe to afford them assistance in making such offerings. With the twenty-two théras and their disciples, I have sent Chitradůta and RÂmadůta together with their attendants. Vouchsafe, Venerable Ones, to afford them such assistance as they may require in seeing and adoring the Holy Tooth Relic and making offerings to it. After seeing and adoring the Holy Tooth Relic, and making offerings to it, the twenty-two théras and their disciples will proceed to elect from among the fraternity, who are the spiritual successors of the residents of the Mahâvihậra monastery, a Chapter of priests, who are free from censure and reproach, and will receive at their hands the upasampadá ordination in the udakukkhépasimá consecrated on the Kalyà i River, where the Blessed One had enjoyed a bath. May it please the Venerable Ones to afford them assistance also in this matter PM Thus was prepared a letter addressed to the mahdthéras of Sihaladipa.
The following articles were prepared for presentation to Bhavanēkabábu, King of Sihaladipa :-two sapphires valued at 200 phalas of silver ; two rabies valued at 430 phalas ; four pieces of variegated China cloth, of great value, for making long mantles, which would cover the wearer from neck to foot; three pieces of thick, embroidered China cloth, of white and dark blue or ash colour; two pieces of plain, thick, China cloth, of white and dark blue or ash colour; one piece of plain, white, thick, China cloth; two pieces of green, thick, embroidered, China cloth; one piece of plain, green, thick, China cloth; two pieces of plain, black, China cloth; one piece of yellow, thick, embroidered China cloth; one piece of red, thin, embroidered, China cloth, of delicate textaze; one piece of thin, embroidered, China cloth, of delicate texture, and of white and dark blue, or ash colour: in all, 20 pieces of China cloth; the same number of variegated silk cloths called pavitti, and 200 mats wrapped up in leather cases. The letter addressed to Bhavanēkabahy, King of Sthaladips, was in import similar to that addressed to the mahithéras of that Island, and was inscribed on a tablet of gold.
Having thus prepared everything that was necessary, the King presented the twenty-two theras with the following articles :-44 boxes of fine cotton cloth for making the tichivara robes ; 22 carpets made of the wool of Marammadêsa ; 22 variegated leathern rugs; 22 variegated Haribhuñja betel-boxes, with covers; and many other articles required for food and for medi. cinal purposes on the voyage.
The twenty-two priests, who were the disciples of the theras, were each presented with a piece of cloth called kasiputta, and a thick, embroidered, carpet manufactured in Marammadêsa.
The twenty-two thoras and their disciples were consigned to the care of the two emissaries, Chitradata and Ramadata, into whose hands were likewise delivered the abovementioned offerings intended for the Holy Relics, the letter and presents for the maháthéras of Sthaladipa, and the letter inscribed on a tablet of gold and presents for Bhêvanêkabaha, King of that Island. Two hundred phalas of gold were given to the emissaries for the purpose of providing the twenty-two théras and their disciples with the 'four requisites,' should any mishap, such as scarcity of food, arise. The eleven théras, headed by Moggalanathore, together with their disciples, were embarked in the same ship & Ramadata ; while the remaining eloven thoras, headed by Mahasivalithéra, together with their disciples, wore ombarked in the same ship as Chitradata.

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Reverse Pace of the second Stone. The ship, in which Ramadata embarked, left the mouth of the Yoga 20 River on Sunday, the 11th day of the dark half of the month Magha 887, Sakkaraj, and went out to sea
The ship, in which Chitraduta embarked, however, left the mouth of the same river on Monday, the 12th day of the dark half of the same month, and going out to sea, reached, through skilful navigation, the port of Kalambu on the 8th day of the dark half of the month Phaggupa.
When Bhüvanêkabáhu, King of Sthaladipa, heard the news of the arrival of the ship), he, on the new-moon uposatha day of the month Phagguna, directed that a welcome be accorded to the eleven théras and Chitradata. He was exceedingly delighted when he had heard the letter read out, which was inscribed on a tablet of gold, and brought by Chitraduta, and which was sent by RâmAdhipatimahârâjâ, who was replete with faith and many other good qualities and who, being a descendant of Lords of White Elepbants, was himself Lord of a White Elephant, which was possessed of all the characteristics (of such animals), and whose colour was very much whiter than that of a conchshell, the jasminum multiflorun, the white-lily, or the autumnal moon, The King (of Sibaladipa), having exchanged the compliments of friendship and civility with the théras and Chitraduta, arose from bis seat, and with his own hands, offered them betel-leaf with camphor. He likewise had arrangements made for the entertainment of the théras and Chitradata.
On the following day Chitradűta delivered to the mahdthéras of Sthaladípe the letter and the presents sent by Ramadhipatimabârâjâ; and the maha théras, saying: “Wbatsoever is pleasing to Ramadhipatimaharaja, that will we perform," gave a promise.
The eleven théras, who embarked in the same ship as Chitradota, perceiving the non-arrival of their brethren, wbo embarked in the same ship as Ramadata, reflected : " With the permission of the King of Sibaladipa, we shall remain in the Island of Lankadipa, awaiting the arrival of these théras." They accordingly asked permission from the King, and remained there awaiting the arrival of the théras, who embarked in the same ship as Ramadata.
Mennwhile, the ship in which Ramadata embarked, missed the route to Anuradhapura, and meeting with adverse winds, performed a difficult voyage, and it was not till Sunday, the 9th day of the light half of the month Chitra, that she reached Valligama.
Now, at Valligama, resided a Shala minister, called Garavi, who had rebelled against the King. At the time of the arrival of the ship, the younger brother of the King of Siha?adipa had proceeded by ship to the same village, accompanied by many other ships conveying armed men, in order to fight the rebel minister. The latter was stricken with terror, and, being unable to defend himself, fled the village and sought refage in a forest. The village having fallen into his hands, the King's brother took up his residence there. The soldiers of the rebel minister remained in Iriding at various places between Valligâma and Jayavaddhananagara, and were a source of danger to the people who passed by that way. Owing to this circumstance, the King's brother withheld permission from the théras and Ramad@ta, who were desirous of going to Jayavaddhanagara. However, on the second day of the dark half of the first of the two months of Åsalha, 888, Sakkaraj, permission was obtained and the thêras and Ramadata loft Valligams. After passing five days on the journey, they arrived at Jayavaddhananagara on the 8th day.
When Bhûvanēkabâhu, King of Sihatadipa, heard about the arrival of the théras and Ramad üta, he directed that a welcome be accorded to them. After he bad heard read out the letter of Ramadhipatimahârâ ja, inscribed on a tablet of gold, which was brought by Râmadůta,
» The Pega River.

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he was delighted, and, in the manner indicated above, exchanged with the théras and Råmaduta the compliments of friendship and civility, and had arrangements made for their entertainment.
On the following day, Ramadûts delivered to the maháthéras of Sthaladipa the letter and presents sent by the King, who was the Lord of Hamsavatinagara; and all the maháthéras gave a promise to Ramadata similar to that given by them to Chitraduta.
After a month had elapsed from that date, the théras, who embarked in the same ship as Chitradâta, visited Anuradhapura, and adored the Ratanacbêtiya, Marichivattichêtiya, Thủpårâmachêtiya, Abhayagirichêtiya, Silâchetiya, Jētavanachêtiya, and the Mahâbôdhi tree, which was the Southern branch of the tree at Buddha Gaya), and saw the Lôbapasada. They likewise, to the extent of their ability, removed grass, creepers, and shrubbery found growing in the court-yards of the various chétiyas, and cleaned their walls. After fulfilling such religious duties as were performed subsequent to making offerings, they returned and arrived at Jayavaddhapanagara.
The Sihaļa King now thought that the time had arrived for him to exhibit the Holy Tooth Relic for the adoration of all the théras, who had come by the two ships. On Sunday, the 1st day of the dark all of the second month Asalha, and the day on which vassa residence was entered upon, he had the whole of the tower containing the receptacle of the Holy Tooth Relio decorated, had a canopy of cloth put up, and had an offering made of scents, lights, incense, and flowers. The maháthéras of Sihaļadips were set apart on one side, while the twenty-two théras and their disciples, who had come by the two ships, together with Chitradůta and Ramadâta, were invited to be present. The Holy Tooth Relic, contained in a golden receptacle, was brought out in order that the twenty-two théras, and ChitradÛta and Râmadata might see and adore it, and make offerings to it. Then the Sîhala King, calling to mind the letter of Ramadhipatirâja, had the Holy Tooth Relic deposited in the golden relicreceptacle sent by the latter, and had a white umbrella placed over it. The golden vessel containing the Relic, the golden vase, and the golden duodecagonal betel-box were deposited together, and shown to the twenty-two théras, and Chitradüta and Ramadûta.
“Reverend Sirs, and Chitradû ta and Råmadüta, may it please you to let me know the purport of the letter of the Lord of the White Elephant ?" asked the Síhala King, who, saying to himself : “ Whatsoever may be the purport of the letter of the Lord of the White Elepbant, I shall act accordingly," issued commands to the Sihala ministers and directed the construction of a bridge of boats on the Kalykņi River, where the Blessed One had enjoyed & bath. A tower and a canopy of cloth were erected on the bridge, and various kinds of hanging awnings were likewise pat up. Vidagamamahathera was requested to elect from among the fraternity of priests, who were the spiritual successors of the residents of the Mahâvihåra monastery, & Chapter, who were free from censure and reproach ; and he accordingly elected a Chapter of twenty-four priests such as DhammakittimahathéreVanarstanamahathéra, Panchaparivéņavāsi-mangalathere, and Sibalarajayuvarajachariyathêrs. Having thus had a bridge of boats constructed, and a Chapter of priests elected, the King invited the twenty-four ordaining priests, headed by Dhammakittimaháthêra, on Wednesday, the 11th day of the dark half of the month of second Åsalha, and had them conducted to the bridge of boats, and had the forty-four priests of Ramaññadêsa ordained by them. In conformity with the custom followed by the Sibala mahdthéras of old, whenever priests from foreign countries were ordained, the forty-four priests of Râmaññadêsa were first established in the condition of laymen, and then admitted to the Order as súmaneras through the act of Vanaratanamahathéra, who presented them with yellow robes, and accepted their profession of faith in the Three Refuges.'
On the night of Wednesday, Ave theras, namely, Moggalanathéra, Kumarakassapathéra, Mahasivalithéra, Sariputtathors, and Nanasegarathera were ordained in the presence of the Chapter of the twenty-four priests, Dhammakittimahathêra and Pan

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chaparivênavasi-mangalathêra being respectively the upajjhaya and achariya. On the night of Thursday, the 12th, ten thêras, namely, Sumanathêra, Kassapathêra, Nandathêra, Rahulathera, Buddhavamsathera, Sumangalathêra, Khujjanandathora, Sonuttarathêra, Gunasagarathèra, and Dhammarakkhitathêra, were ordained, Vanaratanamahathêra and Pañchaparivênavasi-mangalathêra being respectively the upajjhaya and achariya. In the course of the day on Friday, the 13th, seven thêras, namely, Chulasumangalathêra, Javanapaññathera, Chulakassapathêra, Chulasivalithera, Manisarathera, Dhammarajikathera, and Chandanasarathēra were ordained, Vanaratanamahathéra and Panchaparivênavasi-mangalathêra being respectively the upajjhaya and achariya. On Saturday, the 14th, the twenty-two young priests, who were the disciples of the theras were ordained, Pañchaparivenavasi-mangalathêra and Sihalarajayuvarajachariyathêra being respectively the upajjhaya and achariya.
When the twenty-two theras of Râmaññadêsa had been ordained, the Sihala King invited them to a meal, at the end of which, he presented each of them with the following articles :three yellow robes; a curtain and a canopy manufactured in the country of Gocharati ; a leathern mat painted in variegated colours; a fan shaped like a palmyra-fan, but made of ivory, carved by a skilful turner; and a betel-box. Then the Sihala King said: "Reverend Sirs, you will return to Jambudipa and maintain the Religion in splendour in Hamsavatipura. If, Reverend Sirs, I present you with any other gifts, no reputation would accrue to me, because such gifts are subject to speedy decay and dissolution. Therefore, I shall now confer titles on you. If, Reverend Sirs, this is done, such titles would last throughout your lifetime." So saying, he conferred on the eleven theras who embarked in the same ship as Râmadûta, namely, Moggalanathera, Kumarakassapathēra, Nanasagarathêra, Buddhavamsathera, Nandathera, Rahulathera, Sumangalathêra, Dhammarakkhitathėra, Chulasumangalathēra, Kassapathers, and Manisârathera, the following titles respectively: Sirisaighabôdhisâmi, Kittisirimêghasâmi, Parakkamabahusâmi, Buddhaghosasâmi, Sihaladîpavisuddhasâmi, Gunaratanadharasami, Jinâlan kârasâmi, Ratanamâlisâmi, Saddhammatêjasumi, Dhammârâmasâmi, and Bhûvanêkabâhusâmi. On the eleven theras, who embarked in the same ship as Chitradata, namely, Mahasivalithera, Sariputtathêra, Sumanathêra, Chulakassapathêra, Chulanandathêra, Sonuttarathêra, Gunasagarathêra, Javanapaññathêra, Chulasivalithera, Dhammarajikathêra, and Chandanasarathêra, the following titles were respectively conferred: Tilôkagurusâmi, Sirivanaratanasâmi, Mangalathêrasâmi, Kalyânîtissasâmi, Chandanagirisami, Siridantadhâtusâmi, Vanavâsitissasâmi, Ratanâlankârasami, Mabâdêvasami, Udumbaragirisami, and Chûlâbhayatissasâmi.
The eleven theras, who embarked in the same ship as Ramadûta, together with the latter, left Jayavaddhananagara and returned to Valligama. The eleven theras, who embarked in the same ship as Chitradûta, however, returned to Jayavaddhananagara, after adoring the Padavalapjachêtiya, called the Siripâda, which is situated on the top of the Samantakuta Hill.
The eleven theras, who had returned to Valligama, embarked on Wednesday, the second day of the light half of the month Bhadda, and returning home, arrived at the mouth of the Yoga River on Thursday, the second day of the dark half of the same month.
When Ramadhipatiraja, received the tidings that the theras, who embarked in the same ship as Ramadata, had arrived at the mouth of the Yoga River, he bethought himself: Considering that these théras visited Sihaladîpa at my solicitation, and that they are the inaugurators of the upasamtpadá ordination, it would not be proper to send any of my officials to welcome them. It would, indeed, be appropriate that I should myself welcome them on my return from Tigumpanagara,30 where, on the mahápaváraná day, which falls on the full-moon day of Assayuja, I shall present the chétiya containing the Hair Relics of the Fully Enlightened
se Rangoon.

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One, obtained during His life-time, with a large bell made of brass, weighing 3,000 tolas." Agreeably with this thought, he wrote a letter saying: "As I am visiting Tigumpanagara, may it please the Venerable Ones to remain in that town ?" And, after making arrangements for their entertainment, he had them disembarked from their sea-going vessel and conveyed to Tigumpanagara in river-boats.
45
Meanwhile, the eleven theras, who embarked in the same ship as Chitradûta, missed the appointed time favourable for returning to Râmaññadêsa, because the Sihala King had said to them: "Reverend Sirs, it is my desire to send an emissary to Râmâdhipatimahârâja, the Lord of the White Elephant, with presents, including a religious gift in the shape of an image of the Holy Tooth Relic, embellished with a topaz and a diamond, valued at a hundred phalas, which were constantly worn by my father, Parakkamabâhumahârâja. When the vessel, now being fitted out for my emissary, is ready, an opportunity will be afforded to her of sailing in the company of your ship. May it please your Reverences to postpone your departure till then?" The eleven theras and Chitradûta, therefore, waited for the emissary of the Sihala King and anchored their ship at the port of Kalambu. Meanwhile, a violent wind, called parádha, arose and sank in the sea the large sea-going vessel, in which passengers had already embarked. When the Sihala King received the intelligence that Chitradata's ship had foundered in the sea, he said thus to the theras and Chitradûta: "If you have no ship, you might embark in the same ship as my emissary, and return home." Accordingly, the theras and Chitradûta, together with his attendants, embarked in the same ship as the emissary of the Sihala King and left the port of Kalambu.
Sailing out to mid-ocean, the ship continued her course through the Straits of Silla, which lies between Sihaladipa and Jambudîpa. After three nights had elapsed since the ship left the port of Kalamba, she was wrecked by a violent storm, and, immersed in sea-water, she remained fast between the jutting peaks of rocks. All the passengers, realizing their inability to extricate the ship from amidst the rocks, collected all the timber and bamboos that happened to be in her, and, constructing a raft of them, and embarking on it, crossed to the coast of Jambudips, which was close by.
Having lost the presents, the emissary of the Sihala King returned to Sihaladipa. The theras and Chitradûta, however, travelled on foot to Nagapattana, and there visited the site of the Padarikârâma monastery, and worshipped the image of Buddha in a cave, constructed by command of the Maharaja of Chinadess on the spot, on the sea-shore, where the Holy Tooth Relic was deposited in the course of its transit to Lankâdîpa in the charge of Dandakumara and Hêmamâlâ, who were husband and wife. Thence they travelled on to the port of Navutapattana. At this port resided Malimparakaya and Pacchaliya, two intendants of the port, who annually sent two ships for trading purposes (to Ramanifadėsa.) In doing so, they sent presents for Råmådhipatimahârâja, and thus, because of their having exchanged with him the compliments of friendship and civility, they conceived feelings of great respect and honour for him. Owing to this circumstance, they provided the theras with food, clothing, and residence, and treated them with much reverence. Chitraduita was likewise provided with clothing, food, and lodgings. The intendants of the port then said: "Reverend Sirs, when our ships start from this port, may it please you to embark in them in order to be once more near the Lord of the White Elephant ?" Accordingly, the four theras, namely, Tilokagurathera, Ratanâlankârethera, Mahidêvathêra, and Chulabhayatissathera, and their four disciples resided with them. The remaining seven theras, however, saying: "We shall embark, together with the seven priests, in a ship at Komalapattana," went and resided at that port.
On Wednesday, the fourth day of the light half of the month Visakha, 839, Bakkaraj, the three theras, namely, Tilôkaguruthera, Ratanâlankârathera, and Mahadevathêra,
Negapatan.

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embarked in the ship belonging to Malimparakaya, while Chulabhayatissathêra embarked in the ship belonging to Pacchaliya, and they left Nâvutapaṭṭana. Of these theras, the three, who embarked in the same ship. reached the mouth of the river, which takes its source in the Nagarasi Mountain. on Friday, the 12th day of the dark half of the month Visakha, and arrived at Kusimanagara on Tuesday, the 1st day of the light half of the month Jettha. Chulabhayatissathêra, however, arrived at Hamsavatinagara on Tuesday, the 13th day of the light half of the month Asalha.
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[FEBRUARY, 1895.
Of the seven theras, who, together with the seven priests, went and resided at Kômâlapattana, Mangalathêra, accompanied by his own attendant priest, as well as by those of Vanaratanathera, and Siridantadhâtuthêra, embarked in a ship, commanded by Binda, and left Komalapattana on Wednesday, the new-moon day of the month Bhadda, 841, Sakkaraj. They reached the mouth of the river, which takes its source in the Nagarasi Mountain on Friday, the 1st day of the light half of the month Kattika, and, touching at Kusimanagara on Monday, the 11th, eventually arrived at Har savatinagara on Friday, the 14th day of the dark half of the month Kattika.
The remaining six théras and the four young priests had been dead, as they were unable to obviate the consequences of demerit and the course of the law of mortality, to which all living beings are subject. Alas! "Whatever is material is subject to change and dissolution."
Obverse face of the third Stone.
On Thursday, the 8th day of the light half of the month Assayuja, 888, Sakkaraj Ramadhipatimaharaja, with the object of presenting a great bell to the Kêsadhatuchêtiya,34 embarked on a barge surmounted by a golden spire, and, escorted by a number of boats, headed by golden boats, such as the indavimána, proceeded to Tigumpanagara. On Tuesday, the 13th day of the light half of the month Assayuja, the day of his arrival at Tigumpanagara, he invited the eleven theras, who embarked in the same ship as Ramadûta, and served them with various kinds of delicious food. He likewise presented each of them with two couples of cloths for their tichivara robes, and, having exchanged with them the customary compliments of friendship and civility, commanded that their residence be shown to them.
Ramadhipatimahârâja had grand festivals held for three days; and on Thursday, the day of mahápaváraná, the great bell was conveyed to the quadrangle of the Kêsadhâtachêtiya, in order that it might be presented to it. On Friday, the 1st day (after the day of mahápavárara), offerings were made to the priests residing in Tigumpanagara, and the King commanded that largess be given to paupers, way-farers, and beggars. On Sunday, the 3rd day (of the dark half of the same month), eleven boats were adorned in a reverent manner, and ministers were sent to escort the theras. Having thus made preparations for escorting the theras, Râmâdhipatirája left Tigumpanagara on the morning of Monday, the fourth day, and, reaching, in due course, Hamsavatinagara on Friday, the eighth day, entered the bejewelled palace, which was his home. The theras, however, halted a day at a ferry near the Mahabuddharapa;35 and on Sunday, the tenth day, ministers were sent with many boats appropriately adorned, with various kinds of flags and streamers flying, and with the sounding of gongs and many other kinds of musical instruments, to wait upon the theras, who, on their arrival, were ushered into the palace.
When the theras had entered the Royal Palace, called the Ratanamandira, they presented Ramadhipatimahârâja with the following articles :-a casket containing the sandal wood powder, with which the Holy Tooth Relic was besmeared; an image of the Holy Tooth Relic; some branches, leaves, and seeds of the Bodhi tree; a treatise giving an account of the purification of the Religion effected by Sirisanghabôdbi-Parakkamabâhumaharaja, Vijayabâhumaharaja, and
33 Negrais. 38 Bassein. * The Shwedagon Pagoda at Bangoon. The Kyaikpun Pagoda near Pegu.

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Parakkamabahumabarajâ ; a treatise setting forth the covenants entered into, at the solicitation of the said kings by the priesthood for the observance of the Order ; & letter sent by the Sihaļa théras and a book recording the covenants entered into by them; a book of gáthás written by Vaņaratanamahâthêra ; and a letter from the Sthala King, Bhîvanêkabahu. Råmâdipatimaharåja accorded a gracious greeting to the eleven théras, and commanded his ministers to escort each of them to his monastery with many flags and streamers flying, and with the sounding of gongs and many other kinds of musical instruments.
Then the following thonghts arose in the mind of RamadhipatimahArâja: “These eleven théras visited Sthaladipa, and have now returned bringing from thence the pare form of the vpasampadá ordination. In this city of Hamsavati, there does not exist any pare baddhasimd, nor any mahánadi possessing the characteristics of a nadi, nor any mahájátassara possessing the characteristics of a játaseara, nor any gámakhétta whose purification can easily be effected. Where can these théras perform such ecclesiastical ceremonies as uposatha or upasampada ordination ?
“Surely, it is proper that I should cause a search made for a small gamak hétta, that can easily be guarded, and there have a baddhasimá properly consecrated by these théras. If this is done, they will be in a position to perform, in that sima, sach ecclesiastical ceremonies as uposatha or upasampada ordination." Ramadhipatiråja accordingly sent his attendants to search for a gd makhétta answering the description. During the course of their search, the King's attendants found on the skirts of a forest to the west of a mahachtiya, oalled Mudhave, & gamakhêtta belonging to the Minister Narasura, which was small and could easily be guarded; and they reported accordingly to the King. Râmûdhipatirâja personally inspected the site, and considered that it was a gámakhêtta, which could easily be guarded, and was an appropriate spot for the consecration of a sima. The ground of a selected place on that land was cleared of jungle, the site of the proposed simá was marked out, and a house was built in the middle of that site. The inside and outside of that house, as well as the site of the proposed simá, and a selected place outside that site, were smeared with cow-dung. Then & fencing was erected enclosing the whole place on its four sides, and four openings with doors were constructed. In order to obviate the junction of that gámakhétta with others around it, the means of connection, such as the branches of trees, &c., both on the ground below, and in the air above, were cut down, and a small trench, about a span in depth and the same in width, was dag. Not far from the site of the proposed simd, and on its west side, & monastery, & refectory, a lavatory, and a privy were constructed for the use of the eleven théras, who were to perform the ecclesiastical ceremony; and they were invited to take up their residence in that monastery.
Ramadhipatiraja again reflected: "The eleven théras, and the eleven young priests, who are their disciples, have returned from Sihaļadîpa after receiving there the exceedingly pure form of the upasampadá ordination. It would, however, be as well that I should enquire as to whether these théras and their disciples are free from censure and reproach. Should any of them be not free from censure and reproach, their exclusion, in spite of their having received the exceedingly pure form of the upasampadá ordination from the Chapter of priests appointed to consecrate the sima, would be pleasing to us; because a simá constitutes the basis of the Religion, and also because the inclusion of priests, who are not free from censure and reproach, though they may have received the pare form of the upasampadá ordination in the Chapter consecrating a simá, would, in after times, afford matter for objection to the enemies of the Religion."
Accordingly, the King sent learned men to institute enquiries. On enquiry it was found that, previons to their receiving the Siha!a form of the upasampadá ordination, one théra and four young priests were not free from a measure of censure and reproach, which was not of a grave character, but only of a trivial nature ; and the matter was reported to the King. Rimadhipatiraja was, however, determined to maintain the Religion in extreme purity, and excluded

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(from the Chapter) the thora, together with his disciple, as well as the four young priests, who, before receiving the pure form of the upasampadá ordination, were not free from a measure of censure and reproach, which was not of a grave character, but only of a trivial nature. The King then resolved that the remaining ten thóras and the six young priests, who had received the exceedingly pare. form of the upasampadá ordination, and were free from the smallest measure of consure and reproach, were qualified to constitute a Chapter for the consecration of the simd.
When the time approached for the consecration of the simd, out of these (ton) théras Ganaratanadharathêr, on the plea of illness, returned to his own monastery, accompanied by his papil, and remained there. Therefore, the nine théras, namely, Siripanghabodhisami, Kittisirimöghasami, Parakkamabahusami, Buddhagheasami, Jinalankarasami, Ratangmalisami, Saddhammatējas&mi, Sudhammaramasami, and Bhavanokabahusami, and their disciples, the five young priests, namely, Sangharakkhita, Dhammaviláse, Uttars, Uttama, and Dhammasara, -in all, fourteen priests-took up their residence in the monastery built on the west side of the site of the proposed simá.
Then the King, who was desirous of having a simá consecrated, came to the following conclusion: "If, at a place, where priests desire to consecrate s simá, there does not exist an ancient simi, the simá consecrated, at that place, is valid ; but, if otherwise, the new simá is null and void, because of the doubtful defect of the junction and overlapping of simds. Therefore, it is only by the desecration of the ancient simá at that place, that the validity of the new simá to be consecrated, can be secured. For this reason, previous to the consecration of a simá, the ceremony of desecrating the simá (wbich-may possibly exist on the site), should be performed." The King accordingly had preparations made for performing the ceremony of desecrating the existing) simd in accordance with the procedure expressly laid down in the atthakatha.
“Priests, an avippavdsasime may thus be desecrated by means of the tiohivara." There are certain conditions to be observed by a priest desecrating a simd. The following are the conditions. Standing on a khandasima, a mahasima, called avippavasasima, should not be desecrated; and similarly, standing on a mahasimá, called avippavasasima, a lohandasimá should not be desecrated. It is only when standing on a khandasimá that another khandasimá may be desecrated; and the same rule applies mutatis mutandis to the other class of simá. A simá is desecrated for two reasons, namely, (i) in order to make a mahasimá of one, which is originally a khuddakasima, with a view that its ares may be extended; (ii) in order to make a khuddaka. simá of one, which is originally a mahasimá, with a view that sites for monasteries may be granted to others. If, at the place of desecration, the existence of both khandasima and mahásimá, called avippavása simá, is known, a simá may be desecrated or consecrated. If, however, the existence of a khandasima is known, but not that of a mahasim, called avippavásası'má, a simá may be desecrated or consecrated. If, on the other hand, the existence of a mahásina, called avippavasasimd, is known, but not that of a khandasimd, it is only by standing on such places as the premises of a chatiya, a bôdhi tree, or an upôsatha hall, which are undoubtedly outside the limits of an avippavásasimd), that a simá may be desecrated; but by no means can it be consecra ted. If, however, a sima is consecrated, there will be a janction of simds, and a vihárasima will be transformed into an avih drasina. Therefore, the ceremony of desecration should not be performed.
If the existence of both kinds of simnás is unknown, neither desecration nor consecration should be effected. A simá is invalidated by means of the kammaváchá, or through the declension of the Roligion, or because those, who do not know a simá, are incompetent to recite the kammavách. Therefore, desecration should not be effected. Because it is said that it is only when (the different classes of simás) are well-known, that desecration or consecration may be effected, priests desiring to desecrate & simá, and who are aware of either the existence of an ancient simd or its extent, may, by stationing there duly qualified prieste, desecrato an

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49
ancient simá or consecrate a new one. The interpretation appears to be that, if the extent of an ancient simá is unknown, that simd cannot be desecrated, nor can a new one be consecrated.
But the Vimativinodaní says: "There are some théras, who, in the case of such viharasimus, would convene a Chapter of five or six priests, would station them in a continuous row of places, which are each about the size of a bedstead, and whose distances are determined by the fall, all round, of stones thrown, first from the extremity of the vihárasimd, and then towards the inside and outside of its limits, and would successively desecrate an avippavúsasima, and I samanasarivásakasima. If either a khandasimá or a mahasimá exists on that vihdra, the priests standing, as they do, in the midst of the simás, would, from a mañchafthána, certainly desecrate that simá, and the gámasimd would remain. In this matter, it is not essential to know the simá or its extent. But it is necessary for the reciters of the kammaváchá to say: We shall desecrate the inside of a simu,' and to act accordingly).
“It is stated in the otthalathá that those, who are aware of the existence of a lchandasima, but not that of an avippavlisasimi, are qualified to effect both desecration and consecration, and that thus, although the extent of a mahásimá is unknown, desecration may be effected. On the authority of this statement, they say that at any selected spot on the remaining gámasima, it is appropriate to consecrate the two kinds of simás and to perform the upasampadá ordination and such other ceremonies. This dictum appears to be correct; but it should be accepted after due enquiry." The interpretation of these théras, therefore, appears to be correct. With regard, however, to the desecration of a simá with an ordinary, but not a great, amount of exertion, by those, to whom the performance of the ceremony is difficult, because of their not knowing the existence of an ancient simá or its extent, it is said in the atthakatha: "If both classes of simá are not known, the simá should not be desecrated or consecrated." This dictum does not, however, mean to indicate that, although the existence of the simá to be desecrated may not be known, if great exertion is put forth that sind will not be desecrated.
If, at a place where a new simá is desired to be consecrated, the existence of an ancient simá, or its extent, is unknown; if, at selected spots within and without the places suitable for the fixing of the boundary-marks of the new simá to be consecrated, allotments of space, each measuring about four or five cubits in length are marked out in rows or groups; and, if duly qualified priests station themselves in the said continuous rows of the allotments of space, and effect the desecration of a simá : how can there be no desecration of the existing ancient simá at that place, and how can only the gámasimú be not left? The King, therefore, had the ceremony of desecrating a sima performed in the following manner :
On the inside of the places, suitable for fixing the boundary-marks of the new simá to be consecrated, allotments of space of five cubits each in length and the same in breadth were marked out, and allotments of similar dimensions were marked out also on the outside ; and, by means of a line drawn with lime or chalk, rectangular spaces in rows were marked out. Then the nine théras and the five young priests were invited, and the ceremony of desecrating a simá was performed in the manner described below. The said fourteen priests stationed themselves in the first rectangular space of the first row of the allotments of space, and read seven times the kammaváchá for desecrating & simá at seven different spots; then stationing themselves successively at each of the remaining rectangular spaces in the first row, they continued reciting the kammaváchá till the last rectangular space was reached. Again, begin. ning with the last rectangular space in the second row, they stationed themselves successively in a reverse order till the first rectangular space in the second row was reached, and read the kammavúcha. Thus, in the manner described above, the kammavácha was read at every rectangular space in each of the two rows, in a forward order in the first, and in a reverse order in the second. When the number of rectangular spaces had been exhausted, the ceremony of desecrating a simná was concluded. It should be borne in mind that this ceremony was concluded on Saturday, the 7th day of the light half of the month Migasira.

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(FEBRUABY, 1893.
On the 8th day, Ramadhipatirajg, in order to have the ceremony of consecrating a sima performed, visited the place in the morning, and had the preliminary arrangements carried out in the following manner :
On the outside of the site selected for consecrating the sime, and facing the four quarters, four boundary-marks were fixed; and in order to bring into prominence the advantage derived from fixing the boundary-marks in a form other than that of a four-sided figure, each of the additional four boundary-marks was placed at the end of a line drawn from the middle of the line joining each of the two corners facing the four quarters. Within the space thus enclosed by the eight boundary-stones, a rope was stretched, and along it a line was drawn on the ground. As the simá was to be consecrated within the line, and, as it was desirable to make manifest the limit of its site, a small trencb, a span in depth and the same in width, was dug outside that line. In order to obviate janction with other gamakhéttas, both inside and outside the limit of the boundary-stones, such means of connection as the branches of trees were cut down. The small trench was ameared with mud, and some water was placed in it. The eight boundary-stones were beautified with gilding and vermilion, and were wrapped up in red and white cloth. By way of showing honour to the Blessed One, near the boundary. stones, umbrellas, banners, lamps, incense, and flowers were offered ; water-pots, whose mouths were covered and adorned with kumuda flowers, were placed; and other offerings such as of cloth were made.
The preliminary arrangements connected with the consecration of the simd having thus been carried out, the nine théras and the five young priests were invited, and the eight boundary-marks in the eight quarters, commencing with the one in the East quarter, were suc. cessively proclaimed. The proclamation was continued till the first boundary-mark, which had previously been proclaimed, was reached. In this manner the boundary-marks were pro. claimed three times.
On the following morning, flags and streamers were planted at various places around the gámakhétta belonging to the Minister Narasûra; drums, conch-shells, and other musical instruments were sonnded; and the guards, mounted men, and swift messengers, who had been stationed for the purpose of stopping the progress of travelling priests, and of causing other priests residing on that gámakhétta to be speedily excluded from it, were sent out to patrol all round it. It was only when the absence of other priests on that gámakhélta had been reported, that the kammaváchú relating to the consecration of a sima was read seven times with proper intonation, and that the ceremony of consecration was concluded. At the conclusion of the ceremony, gongs and other masical instruments were sounded three times, and the populace were commanded to raise a shoat of acclamation. In commemoration a: the consecration of this sims by the priests, who had received their upasampada ordination in the udakukkt. pasima situated on the Kalyani River, it received the appellation of the Kalyani-sima.
Previous to the consecration of the Kalyani-simâ, and also since the return of the tréras from Sihaladipa after receiving their upasampadá ordination there, the leading priests, who were imbued with faith, learned, and able, had approached RÂmâdhipatiraja and said to him thus: "Mahûraja, it is, indeed, an anomaly that we, who have received both the pabbajja and upasam padá forms of ordination of the Religion of Buddha, and practised all the precepts that have been enacted, should find our upasampadá ordination to be impure. We desirr, Maharaja, to receive the upasampade ordination at the hands of these théras, and thus shall our ordination become pure." To this Råmâdhipatirája thus replied: "Revererd Sirs, if any leading priests who are replete with faith, should, after investigating the ruling of the Vinaya, that is in conformity with the intention of the Blessed One, find that their upasampadá ordination is impare, and should desire to receive the pare form of the upasampadá ordination at the hands of the théras, who have returned home after receiving such ordination at the hands

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KALYANI INSORIPTIONS.
of the fraternity, who are the spiritual successors of the extremely orthodox Mahâvihara sect, I am not in a position to say to them: 'Do receive it,' or to prevent them by saying ; Do not receive it. On the other hand, if the leading priests should, after investigating the ruling of the Vinaya, that is in conformity with the intention of the Blessed One, find that their upasampada ordination is pure, and should not desire to receive at the hands of these théras the form of the upasampadá ordination, that has been handed down by the ordained priests of Sihaļadîpa, I would not venture to urge them by saying: Do receive it.' The ruling of the Vinaya should, indeed, be the guiding principle. Do you investigate the Dhamma well."
Then Rûmâdhipatirâja thought thus :
« The office of upajjháya is the basis of both the pabbajja and the upasampadá forms of ordination, and it is decreed by the Blessed One that such an office should be conferred only on qualified priests, who, by reason of their having been ten years in orders, have acquired the status of a théra. But these théras received tbeir upasampadá ordination this year only; and not one of them is, therefore, qnalified for the office of upajjháya. Whence can we get such an upajjhdya P He, indeed, is qualified for the office of upajjháya, who has returned home, after receiving the pure form of the upacampadá ordination at the hands of the fraternity, who are the spiritual successors of the Mahâvihara sect. After appointing such a one as upajjhdya all the leading priests, who are desirous of receiving the form of the upacampada ordination, that has been handed down by the spiritual successors of the ordained priests of Sihaladipa, will be afforded an opportunity of receiving such ordination at the hands of these théras, who have returned from that island." Accordingly, the King commanded that a search be made for such a priest. Then Parakkamabahusamithêra said : "Mahårkja, there is a théra called Suvannasobhana. He received his upasampadá ordination at the hands of the fraternity, who are the spiritual successors of the Mahavihara sect. He is, indeed, qualified for the office of upaj. jhaya. Mabârâja, he is a solitary dweller in the forest, and observer of dhútangas, has few desires, is easily satisfied, and austere in his mode of living, eschews all evil through an innate feeling of shame, is repentant of his sins, an observer of the precepts, and is learned and competent." The King sent messengers to invite Suvannasôbhanathêra, and asked him, " Reverend Sir, when you visited Sthaladîpa, in which simá were you ordained, and what was the strength of the Chapter that ordained you? Who was your upajjkaya, and who your kammaváckáchariya ? How many years have elapsed since you received your upasampadá ordination in Sihaļadipa ?”
Suvannasobhanathöra replied thus to the King: “Maharaja, in the udakukkhôpasima situated on a mahajatassara, called Kalambg, and at the hands of a Chapter composed of innumerable priests, with VanaratanamabAthéra, ex-Mahasangharaja, as my upajjhaya, and with Vijayabahu-sangharaja, who was formerly known as Rahulabhaddathéra, as my kammavachachariya, I received my upasampada ordiaation, Since then twentysix years have passed away." The King was extremely delighted, and invited the théra to assume the office of upajjháya in respect of the priests desiring to receive tbe upasampadá ordination. The théra then said: “Maharaja, the théras of old, in whom human passion was extinct, disregarded their own interest in effecting the purification of the Religion in foreign countries. Maharaja, I will follow in the footsteps of these holy men, and even like them, will parify the Religion.". So saying, he gave a promise to the King.
Reverse face of the third stone. Immediately after the consecration of the simd, the priests, who had faith, and were learned and able, and who, being aware of the impurity of their previous upasampada ordination, were desirous of receiving the form of ordination, that had been handed down through a succession of the ordained priests of Sîhaladîpa, approached the King and renewed their former request. Having approached the King, they said: “Mahârâja, now that a sima has been consecrated in a valid manner, and that a maháthéra, who is qualified for the office of upajjháya,

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has been appointed, we are prepared to receive the sthala form of the upasam pada ordination."
On the morning of Monday, the oth day of the light half of the month Migastra, the King visited the Kalyanisime accompanied by the leading priests. The nine théras, together with the five young priests, and Suvannasôbhanathêra, who was qualified for the office of upajjháya, were invited and seated in the Kalyaņisima. Setting aside the leading priests, who were desirous of receiving the Sibala form of the upasa mpadá ordination, the King approached the théras, who had visited Sihaladipa, and having approached them, said to them thas: “Reverend Sirs, these leading priests are desirous of receiving, at your hands, the Sîhala form of the upasampadá ordination. Vouchsafe, Reverend Sirs, to confer such ordination on them."
To this the theras replied: "Maharaja, we were sent by you to Sibaladipa, where we received the pure form of the upacampadá ordination at the hands of the fraternity, who are the spiritual successors of the Mahâvihåra sect. Maharaja, previous to our receiving each ordination at their hands the maháthéras of Sihaļadipa addressed us thus :Reverend brethren, this is the custom of the Sibala mahấthéras of old. Previons to the conferment of the wpasampada ordination on priests, who have come from foreign countries, they are directed to make a confession that they have become laymen, to doff their priestly robe, to suffer themselves to be established in the condition of laymen by accepting the gift of a white gerb, and again, to become sámaneras by receiving the pabbajjá ordination, by accepting & gift of the priestly robe, and by professing openly their faith in the Three Refuges.' (It is only when all these stages have been passed through, that they are permitted) to receive the wpasan pada ordination in their capacity as sémanéras. It might be asked : What is the reason of each procedure ? Reverend brethren, the priests, who came to this country with the conviction that their previous upasampadá ordination was impure, but that the Siha la form of it was pure, being imbued with faith, received frpah wpasampada ordination. Reverend brethren, these priests would subsequently attach themselves to others who might have been their own disciples, and, being dissatisfied with their condition, would, disregarding the time that had elapsed since their new ordination, reckon their status from the date of their old one. This is not approved by us : hence the custom described above. Therefore, if you, who are replete with faith, desire to receive the pure form of upasampadá ordination, do you aat in accordance with the custom of the mahathéras of Sthaladípe. If you comply, we shall be able to confer the wpasampada ordination on you; but if you do not, by reason of not being in socordance with custom, we shall be anable to confer such ordination on yon.' It was only when we had conformed ourselves to the custom of the maháthéras of Sthaladips, that they conferred the upasampadá ordination on us,"
Then the large number of leading priesta said: "Reverend Sirs, since you yourselves received the pure form of the upasampadá ordination only after conforming to the custom of the maháthéras of Sihaladipa, even in this wise, do we, who are replete with faith, desire to receive it. Therefore, we are prepared to receive the pare form of the upasampadá ordination after conforming ourselves to the custom of the mahátkáras of Sibaladipa." The théras, who had returned from Sihaladipa, being thus in concord with all the leading priests, the latter, headed by Dhammakittithere, were eventually treated in sooordance with the custom of the mahathbras of sthaladipa, and the upasampada ordination was conferred on them, with Suvannasöhanathora se upajjhays, and with the nine theras, who had returned from Sihaladipa, as Achariyas, the kammaváchs being read by two of these théras in turn.
On Monday, the 9th day of the light half of the month Migastra, which was the first day of the conferment of the upasanpadá ordination, Ramadhipatirâjs was present in person, and directed the preparation of a bounteous supply of food and various kinds of drinks suitable for consumption before or after noon, for the nse of the theras, who conducted the ordination ceremony, of the leading priests, who had been ordained, and of other leading priests, who were

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candidates for the ordination. For the purpose of eliciting the acclamation of sadhu at the conclusion of each conferment of the upasampadá ordination, drums, conch-shells, and other musical instruments were sounded. Scribes skilled in worldly lore, and innumerable nobles and learned men were appointed to note the number of priests that had received the upasam. padá ordination. And, in order that the ceremony might be performed at night, many lamps were provided. It was near sunset when the King returned to his palace.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 15.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 15.
The Parrot's Tale and the Maina's Tale.1
Once upon a time there was a king who had an only son, the pride of his parents. The prince grew up strong and beautiful, and no pains were spared to give him a fitting education. When he was old enough the king got him married to the daughter of a neighbouring king, and they lived happily for some time in their father's house.
53
-
After a few months the prince wanted to go and live with his wife in another country. So he got a ship fitted for the voyage, and at once set sail with her. Now, when they had got half the way the prince remembered that he had a pôpat (parrot) at home, which he would have liked to take with him, and he said to his wife: "Oh dear! I left my parrot behind me at
home."
This put the princess in mind of her mainú, which she, too, had forgotten at the time of leaving their palace, and so she, too, said: "Yes, dear, I, too, have left my maina behind me, which I should have liked to have taken with me."
They, therefore, turned their ship round homewards, and when they had returned to their house, the prince took his parrot and the princess her mains, and again set sail. After a favourable voyage they reached their destination, where they hired a large house, and put up there.
When a few days had passed the princess one day said to her husband: "My dear, we are now married and live happily. I should like to see my maina married to your parrot, and I am sure they will like it."
"Very. well," said the prince; "we have only to put them into one cage, and they will be a married couple. What more is necessary to be done?" The princess then told him to go and fetch a cage, which he did, and they both took the parrot and the mainá, and put them into it. Now it must be known that parrots and mainás seldom agree; so they pecked at each other, and pecked so long and so fiercely, that they plucked each other's feathers to such an extent that both began to bleed, and looked like lumps of live flesh.
The following, morning the prince took them some food, but he was astonished when he saw the state they were in, and wondered what was the matter with them, whereupon the maina said :
-
"Listen, O king, to my story. There once lived a king who had an only son, who was brought up with great tenderness, and when he was old enough he was married, whereon he left his father's house and lived with his wife. He was very profligate, and had many friends who were daily entertained at a sumptuously laid-out table. In the meanwhile his wife had gone to her parents' house. In the course of his profligacy the prince soon squandered all his treasure, and, as is always the case, his friends all abandoned him. The poor prince had now barely anything left to maintain himself on, and he thought he would go to his wife's house, where he doubted not he would be welcomed by his royal father and mother-in-law. He,
[A novel version of a very old tale. The previous tale published in Vol. XXI. p. 374 should have been numbered 14. ED.]

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therefore, took the earliest opportunity to go there, and, as he expected, he was given a cordial welcome.
"The prince lived in his wife's house for several months, when he again thought of his friends. So he told his father-in-law that he wished to take his wife with him. The father-inlaw had no objection; on the contrary he gave them plenty of money, and moreover offered to send his regiments with them, if necessary, to escort them. The prince, however, accepted the money, but refused to take any one with him.
"On the way they had to pass a forest, and he took this opportunity to rob his wife. He had recourse to the following stratagem. They had passed & well, and the prince said he felt very thirsty and wanted to drink some water from it, but the princess offered to go and fetch the water. Before she went her husband said to her:- 'You will do well to remove all the jewellery and costly garments you have on, for this forest is infested with thieves and rogues, and should any of them see you they are sure to rob and even kill you.'
"The princess thought her husband's advice sensible, and so divested herself of all her jewellery and costly garments, and went to the well to fetch the water. The prince quietly followed her to the well. She drew ont one loláh which she drank herself, and stooped to draw a second, when her husband caught her by the legs and threw her into the well, where she remained for a long time, but was rescued by & passer-by, and went back to her father's house. Her father asked her what was the matter, and why she came back in that state. She never said a word against her husband, but said that she had been robbed by thieves in the jungle, and did not know what had become of her husband
"The prince, after throwing his wife into the well, bundled up all her jewellery, money, and whatever else he could, and went to his own home. Once there, he again joined his wild friends and ate and drank with them, till be had once more squandered all his wealth, as well as his wife's jewellery and rich garments, which had brought him an immense sum of money. When everything had been disposed of, his friends, who saw he was sliding into poverty, again left him, and would not so much as even speak to him. What is a man to do in such circumstances ?
"He thought to himself: 'My wife is dead. I most go and tell some tales to my father-inlaw, and so squeeze some more money out of him, or how shall I live?'
“So thinking he started immediately for his father-in-law's house. After a tiresome journey he reached it, but to his utter embarrassment he saw his wife standing at a window of the palace. In shame and confusion he retraced his steps, but his wife, who was very kindhearted and pitied his condition, called out to him, and said : Come in, dear, come in. Why do you turn back? There is nothing surprising in your behaviour. Such occurrences are not very rare.'
"The prince, though quite ashamed and confused, again went and lived for some time with his wife at her father's house. A few months afterwards he again told his father-in-law that he wished to go home with his wife. His father-in-law allowed them to go with the greatest pleasure, again giving an immense sum of money, besides jewellery and garments to the princess. This time, however, the prince took his wife home in safety, and having given up his extravagance and bad society, lived with his wife in peace and prosperity."
And then the maind ended her story with this moral: "Such, o king, is the character of husbands, and you can now imagine to yourself the reason of my being in the position you see me."
When the maind had finished her story, the parrot said: "You have listened to the maind's talo, o king, which teaches us that husbands are bad; but wait one moment, and listen to my story, which will shew you that wives are no better than their husbands."
"Very well,” said the prince; "out with what you have to say."

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 15.
The parrot (popa!) then began :
"Listen, o king. There once lived in a certain country a well-to-do couple, husband and wife. It came to pass that the husband had to go to a distant country for employment, and there he had to spend several years. In his absence the wife was day and night visited by a paramour, with whom she ate and drank and made merry. When some ten or twelve years had elapsed she received a letter from her husband that he was soon coming back, and that she might expect bim on a certain day. That day soon came, and with it her husband, who came home with a large fortune; but when he reached his house, to his great regret he found his wife sick. Of course, she was not really sick, but only pretended to be so, and had tied up her head and ears with a kerchief, which gave her an appearance of a really sick person.
"During the day she sent a message privately to her paramour not to visit her, as her husband had come home, but that she would come to his bouse. The day passed, and night came on, and the husband, who had to perform the domestic business himself on acccunt of his wife's illness, being quite fatigued, went to bed and slept very soundly. In the dead of night the wife arose and took the road to her paramour's house.
"Now it happened that a dakait, who had learnt that the husband had come back after amassing a large fortane, thought of visiting his house that night with a view to carrying on his vocation of plundering. So just as the dákait at the dead of night was about to break into the house he saw the wife come out of it.
"I will not rob the house to-night, but will follow this woman, and watch where she goes, and what she does," said the dákait to himself, and went quietly after her.
"She went on and on for a long while till she came to her paramour's house, which she entered, and there saw her paramour apparently sleeping. But he was really desd, having boon visited by the wrath of God, and killed in his bed 12 Thinking he was only asleep, she called out to him in endearing terms, and threw herself on the corpse, but not a word came from him in return. Upon this she shook him and asked him why he was angry, why he did not speak to her, and such like qaestions. At length, after trying to make him speak for more than hour, she ceased from her attempts; but before going away she thought :- Well, well, if you will not speak to me, let me at least kiss you for perhaps the last time.'
"But as she put her lips to the corpse it opened its mouth and bit off her nose ! Streams of blood ran to the ground, and she was at a loss to know what to do; for how could she go home withoat & nose? What would her husband and her neighbours say? What answer was she to give when questioned about her nose? In this plight, and thus thinking she retraced her steps homewards.
"On her way there was a hut in which lived an old woman, on whom she called, told her everything, and asked her advice. The old woman was at once ready with an answer, and told her to resort to the following stratagem :
4 Go home,' she said; and quietly lie down beside your husband, and when you have been there for a little while, get up and make a noise, saying, My husband has bitten off my nose, my husband has bitten off my nose.' When people collect at the noise they will believe you!
"Having taken the old woman's advice, the wife went home, and lay down by the side of her hashand, who was still fast asleep. After balf an hour or so she got up and suddenly commenced bawling out :- My husband has bitten off my nose, my husband has bitten off my nose!' It was nearly dawn by this time, just at the time when people generally begin to be awake, and in consequence a great throng of neighbours was attracted by the wonderful story of a husband
The original expression for these words are: pun to nihald notd, tidld Parmdeordsan khidat dhari, ani tå meld; the literal meaning of which is: "but he was not asleep, God went him punishment, and he died."

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biting off his wife's nose! When the neighbours saw her they assumed she was telling the truth, and some of them advised her to lodge a complaint against her husband before the magistrate! Accordingly, she went and filed a suit at the magistrate's Court. Her husband was immediately summoned to answer the complaint, and as for evidence there was no lack, for had not the whole neighourhood seen his wife without her nose before dawn by his side?
"Her husband appeared before the magistrate, and pleaded ignorance of the matter, but was at last convicted and sentenced to be hanged. But fortunately for him, the dakait, who had watched his wife on her night's excursion, had also come to the Court to see how the case was being conducted, and what the ultimate result would be. He now stood up before the magistratet and asked leave to say a word or two, which was given him. He then told the story: first about himself, who and what he was; how, having learnt that the accused had come home after several years' absence bringing, with him a large fortune, he had determined to plunder his house, how, when he came in the night on his plundering errand, he saw the complainant come out of the house and go to her paramour's; how he changed his mind about plundering and followed her quietly; how he saw what she did with the corpse of her paramour, who was killed by the wrath of God; and how, finally, as she stooped to kiss him, the corpse bit off her nose! He also told the magistrate how she had entered the old woman's hut, who advised her to play the trick which had brought the accused before the magistrate. He then asked the magistrate to lend him the services of two peons, and on the magistrate complying with his request he went and brought the corpse with the piece of the nose still in its mouth! The magistrate ordered the part of the nose to be removed from the mouth of the corpse and to be placed on the nose of the wife, and it fitted her exactly!
"The magistrate then gave judgment accordingly, cancelled the sentence of death passed on the husband, and ordered instead the wife and the old woman to be hanged. The dakait was handsomely rewarded by her husband, and went away, and ever thereafter left off robbing.
"Such, O king, is the character of women. Judge for yourself the reason for the plight I am in."
When the prince had heard the stories of the mainá and the parrot, he saw there was a great deal of truth in both the stories! But at the end he got them both reconciled, and they then all lived happily together: the prince and the princess; and the parrot and the maina.
MISCELLANEA.
THE EVIL EYE.
With reference to Note B on page 168, Vol. XXI, ante, it is worthy of remark that similar ideas prevail in Burma as in Bihar. It is believed there that, if a person looks steadily at a child or animal and says how well or beautiful it is, it will forthwith become ill. This is called lú-son-kyà, i.e., "man-magic falls (to it)." The evil eye can be averted by a string called let-p'we (or armlet,) tied round the arm or neck, and this is even worn by pregnant women to protect the child within them. In the latter case, however, it is called mi-yat let-p'we, its more especial function being to protect against a hobgoblin, called Mi-yatma. Sometimes women are
hired for as long a period as five days simply to guard pregnant woman against this latter personage. The use of a string as an amulet is also known to the Southern Chins, as is shown by the following extract from Appendix IV. to my Essay on the Language of Southern Chins and its Affinities: -
"Four or five days after the birth of a child it is duly initiated into the clan and placed under the guardianship of the Khun. A cotton string, (called khunhlüng) is tied round its wrist for a few days; as a sign to all evil spirits that the child is under the latter's protection."
BERNARD HOUGHTON.
A
1 Also 'nok-son' 'mouth-magic' and let-son 'hand-magic.' Another expression is an-bydi

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
57
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
BY V. VENKAYYA, M.A.; BANGALORE. THE original of the subjoined inscription belongs to the Government Central Museum at
1 Madras, and is referred to in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 24 (Madras Museum Plate No. 15). Two impressions prepared by Dr. Fleet, and the original copper-plates which had been lent to Dr. Hultzsch, have been kindly placed by him at my disposal for publication in this Journal
The inscription is engraved on seven copper-plates, each measuring 11" by 4\", strung on a ring, whose diameter is about 31" and which is thick. The weight of the seven plates is 328tolas and that of the ring 11; total 3394 tolas. The ring contains no traces of having borne a seal, and the copper-plates seem to bave been issued without it. Each of the plates is slightly folded at the extremities, so as to make rims on two of the opposite sides in order to protect the writing from defacement. The first and the last plates are engraved only on one side, and the remaining five on both sides.
The inscription contains two passages in the Sanskrit language and the old Grantha character. The first of these consists of six verses in the beginning (lines 1 to 19) and the second of four of the customary imprecatory verses at the end. The rest of the inscription is in the Tamil language and the Vatteluttu or Chera-Pandya alphabet, as it has been termed by Dr. Hultzsch, but is interspersed with a large number of Sanskrit words written in the Grantha character. The following is a list of the words and syllables in the Tamil portion of the inscription which are written in the Grantha character:Line 33. ka-bhumi.
Line 56. from Bharggava , 34. bhumi.
to sútra. 40 Skala-dhana.
57. Bahvrijan Sîhu-Misra. * Laravinda-mukha.
W Yajia-vidyai. , 44. Karavandapu.
58 S sastra. , 16f. évamadi-vikrama.
Sujjata-Bhatta. 48. Manu-darssita-margga.
60. Srivara-magala. 49 s garu-charitam.
brahma-dêya. kaņdaka-bodhanai.
61f. sarvva-parihara. Koe S from Pandya-nathan
72. Påndya. to paramavaishyavan.
72f.matamgajäddhyakshan, 52. rajya-varsha.
76. mra-sasana. » 53. ndharmma.
. 76f. vådya-gêya-samgita. karınma.
Vaidya-kula. Magadha.
79. mahå-sâmanta. I mahide.
80. Vira. Sabdaļi.
81. Dhirataran Mürtti. 55. gråma.
, 84. mra-sâsana. I Vidya-dêvatai.
» 92f. Arikësari, The historical introduction (11. 19 to 46) is in High Tamil and possesses one characteristic of Tamil poetry, vis. constant alliteration. The only inscriptions in the Vattelutta alphabet that have been hitherto pablished, are the Tirunelli plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman which appeared in a former number of this Journal, and the three inscriptions mentioned by Dr. Hultzsch in the introductory remarks to his paper on those plates (ante, Vol. XX. p. 287).
49.
78.
1 ante, Vol. XX. pp. 285-292. Mr. S. M. Națêka Bistri has published his own version of this grant in the September number of Vol. IX of the Christian College Magazine. The following misreadinge in it may be noted as the most important:
Line 1. Sri Amachchar for frih - KÔ PÅkkaran.
, 9. irappattarâm , nálpputt-Arám.

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The alphabet employed in the sabjoined inscription differs slightly from that of the four others, In the latter, the individual characters have a tendency to slant towards the left, while in the former they are more straight. This has perhaps to be accounted for by the different nature of the writing materials commonly in use, and the mode of holding the style, prevalent in the two parts of Southern India to which these inscriptions severally belong. The use of Sanskrit words and Grantha characters is very common in the Påodya grant, while in the four others most of the Sanskrit words have assumed Dravidian forms and are written in the Vatteluttu alphabet. In the latter some of the characters are distinctly round, for example t, ?, ? and ?, while in the former they are not quite round. It is not possible to say which of these two is the more developed form, until the immediate source of the alphabet is determined, and the two types of characters compared individually with those of the parent alphabet. From other Pandya inscriptions which are published, we know that, besides the Vattelatta, the Tamil alphabet was also used in the Pandya kingdom. The former was probably imported from the Chora 'kingdom and the latter from the Chola country. As the earlier Pandya inscriptions, like the present one, are found engraved in the Vatteluttu character, and the later ones, like the stone inscriptions found at Madura, Tirupparaikunram and other places, and the large Tirappû vagam copperplate grant of Kulašəkhara-Påədya,- in the Tamil alphabet, it is not unreasonable to suppose that it was the former that was originally used in the Pandya kingdom. The latter was probably introduced during the time when the great Saiva devotees, Tiruvanasambandar and Tirunavukkaraiyar, flourished, or on the occasion of a subsequent Chôļa conquest. The forms which the characters have assumed in the present inscription, might be due to the influence of the Tamil alphabet on the original Vattelattu. This Pandya grant also throws some light on the Vatteluttu numerals, as the plates are numbered on their left margins. The number on the third plate is rather indistinct, and the symbols for four, five, six and seven seem to be closely allied to the corresponding ones used in Tamil inscriptions, while those for one and two do not exhibit any intimate connection with the known South Indian pamerals. The investigation of the origin of the Vattelutta numerals is closely connected with, and must throw considerable light on the question of the immediate source of the Vatteluttu alphabet. We must have a complete set of the Vatteluttu numerals and their earlier forms, and the earlier forms of the Vatteluttu alphabet, before we can speculate on the origin of either of them, or on the relation which existed between them. Dr. Burnell has expressed himself as follows on this question :-"Of all the probable primitive alphabets with which a comparison of the Vattelutta is possible, it appears to me that the Sagsanian of the inscriptions presents most points of resemblance."2 A comparison of the Vatteluttu characters with the Tamil alphabet, which is used in ancient inscriptions found in the Chola country and in other Tamil districts, yields the following results :--The symbols for {, , , , , ! and I are almost the same in both, while those for a, á, u, ki, o, k, i, ch, p, m, y, v,
Line 3. fa dipattil for Binnattil.
5. Sevvarangôn . Sarnarsó-Köda. » 7. munga-vvaļum.. mudagura vålam.
... vapepodippadiy' for vannu ti[ra]vadiy. 9. aratkkadaviya for knda-kkadaviya. , 11. kodukkum kalukkum. , 12. orättag
Ör-Ottarsi. » 13. kôņamappa k Anam pop.
20. vil chohila and pasaiyar for vilakkil and vagaiyra. 21. Ada raitti kai for attai-ttitai. 27. adichchu , alikku.
28. ...m Maka! and feari for matagal and i-siri. .. 29. pappinada and Malaippalli for apnipru and Malaiyampalli. 33. Nidatangana tradey for odadaru Karaibagorsabbs.
. yürde Aidamandarai munachchappotti for norru-siymbatt-el-arai k Aba poppi.
. 356. bonnan for Karsiffiandr sabha). The soven small lines of writing on the right margin of the second side of the second plate seem to have been entirely ignored.
South Indian Palmography, 2nd edition, p. 51.

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and n are not quite dissimilar, and those for i, e, ai, , t and n do not exhibit any points of close resemblance. In the subjoined inscription more than two hundred and fifty of the virámas are distinctly marked, in most cases by means of a dot attached to the top of the letter. In some cases the dot is attached to the right or to the left of the letter. There is no attempt at marking the viramas either in the Jews' grant or in the Syrian Christians' grants, ---- if the copies published in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII. are faithful, -as well as in the Tirunelli grant. As regards Tamil inscriptions, we find that the viramas are some
imes marked only in the oldest ones. If the marking of the viráma had the same history in the Vatteluttu script as it seems to have had in Tamil inscriptions, we should conclude that the present grant belongs to a time earlier than any of the inscriptions from the Western coast hitherto discovered.
Of the Pandya kingdom nothing like a connected history is known, and it is doubtful if it will ever be possible to get a really trustworthy account of it from the earliest times. That it was a very ancient one, is established ky various facts. According to some versions of the Mahabharata, Arjuna is believed to have gone to the Pandya kingdom during his rambles in the South. The Buddhist king Asoka refers to the Påndyas in one of his edicts. The late Dr. Caldwell considered it nearly certain that it was a Påndya king who had sent an ambassador to the emperor Augustus of Rome. From the Greek geographers who wrote after the Christian era, we learn that the Pandya kingdom not only existed in their time, but rose to special importance among the Indian states, though no names of Pandya kings are known. Tuttukkudi (Tuticorin), Korkai, Kayal, Kallimeda (Point Calimere), Kumari (Cape Comorin) and Pamban (Paumben) were known to the ancient Greeks.7 Kalidasa, the great dramatist, refers to the Påndya kingdom as one of the provinces overrun by Raghu in his tour of conquest. The astronomer Varahamihira refers to this kingdom in his Brihatsahhita. The frequent mention of the Pandyas in ancient inscriptions shows that the kingdom continued to exist and that some of its rulers were very powerful. The Western Chalukya king Pulikesin II. (A. D. 610 to 634) boasts of having conquered the Pandyas among others.10 The Pallavas are constantly reported to have conquered the Pandyas. The inscription of Nandivarman Pallavamalla published by the Rev. T. Foulkes, refers to a victory gained by the Pallava general Udayachandra against the Pandya army in the battle of Mannaikudi 11 The Chalukyas, - Western as well as Eastern, -- and the Rashtrakata kings sometimes boast in their inscriptions of having conquered the Påndyas.12 It was, however, with the Cheras and the Cholas that the Pandya history was more intimately connected. They formed the three kingdoms' of the South,13 and were constantly at feud with one another. Each of the kings
Compare Dr. Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pp. 113 and 147; Madras Christian College Magazine, Vol. VIII. pp. 99 and 273.
• It is in connection with a marriage of Arjuna that the Påndya kingdom is supposed to be mentioned in the Mahabharata. Dr. Caldwell (History of Tinnevelly, p. 18) says that only the Tamil prose translation and the southern Saaskrit versions of the epic state that Arjuna's bride belonged to the Pandya family, while most of tho northern Sanskrit versions state that her father was the king of Manipura.
ante, Vol. V. p. 272. History of Tinnevelly, p. 17. Captain Tufnell in his Hints to Coin-collectors in Southern India, Part II. p. 8, says that the small insignificant Roman copper coins found in and around Madura in such large numbers and belonging to types different from those discovered in Europe, point to the probability of the existence at one time of a Roman settlement at or near that place. Mr. Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 291, seems to have first started this theory to explain the discovery of the small Roman coine.
1 See ante, Vol. XIII. p. 330 ff. and Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, pp. 17-22. • Raghuvansa, iv. 49. Dr. Kern's edition, iv. 10.
10 See ante, Vol. VIII. p. 245. 11 ante, Vol. VIII. p. 276; the reading of the first line of Blate iv. first side, is not Mannaiku[eangrame as the published text bas it, but Mannaikuti-gråme.
19 For the Western Chalukya conquest of the Pandyas see Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties of the Bombay Presia dency. pp. 27, 28 and 39. Only one of the Rashtrakata kings is explicitly stated to have conquered the PApdyne. For the Eastern Chalakya conquest see South-Indian Inscriptions Vol. I. p. 51.
18 In Tamil, the phrase mw-aralar, 'the three kings,' is used to denote the Chêra, the Chola and the Pandya kinga. In Tamil inscriptions maua- dyar, and in Kanarese ones miru-rayaru aro used to mean the same three king; see South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 111, note 8.

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of any one of these dynasties often called himself the destroyer of the other two kingdoms.14 As the history of the Chêras is now very little known, we have only what has been done for the Chola history to fall upon. The Chôļa king Parantaka I. calls himself Madirai-konda, or in Sanskrit, Madhurantaka, 'the destroyer of Madura.' Mr. Foulkes' inscription of the Bana king Hastimalla reports that Parântaka I. conquered BAjasimha-Pandya,16 One of the grandsons of the same Chôļa king was also called Madhurântaka, while one of his great-grandsons, Aditya-Karikala, "contended in his youth with Vira-Pandya,"l0 and another great-grandson, Ko-Rajakúsarivarman alias Rajarajadeva, “deprived the Seliyas (i. e, the Pandyas) of their splendour."17 In two of the Tanjore inscriptions (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. No. 3, paragraphs 5 and 6, and No. 59, paragraphs 2, 3, 4, 9 and 11), the conquest of the Pandyas is mentioned along with that of Seraman, the Chêra king, and in one of them (No. 59, paragraph 3), it is said that both of them were defeated in Malai-nadu. Perhaps this shows that the Chera king and the Pandyas united together in opposing Rajaraja. The son of the last-named Chôļa king, Ko-Parakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Choladeva, was also called Madhurântaka.18 The imineuse number of copper coins found in the Madara bázár, containing the legend Rajaraja, and the Chola inscriptions which are reported to be found in the Paņdya country, 19 almost establish the Chola conquest. Dr. Hultzsch's latest Progress Report (Madras G. 0. datel 6th August 1892, No. 544, Public) mentions several Pandya princes. Of these, Manabharana, Vira-Kerala, Sundara-Pandya, and Lankòbvara alias Vikrama-Pandya, who hail undertaken an expedition against Vikramabahu of Ceylon, were contemporaries of the Chola king KO-Rajakosarivaman alias Rajadhirajadeva (No. 12 of Dr. Hultzsch's list); Vira-Kosarin, the son of Srivallabha, was a contemporary of Ko-Rajakesarivarman alias Vira-Rajendradeva I. (No. 14 of the list). A third Chôļa king, No. 18. Parakesarivarman alins Vira-Rajendradeva II., whom Dr. Hultzsch identifies with the Eastern Chalukya Kulottung 2-Choda II., is reported to have cut off the nose of the son of ViraPandya, to have given Madura to Vikrama-Pandya, and to have cut off the head of Vira. Pandya.” In the inscriptions of the Chola king Rajarajadêva, found at Tanjore and else. where, the Pandyas are always mentioned in the plural number ('Seliyar, Pandyar). An inscription, found on one of the walls of the great temple at Chidambaram in the South Arcot district, reports that Kulottunga-Chola conquered the five Påņdyas.' 20 The defeat of the five Pandyas' is also referred to in the historical introduction of the inscriptions of KoRajakesarivarman alias the emperor Srt-Kalôttunga-Chölndêva (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. No. 58, and ante, Vol. XXI. p. 286), who was evidently identical with the KulôttungaChola of the Chidambaram iuscription. Again, the word Panchavan, one of the five,' is used in inscriptions as well as in Tamil literature as a title of the Pandya kings. It may, therefore, be concluded that very often, if not always, there were five Pandya princes
16 The seals of Paņdya copper-plate grants, of which two are now known, and published in Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, - one belonging to the large Tiruppuvapam graut and the other to the "Madacolam” grant, - contain the following emblems: -two fish, a tiger and a bow. The fish was the Pâpdya emblem. But the insertion of the tiger and the bow, the Chola and the Chira emblems, is meant to indicate that the kings who issued these grants, conquered the Cholas and the Chéras. In the description of the seals of the two Leyden copper-plate grants, published in the Archeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. only the fish and the tiger are mentioned. The bow, which must have boun there, bas evidently been mistaken for something else. Some of the Chola coins alec three emblems; e. 3. No. 152 of Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, whose legend has been read by Dr. Hultzsch as Gangai-konda Chilak (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 323), and Nos. 153 and 154 of the same, whose legends are Srl Rajendral and Uttama-Chólal, respectively. 16 Salem Manual, Vol. II. p. 372 (verse 11).
18 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 112. 17 ibid. pp. 65 and 95.
18 Lines 87 f. of the large Leyden grant (Archaological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. p. 208), and South. Indian Inecriptions, Vol. I. p. 112.
10 Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. pp. 286 and 287; Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, p. 29. In one of the Tanjore inscriptions (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. No. 36) Påndi-nidu is otherwise called Eljardjamandalam. This confirms Rajaraja's conquest of the Pandyu.
South-Indian Inscription, Vol. I. p. 168.

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ruling at the same time.21 Almost throughout the Tamil districts of Southern India we meet with Pandya inscriptions which, to judge from the characters employed in them, must belong to some of the later kings. Among these may be mentioned Sundara, Vira, Vikrams, Kulasekhara and Parakrama, Marco Polo mentions a “Sonder Bandi” of the Pandya dynasty, 22 who may be identical with the Sandara-Pandya of the inscriptions. Later on, the Pandya kingdom fell a prey to the ambition of the Vijayanagara kings and their feudatories. Coins bearing one or other of the names 'Sundara-Pandiyan (Sundara-Pandya), Vira-Pandiyan (Vira-Pand , and Kulasegaran (Kulabokhara), are not infrequently met with in the bázárs of Tanjore anu Madura. Another coin, bearing the legend 'Samarakôlagalan (i.e. in Sanskrit, Samarakólahala),33 a name which occurs in the traditional lists of Pandya kings, is also often found. He was a king whose dominions extended as far north as Kanchipura where an inscription, dated during his reign, is found, and contains the 'Saka date 1391 expired.21 From this inscription we learn that he was also called Puvanêkavîran (i. e, in Sanskrit Bhuvanaikavira), a name which is likewise found on coins.25 Coins bearing the legends Kachchi-valangum Perumin,28 Ellántalaiy-ánún, 27 Jagavíra-Ráman,29 Kaliyuga-Ráman,29 Séra-lula-Raman, 30 and Pútala,31 are generally ascribed to the Pandya dynasty. From Tamil inscriptions we learn that the capital of the Pandyas was Madura, and that their dominions were often very extensive. That their emblem was the fish, is borne out by inscriptions as well as coins.39 From certain names which occur in Kanarese inscriptions, and which are referred to in Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties of the Bombay Presidency, it may be concluded that there was a family of Pandya chiefs ruling in the North as feudatories of one or other of the Kanarese dynasties. Probably, some member of the Pandya dynasty of Madura. for some unknown reason, migrated to the North and established for himself a small principality; and his successors appear to have preserved their family name. TribhuvanamallaPàdyadeva, 33 Vira-Pandyadêva34 and Vijaya-Pandyadê va35 were ruling the Noņambavadi
11 The Kalingattu-Parani (canto xi. verse 63) mentions five Pandya princes who had been defeated by Kulôttunga-Chola. This king was, as bas been shown by Mr. Kanakasabbai Pillai (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 338) and Dr. Fleet (ante, Vol. XX. p. 279 f.), identical with the Eastern Chalukya Kulôttunga Chodadeva I. (Saka 985 to 1034), and it is very probable that it is this defeat of the Pandyas that is referred to in the Chidambaram inscription and in the inscriptions found at Tanjore and other places.
12 Dr. Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, p. 35. But see ante, Vol. XXI. p. 121, where the date of the accession of Sundara-Pandya is calculated from materials supplied by Dr. Hultzsch. We have thus obtained the date of one of the several Sundaras.
23 Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, Nos. 134 and 135.
24 Dr. Hultzsch's Progress Report for February to April 1890, Madras G. O. dated 14th May 1890, No. 355, Pablic. 36 Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, No. 133.
26 ibid. No. 145. 17 This is the reading of the legend on Elliot's No. 136 soggested by Dr. Holtzsch (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 324) who ascribes it to Sundara-Pån ya. The Rev. J. E. Tracy of Tiramangalam, in his paper on Pandya coins, published in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, had read Ellen
*Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India, No. 144. This legend has been read by Mr. Tracy.
» Mr. Tracy's Pandyan Coins, No. 3, and Elliot's No. 147. In an inscription of the Jambukébvara temple on the island of Srirangam (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 121) Sandara Påniya is called Lanka dvipa-luntana-dvitiya-Rama,' a second RAma in plandering the island of Lanka. It is not impossible that the biruda Kaliyuga. Raman bears the same meaning and is intended to denote the same Pandya king.
» Mr. Tracy's Pandyan Coins, No. 11 (wrongly for No. 6).
n ibid. No. 1. The legend on No. 139, Plato iv. of Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India has been read Korkai-andar. But the correct reading seems to be :-[1.] Son- [2.] du ko. [3.] ndáin). Sônádu means 'the Chola country. One who conquered the Chola cantry' would be an appropriate biruda fora Pandya king. In the Tiruppamikunram inscription, published in the Archaological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. Sandara Pandya has the birada Sinada valangiy-aruliya, one who is pleased to distribute the Chola country,' which bas been misread (pp. 44 f.) Sérandu-valangiyaruliya.
$ The Bov. E. Loventhal in his Coins of Tinnevelly (p. 7) says that "there must have been two distinct Pånd ya dynasties, one in Korkai and one in Madura, and there were several branch lines, especially of the Madura Pandyas. Both the chief lines had the elephant and the battle are as their royal marks,
e as their royal marke, probably because they were closely related to ench other." He adds (p. 8) that, later on, "the Madura Pandyas chose the fish mark as their dynastic emblem, that is, when they left Baddhism they changed who elephant mark and took instead of it a pure Vishņu mark--the fish." - Dr. Fleet's Kanarose Dynasties of the Bombay Presidency, p. 51.
ibid. p. 52.
ibid. p. 53.

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Thirty-two thousand as contemporaries of the Western Chalukya kings Vikramaditya VI., Sômêsvara III. and Jagadėkamalla II. respectively. A Yadava inscription belonging to the time of Krishna (Saka 1175), refers to "the Pandyas who shone at Gutti." The Hoysala king Ballila II. " restored to the Pandya his forfeited kingdom when he humbled himself before him." The kingdom referred to consisted of Uchchangi, - part of the Konkana,and the districts of Banavasi and Pânungal.37
62
So much of the Pandya history we learn from inscriptions, numismatics and contemporary authorities. We shall now see what Tamil literature has to say on this dynasty. The following are some of the Tamil works which may be expected to throw some light on Pandya history: Tiruvilaiyáḍalpuranam, Periyapuranam, Pattuppattu and Purappatlu. The boundaries of the Pandya kingdom are thus laid down in Tamil works:- the river Vellaru to the north; Kumari (Cape Comorin) to the south; the sea to the east; and 'the great highway' to the west. According to Dr. Caldwell, the river Vellâru is the one which rises in the Trichinopoly district, passes through the Pudukkottai state, and enters the sea at Point Calimere; and the same scholar has identified the great highway' with the Achchankôvil pass.38 This would include a part of the modern state of Travancore into the Pandya kingdom. The Pandya king is often called Korkaiyáli, 'the ruler of Korkai.' From this fact it may be concluded that Korkai was once the Pandya capital:39 In later times the seat of the government was certainly Kudal (i. e. Madura). The Tiruvilaiyáḍalpuráņam is an account of the divine sports of Siva, as represented by the god at Madura, and professes to give a history of that town and its kings from very early times. It also furnishes a list of Pandya kings, most of the names in which sound more like birudas than actual names. Whether the accounts given in this work are based on genuine tradition or not, it has not been possible to determine from a lack of ancient Paulya inscriptions. It is almost certain that there are some historical facts contained in it. But they are so much mixed up with myths and legends that it is at present hardly possible to distinguish historical facts from worthless matter. The sixth verse in the Sanskrit part of the subjoined inscription refers to victories gained by some of the ancient Pandya kings over Indra, Varana and Agni, and reports that the garland of Indra had been wrested from him by the Pandya kings, and that some of them survived the great Kalpa. Some of the chapters of the Tiruvilaiyáḍalpuráṇam describe the futile attempts made by Indra to destroy the Pandya capital, Madura. One of these consisted in inducing Varuna to flood the city and drown it under water. A great deluge is said to have occurred during the reign of the Pandya king Kirtivibhushana, after which 'Siva re-created Madura as it was before. It is this legend that is referred to in the present inscription by the words mahákalp-ápad-uttúrishu. Again, in the chapter headed Varagunanukku-chchivalókan-gaṭṭiya paḍalam ("the chapter which describes how Varaguna was shewn the world of Siva"), the then reigning king Varaguna-Pandya is said to have gained a victory over the Chola king. In the 18th verse of this chapter, the Chola king is described as Néri-pporuppan, and his army denoted by the expression Killi-senai. It is not impossible that it was the Chôla king Ko-Kkilli who is spoken of as having been defeated by Varaguna-Pandya. This Chôla king is mentioned in the large Leyden grant and the copper-plate inscription of the Bana king Hastimalla, as one of the ancestors of Vijayalaya. The Kalingattu-Parani also mentions him, though not by name.
38 ibid. p. 73. 37 ibid. p. 68. "History of Tinnevelly, p. 24 f. 39 See note 33, above. 40 Dr. Caldwell, in the Introduction (p. 139) to the second edition of his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, says that this purina was very probably translated from Sanskrit at the request of Ativirarama-Pandya, the poet king of Madura, and that it dates from the 16th century. To this Pandya king is generally attributed the composition of the Tamil poem called Naidadam (Naishadha); see the remarks on pp. 144 f. of the Introduction to the Comparative Grammar as regards the other literary productions of this king.
41 In verse 18 of the chapter headed Iraia-parampariyam, he is described as follows: tani naḍand -Uragartangan-mani kondav-avan, 'he, who, walking alone, seized the jewel of the Uragas (Nagas).' In Pandit V. Samindaiyar's edition of the Pattuppattu, p. 111, the same king is called Nagapattinatta-Chcholan, and the tradition about the birth of an illegitimate son to him by the Naga princess is referred to. In other Tamil works the name KilliValavan oocurs; see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 839.

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That Varaguna-Pandya was a historical personage, is shewn by the same Bina grant, which reports that the Ganga king Prithivipati, who was a contemporary of Amôghavarsha, defeated the Pandya king Varaguņa in the battle of Bri-Purambiya (not Sripura, as it is on page 373 of the Salem Manual, Vol. II.). Sri-Parambiya has probably to be identified with the village called Tiru-Parambiyam in Sundaramarti-Nayanar's Téváram, and Purambayam in Tirufậnasambandar's Téváram. The exact place occupied by Ko-K kisli in the Chôļa genealogy, is not known. The two inscriptions wbich mention the early Chola kings, say that Karikala, KôChchamka nån and Ko-Kkilli belonged to the Chola family. Of these two authorities, the Leyden grant mentions Karikála first and Ko-Kkilli last, wbile the Bana inscription mentions KoKkilli first and K 8-Chcbam kan last. The Kalingattu-Parans mentions KO-Kkilli first and Karikala last. Thus the three authorities for Chola history that are now known, do not give a regular genealogy for this period, and one may doubt if it will ever be possible to reconstruct it and to determine the dates of these kings from Chola inscriptions alone. There is only one Varaguņa mentioned in the traditional lists of the Pandya kings. Consequently, the information that we now possess for Påndya bistory, offers no obstacles to the identification of the Varaguņa-Pandya of the Bâņa inscription with the Varaguņa of the Tiruvilaiyadalpuránam. This purana has a chapter 43 which describes how the 'god at Madura' sent the great musician Bana-Bhadra with a letter to Seraman Perumal, the Chöra king, who was a contemporary of the Saiva devotee Sundaramurti-Nayanar. The letter directed the Chêra king to give presents to the musician, which was duly done. The same event is referred to in that chapter of the Periyapuránam which gives an account of the life of 'Seraman Perumal. In this narrative we have perhaps to take the god at Madura' to mean the Påndya king. If this saggestion is correct, it would imply that the Chêra king was a vassal of the Pandya. From the Tiruvilaiyadalpuránam we also learn that the old college (Sangam) of Madura was established during the reign of a certain Vamsasekhara-Pandya, and was provided with a miraculous seat (palagai) by the god Sundarêśvara.45
The second of the works enumerated as throwing some light on the Pandya history, is the Periyapuranam. The accounts contained in this work may be considered less open to question, as some of the statements made in it have been strongly confirmed by recent discoveries. As the author of the work does not profess to write a history, but only the lives of the sixty-three devotees of Siva, the historical information contained in it is only incidental. One of these sixty-three devotees was Nedumaran, a Pandya king. He is described as having been victori. ous in the battle of Nelveli.46 . This is probably Tinnevelly (Tirunelveli). As the battle was fought in the Pandya country itself, it implies that the king only succeeded in repelling an invader from the North or from Ceylon. We are told that he married a daughter of the Chola king, whose name is not mentioned, that he was originally a Jaina by religion, and that his queen, who was a Saiva at heart, sent for the great Tirunanasambandar, who succeeded in converting the king to the Saiva religion through a miraculous care of his malady, which the Jaina priests could not make any impression upon. The date of this Pandya king and, with it, that of Tiruñanasambandar are still wrapt in mystery. That Dr. Caldwell's identification 67 of this king, who was also called Sundara-Pandya, with Marco Polo's "Sonder Bandi" is incorrect, and that the three great Saiva devotees Tiru lánasambandar, Tirunavukkaraiyar and Sundaramarti-Nayapár must have flourished prior to the eleventh century A. D., is, however,
43 Sir Walter Elliot, in his Coins of Southern India, p. 123 f. hns published six lists of Paplya kings. In the firet, two kings are mentioned with the name Varaguņa, while each of the other five mentions only one king of that name.
13 Tirumugan-godutta padalam, p. 227 of the Madras edition of 1888. 44 Chapter 37 of the Madras edition of 1884. 46 Sanga-ppalngai landa paralam, chapter 51 of tho Madras edition of 1889.
* Nolucli venta mira-fr-Nedumarat Nedumiran, whoso fortune was constant (and) who gained (the battle of) Nelveli,' occurs in verse 8 of the Tirutt dattogai, which contains a liet of the sixty-tbree devotees of Siva, and wbich WAS composed by Sandaramůrti-Nayapar.
*T Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, Introduction, pp. 189 f.

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clearly established by inscriptions found in the great temple at Tanjore. The Periyapuránam informs us that one of the Chola kings ruled also over the Pandya kingdom. This was the Saiva devotee Ko=Chchengat-Cha-Nayanir, who was also called Sengañar. The same king is, as stated above, mentioned in the large Leyden grant as one of the ancestors of the Chola king Vijayalaya. His conquest of one of the Chêra kings is described in a small work called Kalavuli. nárpadu, the text and translation of which have been published in this Journal (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 258-265). The Periyapuranam tells us that he built several temples of Siva in different places. Sundaramûrti-Nayanar refers in his Téváram to one at Nappilam in the Tanjore district, 50 and Sundaramûrti's predecessor, Tiruñanasambandar, to another at TiruAmbar,51 This last reference furnishes us with one of the limits for the period of the latter poet, the other limit being the time of Sêraman Perumal, who was a contemporary of the former poet.
Another of the Tamil works which may be of use to the student of Pandya history, is the Pattuppástu (i. e. "the ten poems"). As the name implies, it consists of ten poems, or rather idyls, composed by different members of the college of Madara, to which reference has already been made. Of these, two are dedicated to Nedunjeliyan, a Pandya king. The first of these two, called Madurai-kkúnji, was composed by Marudaņâr of Maigudi, and the second, called Nedunalvádai, by Nakkfranar, the president of the college. The first refers to a battle fought at Talai-Alanganam by the Pandya king against the Chêra and the Chôļa kings and some minor chiefs.62 Some of the ancestors of Neduñjeliyan are also incidentally mentioned. The name of one of them was Vadimbalambaninra-Pandiyan according to the commentary.53 This, however, could not have been the actual name of the king, but only a biruda. Another of the ancestors of Neduñjeliyan was Pal-yaga-sâ lai-muda-kudumi-Peruvaludi, whose piety is very highly spoken of. As I shall have occasion to speak of this king in an article on another Påndya grant which I am going to publish, I shall now be content with a mere mention of his name.
The last of the Tamil works above enumerated, as being of some use to students of Pandya history, is the Purappattu. This work is unpublished, and consequently, the historical value of its contents cannot now be stated precisely. The Purappá!!is said to describe in detail the battle of Talai-Alanganam,65 which is referred to in the Madurai-kkanji. Mr. P. Sundaram Pillai, M. A., of the Maharaja's College at Trivandram, refers, in an article published in the August number of Vol. IX of the Madras Christian College Magazine, to another work called “Eraiyanar Agapporul." This work, he adds, is generally ascribed to Nakkirar and celebrates the prowess of Pandya king who is called Arikêsari, Varðdaya, Parinkusa and Vichari, and mentions among his conquests “Vilinjam (near Trivandram), Kottar (near Nagercoil), Naraiyaru, Chêvoor, Kadaiyal, Anukudi and Tinnevelly." It is thus clear that Tamil literature is not devoid of works that throw some light on Pandya history. Their contents, however, have not been appreciated, because we have not had the means to test their usefulness. It is important here to note that the Sinhalese Chronicles might, with advantage, be consulted to elucidate some of the points in Pandya history, which may be left obscure by Tamil literature and the Pandya inscriptions.
As I have already remarked, the subjoined inscription opens with six Sanskțit verses. Of these, the first invokes Brahman, the second Vishnu and the third Siva. This might be taken as an indication of the non-sectarian creed of the reigning king. As, however, he has the biruda
18 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. Nos. 38 and 41.
- Tenang-dy-ulaganda Songan dr, 'Bongapir who became a Pandya and ruled the world,' oocure in verse 11 of the Tiruttondattogai. * Page 14 of the Madras edition of 1884.
01 Page 169 of the namo. 01 The following are the names of the minor chiefs (kuri-nila-mapnar) mentioned on page 189 of Pandit V. BAmi. nAdaiyar's edition : Tidiyap, Eluni, Erumaiyran, Irungo-Yonmap and Porunap.
Page 185 of the same. M Page 29 of the same; in the text of the poem (p. 180, line 759) Pal-Alai-muda-kudumi occurs. # See noto on page 189 of the same.

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65
parama-Vaishṇava, the most devoted follower of Vishņu,' in line 51, and as, in l. 35 f., he is reported to have built a temple to Vishnu, we have to understand that the king, though a worshipper of Vishņu, was not intolerant towards other religions. The fourth verse describes the Pandya luce as descended from the Moon as ancestor. The fifth refers to Maravarman and some of his ancestors, and describes him as the destroyer of the Pallavas' (Pallava-bhanjana). The sixth verse describes his son Jațilavarman. The Tamil portion is dated during the seventeenth year of the reign of Nequñjadaiyan. Evidently, Jaţilavarman and Neduñjadaiyan denote the same individual and are synonymous, Jalila is the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tami! Sadaiyan (one who has matted hair), a name which is also applied to 'Siva.66 The adjective Nedum may qualify the word sadai, and the name would then mean one whose matted hair is long.' But it is more probable that Nedum has to be understood as a sort of title prefixed to the names of some of the Pandya kings. In line 61 of the Madurai-kekanji, a Tamil poem already referred to, one of the Pandya kings is called Nediyop. Nedumaran of the Periyapuranam and Nedunjeliyan of the Puttuppá!tu are names in which the prefix Nedum is used as a title. If translated, these two names might mean the tall Pandya.' The names Nedumâ ran, Neduñjeliyan and Neduõjadaiyan are quite similar, and one is almost tempted to think that they must have denoted the same individual. Beyond this similarity of the mere names we possess no materials for their identification. In the present inscription, the king Neduvjadaiyan is called Tennan, Vanavan and Sembiyan. Tennavan or Tennan, 'the king of the South,' is used as a title of Pandya kings in Tamil inscriptions and literature., Vanavan and Sembiyan are titles applied to the Chöra and Choļs kings, respectively. The fact that this Pandya king assumed the Chêra and Choļa titles, shows that he conquered those kings, or was, at least, believed to have done so. A similar fact in connection with Chola history is revealed by tbe title Mummudi-Choļa, which was assumed by one at least of the Chola kings. Mummuļi. Chola means 'the Chola king who wore three crowns, viz. the Chêra, the Chola and the Pandyu crowns.'67 After giving the above-mentioned titles of the king, the Tamil portion of the inscription enters into an account of his military achievements which occupies nearly two plates. The battles of Vellar, 68 Vinnam and Seliyakkudi against an unknown enemy are first mentioned. The king next attacks a certain Adiyan and puts him to fight in the battles of Ayiravoli, Ayirarlo and Pugaliyar. The Pallavas and Koraļas, who are his allies, are also attacked and defeated. The king of Western Kongu is subsequently attacked, and his ele. phants and banner taken as spoils. The whole of Kongu is then subdued, and "the noisy dram suunds his (i. e. the king's) name throughout Kankabhumi." The king enters Kanjivayeppdrar, and builds a temple "resembling a hill” to Vishņu. The ruler of Von is then conquered and put to death; his town of Viliam," whose fortifications are as strong as those of the fort in Lauka," is destroyed, and "his elephants, horses, family treasure and good country" captured. The Pâņdya king afterwards builds & wall with a stone ditch round the town of Karavandapuram.
56 A facsimile of the seal of the Tiruppuranam copper-plate grant, a transcript and translation of which are pabliebed in the Archaeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. pp. 21-38, is given on page 128 of Sir W. Elliot's Coins of Southern India. It contains a Sanskrit inscription which ends with the same Jatilavarman. In line 13 of the first plate of the inscription occurs the Tamil form of this name, vis. Sadaivarman, and in line 14, the attual name of the king, Kulaikharadeva.
T See note 14, above. In the Tiruppuvana oopper.plato grant the name Vel]ūr-koruchchi oouurs twice (Archæological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. p. 28, Plate xi , lines 8 and 5) in the description of the boundaries of the granted village. A. the word kuruchchi is not found in Tamil dictionaries, it is probable that kuruchchi is a mistake, if not miereading, for kurichchi, whicb has almost the same meaning as the word puravu, which precedes the name Voffor in the text of the present inscription. Vellar-kurichohi means' Vellar, (which is) a village belonging to a hilly or forest tract, and purávil Vellor which occurs in the text, would mean' Vellor, (which is situated) in a forest or hilly tract.' Copa qnently, it is not impossible that the two villages are the same. Mr. Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 248, mentions a village called Vellar in the Malabar district, which is 28 miles north-north-west of Cannanore. Another village of the same name is mentioned in the Archæological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. p. 77, text line 60.
50 It is not certain if Ayiraveli and Ayirar have to be taken udenoting two distinct villages. It is not impossible that Ayiror is the name of the village and Ayira-véli means one thousand wilis (of land). Perhaps the village of Ayirur bad only one thousand udlie of cultivated land.

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The battle of 'Seliyakkudi was one of the first fought by the king. The name which means *the Pandya village, '60 might indicate that it was situated in the Pandya country. If it was, the battle must have been fought either against a foreign invader or a rebelbous feudatory. It is not apparent who Adiyan was, against whom the king next tarned his arms. Áyiraveli, where one of the battles against Adiyan was fought, was probably included in the Chola dominions, as it is said to have been situated on the northern bank of the Kåvéri. The fact that the Pallava and Kerala kings were his allies, might indicate that he was not a minor chief. These considerations lead to the inference that he was probably a Ohola. Nedaõjadaiyan calls himself Sembiyan ( e. the Chőļa), bat the conquest of the Cholas is not explicitly stated in the historical introduction, and no Chôla king of the name Adiyan is known. The kings of that dynasty had, each of them, several names and many birudas.61 There are, however, only two cases known from inscriptions, of wars between the Chola and Pandya kings, in which the names of the contending kings are given. Of these, the first is the war between Râjasimha-Pandya and the Choļa king Parántaka I. which is mentioned in the inscription of the Bina king Hastimalla, and the second is that between the Chola king Aditya-Karikala and Vira-Pandya, which is referred to in the large Leyden grant. It is more probable that Adiyan was identical with the king of Western Kongu, who was captured by Nedoñjadaiyan. Adigaiman, also called Adigan, is mentioned in the Periyapuranam as an enemy of the Saiva devotee Pugal-80la, a Cho!a king whose capital was Karuvar (i. e. Karur in the Coimbatore district). Adigaiman and Elipi are mentioned in the unpublished Tamil work Puranánúru, as kings, in whose praise the well-known Tamil poetess Auvaiyar composed several verses. In his South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 106, Dr. Hultzsch has published an inscription which refers to certain images set up by Adigaiman Blini, and to their repair by a successor of his, who was called Vyamuktabravaņojjvala (in Tamil, Vidukâdalagiya), the lord of Takata, and who was the son of a certain Rajaraja. This Takata has probably to be identified with Tagadar, which is referred to in the Purananúru as having been captured by a Chêra king. The syllables which are transcribed as Kâñjivây&ppêrûr, may also be written Kåñjivây-ppêrûr. In Sundaramürti-Nayanar's Téváram (Foster Press edition, 1883, p. 114; Arunachala Madaliyâr's 3rd edition of the Periyapuranam, 1884, pp. 7 and 22) Kanjivâyppêrûr is mentioned. But there is no clue given as to the situation or the village. Consequently, we cannot decide whether the village mentioned in the present inscription has to be identified with that referred to in the Téváram or not. Besides, Kanjiva or Kaõjiváy is reported to be the name of a village in the Tanjore district. The name Kanjivayppêrûr may also be explained as the large village in or near Kaõji, i. e. Kanchipura. The building of a temple to Vishou at this village might then refer to the construction of the Varadarajasvâmin temple at Little Conjeeveram, which is not far from the Pallava capital Kanchi. Kankabhůmi, the land of kites,' might then be taken for Tirukkalukkunram, 62 which is a few miles distant from Chingleput. Bat the conquests which are recorded in this part of the inscription, relate mostly to the western half of Southern India. Besides, if Kankabhůmi is pronounced as it is written, it does not rhyme with Kongabhumi which it ought to do. Consequently, though the name is written Kankabhúmi, the second of the ke's being Grantha, the composer evidently pronounced it Kangabhůmi, which is the Tamil form of Gangabhumi, the
40 A name quite similar to Seliyakkudi in Vembangadi, which occurs three times in the Tiruppavaņam grant (Plate xie, line 9; Plate xi b, lines 4 and 8). The second and third Sentences of note 60 read as follows:-Vemban means 'one who wears (a garland of flowors of) the vêmbu (the margosa or nim tree, Azadirachta Indica).' The Pandya king is often represented in Tamil literature as wearing garland of margosa flowers. Consequently, Vemban denotes the Pandya king, and the village is evidently called after him.
For example, K-Rajakesarivarınan alias Rajarajadēra had the following birudas:-Sola Arumoli, MommodiChole. RAJAbraya, Nityavindda and Sivapádasekhara (Christian College Magazine, Vol. VIII. p. 271). And his son K6-Parakosarivarmao alias Rajendra Choladeva was also called Madburintaba, Gangaikonda-Chola and Uttama-Chos.
Tirukkalakkapram, 'the sacred bill of the kites,' is the name given to the hill as well as the village close to it. The village sometimes also called Pakeitirtha, the bathing place of the birde (s. e. kites)' see ante, Vol. X. p. 198 t.

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
67
well-known Ganga country. That such incorrect spellings were not uncommon in ancient days, is shown by an inscription of the great temple at Tanjore (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. No. 35, line 156), in which the word chaturvédimangalam is written chaturvedimarkalam. Its connection with the town of Káñchỉ being thus rendered improbable, Kanjivaya-pperar may have to be understood as the large village of Káñjivayal or Kanchivayal,' the which ought to have been the result of satindhi between 1 and p, having been assimilated and its place taken by a second p.63 In Tamil dictionaries, Vén is mentioned as one of the twelve districts, where Kodur-Tamil (1.6. vulgar Tamil) used to be spoken. Vilinam, which is mentioned in the inscription immedia cely before Vên, is probably Vilinjam' which, as has been already stated, was a place in Travancore captured by one of the Pandya kings. From the manner in which Viļiñam and Vêņ are mentioned in the inscription, it may be concluded that the former was one of the towns, if not the capital of the latter.64 According to Mr. W. Logan's Malabar (Vol. I. p. 240, note 2), Vêņadu . was, in ancient times, identical with the modern state of Travancore. Karavandapuram is the last place mentioned in the historical introdaction. Karavantapura is mentioned in a small Vatteluttu inscription, which, with the permission of Dr. Hultzsch, I publish below from a photograph received from by Dr. Burgess.
TEXT. 1 Sri [1] KO-MAran-Jadaiyarku 2 rajya-va[r]aham Apavadu sella3 nirpe marr=avarku maha4 Bâmantan-âgiya Karavantapur-idhi5 vasi Vaijyan65 Pandi-Ami6 rdamangalav-araiyan-
fi7 na Sattan-Ganavadi ti8 ruttu vittadu tira-kk[0][; di9 lum sri-tadâgamum idan=u!=a10 ram-alladum [1] m[a]rr=ava11 rku dharmma-spajanie agiya Na12 kkangorriyare
cheya13 ppattadu
Durggå-devi-ko14 Jiluğ= Jêshtai-ko[X]ilum (11"]
63 Examples of similar asimilation are náppadu for narpadu (forty), kappanam for kappanam or kal-panam (a quarter fanam) and kdkkdir for kirkasu or kilka tu (a quarter cash). The village of Kanchiv yil is mentioned in Mr. Foulkes'inscription of the Pallava king Nandivarman and its Tamil ondorsement, and in the grant of Nandivar. man Pallevamalla and its Tamil endorsement. About its position Mr. Foulkes remarks as follows in the Salem Manual, Vol. II. p. 354:- "It is clear that KAñchiv yil lay, either wholly or in principal part, on the right bank of the PAlar in the apper, or upper-middle, part of its coarse, somewhere above Vellore." The large Leyden grant (lines 96 ff.) and some of the Tanjore inscriptions (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. Nos. 9 and 10) mention an officer of Bajardjadēra who was a native of KAñchivAyil. From an upablished inscription of the rained temple at Kolambandal in the Arcot taluk, North Aroot district, it appears that this village belonged to Per-Avar-nAda in Uyyakkon. dez-valandıla, which last was, acoording to a Tanjore inscription (South Indian Inscriptione, Vol. II, No. 4, p. 47), situated between the rivers Arisil and Kaviri. Kdăchivayal is mentioned in a Tamil inscription dated Sake 1467, which is published in the Archeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. pp. 154-158. It is not improbable that the village of KAñcbivayil which is mentioned in the inscriptions pablished by the Rev. T. Foulkes, was situated in the Konga soantry. If it was, it may be the same as the Kdãohivayal of the present inscription, granted that there was not more than one village of that name in the Kohga country.
4 Among the conquests of Kulottunga-Cola, the Kalingattu-Parari (canto xi. verse 71) mentions Viliam, which was very probably identical with the Visiñam of the present inscription and with the "Vilinjam" mentioned in the "Eraiyanar Agapporul" (ante, p. 64).
• Vaijyan is a corruption of the Sanskrit Vaidya, which satanlly oocars as the name of family in line 78 of the copper-plate inscription which is the subject of this paper.
" Read dharma-patni. The apparent length of the vowel in pa on the photograph may be due to the bad pastian of the impronions before photographing. If this is the case, panns for patnt would be a mistake similar to that of ranna bez ratna which oooars several times in the insoriptions of the Bajardjektara temple at Tanjore (South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. II. No. 46, Line 8, 16 and 20).

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TRANSLATION. Prosperity! While the sixth year of the reign of Ko-Maran-Jadaiyan was corrent, sattan Ganapati, who was his (i. e. the king's) great feudatory (mahá-samanta), who resided in the village of) Karavantapura, (who belonged to the Vaidya (race), (and) who was the chief of Pandi-Amirdamangalam, repaired the sacred temple, the sacred tank (ári-tadága) and (all) that is charitable (in connection with this (tank). Besides, Nakkangorri, who was his lawful wife, built a temple of the goddess Durga and a temple of Jyêshthâ.87
As is seen from the above translation, this inscription is dated during the sixth year of the reign of Ko-Marai-Jadaiyan, and mentions & certain Sattan Ganapati, who was the chief of Pandi-Amirdamangalam, and was living in the village of Karavantapura, which is very probably identical with the Karavandapuram mentioned in the subjoined inscription. The characters in which the above short inscription is engraved, are the same as those of the present one. It is therefore not impossible that both of them belong to the reign of the same king.
In the long historical introdnction of the subjoined inscription, there is no clue as to the date of the grant. As palæography is a very unsafe guide in determining even the approximate dates of South Indian inscriptions, we must wait for further researches to enable us to ascurtain the date of the Pandya king Neduñjadaiyan. This inscription records the grant of the village of Volangudi in Ten-Kalavali-nadu, 68 whose name was subsequently changed into
Srivara-mangalam. The donee was Sujjata-Bhatta, the son of Sihu-Misra, who lived in the village of SabdAli which had been granted to the Brahmanas of the country of Magadha. SujjataBhatta may be a vulgar form of the name Sujata-Bhatta. The name Sihu-Mibra shews that the donoe's father must have been an immigrant from Northern India. Siha is the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit sinha, and Misra is a title borne by some of the Brahmaņas of Northern India. It is extremely interesting to learn that there was a colony of Magadha Brahmanas settled in the Pandya country. The circumstances under which, and the time when this settlement took place, are not known. The ajñapti of the grant was Dhírataran Mûrti-Eyipan, the great feudatory of the king and the chief of Viramangalam, who was born in the village of Vangalandai. Special reference is made to the excellence which his family had attained in music.
Some of the graphical peculiarities of the Tamil portion of the subjoined inscription require to be noted here. As in all other Tamil and Vatteluttu inscriptions, the longe and the longo are not marked, though I have, for practical reasons, made these marks in the transcript. The distinction between long and short i is not strictly observed. The i in karudi (line 54) and vali (line 80) seem to be distinctly long. In line 48, the i of virr appears to be short. In line 52 ni in nin and ni in nila are exactly alike. In the Sanskrit portion (line 8) sriyam may also be read áriyam. Mérku is written meklu in line 65. The most important, however, of these peculiarities is, that the rules of Tamil saindhi are not observed in many cases. Of these the following may be noted : -
Lipe 20 åņai orungudan instead of anai-y oruigadan. add-oli
fadáv-oli. 24. ma-irum
mâv-irum. , 24f. A-ira
Ayira.
# Jy shtha or, in Tamil, Sattai or Modéri, the elder sister,' is the goddess of misfortane, who is believed to be the eldor sister of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth ; see South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 60, note 7.
The Tiruppuranam copper-plate grant, which has been referred to more than once, mentions a village called Vélangadi (Plate ri a, line 18) and a river called Kajavali nadsp-aru (Plate xia, lines 8 and 10). Perhaps the village of Vélangudi granted by the present inscription belonged to a district which was situated to the south of the above-mentioned river, and which was, consequently, called Tep-Kalavali-nada. Compare the name Vadakarai. R.Ajendraithe vulanada, which occurs repeatedly in the Tanjore insuriptions (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. No. 4 Duyanaple 18, and passim), and in which Vadakari, the northern bank,' is wed with reference to the river Kavert.

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Line 26. Bai ôdu
oli-uḍai
"9
99
33
"
91
33
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
33
26f. vemmâ-avai-udan
28. padai-ôḍa
30. {Padai-ôda
varai-um
32. kodi ani
35. lai-ani
ko-il
36.
âkki-um
41. nidi-ôdu
57. vidyai-ôdu
70. ellai agattu
73. Pândi-ilango
82. adi en
82f. mêlana enru
instead of naiy-ôdu.
pataga-piga
2 latara-chchhayañ-jata-maṇḍalam
"3
""
13
8 ttayô dêhinâm [*] 9 ge lasan-maulau
ad adhishthayakaḥ.
31
31
"
"1
"
"
"
""
93
1 Brahma vyañjita-viśva-tantram anagham
oliy-udni. vemmâv-avaiyudan.
padaiyb4u.
padaiyôdu.
varaiyum. kodiy-api. laiy-ani.
kuyil or kovil,
""
Of these I have corrected only lô-il and á-ira in the text, because the former is likely to be misunderstood, and the latter is distinctly wrong. In some of the other cases, the sandhi, though optional in usage, would be necessary according to the rules of grammar. Among the rest, there is a considerable number of cases in which the samdhi is not optional. Such violations of the rales of grammar are not uncommon in other inscriptions; but there is an unusually large number of them in this grant. Many of these anomalous cases occur in the historical introduction (11. 19 to 46) which is in High Tamil, where they are not expected. The fact that the small Vaṭṭeluttu inscription published above, also contains some of these peculiarities, shows that they were not merely local. The style of the whole of the Tamil portion of the subjoined inscription is almost free from mistakes, and shows that the composer could not have been ignorant of the rules of samhlhi if they had been commonly in use. These rules could not have been absolutely unknown as they are observed in a few cases in this grant. Consequently, we are led to the conclusion that the rules of sandhi, which are given in Tamil grammars, were not universally recognized and followed in the Tamil country, at the time when these inscriptions were composed. But this inference cannot be established without comparing a large number of other inscriptions belonging to the same period.
TEXT.
First Plate.
[On the left margin] Svasti [*]
ikkiyum.
nidiyôdu.
vidyalyoda. ellaiy-agatta. Pagdiy-ijango. adiy-p. mêlanav-enru.
[*] âdyan=nâbhi-saraḥ-prasûti-kamalam
adhishṭhâyu
3 kaḥ pushuatu pramadan-chiraya bhavatâm punyaḥ purânô muniḥ
yasmid-âvirbhavati para
vaktrais-chaturbhir-grinan-bibhrad=bâla
69
4 miicharyyabhatidyagadau yasminn=êva pravigati punar-vviśvam-êtad=yugâ
5 ntê [*] tad-vas-chhandômaya-tanu vayô-vahanan-daitya-ghati jyôtiḥ pâtu dyu6 ti-jita-nav-âmbhôdam-ambhôja-nêtram [2] amhas-samghati70-hâriņôr-ati-driḍhâ7 m-bhaktim yayoḥ kurvvatâm-atr=âmutra cha sambhavanty-avikalis-sampa
Second Plate; First Side. usta[i]s-imburuha-áriyam
nakasaḍâm Pinâki-charanau
To Read sashhati.
TO
Vishnor
a [1]
kalayato yashu1ttamâ[*]tan vas-chiram
71 11 Read yávou.
raksha

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1893.
10 tâm [3] Áhar=mmûla-praksitimamrita-jyotishara yasya devam yasy-Â11 casty vijita-Nahash-îmbhôdhi-Vindhyah purod hab [1] Sasvad=bhogya 12 jaladhi-rasana yêna viśvambhar=êyam Bôxyan=dîrgghaī=jayati yasa13 gå pândarah Pandya-vamsah 6 [4*1 asmin Vasava-hara-h[A]rishu maha-ka14 1p-ipad-uttarishu Svarggidhisa-Jalēša-Bharata-jaya-khyâtêsha y âtêshv=-- 15 tah (1*] jatah Pallava-bhañjanô=pi samaré sarvva-kshamâbhrid-bal-ônmardd-anitamad-êbha-bhima-ka
Second Platt; Second Side. 16 takalı 'Sri-Maravarmmi nipah (5*) tagmåt-Târâdhinathîd-Budha iva vibudhah
Past]ma72 nâbhâd-iy=adya17 t-Pradyumnô dyumna-dhâmnas=Tripurabhida iv=ôdyukta-saktiþ Kumâraḥ [*] jậto
Jambhari-kalpô 18 jagati Jațilavarmm-fti vikhyâta-kirttiḥ sarvv-orvv-is-ru-garvva-graha-dahuna-vidhan
ápra19 tîpa-pratapah 6 (6) Annan-agiya alar-kadir-neda-vêr-Rennan Vanavan Be20 mbiyan Vada-varaiy-irangayal-amai orangudan=add-oli-kelu-munnir-ulaga mu21 lud=alikkum vali-kelu-tiņi-don-mannavar peramân-reny-alar-adi tem=bu22 nar-kuratti-ppon-malar-paravil
Vellur
Vinna-Je23 liyakkuļi enr=ivarruț=tevvar=aliya=kkodiñ-jilai73
&Rrakal v aļaittum [1] ma-irum perum-bunar-Kaviri vada-karai A. 25 [y*]iraveli Ayirar
tannilum Pugaliyurun-tigal-vêl-Adiya
Third Plate; First Side. 26 nai
odu
parangand=avan=oli-udai-mani-ttér-adal-vem-m[]-avai. 27 udan kavarndum [18]
Pallavapu-Keralanum=ång avarku-ppåó28 g=agi-ppal-padai-oda
eliya-ppavvamm=ena-pparand-elu. 29 ndu k uda-pålun-guna-pålumm-anuga vandu viţt-iruppa vēl. 30 padai-ôda
môr=chenr-ang-iruvarai-am-iru-pålumm-idar-eydappadai
vidattukkuda-Kongatt-adan-mannanaiakkol-kaļi. 32 frôdun=kondu pôndu kodi ani-maņi-nedu-mâda-Ekadan=madil a ga. 33 ttu vaittu-Kkankabhami-adan=aļavurugadi-muraisu t an piyar=araiya-K. 34 kongabhumi adi-ppadatta=kkoduõ-jilai
putt-ilivittaeppúñjo35 lai-ani-puravir-Kanjivayapperar
pakku-Ttirumalukk-amarn
Third Plate; Second Side. 36 d=u raiya=kkunram-annad=ôr-kô[y*]ilakki-um [18]
ali-mannir=aga!=(A[-. 37 ga agal vânatt=agad-uruõjum*
påli-nîn-madil
parand=ôngisp38 pagalavanum=agalav=odam
aniy-Ilangaiyil-araḥ-id-agi
mani39 y-ilangun=neda-mida-madil
Viļiñam-adur=aliya-kkorra40 vêlai urai nikki verrattanai Von-mannanai ven realit41 travan vilu-nidi-da kunram-ands
kulai-kkalirun=gundar-mavui=kula-dhanamun=nan-nadum-avai kondum [1] arayinda-mukhat43 twilaiyavar-ari-nedun-gan-arabugaar-pôr-maindar
palambrey. 44 dum pon-mada-neda-vidi-Kkaravandapuram
polivmeyda-kkaņn-agan45 rad=ôr-kall-agalodu
visumbu
tôyndu
mugi-ruñjalil-- Fourth Plate; First Side. 46 sumbearâdavragan-senni-nnedu-madilai
vadiv=amaittam []
eve47 madi-vikramangal=ettuņaiyo-pala
seyda
maņi-mada-Kkada48 i pukku Malar-magalda virr-irundu Manu-darásita-marggattiņål 13 Read Padma 11 Read kodu-jilai.
16 Read urifjum.
pâr

Page #83

Madras Museum Plates of Jatilavarman.
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Page #84

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Page #85

Madras Museum Plates of Jatilavarman.
2.
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Page #86

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Page #87

MAROH, 1893.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
71
pe
49 guru-charitam kondadi-kkandaka-śôdhanai tân s eydu k adan-ña50 lam mulud=aļikkum Pandya-nathan pandita-vatsalan vira-purôgan vi51 krama-påragan
parantakan
paramavaishnavan=rån=&gi=nninr-ilaugu52 m maņi-nin-mudi nila-mannava-Nedunjadaiyarku rajya-varaham pa53 dinolavadupar-paffu=chchelå-nirka=ppinnaiyun-dharmmamey
tapakkue54 nrun-karmmam=åga=ttan karudi Magadham-ennun=nan-nattun-mahideva55 rkku vaguk kappatta Sabdaļi ennus-gråmattu! Vidyâ-dêvataiya.
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 56 1 virumbappadum Bhårygava-gôtra-sambhůtan Asvalayana-sútra57 ttu Bahvrijan Sihu-Mibrarku magan-agi yajña-vidyai-od-en58 jáda-sâstraigaļai-kkarai-kanda
Sajjata-Bhattarku-Tten-Kala59 vali-nattu Vélangudiyai=ppandai-ttan
palambe 60 r
nikki Srivara-mangalam=ena=ppiyar=ittu brahma-dêyam=ga=kkâråņmaiyam
miyațchiyum
n!!=adanga
Barvve62 pariharam-aga=nnirôd=atti-kkudakkappattadu [11*]
mar63 s=idan peru-nâng=ellai [*]
kil-ellai
NilsikanimeFifth Plate; First Side. 64 ngalatt-ellaikkum
Milandiyapkuçi
ellaikkum 65 mêkkun-tenn-ellai
Perumagarrur-ellaikkun-Kalli66 kkudi ellaikkum
vadakkemanniya-sîræmme67 l-ellai Kadambangudi
ellaikkum
Kurangudi 68 ellaikkun=kilakkum
vadav-ellai
Karala 69 vayal-ellaikku-tterkumm-ivv-isaitta 70 ra-nâng=ellai agattu=kkallun=galliyu-na
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 71 tti mannevanadu
pažiyinál
vadiv=amai72 ya
śd Indân
Pandyarku matagajäddhyaksha
Pandi-ilang-mangala=ppôr-araisan-i74 giya
Koluvar-kkurrattu=Kkoluvar-chcha - 75 ngan-Siridaran [18]
îng=idanukk-anattiy-a76 y=ttâmra-śîsana ā-jeyvittan
vadya.ge 77 ya-samgitangalan=maliv=eydiya
VangaSixth Plate; First Side. 78 landai Vaidya-kulam . Vilanga-ttonri
ma79 nnavarku maha-samantan=ây
marr-arisarai 80 vali-tulaikkum
Viramangala=pper-araisa81 peagiya Dhirataran
Martti-Eyinap [1] marr=idanai82 kkâttâran
malar-adi
en
mudi mêlana 83 pru korravaney
paņitt-aru!i=tterreena Sixth Plate ; Second Side. 84 tAmra-śâsana õ=jeyvittân 11
Brahmadêya-paripá85 lanad=rite nânyad=asti bhavi dharmma-sadhanam [1] tasya chrápaba86 ranåd-ritê tatha nanyad-asti bhuvi på pa-sadhanam [11] Bahubhi87 rey vasudhadatta rå jabhis-Sagar-adìbhih [1] yasya yasya yada bho. 88 mis-tasya tasya tada phalam 1 na vishan visham=ity=ahur-brahmastam vi89 shamwachyatê [lo] visham-ekákinan hanti brahmasvam putra-pautri
pidi
73 D

Page #88

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Seventh Plate.
90 kam 75 Brahmasva-rakshanad-anyat-punya-mulan na vidyatê [1] tasy=âtilamgha91 nâd-anyat=pâpa-mûlan-na vidyate
Pandi-pperum-bagai-karap
92 gan
93 ri
The
Pandi-pperum-bapai-karan-âgiya
TRANSLATION.
Sanskrit portion.
[MARCH, 1893.
Hail!
-
ma
Arikêsaelutta II
(Verse 1) May that pure ancient sage (Brahma),-who resides in the primeval lotns, which has sprung out of the tank of Vishnu's navel, who invokes with his four mouths the sinless Brahman (i.e. the Vêda), which has revealed all sciences, and who bears a mass of matted hair, the colour of which is redder than the morning sun,-maintain for a long time your joy!
(2.) May that extremely wonderful lustre (of Vishnu), whose body consists of the Vêda, who rides on a bird, who destroys the Daityas, whose splendour surpasses that of a new cloud (in blackness), who has lotus eyes, from whom this universe springs at the beginning of the Yuga, and into whom it again enters at the end of the Yuga, - protect you!
(3.) May that pair of feet of Pinâkin (Siva), which remove all sins, by practising strict devotion to which, perfect success is produced to men in this world and in the next, and which appear to be lotuses (placed) as ornaments on the heads,-(which bear) glittering diadems, - of the gods, protect you for a long time!
(4.) May that Pandya race, which is white with fame, by which this earth, that has the ocean for its girdle, has been perpetually enjoyed,76 the first ancestor of which is said to be the nectar-rayed god (i.e. the Moon)," and the family priest of which was Agastya, who vanquished Nahusha, the ocean and the Vindhya (mountain),-be victorious for a long time!
(5.) In this (race), after those who had deprived Vasava (Indra) of his garland, who had survived the disaster of the great Kalpa, and who were famous by victories over the lord of heaven (Indra), the lord of the waters (Varuna) and Bharata (Agni), had passed away, was born the illustrious king Maravarman who, though he destroyed the Pallava in battle, captured terrible armies (kataka) of rutting elephants by crushing the armies of all rulers of the earth.
(6.) Just as the wise Budha (sprang) from the lord of stars (the Moon), Pradyumna from the first Padmanabha (Krishna), (and) Kumara (Subrahmanya) (who wears) an active lance, from the destroyer of Tripura (Siva), (who is) an abode of lustre, so, from him (i.e. Mâravarman) was born (a son), who was renowned in the world by the name Jatilavarman, who was equal to Jambhâri (Indra), (and) whose irresistible valour burnt the planet (consisting of) the great arrogance of all the rulers of the earth.
Tamil portion.
(Line 19.) The lord of kings (who possesses) stout shoulders resplendent with (i. e. expressive of) strength, who is such (as is described above), who has fought against the southern
To Read pautrakam.
16 The word saivat, which is here translated perpetually,' also means 'repeatedly,' which would imply that there were intervals when the Pandya dynasty was not supreme.
77 The tradition preserved in Tamil literature that the Pandyas belonged to the lunar race, is here confirmed; see pp. 4, 6, 8 and 17 of the Archeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV.
78 From other Pandya inscriptions which have been publisbed, it appears as if Indra had presented his garland to the Pandya family; see pp. 6, 17, and 43 f. of the Archaeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. It was this garland which Rajendra-Chola took away from the Pandya king along with the crown of Sundara;' see South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 98, line 3, and p. 100, line 7.
*
To The word though' (api) in the translation has to be explained by the double meaning of pallova and kataka, each of which signifies also ' a bracelet.'

Page #89

MARCH, 1893.7
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILAVARMAN.
73
ocean (ten-alar),80 (who is not only) Tennan (the Pandya king) (who bears) a long lance with spreading Instre, (but also) Vannvan (the Chêra king) and 'Sembiyan (the Choļa king) who governs in harmony the whole world, - (surrounded by the ocean (which is) full of incongruous noise, by orders (dnai), which bear on the seal) the great fish (kayal) (banner which Hutters on the nortbern mountain (i. e. Mēru),S1 - bent, on that day, 82 the cruel bow, so that the enemies might be destroyed at these places : - Viņņam, Seliyakkudi and Veļļur, (situatedl) in a forest (full of the golden flowers of the berutiful panal-kurti (? plant).93
(Line 24) Having seen Adiyan (who wore) a resplendent lance, turn to flight at Ayirur, (4) Pugaliyar and at Ayiraveli, (situatel) on the northern bank of the Kaviri, 84 (which has) abundant waters (anul which is) rich (in) fields, - (he) seized his (the enemy's) chariot (adorwil with) sounding bells, along with a troop of horses (which were) fierce in battle; when the Pallava and the Koraļa (kinus), having become his (the enemy') allies, swelled and rose like the ser with numerous arunies, so that the earth treinbled, and when the western and castern wings (the wy) joined, and were encampod (together), (the kiny) elvance nyainst the enemy) with a troop of spearmen and despatched a detachment, so that disaster befell both of the on both winys; captured the powerful king of Western Kongu, along with (his)inurilerous elephants; placed his banner within the walls of Kudal (i... Madura), which has spacious halls decorated with precious stoues :95 subdued Kongabhumi, so that the noisy drum was sounding his fame throughout Kankabhumi; unfastened the string of the cruel bow; entered the large village of Kanchivayal (?) (situatel) in # woody region that reas) beautified by flower gardens; and built a temple resembling a hill to Tirumal (i.e. Visliņa) (in which might joyfully ubide.
(1. 36.) (H) unsheathed the victorious weapon, in order to destroy (the forenej) Vilinam, which has the three waters of the sea for (itx) ditch, whose strong and high walls which rub against the inner part of the receding sky, risc so high that the sun has to retire in his course, which is as strong as the fort in the beautiful (islanl of) llangai (Lanka), and
40 While his ancestors claim to have conquerel Varuna himself, the present king modestly says that he stily fought against the southern ocean. This tradition of the victory gained by the Pánilyas over the act, is also preserved in the large Tirappůvanam copper-plate grant of Kulaseklara- Pånılya, where a village, or part of a village, is called after a certain Vellattai-venran, one who has conquered the floods or the ocean.' Iu the same inscription, villages and private individuals are called after the following names and birudas of Pandya kings: --Talaiyil-tyAgi, one who makes gifts without hesitation,' Vira-Ganga Poyau, Viru-Pandya-Poyar, Indra-Samanan. 'one who is equal to Indra, Parikrant Panlya, Varaguna, Srivallabh: and Sundara-Pandya. Of these, Brivallabha bas been mentioned (ante, p. 60) as a Panya iing, who son was a contemporary of the Chila king Ki-Rajakesarivarnan alias Vira-Rájendradeva I. Klasekhara-Panya himself, in whose reign the grant was issued, might have borne some of these names and birudar, 'he rest, huwerer, belonged to his.prolecersors.
Ni The great fish evidently refers to the two fish which we find on Pandya coins and seals. Vada-varai, the orthern mountain, might refer to the hill of Tirupati in the North Arout district, which is sometimes represented as
Burthernmust boundary of the Tamil country. But, in other Pandya inscriptions which have been published, it is istinetly stated that the fish banner wils fluttering on Mouut Meru (Adagil-prorappa, Kapakuna and Kanaka-Meru) see the Archeologir i surrey Borthern India, Vol. IV. pp. 6, 10, 13, 15, 22 and 43.
69 The day was evidently well known to the composer of the inscription and to his contemporaries.
39 Neither chi vor pm kuraiti is found in Tamil dictionaries; kuratai is, according to Winslow, 'n gourd, Trichorinthus l'altata.' With propel-kuratti comparo pupelmurungai nad pugar pannai which are the names of two plants.
# In Tamil inscription of the Tanjore temple (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 47) this river is enlled Kviri, and in two Sanskrit inscriptions found in the Trichinopoly cave (Vol. I. pp. 29 and 30), the word is spelled Kavirt. The epithet which is siven to it in the first of the two Sanskrit inscriptions, vis, drama-mald.dhard.
wearing a parlant of gardens.' muiyot suggest a possible derivation of the name. Kaviri, the name found in Tamil ir acriptions, perlaps means cutting through or intersecting (ir) gardens (ku).
88 Another possible translation of the me pasango is :-"captured the powerful king of Western Kongu along with his murder elephants: imprisoned (tim) within the walls of Kadal (i. e. Madura), which has jewel-like and Epacious hall derorted with banners."
M The sea is supposed to contain three kinds of water, vir. rain water, river water, and sprin, water. Another translation of the passage which describes Viliña wwald be the following: -" Viliam, whose lofty ballo and walls aro resplendent with jewels, (and whiol)-(with its) temple which has the tree waters of the sea for ita diteh, and which Tuts against the interior of the vast sky, -- is like the fort in the beautiful island of Ilaugai (Laukł), wbone long walls ce so high that even the sau bas to retire (iu bis course)."

Page #90

74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1899.
whose lofty halls and walls are resplendent with jewels, conquered and destroyed the king of von, who had a victorious army, and took possession of murderous elephants reser bling hills, horses with manes, the family treasores and the fertile country, along with his magnificent treasures.
(Line 42.) (He) built, along with a broad stone ditch, a lofty wall whose top never loses the inoisture (caused by the sky coming in contact with it), and the clouds resting (on it), so that the town of Keravandapuram might get resplendent, which has beautiful halls and long streets, (where even) warriors are afraid of the arrow (-like) pointed and long eyes of women with lotus faces.
(L. 46.) Having achieved these and many other similar conquests, having entered the city of Kudal (which has) a ball of jewels, being seated (on the throne) along with the goddess of the flower (i. e. Lakshmî), having followed, (like his) father, the path pointed out by Manu (?) and having himself performed the uprooting of thorns (i. e. rebels), (he) is protecting the whole world (surrounded by) the ocean.
(L. 50.) While the seventeenth year of the reign of (this) Nedugjadaiyan, - the king of the earth (who bears) a high crown on which are set) jewels of permanent lustre, who is the lord of the Pandyas, is fond of learned men, is the foremost of heroes, is very brave, is the destroyer of enemies and the most devoted follower of Vishnu, was current :
(L. 53.) Having considered that charity was always his daty, (he) gave, with libations of water, the village of) Vélangudi in Ten-Kalavali-nadu, --having cancelled its former name from old times, and having bestowed on it) the (new) name of Srivars-mangalam, as a brahmadéya and with all exemptions (parihára), including káránmi and miyachi, 99 — to SujjataBhatta, who was the son of Sihu-Misra, who had thoroughly mastered all the Sástras along with the knowledge of sacrifices, who was born in the Bhargavagộtra, followed the Aévalúyanu. sutra, and was a Bahvộicha, so who was beloved by the goddess of learning (Sarasvati), (and who resiled) in the village called Sabdaļi, which had been apportioned to the Brahmaņas (maki. dsca) from the good country called Magadha.91
(L. 62.) The four great boundaries of this (village are):- The eastern boundary (is) to the west of the boundary of Nilaikanimangalam and of the boundary of Milandi. yankuļi; the southern boundary (is) to the north of the boundary of Peramagarrar and of the boundary of Kallikkudi;o the western boundary (possessing) permanent benaty, (is) to the east of the boundary of Kadambangudio and of the boundary of Kurangudi ;” the northern boundary (is) to the south of the boandary of Karaļavayal,
* The worlaluobre literally means 'mniut land, slippery ground.' The literal translatiog of the passage which describes Kararandaparain is as follows:- " whose top is a place in which the noisture. (caused by the clouds retiring on it (itamediately) after the sky has plunged into water, Bever ceases."
$8 The word piriyani geeras tu be used lier an explotive, like marru in lines 69 and 81, and ingr in line 75.
• The teobnical meaning of these two torms is out clear. According to Winslow, the word karilar means 'hun. hadigen' or 'agriculturista.' Aveording to Dr. Gaudert's Malayalam Dictionary, kariyma, which must be the same ** tam il birinti, means freshold,' rerbal agreement between Janmi and Cudiyan about their respective rights to mbavit mortgagel grounds.' Viyalchi literally means overlordship
* i.e. a Rigvedin. This is evidently the country or the suns nens in Northern India. The fact that there was a colony of Magndba Brahinanas settlol in the Påmlya country, shows that comingnication between Northern and Sonthern India was not so infrequent in ancient days as might be i augiaid. This infereure is confirised by some of the inscriptions of the Cbola king Rajendra-Cola, in which he is reported to have exten:1 his military operations as far as the river Gange, and to have conquered Bougal (Vangala- u d the Khwal country (Kalti-ulu): Nee South Indian Inscription, Vol. 1. pp. 98 and 100, and Vol. II. p. 108.
There is a village of this name notioned in the large Tirappian Copperplato grant (Plate viii s, line 2). » A village of the same name is moutinued twiou in the grant above referred to (Plate v b, line 5, and Plate ix a, line 1).
According to the Manunl of the Tinnerelly District, Trickumnguddy" is a village in the Nangunêri taluk, clone to the Travancora frontier. See ante, Vol. II. p. 960, where the village is mentioued with its proper spelling, Tirukkursigadi.

Page #91

MARCH, 1893.)
FOLKLORE IN HINDUSTAN
75
(Line 69.) Having set op stones and planted milkbush (ka!!) on the four great boundaries thus described, Siridaran (i.e. Sridhara), (who was a member of the assembly (sanga) of Koluvur in Koluvür-karram, the great chief of Pandi-ilangó-mangalamos and the overseer of the elephants of the Pandya (king), followed, by order of the king, a female elephant, (which was let loose) to determine the boundaries of the granteil village).
(L. 75.) Dhirataran Marti-Eyinan, - who was the great chief of Viramangalam, who deprived inimical kings of their strength, who was the great feudatory (mahá-samanta) of the king, and whose birth had conferred splendour on the Vaidya race of Vangalandai which was famous for (skill in playing) musical instruments, singing and music, -caused, as the ájaapts (anatti) of this grant), a copper edict to be drawn up. The king himself declared : -" The lotus feet of those who protect this (gift), shall rest on my crown,'97 and caused (this) clear copper edict to be drawn up.
(L. 84.) “There is no means on earth of acquiring merit, except the protection of gifts t. Brahmaņas ; and likewise, there is no means on earth of incurring sin, except their confiscation.
“Land has been given by many kings, commencing with Sagara; as long as (a king) possesses the earth, so long the reward (of gifts) belongs to him.
"They declare that poison (itself) is not (the worst) poison ; (but) the property of Brab. maņas is declared to be the rial) poison. (For), poison (if taken) kills (only) one person ; (6) the property of Brühmaņas (if confiscated, kills the confiscator) together with his sons and grandsons.
“No other sonrce of religious merit is known than the protection of the property of Brahmaņas, (and) no other source of sin is known than transgressing on it."
(L. 91.) The signature of Arikosari, who was the chief drummer of the Paody (king) and the son of the (late) chief drummer of the Pandya iking).
FOLKLORE IN HINDUSTAN.
BY W. CROOKE, C.S.
No. 4.-The Trucky Herdsman. Once upon a time a herdsman was watching some sheep near the jungle, when a tiger carre ont and asked him for a sheep. The herdsman said: "They don't belong to me. How can I give · you one?” “ All right," said the tiger, "I vill eat you some night soon." When the herdsman
came home, he told his wife, and she said: “We had better get some of the neighbours to sleep in the house as a guard." So some of the neighbours brought their beds and slept in the herdsman's house. The herdsman's bed was in the middle. In the middle of the night the tiger came in quietly, and raising up the herdsman's bed, carried it off on his shoulders When lie had gone a little distance the herdsman fortunately woke, and, as he happened to be passing under a banyan tree, he caught hold of one of the shoots and climbed up. The tiger, knowing nothing of this, went off with the bed.
The herdsman was so afraid of the tiger, that he stayeci up in the tree all day. In the evening a herd of cows came from the janrle and lay down ander the banyan tree. They remained there all iyht and next morning went off, as usual, to grize. When they had gone NIX .
me down, renoveel!l the manure, and cleaned the place. In this name, tony » synonymous with tl. u--it yuturdja. The village wus evidently called after the heir apparent to the Palya throne.
* The custura of determining the boundaries of a donative village with the help of a female elephant, seems to have been quite common in ancient times; see the large Tiruppavanam copper-plate grant, Plate is, lines 3 to 5, and the large Leydeu grant, Plate ix a, line 175.
07 Tois is addressed to the reigning king'o saccersors. 1 A folktale told by Parsuttam Majhf, one of the aborigines of South Mirzapur.

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Next night the cows came again, and were delighted to find the place clean, and wondered who had done them this service. Next morning they went again to graze, and on returning found that the place had again been cleaned. This happened a third time; and then the cows called out, "Show yourself, our unknown friend! We are very grateful to you, and wish to make your acquaintance." The herdsman thought this might be some device of the enemy; so he kept quiet and did not show himself.
Then the cows made a plan. There was one of them, who was a poor, old, weak creature; so they said to her: "You lie here and pretend to be very sick; our friend is sure to come down to help you after we are gone. When he comes catch hold of his dhôt, and detain him until we return." The old cow did as she was told, and caught hold of the herdsman's dhoti, and though he tried to drag himself away, she would not let him go until her companions came back.
When the cows returned, they told the herdsman how much they were obliged to him, and said, "You may have as much of our milk as you want." So the herdsman continued to live in the banyan tree and used to milk the cows every day.
One day, as he was strolling about near the banyan tree, he saw a hole, out of which came Come young snakes, who looked very thin and miserable. The herdsman took pity on them and gave them some milk every day. When they got strong, they began to move about in the jangle, and one day their mother met them. "Why! how is this?" said she; " I left you starvtag, and you are now well and strong." Then they told her how the herdsman had taken pity on them. Hearing this she went to the herdsman and said: "Ask any boon you will." "I wish," said he, "that my hair and skin should turn the colour of gold." This happened at once and the old snake went away.
One day the herdsman went to bathe in the river. As he was bathing a hair came out of his head, and he put it into a leaf platter (dauna) and let it float down the stream. A. long way down a Raja's daughter was bathing. She took up the hair. "My father must marry me to the man who has hair like this." When she came home she would eat no dinner. Her She showed him the hair, and said, "Marry me to father was distressed and asked the cause. the man who has hair like this." So her father sert his soldiers to find the man. At last they traced the herdsman and said, "Come along with us." "I will not," said he. Then they tried to drag him away, but he played on his flute (búnsulí) and all the cows rushed up, charged the soldiers and drove them away. They returned and told the king. He sent some crows to get the flute. They came and perched on the banyan tree, where the herdsman was staying, and let their droppings fall on him. He threw stones at them, but could not drive them away. At last he was so angry he threw his flate at them, and one crow took it in his hill and flew off with it.
When the Raja got possession of the flute, he sent another party of soldiers to seize the herdsman. He blew another flute, but this had no power over the cows, and he was captured and carried off.
Then he was brought to the Raja's palace, married to the princess and given a splendid house and lots of money. But he was unhappy and preferred his life as a cowherd. One day he asked his wife to give him the flute, which the erow had carried off. She took it out of her box and gave it to him. When he blew it the sound reached the cows, and they all rushed to the Raja's palace and began to knock down the walls. The Râja was terrified and asked what they wanted. "We want our cowherd," they answered. So the Râjâ had to give in, and built a palace for his son-in-law near the banyan tree, and gave him half his kingdom: There the herdsman and the princess lived happily for many a long year.
Notes.
This, a tale told by a genuine non-Aryan aboriginal, a resident in the wild country south of the Sôn, is interesting as a variant of the Santal "Story of Jhore," which is given by Dr.

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A. Campbell in his Santal Folk-tales, (Pokliuria, 1891) pp. 111, et seq. There are, however, some important differences :(1) Jhore quarrels with the tiger, because, when he is called in to judge between him and
the lizard, he judges it in favour of the latter. (2) Jhore is shut up in a bag by his mother, which the tiger carries off. (3) The animals in Jhore's story are buffaloes, and be wins their affection by looking after
their calves. (4) In Jhore's story the old buffalo cow lies in wait and gets the calves to tell her who
befriended them. The dhôti incident is absent in thu Santål story. (0) Similarly, the snake incident is wanting, and in the Santal story the Princess simply
finds in the river some of Jhore's hair, which is twelve cubits loug. (0) In the Santal story the Rajá sends a jógi and a crow to seek for Jhore. Finally a paro
quet is sent, who makes friends with Jhore and gets the flute. (7) After losing his first flute Jhore calls the cows with another, and finally the paroquet
has to steal the bundle of flutes, which Jhore has. (8) The baffaloes in the Santal story come to the king's palace, because Jhore's wife wou!! not believe the story about the love of the buffaloes for him, which he was always telling her. So he has a pen made thirty-two miles long and thirty-two miles broad and the buffaloes come at the sound of his flute and fill it. These are the domesticated buffaloes of the Santâls nowadays.
The story is also of interest from its obvious analogies to European folklore. The cowherd's flute is the oriental equivalent of the lyre of Orpheus, or the lute of Arion : and we have the incident of the hero being saved by his lute in No. 126 of Grimm's Tales, "Ferdinand the faithful and Ferdinand the unfaithful." The feeding of snakes is also common property of folklore. In the Gesta Romanorum, chap. 68, we have the snake who says to the knight: “Give me some milk every day, and set it ready for me yourself, and I will make you rich." There are further instances given in Mr. Andrew Lang's edition of Grimm. (Vol. II. pp. 405, et seq.) So with the golden bair, which, howover, is usually that of the heroine : see Grimm's Goosegirl, with his notes (Vol. II. p. 382.) I know there is some European equivalent of the hero (or heroine) being recognised by the golden hair floating down the river, but I cannot lay my hands on the reference just now, as I am away from my library. However, we have the same incident in the "Boy and His Stepmother" in Dr. Campbell's Santâl Collection. Altogether, this story is interesting, and probably other readers of the Indian Antiquary can suggest additional parallels.
Note by the Editor. This tale is, like some of Mr. Crooke's other tales, simply an agglomerate of incidents to be commonly found in Indian folktales generally.1 Instances innumerable of each incident in some form or other could be colled from my notes to Wide-awake Stories and from this Journal. To take these incidents seriatim :
That of the bed and banyan tree is mixed up with very many Indian tales, but for tiger read usually thieves.' A good specimen is to be found in Wide-awake Stories, pp. 77-78.
Grateful animals and their doings are also exceedingly common everywhere in Indian nurseries. A collection of instances from Indian Fairy Tales, Folktales of Bengal, Legends of the Pañjáb and the earlier volumes of this Journal will be found at p. 412 of Wide-arake Stories.
Golden hair belongs, in every other instance I have seen, to the heroine, and instances of the incident of golden hair flraling dow) & stream and leading both to good fortune and to calamity are to be found collected at p. 413 of Wide-awake Stories.
1 I do aot wish by this statement to detract from the value and interest of Mr. Crooke's talos. They, ia fact, strongly support the theory I propounded in Wilo-Swake Stories, and which has since been accepted by the Folklore Society

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In this tale the golden hair leads up to a very simple and boldly stated variant of the impossible task as a preliminary to marriage, which is often really nothing but a folktale reminiscence of the ancient custom of the swayamvara. Many instances will be found colJected at p. 430 of Wide-awake Stories.
Flute stories are as common in India as in Europe. Perhaps the best of all in the East is the exquisite Panjabi talo of " Little Anklebone," which is comparable to Grimm's " Sinning Dime. This tale is known in the Pañjab as “Giléļa Rám" and is to be found in Wide-ecake Stories, pp. 127 ff.
i have quoted above froin Wide-awale Stories, as that is the latest publication, so far as I know, giving a collection of incidents in Indian folktales, but, from the many folktales from all parts of India published in this Journal in the eight years that have elapsed since that book was issned. nany further instances could be easily adduced in support of the above notes.
A FOLKTALE OF THE LUSHAIS. BY BERNARD HOUGHTON, C.S.
The Story of Kingôri. Her father, who was unmarried, was splitting bamboos to make a winnowing basket, when he van a splinter into his hand. The splinter grew into a little child (After a time) the child was brought forth motherless and they called her Kangori. Even as a grain of rice swells in the cooking, - little by little she grew big. Two or three years passed by and she became a maiden. She was very pretty, and all the young men of the village were rivals for her favour: but her father kept her close and permitted no one to approach her. There was a young man named Keimi. He took up the impression of her foot from the ground) and placed it on the bamboo grating over the house.fire (there to dry and shrivel up), and so it fell out that Kangori became ill.
Küngüri's father said. "If there be any one that can cure her, he shall have my daughter." All the villagers tried, but not one of them could do any good. However (at last) Kéimi came.
I will cure her, and I will marry her afterwards," said he. Her father said, "Cure the girl first and you may then lare her."
So she was cured. The foot-print, which he had placed to dry on the fire-shelf, he opened out and scattered to the wind Kauguri became well and Klimi married her. "Come, Kangöri," said le, will you go to my honse?" So they went. On the road Kêimi turned himself into a tiger. hüngüri caught hold of his tail, and they ran like the wind. (It so happened) that some women of the village were gathering wood, and they saw all this; so they went back home to Kingöri's father and anid, "Your laughter has got a tiger for a husband." Kangöri's father said, "Whoever can go and take Kangori may have her;” but no one had the courage to take her. However, Plothir and Hrangchal, two friends, said, "We will go and try our fortune." Kangöri's father said,
If you are able to take her you may have her;" so Phôthir and Hrangch&l set off. Going on, they came t imis village. The young man Keimi had gone out hunting. Before going into the house Phithur and Hrangehal went to Küngöri. "Küngöri," said they, "where is your husband ?" "He in die hunting," she said. " but will be home directly." On this they becaine afraid, and Phöthir and Hrangehal climbed upon to the top of the high fire-shelf. Kúngöri's husband arrived.
I smell the smell of a man." said he. "It must be me, whom you smell," said Kongori. Night fell, everyon ite their dinners and lay down to rest. In the morning Kängöri's husband again wint out to hunt. A widow came and said (to the two friends)," If you are going to run away with Kungöri take fire-seed, thorn-seed, and water-seed with you)." So they took fire-seed, thorn wood, and water-seed; and they took Küngüri also and carried her off.
Kanguri's husband returned home. He looked and found Küngöri was gone; so he followed after theju in hot haste. A little bird called to Hrangehal: "Run! run! Kongøri's husband will catch you," said the bird. So the friends) scattered the fire-seed, and the fire sprung up and) the jungle and ruder-growth burnt furiously, so that Küngöri's husband could not come any farther. When the tire subsided, he again resnmd the pursuit.
From Major T. H. Lewiu's Progresice Exercises in the Lushai Dialect, Calcutta, 1891. The story was taken down by the cathor as told by a Lusbai.)

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The little bird cried to Hrangehál: " He is catching yon up," so they scattered the water-Beed, and a great river widened between them and their pursuer).
However, Kúngóri's husband waited for the water to go down, and when the water went down he followed after them as before. The bird said to Hrangchál, "He is after you again, he is fast gaining on you, sprinkle the thorn-seed," said the bird. So they sprinkled the thorn-seed and thorns sprouted in thickets so that Kungöri's husband could not get on. By biting and tearing the thorns he at length made a way, and again he followed after them. Hrangchål became dazed, ils one in a dream, (at this persistence of pursuit), and crouching down among the roots of some reeds, watched. Phothir cut the tiger down dead with a blow of his dao. "I am Phthira," said he. So the tiger died.
Hrangchel and the others went on again, until they came to the three cross roads of Kuavang, and there they stopped. Phöthir and Hranychål were to keep guard turn about. Hrangchala went to sleep first, while Phótbîr stayed awake watching). At night Kuavang came. "Who is staying at my cross-roads!” he said. Phöthira (spoke out holdly): "Phöthira and Hrangchala (are berel," said he; crouching under the reeds, we cut off the tiger's bead without much ado.” On this Kuavang understood (with whom he had to deal), and, becoming afraid, he ran off. So Phôthira (woke up Hrangchal saying), "Hrangehala, get np; you stay awake now; I am very sleepy; I will lie down. If Kuavang comes you must not be afraid." Having said this, he lay down (and went to sleep). II rangchala stayed awake. Presently Kuayang returned. "Who is this staying at my cross-roads" he said. Hraungchala was frightened. (However), he replied: "Phòthira and Hrangchala (are here) they killed the tiger that followed them among the reed-roots." But Knavang was not to be frightened by this; so he took Kungöri (and carried her off). Kangori marked the road, trailing behind her a line of coston thread. They entered into a hole in the earth, and so arrived at Kuarang's village. The hole in the earth, by which they entered, was stopped up by a great stone. In the inorning Phôthira and Hrangchala began to abuse each other. Spake Phóhtira to Hrangchala, "Fool ! a man," said he, "where has Kungôci gone? On nccount of your faint-heartedness Kuavang has carried her off. Away! you will have to go to Kuavang's village." So they followed Kangöri's line of white threod, and found that the thread, entered (the earth) under a big rock. They moved a way the rock, and there lay Kuavang'a village before them! Phôhtira called out! " Ahoy! give me back my Küngöri." Kravarg replied, "We know nothing about your Küngöri. They have taken her away." "If you do not immediately) give me Küngöri I will use my dáo," said Phóhtir." Hit away," answered Kuavang. With one cut of the dco a whole village died right off! Again Phöhtir cried, "Give me my Kaugõri. Kuavang said, "Your Kungöri is not here." On this Phớthir and Hrangchål said, “We will come in." "Come along," suid Kaavang. So they went in and came to Kuavang's house. Kuavang's daughter, who was a very pretty girl, wag pointed out 18 Kungöri. "Here is Kangøri," said they. "This is not she," said Pbothir, really now, give me Küngöri." So (at last) they gave her to him.
They took her away. Küngöri said, "I have forgotten my comb." "Go, Hrangchâl and fetch it," said Photbir, but Hrangchala dared not venture. "I am afraid," said he. So Phôthir went (bimself) to fetch (the comb). While he was gone, Hrangchal took Kungöri out, and closed the hole with the great stone. After this, they arrived at the horse of Kungöri's father. "You have been able to release my daughter," said he," so take her." Kaugôri however, did not wish to be taken, Said Kangôri's father, "Hrangchål is here, but where is Phöthira " "We do not know Photbira's dwelling-place," was the reply.
So Hrangehala and Küngöri were united. Kangøri was altogether averse to the marriage. but she was coupled with Hrangchal whether she would or no.
Phothirs was married to Kuavang's daughter. Beside the house he sowed a koy-Beed. It sprouted and & creeper sprang (apwards like a ladder). Phôthira, when he was at Kuavang's, had a child (born to him); and he cooked some small stones (in place of rice), and, when his wife was absent, he gave the stones, which he had cooked, to the child, saying, “Eat." While it was eating Phôthir climbed up the stalks of the creeper (that had sprang up near the house), and got out (into the upper world). He went on and arrived at the house of the Kongöri's father. They had killed # gaydl, and were dancing and making merry. With one blow Phôthira cut off the head of Hrangchâl! Kangøri's father cried, "Why, Phôthira, do you cut off Hrangchala's head P" "I was obliged to cut it off," said Phôthir. "It was I who released Kangöri from Keimi's village ;
1 The good spirit of the Lushais. Ho does not however out a very fine figure in this tale.

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Hrangchala dared not do it. When Kuavang carried off Kangöri also, Hrangchala dared not say hin nay. He was afraid. Afterwards we followed Küngöri's line of cotton thread, which lead us to Kuavang's village. Küngöri (after we had released her from there) forgot her comb. We told Hrangchâl to go and fetch it, but he dared not. I am afraid,' said he. so I went to get it. He then took Kangöri and left me behind, shutting the hole in the earth with a great stone. They went away. I married Kuavang's daughter, and, while she was absent, I climbed up the stalks of the creeper, and came here." On (hearing) this; ** Is it so," said they, “then you shall be united." So Hrangchala died and Phothira and Küngöri were married. They were very comfortable together, and killed many gayal. They possessed many villages, and lived happy ever after. Thus the story is concluded.
MISCELLANEA. A SHORT ACCOUNT OF SIX UNPUBLISHED blessings of Devi and Siva (Sasisekhara), the INSCRIPTIONS.
poet tells the well-known fable how on Mount 1.- Arthana Stone Inscription of the
Arbuda (or Aba) the sage Vasishtha, when his
cow Nandini was carried off by Visvamitra, proParamára Chamundaraja, of the
duced from the sacred fire the hero Paramara, (Vikrama) year 1136.
who defeated Visva mitra. In the family of Dr. Hörnle has sent me, some time ago, a very | Parumara there was born in the course of time in perfect pencil-rubbing of an inscription dis. Vairisinnha (line 8), who had a younger brother, covered at Arthûna in Rajputana, together with named Dambarasimha (line 10). And in the a rough transcript of the text and an English
family of Dambarasimha was born Kamkadeva translation of it, received from Mahamahopadhyâya (line 11), who near the Narmada defeated the Kaviraj Syamal Dås, member of the State Council i forces of the ruler of Karnata and thus desof Mwad. This inscription contains 18 lines of troved thu enemy of the Maiuva king Briharsha, writing wbich cover a space of 6" broad by but who apparently lost his own life on that 92 high. The writing appears to be well pre- occasion. Kamkadêva's son was Chandapa (line served. The size of the letters is about " The 13)hia son was Satyaraja (line 14); from him characters are Någari. The language is Sam- i sprang Mandanadava (line 16), and his son again sirit, and the inscription is in verse. The total was Chamundaraja' (line 30), who is said to have number of verses is 87.
defeated Sindhurája. Beyond what has been The inscription is a prasasti or laudatory stated here, the inscription contains nothing of account of a line of princes or chiefs who belonged importance. The princes Vairisimha and Sriharto the Paramára 'family, and its object is, to sha, mentioned above, are of course the wellstate (in line 14) that the prince Chamundarája. known Vairisimha II. and Sriharshadêva-Siyaka in honour of his iather Mandanadeva, founded of Malava. a temple of Siva, under the name of Mandauêsa, 2.--Chitor Stone Inscription of the Guhila and to record (in lines 45-50) the endowments Family, of the (Vikrama) year 1331. made in favour of that temple. The prasasti was Sir A. Cunningham has supplied to me a pencil. composed by the poet Chandra, a younger brother rubbiug.. taken by Mr. Garrick, of the inscription of Vijayasadhara and son of Sumatisådhåra, of
at Chitor of which a photo-lithograph has been the Sådhåra family. And it is dated in line 53:
published in his Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. samvat 1138 Phalguna-sudi 7 Bukre, corre
XXIII. Plate xxv. This inscription contains sponding, for Vikrama 1136 expired, to Friday, the 54 lines of writing which cover a space of 26" 31st January A. D. 1080, when the 7th tithi of the broad by 27" high. Line 39 appears to have bright half ended 20 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.
been almost completely scratched out'; otherwise Beginning with two verses which invoke the the writing is on the whole well preserved. The
1 I cannot find Arthùná on the maps at my disposal. In the papers sent to me it is stated that "a sight of the ruins of Arthan confirms the view that a large city existed there in ancient times, where only a small village stands at present, surrounded by several temples in ruit." The rubbing of the inscription was procured through the assistance of the Political geut of Banswårå.
The names of the writer and of the engraver are illegible in the rubbing.
In Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXIII. p. 124, Yr Garrick reports that at a small bamlet called Nimtor,
in Rajputånd, he found an inscription of seven lines, dated in Samvat 1027. From a very faint photograph of this inscription, shewn to me by Dr. Burgess, I am able to state that the inscription was put up during the reign of a Mahárojidhirdja who also boro the name Chimn. daraja, and that it is datad in the (Vikrama) year 1628.
• A very incorrect copy, made by a Pandit, of this inscription I had previously received from Dr. Fleet, to whom it had been given by Dr. Burgess, together with copy of another long inscription from Chitor which is per haps the second praiasti, referred to below,

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size of the letters is about t". The characters 14. Amraprasada? (?, v. 49; omitted in the are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the Mount Åbu inscription). inscription is in verse. The verses are numbered, 15. Buchivarman (v. 52). and their total number is 61.
16. Naravarman (v. 56). This is a prasasti of the Guhila family of 3.-Narwar Stone Inscription of Ganapati of Médapata, similar to the Mount Abd stone in- Nalapura, of the (Vikrama) year 1355. scription of Samarasimha of the Vikrama year F rom Dr. Burgess I have received a pencil1342 (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 345), and composed by rubbing of the inscription in the Narwar Fort the same poet Vedaśarman (line 54) who, indeed,
which is mentioned in Sir A. Cunningham's in line 46 of the Mount Abd inscription refers to Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. II. p. 315. This this and similar prasastis, composed by himself. inscription contains 21 lines of writing which It was engraved by the artizan Sajjana (line 54), cover a space of 1' 101" broad by 1'3" high. and is dated in line 54:-samo 1331 varsho The writing appears to be well preserved throughAshadha-sudi 3 Bukre Pushyê, corresponding,
out, but about half a dozen aksharas cannot be for northern Vikrama 1331 expired, to Friday, made out with certainty in the rubbing. The the 8th June A. D. 1274, when the 3rd tithi of size of the letters is about ". The characters are the bright half ended about 20 h., and when the Nágari. The language is Samskrit, and the inmoon was in Pushya for about 17 h. after mean scription is in verse. The verses are numbered, sunrise.
and their total number is 28. The inscription opens with verses invoking the The inscription is a prasasti, the proper object of blessings of Siva (Srt-Semådhiśvarn, Trinayana, which is, to record (in verses 22-25) that the KayaChandrachada) and Ganesa. The poet then states stha Palhadeva (or Palhaja), in memory and for the that he is about to eulogize the Guhila vama. spiritual benefit of his deceased younger brother He glorifies the country of Modapata, and its Hamsaršja, built a tank and a temple (chaitya) town Nagahrada; and relates how through the of Sambhu (or Siva), and also laid out a garden. favour of the sage Hâritarásio Bappa became The prabasti was composed by Siva, a son of the lord of Mêdapata. Afterwards he gives the treasurer Loha[da] and grandson of Damodara names of the descendants of Bappa, from Guhila who belonged to a family of writers at Gopadri to Naravarman, and praises each of them in three (or Gwalior); written by Arasimha (!), the son or four verses, in general terms which are of no of Abhinanda; and engraved by Dhanauka (P). historical value. After verse 60 he adds in And it is dated in line 21 :-samvat 1356 Kartprose:-anantara-varsa-varnnanan dvitlya-pra. tika-[va]di 5, on a day of the week which, so far bastau véditavyam.
as I can see from the rabbing, is either Gurau The princes glorified are:
or Sukrd. Supposing the day to be Sure, the 1. Bappa.
corresponding date, for Vikrama 1355 expired
and the purnimanta Karttika, would be Friday, 2. Guhila (v. 13).
the 26th September A. D. 1298. 3. Bhoja (v. 15).
The inscription was composed during the reign 4. Bila (v. 18).
of Ganapati of Nalapura; and the poet there5. Kalabhoja (v. 21).
fore, after invoking the blessings of Siva (Manma6. Mallata (v. 24; omitted in the Mount Åbo
thasddana) and the Sun, begins with praises of the inscription).
town Nalapura, and then gives the following 7. Bhartribhata (v. 27).
genealogy of the prince Ganapati :8. Sinha (v. 30).
1. In Nalapura (i. e., Narwar) was born the 9. Mahayaka (v. 33; in the Mount AbQ in
prince Chahada (v.4). scription called Mahâyika).
2. His son was Nrivarman (v. 5). 10. Shummaņa (v. 36).
3. From him sprang ÂBalladeva (v. 6); 11. Allata (v. 39).
4. From him Gopala (5.7); 12. Naravdhana (v. 42).
5. And from him Ganapati, who acquired 13. Baktikumara (v. 46).
fame by conquering Kirtidurga' (vv. 8 and 9). . This shews that Sri-Samidhtia in line 46 of the Mount The name of this prince is omitted in the list, given Abu inscription is a name of Siva.
in Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. II. p. 316. • This finally settles the meaning of the same wori in This, in all probability, is the Kirtligiri-durga (i.c. verse 8 of the Mount Abú inscription.
Deogalh), mentioned in line 7 of the Decgadh rock in. This name is doubtful, because the rubbing is here scription of Kirtivarman; ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 838. very faint.

Page #98

82
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1993
Verses 10-20 give the genenlogy of the two Chandra, of the Kaśyapa gôtra; his son was brothers Palhadova (or Palhaja) and Hainsaraja. Dalhama; his son Kubavi; his son Padmanabha; This part of the inscription commences with a verse and his son Dôbula. Dehula had three song, in praise of the fort of Gôpáchala (or Gwalior). Udaya, Nama and Albu. Of these, Námú married At Gôpåchala lived a family of Kayasthas, of Padma, the daughter of Maharatha; and she bore the Kasyapa götra, who had come from Mathura. I to him three sons. Dhånd. Viiavad In that family there was a certain Albana, whose Vâmana who built the tank, mentioned above. son was Kanbada, whose son again was the Våmana married first Ajayadé (P), a daughter of minister (mantrin) Vijabada. Vijahada married Lõhada, and afterwards Hôma, a daughter of Mônaga, who bore to him two sons, Gangadva Asudova. and Yamunadôva. Gångadêya married Lóns, and
15. - Kharod Stone Inscription of Ratna she bore to him four sons, Palha[ja], Hariraja,
dôva III. of Ratnapura, of the Chedi Sivaraja, and Hansaraja.
year 933. 4.- Sarwaya Stone Inscription of Ganapati Dr. Burgess has also supplied to me a pencil. of Nalspura, of the (Vikrama) year 1848. rubbing of the inscription at Khárůd in the Cen
Dr. Burgess has alse supplied to me a pencil. tral Provinces which is mentioned in Archæol. rubbing of the inscription, found in a tank at Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 201, and Vol. XVII. Sarwaya, eight miles to the east of Sipri, which is p. 43. This inscription contains 28 lines of writing mentioned in Sir A. Cunningham's Archaeol. which cover a space of about 3' broad by 1' 6" Survey.of India, Vol. II. p. 316. This inscription high. To judge from the rubbing, the writing contains 32 lines of writing which cover a space of has suffered a good deal all the way down on the 1' 10" broad by 1'11' high. The writing is well proper left side; but with a good impression all preserved throughout. The size of the letters is that is important might nevertheless be made about ". The characters are Nagari. The out with certainty. The size of the letters is about language is Sanskrit, and the inscription is in 1". The characters are Nagarf. The language is verse. The verses are numbered, and their total Samskrit, and the inscription is in verse. The number is 33.
verses are numbered, and their total number is 44. The inscription is a prasasti, the proper object The inscription is dated in line 29:- Chadiof which is to record (in verses 23-28) that, during samvat 933, corresponding to A.D. 1181-82; and the reign of Ganapati, the son of the prince it is valuable, because in lines 4-15) it gives a Gopala, the thakkura Vamana (evidently a high complete list of the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnsofficial) built a public tank (vápiku), clearly the pura down to Ratnadeva III., and proves thus tank at which the inscription has been found. beyond doubt that there really were three chiefs The prasasti was composed by the poet Soma of Ratnapura, called Ratnarája or Ratnadeva." migrati son of Somadhara; written by Maharaja, Besides we find in this introductory part of the the son of Sómaraja; and engraved by Deva inscription some names of persons and places simha, the son of Madhava. And it is dated in! which have not become known yet from other line 33 : - oanvat 1348 Chaitrs-sudi 8 Guru
inscriptions of the same dynasty. In the family dino Pushya-nakshatre, corresponding, for of the Haihayas there was a prince (evidently southern Vikrama 1313 expired, to Thursday, the Kökalla13) who had eighteen sons (line 5). one of 27th March A. D. 1292, when the 8th tithi of the whom was Kalings. His son was Kamala, the bright half onded 17 h. 17 m., and when the moon
lord of Tummana; from him sprang Ratnardja entered the nakshatra Pushya 9 h. 51 m. after
I.; and then came Prithvideva I. His son was mean sunrise.
Jajalladiva I., who defeated Bhujabala, the The inscription opens with three verses invoking lord of Suvarnapura (Jajalladeva-npipatis tatthe blessings of the goddess of eloquence Sarad, sanur=abhat-Suvarnnapurs-natham Bhujaveand of the gods Krishna (Radhà-dhava) and Hara. (ba)lam avaba)lam chakre nija-bhuja-vaba)It then has a verse in praise of the town Mathuri lataḥ sainikô yah 1). Jâjalladova's son was on the Yamuma, from which, as we are told further Ratnadávs II. (line 6), who defeated the prince on, proceeded a family of Kayasthas, known as Chodaganga, the lord of the country of Kalinga. the Mathuras. In that family there was one His son was Prithvidsva II. (line 8); and his son
10 I am pretty sure that this Harirja is mentioned as name Harirsja also occurs in a fragmentary inscription donee in the Dåhi copper-plate of the Chapdi Ha Vira-lat Udaypur in Gwalior; ante, Vol. XX p. 84. varman, of the Vikrama year 1337, of which I possess 11 This is perhaps the Lõhada mentioned in the prooed'sir A. Cunningham's transcript (Archaol. Survey of ing inscription. India, Vol. XXI. p. 75). The same copper-plate un 13 See Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 43. doubtedly mentions 'Gopala, the lord of Nalapura.'-The 13 See ib. 33.

Page #99

MARCH, 1893.]
MISCELLANEA.
83
again was Jajalladava II. (line 10), who married the Vikrama year 1470 (for 1471) mentions three, Somalladov. (line 12), and whose son was the under the names of Sinhaņa, Ramadeva, and prince Ratnadáva III. (line 13), during whoso Haribrahmadova, referring them to the Kalachuri reign the inscription was put up.
branch of the Haihaya family. And a large
mutilated inscription at Ramtek in the Central 6.- Nagpur Museum Stone Inscription of
Provinces, of which I owe a pencil-rubbing to Brahmadáva of Rayapura, of the (Vikrama)
Dr. Fleet, mentions Simhana and Ramachandra. year 1458.
. F. KIELHORN. To Dr. Fleet I owe a good impression of the Göttingen. Nagpur Museum inscription, brought from Raypur in thu Central Provinces, which is men
PAUSHA SAMVATSARA tioned by Sir A. Cunningham in his Archæol. IN THE KASIKA-YRITTI ON P. IV, 2, 3L Survey of India, Vol. XVII. p. 77. This inscrip
A copper-plate inscription of the Kadamba king tion contains 25 lines of writing which cover a
Mpigėsis, of about the 6th century A.D., published space of 1' 10" broad by 1' 4" high. With the
by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. VI. page 24, is dated in exception of a few aksharas which are broken
line 10:-svavaijayikê ashtamê Vaisakhi sanaway in the bottom lines, the writing is well pre
vatsara Kårttika-pauranamasyên, on the day of served. The size of the letters is about in".
the full-moon of the month) Karttika, in the The characters are Nagari, and the language is
Vaiśikha year, the eighth of his victory.' And Samskrit. By far the greater part of the inscrip
another copper-plate inscription of the same king, tion is in verse. The whole is written very care- published by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. VII. page 35, is lessly.
dated in line 7 :-&tmanal råjyasya tritiyê varshe The inscription opens with eight vergee in Pausho saa vatsara Karttika-masa-bahula-pak. honour of Gangsa, Bharati, the author's precep
shë dasamym tithau Uttarabhadrapade nakshatra, tors, and the god Siva. It then records the in the third year of his reign, in the Pausha year, foundation of a temple of Hatakêśvara's (Siva) by on the tenth lanar day in the dark fortnight of the Nayaka Hajirajadêva, apparently a minister the month Karttika, under the Uttarabhadrapada or other official of the chief Brahmadeva of
BrahmadAya of constellation. The terms Vaibukha sa invatsara Rayapura, in the following pros9 pagsage (in
and Pausha san vatsara of these dates induce me lines 9-12), which I give as I find it :
to draw attention here to what I cannot but
regard as a curious mistake, made by the gramSvasti srl sa[m]vatu 1458 varshd Bake 1832
marian Jayaditya, when explaining Pånini's rule samaye Sarvajita-nama-samvatsard Phaglu
IV, 2, 21; and to give at the same time the proper na-sudha-ashtami Sukrê ady=êha sri Rayapur:
explanation of those terms, as furnished by Sakumaharajadhiraja-srimad-Raya[vra]hmadeva
ţayana and other grammarians. rajyê pradhana-thâkura-Tripurarideva parditaMahadeva tasmin samayên nâyaka-brf-H&jir&ja
In the rule IV, 2, 21, the original wording of dêva Hatakešvarasya praśådari kļitam”.
which is adamin paurnan tsiti, Pagini teaches
that certain suffixes are added to nominal bases This passage is followed by a verse in praise of
denoting full moon tithis, to form other nominal the town Råyapura, and by other veraes (in lines
bases denoting periods of time which contain those 13-17) which give the genealogy of Brahmadeva.
full-moon tithis; and the word iti of the rule At Rayapura there was the great prinoe Lash
shows, what is mora distinctly brought out by midova (Lakshmideva P); his son was Simgha ;
Kity sana's addition of the word samjay in, that his son Ramachandra; and his son again Hari
Pånini's role should take effect only when the rayabrahman in the sequel called simply Brah
words that would be forined by it are used by madêva). The concluding lines of the inscription (18-25) hare reference to the founder of the
people as names. Patañjali, commenting on Kat
yi yana's Vårttikas, tells us that the names here temple, Hajiraja, and are void of interest.
referred to are the names of the twelve) months The date of this inscription I have ante, Vol. or the twelve) half-months (which end with the XIX. p. 26, shewn to correspond to Friday, the full-moon tithi); and the Prakriyu-kaumudi and 10th February A. D. 1402. Of the four princes, the Siddh Inta kaumud give the example Pausho the Khalari stone inscription of Brahmadôva of mdsah 'the month Pausha,' i.e., of the twelve
14 This namo (and porhaps the whole verse in which it | Dr. Burgess. is contained) also occurs in line 9 of much mutilated 15 Tha usual form of tho name is Hotaklsvare. Inscription at Amarkantak (Archaol. Survey of India, See Archaol. Survey of India, Vol. VII p. 112. Vol. VII. p. 253) of which I owe a faint pencil-rabbing to

Page #100

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCA, 1893.
months of the year that month which contains gurubhir yaktaḥ PhAlgunah samvatsarah Iuditathe Pausht paurnamdst, or, in other words, that gurur iti kim l udita-sanaischaréna pushyêņa yukmonth of the calendar during which the moon is tarn varsham ity atra na bhavati i bhåd iti kim full in the nakshatra Pushya. Differing from uditagurung parvarátrêņa yuktam varsham labda Patalijali, the author of the Kafikd-vritti on | iti kim i mlad divasê vê na bhavati P. IV, 2, 21, would permit us to form by that rule Here we are on ground with which, thanks to not only names of months and half-months, but
Mr. S. B. Dikshit,* we are now familiar. To form also names of years, and accordingly, in addition
the name of a year, we are directed to add a to the instances Paushô másah and Paush 'rdha.
certain suffix to the name of that particular nak. mdaah, he also gives the example Panshah sans
shatra, belonging to that year, in which Jupiter vatsarah. When first I read the remarks of the
has risen. A year joined with (or containing) the Kasiki-vyitti on Papini's rule, I could not but
nakshatra Pushya in which Jupiter bappens to think that there might be some error in the
have risen is named Paushan varsham. Vai. printed text; but I soon found out that the
sdkhah sanatsarah is that year in which Jupiter published edition really gives the text which is
rises in Visakh. Hémachandra does not disfurnished by the MSS., and from a note of
tinctly tell us what kind of year he is speaking of, Hêmachandra's on his own rale VI, 2, 98, I became
whether of the Jovian year or of the solar or convinced that he too was acquainted with,
luni-solar year; but seeing how he opposes the although he apparently did not approve of, Jaya.
word abda to mdsa and divasa, I would say that ditya's strange interpretation.
(rightly or wrongly, the Pausha year, in his That Jayaditya is wrong in forming the word opinion, would be the ordinary lani-solar year Pausha of Paushah samvatsarah by P.IV, 2, 21, during which Japiter happens to rise in Pushya. seems certain. Explained by that rule, Paushah To take the word abda to denote (pratydsattisamvatsarah would mean the year which contains nydyéna) the Jovian year, would seem to me a thọ Paushi paurnamdal,' or that particular year somewhat forced interpretation. during which the moon is full in the nakshatra Of course, Hemachandra has not invented his Pushya: but, as almost all years have such a rule. but has here. as elsewhere, borrowed full-moon, nearly every year would have to be from SakatAvans who
from Sakatayans whose wording of the rule named Pausha, and since such & year would ordinarily contain eleven other full-moon tithis,
garadayad bhad yukta 'bda, it would, scoording to Jayaditya, have to receive eleven similar names. To revert to our dates, the while the Jainendra-oydkarana has, similarly, year of the first of them undoubtedly contained guridaydd bhad yudo 'odah. Not possessing the Karttikt paurnamdst, but the year is named completo copy of a commentary on Sakatayana's Vaisakha, not Karttika samvatsara.
grammar, I do not know how native scholars The fact is, that neither the three great gram.
would explain the word gurúdaya grammatically,
but we may, I think, be sure that Hemachandra marians Påņini, Katyåyana and Patañjali, nor the
has correctly given its meaning by substituting grammarian Chandra, whose work was known to
for it uditaguru. JayAditya, have given any rule by which we could account for the words Pausha or Vaisakha in
On a previous occasion I have shown that the phrases like Paushah samvatsarah or Vaidakhah
authors of the Katikd-vritti frequently quote samvatsarah; but we do find the requisite rule from the grammar, or allude to the teaching, of in the later grammars of Sakata yana and Hême- Chandra where that grammarian differs from chandra, and in the Jainéndra-vydkarana.
Paņini or has additional rules. The fact that
Jayaditya in no wise refers to the rule of SakatHômachandra's rule' VI, 2, 5, is
yana's which I have given above, and which is udita-gurðr bhad yukta 'bde;
absolutely necessary for the proper explanation of and his own commentary on this rule is:
words like Pausha in Paushah samvatsarah, is uditó gurur brihaspatir yasmin bhê nakshatra
one more argument to prove that the Sakafdyana. tadvachinas tsitiyântâd yukte 'rthê yathêvibitat
vydlarana is more modern than the Katikapratyayo bhavati sa chêd yuktô 'rthô 'bdaḥ samvatsaraḥ byât I pushyêņôditaguruna yuktam
F. KIELHORN. varsharn Pausham varsham | phalgunibhir udita.
Göttingen.
is
vritti.
Himachandra and SAkatyana place this rule imme. dintoly before the rulo or rules which correspond to
P. IV 2, 3 and 4.
See Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 16.

Page #101

THE PO: U: DAUNG INSCRIPTION OF SINBYUYIN, 1774, AD
OBVERSE FACE OF THE STONE.
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Page #102

REVERSE FACE OF THE STONE.
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Page #103

APRIL, 1893.]
KALYANI INSCRPITIONS.
86
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS OF DEAMMACHETI,
1476 A. D. BY TAW SEIN-KO.
(Continued from page 53.) THE number of leading priests, who received the upagampada ordination during the
1 five days, namely, from the 9th to the 13th, was 245. On Saturday, the 14th day, the King sent the following invitation to the 245 leading théras, who had received their upasampadá ordination : "To-morrow, which is a Sunday, and the full-moon upôsatha day of the month Migasîra, may the Venerable Ones be pleased to perform uposatha in the Kalyaņisimâ in the company of the fifteen théras, who conducted the upasampadd ordination ceremony ? It is our desire to serve the Venerable Ones with food, and to present them with other requisites' at the conclusion of the uposatha, and to derive feelings of piety from such an act." On the morning of the uposatha day, the King, surrounded by a large concourse of people, went to the Kalyanisima, and, having ordered the provision of seats and of water for washing the feet, awaited the arrival of the newly-ordained theras and the fifteen conductors of the upasampadá ordination ceremony. All the théras assembled together, and performed uposatha in the Kalyanisima. At the conclusion of the upôsatha ceremony, the King served all of them with a bounteous supply of various kinds of hard and soft food, and with different kinds of betelleaf, &c., and bh@sajja. The following articles were then presented to each of the théras : two couples of cotton cloths of delicate texture for making tichivara robes; a betel-box with cover, areca-nuts, nut-crackers, &c.; a palmyra fan; an umbrella made of the leaf of the wild datepalm (phoenix sylvestris); and an alms-bowl with cover and stand.
In compliance with the wish of all the priests, the King conferred the title of Kalyani. tissamahathora on Suvannasőbhanathéra.
Thenceforward, the King permanently stationed, in the neighbourhood of the Kalyanifimâ, nobles and learned men for the purpose of serving food and furnishing the requisites to the ten théras, headed by Kalyanitissa mahathêra, who, together with the five young priests, conducted the upasampadá ordination ceremony, as well as to the leading priests, who had received their upasampadd ordination in the Kalyanisimâ, and to the numerous priests who presented themselves for ordination. There were likewise stationed namerons scribes charged with the daty of recording the number of priests ordained; and musicians to sound the drum, conch-shell, and other instruments for the purpose of eliciting the acclamation of sddhu at the conclusion of each reading of the kammavdchá relating to the upasampada ordination.
The ton thoras who conducted the ordination ceremony, the 245 leading priests who had received such ordination, and the numerous priests who were their disciples, conferred, day after day, without interruption, the Sihala form of the upasampada ordination on other leading priests, who came and expressed a desire to receive it.
Bamadhipatiraja of his own accord, and with the approbation of the whole Order, despatched the following message to all the priests residing in Ramanadega:
“Venerable Ones, there may be men, who, though wishing to receive the pabbajjá ordination, are branded criminals, or notorious robber-chiefs, or escaped prisoners, or offenders against the Government, or old and decrepit, or stricken with severe illness, or deficient in the members of the body in that they have cat or rudimentary hands, &c., or are hamp-backed, or dwarfish, or lame, or have crooked limbs, or are, in short, persons, whose presence vitiates the parisá. If people of such description are admitted into the Order, all those, who may see them, will imitate, or laugh at, their deformity, or revile them; and the sight of such men will not be capable of inspiring one with feelings of piety or reverence. Vouchsafe, Venerable Onos, not to admit, with effect from to-day, such men into the Order.

Page #104

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1893.
« There may be men, living under your instruction, who desire to receive the wpasampada ordination. Vouchsafa, Venerable Ones, not to confer on them such ordination, in your own locality, without the previous sanction of Ramadhipatiraja or of the leading thóras of Hamsavatipura. Should, Venerable Ones, you disregard this our command, and conduot the upasampada ordination ceremony in your own locality, we shall infliot punishment on the parents of the candidates for such ordination, their relatives, or their lay supporters.
“There are sinful priests, who practise medicine; and others, who devote their time to the art of numbers, carpentry, or the manufacture of ivory articles, or who declare the happy or unhappy lot of governors, nobles, and the common people, by examining their horoscopes or by reading the omens and dreams, that may have appeared to them.
“There are some priests, who not only make such declarations, but also procure their livelihood, like laymen addicted to the acquisition of material wealth, by means of painting, carpentry, the manufacture of ivory articles, turnery, the making of idols, and such other vocations. In short, they follow such unbecoming professions, and obtain their means of livelihood.
“There are priests, who visit eotton-fields and preach the Dhamma with long intonation, and trade in the cotton which they happen to receive as offerings.
“There are priests, who visit fields of hill-rice, rice, barley, &c., and preach the Dhamma and trade in the grain which they happen to receive as offerings.
"There are priests, who visit fields of capsicum and preach the Dhamma, and trade in the capsicum which they happen to receive as offerings.
"There are priests, who trade in many other ways.
“There are priests, who, contrary to the rules of the Order, associate with such laymen as gamesters, roués, drunkards, mon who obtain their means of living by robbery, or who are in the service of the King, or with other men and women.
"All these are sinful priests. Do not, Venerable Ones, permit these sinful priests to take up their permanent residence under your protection.
“But there are also other priests, who are replete with faith, who observe the rules prescribed for the Order, whose conduct is good, and who are devoted to the study of the Tipitakz, together with its commentaries, &c. Venerable Ones, permit such priests to take up their pormanent residence under your protection.
"If, Venerable Ones, lay men, who are replete with faith and are of good family, desire to receive the pabbajjá ordination at your hands, they should be taught calligraphy, and after they have acquired a knowledge of the proper intonation of the letters, they should be instructed in the confession of faith in the Three Refuges,' and taught the precepts; and eventually, Venerable Ones, confer the pubhajjú ordination on them.
"If there are samaméras, who have completed their twentieth year, and are desirous of receiving the upasampalá ordination, they should be taught a brief summary of the chatupári. suddhisila, that are observed by priests, who have received the upasampadd ordination, namely, pátimolek hashvarasil, intriyasainvarasila, ájívapärisuddhisila, and pachchayasannissitasila. They should further be instructed both in the letter and spirit of the Bhilekhupatim okIcha and the Khuldasikleha, from beginning to end, and be directed to learn by heart the ritual of confession and the chatupachchayapachchavéllehana. Do you ultimately report your action to Ramadhipatiraja as well as to the leading priests residing in Hamsavatipura. Then Ramadhipatiraja will furnish these candidates with the priestly requisitos,' and have the upasampada ordination conforred on them.

Page #105

KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
"Venerable Ones, let all of them conform themselves to such conduct as is in accordance with the precepts prescribed by the Blessed One in the Vinaya.
APRIL, 1993.1
87
"It was owing to the division of the priests of Râmaññadêsa into different sects in former times, that such impurity, heresy, and corruption arose in the Religion. But now, through all the Venerable Ones being imbued with faith, they have received the Sihala form of the upasampada ordination, that has been handed down by the spiritual successors of the Mahâvihåra sect. Whatever may be the mode of tonsure and of dress followed by the muháthéras of Sihaladipa, let such practice be conformed to, and let there be a single sect."
Having sent the above message to the priests throughout the whole of Râmaññadêsa, Ramadhipatirâja communicated the following intimation to the priests, who were possessed of gold, silver, and such other treasure, corn, elephants, horses, oxen, buffaloes, male and female slaves:
"Sirs, if you are really imbued with faith, you will endeavour to give up your gold, silver, and such other treasure, corn, elephants, horses, oxen, buffaloes, male and female slaves. Having done so, conform yourselves to such conduct as is in accordance with the precepts prescribed by the Blessed One. If you do not endeavour to follow this course, leave the Order according to your inclination."
Some of the priests, owing to their being imbued with faith, gave up all such possessions. and conformed themselves to such conduct as was in accordance with the precepts; while other theras did not endeavour to give up all their possessions, and they left the Order.
There were priests who had flagrantly committed párajika offences: these were requested to become laymen. There were others, whose commission of púrajika offences had not been proved, but whose reproachable and censurable conduct was difficult to be justified: these were asked to become laymen. There were sinful priests, who practised medicine, or the art of numbers, &c., as mentioned above; or who lived misdirected lives by following such vocations as painting, &c., as if they were laymen addicted to the acquisition of material wealth; or who traded in the gifts obtained by preaching the Dhamma; or who traded in many other ways: all these were commanded to become laymen.
It was in this manner that Râmâdhipatirâja purged the Religion of its impurities throughout the whole of Râmaññadêsa, and created a single sect of the whole body of the Priesthood.
From the year 838, Sakkaraj, to the year 841, Sakkaraj, the priests throughout Ramaññamandala, who resided in towns and villages, as well as those who lived in the forest, continuously received the extremely pure form of the Sihala upasampada ordination, that had been handed down by the spiritual successors of the Mahavihara sect.
The leading priests were 800 in number; and the young priests numbered 14,265; and the total of the numbers of both classes of priests was 15,085. At the conclusion of the upasampada ordination ceremony of these 800 leading priests, the King presented each of them with the following articles: two couples of cotton cloths of delicate texture for making tichivara robes; a betel-box, with a cover, containing betel leaves, areca-nuts, and a nut-cracker. together with a towel, &c.; an umbrella made of the leaves of the wild date-palm (phaniz sylvestris); an alms-bowl, with a stand and cover, and a palmyra fan. Moreover, suitable ecclesiastical titles were conferred on all the leading priests.
Subsequently, in accordance with his previous promise, the King furnished 601 sâmaneras, who had mastered the chatuparisuddhisila, studied the Pátimikkha and the Khuddasikkha, learnt by heart the ritual of confession and the pachchavékkhana, and completed their twentieth year, with alms-bowls, robes, and all other priestly requisites,' and commanded them to receive the upasampada ordination in the Kalyanisima. Adding these newly-ordained priests, there were, at the time, in Ramaññadesa, 15,666 priests.

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Rimadhipatirajn, after he had purified the Religion of Buddha, expressed a hope Now that this Religion of Buddha has been purged of the impure form of the upasampaid ordination, of sinful priests, and of priests who are not free from censure and reproach, and that it has become cleaused, resplendent, and pare, may it last till the end of the period of 5,000 years !"
1. In former times, Asokadhammaraja, to whom incomparable majesty and might had accrued, out of love for the Religion, became agitated in mind at the sight of the impurities that had arisen in it.
2. He solicitod the Assistance of Moggaliputtatissathers, and effected the purification of tho Roligion by expelling 60,000 sinfal pricsts from the Order.
3. In Laikadipa, Parakkamabahuraja, whose name began with Sirisanghaboohi, was friend of the Religion of Buddha.
4. Secing the impurities of the Religion, agitation arose in his mind, and he expelled namorous sinful priests, who held heretical doctrines.
5. Ho effected purification by sparing the single orthodox sect, whose members were the spiritual saccessors of the residents of the Mahavihara.
6. Subsequently, the purifiontion of the Religion was again, in like manner, effected by other kings as VijayabAhu and Parakkama.
7. In times past, our Bodhisattva, while fulfilling the páramis, ruled over the celestial kingdom of Tidasalayasagg.
8. At that time, the Religion of Ksssapa Buddba was in existence, and Anandathers becamo Usiunara, and ruled over the kingdom of Bårkpastpora.
9. Although he perceived the imperities, he remained indifferent, and did not effoot the purification of the Religion. Then Sakra, the Lord of the devas, set aside his celestial bliss 41.d,
10. Accompanied by Matali, who had assumed the form of a black dog, went to the King, called Usiunara, and inspired him with fear,
11. Having received a pledge for the purification of the Religion, and after admonishing him, Sakra returned to Tidasûlays.
12. Therefore, King Ramadhipati, the Lord of Ramaññadêsa, following respectfully in the footsteps of the virtuous,
13. Purified the Religion with a view that it might last till the end of 5,000 years.
14. For having purified the Religion in the manner described above, I, Rámadhipati, have acquired merit, which is as inexhaustible as nirudna, the state of purity and quiescence.
15. May the excellent Kings, who are imbued with intense faith, and who will reign after me in Hamsavatipura, always strive to purify the Religion, whenever they perceive that impurities have arisen in it!
16. Although the théras, headed by Majjhantikathëra, in whom all passions were extinct, and who had performed their last doeds, took a delight in solitude, they set aside their bliss of nirvana,
17. And, in former times, exerted themselves in tho interest of the Religion. Therefore respectfully following in their footsteps.
18. May the priests of Hamsavatipura, who delight in their condition of purity, and are enthusiastic (in the cause of the Religion) purify, in after times, the Religion whenever they perceive any impurities in it!

Page #107

APRIL, 1893.]
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
89
19. If this is done, the beings, who are immersed in the whirlpool of the three forms of existence, will be enabled to cross to the other shore), or to free themselves from the conditions of sin and suffering, or to attain the pure and excellent and supreme Buddhahood, which is embellished with the attributes of the wise and is the fruition of supreme exertion.
Here end the lithic inscriptions called Kalydni.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON TUL'Sf DÂS.
BY G. A. GHIERSON, 1. C. 8. It is a source of gratification to me, that my attempt to describe the modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustani has elicited criticism at the same time kindly and lively, at the hands of native scholars.
In the present article I propose to bring forward some interesting facts about the greatest of Indian authors of modern times, Tulsi Das, which that criticism has elicited.
(1) DATE OF THE POET. The date of this poet has never been & matter of doubt to native scholars, and it was not until after I had completed my work already alluded to, that it ever struck me that it was necessary to verify it. When the publication of Prof. Jacobi's Tables for computing Hindu Dates in the Indian Antiquary (ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 145 and ff.) and in Epigraphia Indica (1. pp. 463 and if.) placed it in my power to do this, I tested by them the date given by Tul'st Das himself for the composition of his Rándyan, but altogether failed to make the week-day come right. After numerous failures I referred the matter to Prof. H. Jacobi himself, who went into it on more than one occasion with inexhaustible kindness. It was some satisfaction to me to find that, while there was no error in my own calculations, there was a way of reconciling the discrepancy between the poot's statements and actual facts. This has since led me to test every other data relating to Tul'al Day, which native friends, or the poet's own verses have pat in my possession. It will be convenient to give a list of them here.
(a) Date of the composition of the Rám-charit-wina. (commonly called the Rámayan.) (Rám, Bd. XXXIV. 4,5), Bambat 1631 ; Chaitra 9 sudi, Tuesday.
(6) Date of the composition of the Ram Sat'sai (Bama-sapta-batikd) (Sat. I., 21). Sambat 1642, Vaisakha Sudi, 9, Thursday.
) Date of the composition of the Parbati Mangal (P&r. I, 5). Jaya sambat, Phalguna Sudi, 6, Thursday.
(d) Date of composition of the Ramágyá (Rd májña). A tradition, recorded by the editor, Chhakkan Lal, fixes it at Sambat 1655, Jyaishtha Sudi, 10, Sunday.
(e) Date of the composition of the Kabitta Rámáyan. Sambat 1669-71. (1) Date of drawing up a deed of arbitration (vide post). Sambat 1669, Lévina Srdi, 13, G) Date of Talsi Das's death. An old tradition fixes it on Sambat 1680, Srávana sudi 7. It remains now to test these seven daten, so far w poble, (a) Date of the Ramayan. The authorities are ;
1, Råm. Bd. XXXIV. 4, 5 and if. · The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindistan, by George A. Grierson, Calcutta : Asiatic Society of Bengal.
I quote from the very correct text of the poem printed by Baba Ram Din Singh, of the Khadg Bills Presu, Patna. This is by far the boat odition of the poem which has yet appeared. In transliterating I represent anundeika, for want of a more convenient type, by A. The gutturaln (T), I leave without any diacritical mark. This will cause no confusion.

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[APRIL, 1893.
Sambata göraha sai ikatisú
Karaun katha Hari-pada dhari sísd 11 Naumi Bhauma-bára Madhn-núsá
Awadha-puria yaha charita prakásáll Jehi dina Ráma-janna öruti gdwahin
Tiratha sakala tahan chali awahin 11 "Laying my head at Hari's feet, I. tell my tale in Sambat 1631. On the ninth tithi, Tuesday, in the month of Chaitra, was this history made manifest in the city of Ayodhra. On the day which the scriptures sing of as that of Rama's birth, when the spirits of) all holy places there assemble."
Note. -Rama's birthday is on the 9th of the bright half of Chaitra.
2. The date in the poem is borne out by a passage in the Rám Rasikávali of Raghu Raj Singh (B. 1824).
Kachhu dina kuri Kásí mahan buisú
Gaye Awadha-pura Tulasi Dású il Tahan anéka kínhau sata-sangá
Nisi dina range Rama-rati-ranga !! Sukhada Ráma-naumi jaba dil
Chaita-mása ati ananda pái 11 Sambata sôraha sai eka-tisé
Súlara sumari Bhánu-kula-isá 11 Básara Bhauma suchita chita-chayana 1
Kiya arambha Tulasí-Rá máyana 11 “After dwelling for a space in Banaras, Tulsi DAs went to Ayodhya. There he associated with many holy men, and joying in the (pare) raptores of Rama pashed his nights and days in bliss. When the happy Rámu-navami came, and when he experienced the delights of the month of Chaitra, in Sambat 1631, reverently did he call to mind the Lord of the Solar Race, and, with caro, on Tuesday, he commenced the soul-fulfilling Tulasi-Ramayana."
The problem, therefore, is to test the date Sambat 1681, Chaitra sudi, e, Tuesday.
Prof. Jacobi's calculations give the following results :A.-Samhat 1631, expired.
(1) Chaitrili year. The date is equivalent to Wednesday, 31st March 1574 A. D.
(6) Kárttikadi year. The date is equivalent to Sunday, 20th March 1575 A. D. B.-Sambat 1631, current.
(a) Chaitrádi year.-The date is equivalent to Thursday, 26th March 1573 A. D.
(6) Kúritikáli year.-The date is equivalent to Wednesday, 31st March 1574 A. D.,the same as A (a).
It will be seen that none of these possible dates give the day of the week as Tuesday. Prof. H. Jacobi, therefore, calculated the date according to various Siddhantas. With his permission, I here give his calculations in full, in order to place the matter beyond doubt. Sam. 1631 expired = K.Y. 4675. (Special Tables I. note). KY. 4600 (0) 17. 60 15 [12] Ind. = 22.95 75 years (3) 19.45 173 [1] Ind. sudi 9 = 1.95 Ind. badi 9 = 16-95.
(3) 7.05 188 [13]
* The calculations given here, and also those subsequently given by me, are based on the tables in the Epigraphra Indica.

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APRIL. 1893.]
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
91
The month Madhu, or Chaitra, of the Chaitrádi year is to be taken in the first column of the Table III. New moon about 26th sol. Chaitra. Sudi 9 about 4th sol. Vaisakha. Add equation to above value.
4675 KY. (3) 7.05 188 [13] 4th Vais. (1) 1. 02 36
(4) 8.07 224 13
0.83 14 March
8.90
31 March 1574 A. D. (1) The ninth tithi ended about 6 ghat, after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 31st March, 1574 A. D.-This date will be calculated hereafter according to several Siddhantas for Oudh. If we take columu 12 of Table III. we get the date for the Karttikadi Sam. year 1631 viz.
4675 KY. (3) 7.05 188 [13] 24th Chaitr. (6) 1.66 920
(9 = 2) 8.71 108
67
-
(2) 9.38 (2) The ninth tithi ended on Sunday. Sam. 1631 current = K.Y. 4674. We calculate both kinds of years. KY. 4600 (0) 17.60 15 [12] Ind. = 3.75
74 years (2) 8.65 927 ] Ind. sudi 9 = 12-75 4674 Ky. (2) 26.25 942 (13) 16 Chaitr. (4) 12.73 383
16 Chaitr.com
2.98 325
78
9.70 (3) The 9th ended on Thursday.
The Kárttikádi year KY. 4674 = (2) 26.25 942 (13) 4th Vais. (2) 11.82 283
8.07 225 0.83
(1)
8.90 (4) Sudi 9 = Wednesday. This date is the same as (1), as of course it ought to be. We now calculate according to the Special Tables the date 4th solar Vaisakha KY. 4675. Súrya Siddhúnta with bija.
(an.
O an. Ky. 4600 2180 480 185° 580 282° 43' 18" - 1 47
75 years 238 21 0 6 7 6 13 - - - - 24 24 4 Vais. 12 11 27 13 3 54 59 8 - 26 gh, 11 p. 469° 20 27" 266° 3' 17' 283 41 26
(1) = 109
cor.

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[APRIL, 1893.
1 +
+
Corr. Table XXII. 26 gl. 5° 16' 58' 5° 39' 41' 0 25' 38" 11 p. 2 14 2 24
11 - 26 gh. 11 p. 5° 19' 12'' 5° 42' 50 0 2549" Subtract (2) from (1)
109 20 27 266 3 17 283 41° 26 5 19 12 5 42 5
25 49 104° 1' 15" 260° 21' 12" 283° 15' 37" Equation for Moon's Anomaly 260° 21 12 = + 4° 58' 22" » » Sun's
283 15 97 = - 2 7 8
+ 20 51 14 Add this to (3) G-O
104° 1' 15"
106° 52' 29" Result No. (5) is the true Distance of Sun and Moon at mean sunrise at Lanka. calculate, now, the same for true sunrise at Benares. North Lat. 25° 20', Long. + 1 gh. 13 p.
($ 58) 1 gh.
12 11" 13' 4" 59" 13 p.
2 38 2 50 13
14' 49' 15' 54' 1" 12" Subtract the Result from (3) 104 1' 15' 260° 21' 12" 283° 15' 37"
14 49 15 54
1 12 103° 46' 26" 260° 5' 18" 283° 14' 25' (6)
4675 - 3600 3-1075 ($ 59) Find the ayanánéa for 4675 KY= 3x -
The sidereal Long. O =283° 14 25 - 282° 43' 18'31.7"
, tropical , o=eid. Long. +ayanamba = 16° 46' 7"=1006' ($ 60) On 25° 20' North Lat. the 1800 minutes of the 1st Sign rise in 1332 Asus, therefore
1006' of trop. Long, o in 744. Subtract. 1006 - 744=262 1848, 262 asus=44 vinádió (palas). Subtract the amount for 44 palas from 103° 46' 26" 260° 5' 18" 283° 14' 25' 8 56 9 35
43 · 103 37 30 259 55 43 283 13 42 († 61) Equation for Moon's Anomaly 259 55 43 = + 457 57
Sun's > 283 13 42 = - 2 7 10
Sum of Equations = 950 47 Add -O (6)
103 46 26
106° 37' 13" Add correction for Sun's Equation + 16 p.
3 15 Result Distance (- for trpe
106° 40' 28"
(8) Sunrise at Benares .. The end of the 9th tithi 108° 0 0' occurred when had increased by
1° 19' 32" or 6 gh. 31 p. after true sunrise.
200
2
00
= 16° 15'

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APRIL, 1893.)
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
93
B. S.
(2) Arya Siddhanta KY. 4600
217° 8 0 184° 7' 0 2 82° 0 0 + 4 gb. 10 p. 75 years 238 13 30 67 25 34 - - - - 24 4 4 Vais. 12 11 27 13 3 54 59 81 - 1954
| 467 32 57 264 36 28 282 59 8 19 gh. 3° 51' 37" 4° 8' 14' 18' 44' - 4 2 35 4 20 0
19 37 54 p. 10 58 11 46
53 103 30 22 260 16 28 282 39 31 4° 2 35 40 20 0 37' 19
Mean distance 103° 30' 22' being smaller than found above (3), the final result also will be smaller; we need therefore not go on with our calculation. (8) Brahma Siddh.
(4) Siddh. Sir. 4600 205° 0 b' 172°15 30" 282° 3' 221 +11.14 || 204° 14' 0171° 6' 30" 280° 54'22"
238 7 30 67 27 48 - - -1-22 58 238 6 45 67 26 40 - - - 5th Vais. 24 22 53 26 7 48 158 16 | 24 22 53 26 748 1 58 16
467 30 23 265 51 6 284 1 38 1466 43 38 264 20 58 282 52 38 - 2 23 2 2 33 18 11 33:
2 23 2 2 33 18 11 33 105 7 21 263 27 48 283 50 5
104 20 36 261 47 40 282 41 5 71 gh. 20 14' 6" 2° 23 43 10 50" 44 p. 8 56
9 35
43 2 23 2 2 33 18 11 33.
S. 'S. Sum of 105 7 21
Sum of 104 20 36 Eq. + 2 53 25
Eq. + 2 51 41 108 046
107 12 17 By comparing above (5) and (8) we see that at trae sunrise in Benares was about 12' 1" less than at mean sunrise at Lanka. Accordingly for Brahma Siddhanta the value of (-o is 107° 48' 45" and the end of 9th tithi about 54 palas after true sunrise at Benares. If we had taken Oudh the moment would have occurred 7 palas earlier. For Siddhánta Sirómani the result is still farther off sunrise.
Conclusion. As the ninth tithi ended according to all Siddhantas some time after true sunrise at Benares (or Oudh) of Wednesday, 31st March 1574 A. D., that day was sudi 9. But as religious ceremonies etc. frequently are referred to the running tithi, not to the civil day on which that tithi ended, it may be assumed that Tul'si Das commenced his work on Tuesday while the auspicious oth tithi was running. Probably most ceremonies of the Rama navami were celebrated on that day because the greatest part of the ninth tithi belonged to it. This is also the parport of the precepts in Kálanirnaya on the navami, Calcutta Edition, p. 229,so far as I understand them.
Taking everything into consideration, I believe the date of Tul'si Das to be correct, and I think it impossible to impugn the genuineness of the poem or the verse quoted on the ground that the date is not in the common civil reckoning.
With reference to Prof. Jacobi's final remarks, I may note that some native scholars have impugned the genuineness of Rúm. Bd. ch. xxxiv. on this very ground of date. The difficulty is certainly a serious one. Prof. Jacobi has proposed one solution, and others have been offered by native scholars. I quote here some remarks on the point, kindly communicated to me by Mahảmahôpadhyâya Pandit Sudhakara Dvivêdi, which are valuable not only for the special purpose which elicited them, but also for the general argument on which they are based. He says, I once considered that the recitation of the Ramayana being in the vernacular,

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it first became popular amongst Baniyás and Kdyasthas, who began to write the poem in their own alphabet, the Kaithi. It was hence not improbable that the original reading was not Bharna-vára, but Saumya-vára, i. e. Wednesday, and that soumya subsequently became corrupted to bharma,- an easy transition in the Kaithí character. Later, however, I discovered that, while Tal'si Dås was in Ayodhyî, he was not a Vairagi Vaishnava, but a Smarta one. These Smårta Vaishṇavas are also great worshippers of Mahûdêva; thus, the poet himself writes in the Balakanda of the poem “Sambhu prasáda sumati hiya hulasi," and from this we gather that he counted the Rama navaní as falling on the Tuesday, according to the Saiva calculation. According to the Saivas the Ráma navami is calculated as the day whose midday falls on the ninth tithi, because Rama was born at midday, and not as the day on which the ninth tithi ends. Accordingly on the former day the festival of the Rama navami was held. Tul'si Das was unable to agree with the Vairagi Vaishnavas, as regards eating. They eat together, seated in a row, but he always cooked his food himself and ate separately, and it was owing to this disagreement that after composing the Bála, Ayodhya, and Aranya Kandas of his poem, he left Ayodhyâ and went to Banaras where he completed it, as appears from Fandand of the Kishkindhakanda.'
(6) Date of the composition of the Ram Sat'sdi. Authority, Sat. I. 21.
Ahi-rasand thana-dhému rasa
Ganapati-dwija Guru-bdra Mádhava sita Siya-janama-tithi
Sata-saiyá abatára 11 “The two) tongaes of a serpent, the (four) udders of a cow, the (six) flavours, the one task of Ganesa (i. e., Sam. 1642), Thursday, the lunar day in the light half of Vaisakha, which is the birthday of Sitâ (i. e., the ninth), is the date of writing the Sat-sal."
Here again difficulties arise, so I take the liberty of giving the calculations in full for the three possible cases (the Karttikádi current date, being the same as the Chaitrádi expired one).
Problem. To find the equivalent of Sambat) 1842, Vaibakhs sudi 9, Thursday. A. Sambat 1642 expired.
(a) Chaitrádi year,
Sam. 1642 expired = K, Y. 4686. KY. 4600 = (0) 17-60 15 [12] Ind. . = 21.08
86 years = (3) 2132 093 [1] Ind. su. 9 = .08 KY. 4686 = (3) 8.928 [13] 1 sol. Jyaishtha = (1) 29-50 52
(4) 8.42 60 [13]
0-57 14th April
(4) 8-99 28th April Therefore the 9th tathi expired just after sunrise on Wednesday, the 28th April, 1585 A.D., and was running on the preceding Tuesday.
• Similarly Krishna, having been born at midnight on the eighth of the dark half of Bhadrapada, Baivas hold the festival on the civil day (wunrise to sunrise) whose midnight falls on the eighth.
. Pandit Sudh Akar Drivedt points out that it is necessary, if the date is genuine, to asume it to be in the Vikrama Sambat though the word Bambat does not ooour in the date. If we take it masala date, the year is 1720, a contury after the death of our poet.

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APRIL, 1893.]
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
95
(6) Kárttikádi year. KY. 4686 = (3) 8.928 [13] 21 sol. Vaisakha = (5) 29.11 900
(1) 8.03 908 13 19 1 4th March
21
8-22 48th March = 17th April. Therefore the 9th tithi expired on Sunday the 17th April 1586 A. D.
B. Sam. 1642 current = KY. 4685. KY, 4600
= (0) 17.6015 [12] ind. = 1.88 85 years = (2) 10-52 747 [1] ind. su. 9 = 10-88 KY. 4685 = (2) 28-12 762 [13] 13th sol. Vaisakha = (3) 10-17 363
(5) 8.29 128 13 .71
14th March
13
9-00 40th March = 9th April 1584, A. D. Add for longitude of Oadh 1 gh. 4 p.
Therefore the ninth tithi expired at 1 ghaţiká 4 palas after sunrise at Oudh, on Thursday, April 9th, 1584 A. D.
Accordingly, if the date is correct, Tul'si Dag, in dating the Bat'sai used the current, not the expired, Sambat year. Paņdit Sudhakara Dvivedi points out that this is against the custom of the poet, and throws the greatest suspicion on the genuineness of the verse in which it occurs. It may be added that, if we take the Saka era, the date comes out correctly, as Thursday May 5, 1720 A. D. It is unnecessary to give the calculations.
(c) Date of composition of the Parbati Mangal. Authority, Pár. I., 5.
Jaya Sambata Phaguna sudi pánchai Guru-dinu!
Asuni birachaun mangala suni sukha chhinu chhinu 11 "I compose this (Párbati) Mangal, the hearing of which gives pleasure at every moment, in Jaya Sambat, Phálguna sudi. 5, Thursday, in Asvini."
Jaya Sambat is one of the years of the sixty-year cycle of Jupiter, and as Tul'si Dâs died in Sambat 1680, we must search for the Jaya which fell about the middle of the 17th Sambat century.
A reference to Prof. Jacobi's tables will show that Jaya Sambat was current on the first day of Samvat 1643 (K. Y. 4687).? A reference to Table VIII. will at once show that Phálguna Sudi 5, Sambat 1643 must have fallen after the expiry of Jaya, or in the year Manmatha. Therefore the Phálguna Sudi 5 of Jaya must have fallen in Sam. 1642, But in sambat 1642, Phálguna Sudi 5 fell on Sunday, not Thursday. It is not necessary to give the calculations.
The reading of the printed Editions is birachahs, but Pandit SudhAkara Dvivedi informs me that the best MSS. have birachaus. (K, Y. 4600 = 33.82 (Table VI.
87 = 28.0179 (Table VII.)
4687 =
1'8879

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Under these circumstances I appealed to Beneras, and have to thank Pandit Sudhakar Dvivêdi for solving the doubt. He says that the year referred to is Sambat 1643, not 1642, Sambat 1643 = KY. 4687, and the calculation (according to Jacobi's tables) is as follows:
4600 KY. 0 17.60 1 5 [12] Ind. • = 10-28
87 years. 4 2.12 240 [1] Ind. su. 5 = 15-28 4687 KY.
19.72 255 8th Phal. (solar) 2 14.97 250
6 4.69 505 13
[13]
C's an 505 eq.
13 Jan. 5:10
33 Jan. = 2 Feb. Accordingly, at the beginning of Friday, 8th Solar Phalguna, the 6th tithi was ronning, and the 5th tithi ended on the preceding day; or Thursday, the 2nd February, 1586 A. D.
* We are enabled to check this date by the fact that Tulsi Das mentions that he commenced his work in the Nakshatra Aévini.
Pandit Sudhakar Dvidêdî writes that in Tulsi Dâs's time, the Makaranda, a practical astronomy founded on the current Súrya Siddhanta, was popular in Benares. Calculating the Ahargana and the true longitudes and the true motions of the sun and moon respectively, we find that the 5th tithi ended at about 52 ghatikas and 37 vighafikás, and Révati Nakshatra ended (and Abvini began at about 20 ghatikds and 10 vighufikás after true sunrise at Benares. The same result follows from the $37 of Jacobi's tables. Tul'si Dâs's Nakshatra was Visakha and his Raši or Zodiacal sign was Tulá (the Scales). Hence, according to astrology, Revali was not a propitious nakshatra for him. Accordingly, the date given by the poet means that he began to write the Párbati Mangai after Révati had ended, and after Asviní had began, i. e., after 20 ghatikus 10 vighafikás after true sunrise at Benares, on Thursday, February 2nd 1586, A. D. I may add that on 5 Phálguna Sudi Sam. 1642, the moon was in Agvini at the beginning of the day. This is a further reason for assuming that by Jaya Sambat Tulsi Das meant Sam. 1643. For if it had been 1642, there would have been no reason for his mentioning the nakshatra then running: whereas, if it was in 1643, there was every reason for his doing so, part of the day being in Révati and unlucky, and part being in Asvini and lucky. The poet evidently wished to point out that he commenced the work at an hour of the day which was propitious.
One other fact follows. Phálguna Sudi 5 Sam. 1643, did not fall in Jaya Sambat. But the first day of Sambat 1643 did fall in Jaya. Therefore Tulsi Das gave the name of the Jupiter sixty-year-cycle year to the 7. Sambat year, which commenced within it. In other words, accortling to the accepted system of chronology, the V. Sambat took its name from the Jovian year which expired in it, just as the civil day took its name from the tithi which expired in it.
(e) Date of composition of the Ramagya. Chhakkan Lal says that in 1827 A.D., he made a copy of this work, from the original
* The Pandit calculated the year both according to the Indian system, and according to Jacobi. I gave the lattor calculation, as being more intelligible to my readers.
Chhakkan Lal's language may be noted. Sri Rahvat 165 Jah Budi 10 Rabibar kt likhi pusta Brl Goodin ke hasta-kamat ki, Prahlad ghat. Sri Kastil méi rahi. Us pustak par sd Sri pandit Ramgulam it ke satsangi Chhak. kan Lal Kdyasth Ramayant Mirjapur-bast tu apnd hath sé sarrat 1884 men likha tha;' It will be observed that it is distinctly claimed that the MS. was written by Tul'st Die's own hand, and that it certainly was written twenty five yours before his death. It may be presumed that it was the poet's original copy. It will subsequently appear that if the poem was composed in San. 1665, the Dohdball could not, as current tradition says it was, have been composed at Todar Mall's request. On this point, Pandit Sudhakar Dvivodi informs me that the M8. which Chhakkan Lal copied was in possession of a purohit named Ramakrishna. On one Occasion Ramakrishna took it

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copy in the handwriting of the poet, which was dated by the poet himself, Sambat 1655 Jyaishtha Sudi, 10, Sunday. It is unnecessary to give the calculation. Taking the Chaitrådi expired year, it is equivalent to Sunday, June 4th, 1698 A. D.
(e) Date of the composition of the Kabitta Ramayan This depends on an interpretation of K. R. clxxi. 1. The passage is as follows:
Eka tau karála kali-kala síla milla tá mer!
Kódha men ki kháju sí kanicharí hai mína kill “In the first place, the Kali Yuga, the root of woe, is terrible. And further, in it, like the itch appearing in leprosy, Saturn has appeared in the sign of the Fish."
Here again I have to thank Pandit Sudhakara Dvivêdi for calculating the date and for the following information :- The periodical time of Saturn is about thirty years. He entered Pieces (a token of great calamity) in Tulsi Das's time, on or about the 5th of Chaitra Sudi Sambat 1640, and remained in that sign till Jyaishtha of 1642. He again entered it on about the 2nd of Chaitra Sudi Sambat 1669, and remained in it till Jyaishtha of 1671. These results are those given by the Makaranda based on the Súrya-siddhanta.
The sixty year cycle of Jupiter is divided into three periods of twenty years each, of which the first belongs to Brahma, the second to Vishnu, and the third and last to Mahâdê va or Rudra, In Tulsi Dâs's time, the Rudra-bisí, or twenty years belonging to Rudra commenced in Sambat 165, and from about that time the Musalmans began more especially to profane Benares. The poet frequently refers to this fact, to and no doubt does so in the Kabitta above quoted. Accordingly it was to the second occasion on which Saturn was in Pisces, i. e., between Chaitra Sudi Sambat 1669 and Jyaishtha Sambat 1671, i. e., between 1612 and and 1614 A. D. that the Kabittall above quoted was written.
(f) The deed of arbitration.
This has been published in the Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan. The following is the translation of the portion which immediately concerns us :
" Whereas Anand Râm, son of Tôdar, son of Deo Ray, and Kanhây, son of Râm Bhadra, son of Todar aforesaid appeared before me, &c., &c." " In the Sambat year 1669, on the 13th of the bright half of Kunwar,, on the auspicious (subha) day of the week, was this deed written by Anand Ram and Kauhủy...... The division of the share of Todar Mall, which has been made ....."
Then follow a list of certain villages, which formed Todar Mall's property, viz., Bhadaini, Lahar'tårå, Naipůra, Chhitû pûrâ, Sivpur, and Nadêsar.
On this I remarked as follows:-In connexion with the above, it is interesting to speculate who this Pôdar Mall, the father of Anand Ram, and grandfather of Kanhây was. Can he have been Akbar's great Finance Minister? He died in 1589, and his son might well be alive in 1612. He was born at Lihar par in Oudh, and one of the villages mentioned abave, Lahar'tarà, has a somewhat similar name. In India, contiguous villages have often very similar names.
out it in his bandlo, to recito it somewhere, and, as ill luck would have it, it was, bundle and all, stolen from him
train. It may be mentioned that in Ramakrishna's house there in & jealongly guarded portrait of Tulist Dås, said to have been painted for the Emperor Akbar. It is shown to the public onoe a year on the 7th of the bright half of Srlvana, the anniversary of the poet's death. Pandit SudhAkara Dvivedi maintains that the date 1555 refers to the year in which the copy was made, and not to that of the composition of the original poem. Whenever Tul'st Das wished to show the date of his work, he wrote in the commencement, as he did in the Ramiyana and in the Parbati Mangala. II Chhakkan Lal is to be believed, at any rate the copy was in the poet's handwriting.
10 E.9., Dohabalt 240, K. R., Ut., 170 and ff.
11 But not necessarily the whole work, vide post. The commentator Baijnath fizes the period as between Aambat 1635 and 1637, but he has no authority on such a point, and no caloulation will make im right.

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First as to dates. That of the deed of arbitration (taking the Chaitrádi expired year) is equivalent to Sunday, September 27, 1612 A. D.
There is now no doubt about the identity of the Țôdar Mall referred to. The arbitration deed is now in possession of the Maharaja of Benares. Inquiry from him, and from the present possessor of the shrine originally owned by Tul'si Das, shows that it was Pratipal Singh, the eleventh in descent from Akbar's great minister, who gave it to the then Maharaja. (9) Date of Tul'si Das's death according to an old rhyme,
Sambata sôraha sai asi
Asi Ganga ké tira Sawana sukala saptami
Tulasí tajeu sarira 11 "On the 7th of the light half of Srávána, Sainbat 1680, Tal'si left his body, at Asi, on the bank of the Ganges."
Here we are given no week-day by which to control our calculations, but, assuming that the Chaitrdili expired year is meant, it is equivalent to Thursday, July 24th, 1623 A. D.
To sum up. The following are the dates at which we have arrived :
(a) Date of commencement of composition of the Ruim-charit-mánas. Tuesday, March 30, 1574 A. D.
(b) Date of composition of the Ram Sat'szi. Thursday, April 9th, 1584 A. D. This is very doubtful.
(c) Date of composition of the Párbati Mangal. Thursday, 2nd February, 1586 A. D. (d) Date of composition (or ? copying) of the Rámágyá. Sunday, June 4th, 1598 A. D. (e) Date of composition of the Kabitta Ráindyan between the years 1612 and 1614 A. D. () Date of the deed of arbitration. Sunday, September 27, 1612 A. D. (9) Date of Tul'si Das's death. Thursday, July 24th, 1623 A. D.
Of these (a) depends on the supposition that the poet dated from the running and not from the expired tithi. All the dates depend upon expired Chaitrádi Sambat years, except (b) which depends on a current Chaitrádi Sambat year, a most improbable assumption.
In concluding this portion of my notes on Tulsi Das I must again acknowledge my obligations to the brilliant mathematician whose name has so often occurred in them, Mahåmahpadhyâya Pandit Sudhakara Dvivêdi. The fortunate circum stance of his profound knowledge, at the same time of Hindu astronomy and of old Hindi poetry, has greatly facilitated my researches, and the ungrudging way in which has placed his time at my disposal puts me in his debt to an amount which I can scarcely repay.
(To be continued.)
FOLKTALES OF ARAKAN. BY BERNARD HOUGHTON, C.S.
No. 1.-The Snake Prince. A certain fairy called Sakkaru, having lived a thousand lives in the Tawatinsa fairy-land, it became his turn to be born again in the world of men. Accordingly King Sakra, who by
1 Translated from a Burmese MS. furnished by Maung Tha Bwin, Myôôk of Sandoway.
9 The Indian names and the allusion to Sakr (Indra) are, together with one or two allusions to Buddhist ideas, doubtless tacked on to the original story to bring it into line with the orthodox Buddhist Wate.

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virtue of his power perceived that Sakkara, not being free from the evil effects of previous sin would have to remain for three months as à hamadryad in a wild fig tree on the banks of the Jamnâ in Bârânasi, employed a fairy, Vaskrun, to accomplish this. The latter took Sakkaru to a wild fig tree, on the banks of the Jamna, where he was born as a hamadryad, and having told him all the commands of King Sakra, returned to Tâwatinsa. As for Sakkaru, he remained as a hamadryad in the fig tree.
In that country there lived & Washerman and his wife, who had two maiden daughters, called Shwe Kyên and Dwe Pya. It happened one day that the washerwoman and her two daughters tied up some cloths and went to wash them at the landing place by the wild fig tree. After washing them the woman, desiring some of the figs, looked up into the tree, and besides the figs saw there the hamadryad. The washerwoman then, telling her daughters that she would jest with the snake, said to him, "My lord hamadryad, if you want my daughter Dwo Pya I will give her,-only throw me down 4 or 5 figs." Thereupon the hamadryad shook its tail and knocked down 40 or 50 of the fruit. The washerwoman said to her daughters, “ Indeed, the snake seems to understand. I only asked for 4 or 5 figs, and because he loves Miss Dwê he threw down 40 or 50. The sun is going down, let us pick up the figs and take the clothes home." They tied up the clothes, but as they were going to start the washerwoman, saying she would jest again with the snake, told him mockingly, "Mr. Snake, if you want Dwe Pyú follow us home." On the way back they came to a tree-stump at a place where two paths meb and here Dwe Pya said to her mother, "It will be terrible if the hamadryad does come after us." Her mother, also being anxious, told the stump :-"If a big hamadryad comes here and asks if we have gone this way, say that you have not seen us. Take this fig as a mouth-stopper." They went on, and, on coming to another cross-path, the washerwoman instructed an ant-hill there as she had the stump, and giving it also a fig, passed on. After they had gone home the Snake Prince, being in love with Dwo Pya, followed after them. On reaching the stump, not being certain as to which way they had gone, he asked it, "Did you gee wbich way Dwê Pyû and her mother and sister went ?" The stuiap replied, "I stay here according to my nature. I neither know nor saw." But the hamadryad, perceiving the fig by the stump, became very angry and said, "Do you dare to dissimulate whilst the fig I gave is staring you in the face as a witness ? I will this instant strike you with my teeth, so that you split into four." Whereupon the stump, being greatly frightened, pointed out the way that the washerwoman and her daughter had gone.
From the stump the hamadryad fared on to the cross-path by the ant-hill and, on questioning it, at first it dissimulated as the stump had done ; but when the snake threatened, it pointed out truly the way. The latter reached at last the washerman's house, and it being night, he entered the pot where cleaned rice was kept, and curled himself up inside.
The next day at dawn the washerwoman said to herself, “Although my daughters are grown up and my work should be less, yet owing to one and another holding off, nothing is done, and we shall be long in getting our food. So I will go and cook it myself.” Accordingly she took the salé measure and went to get some rice from the pot; but when she thrust her arm in, the hamadryad enfolded it several times with his tail. At first the washerwoman, not knowing what snake it was that had caught her, called out lustily, but the hamadryad did not for that loosen his grip. Afterwards she recovered her senses, and on consideration it struck her that this must be the big hamadryad to whom she had promised Dw8 Pyú: so she said, “If his Highness the Snake Prince desires Dwe Pya I will give her. Won't you uploosen & fold or two?" The hamadryad thereupon did as she asked, so she knew certainly who it was, and said, “I will give you Dwê Pya; please let go." Thereupon he released her altogether. The washerwoman then said pitifully to her daughter Dwê Pyû, “Please live with this big snake. If you do not, he will bite and kill the whole household. It is frightful!" Dwê Pyà wept and refused repeatedly, saying, "I don't want to live with a brate beast;" but her mother,

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who was in fear of her life, coaxed her over, so that at length, unable to resist her mother's command, she had to live with the hamadryad.
It happened one night that King Sakra, having need of the fairies in council, desired the presence of Sakkaru. The latter could not resist, and, leaving behind his snake's skin went off secretly to the fairies' council in T'Âwatinsa. When it dawned he could not return, as the council was not ended. At that time Mi Dwê Pyû, who was ignorant of his absence, as she did not as usual hear any sound from him, looked at his sleeping place and perceived him to be seemingly motionless. On handling him she perceived that there was no flesh but only the gkin left, and she called out in tears to her mother and sister, "Come, come, my husband is dead." Her mother, however, said, "Don't cry, if people hear it will be a pretty disgrace, keep quiet; whilst her sister added that there were plenty of hamadryads like this one in the forest, and that she would go and get one. Dwê Pyû replied, "He was my husband, and I am greatly grieved;" but her mother talked her over saying that if there was a regular funeral and guests received with betel-nut and tea, so that everybody knew, there would be a scandal, and that it would be better to perform the funeral quietly by burning. Dwê Pyû agreed, and accordingly they burnt the skin, so that it was completely consumed. Thereupon the Snake Prince Sakkaru, being heated more than he could beer, appeared in person by the fire-place. Miss Dwê Pyû did not know him, and asked who he was. He repeated to them how he had suffered intense heat, whereupon Dwe Pyû and her parents knew who he was, and rejoiced greatly. But Shwe Kyon became jealous and said, "I have not got him because of Dw6 Pyû. If it were not for her I should get him."
When it became dark they all went to bed. At midnight the fairy Samâ-dêva, who had been sent by King Sakra, came and said to Sakkaru :-"Here is & magic wand which our royal grandfather, King Sakra, has granted to you, and the virtue of it is that if you strike with it and wish for anything your desire will be accomplished. Your title also is to be SakkaruKumma. From the time your child is born let not a drop of snake's blood touch you; if it does you will become a snake as before. If you avoid this danger you will become in time a mighty king. However, on receiving this wand you can only come back here after wandering in other Countries." After speaking these words Sama-deva vanished, At dawn, when Dwê Pyû awoke, Sakkaru repeated to her what the latter had said. Although she repeatedly tried to restrain him, he said, "It is King Sakra's order. I cannot disobey," and going down to the sea he struck it with the magio wand. Thereupon a ship, fully rigged and manned, rose into sight, and he went on board and left Dwe Pyt, who remained behind with child.
After his departure Shwe Kyon said to hersell, “If Dwe Pya dies, I will get her husband; so she coaxed Dwê Pyu, wbo could not withstand her, down to the river bank. There Shwe Kyên said, “When you die, I will get your husband, so I am going to push you into the river." Dwê Pyû cried and besought her, saying, " There are two lives in me. Do not kill me. When my husband returns do you live with him. I will have you married all right. But Shwe Kyên replied, "As long as you are alive I shall never get your husband, but only on your death," and throwing her into the river, she returned home.
As Dwê Pya floated down the river & big eagle, taking her for a fish, swooped down on her and carried her off to his nest in a silk-cotton tree. There he discovered her to be a woman, and when Dwê Pyll had told him all about herself, he kept her in his nest, where she was delivered of a son.
When the child cried she soothed it by repeating Sakkaru's name, but as the eagle became angry and talked of pecking it to death in consequence, she soothed it by talking of " Papa Eagle." The latter then said, "Ha, you are laughing at me." This squabbling was overheard by the Snake Prince, who was just returning in the ship, and who remarked that one voice was like Dwê Pya's. The sailors replied, "How could Dwê Pyû get to such an extraordinary place ? It cannot be her." On coming near to the silk-cotton tree, the Prince asked, "Is that Dwê

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Pyu ?" and, as she answered, "Yes," he caused the ship to come to land, and climbed up the tree. When he spoke of taking Dwé Pgû away, she said, "You should be grateful to the eagle. After making some return for his services, ask permission from him and take me away." The prince said, “The eagle and I are brothers. As I am very grateful to my elder brother, let him give me my wife and child, whom he has rescued. I will pile up for him a heap of fish, reaching from the roots of this tree to its highest branch." The eagle replied, “Very well, if the Prince can make a heap of fish, as he has said, he may take away his wife and child." The latter accordingly went to the sea, and striking it with his magic wand, said, “Let there be a heap of fish from the roots of the silk-cotton tree to its branches," and at once fish came and heaped themselves up as directed.
Then the Prince, with the permission of the eagle, having taken his wife and child and put them on board the ship, suggested that the fish which the eagle could not eat should be let back into the sea. The eagle agreed to this, so the Prince wished and struck again with his magic wand, and the fish went back into the sea.
After letting go the fishes the Prince and Dwe Pyû sailed to their own country, and on the way Dwê Pyû related all that Shwe Kyên had done. On coming near the landing place the Prince said, “I will put her to shame. Do you and the child get into this box,"--to which Dwê Pyû agreed.
On hearing that the ship had arrived Shwe Kyên adorned herself and came up with the intention of saying that she was Dwê Pyû, and so living with the Prince. The latter on seeing her said, “You are not like the Dwê Pyû of yore. You have indeed become thin." Shwe Kyên replied, “I have yearned after you till I became so ill that there was a miscarriage." The Prince said, “Very well, take this box which contains rich and rare clothing, and we will go home together." Accordingly Shwe Kyên, who was pretending to be Dwê Pyû, took up the box and followed him to the house, where he gave her the key and told her to open the box in order to get out and wear the clothing. Shwe Kyên opened the box, but on seeing Dwê Pyû and her child she became terribly ashamed and ran away to the back of the house, whence she dared not show her face, nor would she even come when called. The Prince and Dwê Pya, however, entered their room and lived there happily.
Afterwards Shwe Kyên, prompted by the fact of her sister Dwê Pyû having lived happily with a snake, and being withal much ashamed, went to her father and said to him, "Father dear, Dwê Pyû has lived happily with a snake. Please catch one also to become my husband."
The washerman replied, "My daughter, the snake with which Dwê Pyû lived was a human snake, being the embryo of a man. Now if I catch a snake, it will be a wild one which will bite and kill you. Don't ask me to catch one." However Shwe Kyên became very troublesome, and kept on saying repeatedly, “You must catch one for me." So her father remarked, “Be it as you will. We shall have peace when you are dead," and he went off into the jungle, where he caught a very long boa-constrictor, two spans in circumference. He brought this to Shwe Kyên, who took it to bed and slept along with it. Before daylight in the morning the snake considered to itself that formerly when in the jungle it sought its food and ate till satisfied, but that now having been caught, it had had nothing to eat for a day and night, and was very hungry in consequence; moreover it could not go elsewhere to seek its food. Accordingly it resolved to make a meal off the person near it, by swallowing her up, beginning at her feet and ending with her head, and proceeded to make a commencement by swallowing her feet. Shwe Kyên cried oat, “Help, he has, apparently in sport, swallowed me up to my knees." Her father only said, "She wanted that snake so much. We shall have peace when she dies," whilst her mother remarked, "My son-in-law is having a game." Shwe Kyên cried out very loudly however, so Dwê Pyû said to her husband the Snake Prince, "It is not right that my sister should die-go and help her.” But her husband replied, "If only one drop of snake's blood touches me I shall become a snake again, Your father can settle such an affair as this. Are you tired of my companionship, that you ask me to do this thing ?" His wife Dwê
Here again Buddhist ideas are introduced into the original story.

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Pyû rejoined, "King Sakra's order was from the time that the child was born. That is now long past, and you cannot again become a snake. If your flesh and blood were indeed such as you formerly possessed, you could not remain so long a man ; you can avoid also being touched by or smeared with a drop of snake's blood." She became much troubled, so not wishing to hurt her feelings, and thinking also that it is wicked not to rescue the life of a human being, the Snake Prince took up his double-edged sword, and smote the boa-constrictor, so that it was divided in two and died. On cutting it, however, a drop of the boa-constrictor's blood touched the Prince, and he became a snake as before. A snake's mind also came into him, so that he no longer wished to stop in the house, but went off into the forest.
Dwê Pyll carrying their little son, followed him slowly weeping and saying, "Come back home, I will get you food," but it was in vain. Sometimes he would regain his intellect and speak to his wife and child, and again a snake's mind would come to him and he would try to bite them. After doing thus he said to his wife Dwê Pyü, “I will have to live in the forest away from human beings. If I live near them I shall bite and kill them when I have the snake mind in me."
Dwê Pyů, however, left her child with her parents and followed the hamadryad into the forest, but there again he struck at her unsuccessfully. Again recovering consciousness, he said to her, “I am not as before, when there is a snake's mind in me I do not recognise anybody, but only strike at them. You should, therefore, return home, as the child must be wanting its milk. Suckle it and take care of it, and live happily with it. I cannot remain with you,-1 must go into the darkest forests." Dwê Pyû replied, “Only come back home. I will get your food and take care of you. I cannot remain separated from you." She followed him again, and when they came near the ant-hill a snake's mind came into the Prince, and he was about to bite Dwê Pyû, but restrained himself in time. He decided in consequence that he would have to enter the top of the ant-hill, as if he remained outside he would certainly bite her; so he went inside the ant-hill. But Dwê Pyû remained outside weeping and calling sadly to her husband.
(To be continued.)
PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. (Continued from Vol. XXI. page 116).
PART III. TRANSLATION.
No. 8. Song sung when the Bridegroom leaves his house to go to the Bride's, where
the Wedding ceremony takes place. Put your foot in the stirrup, brother Søråbji, to mount your horse. Your mother holds you by the hem of your garment. Let go, mother, let go your hold,
And I shall give you your due. 5 How can I forget the claims of her, Who rerred me, and loved me as her own life? I have got a beautiful súdi woven for my mother, And a bodice of cloth of gold.
Put your foot in the stirrup, brother Söråbji, to mount your horse. 10 Your aunt holds you by the hem of your garment.
Let go aunt, let go your hold: Your claims shall have dae recognition. How can I forget what is due to her,
Who sang the lullaby at my cradle ? 15 I have ordered a gold-embroidered sádi for my aunt,
And a bodice of green silk. 1 See note 17, Part I.
1 By way of asserting her claims.

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Put your foot in the stirrup, brother Søråbji, and mount your horse. Your aunt (father's sister) holds you by the hem of your garment.
Let go, aunt, let go your hold, 20 And I shall give you your due.
How can I forget the claims of her who took me in her lap, When my name was given me P3 Let us send a hundi (on some firm) in Gajarât, and get a good patori (for
my aunt). The bridegroom looks as bright as the Sun, 25 And as pare as the Moon. The bridegroom stands under the festoons of flowers (that adorn the doorway)
smelling the flowers, And looks as beautiful as the flowers themselves. The bridegroom stands under the festoons of flowers (that adorn the doorway)
chewing pán, And looks as delicate as a pán-leaf.
No. 9. Song sung at the close of the Wedding Ceremony. All hail this (blessed) day! (On such a day) I would get my (other) sons married, if I had the means. I would not make a moment's delay.
All hail this (blessed) day! 5 The Sun has risen auspiciously over my Mêhêrwanji's head. We have celebrated the marriage of our Sôrâbji. All hail this (blessed) day! Brothers, have your little sons married,
(As) I have married my Sôrabji and brought (the couple) home. 10 All hail this (blessed) day!
My Méharwanji dotes on his son and daughter-in-law. My Ratanbai's daughter and son-in-law are her petted children. All hail this (blessed) day!
We hail with delight the rising of the Sun and the Moon. 15 We rejoice that my Sôråbji's mother gave birth to a son like him.
All hail this (blessed) day ! Is gave thee an order, goldsmith: I told thee to make an armlet for my Sôrábji's arm,
And a nine-stringed necklace for my Sirinbai. 2U I gave thee an order, mercer:
I told thee to bring a plaid for my Sôrabji, And a pair of patóris for my Sirinbài. I gave thee an order, jeweller:
I told thee to bring rings for my Soråbji, 25 And a pair of bracelets for my Sirinbai.
Father-in-law, make your court-yard (gates) a little higher (?), That my Sôrabji may enter on horse-back. All bail this (blessed) day!
My procession of wedding guests is too large to be accommodated (in your yard). 30 All hail this (blessed) day!
My Sôrábji has won his bride in person. And he has brought the Rani Laksmaņifor a wife. All hail this (blessed) day!
It is the privilege of the father's sister to hold the baby in her arms, while the astrologer finds out a name for it. See note 11, Part 1. Tho bridegroom's mother is supposed to repeat these lines.
An allegory.

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No. 10. Song sung when the Bride is being sent to the house of her parents-in-law
after the Wedding. The pipes (that are being played) are made of green bamboo. Sisters, our Sirin båt is going to the house of her parents-in-law. Sirinbat, the fortunate grand-child of her (maternal) grand-father,
Is married, and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. 5 How they will rejoice to see our Sirinbai!
Sisters, our Sîrînbai is married, and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. Her father has performed the meritorious act of giving his daughter in marriage. And has acquired the blessings of Heaven.
It was fortunate that her father thoaght of this matter, 10 And gave Sirinbai to good parents-in-law.
Her father has given her a chest full of treasure, With which Sirinbai sits in her room, Her father has given Sirinbat a milch cow,
So that she may have plenty of milk and cards (to eat). 15 Mother-in-law, (pray) do not use the cane on Sirînbai,
Or she will smart under it and will weep, And long for her paternal abode. Mother-in-law, (pray) treat our Sîrînbai with kindness,
And serve her with enough of food at her meals. 20 Sirinbat is the (pet) daughter of her father,
Sirinbat is the eldest daughter-in-law in the family of her parents-in-law. Mother-in-law, (pray) treat oor Sirînbîî with magnanimity, And refrain from giving her stale food. Mother-in-law, you must not think that our Sirinba is as advanced in years as
she appears: 25 (It is only because she has been brought up on curds and milk:
(It is only because we have brought her up on lumps of butter. Sirinbâî, why have you forgotten to take with you your marriage portion 210 Fifteen strings of pearls comprise her marriage portion,
With which my Sirinbat will adorn herself. 30 Fifteen strings of diamonds comprise her marriage portion,
Which have been purchased for her by her good brother. 11
Thy husband is come, Sirînbài the Thakråņi. 35 The husband has been attracted by the graceful carriage of Sirinbåi.
Her father has presented her with a valuable lähé, (Dressed) in which she goes to the house of her parents-in-law. Sirinbil, the beloved daughter of her father,
Is married and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. 40 Sirinbåi, you wear a necklace round your neck,
And the hearts of your father-in-law and your husband will rejoice.
+ The names of many other relatives besides the maternal grandfather are used in succession. # It may be assumed that the bride is a child. • This throws a sidelight on the treatment young wives generally receive at the hands of their mothers-in-law.
10 ay is the word used in the text which means money settled upon a daughter by her father, or upon his wife by her husband, on the occasion of the marriage.
1 The father or brother may give any presenta or settle any amount of money on the bride, but he is by no means bound to do so. It is the duty of the bride's parents, however, to give presents of wearing apparel to the bridegroom's relatives and rings and some other presents to the bridegroom, as tokens of their regard, whereas it in the duty of the bridegroom's father to settle a certain amount, generally in the shape of ornamente, on the bride, and give her many suite of clothing besides, to which she has an exclusive right.

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PARSI AND GUJARATI HINDU NUPTIAL SONGS.
105
No. 11. Song sung when the Bridegroom brings home his Bride. Father, O father (mine), I am come home married, And have brought (with me) a wife worth a lakh and a quarter.12 Brother, O brother (mine), I am come home married,
And have brought a daughter from a magnificent house. 5 Kaka,13 O Kaka (mine), I am come home married, And have brought a wife from a noble family. Mimi, O Mimile (mine), I have come home married, And have brought the daughter of a good father.
Mish, O Masili (rnine), I have come home married, 10 And have brought the sister of a powerful brother.
Philvi, O Phuvals (mine), I have come home married, And have brought home a wife of noble birth. Brother gate-keeper, open (wide) your gate;
For (Soriibji) is waiting at thegate with his bride. 15 Sister Mêhêrbâî, decorate your house,
Because your son has come home with his bride. Sister Sunibii, sprinkle the doorway with milk;17. Your brother has come home with his bride.
Sister Mêhêrbai, decorate the threshold with figures in pearls;18 20 Your son has come home with his bride.
Sister Sûnâbâi, fill your lamps with ghi;10 Your brother has come home with his bride. It is Meherbit's son who is married. He is come home with a bride worth lakhs (of rupees).
गीत ८
वरणीनी वेळाए गावानुं गीत. पावरे ते पग दई चढो सोराबजी भाई
लीला ते घाटनी कांचळी. माए ते पाळव साही रह्यां,
पावरे ते पग दई चढो सोराबजी भाई मेळो मेळो रे माए पाळव अमारा
फूई ने पाळव साही रह्यां. कर तमारा आपशु.
मेळो मेळो रे फूई पाळव अमारा 5 जेने जीव बराबर चाही उछयों
20 कर तमारा आपशुं. तेना ते हक केम भुला?
जेने खोळे बेसाडी नाम पडाव्यां मारी माएने सोभत साडी वळावी कसबी अलेचानी कांचळी.
तेना ते हक केम भुळां? पावरे ते पग दई चढो सोराबजी भाई
गुजरात हुंडी मुलमांगे 20 भळी पतोरी मंगावीए 10 मासी ते पाळव साही रह्यां.
सुरज सरीखां तेज वरना मेलो मेलोरे मासी पालव अमारा
25 चंद्रमा सरीखी नीरमलता. गुण तमारा गण',
तोरण उभा वर फूल संघ जेने पारणे पोढाडी हालरडां गायां
फुल सरीखा फुटडा. तेना ते हक केम मुळशृं?
तोरण उभा वर पान चावे 15 मारी मासीने कसबी साडी मंगावी
पान सरीखा पातला.
12 A figurative expression of the bride's value. 13 The father's brother.
14 The mother's brother. 15 The husband of tho mother's sister.
16 The husband of the father's sister. 17 As a mark of rejoicing
18 An allegory. 19 Also as a mark of rejoicing. It is the custom however, to light at least one lamp fod by ghi in the day time, when the bride is being dressed in the suits of clothing, jewellery, eto, sent her by her parents-in-law op the Occasion of the betrothal, and on all subsequent occasions when presents are given to her.
20 This is somewhat unintelligible. 21 Properly this should be तोरण हेठे उमा.

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[APRIL, 1893.
गीत ९. वहुदीकराने परणावीने घेर लई जती वेळा
गावानुं गीत. धने धने दहाडो आजनो!
सोनी घडजे मारा सोराबजीनो बेरखा. कई होय ने परणाउं मारा दीकरा.
मारी सीरीनबाईने नवसेरो हार. मने घडीओनी लागे नहीं वारो रे.
20 कहीं में तुने बारीओरे डोसीरा धने धने दहाडो आजनो!
डोसी लावजे मारा सोराबजीनी पामरी. 5 मारा मेहेरवानजी पर सवरा सुरज उगेआ.
मारी सीरीनबाईने पतोरीनी जोर. मारा सोराबजीने परणावी घेर लाव्या रे.
कहीं में तुने वारीओरे झबेरी. धने धने दाहाडो आजनो.
झवेरी लावजे मारा सोराबजीना वेलीशां. वीरा नाधलीआ3 परणावो मारा भाई रे.
25 मारी सीरीनबाईने चुरानी जोर मारा सोराबजीने परणावी घेर लाव्या.
कंई उंचां करो रे ससरा आंगणां. 10 धने धने दाहाडीरे आजनो!
मारा सोराबजीनो घोडुलोजे 28 माए. मारा मेहरवानजीनुं वहुवर लाडकुं.
धने धने दहाडी आजनी ! मारी रतनबाइनुं धीजमाई लाडकुं. धने धने दाहाडोरे आजनो!
मारु साहाजन समायुं नहीं जाए. जीरे चांदो ने सूरज भले उगेआ.
30 धने धने दहाडो रे आजनो. 15 मारा सोराबजीनी माए भले जायो रे.
मारो सोराबजी ते जाते जीती आवीओ, धने धने दहाडोरे आजनो!
एतो राणी लक्षमणीने परणी लावीओ कहीं में तुंने बारीओ रे सोनीरा 24
धने धने दहाडोरे आजनो!
गीत १०.
कन्याने सासरे वळावती वेळा गावानुं गीत. लीला ते वांसनी वांसली
सीरीनबाई तो बावाजीनी बेटी रे, साएली रे सीरीनबाई सासरे जाए.
सीरीनबाई शशरानी बहु जेठी रे. 'भमावानी भाएगवंती सीरीनबाई रे,
सासुजी एम ना जाणतां वह मोटी रे, साएली रे परणीने सासरे जाए.
25 अमे एने वहींए ने दुधे पोखी रे, 5 सीरीनबाईने जोई जोई तेओ हरखशे रे,
अमे एने माखण उंडे पोखीरे, साएली रे सीरीनबाई परणीने सासरे जाए.
शीरीनबाई पलं काय वीसां रे, बावाजीए कन्यादाण दीधां रे,
पलरे 29 पनवर सेर मोती रे, सीरीनबाईने परणावीने पुन लीधा रे,
पेहेरे मारी सीरीनबाई पनीती रे, बावाजीने ए वात भले सुझी रे,
30 पल्लरे पनदर सेर हीरा रे, 10 सीरीनचाइने सारे सासरे दीधी रे,
लाव्या मारी शीरीनबाईना वीरा रे. बावाजीए आपी धननी पेटी रे,
दार वाटां ने पीगाणीओ रे. 29 सीरीनबाई लईने ओवरे 7 बेठी रे.
वर आयो सीरीनबाई ठकराणी रे. बावाजीए आपी दुझण गाय रे,
दार वाटां ने लचके रे, 30 सीरीनबाई बेठी बेठी वहीं दुध खाय रे. 15 सासुजी चोंटी ना देशो रे,
35 वर आयो सीरीनबाईनो लटके रे. चोटी चमचमशे ने रोशे रे.
बावामीए पेहेरावी चीर लाहे रे, शीरीनबाई पीयरनी वाट जोशे रे.
सीरीनबाई पेहेरीने सासरे जाय रे. सासुजी हईडां करजो भोळां रे,
सीरीनबाई तो बावाजीनी व्हाली रे, मारी शीरीनबाईने ना पीरस्तां थोडां रे.
सीरीनब इतो परणीने सासरे चालीरे. 20 सासुजी हईडां करजी पाडांरे,
40 सीरीनबाइ तारे कोटे कंठी रे, मारी सीनिबाईने ना पीरस्तां टांढरे.
तारा वर ने ससरानां हरखे मन रे.
22 OTT . e, time cannot be used in the plural. This however is poetical license. 25 Poetical form of a * सोनीरो poetically for सोनी. डोसीरो poetically for डोसी.
घोडुलो Is poetical for घोडो. A corruption of ओरडो room. पालरे Is poetically used for पले. This phrase is unintelligible lit. I means a wife art copper bowls and draft a little cup in which a paste of “kanka" is made with rosewater. - This phrase is also unintelligible: लचके lit means " in lumps."

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MISCELLANEA.
गीत ११.
वर बहुने परणावी पेर लई जती वेळा गावानुं गीत.
बाबा रे बावा हुं परणीने आव्यो, सवा लाखनी धणिआणी लाव्यो. वीरा रे वीरा हूं परणीने आव्यो, मोटे अवासनी दीकरी लाग्यो. 5 काका रे काका हूं परणीने आव्यो, मोटं घेरनी धणी आणी लाव्यो. मामा रे मामा हुं परणीने भव्यो, सारा ससरानी दीकरी लाग्यो, मासा रे मासा हुं परणीने आव्यो, 10 शकता शाळानी बहेनु ने 31 लाग्यो. कुवा रे फूवा हुं परणीने आव्यो, उंचा कुळनी धणी आणी लाव्यो.
1.--Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 6, I have attempted to prove that the Lakshmanasena era commenced in A. D. 1119, that the years of the era were Kárttikadi years, and that, accordingly, to convert a Lakshmanasêna year into the corresponding year of the Saka era, we must add 1041, when the date falls in one of the months from Kårttika to Phalguna, and 1042, when the date falls in one of the months from Chaitra to Aśvina. To the six dates of the era which were then known to me I have added another date, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 50; and I would now draw attention to one more Lakshmanasena date, which also works out correctly with my epoch.
According to the late Pandit Bhagvânlâl Indraji, the Buddha-Gayâ inscription of Asôkavalla, published by him in the Journal Bo. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 358, is dated in line 11:Srimal-Lakshmanasenasy-âtita-rajyê sam 51 Bhadra di 8 rå 29.
पोळीभा भाइ पोळ उंघाड, तारे बारणे लाडी लइ वरेओ. 15 बाई रे मेहरबाई घेर सणगार,
तारो पुत लाडी लइ वरेओ. बाइ रे सुनाबाई दुधे उंबर धोबार, तारो भाई लाडी लइ वरेओ. बाइ रे मेहरबाई मोतीना चोक पुराव,
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEOUS DATES FROM INSCRIPTIONS day of the solar month, of the Lakshmanasêna
AND MSS.
year 51.
Judging from the editor's own translationSamvat 51 of the reign of the illustrious Lakshmapasêna having elapsed,' the 8th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada, the 29th solar day"-it may be suspected that the original inscription has Bhadra-vadi instead of the Bhadra di of the printed text. However this may be, there can be no doubt that the inscription is dated the 8th of either of the lunar halves (probably, of the dark half) of the month Bhadrapada, being the 29th
20 तारो पुत लाडी लइ वरेओ. बाइ रे सुनाबाई घीए दीवा भर, तारो भाई लाडी लइ वरेओ. वरेओ रे वरेभी मेहरबाईनी अंत लाखेनी लाडी लद्द वरेओ.
107
The date falling in the month Bhadrapada. the year of the date, supposing it to be the expired year 51, should correspond to Saka (51 + 1042 =) 1093 expired; and the details of the date prove that such is actually the case. For in Saka 1093 expired the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amánta Bhadrapada ended about 19 h. after mean sunrise of the 25th August, A. D. 1171, causing that day to be Bhâdra-vadi 8; and the same 25th August also was the 29th day of the solar month Bhadrapada, the Simha-samkranti having taken place, by the Sarya-siddhânta, 10 h. 4 m., or, by the Arya-siddhanta, 8 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of the 28th July.
The fact that the above date, in addition to the lunar day, also gives us the day of the solar month, induces me to mention here that, similarly to what I have shown to be a common practice in Bengali MSS., inscriptions also from Eastern India are sometimes dated according to the solar calendar. A clear and instructive example of this is furnished by the Tipura copper-plate, published by Colebrooke in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 403. That inscription is dated in Saka 1141 expired, according to Colebrooke súryya-gatyd tuladiné 26, in reality súryya-gatyá Phalguna-diné 26. The 26th day of the solar Phalguna of Saka 1141 expired corresponds to the 19th February, A. D. 1220, the Kumbhasamkranti having taken place 13 h. 3 m. after
31 Poetical for बेहेन.
The real meaning is- the year 51 since the (com. Lakshmanasena.
mencement of the) reign, (now) passed, of the illustrious 2 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 49.

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mean sunrise of the 24th January. Now on the 19th February, A. D. 1220, the day of the date, the full-moon tithi commenced about one hour after mean sunrise, and there can hardly be a doubt that the donation recorded in the copperplate was made on account of the full-moon. But although thus there was apparently every reason to follow the lunar calendar, the writer of the date evidently was induced by the practice of every-day life to give the date in the way in which he has done it.
And this date again leads me to draw attention to the date of the Amgâchhi copper-plate of Vigrahapaladeva III., of which I have given an account, ante, Vol. XXI. pp. 97-101. The grant recorded in that inscription was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, i.e., on the full-moon tithi; and the inscription is dated in the 12th or 13th year of Vigrahapaladèva's reign, Chaitradiné 9. We know that the inscription is later than A. D. 1053; and, taking the expression Chaitra-diné 9 to refer to solar time, and comparing the date of the Tipura grant, I would suggest Monday, the 2nd March, A. D. 1086, as equivalent of the date which, perhaps might be considered to satisfy the requirements of the case. Monday, the 2nd March A. D. 1086, was the 9th day of the solar Chaitra; on that day the fullmoon tithi commenced about 5 h. after mean sunrise, and there was a lunar eclipse on that particular full-moon. The eclipse was not visible in India; but we now have several other dates that record invisible eclipses. Should this suggestion be approved of, Vigrahapâladôva III. must be taken to have begun to reign about A. D. 1074.
an
[APRIL, 1893.
2.-Ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 251-252, I have treated of four dates of the Ashaḍhadi Vikrama years 1534, 1555, [15]83, and 1699; and Vol. XXI. p. 51, I have given two more such dates of the years 1574 and 1581. I can now draw attention to another date, of the Ashâd hâdi year 1713, which is particularly interesting, because it quotes, what we should expect to be the first day of the year, the first day of the bright half of the month Ashâdha. According to the late Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra's Notices, Vol. V. p. 236, a MS. of the Garga-paddhati is dated:
Samvat Ashaḍhadi 1713 Ashadha-måse suklê pakshe pratipach-Chhukravasarė.
This date works out properly only for the Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1713 expired, for which the equivalent of the date is Friday, the 13th June A. D. 1656; and it thus proves distinctly that the Ashadhâdi year really commences with the first day of the bright half of Ashâdha, and not (as has been suggested) with a later day of the same month. For, did the Ashaḍhâdi year commence after the first of the bright half of Ashadha, the year 1713 of the date (for purposes of calculation) would have been the Kárttikadi Vikrama year 1713, and the date would have fallen in A. D. 1657.
Similar to the date of the Amgâchhi plate is the date of the Balasore copper-plate grant of Purushottamadêva, the king of Orissa, published ante, Vol. I. p. 355. According to Mr. Beames, Purushottamadeva ascended the throne in A. D. 1478, and his grant is dated in the fifth year of his reign, on Monday, the 10th day of the month of Mêsha, i. e. Vaisakha, at the time of an eclipse. If the year of the accession of the king is correctly given, the date of the grant can only be Monday, the 7th April A. D. 1483, when there was an invisible eclipse of the sun; but by my calculations that day was the 11th (not the 10th) day of the solar Vaisâkha, the Mêsha-samkranti having taken place 17 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th March, A. D. 1483.*
3 Bee ib. p. 99.
4 Monday; the 5th April A. D. 1456, was the 10th of
3. I know only three dates which are expressly referred to the Simha era, and have given them already in my list of Vikrama dates (ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 24, 175, and 180; Nos. 9, 108, and 129), because they are all referred to the Vikrama era as well. About the European equivalents of two of these dates there is no doubt whatever; it is mainly in order to determine the proper equivalent of the third date, that I here put the three dates together.
(1). A copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadêva II. is dated
śri-Vikrama-samvat 1266 varshô sri-Simhasamvat 96 varshe... Margga-sudi 14 Gurau-,
and the equivalent of this date, for Vikrama 1266 expired, is Thursday, the 12th November A. D. 1209. The difference between the Simha year and the Christian year is here 1113; between the Simha year and the expired (Chaitrádi, or Ashadhadi, or Kárttikadi) Vikrama year, 1170.
(2). A Veraval stone inscription of the reign of the Vaghêla Arjunadêva is dated
śri-nripa-Vikrama-sam 1320 ..
the solar Vaisakha, and on that day there also was a solar eclipse.

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MISCELLANEA.
109
tathå sri-Sinha-sam 151 varshe Ashâdha- According to the List of Antiquarian Remains vadi 13 Ravau
Bo. Pres. p. 312 (and Archæol. Survey of West. and the equivalent of this date for the expired India, No. 2, p. 33), a short inscription at Girnar Karttikadi Vikrama year 1320, is Sunday, the is dated25th May A. D. 1264. Here the difference San 59 varshê Chaitra-vadi 2 Sômê. between the Simha year and the Christian year
Excepting, of course, dates of the Saptarshi is again 1113. The difference between the Simha
era, I have not hitherto met with a single date year and the Vikrama year put down in the date
from which the figures for the centuries of the is only 1169; but as the Vikrama year of the date
year of the date have been purposely omitted ; is the expired Karttikddi year 1320, which for the
and therefore it does not seem to me at all month of Ashadha is equivalent to the Chaitradi
improbable that the year 58 of this date may have or Ashadhadi year 1321, we may say that here
to be referred to the Simha era. Now, assuming too, the difference between the Sitha year and
the date to be a Simha date, the only possible the expired Chaitrddi or Ashadhádi Vikrama
equivalent of it would be Monday, the 13th year is 1170. Compared with the first date, the
March A. D. 1172, which was almost completely date apparently proves that the Simha year was
filled by the second tithi of the dark half of the not a Karttikadi year, but began either with
amánta Chaitra. Monday, the 13th March A. D. Chaitra or with Ashâlha.
1172, however, belongs to the month Chaitra of (3). A stone inscription at Mangrol in Kâțhia- either the Asha hadi or the Karttikadi (but not vad, of the reign of the Chauluk ya Kumarapala, the Chaitridi) Vikrama year (58 + 1170 - ) 1228 is dated
expired; and, since we already have seen that the érimad- Vikrama-samvat 1202 tathể srl.
Simba year was not a Kárttikddi year, it would, Sim ha-samvat 32 Aśvina-vadi 13 Some.
with necessity, follow from this date that the
Simha year commenced with the month Here the difference between the Simha year
Åshadha, (and was perhaps the original Ashaand the Vikrama year put down in the date is
dhddi year). again 1170, and, judging from the preceding dates, the Vikrama year 1202 should be the
4.--Of the Chalukya Vikrams Varsha or expired Chaitrádi or Ashadhadi Vikrama year
era of the Western Chalukya king, Vikramaditya 1302. The preceding dates shew besides that the
VI., Dr. Fleet has treated ante, Vol. VIII. pp. 187corresponding European date should fall in A. D.
193. My examination of a large number of dates (32 + 1113 - ) 1145. When treating of this date
of this era has yielded the results that, whatever before, I indicated that, taking the date purely
may have been the day of the coronation of as a Vikrama date, the choice, as regards its
Vikramaditya VI., the years of the dates and European equivalent, would lie between Monday,
the Jovian years quoted with them coincide the 28th August A. D. 1144, when the 13th tithi
with the lunar Saka years, beginning with of the dark halt ended 16 h. 30 m. after mean
Chaitra-sudi 1 and ending with Phålguna-vadi sunrise, and Monday, the 15th October A. D. 1145
15; and that a Châlukya Vikrama year may be when the same tithi commenced 3 h. 58 m. after
converted into the corresponding expired Saka mean sunrise. Irrespectively of any considera
year by the simple addition of 997. This may be tions connected with the Simha era, the first of
seen from the following regular dates :these two possible equivalents seemed objection (1). The Yêwar tablet (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 20) able because it would necessitate the assumption is dated : ... Chalukya-Vikrama-varehada that the Vikrama year of the date had been 2neya Pimgala-samvatsarada Sravana-paurņņaquoted as a current year. Now a comparison of masi Aditya-våra somagrahapa-mah&parvvathe two other Sinn ha dates will shew that we must nimittadim. The corresponding date, for Saka definitely decide in favour of Monday, the 15th (2+997=) 999 expired, which by the southern luniOctober A.D. 1145, as the proper equivalent of solar system was the year Pingala, is Sunday, this date, notwithstanding the fact that the tithi the 6th August A. D. 1077, when there was a of the date did not end, but commenced on that lunar eclipse 21 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise. day.
(2). A stone-tablet at Kurtakoti (ante, Vol. The three dates shew that the Simha year was VIII. p. 190, No. 9) is dated : ... Chå.- Vi.. not a Karttikadi year, but they leave it uncertain varsha[da] 7neya Dundubhi-samvatsarada whether it began with Chaitra or Åshadha. The Pushya-suddha-tadige Adityaváram-uttarayaquestion would have to be decided in favour of the ņa-samkranti-vyati påtad-amdu. In Saka Ashadhadi year, if the following date could be (7+997=) 1004 expired, the year Dundubhi, the referred with confidence to the Simha era. | 3rd tithi of the bright half of Pausha ended

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i
[APRIL, 1893.
4 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the the sun on Sunday, the day of the new-moon 25th December A. D. 1082, and the Uttarayana- of (the month) Phâlguna of the Srimukha sanat. sankranti took place on the preceding day, sara which was the 18th of the years of the 13 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise.
glorious Chalukya Vikrama.' The corresponding (3). According to Dr. Fleet (ante, Vol. VIII. date, for the amdnta Phålguna of Saka (18+997=) p. 22) a stone-tablet at Alor records grants made
1015 expired, is Sunday, the 19th March A. D. at the time of the sun's commencing his
1094, when there was a solar eclipse, which was progress to the north, on Thursday, the twelfth
visible in India, at 5 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise. day of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya
The fact that this day belonged to the Jovian of the Prajapati samvatsara, which was the sis.
year Srimukha shows that that year did not teenth of the years of the glorious Chalukya king
commence (or end) on the 5th of the bright half Vikrama.' In Saka (16+997=) 1013 expired, the
of Phalguna; for, had such been the case, the year Prajapati, the 12th tithi of the bright hall
year Srimukha would have ended already on the of Pausha ended 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of
22nd February A. D. 1094, and the Jovian year Thursday, the 25th December A. D. 1091, and
of the date would have been Bhåva. the Uttarayana-sankranti took place on the The following are some of the dates which do preceding day, 21 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. not work out satisfactorily :
(4). A stone-tablet at Kiruvatti (ante, Vol. (8). An inscribed pillar at Araleswar (ante, VIII. p. 191, No. 20) is dated : Châ- Vi.-varishada Vol. VIII. p. 190, No. 4) is dated : ... Cha.. 24neya Pramathi-samvatsarada Jyêshtha-buddha Vi.-kalada Ineya Nala-samvatsarada Chaitra. paurnnarnna)misi Aditya-våra somagrahanad. bahula - parnchami - Mangalavara - Meshasamamdu. The corresponding date, for Saka kranti-vyatipâtad-amdu. The year of the date (24+997=) 1021 expired, the year Pramåthin, should be Saka (1+997=) 998 expired, but the date is Sunday, the 5th June A. D. 1099, when there does not work out properly either for that year was a lunar eclipse 16 h. 55 m. after mean or for the immediately preceding and following sunrise.
years. The 5th tithi of the dark half of the (5). A stone-tablet at Kargudari (ante, Vol. X.
amanta Chaitra of Saka 998 expired ended on p. 252) is dated : ... Cha - Vi.-varshada 33neya
Monday, the 28th March A.D. 1076, and the Sarvadhari-san vatsarada Herjjuggiya (i.e., Asvi. nearest Mesha-samkranti took place on Wed. na) punnami Bomavárad-andina. The corre- nesday, the 23rd March A. D. 1076. For Saka sponding date, for Saka (33+997=) 1030 expired, 997 expired the corresponding dates are Wed. the year Sarvadhirin, is Monday, the 21st Desday, the 8th April, and Tuesday, the 24th September A.D. 1108, when the full-moon tithi March, A. D. 1075; and for Saka 999 expired, ended 21 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.
Friday, the 17th March, and Thursday, the 23rd The two following dates, taken together, prore
March, A. D. 1077. that the Jovinn years quoted in them commenced (9). A stone-tablet at Wadagêri (ib. No. 5) is on the first day of the bright half of the lunar dated (on the anniversary of Vikramaditya's coroChaitra, not at the time of the Mesha-sankranti, nation): ... Cha - Vi..varsha-prathama-Nalanor on the 5th day of the bright half of Phalguna, -sar vatsarada Phålguņa-śuddha-panchami-Bri. the anniversary of the accession of the founder of (bpi)haspativ&rad-aridu. The year of the the era.
date should again be Saka (1+997=) 998 expired: (6). An inscription at Kottagôri (ante, Vol. VI.
but the equivalents of the date both for that year p. 138) is dated : ... Cha Vi.-varshnda 21neya
and for the immediately preceding and following Dhatu samvatsarada Chaitra su (su)ddha 5 Adit
years are Tuesday, the 31st January A. D. 1077; yavarad-andu. The corresponding date, for
Friday, the 12th February A. D. 1076; and Saka (21+997=) 1018 expired, is Sunday, the 2nd
Monday, the 19th February A. D. 1078. March A. D. 1096, when the 5th tithi of the (10). The Tidgundi copper-plate grant of bright half ended 1 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise. Vikramaditya VI. (ante, Vol. I. p. 81) is dated : As the Mesha-sankrinti did not take place till
sri-Vikrama-kala-samvatsaréshu shatsu atitéshu the 23rd Mnrch, A.D. 1096, the date shows that
saptamê Dundubhi-samvatsaré pravarttamine the Jovian year Dhâtsi to which the date belonged tasya Karttika-su śuddha-pratipad- Adivaré. commenced before the beginning of the solar
Here the year of the date should be Saka (7+997=) Saka year 1018 expired, and did not coincide with 1004 expired, as if the date No. 2, above; but the solar year.
the equivalents of the date both for that year 17). A stone-tablet of Balagâmve (ante, Vol. V. and for the immediately preceding and following p. 34) is dated on the occasion of an eclipse of years are Tuesday, the 25th October A. D. 1082

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APRIL, 1893.
MISCELLANEA.
111
Wednesday, the 6th October A. D. 1081; and remarks of Mr. L. Rice on the word vadda, ante, Saturday, the 14th October A. D. 1083.
Vol. VIII. p. 90, one would feel inclined to regard (11). A stone-tablet at Saundatti (Jour. Bo. that word as a synonym of mukhya or ddi, and As. Soc., Vol. X. p. 202) is dated in the 21st year,
to take Våddavdra as a name of Sunday. And in the Dhậtu samvatsara, on Sunday, the 13th of
favour of this it might be urged, not only, that in the dark half of Pushya, and the moment when
the date under discussion the 14th tithi put down the sun was commencing his progress to the
in the date did end on a Sunday, but also, that north. Here the year of the date should be Saka
the date of the Anamkond inscription of Rudra(21+997=) 1018 expired, as in the date No. 6,
déva (ante, Vol. XI. p. 12)-Saka-varshamulu above; but in Saka 1018 expired the 13th tithi of
1084 vunernti Chitrabhånd-samvatsara Magha su the dark half of the amdnta Pausha ended on
13 VaddavaramunArdu-undoubtedly correWednesday, the 14th January A. D. 1097, and
sponds to Sunday, the 20th January, A. D. 1163. the Uttarayana-sainkrinti took place on Wednes.
On the other hand, it might very properly be day, the 24th December A. D. 1096.
suggested that in the date under discussion the The Chalukya Vikrama era offers a compara
14th tithi had been wrongly quoted instead of tively far greater number of irregular dates than
the 13th,-a suggestion which would render it any other Hindu era. Here I will give only one
necessary to assign to Vaddavdra the meaning of more date which is of special interest on account
Saturday: and in support of this interpretation. of the doubtful meaning of the word employed
again, one might adduce the date of the Toragal to denote the week-day.
inscription, published ante, Vol. XII. p. 97,-Sa
(sa)ka-varshamn 1110neya Plavamga-samvatsarada (12). According to Dr. Fleet (Jour. Bo. As.
Pasya(shya) bahuļa 10 Vaddavárav=uttar yana. Soc., Vol. X. p. 297) a stone-tablet at Konur is
sam kramana-vyatfpåtadalu-, the proper equi. dated 'in the 12th year of the era of the prosper
valent of which without any doubt is Saturday, ous Châlukya Vikrama, being the Prabhaya
the 26th December, A. D. 1187. That Vaddardra sariwatsara, at the moment of the sun's com
must be either Saturday or Sunday (not, as was mencement of his progress to the north, on
suggested by the late Dr. Bhâu Daji, Wednesday Vaddavára, the fourteenth day of the dark fort
or Thursday) is certain, and in my opinion the night of Pausha.' The year of this date is Saka
chances are in favour of Sunday; but the dates (12+997=) 1009 expired, which was the year Pra
known to me are not sufficient to settle the ques. bhava; and in that year the 14th tithi of the dark
tion definitely. half of the amanta Pausha commenced 5 h. 6 m.
5.-Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 24, I have shewn that before and ended 18 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 26th December A. D. 1087, and
the word saka is occasionally employed in dates the Uttarayana-bankranti took place 1 h. 47 m. of the Vikrama era in the general sense of year.' before mean sunrise of Saturday, the 25th Decem
A clear instance of this usage occurs in the ber A. D. 1087. Now, that this is the Uttars. following verse which is found in a MS. of Gan. yana-sam kránti spoken of in the date, there can
gadhara Sarasvati's Svárdjyasiddhi:be no doubt; but according to ordinary rules the
Vasv-abdhi-muny-avani-måna-Bake Vpi
BhAkhya. tithi that should have been joined with the Samkrånti is the 13th, during which the Samkranti
varshasya Magha-sita-VAXpati-yukta. itself took place and which occupied about nine
Bhashthyám teen hours of Saturday, the 25th December, not
Gangadharendra-yatin Sivayoh pad&bje the 14th which is actually put down in the date.
bhakty=A[r]pita suksitir-asta Batam There is the further difficulty that we do not
sivaya 11 know what day of the week is meant by the word The year of this date is the Vikrama year (not, Vaddavdra of the date. Judging from the as has been assumed, the Saka year) 1748 expired,
. In the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 901, this of Magha. Here the corresponding dates would be, is translated by Sunday.'
for $. 1066 current = Rudhirôdgårin, Friday, the 4th • See Journal, Bo. As. Soc., Vol. X. p. 46.
February, A D. 1144; and for 8. 1066 expired, Tuesday, In addition to the above, I find in Pali, Sanskrit the 23rd January, A. D. 1145. and Old-Canarese Inscriptions the following dates No. 295, of the time of the Y&dara Ramachandra. - containing the word Yaddavdra: -
The twelfth year of his reign, the Svabhanu savivatsara No. 87. Saka 1156, the Jaya samvatsana, "Vad (Saka 1205); “Vaddarára," the fifth day of the bright d avára," the day of the full-moon of ... Vaisak ba." fortnight of PhAlguna. Here the corresponding dato, The corruaponding date would be Saturday, the 15th for 8. 1205 expired Subhanu, would be Wednesday April, A. D. 1231.
the 23rd Febroary, A. D. 1984 ; but for 8. 1206 expire No. 96. - Baka 1066, the Radbirôdgiri savavateara, 1 = Tarapa, Sunday, the 11th February, A.D. 1986. "Vaddavára," the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight

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[APRIL, 1893.
and the corresponding date is Thursday, the 14th January, A. D. 1692. The Jovian year Vrisha which is quoted in the date ended, by the Surya-
siddhanta rule without bija, on the 24th January. A. D. 1692. Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN.
NOTES AND QUERIES. MUSSELWOMAN.
intended for Oriental readers, perpetrate, by what It may be assumed that most writers on Orien. the late Sir Henry Yule has styled "the process of tal subjects know that the termination man in the Hobson-Jobson," the astounding error of Musselword Musalman has no connection with the Eng. woman. Here is the passage. The Overland lish termination man in such words as "English- Mail of Feb. 10, 1893, p. 47: "It is now reported man," "Frenchman," etc. Indeed, no English that the lady has resolved to be converted' and writer would make such a mistake, in even become a Musselwoman and dame of the harem, purely English words, as to concoct Gerwoman which will secure the presumptive heirship to and Germen, or Burrooman and Burmen, out of the throne for her son." This passage occurs in German and Burman. But a writer has at last the course of an ill-natured bit of gossip about the heen found, who can, in a publication professedly "Khedive" 'Abbâs Pasha. R. O. TEMPLE
BOOK NOTICE. DIE HANDSCHRIFTEN-VERZEICHNISSE DER KÖNIG- Dr. Weber's preface gives an account of its
LICHEN BIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN. Fünfter Band. growth, and renders due acknowledgment to the Verzeichniss der Sanskrit- und Prakrit Handseriften
Government of Bombay, for allowing Dr. Bühler von A. WEBER. Zweiter Band. Dritte Abtheilung.
to send to Berlin at intervals a nearly complete Berlin, A. Asher & Co. 1892. 4to. pp. i.-IIvii.
series of the texts of Svetambara Siddhanta, to. 8:29-1363, with five plates. The second section of the second volume of gether with many other important Jaina works. It Prof. Weber's great catalogue of the Berlin
was this collection which formed the basis of the MSS. appeared in 1888, and the preface to this,
author's essays on the sacred literature of that the third and concluding section, is dated June community, a translation of which has been 1891, the book being published in the course of lately appearing in this Journal. The Library 1892. It is a privilege, which I value, to be able
is also indebted to Prof. Garbe, who during his to congratulate him on the successful completion
brief stay in India of a year and a hall, sent home of his most valuable work.
nearly three hundred MSS. on various subjects. The present section deals mainly with Jaina The work is printed with the care and accuracy, literature not included in the Siddhinta. This which has distinguished the preceding sections occupies pp. 829-1136. It is followed (pp. 1139- of this volume, and Dr. Weber warmly acknow. 1202) by a catalogue of further MSS. (principally ledges the assistance rendered to him by Drs. Brahmanical) added to the library between 1886 Leumann and Klatt in realing the proofs. This and 1889, and some fourteen pages of addenda et accuracy has not been attained without cost, and corrigenda. Then we have the indexes (admirably all scholars will sincerely regret that, as the prepared) so necessary in a work of this kind, author remarks, a good portion of his eyesight such as indexes of the names of the writers of lies buried in the pages before us. the MSS., their relations and pa.. uns; of the The preface contains an interesting note on names of works; of the authors, their works, the peculiarities of Jaina MSS., too long to quote relations and patrons; and of all matters or here, but which is well worth the perasal of any names dealt with or referred to in the catalogue. person commencing the study of this class of An interesting list of the dates of the MSS. in work. They are specially distinguished by the chronological order is also given, from which we neatness and accuracy with which they are learn that the oldest MS. (a commentary on the written, equalled only, in Brahmanical works, by Ullarddhyayanasitra) in the collection is dated MSS. of Vedic literature. The collection, as the V. 8. 1307, and that the next oldest (the Kalpa- professor points out, is rich in narrative literature, chúrni) V. 8. 1334. A facsimile of a leaf of the affording a plenteous and almost unexplored former is given amongst the illustrations. mine of Indian folktales, and containing not
Altogether 901 MSS. are described in the 1202 infrequent references to things which connect pages of the three parts of this second volume. India with the western world. Of these, no less than 787 pages are devoted to Again congratulating Dr. Weber on the comthe 259 Jains MSS. which form perhaps the most pletion of this striking monument of erudition complete and interesting part of the whole of combined with patient labour, I bring this note this division of the library.
to a close.
G. A. G. 1 For a notice of the first section, see ante, Vol. XVI. page 316, and of the second section, anto, Vol. XVIII, page 96.

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MAY, 1893.]
HIUEN TSIANG'S CAPITAL OF MAHARASHTRA.
113
HIUEN TSIANG'S CAPITAL OF MAHARASHTRA.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., Ph.D., C.I.E. TN his account of the cuuntry of Maharashtra, as the kingdom of the Western 1 Chalakya king Palikesin II., Hinen Tsiang tells us, according to Mr. Beal's translation of the Si-yu-ki (Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. pp. 255, 257), that "the capital "borders on the west on a great river ........ Within and without the capital are five “stů pas to mark the spots where the four past Buddhas walked and sat. They were built by " Asokaraja. There are, besides these, other stúpas made of brick or stone, so many that it “ would be difficult to name them all. Not far to the south of the city is a sanghåráma in " which is a stone image of Kwan-tsz'tsai Bodhisattva."
The name of this capital is not mentioned. And, though two indications, which ought to locate it and determine its name, are given, - viz. that it was situated about 1,000 li or 167 miles to the east of Broach, and between 2,400 and 2,500 li or roughly about 410 miles to the north-west of the capital of a country which is called in Chinese Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, and is Bapposed to be in Sanskrit Konkanapura, 2 - they have failed to do go; partly because the capital of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo has never yet been satisfactorily determined ; and partly because there is no place due east of Broach or nearly so, at or anywhere near the required distance, which answers to the description that is given. The result has been a variety of surmises as to the name of this capital. And the question has never yet been disposed of.
Now, the real capital of the Western Chalakya dynasty was Badami, the chief town of the tâlukâ of the same name in the Bijapur District. But its surroundings do not answer to the description given by Hiuen Tsiang. There is, it is true, a river, within four miles of the town,- the Malaprabhå; but it is only a tributary of the Krishna, and it cannot be called one of the great rivers of India. And about three miles to the south by east of the town, there is a temple of Banaśamkari,- with a variety of shrines, a large enclosure, and a tank that has a cloister round three sides of it, which presents the appearance of a certain amount of antiquity; but there are no indications of Buddhism about it, and nothing to justify the supposition that it is a Brahmaņical adaptation of an ancient Buddhist sanghåráma. Further, the cave-temples at Badami are Jain and Brahmaņical,- not Buddhist. Again, neither in the town, nor in its neighbourhood, can any traces be found of any stúpas. And, finally, though the direction of Badami from Broach, south-south-east, may be taken as answering to the statement that Broach was to the west or north-west of the capital of Maharashtra, still its distance, 435 miles, is altogether incommensurate with the given distance, and is quito sufficient, in itself, to exclude the possibility of such an identification. Badâmi, therefore, is undoubtedly inadmissible for the town referred to by Hinen Tsiang.
Mr. Beal has stated, in a footnote, the other suggestions that have been made, and some of the objections to them. Thus, M. V. de St. Martin proposed Daulatábad in the Nizim's Dominions. But, though the distance and direction from Broach, - 188 miles to the southeast, - are admissible, there is no river here; nor are there any Buddhist remains. Gen. Sir Alexander Cunningham has been in favour of Kalyaņi, in the Nizâm's Dominions, which has on the west a large stream named Kailasa. But here, again, there is nothing that can be called "a great river;" there are no Buddhist remains; the distance from Broach, about 372 miles towards the south-east, is far too much ; and there is absolutely nothing to justify the supposition that Kalyaņi was a place of any importance at all, until it became the Western Châlukya capital, after the restoration of the dynasty by Taila II. in A. D. 973. And Mr. Fergasson named “Toka, Phulthamba, or Paitan." But, as regards these, though Paithan, on the Godavari, in the Nizâm's Dominions, is well admissible on account of its ancient importance, and might be fairly so because it is only about 220 miles to the south-east from
1 On the question of the real bearings, however, see farther on.
2 See page 116 below, note 7.

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Broach, no Buddhist remains have ever been discovered there. Toka or Tokên, on the Godavari, in the Newasa Taluka of the Ahmednagar District, about 195 miles to the south-east of Broach, is nothing but an ordinary village, of not the slightest importance, except that it has a post-office and a few purely modern temples which are supposed to be invested with sanctity, - for which reasons alone it is mentioned in Gazetteers. And Phulthamba, properly Puņtâmbe, on the same river, and in the Kôpargaon Taluka of the same district, about 28 miles towards the north-west of ļoka, is nothing but a market-village with a railway station, and, in the same way, with a few entirely modern temples, and is mentioned in Gazetteers simply because it is such. Mr. Beal himself, locating the capital of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo near Golkonda in the Nizam's Dominions, arrived at the conclusion that Hiuen Triang's capital of Maharashtra must be found near the Tapti river, or perhaps near the Girna, which flows through Nâsik and Khåndësh and joins the Tapti about fifteen miles to the north of Erandol. But he did not suggest any particular town. And, as I have already intimated, there is no place on either river, at or near the required distance from Broach, answering to the description given by Hiuen Tsiang.
My own attention was attracted specially to the point quite recently, in consequence of a visit to the cave-temples at Ajanta (properly Ajîntha). They are described by Hiuen Tsiang, in his account of Maharashtra, and are located by him in a great mountain on the eastern frontier of the country. And they are, in fact, in the Chậudôr or Sâtmålà range, - just about the point where the range, which finally merges itself in the highlands that form the southern frontier of Berår, turns towards the south. To the west of Ajanta, the range runs through Nândgaon and Chandôr (properly Chandwad), and merges in the Sahyadri chain in the north-west part of the Nâsik District. And what first forcibly struck my attention, when, after crossing the range from the direction of Ellôrâ, or rather after descending from the plateau which there runs along the southern crest of it, I was travelling along the north of it, is the conspicuous "wall-like boundary " that it makes, from near Nand. gaon to at least as far as Ajanţâ, between Khåndêsh and the country to the south. In the neighbourhood of Nandgaon and Manmâd, where the range is much broken and the level of the country itself rises a good deal, this peculiar feature is not so well marked. But it develops itself again to the west of Manmad. And, taking the range as a whole, there can be no doubt that, in direct continuation of the eastern frontier, on which Hiuen Tsiang placed the Ajantâ caves, it formed the natural northern frontier of the country which he was describing
Now, the distance from Broach as given hy the Chinese pilgrim, vis. 167 miles, must be accepted more or less closely. But, as regards the bearings, while the text of the Si-yu-ki says that Broach was to the west of the unnamed capital of Maharashtra (loc. cit. p. 259), still, however freely we may interpret the narrative, any easterly direction from Broach, even with a southerly bearing not sufficiently marked to require it to be called plainly southeasterly, carries us decidedly to the north of the Sâtmâļå range, and so keeps us outside the northern frontier of the country. On the other hand, however, Hwui-li, who wrote the Life of Hiuen Tsiang, says (Beal's Life of Hiuen Triang, p. 147) that the direction of Broach from the unnamed capital was north-west; and any approximately south-east bearing from Broach takes ub, at the distance of 110 to 167 miles, well to the south of the Såtmâlâs. And I think, therefore, that the bearings given by Hwui-li mast of necessity be more correct than those in the narrative from which extracts have been given above.
And there is still one other point to be mentioned. Mr. Beal's expression “the capital borders on the west on a great river" is,- possibly owing to want of punctuation,- not very explicit, to say the least. And I think that we must prefer the far plainer words made use of by M. Stanislas Julien (Vie de Hiouen-Thsang, p. 415), "du côté de l'ouest, la capitale
• See the Gawetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XII., Khandesh, p. 5; also see YOL XVI., N Aaik, p. 5.

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MAY, 1893.)
HIUEN TSIANG'S CAPITAL OF MAHARASHTRA.
115
est voisine d'un grand pleuve," which apparently mean that the capital lay towards the west of the kingdom and was on or near a great river. And I thus take it that we must locate the required place as far to the west as possible, consistently with maintaining, approxi. mately, the given distance and direction from Broach.
Since, then, the given distance from Broach keeps us far away to the north of the real capital, BÂdâmi, we have to look for some subordinate but important town, somewhere along or near the northern frontier and towards the western end of it, which was mistakenly spoken of as the capital by Hiuen Tsiang, - most probably because it was the basis of the military operations against Harshavardhana of Kapanj, which also are alluded to in his account, and because, in connection with those operations, Pulikéáin II. happened to be there at the time. And I feel po hesitation in deciding that the place, which must of necessity lie somewhere towards the west or north-west of the Nâsik District, is NAsik itself. This town is about 128 miles to the south-south-east of Broach: the distance corresponds sufficiently well: and, accepting the statement of Hwui-li, so does the bearing; for Broach, lying actually to the north-north-west of Nâsik, may very fairly, in the rough manner followed by the Chinese pilgrims, be described as lying towards the north-west. And the surroundings of the town, which has been a place of importance from considerable antiquity, answer in detail to the description given by Hinen Tsiang. It is on the Godavari, which, anywhere along its course, is always counted as one of the great rivers of India. Within a distance of six miles on the south-west, there is the Pandu-lêņa group of Buddhist caves, in which we may locate the sangháráma mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim. And finally, as regards the stúpas spoken of by him, one, at any rate, still exists, - near a small water-fall on the Godavari, about six miles west of the town,
In conclusion, I would remark that, in my opinion, the country which Hiuen Tsiang has described might have been called more properly Kuntala (in Maharashtra), - rather than Maharashtra itself. To allow for the number of ninety-nine thousand villages, whether actual or traditional, which the Aihoļe inscription allots to the three divisions of it, each called Maharashtraka, the Maharashtra country proper must, I think, have extended on the north up to the Narmada, and on the east and north-east far beyond Ajantà. What Hiuen Tsiang was describing is really the kingdom of Pulikesin II., or part of it. Now, the later Western Chalukyas of Kalyani were specially known as "the lords of Kuntala." The dominions of their predecessors of Badâmi appear to have coincided very much with their own doninions. And the existence of the Kuntala country may certainly be taken back to at least the time of Hiuen Tsiang; for it is mentioned, as a well-established and principal territorial division, in an inscription at Ajanta, which, though possibly not quite so early as the period of Hinen Tsiang, is at any rate not very much later in date. It is, moreover, mentioned there under circumstances which suggest the inference that the Ajaņțâ caves were themselves in Kuntala.
It may be added that the given distance of about 410 miles to the south-east from Násik takes us to a very likely place indeed, Karnal, as the capital of the country of Kong-kin. na-pu-lo. The actual distance here is, as near as possible, 403 miles, to the south-east. And, on the assumption, which appears to be correct, that the distances given by Hiuen Tsiang are always the distances from capital to capital, the distance and direction to Karşûl from
The same meaning may, I think, be given to Mr. Beal's translation, by inserting a comma after "west." And very possibly he intended such a comma to be understood. But, as it stands, his sentence is decidedly enigmatical.
Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XVI., N&sik, p. 539. It is there called a "burial mound; but the details of the description shew it to be an undeniable stúpa.- To obriate unnecessary questioning, it may be stated that, in spite of its being a Buddhist site, and one, too, on the line of his route, NÅsik is nowhere mentioned by name by Hiuen Tsiang. So there is no objection of that kind,- vix. that he refers to it in any other connection, against the identification for which I decide. The matter sooms to me so obvious, that it appears curious that no one has already hit on the trae solution. But it probably required what I have been able to give it, - personal consideration on the spot.
• Archool. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. Pp. 126, 127.-In an earlier time still, the name of Kuntala occurs in Varahamihira's Brihat-Samhita, xvi. 11.

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116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1893.
Conjeveram, viz. about 232 miles to the north-west-by-north, seem to answer sufficiently well to the statement made by the Chinese writers, that the capital of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo was about 2,000 li, or approximately 333 miles, to the north-west from Kañchi, i.e. Conjeveram.
DANISH COINS FROM TRANQUEBAR.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. The seaport of Tranquebar is situated in the Mayavaram tâlukil of the Tanjore district, 18 miles north of Negapatam. The only ancient Hindú building in it is a Saiva temple, which is partially washed away by the sea. This temple contains three Tamil inscriptions :-1
No. I.-An inscription which is dated in the 37th year of the reign of the Pandya king K-Maravarman, (alias) Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulapokharadova.
No. II.-An inscription which is dated on the 20th day of the month of Kárttigai of the cyclic year Prabhava, and which records a gift by a certain Iramaiyar Ayyan, who was the agent of “the glorious Achchudappa Nayakkar A[y]yan." According to the Tanjore Manual, pp. 750 ff., Achyutappa was the name of the second of the four Nayaka rulers of Tanjavur If he is meant, the date of the inscription would correspond to A. D. 1627.
No. III.-An inscription which is dated in A. D. 1783, and which records that a certain A paduddhârama-Setti, the son of Subrahmanya-Setti, erected a flagstaff (dhvajastambha) and laid the pavement (taļavićai) of the temple.
The two last inscriptions call the temple MÀsilêmani-Isvara, while in the first, it is called Masivannisvara, and Tranquebar itself “Saqanganpadi, alias Kulasegaranpattinam (i. e. the city of Kulasekhara)." The modern Tamil designation of Tranquebar, Tarangampadi (.e. "the village of the waves"), is evidently a corruption, produced through a popular etymology, of the form which occurs in Kulasekhara's inscription, Sadanganpaời. The intermediate form Tadanganpåời appears to be scribbled between lines 4 and 5 of the inscription No. II.
A large number of deserted buildings in the European style, the fort of " Dansborg," and the tombstones with Danish epitaphs in the cemetery remind the visitor of this Indian Pompeii that it used to be the seat of the Government of a Danish colony. The Danes established an East India Company during the reign of Christian IV. in A. D. 1616.. Their first ship, the “Oeresund," which left Denmark in August 1618, in charge of Roelant Crape, a Dutchman
7 Beal, loc. cit. p. 253 and note 38. The Si-yu-ki says "north-wards;" and Hwui-li, "north-west."- Someone or other has, doubtless, already commented on the curions appearance which the word Konkap¶ presents, as the name of a country. The Chinese transliteration kong-kin-na might also represent the Sanskrit karkana, 'a bracelet,' or the Kanarese keingann, 'red eye,' which occurs in kengaunavakki, 'the black Indian cuckoo, having red eyes.' But the couutry lies so much in the direction of the province which in later records is called, with reference to the actual or traditional number of its villages, the Gangavili Ninety-six-thousand, and which may very well have included Karnal, that I canuot help thinking that, in the Chinese Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, we may find the word Ganga or Kongaại. With Gauga for kong.kin, it is not easy to say what na-pu-lo can represent; unless it may be t.
y to say what na-pu-lo can represent; unless it may be the Sanskrit niipura. 'an anklet,' or noivala (also written navall), 'abounding with reeds, a reed-bed.' With Kongani for kong-kin-na, we might, if Kongani can be shewn to be the ancient name of any river, take the whole word to be either Kongapipura, "(the country of) the floods of the Kongani,' or Konganipårs, (the country of) the fords of the Kongaņi.' There was also country named Konga, which is saggested to be the modern Kodagu or Coorg (Mysore Inscriptions, p. xli.). And this name, too, might be found in the Chinese word. But, if Kongu is Coorg, it seems too far to the west for the country traversed by Hiuen Tsiang.- Again, a Harihar inscription mentions a country named Kongana (id. p. 70); it is distinct from the Konkana, which is mentioned in the same passage.
Nos. 75 to 77 of my Progress Report for October 1890 to March 1891 ; Madras G.O., 10th June 1891, No. 452, Public.
The complete date of the inscription is :-"On the auspicious day, on which the Uttiratti dinakshatra fell on Friday, the 30th day of the month of Avani of the Sibh ukrit year, which was current after the Salivana-Saka year 1775 (read 1705) and the Kaliyuga year 1986."
Sadangan appears to be used in the sense of shad-anga-vid, 'one who knows the six Angas (of the Veda).' With Salanganpadi compare the term chaturvedi-mangalam, which is frequently employed in Tamil inscriptions as the designation of an agrahara.
4 Pastor Fenger's History of the Tranquebar Mission, Tranquebar 1863, p. 1.

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MAY, 1893.
DANISH COINS FROM TRANQUEBAR.
117
-
by birth, was attacked by the Portuguese off the Coromandel coast and lost. The commander escaped with thirteen men to the court of Tanjore. Five other ships had left home in November 1618, in command of Ove Gedde, a Danish nobleman. Through the united efforts of Crape and Gedde, a treaty between Denmark and Achyutappa, the Nayaka of Tanjavur, was concluded in November 1620. By this treaty, the Nayaka ceded Tranquebar with fifteen neighbouring villages, - a strip of land of 11 hours breadth and 2 hours length, - against an annual tribute of about Rs. 4,000. Having laid the foundation of the fort of Dansborg, Gedde returned to Denmark, while Crape remained in charge of the new settlement. With one interruption (A. D. 1808 to 1814) the Danes continued to hold Tranquebar for more than two centuries until 1845, when it was purchased by the British. Since then, Tranquebar has lost its commercial importance to Negapatam, a former Dutch port, which enjoys the advantage of being connected with the main-line of the South Indian Railway by a branch from Tanjore.
As appears from Mr. Neumann's great work on Copper Coins7 and Mr. Weyl's Catalogue of the Fonrobert Collection, the Danes issued a large number of types of colonial coins, most of which, however, are now rare or not procurable at all. A few years ago, Messrs. T. M. Ranga Chari and T. Desika Chari published the contents of their collection. Through the kind offices of the Rev. T. Kreuseler, who continued for some time to purchase on my account all coins which could be obtained at and near Tranquebar, I have since acquired a fairly representative collection, which is the subject of this paper. The abbreviations N, W, and B refer to the above-mentioned treatises of Mr. Neumann, Mr. Weyl, and Messrs. Ranga Chari and Desika Chari, respectively. For the preparation of the plaster casts, from which the accompanying Plate was copied, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. B. Santappah, Curator of the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore.
I.--CHRISTIAN THE FOURTH.
(A. D. 1588 to 1648.) No. 1. Lead. Weight, 644 grains.
(N. 20646; W. 2802.) Obv. C with 4 enclosed (the monogram of the king), surmounted by a crown.
[.I.B.] Rev. CAS
1645 This specimen is valuable on account of its complete date ; on the copy noticed by Neumann, the last figure is missing, and the reverse of Weyl's copy is illegible. The letters I. B. on the reverse are supposed to stand for T. B., an abbreviation of the mint-town, Tranquebar : see Neumann's remark on his No. 20672. Cas, and Kas on later Danish coins, represents, like the Anglo-Indian “ cash," - the Tamil word kasu, a coin.'
II.-FREDERICK THE THIRD.
(A. D. 1648 to 1670.) No. 2. Copper. Average weight, 121 grains.
(N. 20648; R. 1.) Obv. F 3, crowned.
Rev. The Norwegian lion. Neumann refers to a similar coin (N. 20647) with the date ANNO 1667 on the obverse.
See Dr. Germaan's Johann Philipp Pabricine, Erlangen 1865, p. 87.
. On the Dutch copper coins of Negapatam (Nagapattanam) and Palicat (Palavea) see Mr. Noumann's Copper Coins, Vol. III. p. 60 f. and Plate xlvii.
* Beschreibung der bekanntesten Kupfermūnsen, Vol. III. Prag 1863, pp. 73 f. Verzeichnis von Münzen und Denkmünzen der Jules Ponrobert'schon Sammlung, Berlin 1878, PP. 193 1. Indo-Danish Coins; Madres Journal of Literature and Science or the Soarion 1888-89.

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118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1893.
III.-CHRISTIAN THE FIFTH.
(A. D. 1670 to 1699.) No. 3. Lead. Weight, 357, 363, 76 grains.
(N. 20668; W. 2803.4). "Obv. 05, linked and crowned.
Rev. DOC, linked and crowned. The letters DOC are the initials of "Dansk Ostindisk Compagni” (Danish East Indian Company). According to Neumann, a lead coin of different type (N. 20661) bears the date 1687 on the obverse.
No. 4. Copper. Weight, 117 grains.
(N. 20668; R. 4.) Oby. Same as No. 3.
Rev. Blank. No. 6. Copper. Average weight, 13 grains.
(N. 20662-3; R. 2.) Oby. Double C 5, linked and crowned ; 8 on the left, and 9 on the right. Other specimens have 9 on the left, and 0 or 1 on the right.
Rev. DOC, linked and crowned ; W on the left, H on the right, and VK below.
The figures 89, 90 and 91 on the obverse are abbreviations of the dates 1689, 1690 and 1691. According to Neumann, the letters W:H. V. K. on the reverse are the initials of the Danish officer who issued the coin.
No. 6. Copper. Average weight, 12. grains.
(N. 20664-7; W. 2809-10; R. 3.) Obv. Double C 5, linked and crowned.
Rev. DOC, linked and crowned ; l on the left, 6 on the right, and 94 below. Other specimens have 92 or 97 below.
The figures on the reverse represent the dates 1692, 1694 and 1697. Neumann and Weyl also note the date 1693, R, the date 1699.
IV.-FREDERICK THE FOURTH.
(A. D. 1699 to 1730.) No. 7. Copper; one cask. Weight, 13, 17 grains.
Obv. Double P 4, linked and crowned. Rev. DOC, linked and crowned. NO. 8. Copper ; two cash. Weight, 28 grains.
(N. 20671.) Obv. Same as No. 7.
Rov. DOC, linked; 2 Kas below. Neumann describes a four-cash piece, and both Neumann and Weyl a ten-cash piece of similar type.
No. 9. Copper. Average weight, 124 grains.
(W. 2812; R. 5.) Obv. A monogram, consisting of F and 4, crowned. Rev. DOC, linked and crowned. No. 10. Copper. Average weight, 13 grains.
(N. 20673-4; R. 6.) Obv. F 4, linked and crowned. Rev. Same as No. 9.

Page #137

DANISH COINS FROM TRANQUEBAR.
.
N
o
15
23
25
26
27
30
FULL-SIZE.
From Casts made by Mr. B. SANTAPPAH, Curator, Bangalore Museum.

Page #138


Page #139

DANISH COINS FROM TRANQUEBAR.
V.-CHRISTIAN THE SIXTH. (A. D. 1730 to 1746.)
No. 11. Copper. Weight, 17, 19 grains. (N. 20678; W. 2821.)
Obv. C with 6 enclosed, crowned; 17 on the left, worn on the right. Rev.
The Norwegian lion.
MAY, 1893.]
The figure 17 on the obverse is the first half of the date. Neumann notes the date 1730, and Weyl the date 1732.
No. 12. Copper; one cash. Average weight, 123 grains.
(N. 20679; W. 2817.)
Obv. C with 6 enclosed, crowned. Rev. DA C, linked and crowned.
The letters D A C, which from the time of Christian VI. take the place of DO C, are the initials of "Dansk Asiatisk Compagni" (Danish Asiatic Company).
No. 13. Copper; one cash. Weight, 10, 12 grains.
Obv. Rev.
(N. 20680.)
Same as No. 12, but not crowned. Same as No. 12, but not crowned.
No. 14. Copper; two cash. Weight, 23, 30 grains. (N. 20677.)
Obv. Same as No. 12. Rev. Same as No. 12, with the addition of the figure 2 below.
No. 15. Copper; four cash. Average weight, 40 grains.
(N. 20675-6; W. 2816; R. 8.) Same as No. 12.
Same as No. 12, but 4 below.
Obv.
Rev.
No. 16. Copper; four cash. Weight, 34 grains.
Same type as No. 15; but the letters C 6 on the obverse are reversed through a mistake of the engraver of the die.
VI.-FREDERICK THE FIFTH. (A. D. 1746 to 1766.)
119
No. 17. Copper; four cash. Average weight, 36 grains. (N. 20683; W. 2834; R. 9.)
Obv. F 5, linked and crowned.
Rev. DA C, linked and crowned; 17 on the left, 63 on the right, 4 below. Neumann's No. 20682 and Weyl's No. 2832 have the different date 1761. VII.-CHRISTIAN THE SEVENTH.
(A. D. 1766 to 1808.)
No. 18. Silver; one royalin. Weight, 20, 20 grains. (W. 2842 ff.; R. 16.)
Obv. C with 7 enclosed, crowned.
•
Rev. The Danish coat-of-arms; 17 on the left, 73 on the right, I ROYALIN above. According to Weyl, the latest date is 1792.

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120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
No. 19. Silver; two royalins. Weight, 40 grains. (W. 2839 ff.; R. 15.)
Obv. Same as No. 18.
Rev. The Danish coat-of-arms; [17] on the left, 74 on the right, 2: ROYALINER
above.
According to Weyl, the earliest date is 1768, and the latest 1807.
No. 20. Copper; one cash. Weight, 9 grains. (N. 20707-8.)
Obv. Same as No. 18.
Rev. D A C, linked and crowned; [1]7 on the left, 6 on the right, I (i.e. I Kas) below. The fourth figure of the date is lost. Neumann notes the later dates 1777 and 1780,
No. 21. Copper; two cash. Weight, 17 grains. (N. 20706; W. 2851.)
Obv.
Same as No. 18. Rev. DA C, linked and crowned; [17] on the left, 67 on the right, 2 below. Neumann notes the later dates 1770 and 1780.
No. 22. Copper; four cash, earlier type. Average weight, 36 grains. (N. 20693-7; W. 2839a ff.; R. 12.)
[MAY, 1893.
Obv. Same as No. 18.
Rev. DA C, linked and crowned; 17 on the left, 77 on the right, 4 below. Other specimens have 67, 68 and 70 on the right.
No. 23. Copper; ten cash, earlier type. Weight, 89, 98 grains, (N. 20685-8; W. 2840; R. 11.) Double C 7, linked and crowned.
Obv.
Rev. D A C, linked and crowned; below it, X. KAS (for KAS) [Ao] (i.e. Anno) 1777. Another specimen has the date 1768. Neumann notes the intermediate dates 1770 and 1772.
No. 24. Copper; four cash, later type. Average weight, 36 grains. (N. 20698-705; W. 2859 ff.; R. 14.)
Obv. Same as No. 18.
IV. Rev. KAS
1788
On this and other dies, the A of KAS looks like a V upside down. The earliest date is 1782, the latest 1807.
No. 25. Copper; four cash. Weight, 32 grains.
(N, 20701.)
Obv. Same as No, 18.
Rev.
[IV] KAS 1786
R
The letter R is perhaps the initial of the Danish officer who issued the coin; compare
No. 5.

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MAY, 1893.]
DANISH COINS FROM TRANQUEBAR.
No. 26. Copper; four cash. Weight, 39 grains. (W. 2855.)
Obv. Same as No. 18.
Rev. Same as No. 24, but VI instead of IV through a mistake of the engraver of the die. On the three specimens which have passed through my hands, the date is cut away; Weyl's specimen has [17]82.
No. 27. Copper; ten cash, later type. Weight, 98 grains. (N. 20689-92; W. 2854 and 57; R. 13.)
Obv. Same as No. 18. X.
Rev. KAS
1782
The latest date is 1790.
VIII.-FREDERICK THE SIXTH.
(A. D. 1808 to 1839.)
No. 28. Copper; one cash. Weight, 9 grains. (N. 20730.) Obv. FR (i.e. Fridericus Rex), linked and crowned; VI below. I. Rev. KAS [181[9]
No. 29. Copper; four cash. Average weight, 38 grains. (N. 20714-29; W. 2871 ff.; R. 18.) Obv. Same as No. 28.
· IV. Rev. KAS
1815
121
On some of the coins of the year 1817, the S of KAS is reversed through a mistake of the engraver of the die. The latest date is 1839. As remarked by Messrs. Ranga Chari and Desika Chari, p. 9, Frederick VI. did not strike any coins at Tranquebar during the earlier portion of his reign between the years 1808 and 1814, as the Indian colonies of Denmark were then in the temporary possession of the English.
No. 30.
Copper; ten cash. Average weight, 94 grains. (N. 20709-13; W. 2868 and 82; R. 17.)
Obv. Same as No. 28.
*x*
Rev. KAS
1816
The latest date is 1839.
IX. CHRISTIAN THE EIGHTH. (A. D. 1839 to 1848.)
No. 31. Copper; four cash. Average weight, 39 grains. (N. 20732-37; W. 2884-89; R. 20.) Obv. CR (i.c. Christianus Rex), linked and crowned; VIII below: IV. Rev. KAS 184[1]

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122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The earliest date is 1840, and the latest 1845. Neumann (20731) and R. (19) note a ten-cash piece of 1842.
Postscript.
After I had passed the accompanying Plate for printing, I received from Mr. T. M. Ranga Chari, District Munsif of Trichinopoly, a specimen of the following coin of Christian VI. :No. 32. Copper. Weight, 17 grains. (N. 20681; W. 2818.) Obv. Same as No. 13.
(2)
Rev. A monogram consisting of [T] and B.
The letters T B are an abbreviation of "Tranquebar;" see the remarks on No. 1. The monogram on the obverse of Neumann's and Weyl's specimens is surmounted by a crown, as on the obverse of No. 12.
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS. BY G. A. GRIERSON, C. I. S.
(Continued from p. 98).
On the writings of Tul'si Das,
In my Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindústán, I have given the following list of the poet's works which I had seen or heard of :
1. Rám-charit-mánas (the well-known Ramayan). 2. Gitabali.
3.
4.
Kabittábali, or Kabitta Rámáyan.
Dóhábali.
[MAY, 1893.
5. Chhappai Rúmáyan.
6. Rám Sat' sai.
7. Janaki Mangal.
8. Párbati Mangal.
9. Bairágya Sandipini.
10. Rám Lalá Nahachhú.
11. Bar'wé Rámáyan.
12. Rámágyá (Rámájňá) or Rám Sagunábaki.
13. Sankat Mochan.
14. Binay Pattriká
15. Hanuman Báhuk.
16. Rám Saláká.
17. Kundaliyá Rámáyan. 18. Kar'ká Rámáyan.
19. Rôlá Rámáyan.
20. Jhúl'ná Rámáyan.
21. Krishnabali.
Some of the above are certainly apocryphal, and the following information since acquired may be useful.
Bandan Pathak, in the commencement of his commentary on Ram Lala Nahachhú, says,
Aura bare khafa grantha ké Tika raché sujána
Alpa grantha khata alpa-mati Birachata Bandana-gyana ||

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MAY, 1893.]
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
123
Other learned men composed commentaries on the six other greater works, and now Bandan, small-minded one that he is, composes, according to his knowledge, commentaries on the six smaller ones.'
Mahadêy Prasad has written a glons on this commentary, and he illustrates Bandan Pathak's statement by remarks, of which the following is an abstract.
That is to say, Tul'si Das wrote twelve works, six greater and six losser, as is proved by the verse of the well-known Pandit Bam GulAm Dvivedi.
“The voice of The Holy Master Tal'si, blissful to the pions, acceptable to the Almighty, delightful to the universe, composed the Ram Lala Nahachhai (1), Birúgasandipini (2) and Bar'we (3) pleasing the heart of the Lord. It sang the sweet mangalas of Parvati (4) and Janaki (5), and composed the Rimágyá (6) charming like the Cow of Plenty. After aniting Dohás adhd-bandh) (7), Kabittas (8) and Gitas (9), it told the tale of Krishna (10), and fixed all subjects, (i.e. omne scibile) in the Ramayan (11) and the Binay (12)."
Bandan Pathak, in his Mánas Sankávali, says that he was a papil of Chộp (or Chopai) Das, who was a pupil of Râm Gulam, and, in another Kabitta, he says that Tal'si Dâs taught the Mánas Rámáyan (i.e., Rúm-charit-mánas) to Ram Das, who taught it to Ram Din Jyotishi, who taught it to Dhani Rim, who taught it to Min Das, who taught it to Râm Gulam, Ram Gulam's authority is therefore of considerable weight.
On the other hand, Pandit Sesh Datt Sarma (alias Phanês Datt), who (according to the Mánasa Mayanku was also a pupil-descendant of Tulst Dâs, and whose authority is of equal weight), not only recognizes the work called the Sat'sas, which is not mentioned in Ram Gulâm's list, as authentic, bat has also written a commentary on it.
There are, in my opinion, only two argaments in favour of the authenticity of the Sat' sai. The first is that mentionod above, that it was commented upon by Sêsh Datts. The second is that it is possible, though improbable, that by, Dóhd-bandh,' Ram Galâm Dvivêdt meant the Sat' sai, which is written throughout in the Doha metre, and not the Dóhábalt. There can be no doubt that the collection of verses commonly known as the Dihábali, is not a poem consisting of one connected whole. It is a patchwork largely composed of dshás extracted from other works of the poet. To show this, I have drawn up the following table, showing where each verse in the Dáhábali, so far as identified, originally came from. It has been done with the help of native friends, especially Babu Ram Dia Singh already mentioned. It is as complete as we could make it in default of fall indexes of all the works of the poet.
1 Bandan Pathak has great authority. It must, however, be noted that Pandit SudhAkar Dvivedl altogether denies this Guru-succession, and that the second Kabitta referred to above, is by him. He says that Tul'st Das had no disciples. If he had, they would have called themselves Tulsidasis, just as we have Kabirpanthis, Dariyadists and the like.
Ram Gulåm Dvivedt belonged to Mirzapur, and was born of a poor and ignorant family. He took service (PATITI) under a cotton merchant and used to delight in studying the writings of Tul'd Dis. At length his ingenions explanations of the Ramdyan so charmed the baniyas who listened to him, that they subscribed together and appointed a place for him, where he could recite the poem to their heart's content. Finally, by hook or crook, they obtained for him old MSS. of the poet's works, from which he compiled a very correct text. He was a great Pandit, and wrote a Kabittabalt and other works. His principal pupils were a blind metal worker (kandra), who was the Chopal DAs above mentioned, and LAIA Chhakkan Lal, whose name is frequently mentioned in this paper. According to other accounts, Chopat Das was a Sannyasi (Giri). Rim Gulam died in Sambat 1898 (1631 A. D.).
? In connexion with this, the following Kubitta by Kodó Rám, a pupil of J&nakl Sarmi, the son of Besh Datt, may be noted.
Manasa (1), gitabalt (2), kabitaball (3) banai, krishnagita-abali (1) gli sataral (5)niramdi hai ! Párabatt-mangala (6) kahi, mangala kahi Janaki ki (), Rimijad (8), nahachla (9) antriya-yukta.
gdi hai Bararot (10), bafrugyasandipank (11) bandi, binai-patteikt (12) bandi j men prema pari chhui hai ! Nami-kal&kNsa-mant Tulast krita tery kävyi Qist nahin kali men bu kabi ké kavita hai Il In this list the Sat'saf is substituted for the Dhabali.

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Explanation of Abbreviations. Ag. - Râmagya. Bai. - Bairágya Sandipint. Sat. Sat'sai. Råm. Rám-charit-månas (Bå - BÂl-kând, A. - Ayodhya-ko, Ar. - Aranya-ko, Ki =
Kishkindhya-ko, Su - Sundar-ko., Ln. - Lanka-ko, and Ut. - Uttar-kand).
No. of verse in Dohabalt
Where found elsewhere.
No. of verse in Dohiball.
Where found elsewhere.
116 117
Ag. VII., 21. Bai. I. Sat. 1., 2.t Ag. III., 7. Ag. III., 14. Ag. II., 35. Ag. VII., 28. Râm. Bã. 21.• Sat. I., 30. Ram. Bd. 20. Sat. II., 24. Ra ta. Bá. 26. Sat. II., 7. Sat. II., 11. Sat. I., 37. Sat. I., 29. Ram. Ba, 19. Râm. Bã. 27. Ag. V., 1. Sat. II., 57. R8m. Bở. 79. Ram. Bå. 25. Råm. Bå. 24. CE. 277. Sat. I., 107, Bai I., 15. Râm. Bå. 29 (a). Sat. I., 62. Sat. I., 41. Sat. I., 109. Sat. I., 45. Sat. II., 4. Sat. II., 3. Sat. VII., 124. Sat. I., 55. Sat. I., 56. Sat. I., 57. Råm. Ln. 2.
102 Sat. I., 59. 103 Sat. I., 60. 105 Râm. Bã. 29(b). 113 Râm. Ut. 72(a). 114 Ram. Ut. 25.
Râm. Ln. 47(a). Rám. A. 87. Ag. IV., 15. Ag. IV., 13. Ag. IV., 17. Ag. IV., 16. Ag. IV., 28. Råm. A. 93. Råm. Ki. 26. Râm. Ut. 34. Râm. Ut. 122(a). Rám. Ut. 104(a). Râm. Ut. 119(b). Råm. Ln. 3. Råm. Ln. Introduction. Ram. Su. 46. Râm. Ut. 61. Râm. Ut. 90(a).
Râm. Ut. 90(6). 135 Råm. Ut. 926).
Rám. Ut. 89(a). 138 Råm. Ut. 78a).
Râm. A. 185. 145 Sat. II., 5. 147 Sat. II., 1. 156 Râm. A. 30. (Kh. B., 64).
Ag. III., 35. 1611 Ram. Ut. 19(c).
R8m. Sa. 496).
137
100 101
• For convenience, all references are to Ohhakkan Lal's one volume edition of the 12 works. The numbers vary xlightly in difforent editions. When the variation is considerable I give also the numbering of the Khadg Bills Press edition of Râm. ; thus, Kh. B., 64.
The edition of the Sat's referred to is that with Baij'nåth's commentary. There are often slight variations in the readings between the Sat'sal and the Dohdball.

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125
H
No. of Verne in Dobábalt
Where found elsewhere.
No. of verse in Dohabalt.
Where found elsewhere.
264
17+
265
1
175
179
181
266 267 269 270 271
184
185 188
272
189
193
195 196 198 199 205 206
209 210
273 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289
211
212
213
Ag. VI., 34. Ag. I., 21. Råm. Ut. 130(a). Råm. BA. 28(b). Ag.VII., 14. Bam. Ut. 22. Sat. I., 28. Ram. BA. 265. Råm. Bå. 32(6). Râm. Bã. 31. Rám. BÅ. 10) Sat. I., 43. Rôm. A. 126. Rim. A. 230. Råm. A. 214. Ag. IV., 23. Ag. III., 27. Ag. IV., 27. Ag. VII., 17. Ag. VII., 18. Ag. III., 26. Sat. I., 40. Rám. A. 42. Ag. VII., 19. Ag. III., 19. Ag. III., 20 Ag. VI., 35. Ag. VI., 22. Ag. II., 22. Ag. VII., 2. Ag. III., 22 Ag. V., 22.
Ram. Ki. Introduction. Rám. A. 77. Sat. I., 49. Râm. A. 92. Sat. II., 29. Sat. II., 8. Sat. IV., 23 RAm. Ut. 70.
214
215
Râm. A. 32(a) (Kh. B., 66(@)). Råm. Ar. 37 (Kh. B., 71). Rám. A. 47. Rám. År. 40 (b) (Kh. B., 746)). Râm. Ut. 73(a). Rám. A. 180. Ram. Ln. 77. Rám, Ut. 118(6). Råm. Ut. 89(6). Rám. BA. 140. Cf. 38, Sat. I., 107, Bai I., 15. Sat. I., 82. Sat. I, 94. Sat. L, 92. Sat. I., 83. Sat. I., 91. Sat. I., 90. Sat. 1., 86. Sat. I., 88. Sat.1., 89. Sat. I., 84. Sat. I., 79. Sat. I., 80. Sat. I., 85. Sat. I., 87. Sat. I., 73. Sat. 1., 74. Sat. I., 75. Sat. I., 76. Sat. I., 77. Sat. I., 105. Sat. I., 103. Sat. I., 99. Sat. 1., 104. Sat. I., 102. Sat. I., 96. Sat. I., 106. Sat. I., 108. Rám. Ut. 33. Rám. A. 280. Sat. IV., 30. Ram. BA. 7(a).
217
218
290
226
233
291 292 993 294 295 296 299 301 302 308 304 306 308 309 340 347 349 864
Râm. Ut. 71(a).

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No. of verse in Dohabali.
Where found elsewhere.
No. of verse in Dhåball.
Where found elsewhere.
369 370 372 373
476 477 478 479 480 481 484 485
377
378
382
334
386
387
486 487
399 598
488 490
492
399 404 407
R&m. BA. 6. Ram. Ut. 956). Rầm, Bã. 7(6). Sat. VII., 95. Sat. VII., 94. Sat. V. 32. Sat. VII., 102. Sat. VII., 96. Ram. Ut. 78(6). Sat. VII., 97 Sat. VII., 103. Sat. VII., 52. Sat. VII., 41. Sat. VII., 105. Rám. Ut. 39. Sat. VII., 106. Sat. III., 91. Sat. VII., 51. Ag.VII., 23. Rům. A. 63. Sat. VII., 107. Sat. VII., 108. Sat. VII., 112. Sat. VII., 109. Sat. VII., 113. Sat. VII., 114. Sat. VII., 119. Ram. Bl. 27+. Sat. VII., 101. Sat. VII., 100. Sat. VII, 115. Sat. VII., 47 (46). Sat. II., 15. Râm. BA. 159 (6). Sat. VII., 39. Ag.VII., 15. Ay I., 17. Ag. I., 18. Sat. VII., 40. Sat. VII., 41. Sat. I., 5. Sat. VII., 199. Sat. VII., 25. Sat. VII., 97.
494 496 500 503 505 506 507 508 509 510
425
Sat. VII., 26. Sat. VII., 28. Sat. VII., 116. Sat. VII., 29. Rảm. A. 17. Sat. VII., 30. Râm. Ln. 16(b). Sat. VII., 57. Sat. VII., 31. Sat. VII., 32. Sat. VII., 35. Sat. VII., 34. Sat. VII., 33. Sat. VII., 36. Sat. VII., 37. Sat. VII., 68. Râm. A. 179. Sat. VII., 70. Sat. VII., 71. Sat. VII., 11. Sat. VII., 10. Sat. VII., 72. Sat. VII., 73. Sat. VII., 74. Sat. VII., 75. Sat. VII., 76. Sat. VII., 77. Sat. VII., 78. Sat. VII., 79. Sat. VII., 80. Sat. VII., 81. Råm. A. 314. Råm. A. 305. Rám. Su. 37 (slight variation). Sat. VII., 8.2. Sat. VII., 83. Sat. VII., 84. Sat. VII., 85. Sat. VII., 86. Sat. VII., 87. Råm. A. 70. Rim. A. 17. Ram. Ar. 5(@) (Kh B., Eie)).
431
435
517
437 439 441 442 446
519
520
447
521
419
522
4.50
451
461 462
463
524 525 526 527 5:29 530 539 540
465
466
469 470
474
473
513

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NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
127
No. of verae in Dóháball.
Where found elsewhere.
No. of verne in Dôhåball
Where found elsewhere.
543 545
557
Sat. VII., 122. Sat. VII., 63. Sat. VII., 123.
547
Rám. Su. 43. Sat. VII., 88. Sat. VII., 120. Sat. VII., 121. Sat. VII., 62. Rám. Ut. 98.
548
559 560 561 562 565
549
567
550 551 552 553 555
Ram. Ut. 103(ba). Râm. Bộ. 32(a). Ag. VI., 25. Ag. 111., 21. Sat. VII., 125.
3 Rám. Ut. 99.
569 572
Râm. Ut. 100(6).
It will thus appear that the Dôhábali is in great measure & collection of verses selected from other works of the poet, and that hence it can hardly be an original work by him. It is quite possibly an anthology selected by some later admirer. Its contents, too, justify this theory: for the separate dshds (there are 572) have little connexion with each other, and the work in no way forms one connected whole.
It must however, be admitted that there is one very serious difficulty already alluded to, in the way of assuming that the work in dóhá metre referred to by Râmn Gulâm Dvivêdî, is the Sat'sas. That is the date given in I, 21. It is most improbable that Tol'si Das should have used as a date the Current Sambat year, a thing which was not the custom in the North-West in his time, and which he does nowhere else, and it is also most improbable that he should have made a mistake in such a matter. This leads to the conclusion that, if the Sat'sai is genuine, at least that verse is an interpolation by a later writer, whose power of imitating his master's style was greater than his knowledge of astronomy.
Pandit Sudhakar Dvivêdi points out to me that the style also of the Sat'sai differs consi. derably from that of andoubted works of Tal'si Das. The dbhas in it .which also occur in the Dóhábali (some 127 in number) are in his style, but the rest present many points of difference. The first dóhá, or invocation, is in a form never used by the poet, and words occurring in the poem, such as, khasama, (i, 65), papahará (i, 81), khatá (ii, 9), niramokha (ii, 13), jagatra (ii, 40), agata (in some copies), giraha (ii, 46), basti (ii, 55), puhumi (ii, 58), apagata khé (ü, 80), gurugama (ii, 81), ahanisa (ii, 92), punah (iv, 99), mdmila (vii, 110), kamana (vii, 111), are never found in these forms in his acknowledged works. So also, the whole of the well-known third sarga with its enigmatical verses is self-condemnatory. Tal'si Dàs, according to tradition, strongly condemned kåta verses like these, and blamed Sûr Dås for writing such. The subject matter is no doubt Tul'st Das's. The teaching and philosophy are his, but the whole language betrays the hand of an imitator.
For these reasons, the bost Banaras pandits of modern times deny the authenticity of the Sat'sat. As regards Sêsh Datt, they say, he wrote before its genuineness was questioned, and hence the fact that he wrote a commentary to it has small force as an argument. The best authorities of the present day consider that it is the work of some other Tul'si Dâs, probably a Kayasth of that name, who, some say, lived in Ghazipar. The main difference between his teaching and that of the older poet of the same name is, that he inculcates more than the latter the worship of Sita, and hence commenced his work on the festival of her birth. This is explained by the supposition that he was originally a Sakta before becoming & Vaishnava and that his new belief is coloured by his former predilections. He borrowed numerous verses
• But khasama also occurs in K. Rám., Ut., 24, 4.

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of the older poet in his composition. Pandit Sadhakar Dvivêdi informs me that his own rather was a pupil, in the Rámáyana, of the Chhakkan Lâl already mentioned, and that he hinself had learned many things from him. Chhakkan Lal told him many times that his preceptor's, Ram Gulâm Dvivêdi's, opinion was that the Sat'saí was certainly not composed by the great Tulisi Das.
My own opinion is that the authenticity of the Sat'sai is at least doubtful. There is much to be said on both sides. The date, if the verse in which it occurs is genuine, is certainly against the authenticity, so is the style, and so is the opinion of many native scholars. A fact, which also lends strength to this side, is that if we take the date as a Saka and not as a Vikrama yeer, the week-day comes right, but the year A.D. will be a century later than the time of Tulsi Das. On the other hand, the authenticity of the Sat'sai was not impugned till the time of Rim Gulim Dvivêdi, who died in 1831 A.D. The fact of the large number of dshús which are common both to the Dohabali and the Sat'sai must be considered. The author of one must have borrowed from the other, and the question is which did so. If the author of the Sat'sai borrowed dokús from the older Tulsi Das to suit his purpose, why did he borrow only from the Duhábali, and, with one or two exceptions, only those verses in the Dôhábali which are not found elsewhere in the poet's works. We should have expected the author of the Satsaí to have borrowed freely from the thousands of other dohás written by Tulisi Dâs, and yet he does not borrow one except from the Dohábali. On the other hand, the Dôhábali admittedly borrows freely from every work of Tulsi Dâs in which dóhás occur, from the Rúmâgyé, the Birág Sandipini, and the Ráxin-charit-mánas, besides containing 127 verses occurring in the Sat'sai. A priori therefore, it would appear more probable that the author of the 'D3hábali borrowed from the Sat' sai, rather than that the author of the Sat'sai borrowed from the Dôhávali. I cannot get over the violent improbability that the author of the Sat' sai, if a plagiarist, should have committod plagiarism only on the DShábali, and not on the other greater works of the poet, and that, in committing this playiary, he should have carefully selected only those verses in the D3habali which are not themselves borrowed from elsewhere.
Tho Dihabali not only bears on its face proof of its being a cento of verses taken from other poems of the master, but is stated to be so by tradition. It is said to have been compiled by Tulsi Dils himself, at the request of the great Tôdar Mall. It was composed, partly of new eldhús, and partly of verses selected from his earlier works, as a sort of short religious manual. It was therefore compiled after June 4th, 1598 A.D., the alleged date of the composition of the Rámájüri, the latest of the works from which he quotes, and before 1623, the year of his death. As Tolar Mall died in 1589 A.D., the tradition that the work was composed at his suggestion may not be true.
On the whole, I am inclined to believe that at least a portion of the Sat'sat was written by our Tul'si Das, that from the poem, as he wrote it, he solected adhds, which he inserted in the Dohábali, and that the Sat'sai is not entirely a modern work, consisting partly of verses stolen from the latter. Possibly, or rather cortainly, it has undergone great changes at the hands of a later author, perhaps also named Tal'st Dis. This later author may have even given it the name of the Sat'sai, joalous that his master should not have the credit of having written 1 Sat'saí, as his great rival Sør Dis had done. Possibly the whole of the third Sarga7 is an interpolation. Although Rim Gulim Dvivedi denied its authenticity he was certainly an admirer of the poem, for there is a copy of it in his hand writing in the library of the Maharajah of Banaras.
• The corresponding date is Thursday May 5th, 1720.
5 See, however, notes to pp. 96, 97 ante, As Pandit Sudhákar Dvivedt maintains that this is the date of the copying of the MS., and not that of the composition of the poem, the above statement is possibly incorrect.
. Since the above was written I bave seen a very old MS. of the DShabali, which does not contain any verses quoted from the Ramajña. These verresare hence & subsequent addition. This fact modifies the statements made above.
7 Not a single dóht in the third Sarja is found in the Duhabali. * So I am informed by Pandit Sudhakar Dvivėdt.

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The authorised list of the canonical works of Tulisi Das may therefore be taken As follows: A. The six lesser works
(1) Ram Lala Nahachha. (2) Bairagya Sandipini. (3) Barawe BamAyan. (4) Parbati Mangal. (5) Janaki Mangal.
(6) Ramajna. B. The six greater works
(1) Dohabali (or Sat'sai.) (2) Kabitta Ramayan also called Kabittabali. (3) Git Ramayan also called Gitabali. (4) Krishnavall also called Krishnagitabali, (5) Binay Pattrika.
(6) Rama Charita Manasa, now called Ramayan. The above is the order in which they are given by Râm Gulâm Dvivêdî, and in which they are printed in the convenient corpus of the collected works of Tul'sî Dâs, published from Ram Gulâm's manuscripts by Lala Chhakkan Lal Ramayani. This edition, however, gives the Dóhábalt, and not the Sat'saí.
(To be continued.)
THE KUDOS OF KATHA AND THEIR VOCABULARY.
BY BERNARD HOUGHTON, C.S. Appended is a short list of the more common words in the language of the Kudos of Katha (Kaba), which has been kindly furnished to me by Mr. J. Dobson, District Superintendent of Police at Katha. The words selected are those used in the well-known vocabularios of Mr. Brian Hodgson, though a few of the postpositions and adverbs, which experience shows to vary excessively in the Tibeto-Burman dialects, have been designedly omitted. Mr. Dobson took the precaution to record the word-sounds both in English and Burmese characters, so that no difficulty has been experienced in reproducing his spelling of the Kudô words by the usual system of transliteration. The possibility, moreover, of clerical errors has been reduced to a minimum.
The Kudd tongue is not one of those included in the list of frontier languages, for which prizes are given on examination, and but little seems to be known about those who speak it, and who live principally in the Wuntho (Wunbo) sub-division of the Katha District. It is clear, however, that they were there before the Shans appeared in those parts, and that some of them have become absorbed into the Shan race. In fact, many of the latter living in Wunthô and its vicinity are called Shân-Kudos in token of their mixed origin, but of this title they are somewhat ashamed, and generally try to make themselves out to be full-blooded Shins.
It is possible that the Census Report, when it is examined, may give us some information as to the numbers, &c., of the Kudos, though, owing to the late rebellion in Wantbó, it would seem to be doubtful whether any accurate statistics will be forthcoming. In the meantime the list of words now given throws some light on the ethnic relations of the Kudos, and, to bring out these relations the more clearly, I have appended to each word those more closely related to it in the cognate languages. The general result is to show that the Kudos belong to the KachinNaga branch of the Tibeto-Burman family, and that they are therefore comparatively recent
For those who wish to study the text alone, this edition will be found the most accurate, and the most con veniont. It is published at the Saraswati Press, Banaras, by Bisésar Prasad.

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immigrants into Burma. The evidence at present available points to the conclusion that this section of the race only arrived in Burma after the Burmese central authority had become somewhat established, and that these wild tribesmen, though superior in fighting qualities to the Burman, have been checked, if not forced back, by the superior power which comes from a centralised authority, even when imperfectly organised. The Kudôs would seem to have been an advance guard of the Kachin race, and, what between the Shâns and the Burmans, to have heen rapidly deprived of the autonomity which they originally possessed. They have in fact been chiefly subjugated by the former of these two races, which, unable owing to the Burmese power to get an outlet to the South-west, forced one to the North-west, a movement culminating in the irruption of the Ahoms into Assam.
A glance at the list of the words given will show that at the time the Kudôs left their Tibetan home they were in a very low state of civilisation, and could not in fact count up to more than 5, or at most 6. The numerals above 6, and probably also that number, have been obviously borrowed from one of the Shân family of languages. This is in curious contrast to the ChinLushais, who have their own numerals up to 100. The words for 'buffalo' and 'goat' have also been adopted by the Kudôs after their arrival in Burma, but it is evident that previously they had pigs, fowls, and dogs, and that they knew of horses.
Apart from the above-noted general relationship of the Kudôs, my examination of the words given has led to the very interesting discovery that the Saks, a small tribe living in the Valley of the Kuladaing in Arakan, are, of all known tribes, the most closely related to the Kudos, and that, in fact, it can scarcely be much more than 100 years since they formed one people. The list of Såk words given in Hodgson's Vocabulary is unfortunately incomplete, but the resemblances to the Kudô words now given are so striking, in several cases the Sak furnishes the only parallel to the Kudô word, as to show that they must have at one time formed one people, and that the period of separation cannot have been very long ago. This is the more remarkable as the Sâks live now far away from the Kudos, and are in fact surrounded by tribes of the Chin-Lushai race, from whom they probably received a rough handling before they reached their present habitat. The most probable explanation is that a portion of the Kudos, driven forth by some vis major, endeavoured to cross the hills to Naga-land, but were unable to get through, or else lost their way, and, striking the head waters of the Kulâdaing, followed that river down to where they now live. They now form on the West of these hills, as the Kudos do on the East, the most Southern extension of the Kachin-Naga races. The result of this discovery is that the Saks must be withdrawn from the Chin-Lushai branch and affiliated to Kachin-Naga branch, (sub-section Kudô), of the Tibeto-Burman
race.
As to the original habitat of the Kudos, together with that of the Kachin-Naga subfamily generally, it is probable on the evidence before us that they came from NorthEastern Tibet, their route lying through the passes North of Bhamo. Their congeners in those regions would appear to be Gyarungs, Gyamis, Sokpas and Thochus, of which races but little is as yet known.
The first of these peoples is, it may be remarked, somewhat closely allied to the Karens, whose passage into Burma, though by the same route as the Kachin-Naga immigration, was probably much anterior to it. The language of the Karens is very much corrupted, and prima facie does not seem to be specially related to those of the Kachin-Nagas. All, however, show a tendency towards the Chinese section of the family. I use this last expression advisedly,
1 A proof of this can be seen in the word for moon,' which in almost all dialects of this sub-family is da, (with variations), instead of la, &c. Now in the Tibetan language, which was reduced to writing about 632 A. D., it is spelt z-la wa (4), which must be taken as representing the usual pronunciation of that time, and it is only since then that the sound has become corrupted into dá-wa.
2 Perhaps a Shan immigration.

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131
being convinced that Chinese, Tibetan, Burmese and the various cognate languages and dialects are all members of one great family, which, originating in Tibet or to the Northward, has spread itself East and South-East. Of all these languages the Chinese has become most corrupted in pronunciation, thus causing it for so long to be grouped apart from the others; but from the pronunciation of some of its better preserved dialec's and from the restoration by modern scientists of its old sounds, it is easily shown that its most important roots are identical with the ordinary forms still existing in the Tibeto-Burman family proper. Justice, however, can hardly be done to the subject here, and I shall content myself now with a mere statement of this thesis, promising to return to the subject on a future occasion. AIR.Halaung. (Cf. Tib. lung, Serpa, Bhût. lúng, Ahom, Khamti, Laos, Siamese, lôm, Gara
lan-pár. Ha might stand for either la or k'a, the former being the ordinary TibetoBarman prefix, the latter being a wide-spread root meaning 'sky;' but seeing that the words for hair' and 'head' have also the particle ha, it seems probable that in this case also it
is merely the ka prefix). Ant.-- Pun-sen8. (Cf. Sâk p'ún-si-gya.) Arrow.-Talet. (Has both the ta prefix and affix. Of. Såk toli in toli-ma-lá, Karen plá, and
possibly Ahom len, Khamti lim, Laos lempän. Perhaps allied with the Burmese lé a bow'
and its cognate words. Compare Bodo ba-la.) BIRD.-U:-sé-sa. (0 is evidently the root, the remainder apparently being added to
distinguish birds in general from fowls, 4.0. Cf. Tengsa-Någa usó, Sák, wú-si, Singpho 104, Angami-Någa te-vü, Mikir, Namsang-Naga vo, Mithan-Naga, 6. Allied to the Tibeto.
Burman root, wá = a fowl; cf. also Southern Chin wu-mun, a pigeon,' &c.) BLOOD.— Set (Cf. Singpho sui, Thochu sá, Manvak shá, Gyami, Horpa syé, Gyarung ta-shi,
Sanwar a-si, Burmese, we, Karen brož, Sak t'é, Bodo t'8-1.) Boat.-Wa-143 ('li and wâ are possibly synonymous roots. The former is found in the
forms li or lú, with or without the ordinary prefixes or affixes, in most of the languages of
the Tibeto-Burman family. As to 'wa, cf. Sak han, Khamti hü). Boxe.- Mák-kú. (Cf. Murmi nák'ú, Newar kroć, Gyîmi kú-tho, Manyak ri-Ic-u, Chinese coll.
kúl, Kami a-hú. Possibly the kó or jo, in Tibetan coll. rii-ko 'a bone,' is not a servile but
a form of this root in conjunction with the commoner rui). BUFFALO.- Kye". (Cf. Ahom Krai, Burmese kyıcë, Khamti, Ahom and Siamese k'wai, Såk krá). CAT.-Han-si. (Cf. Sâk kaing). Cow. --- Mók. (Cf. Sak t'a-muik, Deoria-Chatia mó-su). Crow.-U-hd. (C. Mithan-Naga okk, Sak válkú, Singpho kok'á, Ahom, Khamti, Laos, Siamese
ká. Ká appears in several of the Himalayan words for crow. As to of. under egg.' DAY.-Ya-á. (Cf. Sâk yal-ta, Bur. coll. yet. Possibly connected with ya in wan-ya 'to be
light,' q.o. It is noteworthy that this word has no connection with that for sun'). Dog.-Kyi. (This root runs throngh most of the cognate languages varying in form from the
Chinese k'üer, and Burmese kré to the Southern Chin it). EAR.-Ka-ra. (ká is the prefix. The root ná is found throughout the Tibeto-Burman family). EARTH.-Ka. (Cf. Såk ki, Xamsang-Naga, Bodo, Garo ká, Karen haso.ko, Vaya kó, Singpho
krigá, Sanwar kapi, Kiranti bá-l'á, Limbu kam). E6.-[-di. (Cf. Singpho i-di, Mithan-Någa oti, Sak ta-ti, Kiranti u-ding, Karen di, Limbu
fin, old Chinese tax, Mikir, Lepcha ati, Taungthu dhe, Shando, a té, Karen, Lushai alati,
3 The Burmese MS. shows the existence in Kudy of at least the heary tone. • Vowel sound as in air.
• ky is apparently pronounced as ch. Cf. the sage in Burmese, & Chine, do

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Dhimal túi, Southern Chin, a toi. The prefixed u in Kudo, &c., doubtless stands for u, a fowl. The root ti or tú i, &c., Mr. Hodgson would identify with the similar one for
'water' found in many of the Tibeto-Burman languages). ELEPHANT.-Akyi. (Cf. Singpho magwi, Sâk uku). Eye.--Mét-tu. (Met is the root which is found in different forms in all Tibeto-Burman lan
guages. The nearest to Kudô is the Mikir mek). FATHER.-Awa. (Cf. Singpho wi, Namsang-Naga ou. These two languages and Kudô are
alone in possessing this word instead of the universal pa, po, &c. It is probably a softening of the latter. If a comparison with the Dravidian languages be allowed, (I have already elsewhere shown a connection between these and the Tibeto-Barman family,7) the example
of Yerukala áva throws light on the matter). FIRE.-Wan. (Cf. Singpho wan, Namsang and Mithan Naga van, Garo wal, Bodo wat, Sak
bá-in. This is again a notable variation from the usual root ni or me. It is probably connected with Southern Chin awá, light,' Tib. coll. 'we light, Chepang wa-gô 'dawn.'
See 'light' infra). Fowl.-U.. See 'bird,' supra. Fish.-Long-nga. (Lông perhaps refers to some particular kind of fish. The root nga in its
various forms is found in most of the cognate languages). FLOWER.-Ba-pá. (Evidently a reduplicated form of the root pd. Of. Bodo bf-p'a, Southern Chin
piá, Shandu apá, Dhimal abá, Giro pá, Karen pa, Såk apán, Burmese pán, Singpho
si-pán, Karen p'an, Lashai ni-pi, Kami pón, Miri d-pun). Foot.-Ta-paut. (Ta is perhaps the prefix. Cf, perhaps, Bodo yd-pa. (See 'hand'). Goat.-Gapë. (Talaing kapa, Säk kibi, Shan pa. The Palaing word for goat' is not known,
but if, as is possible, it is the same as the Talaing, the inference would be that the Kudos
had borrowed the word from them). Hair.-Halông-hd. (As to halóng see 'head' Cf. Mithan-Naga k'o, Nowgong-Någa ko, Tengra
Någa ku, Khari-Naga k'wi, (perhaps) Singpho kará, Tib., Murmi, Takpa krá). HAND.-Tapaung. (Ta is perhaps the prefix. This is an example of the curious manner in which,
as was first pointed out by Hodgson, the words for hand' and 'foot' run into each other in these languages. It is not easy to find any etymological relationships to this root, though it may possibly be connected with the following words for 'arm':- Southern
Chin bawn, Lushai bán, Manip. pámbóm, Shanda bôpi, Angami-Naga, 64.8 HEAD.-Ho-lang. (Ha is the prefix. Probably & shortened form of halong in halông-hi=hair.
(Cf. Chepang tolong, Magar talu, Shandu, Kami, Lushai lú, Southern Chin alü.) Hog.-Wág. (This root is found in almost all Tibeto-Burman languages). HotNe-Yoga. (Cf. NamBang &nd Mikhan Nêga rồng, Garo korong, Singpho swag, Sak arứng.
This root with the meaning 'bone' is very common in the Tibeto-Burman family). HORSE.-Sabu. (Cf. Sak sapi, Newar sála, Tib., sé, Southern Chin sé or s). House.-Kyin. (Cf. SAk kyin, Tib., Bhat., Chepang k'yim, Mikir hâm, Karen Mi, Limbu him,
Burmese im, Manip. yam, Lushai, Southern Chin in. It is also found in many other
cognate languages including, probably, Chinese kl). IRON.---'Sin. (Cf. Sak bain, Deoria-Chutia sung, Bodo churr). LEAF.- Pun-tap. (Cf. Såk pwin-ták.)
. Compare Sak aba, ba-in with Kudô awa, wan.
Essay on the Language of the Southern Chins and its Affinities. : An alternative derivation would make to the root as in sak atar, pauk and paung being added to distinguish hand' from foot.'

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133
Ligur.- Wan-ya-ma. (From the examples of verbs given below, ma or mat would seem to be the
termination of the aorist or present tense in Kudo, and wán-ya-nia therefore it is light.
See day' and 'fire,' supra). MAN.-Ta-mi-sat. (Mi is of course the well-known root meaning 'man,' ta being the prefix
Sat is an aflix peculiar to Kudô and probably has some meaningo). MONKEY.-Kwe. (Cf. Angami-Naga ta-kwi, SÅk kowuk, Garo kauw). Moon.-Sada. (Cf. Sak rattá, Singpho sitá, Manip. tá, Namsang-Naga dá, Tib. coll. dá-rá
corrupted from z-lává, Bhut. dan. Sa is perhaps an aflix only, (cf. Sokpa sárí), but see
under 'sun'). MOTHER.-Amo. (This is a root found in all cognate languages, except Southern Chin and a few
others, which have varieties of the root wri). ΜουNTAIN.-Καμά. Mosquito.-Pa'sit. (Cf. Såk píchli). NAME.-Naninë (This is merely a corruption of the Burmese coll. xá-me, which in turn is
derived from the Pali). Night.-Nat-kyet. (Cf. Sak hanáhé; and as to nat, Mithan-Naga rang-nak, Tablung-Naga, tang
niak, Lepcha sanap). Oll. ---Salaw. (cf. Kami sarau, Lushai sa'rik, Sak si-dál, Southern Chin a'ri, &c.). PLANTAIN.-Salá-shi. (Shi=fruit. Cf., perhaps, Limbu 14). RIVER.- yit. (Burmese colloquial. There is doubtless an indigenous word for 'stream.') ROAD.-Lam. (A very common root in the Tibeto-Burman family). SALT.-Súm. (cf. Namsang-Naga sum. Deoria-Chutia siin, Sak sitng, Singpho jum, Nowgong
Naga ma-tsit. Probably ultimately related to the cha or chi root found in most cognate
languages). Skin.-Salé. (Cf. Burmese baré Dhimal dödlé ; (perhaps) Sokpa sárá). SKY.-Hamét. (Ha is perhaps a prefix, but see under 'air.' Cf. Southern Chin ame-har, Thocha
mahte, Manyak ma, Burmese mô, Murmi mú, Gyarung man, Näga ke-mu, a cloud.) SNAKE.-Ka-p'ü. (Ka is the prefix. cf. Såk kapú, Mithan, Tablung, and Namsang Naga gú,
Horpa pa, Garo du-pat, Sunwar bú-sá, Bhut., Lepcha bö, Magar bul, Tib. bral, Lushai
rul, Manyak brú, Thochu búgi, Southern Chin p'ar). STAR.-U-nu-shi. (Perhaps, Gyarung tsi-ni). STONE.-Lông-ku-shi. (Lông is the root, which is widely diffused in the Tibeto-Burruese
family). Sun.-Samét. (Cf. Såk sa-mi. As to mét see nnder 'sky.' Sa in this case would appear to be
the root for 'sun' found in Bodo shan, Garo san, Dhimal sa-ne, Lepcha sáchak, but in
Kudo it is found also prefixed to the word for 'moon'). Tiger.-Kassá. (Cf. Sak ka-bá, Namsang-Naga sa, Deoria-Ohutia mesu, Tablung-Naga
sanu). 10 Tooth.-Swa. (Cf. Murmi swá, Sak abava, Burmese bwá, Thochu swa. Mithan-Naga va,
Singpho, Sakpa, Newar, wá, Namsang and Tablung Nâga, pa). TREE.-Pfun-grun. (Cf. Singpho pʻun, Sak pung-pang, Deoria-Chutia popon, Bodo bong-phang). VILLAGE.-Thén. (Cf. Kiranti téng, Sak ting, Mithan-Någa ting, Tablung-Naga tying,
Tib. coll. tông, Chinese coll. tầng). WATER.-W. (Cf. Newar wá, Sak 6). I.-Nga.--This is a very common root in the Tibeto-Burmap family, and elsewhere.
• Possibly the same word as the nam Sak. ** Query = tigress. Sa, tiger' and w, the feminine suffix.

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THOU.-Nank. (Cf. Singpho, Burmese nang, Mikir, Magar náng, Lushai, nangma, Southern
Chin naung, Chinese coll. min, Gyami, Horpa ni, Manyak no, Angami-Naga no. The
root is also found in many other languages and dialects). HE, SHE, IT.--K'yin. Bin-ná-nué. (Cf. Bodo bi, Miri bu). WE.-Ali-suda. (This is a very anomalous form, and is evidently from a different root to the
singalar.) YE.- Elani. (Cf. Limba k'eni, Kiranti k'ananin.) Also Murmi aini, Sokpa ch'ini, Horpa ni-ni.
Looking to these analogies I would derive this word from ha=thou, (Lepcha hau connected with. Tib. coll. k., Tib. 'yod, &c.) and ni=thou (cf. nank above), the word thus being a reduplicated 2nd person, (though from two roots) - a sufficiently common method of
forming the plural). Tuey.-Anda. (This differs again completely from the singular form.). Mine.- Alisula. (Probably a mistake for nga.) Tune.-Hani. (For nank?) His.-Ami-shi-la. OURS.-Ali-suda, YOURS.-Hani. THEIRS.-Andauk. ONE.-Tant, (Nat is apparently a numeral auxiliary. As to ta, (cf. Burmese coll. ta, Mithau
Naga itta, Manyak tibi, Takpa t'i, Gyarung ka-ti, Limbu tit, Burmese tach.) Two-Krin-tet. (Tet, as will be seen below, is a numeral co-efficient. c. Singpho k‘ong, and
perhaps Karen 17). THREE.-Sum-tet. (This root for three is very wide-spread, and needs no illustration.) Four.-Pi-tet. (Tho servilo has absorbed the initial letter of the root. Of. Newar pi, Gyarang
pli, Murmi Oli, Caro, Uri, Sak pri, Lushai, Lepchn pali, Mikir poils, &o., &o. The root is
almost as common as sum.) Five.Náz-let. (Xá 01 Ngo for five is found in most Tibeto-Burman languages. In
Southern Chineso it has the clipped form ng'.) Six.-Kik-lat. (Probably from the Shiu hsk. The real Tibeto-Barman root for this numeral
appears to be ruls, so that if this is an indigenous word, the servile has displaced the
initial letter of the root. The latter is very widely diffused.) SETEX.-Set-tet. C. Chinese sit, Khamti tsct, Kami se-ri, Southern Chin 'si, Gyami choi,
Ahom chil, Singplio si-nil, Garo si-ning.) Eient.-P'et-tel. (Cf. Ahom, Klamti, Laos pet, Siamese pét, Chinese coll. pah for pat. Possi
bly connected with Murmi, Gurung pré, which root (if p is a servile), appears in a good
mony of the Tibeto-Burman languages.) NINE.-Kantel. (cf. Ahom, Khamti, Siamose kal. This root in slightly modified forms
appears in most langanges of the family and in Chinese). Tex.-Shirik-nat. (Shim is evidently the real root; ni=Khamti, Laos, Siainese ning =vne. C.
Ahom, &c., si, Chineso coll. shih, Singpho, Gyarung si, Sunwar sa-shi, Takpa chi, Murmi
chi-wui.) TWENTY.-Sonnt. (Cl. Laos san-nting, Ahom, Khamti sun.) Turs.-San-ski. (ct. Ahom sami-skp, Khamti, Laos, Siamoso siin-ship, Chinese coll.
sart-shih, Gyarung ka-san-si, Singpho tum-si.) FORTY.-Shi-ship.-Cj. Ahom, &c., si-sin, (Chinese coll. ssu-ship.) Furry.-II-ship. (C/. Ahom, &c., há-ship, Southern Chin haul-key it). ONS UCSDRED.-Pauk-nt. (C. Chinese coll. pok for pol; Ahom, Khamti pák.) EAT.-Yök-mat. (Hat or ma is probably the termination of the aorist.)

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DRINK.-U-wawn-mat. (Cf. Sakpa w3-1, Karen aw.) SLEEP.-Ek-ma. (cf. Burmese coll. ék, Barmese ip, Limbu ip-se, Vaya in, Mikir, Kami.
Southern Chin 1.) WAKE.-Mi-li-ma. LAUGH.-Ni-yók-ma. (Cf. Chepang ini, Angami-Naga nü, Bodo, Garo mi-ni, Singpho ma-núi,
Lashai, Kami, Southern Chin noi, Newar nyu, Taungthu ngá, Manipuri nok, Murmi nyet,
Gurang nyed, Mikir ingnék.) Weep.-Hapna. (Cf. Limbu háb-é, Garo hép, Bodo, Kiranti (one dialect), Manipari kip,
Southern Chin kák, Singpho kráp-u, Lushai tap, Newar k'wÔ, Någa kra, Dhimal kar, Kami
kia.) BE SILENT.-Ya-p'yi-shi, nim. (Nim is apparently the termination of the 2nd person singular
of the Imperative; cf. Burman coll. 'nin, Burmese 'nang, Southern Chin 'naung.) SPEAK.-Tu-ta bauk. (Cf. as to tú, Namsang-Naga tú, Burman t'u, to reply.' As to lauk,
Sunwar pák and perhaps Ahom pôk, Siamese p'ut.) COME.--Li. (Cf. Dhimal, Gyamilé, Burmese lá, Manipuri lák, Kami lan, Southern Chin, Lashai,
Taungthu 18, Magar rá.) Go.-Nang. (Cf. Lepoha nún, Burmese 'nang, 'to cause to go, to drive'). STAND UP.-Sup-nim. (Of. Singpho isap-u, Nowgong-Naga, Garo chap, Tengsa-Naga sep-tal. SIT DOWN.-T*nonim. (Cf. Burmese t'aing.) MOVE, WALK.Tarak nang, lam ta-yang. (Nang = to go; lam = a path.) Rox.--Ka-mat. (Cf. Bodo k‘át, Singpho gagátu, Karen ghê. Perhaps allied to the Burmese
ka = to dance.) STO ME.-nga-yan (An is evidently the dative affix.)
TO ANY.-hi-yan iyan. The second yan in the second phrase is probably a mistake for yang, which is either the future particle or an alternative one for the aorist (see infra). I is the root to give, the only analogy to it being the same word in Telugu. Hi is probable the Singpho k'(= he) a root found in several of the Tibeto-Burman languages.) PROM ME.-Nga-het lung. 2
(Het is a postposition. As to lang, cf. Tib. lan, Tib. coll., * PROM ANY.-hi-het lang. S .
Bhut. lén, Mikir long to obtain,' Manipuri lan, Southern Chin lö, Kami, Shandu, Singpho
Lushai lá, Chepang lí, Magar l-o, Garo, Limbu lé, Angami-Naga le to accept, take.') STRIKE,-Tan-nang. (Cf. Old Chinese táng, Dhimal dánghai, Karen tan-da, Tib. dún, Tib. coll.,
Serpa, Bhut., Magar ding, Lushai, Southern Chin deng.) Kill.-Wan-shi-yang. (Wan appears to be the root, and is perhaps allied to Bodo wat.) Bring.-Lai. (Probably a shortening of la for lang = to take and i= to give.) TAKE AWAY.-La-nang. (La for lang = to take, and nang = to go.) LIFT UP, RAISE, BEAR, CARRY.-Nga-an. HEAR.-Tet-pu-ma. (Cf. Namsang-Naga, tot-o, Mithan-Någa a-t'al, Gurung t'éd.) UNDERSTAND.-Nga min-sha-ha-ma. TELL, RELATE.-Hö-yang. (Cf. Southern Chin han, Kami há, Lushai han to abuse,' Burmese
haw 'to preach,' Chinese coll. nwa Vayu hát, Old Chinese gwat.) RED.-Hama. (Perhap Karen gaw.) GREEN.-Sin-py-pyi-nga-ma. (It is not clear whether the root is 'sin or pyt. If the former
it is allied with the Burmese chin, Singpho ke-tsing, &c., &c.) LONG.-Saut-ma. (Cf. Southern Chin ‘sauh, Mithan-Naga chô-ek, Manyak shá, Angami-Naga hác,
Shandu si, Lashai, Burmese coll, shé, Manipari sang, Kami shang, Burmese 'ran, Tib. ring.)

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SHORT-Tun-na. (Cf. Singpho ki-tún, Tib. tung, Bhut. tun, Murmi túm, Magar tún, Kiranti đúng, Takpa, Gyami tông, Burmese to)
Jat
TALL MAN.-matamisa saut-ma. will be noticed that ma is prefixed to the word for man.) SHORT MAN.-matamisa tun-na. SMALL-Asina. (Cf. Singpho katsi, Burmese si, Karen 's, Agami-Naga ka-chê, Newar chi-ga, Chinese coll. siao.)
GREAT.-Tôm -ma. (Cf. Karen ds, Namsang-Nâga a-dong, Takpa t'én, Lushai, Southern, Chin t'auto be fat'.)
ROUND. Waing-waing nga-ma. (From the Burmese. Probably an adverbial form,-sec 'green.") SQUARE. Lésdaung. (Burmese.)
FLAT-Palat-k'ara. (Perhaps, Serpa li-blib, Bhut. le-blep, Gurung p'le-bá, Lepcha lép-bo.) LEVEL.-Nyi-tama. (Burmese. Both the words, 'flat' and 'level' are apparently adverbs.) FAT.-Tom-ma. See above, 'great.'
THIN. Asina. See above, 'small.'
WEARY (BE).-Naung-ma. (Cf. Burmese naung.)
THIRSTY (BE). We nga-ta-mat. (We water. Ngata is probably the Burmese ngut.) HUNGRY (BE).-Yok-k'uw-na.
MISCELLANEA.
DATES FROM SOUTH-INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS. Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 49, I have treated of some dates which, instead of quoting a lunar month, give us the sign of the zodiac in which the sun happened to be on the day intended by the date. I now find that this is a common practice in Southern India'; and to show this, I propose here to treat briefly of the dates of the inscriptions, edited by Dr. Hultzsch in South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. 1 shall begin with the regular dates, and shall first take those which leave no doubt whatever that the months, referred to in the dates, are the
solar months.
this day was the 13th of the bright half of Sråvana, and therefore the month of Sinha, i. e. Bhadrapada, quoted in the date, must be the solar month Bhadrapada.
By the southern luni-solar system the year Sukla is Saka 1271 expired, as stated in the date. In that year the Simha-sam kranti took place, and the solar month Bhadrapada began, 8 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th July A.D. 1449. And the European equivalent of the date is Saturday, the 2nd August A. D. 1419, when the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 8 h. 43 m., and when the nakshatra was Uttarashaḍha for 10 h. 30 m., and the yoga Ayushmat for 4 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise. By the lunar calendar
2. On p. 70, an inscription on a stone at Arappakkam is dated:-On Wednesday, the twelfth lunar day of the latter half of the month of Kumbhs of the Akshayu-samvatsara, which was current after the Saka year 1488 (had passed).
By the southern luni-solar system the year. Akshaya (or Kshaya) is Saka 1485 expired, as stated in the date. In that year the Kumbhasamkranti took place, and the solar month Phâlguna began, 7 h. 58 m. after mean suurise of the 27th January A.D. 1567. And the European
1.-On p. 111, an inscription on the cast wall of the Somanâthôśvara temple at Padavêdu is
dated:On the day of (the nakshatra) Uttiradam equivalent of the date is Wednesday, the 5th (i. e., Uttarashadha), which corresponds to the yoga Ayushmat and to Saturday, the thirteenth lunar day of the former half of the month of Simha of the Sukla year, which was current after the Saka year 1371 (had passed).'
February A. D. 1567, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise. By the lunar calendar this was the 12th of the dark half of the amanta Mâgha.
3. On p. 85, an inscription on a stone, built into the floor of the court-yard of the Virinchipuram temple, is dated: On Thursday, the day of (the nakshatra) Punarvasu, which corresponds to the seventh lunar day of the former half of the month of Mêsha of the Saumya year. which was current after the Sâlivâlia-Saka year 1471 (had passed)."
By the southern luni-solar system the year Saumya is Saka 1471 expired, as stated in the date. In that year the Mêsha-sam kranti took
1 The same practice is still followed in Orissa. See ante, Vol. I. p. 64.

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MISCELLANEA.
137
place, and the solar month Vaisakha began, 19 h. the thirteenth lunar day of the dark half of the 41 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th March A. D. i uonth of Makara of the Yuru-savimvalsara, 1549. And the European equivalent of the date which was current after the Saka year 1497 (had is Thursday, the 4th April A. D. 1549, when the passed).' 7th tithi of the bright balf ended 14 h. 41 m. and By the sonthern luni-solar system the year when the ntshatra was Punarvssu for about Yuvan is Saka 1497 expired, as stated in the date. 17 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise. By tbe lunar And in that year the sun was in the sin Makara, calendar this was the 7th of the bright bulf! or, in other words, the solar month Migha lasted. of Vaisakha, and sbe day thus belunged to both
froin 4 h 57 m. after mean sunrise of the 20th the solar and the lunar Vaisakha.
December A.D. 1575 to 15 h. 51 n. after mean 4.-On p. 18, an inscription on the north wall sunrise of the 7th January A.D. 1576. During of the Perumal temple at Ganganar near Velor this time there was only one 13th tithi of the is dated: On the day of (the nakshatra) Rohiņi, dark half, and this tithi lasted from shortly after which corresponds to Monday, the first luar day sunrise of Thursday, the 29th December, to about of the former half of the month of ķishabha of the end of the same day, and it cannot in any the Pranathin year. (rohich was) the 17th year of Way be joined with a Wednesday.--In my opinion, (the reign of) Sakalulólachakravartin.'
the word Makara of the date is probably an According to Dr. Hultzech, the year Pramåthin
crror for Dhanuh; for the Dhanuh-sar.
kránti of the same year took place 20 h. 36 m. must here be Saka 1261 expiacd. In that year
after mean aunrise of Tuesday, the 29th Novernthe Vrishabha-samkranti took place, and the
.ber A.D. 1575, and a 13th tithi of the dark half Bular month J yaishtha began, 9 h. 46 m. after mean
ended on the following day, Wednesday, the sunrise of the 26th April A. D. 1339. And the
30th November, 5 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. European equivalent of the date is Monday, the 10th May A.D. 1339, when the first tithi of the
This day would belong to the solar Pausha, and
by the lunat calendar to the amanta Margaśîrsha. bright half ended 11 h. 33 m., and when the nakshatra was Rohini for 7 n. 53 m. after mean
7.-On p. 80, an inscription on the base of the sunrise. By the lunar calendar the day was the
Isvara temple at Tellor near Velor is dated :first of the bright half of Jyaishțha, and it there
*On the day of the nakshatra) Tiruvònam (ie, fore belonged to both the solar and the lunar
Sravana), which corresponds to Monday, the
fifth lunar day of the former half of the month Jyaishtha.
of Karkataka of the Sadharana year (and) the 5.-On p. 104, an inscription or the south wall
Saka year 1353.' of a Mandapa at the base of the Tirumalai rock
By the sonthern luni-solar system the year is dated : On the day of the nakshatra) Utti.
Sådhårana is Saka 1352 expired (or 1353 current). ratadi (i.e., Uttarabhadrapada), which corre
And in that year the sun was in the sign Karkata, sponds to Monday, the eighth lunar day of the
or, in other words, the solar month Sravana former half of the month of Dhanus of the
lasted, from 23 h. 13 m after mean sunrise of the Ananda year, which was current after the Saka
28th June to 10 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the year 1296 (had passed).'
30th July A.D. 1430. During this time there By the southern luni-solar system the year
was only one 5th tithi of the bright half, and this Ananda is Saka 1296 expired, as stated in the
ended 17 h 31 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, dute. In that year the Dhanub-sankranti | the 25th July. when the moon was in Hasta (18), took place, and the solar month Pausha began,
not in Sravana (22), and which therefore clearly 20 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th is not the day of the date.-In Saka 1352 expired, November A. D. 1374. And the European equi- the year of this date, the only fifth of the bright valent of the date is Monday, the 11th December half on which the moon was in Sravana was A.D. 1374, when the 8th tithi of the bright half Monday, the 20th November A.D. 1430, which commenced 3 h. 41 m., and when the moon entered by the northern calendar was Marga-sudi 5, aud the nakshatra Uttarabhadrapada 3 h. 17 m. which also was the 22nd day of the solar Maros. after mean sunrise. By the lunar calendar this sirsha. Now, as the solar Margasirsha of the day fell in the bright half of Pausha, and it north would in the south be called the month of therefore belonged to both the solar and the lunar Kárttigai, I am inclined to think that Monday, Pausha.
the 20th November A.D. 1430, is really the day The four following dates (Nos. 6-9) do not of the date, and that in the date the word work out properly.
Karkataka has been erroneously put for Karttigai. 6.-On p. 74, an inscription on a stone at Sattu 8.-On p. 108, an inscription at the Ammaiapvachchêri near Velor is dated :-'On Wednesday, pêsvara temple at Padavedu is dated :--To-day,

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which is the day of the nakshatra) Revati and Maghn of Saka 1290 expired the moon cas in Monday, the seventh lunar day of the former Rühiņi at sunrise of Thursday, the 18th January half of the month of Karkataka, which was A.D. 1369, which was the 10th of the bright half current after the Saka year one thousand one of the lunar Máyha: and that the whole year hundred and eighty (had passed).'
Saka 1290 expired contains no Tuesday, either in In Saka 1180 expired the sun was in the sign the bright or in the dark halt of a lunar month, Karkata, or, in other words, the solar Srivana on which the moon was in Rohini. lusted, from 11 h. 5 m. after mein sunrise of the 10.-Differing from the above, a date on p. 84, 07th June to 22 h. 21 m. after inean sunrise of from an inscription inside the front Gopura of the the 28th July A. D. 1238. During this time Virinchipuram temple, gives us the solar month, there was one 7th tithi of the bright half, which and both the day of that solar inonth and the commenced 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of Mon. lunar day, without stating, however, whether the day, the 8th July, und ended 1 h 46 m. after mean lunar dny belonged to the bright or to the dark Bulbrise of Tuesday, the 9th July. Here we might half. Dr. Hultzsch translates the date thug 'On feel inclined to assume that the tithi had been the day of the nakshatra) Anusham i.e., Anurdjoined with the day on which it commenced; but dha), which corresponds to Wednesday, the sixth on Monday, the 8th July, the moon was in Hasta lunar day, the 3rd (solar day), of the month of (13) and Chitra (14), not in Rêvati (27):-Under Pangugi (ie., Phalguni) of the Visviiva1.eu year, any circumstances the date appears to contain an which was current after the Saka year 1947 (had error, but what the exact error may be I am un- passed).' able to decide. If the word Karkataka of the Rutha uthal.
By the southern luni-solar system the year date were a mistake for Karttigai, tbe 7th tithi of Visvavasu is Saka 1347 expired, as stated in the the bright half would end on Monday,--the 4th date. The month of Panguni is the solar Chaitra November A. D. 1258, which, by the northern of the northern calendar; and the nakshatra
underw Marga-gudi 7 and also the 7th day AnuradhA.joined. in or near Phålguna, with the of the solar Mirasiraha; but on that Monday I sixth lunar day. shows that this sixth lunar day the nakshatra was Sravislitha (23), not Kovati I belonged to the dark half of the lunar month. In 10 Aonin. if in Saka 180 expired we were to Saka 13.47 expired the Mins-samkranti took search for a Monday on which the moon was in
place, and the solar Chaitra began, 15 h. 42 m, Ròvati and on which also a 7th tithi ended, we
after mean sunrise of the 24th Februnry A. D. should find this to have been the case on Monday, 1426 ; and the European equivalent of the date is the 24th June A. D. 1259; but that Monday was
Wednesday, the 27th February A. D. 1426, the 7th of the dark half, and on it the sun was in when the 6th tithi of the dark half (of the aminta the sign Mithuna.
Phålguna) ended 20 h. 30 m., and when the moon 9.-On p. 125, an inscription on a pillar in the was in Anuradha for about 23 h. after mean Mandapa in front of the Rajasimhavarmêśvara sunrise. shrine at KAfichipuram is dated On the day of Another date in Dr. Hultzsch's volume (p. 60. (the nakshatra) Tôr (i.e., Rohint), which cor verse 21), which also, like the dates 1-9, quotes a responds to Tuesday, the seventh lunar day of sign of the zodiac, may be omitted here, because the latter half of the month of Makara of the it has been already treated by Dr. Fleet, ante, Vol. Kilaka year, which was current (during the XIX. p. 426. But I would take this opportunity reign) of Kambanna-udaiyar.'
to say a few words about the date of the copperAccording to Dr. Hultzsch, the Kilaka year plate in the possession of the Syrian Christmust here be Saka 1291 (current, or 1290 expired). isns at Kottayam which was first given in this In that year the sun was in Makars, or, in other
Journal (Vol. I. p. 229) by the late Dr. Burnell, words, the solar Magha lasted, from 15 h. 27 m. and which has again been drawn attention to by after menn sunrise of the 26th December A. D. Dr. Hultzsch, ante, Vol. XX. pp. 287 and 289. 1368 to 2 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of the 25th According to Dr. Hultesch's translation the date January A. D. 1369. And during this time the is this On the day of the nakshatra) Rohini, 7th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 5 m, after Saturday, the twenty-first of the month of Mina mean sunrise of Monday, the 1st January A. D. (of the year in which) Jupiter (wus) in Makara 1369, when the moon was in Chitra (14), not in (within the time) during which the sacred rule of Rõhiņi (4), and which clearly is not the day of the the illustrious Vira-Raghava.chakravartin... date.--I am unable to suggest any correction of was current.' this date, and can only say that during the solar | Dr. Burnell, when writing about this date,
2 The name of the Jovian year has evidently been omitted from this date through an oversight.

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mentioned that he had shown it to the ablest native astronomer (K. Krishna Josiyâr) in Southern India, and that in two days he received from him the calculation worked out, proving that the year of the date was A. D. 774, and that this was the only possible year. Now I am sure that the calculation which Dr. Burnell received from the native astronomer was correct, though Dr. Burnell, instead of saying A. D. 774, should have said A. D. 774-775; but A. D. 774-775 is not the only possible year. For I can myself point out two days either of which would suit the astronomical requirements of the date,-Saturday, the and Jupiter was in the sign Makara which it had
Again, in Kaliyuga 3875 expired the Minasamkranti took place, and the solar Chaitra began, 4 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of the 19th February A. D. 775, and, accordingly, the 21st day of the month of Mina (or Chaitra) was Saturday. the 11th March A. D. 775. On that day the moon was in Rohini for about 17 h. after mean sunrise,
entered on the 17th October A. D. 774.
16th March A. D. 680, and Saturday, the 11th March A. D. 775.
BOOK NOTICE.
In Kaliyuga 3780 expired the Mina-sam kranti took place, and the solar Chaitra began, 14 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise of the 18th February, A. D. 680; and, accordingly, the 21st day of the month of Mina (or Chaitra) was Saturday, the 10th March A. D. 680. On that day the moon. BOOK KALHANA'S RAJATARANGINI, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, edited by M. A. STEIN, Ph.D., Principal, Oriental College, Lahore, Vol. I. Sanskrit text with critical notes.
The two great Asiatic nations, with a very ancient but isolated civilization, afford a striking contrast in their treatment of history. The Chinese possess not only authentic chronicles, going back year by year to the eighth century B. C., but also historical accounts of their royal dynasties, beginning from a period considerably earlier than 2000 B. C. India, on the other hand, did not produce any work of even a quasi-historieal character till more than a thousand years after the commencement of our era. That a people so intellectually gifted as the Indians, who reached an advanced stage in philosophical speculation. and showed great accuracy of observation in linguistic investigations several centuries before Christ, should have entirely lacked the historical sense. is certainly a remarkable phenomenon. The explanation is probably to be found in the fact that when the Aryan conquerors had overspread the plains of Hindustan, the Indian mind, influenced by the climate, turned more and more away from the realities of active life towards speculation, arriving as early as the sixth century B. C. at the conclusion that action is a positive evil. Hence it is not till the twelfth century of our era that the first Indian work was written which at all deserves the name of a history, viz., Kalhana's Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmir. Yet even in that author, as Prof. Weber says, the poet predominates over the historian.
The Rajatarangini first became known through Horace Hayman Wilson's essay on the Hindu
139
entered Rohini about 6 h. after mean sunrise, and on the same day Jupiter was in the sign Makara, which it had entered on the 26th November A. D. 679.
Perhaps there may be other days which also would suit the date. But even if this should not be the case, I know too little of the history of Southern India to be able to say, which of the two possible equivalents of the date, given above, would be preferable.
F. KIELHORN.
Göttingen. NOTICE.
History of Kasmir, published in 1825. Ten years later the editio princeps appeared under the patronage of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal. This edition is based mainly on a Devanagari transcript from a Sârada MS., which has now been proved to be the original of all known MSS. of the Rujatarangini. Its value is not great, owing to the numerous mistakes made in the course of the transcription, and to liberties taken with the text through ignorance of the topography of Kasmir on the part of the Pandits who undertook to edit the work.
Troyer's edition, published at Paris in 1840, and comprising only the first six cantos, was based on the same materials. Though an improvement on its predecessor, it is still very defective, and proved of but little use to General Cunningham in his chronological researches.
No further progress in our knowledge of the Rajataranging was made till 1875, when Prof. Büller undertook his tour in search of Sanakrit MSS. in Kasmir. This scholar, whose researches have thrown more light on the ancient history of India than those of perhaps any other living Sanskritist, then discovered the codex archetypes of all existing copies of the Rajatarangini It was fortunate that Dr. Stein, a pupil of Prof. Bübler, was enabled to visit the Valley of Kasmir in 1888 and the following years, one of his objects being to obtain possession of this valuable MS. with a view to editing it. Though he found it to he still more difficult of access than it had been during the lifetime of its former owner, on whose death it had to be divided among the heirs, Dr. Stein's persevering efforts were at last, crowned with success in 1889.

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The Rujalarangins consists of eight cantos or tarangas, comprising altogether nearly 8.000 verses, and is composed in the ordinary Sloka metre. The codex archetypus, when obtained by Dr. Stein, proved to contain the whole of the work, with the exception of one leaf in the middle and one at the end, these having probably been lost when the partition took place. The name of the copyist, Ratnakantha, is given in the colophons to some of the tarangas, but the date is nowhere stated. However, as the dates of various other works copied or composed by the same writer range from 1648 to 1681 A. D., the MS. in question may safely be assigned to the latter half of the seventeenth century. Though written in a difficult hand, as may be seen from the two facsimile specimen pages reproduced in Dr. Stein's edition, the MS. is remarkably free from corrup tions and mistakes. The faithfulness of the transcription is proved by the fact that the lacunæ, which vary in length from one syllable to several verses, being indicated by dots and empty spaces, are left even where it would have been easy to supply the missing letters.
Dr. Stein conjectures that the original of Ratnakantha's MS. must have been a very old one, because in one particular passage the copyist is in doubt whether to read तेजो or भोजो, a confusion which could only be due to a peculiarity of the Sarada character, not to be found in Sârada inscriptions later than the beginning of the thirteenth century A. D. The syllables and are in this older form of the Sarada character almost identical in form, as e is always written with a vertical stroke before the consonant (ra). It must, however, be borne in mind that the characters used in MSS. may very well have differed from those employed in coins and inscriptions. This peculiar method of writing e is also to be found for instance in a Dêvanagari MS. of Shadgurusishya, dating from the end of the fourteenth century.
It being evident from what has been said that Dr. Stein's edition is practically based on a single MS., the question as to whether the codex archetypus contains any old glosses becomes one of primary importance. It is a satisfaction to be informed that there are actually many valuable marginal notes on details of the topography of Kasmir, besides various readings and corrections, supplied by four different hands. The annotations of two of these, designated as A3 and A3, are old and of considerable critical value. A3, probably a contemporary of Ratnakantha, appears to have revised from the same original what the copyist had written, and to have added the notes and various readings which the copyist had omitted. The additions of A3 are of
[MAY, 1893.
especial value, inasmuch as he fills up the lacunæ, in cantos i to vii not from conjecture, but, as the evidence adduced by Dr. Stein shows, from a MS. independent of the original copied by Ratnakantha. As there seem, however, to be no traces of its use in later copies of the Rijatarangini, this MS. has in all probability been irretrievably lost. Unfortunately the text of Ratnakantha contains numerous corrupt passages in the last third of the seventh and the whole of the eighth canto, while the lacunae are here rarely filled up by At. Considering that this part of the MS. comprises rather more than one-half of the whole work, these omissions are much to be deplored, particularly as the increased trustworthiness of the narrative, as it approaches the times of the author, is counterbalanced by obscurity due to corruptions.
Dr. Stein's critical notes show that he has proceeded with great caution in dealing with a task beset with serious difficulties, and the parallel passages which, he brings to bear on obscurities in the text are evidence of the extreme care with which he has executed his work. That there is still scope for emendation in the eighth canto, Dr. Stein is himself the first to acknowledge; but it will be clear to all Sanskritists, who examine his edition, that he has accomplished his task with all the thoroughness possible in the circumstances. Dr. Stein is to be congratulated on having been able, not only to produce the first trustworthy edition of so important a work as the Rajatarangini, but to study on the spot in the course of the last four years the topography of Kasmir, on a knowledge of which the full comprehension of that work so largely depends. It is also fortunate for the subject that this combined task has fallen into the hands of so persevering, energetic, and enterprising a man. Sanskrit scholars will look forward with much interest to the appearance of the second volume, which,besides an in troduction and exegetical notes on the text is to contain a commentary on all matters of historical, archeological, and topographical interest tion of that volume Dr. Stein will have accomoccurring in Kalhana's narrative. On the compleplished a work complete in itself, which will add much to our knowledge of the history and archeology of medieval India. It seems a pity that the book should have been published in the very unwieldy form of atlas folio. But as it has been brought out under the patronage of the Kasmir State Council, this practical drawback was recent instance of the enlightened support extended perhaps unavoidable. We have here another by Indian Princes to the promotion of research and to the preservation of the ancient literature
of their country.
ABTHUR A. MACDONELL.
Oxford.

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TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS. BY V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L.
No. 4. — THE VIKRAMA-CHOLAN-ULA. CIX years ago, during one of my official tours, I halted at Tanjore, and visited the O Sarasvati-Mahal, or the “ Palace of the Goddess of Wisdom" in that town. This building forms a part of the residence of the late Rájás of Tanjore, and is so called because it contains a vast library of miscellaneous works composed in Sanskrit, Marathi, Tanul, and English, printed and in manuscript, collected by successive Rajâs. The volumes I found neatly arranged and labelled, and catalogues of the books available for the visitor, whose curiosity might tempt him to see what treasures of the ancient lore of the country lie buried there. I did not examine the catalogues of Sanskrit books, because I knew that Dr. Burnell, who was employed as a Judge for several years at Tanjore, bad examined the whole library, and had described everything of that kind that was valuable. But I carefully went through the lists of Tamil works, and found two manoscripts, bearing respectively the titles Vikrama-CholanUla and Kulottungs-Cholan-UIA, which seemed to be of some historical value. They were written on palmyra leaves, about a foot long and one and a half inch broad. The leaves were written on both sides and in clear characters ; but they were fast decaying, the edges breaking under the slightest touch, -tiny insects, more diligent than the antiquarian, having already gone through every leaf of the manuscript and read, marked and digested" a great portion of it. A Tamil Pandit, who accompanied me, and who was an ardent admirer of the ancient masters of Tamil poetry, was in raptures over the two poems, especially their latter parts, in which the author describes in very lascivious strains the amorous demeanour of the women of the palace at the sight of the king; but to me the introductory portions, wherein the ancestry of the Chola princes is given, was of absorbing interest. It struck me at the time that the poems would furnish & clue to the tangled genealogy of the Cholas, which at present cannot be unravelled with the side of information afforded by inscriptions alone. I had them copied at once. Some months afterwards, the late Tyagaraja Chettiyar, Tamil Pandit of the Government College, Kumbhakôņam, who had copies of these poems with him, having kindly lent me his manuscripts for my use, I compared them with the copies taken at the SarasvatiMahal, and found little or no difference, except a few blunders made by copyists.
I give below the text and translation of the first 182 lines of the Vikrama-Cholan.Ula. The rest of the poem is of no value to the student of history, and is besides of too licentious at character to be rendered into English. As denoted by the title, the work belongs to the class of metrical compositions known in Tamil as “ ula." This name is derived from the root ulá, which means to stroll' or 'to go in state.' Poems of this class usually begin with an account of the ancestors of the hero, then depict his personal appearance when he sets out from his mansion, followed by his vassals and servants, and conclude with a very elaborate description of the enamoured behaviour of the women of his court, young and old, the eagerness with which they await bis appearance, their joy and confusion when his eyes meet their gaze, their sorrow and sadness when he passes out of their sight. The poem is one of the best of its kind in the Tamil language. For elegance of expression and richness of imagery it may be compared to Moore's Lalla Rookh. It is composed in the Nérisai-kali-venpá metre. The name of the author is not known.
The poem begins with the genealogy of the Cholas, which is traced through Brahma, the Sun, and other mythological personages to the king, who is said to have built high banks on both sides of the bed of the river Kaviri. The name of this king is mentioned in the Kalingattu-Parani as Karikala-Chola. His successors are described as follows:
1. The king, who set at liberty the Chóra prince, on hearing the poem Kalavali sung by the poet Poygai. This is Sengat-Chola; see my translation of the Kalavali, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 258.

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II. The victor of many a battlefield, who bore on his person no less than 96 scara gained in battle.
III. He who constructed a roof of gold to the sacred hall in the temple at Chidambaram. From the Leyden grant it appears that this king was Parantaka-Chola. He also bore the title of Vira-Narayana-Chola.
IV. He who conquered the Malainadu, i.e., most probably the Kongu and Chêra countries, and killed 18 princes in retaliation for the insult offered to his envoy
V. He whose armies seized the countries bordering on the Ganga and Kadaram.
VI. He who defeated the king of Vange, and thrice attacked Kalyana, the capital of the Western Châlokyas.
VII. He who won the battle of Koppa (or Koppai). The inscriptions of this king, commencing with the words Tirumaga! maruviya seng ôl véndan, are found in many parts of the Tamil country, and it appears from them that he was known by the title of Udaiyar brl-Rajondradova, alias KO-Parakosarivarman.
VIII. He who made a surpa-sayana, i.e. a couch or bed in the shape of a coiled serpent, for the image of Vishņu at Srirangam.
IX. The victor of Kudal-sangama. X. His successor, of whom no particulars are given.
XI. He who chased the Pandyas, defeated the Chêra, twice quelled the rebellion at Salai, annexed Konkanam and Kannadam, caused the death of the proud king of the Marattas, and abolished all tolls throughout his kingdom. This is Udaiyar 'Sri-Rajarajadêva, alius Ko-Rajakesarivarman, whose inscriptions begin with the words Tirumaga! póla perunilachchelviyum.7
XII. Vikrama-Chola, the hero of the poem, and the son of the last mentioned king. Nig inscriptions begin with the words Tiru manni valara and are found in several of the large teinples in the Tamil districts. He bore the title Udaiyår Sri-Rajendra-Chôladêva, alias KoParakesarivarman.
Then the poem describes the king's bed-room, his morning-bath, prayers and dress, of which his jewels form the most conspicuous part. The usual complimentary phrases describing the reigning king as the consort of the goddess of the Earth and of the goddesses of Wealth and Victory occur here. This helps us to understand the allusion in almost every inscription of this period to Bhuvanam-muludum-udaiyal or Ulagam-muludum-udaiyA), i.e. the goddess of the Earth, as the mistress of the king. After a tedious and overdrawn account of the royal elephant, the poem proceeds to give a vivid sketch of the pompous pageant which the procession of an oriental king always presents. The king is seated on an elephant under the shade of a magnificent parasol, while his attendants fan him with chauris. Huge sea-shells and pipes are blown; the big drums thunder; the royal bodyguard, with drawn swords, appear behind
1 Archaol. Surv. South. India, Vol. IV. p. 217.
Manual of the Salem District, Vol. II. p. 369. * This appears to be the great Rajaraja, whose inscriptions refer to the conquest of Malainko; see SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. II. pp. 2 and 236.-3. H.)
• [This must be Rajaraja's son Rájendra-Chola, who boasts in his inscriptions to have conquered the Ganga and Kadåram ; ibid. p. 109.-E. H.)
3 [The corresponding verse (viii. 26) of the Kalingattu-Parani suggests that No. VI. is K-RAjakderivarman culina Raj Adhir Ajadeva, who, according to his unpublished insoriptione, "on used to be burnt the palace of the Chalukya (king) in the city of Kampili."-E. H.]
• The same battle is mentioned in unpublished inscriptions of Kô- Rajakesarivarman, alias Vira-Rajendradeva. -E.R.]
T'I cannot follow Mr. Kanakasabhai hero, but believe that the king referred to is Kulóttunga I. (A. D. 1063 to 1112.)-E..]
In my opinion, the hero of the poem is not Rajendra-Chola, but Vikrama-Chola, who ruled from A. D. 1112 to 1127; see ante, Vol. II. p. 282.-5. 11.)

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him; the tiger banner flutters in the breeze; and before and on both sides of him come, mounted on horses, his vassal kings and nobles, an interesting and detailed list of whom is given :
1. Foremost in the brilliant assemblage of princes is the Tondaiman. This is evidently the Pallava king, who was at this time a feudatory of the Cholas. He is said to have defeated the Cheras, the Pandyas, and the kings of Malava, Sinhala and Konkana.
2. Munaiyar-kon, or the king of Muņai, a place now known as Tirumunaippaời. The word Munaippadi signifies a war-camp, and the place appears to have been so named because it marked the boundary between the Chola and Pallava kingdoms, before the latter had merged into the Chola dominions.
3. Chola-kon, or the viceroy of the Chola kingdom proper,
4. The Brâhman Kannan. This name is a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit Kộishņa. He is said to have been a native of the town of Kanjam, which is I believe now called Kanjaņûr and is in the Tanjore district. He was a minister in charge of the palace and the treasury.
5. Vanan, or the Bana king.
6. Kalingar-kon, or the king of Kalinga. His capital was Kalinganagara, the modern Kalingapatam in the Vizagapatam district.
7. Kadavan, the king of the hill-fort of Senji. As Kidavan, 'the forester,' is a Tamil synonym of the Sanskrit Pallava, he appears to have belonged to the Pallava royal family. His fortress 'Señji, which is spelled Gingee in English, belongs to the modern South Arcot district.
8. The king of Vånadu. This is the ancient name of the southern part of the Travancore territory.
9. Anantapalan, who is said to have been famous for his charities.
10. Vattavan. This seems to be a Tamil form of the Sanskrit namo Vatsa. He stormed the three-walled town of Mannai, which was defended by Aryas. In the inscriptions of Rajendra-Chô la, this town is referred to as conquered by the king, and the name is coupled with Katakam, indicating most probably that Mannai and Katakam were identical or adjacent to each other. Katakam is the modern Cuttack in the province of Orissa.
11. The king of Chodinadu. This may be Chêdi or Bundelkhand, but is more probably another Chêdi, & petty principality in the Tamil country, the capital of which was Tirukkovalar in the South Arcot district.
12. The chief of Åņaikkaval, i. e., Tiruvanaikkâval in the Trichinopoly district.
13. Adigan. This is the title of the chiefs of Dharmapuri in the Salem district, the ancient Tagadar or Takata.
14. Vallabhan, the Nuļamban, i.e. the king of Nuļambavadi, a division of the Mysore territory.
15. Tirigattan [i. e. the king of Trigarta).
This description of the king's appearance in pablic agrecs so well with what Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller, saw about two centuries later when he visited Southern India, that I am tempted to quote his words. "It is a fact," says hc, "that the king goes as bare as the rest, only round his loins he has a piece of fine cloth, and round his neck he has a necklace entirely of precious stones, rabies, sapphires, emeralds and the like, in so much that his collar is of great value .......... The king aforesaid also wears on his arms three golden bracelets thickly set with pearls of great value, and anklets also of like kind he wears on his legs, and rings on his toes likewise. So let me tell you, what this king wears between gold and gems and pearls, is worth more than a city's ransom. And there are about the king a number of Barons
. An inscription of an Adigaimag appears at page 106 of Dr. Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I.

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[JUNE, 1893.
in attendance upon him. These ride with him, and keep always near him, and have great authority in the kingdom, they are called the king's trusty lieges."10
TEXT. Atti makattuttamanai nittaninai chittamê. Tavalattamarai tâtår kóvil A vaļaippôrrutum aruntami! kuritte
Chir tanta tamaraiyal kelvan tiruvutarak Kar tantavuntik kamalattu - pârtanta Atikkadavuddichai mukanumankavantan
Katarkula maintan Kachipanum - mêtakka 5. Maiyaru kadchi Marichiyum mandilam
Cheyya tani yalittêrônum - maiyal kûr Chintanai ávisku mușrattirutterin Maintanaiyûrnta maravênum - paintadat
Tâduturaiyil adupuliyam pulvậyum 10. Kada niruddiya korravanum - nîdiya
Makavimânantanaiyûranta mannavanap Pokapuripuranta púpatiyum - yakattu Küralariya manukkunarntu kurrukku
Têra valakkuraitta Chembianum - máralin 15. Tôdi maraliyolippa mutumakka!
Tadi pakutta tarâpatiyam - kudartam Túnkum eyil eţinta Cholanumêrkadalil Vinkunîr kil kadalil viddonum - ankup
Pilamatanir pukkuttan pêroligal Nakar 20. Kulamakalaik kaippidittakovu - mulakariyak
Kikkum chiru puravu kakka kalikúrntu Takkum tulai pukunta tûyönum - mêkkuyarak Kollum Kudakakkavadûdasuttiliyat
Tallum tirai Ponni tantônum - tellaruvich 25. Chennippuliyêriruttikkiri tirittup
Ponnikkarai kaņda pû patiyum - minnarulin Metakka Poikai kavi kondu Villa vanai Patattaļai vidda pârttipanum - mitella
Meņkonda toņnürrin mélumiru mântu 30. Punkonda venrippuravalanan - kaņkonda
Kotilättêral kunikkuntiru manrai Katalar pon mêynta kavalanun- tütarkkâyp Paņdu pakal onțilîronpatu chiramun
Konda Malainádu kondônum-tandinâr 35. Kanka natiyum Kadaramum kaikkondu
Chinkatanattirunta Chembiyanum - Vankattai Murrum muraņadakki mummadipôyk Kaliyanam Chersa tani yanaich chévakanum -parralarai
Vêppattadu kalattu vêlanka! âyiramum 40. Koppattorn kalirrar kondônu - mappa lanůl
Pådaravat Tonn-Aranka mêyarkkup panmaniya
10 Marco Polo's Travels, by Col. Yule, Vol. II. Bk, III. Chap. XVII.

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TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS.
Ladaravappâyalamaittôṇam-Kudalâr Chankamattu kollam tanipparanikkenṇiṛainta Tunkamata yanai tuṇittônumankavanpin 45. Kâval purinta vani kattavanum enṛivarkal Pûvalayam muṛṛum parantatar pin - mevalartam Chêlaitturantu chilaiyaittadintirakâr Chalaikkalam aṛutta tandinân-mêlaik Kadal kondu Konkanamun Kannadamankaikkon 50. Dadal konda Maraddarachai-yudalai Yirakki vada varaiyê yellaiyâyttollai Marakkaliyuñchunkamum mârri - yarattikiri Vârittikiri valamâka vantalikku Mâriṛpoli tôl Apayarkup-pârvilankat
55. Tônriya kôn Vikkiramacholan vêddaittumbai Mûnru murachu mukil mulanka - nônṛalaiya Mummaippuvanam parakka mudikavittu Chemmaittanikkôl tichaiyalappa - vemmai Vidavudpaduttu vilakkavikai eddu
60. Kadavudkaliru kalippa - chudarcher Inaittar makadam irakki archar Tunaittal apichêkañchûdi paṇaittêṛu Niraliyê lum nilavâliyeluntan Pôraliyonṛâr potu nikki chîrârum
65. Mêya tikiri viri mêkalaiyalkuṛ
Rûya nila madantai tôlkaliņum - châyalin Notumulakankal êuntanittudaiya Kôtil kula maikai konkaiyiņum - pôtil Niraikinṛa chelvi neduikankaliņum
70. Uraikinṛa nâlil oru nal- araikalarkâl Tennar tirai alanta muttiṛchilapûndu Tennar malai ârachohêranintu - tennar Varavidda tenral adi varuda vadkan Poravidda pêrâyam pôrra - iraviada 75. Nittilappantaṛkil ninilâppâyaliṛ
Rottalar mâlai tunaittôlum maittadan Kanpum mulaiyum periya kaliyannam Enņumulakankal êladaiya-pennaṇaiku Peyta malar ôti pen chakkiravarttiyudan 80. Eytiya palli initeluntu- poyyâta
Ponnitturai mañchanamâdip pûchurarkai Kannittalirarukin kappaṇintu - munnai Maraikkoluntai veļļi malaikkoluntai mavulip Piraikkoluntai vaitta pirâņai karaikkalattu.
85. Chekkarppagi vichumpai teyvattanichehadarai Mukkad kaniyai mudivaṇanki - mikkuyarnta Tânattolil mudittu châttum takaimaiyin Manakkalankal varavaruli tênmoittu Chulumalar mukattu chonmamakaludané. 90. Tâlumakarakkalai tayanka-válun Tada mulaippûr madantai tanṇudanê tê lir
145

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Chudar manikkêyuran ch Intu - padarun Taņippilapperunkirttit taiyaludanê
Manikkadakan kaiyil vayai kap-papippana. 95. Muyar kuntiruvudanê munnir kodutta
Vayauku maņi mårpinin malka - vayaokê Varunkorra mâtiskumaņaikinudanê Maruńkipsiravadaira! vâyppat - tiruntiya
Va nappadimattaru pêrasiyaộintu 100. Vanyattaļavin vanappamaittuk - kapontalóg
Kaman chilai vanakka våükiya kaddalakait Tá ma mudivanakkam tantanaiya-kamarupus Kolattodu peyarntu kôyirpuraninru
Kalattirun kadákkaliņu - Alattu 105. Tanê mulai kuvataprittanak ketirê
Vânê mulaukinum vânradavi – vånuk Kaniyumaruppamadarkaiyumiņmai Taniyum yamarachataqdamatupiyâr
Pariya porunkodi kanattup panaikka 110. Ariya oru tânêyaki - kariya
Malaikkôddai madittidiyak kattum Kolaikkóddu veikala kôddam - malaittoda Vůsu matam tanatêyîka vulakattu
Vêļu matam perâ vêkattar - kůronatê 115. Tân kipposaiyâsråttattam pidar nipra
Våókipposaiyai menmulutu - mônkiya Korrappuyamiraņdâşkûman Akalankan Murrapparintataspin mun påtam -- murra
Varattamata mafantu mâtirattu vēlam 120. Parutta kadantiļaittuppayap -- perukkat
Tuvaittu maturachuvadu mitittodi Yavarsinaravankaņdari - yivarpai Yalittavan enkomîna talaninru
Kalittanavenravakkuikaliņa - neļittiliya 125. Verruppulattai vêtittakkotitlamaru
Lögrupparuma ónarinnuyiraik - kůrrak Karuttumayirâpataninţatanai Yiruttippadi padiyâyêrit - tiruttakka
Korrak kavikai pilarrakkulirntirad daik 130. Karpaikkavariyiļankálachaippa - vorrai
Valampuriyâta valaikkulanka!Arppach Chilambumurachu chilamba - pulampayil Vadpadai torra mara mannavar nerunkak
Kodpulikkkorrak kodiyonkach - chedpulattut 135. Tennara MAluvaruñ Chinkalarui Konkanatta
Mannaruntorka Malainadar - munnan Kulaiyapporutorukářkonda paraņi Malaiyattarum Tondaimun-palarmudime
Lärkkuukalakal Apakaộrauatavaiyil 140. Parkkumatimantrapalakaril - pôrkkut
Todukkappunaitumbai tháchinoduchůdak

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Kodakkappanai Munaiyar konum - Udukkaraiyum Kankaraiyu Maraddaraiyun Kalinkaraiyun Konkaraiyamênaik Kudakaraiyan - tankôn 145. Maniyam poluta muri puruvattôdu
Kuniyuñchilaich Cholakonun- chanapatitan Tôluúkalachamuñchurramunkorrappor Vâlumpuliyumatiyamaichchu- nâlumây Manchaikkilitta valarum perum purichaik 150. Kanchattiramaraiyôn Kannaṇum veñchamattup Pullâta mannar pulâludampu pêyvanka Vollaraikkûrramayir vânkap- pullârvan Tankumadamâtar tattankulai vâńka
Vânkum vari chilaikkai Vanaṇum - Venkaiyiņuů 155. Kûdâr Viliñattui Kollattun Konkattum Môdâl Iraddattum Oddattum - mâdâ Ladiyeduttu vevêrarachiliya virak
Kodiyedutta Kalinkar konum - kadiyarapach Chemporpatanaichcheriyiñchi Chenchiyarka 160. Kambakkaliyânaik Kadavaṇum - vembik
Kalakkiyavañchakkaliyânaippâril
Vilakkiya Vêņadar vêntum-talaittaramam Varik Kumari mutal Mantakiniyalvum Pârittavan Anantapalaṇum - Ariyarin
165. Muddipporutâr Vada-Mannai mummatilum Madditta mâlyânai Vattavanum - maddaiyelak Katittiru nådduk kaddaranan kaddalitta Chêtittiru nådar chelvanum - pûtalattu Muddiya tevvar chadai kadda moikalaṛkül 170. Kaddiya kâr Anaikkavalaṇum - Oddiys Mânavarachaririya Vada-Kalinkat
Tânai tupitta Atikanum Miņavartan Koddarunk Kollamunkonda kodai Nulamban Vâddar matayânai Vallavanum - kôddaranak 175. Końkaikkulaittuk Kudakaikkuvadiditta
-
Cheńkaikkaliṛrut Tirikattaṇum - ankavanpin Vallavaṇun Kochalanu Makatanu Maluvanum Villavanni Keralanu Minavaṇum -Pallavanum Ennum perumpērkaļeņņili maṇdilikar 180. Munnum iru marunkumoittîndap- panmanichêr Chôti vayiramadakkuñchudarttodiyâr Viti kurukutalum
-
-
147
TRANSLATION.
My soul! Pray thou daily to the excellent (Ganapati) that has the face of an elephant! Let us praise her (Sarasvati) whose shrine is the white water-lily, full of pollen, so that she may inspire us with elegant Tamil!
The first of gods, creator of the earth (Brahmi), who rose with faces four out of the water-lily, that grew from the dark navel of the sacred person of (Vishnu) the spouse of that goddess whose seat is on the lovely lotus flower. Then his beloved son Kasyapa. Then great Marichi, a faultless seer. Then he whose car rolls on a single flaming wheel. Then that

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stern sire who drove his chariot over his son to soothe a cow in dire distress. Then the mighty monarch who made the timid fawn and the fierce tiger drink together in the same cool springs. Then the king who rode an sërial car and mounting to the skies) saved Bhogapuri. Then the Sembiyan (i.e. the Chola) who by a solemn sacrifice created a wondrous man and won his cause, satisfying the rathless god of death. Then the sovereign who shared the grey beard of elders and drove Yama out of his sight. Then the Chola who stormed the castles of his foes which hung in the air. Then he who let into the Eastern bay the swelling waters of the Western sea. Then the prince who bravely went down a cavern, and by his radiant beauty won the hand of the noble daughter of the Naga race. Then that generous man who is known to all the world as having joyously entered the scales to be weighed), to save a little dove. Then he who brought the river Ponni (Kaviri) whose rushing current cats its way through the rocky ridges of high Kudagu. Then the king who set his tiger (banner) on the mountain whose summit gleams with crystal waterfalls, and formed high banks to control the floods of the Poggi. Then the sovereign who heard the lofty lay of Poygai and graciously struck the fetters off the feet of the Villavan (i. e. the Chöra king). Then that conqueror whose person was covered with scars (gained in battle), twice three and ninety in number. Then that guardian (of the world) who, with pions love, covered with sheets of gold the roof of the hall where Siva (literally, pare honey) dances. Then he who, to avenge his envoy, obtained of old, in a day, the heads of twice nine princes and conquered Malainadu. Then he who sat on his throne while his armies seized the Ganga and Kadaram. Then that matchless soldier who broke the power of the king of) Vanga and thrice attacked Kalyana. Then he who, riding on a single tusker, killed his enemies in a fierce fight at Koppa and took a thousand elephants. Then he who, with gems of many kinds, made a coach in the shape of a hooded serpent for the god (Vishņa) of the Southern Rangam (Srirangam) where ancient (Vèdic) hymns are sung. Then he who cut down countless majestic rutting elephants, and won a great victory at Kapal-sangams. Then he who after the above watched and protected the earth. After all these kings had ruled the whole compass of this earth, came the Abhaya whose shoulders were adorned with garlands of ár; who, with his army which had chased the sél (a fish, the flag of the Pandya) and broken the bow (the flag of the Chóra) and twice cat the rebels at Salai, annexed Konkanam and Kappadam (and all the land) up to the shores of the Western sea; caused the death of the proud king of the Maraţtas; rid the country of all evils and tolls; and ruled with mercy the whole of this sea-girt earth up to the bounds of the Northern mountain. His illustrious son Vikrama-Chola assumed the diadem amid the thundering of the three drams, and governed the three worlds, extending his righteous dominion in all directions, the cool shade of his umbrella removing all evil (or unhappiness) and gladdening (the hearts of the eight celestial elephants (which guard the eight points). Kings took off their glittering crowns, which were wound with wreaths of flowers, and bowed their heads at his pair of feet. He brougat under his own martial sway the seven swelling seas and the seven continents. While thus he reclined on the shoulders of the goddess of the Earth, like the broad and bright girdle on whose hips are the chains of mountains, and on the bosom of the beauteous and chaste virgin (the goddess of Victory) who is the sole mistress of the seven worlds, and in the presence (literally, long eyes) of the goddess of Wealth who dwells in the (lotus) flower, -one morning, he rose brightly from his bed which was all white as the moonlight, under a canopy of pearls, and to which he had retired overoight, wearing the choicest pearls paid as tribute by the Southern (Pandya) princes; his person perfamed with the paste of the sandal of their (the Pandyas') mountain; his feet wooed by the southern breezes at their bidding; accompanied by the empress" Mistress of the seven worlds," who, with bright large eyes and swelling bosom, her tresses twined with fresh blossoms, and her shoulders wound with strings of fragrant flowers, was gracefal as a goddess and gay as the playful swan, and served by a group of women whose glances wound like sharp swords. (Having risen) he bathed in the river Ponni whose current never dries up, and put on his wrist å bracelet made of the tender shoots of the arugu grass, handed to him by his priests, and offered his prayers to him (Sive) who is the light of the ancient

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Vadas, the fame on the silver mountain (Kailasa), who wears the young crescent on his head, whose throat is dark, and whose ethereal body is of a ruddy hue, who is the supreme luminary amongst gods, who has three eyes, and who is full of mercy. (Then) he distributed large sums of money (to the Bráhmans) and was pleased to send for the (royal) jewels whose magnificence passeth description. On his face, which was the seat of the goddess of Eloquence, and which bloomed like a full-blown flower beset by bees, sparkled fish shaped ear-rings. On his shoulders which bore the broad-bosomed goddess of the Earth, he set epaulets, which blazed with brilliant gems. On his wrists, where the restless goddess of Fame sat, shone bracelets set with precions stones. On his chest, which was the abode of the goddess of Wealth, beamed the priceless jewel which the ocean gave up when churned (by the gods) with the great snake (Vasuki for a rope). At his waist, he placed gracefully his sacred sabre on which lay the great goddess of Victory. Having put on rich and rare ornaments of exquisite beauty and arrayed himself gorgeously, he issued out of the palace, appearing so enchantingly handsome, that it seemed as if 'Siva had bestowed on him, while he bowed his wreathed crown to the god, all the heavenly charms of which he had deprived Kama (Cupid) when the latter had once bent his bow on the god. There stood before him the huge and fierce royal elephant which would not brook to hear the roar of other elephants, and if it heard the thunder of the clouds, would sweep (with its trunk) even the sky, and finding no trunk or tusks opposing it, would be appeased; which would alone bear the heavy war-banner, and with its death-dealing tusks batter and break down even hard rocks; which, being unaccustomed to the smell of other rutting-juice but its own, - when Akalanka (i.e. the Spotless) had, with his swelling victorious shoulders, removed from the neck of the ele. phants which guard the eight points, the burden (of this earth), which they had borne with silent angaish, and made them forget the aching pain of their forelegs and discharge rut in floods,scenting their rat, followed up the current of the floods, and pacified by the sounds of the celestial elephants, rejoiced that they were gladdened by the favour of its royal master; which would trample under foot and lay waste the enemies' lands and furiously devote to death the dear lives of the princes who face it on the field of battle. On such an AirAvata (or white elephant) he mounted step by step, and sat under the shade of a superb umbrella. A pair of thick chauris fanned cool and gentle puffs of wind; the deep sound of the great sea-shell swelled; bands of pipes made shrill music; the silambu and the big drums thundered; the well-drilled bodyguard of swordsmen appeared ; high above all waved the banner of the conquering tiger ; and there crowded warrior kings, such as: - the Tonqaiman, who in a single campaign scattered the armies of Malainadu and defeated the Tennar (Pandyas), Maluvar, Singalar, Konkaņar, and other kings of distant lands; and of the ministers of Anagha, whose sounding anklets rest on many a crowned head, the Munaiyar-köŋ, who with his headgear winds the wreath of victory in besieging enemies' strongholds; and the Chola-kon who, whenever his sovereign is displeased with the Udukkar, Kangar (Gangas), Maraftar, Kalingar, Kongar and other Western nations, bends his bow on them with a frown; and the Brahman Kanpan of the town of Kanjam, the high walls of which pierce the clouds, who daily superintends the royal gaard, treasury, palace, sword (or armoury), tiger (standard) and council; and the Vanan, armed with the bow bound with leather, who offers the lives of rival kings to death, their stinking carcasses to demons, and compels their fond mistresses (who have become widows) to remove their ear-rings (and other ornaments); and the Kalinga king, who with his victorious banner has put to flight many a prince in Văngai, Vilinam, Kollam, Kongam, Irattam and Oddam; and the Kadavan, who rides the gay elephant, king of the hill-fort of Benji, which, crowded with battlements, resembles the unassailable red mountain (Mêru); and the king of Venadu who drove the rogue elephant, which canged people to tremble by its great fury; and Anantapalan, who performed deeds of great charity and spread his fame from Kumari to the Mandakini; and the Vattavan, whose huge elephant broke down the three walls of Northern Mannai, where the Årgas had fought hard for their town; and the prince of the sacred Ohodinadu, who levelled to the ground the strong fortifications of Kadi; and the chief of Apaikkaval, who, when he ties the sounding anklet on his leg, never fails to compel the foes whom he encounters, to tie up the hair

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[JUNE 1993. ------------- on their head in tangled knots; and the Adigan, who cut down the armies of Northern Kalinga and routed the king of Oddiyam; and Vallabhan, the munificent Nulamban, who, riding a rutting elephant, conquered Kottaru belonging to the Minavar (Pandyas), and Kollar; and Tirigattan of the red-trunked elephant, who overthrew Kongu which is defended by mountains, and knocked down the crags of Kudagu ; and after him came the Vallavan, Kobulan, Magadan, Maluvan, Villavan, Keralan, Minavan and Pallavan. Surrounded in this manner in front and on both sides by great kings and chiefs without number, he approached the street where live the fair women whose polished bracelets sparkle with many genis and brilliant diamonds.
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS OF DHAMMACHETL
1476 A. D. BY TAW SEIN KO. (Continued from poge 89.)
TEXT. Obverse face of the First Stone.
Namo tassa bhagavató arahato san musambuildhassa. Siddhá bhavantu Jinacak kavarâbhivaddhiyo siddham Buddhassa namo. Rāmannadēsapatibhū-Bāmādhipatinā kata Jinasāsanasathyuddhi tam pavatti kathiyatë. Rāmavadesa patibhū-Rāmādhipatirāja-kālo Jinasasanassa suddbi.
Sakyamunino Sammāsambuddhassa parinibbānato dvinnan Vassagatānam upars atthuragamo vassē vitivattē Dhammāsökarājā abhisēkam pāpuni. Tato catutthā vassē Nigrodhasāmaņēram paticca Buddhasāga nē sajātā 'tiviya pasādēna bhikkhunam läbhasakkārā vēpullam agamasi; titthiyānam parihãyi.
Atha titthiyā läbhasa kkāram patthayamīnā kēci bhikkhusu pabbajjitvi upasampajjitva sakāni sakāni Sassatadini ditthigatāni pakūsēnti. Kēci pana sayam ova pabbajjitva bhikkhu. vesan gahatva sak ni sakani đitchigatăni pakāsīnti. Te sabba ni uposatlaidis aughakanian karontānam bhikkūnam antaram pavisitvā nisidanti. Tuna parisă asuddhati saighū upü satharis na karoti. Tato Asõkārāmā sattavassāni upõsatho pacchijji.
Taṁ paticca rājā Dhammāsāko sāsan'-appanna-mala-kantaka-'bbadâpaharanina sasanat södhetukämö Möggaliputtatissa mahāthīram upanissayam katvā, Vibhajja vüdi Sammisambuddho. sassatādivā lino titthiyati samayam uggahetva, sabbe bhikkhū sannipätāpetvā samānaladdhike ēkatū vasāpatvā, tato ēk 'ēkar niharitvā; kimvādi Sammāsambuddho ti? vutte Vibhajjavādi Sammāsambuddho ti vadantā sãganikabhikkhu satthisatasahassā ahēsum; Sassatadivādi Sammisambuddho ti vadantā pana titthiyabhūtā pāpabhikkhū satthisahassa ahēsun. Atha rājā tē sabba pi satthisahassó papabhikkhū uppabbājētva, "parisuddhā dāni parisa, karotu sanghö uposathakamman ti" vatvā nagaram pavisi.
Tato Moggaliputtatissamahāthõro Asökārāmē tõhi sabbēhi satthisatasa hasschi bhikkhühi saddhim upõsatham akāsi. Tad avasānē sankhēpēna Bhagavatā desitam Kathāvatthu-pekaranam Bhagavatā dindanayē thatvā vitthārētvā dēsisi. Tato param yathā 'yasınā Mahākassapathērõ chalâbhionācatupațisambhidāpattē pañcasatamattē khiņisavabhikkhū uccinitvå sattamāsam Pathamasangitim akāsi; yathā c 'äyasma Mahāyasathēro chalâbhinnā. catupațisambhidapattē sattasatamattē khiņasavabhikkū uccinitvā atthamāsam Dutiyasangitim akāsi; evam chalabhiññācatnpatisambhidāpattē bahassamattē khiņibavabhikku riccinitvā navamāsam Tatiyasangitim akāsi. Sangitikaranâvasänē pana anagatē sāsanam paccantarat. thēsu patiţthahissàtîti viditvå "tosu tēsu rathësu sāsanam patitthäpöthiti" të të Majjhantika
1 Throughout this text is represented by co by oh: the diacritical sign representa sandhi: the sigu-represents a long vowel.

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thēradayo there pasesi. Tēsu Mahāmahindathēram Tambapannidipē sāsa nam patitthēpētum pēsēsi ; Sonathēram pana Uttaratheran ca Suvannabhūmiraţtha-sankhātaRāmannadēsā sāsanam patitthā pētum pēsēsi.
Tada Suvaanabhūmiraţt hō Sirimäsoko rāma rājā rajjam kārõsi. Tassa rājatthāni, nagaram Kēlāsabhapabbatacētiyassa pacchimanudisāyam hōti. Tassa tu nagarassa pācin'n paddhabhāgo pabhatam nidhani Joti, pacchim 'upaddhabhāgū saine bhūmibhige hoti. Tam pana nagaram Golamanussagharānam viya mattikgharanam buh ulatāya Göļamattikanagaran ti yāv 'ajjatanä vöharanti.
Tassa pananagarassa samuddopakatthatthā samuddavisi rakk hasiraino gehe an vijätam dārakan satatani galetva khädati. Taasmim ca thura gamanasamayi rattiram mino aggamahesi ēkain darakam vijayi. Sapi rakklasi ranno gehi dara kassa nibbattabhāvam natv tam khaditu kami pancasataparivar nigarabhimukli ilgacchati. Mannssa tam disvá bhitatūsita viravanti. Tada dve therā ativiya bhayānaků rakhasi-sihat-sadiso ēka-sisa-dvidhūbhūt:t-sihin käyē disva, tatö rakkhasi-ganntö diguno attabhāvā mūpētvi, anabandhitva rudha. pēsun. Atha të pisāca thēramāpiti digune attabhāvē cisva, "mayain pi dāni imusam bhakkhā bhavissāmâti" bhità samadelabhimukhā dhāvims. Therā puna toram anagamanatthaya dipassa samantā irakkham sainvidalitvi, tada sannipatitānam mannssunarı Brahmajälasuttam dēsēsum. Desankvasino sathisahassanam manussänam dhammabhisamayo ahūsi: adduddhāni purisasa hassüni diyaldhäni c 'itthisuhassini pabbajiungu; avasüsā pxma manussū sarnasuca silēsu ca patitthahimsu. Evam Sammāsambuildhassa parinibbānato dvinnam vassasatānam upari chattisatimē Vassē vitivattē imasmim Rāmainadoso dvē thērā sāsanam patitthāpēsun ti datthabbam.
Tato pabhuti Bāmaññadāsē tadahu jātarājakumārānam sõnuttarati nāmam akarimsu. Sabbésam abhinavajātadārakānañ ca rakkha-sayanivaranatthain bhuje vä panne va thēra-māpit'-attabhāva-rūpam likhitvā, sīsó pari thapayirsu. Nagarissa pacin uttaradisām bhāge girimatthako thēra-măpit-'attabhāva-rupam silāmayam katvã thapayiinsu. Tam rūpam yāv 'ajjatanā dissati.
Evan Ramaññadėsi susanapatitthinato patthaya cirakantam dibbati. Gacchantë gacchante külē mahamandalassapi Rāmaññadosassa visum visum damarikattakaranina bhinnatta, ahivatarõgapilitattă, dubbhikkhapilitatti, varacakkasai khittaya sattarājasināya-bhibhūtattă ca, Rāna ūñatthānam dubbalam jātam. Tūna tam nivūsinar bhikkhinam sukhena pariyattim vā patipattim vā paripurētum asakkūnēyyatta sāsanam pi dubbalam jātam.
Suriyakumārō ti pana pațiladdhakamārauamassa Manohariranno rajjakaranakālo accantadubbalam jātam. Tada Sammāsambuddhaparinibbanato chasatadhikavassasahassam hõtiti datthabbain.
Ek 'uttarachasatadhikavassasahassē pana kālē ruddha-rupa-bödasakkarājē Arimad. danapur 'issarēn' Anuruddhadēvēna rñana sapitakattayam bhikkhusangham ānētvā Pugāmasankhāte Arimaddanapurē sāsanam patitthāpitam.
Tato satt 'uttarasatavassakālo rasa-yama-pāņa-sakkarājā Lańkādipasmim Sirisanghabodhi-Parakkamabāhurājā sāsanam visādhēsi.
Tato pana chatth; vassi yama-sikhi-pā 18-sakkarājē Laikādipä сëtiyabhivandanatthaya Pugāmabhūpacariyabhūtō Uttarājivamahāthēro: "sambahūlēhi bhikkhūhi saddhin navam abhirühissäniti" yena Kusimanagaram tēna pakkāmi. Ko pan 'esa Uttarăjivamahāthütū ti? Aya hi thõro Rāmaññadēsiyaputto Ariyavansathārassa sisso; Ariyavamsathörő pana Kappunganagaravāsi-Mahākālathērassā sis87 ; 87 pana Sudhammanagaravāsino Prāna. dassimahathērassa sisso; sū tu lökiyajjhūnabhiññālābbi tappaccayā pāto va Magadharatthe Uravēlayan mahābūdhiyanganań sammajjitvā, puna paccāgantvi, Sudhammapuriyā pirāya carati. Tassa ca patidinam pätö va mahābõdhiyanganam sammajjanakāle, Sudharmapurato Magadharatthagamino Uruveļavāsi-väņijjakā manussă disvă, paccagantvä Sudhammapuriyānam

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manussānam ārācēnti. Tasmā Prūnadassimahăthērð lokiyajjhānabhiñòāsamāpattilābbîti sanjaniisu.
Uttarājivamahāthēro Kasimanagaram patvă, sambahūlēhi bhikkhūhi paripuņnavisativassēna ca samaņērēna saddhim nāvam abhiruhi. Kū pan'ēsa sāmaņēro? Kasmi nam Chapatasāmanõrõ ti võhariyatiti? So bi Kusimaraţthavāsīnam patto Uttarājivamahāthērassa sisso. Kusimarattho Chapato ti laddharūmagāmavāsīnam pattatta Chapato samaņērā ti vöbāriyati.
Uttarājivamahūthöro pi năvam abhiruhitvā, Lai kādipam gato. Tato Laukādīpavāsino mahathārā tēna saddhim dhammiya kathāya satsanditvä samanubhasitvā sampiyayamani: * mayam Lankūdipē sasanapatitthäpakassa Mahāmahindathūrassa pavēnibhūta; tamhë pana Savannabhūmirathi sasa napatitthāpakanam Sõn 'Uttarabhidhūnänna dvinnam mahüthêrānam pavēņibhūtā. Tasmā sabbē mayam ēkato sanghakammam karissümāti" vatva, paripunuavisativassam Chapatasāmaņēram upasampūdēnti.
Tato param Uttarūjivamahāthēro Laukādipe yam kiñci cêtiya-vandanadi-kiccam nitthāpē. tabbam, tam sabban nithūpētvā, Pagamanagaram paccăgantum árabhi.
Atha Chapatabhikkhuss lētad ahosi : “sackham pi Uttarājivamahāthērēna saddhim paccagamissāmi, tattha ñātipalibūdhana yathāphāsakam uddesaparipuccham kātam na sakkhissāmi. Appäva nāmåham mahāthēram apalūkētvā, idh'ēva Laikādipė vasitvā, uddesaparipucchavasēna s'atthakatham pita kattayam nggahētvā va, paccāgamēyyan ti." Tato so Uttarājivamahāthēram apalokētvå, Lankādipo yāv'õhiyi.
Uttarajivamahathéro pi sambahůldhi bhikkbuhi saddhin nåvam abhiruyha, Kusimanagaram patva, yöna Pugamanagara m tad avasaritva, tasmim pațivasi.
Chapatabhikkhu ca uddesaparipucchapasuto s'atthakatham pitakattayam aggahētvā. dasavassū hutvā, thürasammutim labhitvá, Pagamanagaram paccagantukamo, cintēsi : "sackham ēkako va paccāgamissāmi, tatth Ottarājīvamahāthērabhāvēna, Pugāmavāsīhi bhikkhūhi saddhim ēkatu yadi sanghakammam kattom na icchāmi. Tadā pañcavaggaganabhävēna katham visuń sanghakammar kattur lacchami? Yam na náham aññēhi Tipitakadharchi catühi saddhim paccăgamēyyan ti." Evañ ca pana sē cintētvā Tāmalitthivāsiputtēna Sivalithērēna, Kambojarājatanujēna Tāmalindathārēna, Kifcipuravāsitanayān Anandathērēns, Lankā. dipavāsikatrajēna Rāhulathērēns ca saddhim samvidhāya navam abhiruhitvā paccāgacchi Tē panca pi mahāthērā Tipitakadhară byattā pațibalā. Tēsu Rahulathero sutthutaram byatto pațibalo.
Tā pana panoa mahāthārā Kusimanagaram patvā, vass'npanāyikāyāpakatthattā Pagā managaram gamanakālabhāvatā, Kusimanagarē yēva vassam upagacchińsu. Tēsam vass
a pagamanatthänë vihiravatthu vā pākārā vā Kusimanagarassa dakkhiņadisābbāgē yāv'ajjatană dissati. Atha kho Chapato mahāthārā vatthavasso pavärētvā, catühi thērēhi sadhdim yena Pugamanagarar tēna carikan pakkami.
Uttarājivamahäthērā to katipayadivasásam pattē Chapatama hathērē kālam akūsi.
Chapatathëro ca Pagamanagaraú patva, nijâcariyabhūt Ottarājivamahāthērassa kālankatabāvan natvā, tass 'aļāhanam gantvā, vandana-khamăpana-kammani katvā, catūhi thērēhi saddhim eva samantayi: “amhākam āyasmanto ācariyabhūt Ottarājivamahātbērēna saddhim akato Lankādīpavăsino mabāthēră sanghakamman karõnti yēva ; mayam pi dãni Sõn 'Uttarabhidhānathērapavēņibhūtēhi Pagāmsväsihi bhikkhūhi saddhim ēkato sanghakammań kātnm yattarūpā bhavissāms. AtbApi pubbē smhākam Ecariyabhūto Ramannavāsiko Uttarāji. vamahāthārg yēv' issaro; idāni tu Marammadēsiyānam bhikkhūnam yēr' issarattā. Tāhis addhim ēksto sanghakemmar kātu na icohāmati." Tato Chapatamahātbēro månavasēna Pagāmavasthi bhikkhūhi saddhim @kato sanghakammam skatvā visum yēva ssághakammam akási,

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Évam Rämannadēsē Sudhammanagaratē sāsanassa gantvā, Marammadoso Pugamanagarē patitthānato catuvisadhikavassasatē vitivattõ yõva sikhi-bēda-pāna-sakkarājē Lankūdipato sūsanam agantvā Pugamanagarē patitthätiti datthabbam.
Tadā Pugāmanagara Narapatijayasūrā nāma rājā rajjam kūrēti. So pañcasu mahāthörēsu ativiya pasanno, Erāvatiyā mahanadiyū navāsanghātam kārāpētvā, bahû pasampadapukkho pañca mahäthërë apasampadāpēti. Ten'ētë malāthīrā anukkamina vaddhitvā bahugaņā jātā.
Ekasmim pana divasē rājā pañcannam mahātherūnam mahādānam dātum samajjar kārūpēti. Tasmim samayē Rāhulathērā ēkissâbhirupāya natak itthiyā dassanēnanabhiratiyā pilito gihibhāvam patthayamūno gihibhāvan kattum urabhi. Tada Chapatamabāthēradayo cattārā pi mahāthörä punappunam dhammiya kathāya tam ūvadimsu, samanubhūsimgu. Evām sū catühi pi mahāthürühi dhammiga kathāya õvadiyamāno pi tam cittam nivattötum nâsakkhi. Atha catūhi mahāthīrēhi : "yajjavasā, nānappakāren' amhöhi dhammiyā kathūy' õvadiyamano pi samāno tam cittar nivattētam nasakkhi. Mã yidha tvam gihibhāvāya vāyamüyyāsi; Ramaññadēsaṁ pana gantvā nāvam abhirühitvā, Malayadipam patvā, tasmim yēva gihibhāvāya vāyamüyyahîti." Punappanam ev'ayyojito Rāmaññadēsaṁ gantvā, nāvam abhirūhitvā, Malayadipam gato.
Tattha pana so Vinayam jānitokāmam Malayadip'issarar rājanam sat Ikassa Khuddasikkhāpakaranassa sikkhāpanēna sabbavinayapāliyā att ham bodhēsi. Malayaräjä tasmi pasiditvā, nänappakārēhi manihi pattam pūrētvi pūjēsi. Rāhulathörő tam pūjāsakkāram labhitvā, gihi hutva, gharavasam kappēti.
Api ca aparēna samayēns catūsu pi thērēgu Chapatamahäthöro kālam akāsi. Sivalimahā. thüroca, Tämalindamahấthēro ca, Anandamabāthēro cấti, tayo mabāthüra Pagamanagara sāsanam ujjõtayīmsu.
Ath'ökadă Pugümarājā pasiditvā tayo hatthiyo tesan tiņnam mshüthērānam adāsi. Atha tõsu Sivalimahäthēro, Tämalindamabäthērā câti, dvē mabäthörā dvē hatthiyo vano vissajjāpēsum. Anandatbēro pana: "Kiñciparavāsinam ñātakānam pahēnakam karissāmiti," Kusimanagarar gantvā, hatthim nāvam abhirūbāpēsi. Tato dvē mahāthēra: “mayam panâ vuso, hatthin labhitvā, vani vissajjāpēma; kissa papa tvam tiracchanagatassa dukkham uppādötvā, nātakanam pahēņakam karosi ? Ayuttan të kamman ti" vadimsa. Tadā Ānandathērā: “Kişsa tumhē bhantē, ēvarūpam mama avacuttha ? Kim pana bhantē, Bhagavā 'ñātisangaham mangelan' ti nabhäsîti" āha. Tato dvē mahāthērā: “dubbaco 'si tvam, Ananda, yam mādisānam vuddhānam amhākam ūvādânusāsanam na gaṇhēgyāsi. Yajj ēvam āvusā, tvam visum sanghakammam karõhi; mayam pi visum karissāmâte” vadimsa. Tato patthāya dvē mahāthēri visum sang hakammam akamgu. Anandathērā pana visam sanghakammam akāsi.
Tato parań Tāmalindamahāthērā babassatānati byattānam paţibalāna sissānam hēta santikam agatagatē khattiyâdayo upasakė: “babussuta, bhonto, upāsakā, bhikkū byattā, paţibalā ; catupaccay Alābhēna pariyattim vā patipattim va pūrētam nasakkhimsu. Catühi puccayehi, upāsakā, tēsam sangaham icchama. Yadi pana tumhē catu paccayasangaham karissatha; addhā tē pariyattim vā pațipattiṁ rå purētum sakkhissantiti" vatvā, vacāyiññattiyā catupaccayam appādēsi. Atha Sivalimabāthērā Tāmalindathēram āha: “Bhagavatá kho, ayuso, vacivinnattihet'appannapaccayā garahită; kissa pana tvam avuso, vaciviññattiyā catupaccayam uppādēsi? Ayuttan të kamman ti." Tato Tāmalindathēro Sivalimabāthēram ēvam āha : "attānam ēva bhantē, addissa katavacīviññattiyā uppannapaccayan Bhagavatā garahitam. Mayā pana bhantē, n'attānam uddissa vaciviññiattiyā catapaccayam uppădita. Atha kho bahusgutānam byattanam pațibalānam sissānam catapaccayalābhēna pariyatti-pați-patti-puranena sāsanassa vuddhi bhaviasatîti mantvā tēsam hētu vaciviñnattiya catupaccayam uppāditan ti." Pana Sivalimabāthēro Tämalindathēram ēvam āha: “yaji ēvam āvuso, Tämalinda vadeyyasi, ēvam tvam pi visum sanghakamman karõhi; aham pi visum sanghakammar karissimi. Saminacchandānan hi kho āvusē, Tāmalinda, samanadhippagānam aññamaññ

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'avādânusāsanikarānam akato sanghakammakaranam yuttarüpan ti." Tato pabhuti tē pi dvē mahāthērā visum sanghakammam akamsu.
Tada Pugāmanagarē Sudhammanagarato āgatasāganapavēnibhūto bhikkhusangho ca, Sivalimāhāthērasissabhūto bhikkhusangho ca, Tāmalindamahathö rasiasabhūto bhikkhusangho ca, Anandamahāthārasissabhūto bhikkhusango cati: cattāro bhikkhusanghā visum bhinnattā, visum nikāyā jātā. Tēsu pana Sudhamma nagarato āgatasasanapavēnibhūto bhikkhubāngho purimaķālågatattā "Purimabhikkhusangho' ti Pugāmavāsino Marammamanussā vāharanti. Tato pana bhikkhusangho Sihaladipato āgatasāsanapavēņibhūtattā "Sihalabhikkhusangho' ti, pacchimakālagatattā Pacchimabhikkh usangho'ti ca voharanti.
Tato param tēsu pi tiga mahāthērēsu Sivalimahāthērā ca Tāmalindamahāthēro cati, dve mahāthērā yāvatâyukam sāsanam jõtayitvā, yathākammam gata. Anandathēro pana catupaññāsavassāni Pagā managarē sāsanan jötayitvă, muni-gunia-rasa-sakkarājē sampatte yathākammam gato.
Reverse Face of the First Stone.
Dibbatu Jinacakkam! Dalaraţthē pana Padippajõyyabhidhānagāmavāsiputto Sāriputto nām'āko samaņēro Pugāmanagaram gantva, Anandathērassa santikē upasampajjitvā, athakathāsahitam dhammavinayam pariyāpuņāti. So ēvam pariyattadhammavinayo samānā bahussato Sāriputto bhikkhu byatto pațibalo ti patthatayaso hoti. Atha Pagā marājā tassa kittisaddam sutvā: "yadi Sāriputto bhikkhu bahussato sutadharo sutasannicago byatto patibalo anga-paccangapāripūri-samannāgato ca abhavissa, evam tam acariyam katvā payirupāsissämiti" parijane pesitvā vimaṁsāpēsi. Të pana parijanā ranno pēsitā Sāriputtassa bhikkhuno anga-paccangapāripūrim vimansimsu. Eva vimamsamānā tassa bhikkhuno pād'angatthak 'aggacchinnabhāvam disvā rañño tam pavattim ārācēsan. Bājā : “na sabb'anga pāripūrisamannāgato so bhikkhû ti” maññamāno tassa bahum pūjāsak kāram katva, Dhammavilāsathāro ti' namam datvā, "Rāmaññadēsē sēsanaṁ pajjõtēyyābi ti" vatvā tam ayyājēsi.
Tata Dhammavilāsāthārā RāmanDadāsam gantvā Dalanagarē bahū bhikkhū dhammavinayam pariyapuņãpësi. Tadā Dalanagarē tam pakkham bhikk usangham Sihaļapakkhabhikkhuganghan ti võharanti. Son' Uttaràbhidhānānam arahantānam pavēņibhūtari pana purimam bhikkhusangham Ariyarahantapakkhasanghan ti ca Rāmaññadēsiya võharanti.
Eko pana bahasgutagunasampanno Ariyarahantepakkho mahāthõro Lakkhiyapuraraţthē bakāsamacobānan bahulatāya Bakāsan ti laddhanāmassa nadimukhass Õpakatthabhūtė vihārē pațivasati. Tato avidūrē ēkam āpaņam atthi; tamh 'āpaņato avidūrō thanē bahū karamarē Kambojiyê manussē samánētvā vasāpenti. Tēn' ētam āpaņam pi Kamboja papan ti Võharanti. Tassa ca vihārassa Kambojāpaņēn âsannattā Kamboja paņavihāro ti võharanti. Tam vilāravāsimahāthēram pi Pathama-Kambojāpaņavihārathērā ti võharanti. Pacchi pana Pathama-Kambojapaņavihārathāro ti avatvá, Kamboj&paņamahāthēro ti voharanti.
Tato aparabhāge Dalapuradhiväsi saddbăsampanno Sirijayavaddhano nām ēko amacco mahāvāpiyā samipē vihāram katva, Kambõjapanamahāthēram nimantētvā vasāpēsi. Tadā Dalanagarē Ariyårahantasanghapakkhass' abbhantarē ayam ēva Kambojâpanamabāthēro gunavantatarā vaddhataro ca, tasmā sabbő pi Ariyarahantasangho Kambojapanamahāthērasanghapakkhó ti vadanti. Aparabhāge to Kambūjâpaņamahāthērasanghapakkho ti avatvā, Kambojapanasanghapakkho ti vadanti. Puna ca param Kamböjà panasanghapakkho ti avatvā, Kambojasanghapakkho ti vadanti.
Tato pans pabhuti Dalabhidbānā nagarē Ariyarahantasanghapakkhassa Kambojasanghapakkho ti võhāram upādāye, sabbasmit pi Bāmannadēsē Ariyarahantapakkham Kambojasanghapakko ti võharimsu.

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Muttimanagarē pana Kambājasanghapakkho; Sivalimahāthērapavenibhūto Sihalasanghapakkho ; Tāmalindamahāthērapavēņibhūto Sihaļasangha pakkho ; Anandamahāthērapavēnibhūto Sihalasanghapakko ca ; Muttimanagarē yēva dēviya 'cariyabhūtassa Sihaļadipaṁ gantvā upasampadam gabētvã pan' agantvā, visur sanghakammam gantvā upasampadam gahētvā pun' agantvā, visum sanghakammam karontassa Buddhavamsamahāthērassa pavēnibhūto Sihalasanghapakkho ; Sihaladipam gantvā gahitôpasampadassa Mattimanagaram paccūgantvā, visum sanghakammam karūntassa Mahānāg&bhidhānassa Mahāsāmino pavēnibhūtā Sihalasanghapakkho cati : chadhā bhinnā sanghapakkhā, kato sanghakam. massakatattā nānāsamvāsakā nānānikāyā jātā.
Tesu pi sabbesu chảsu nikāyēsu simāsammutikammộpasampada kammâdisa nghakammakaraṇakālē, bahūnam tipițakadharānam bahussutänam byattānam pațibalādam ēkaccam sannipatitvå samsanditvā yutta yuttavicūraņānam abhāvēna, tasmim tasmin yēva nikâyē mahathērā: "mayam ēva byattā pațibalâ ti" maññamānā sakasakānam matiyā yēva sanghakain. mam akarimsu.
Api ca kēci thērā yasmim gamakhēttē yattake padēsē simam bandhitum icchanti; tattakassa samantă nimittam thapētva, nimittānam bahi tasmim thitänar bhikkhunam hatthapāsânayanachandaharaṇa-bahi-nibaraņa-vasēna sõdhanam akatva, antonimittägatē yēva bhikkhū hatthapāsagatē katvā siman bandhanti. Tassañ ca simāyam upasampadakammam karõnti.
Kēci pana thērā: "yasmim gāmakhēttē simam bandhitum icchanti; tasmim gāmakhëttē samantă antonimittägatănan ca bahinimittägatānañ ca hatthapasanayanâdivasēna sõdhanam katvă va simā bandhitabbâti" vadanti. Tathapi simābandhanakālē sabbā yēva gămasimā sõdhētum dukkara ti maññamānā, visumgāmalakkhanam saccato tatható anuphadhărētva, yattakam yattakam padēsaṁ paricchinditvā, rājā kassaci dēti: tattako tattako padēsā visumgāmo höti ti sannitthānam katvā upacürasimāmattam ēva vā tato adhikam pi vā yam kiñci yatbärucitakam padēsam rājadīhi paricchindāpētvā, tatth'ēva thitānam bhikkhunan batthapa sanayanádivasēna sõdhanam katvā, sakalāya gāmasimāya sõdhanam akatvā, simam bandhanti. Tassa ca simāyam apasampadakammam karonti.
Aparê tu thēri: 'dvinnan baddhasimānam yēva rukkhasākhâdisambandhēn' aññamaññasankaro hoti; baddhasima-gămasimānam vā dyinnam gămasimānam vā rukkhasākhâdisambandhë pi sankaro na hötîti,' attham adhimuñcitvā, yasmim gämakhöttë simam banditum icchanti; tassa gämakhettassa samantato aññēhi gämakhēttēhi rukkhasākhadi-sambandhávacchödam akatvā, tasmim yēva gamakhēttē thitānam bhikkhūnam hatthapasanayanádivasēņa sõdhanam katrā simam bandhanti. Tassañ ca simāyam upasampada kammam karõnti.
Aññē papa thērā Pāliyatthakathāsu vuttał nadilakkhaṇam vă jātas aralakkháng và sabba kārēnârēnânupadhārētvā 'anvadųhamāsa anudasaham anupañcahan ti'atthakathāyar vattapadānam attham sammânupadhārētvā, ativutthikē pi Rāmaññadēsē nadilakkaņajātassaralakkhanavirahitēsu pi nadijātassarēsu sajjitāyam udakukhēpasimāyam upasmpadammam karonti.
Ekaccē pana thürā yasmim gāmakhēttē simam bandhitum icchanti; tass' aññēhi gõmakhēttēhi rukkhasākhádi-sambandham avacchinditvā, tasmim gāmakhēttē antònimittägatē ca bahinimittägatē ca hatthapāsāgatē vā katvā, chandan vā āharitvā, bahi vă niharitvā, simam bandhanti. Tassam simāyam upasampadakammakaraṇakālē pana tassă ca gāmasimaya rukkhasākhâdi sam. bandham aviyõjētvā apasampadakammar karönti.
Sammāsambuddhaparinibbanato pana dvahikõsu dvisu vanaasahassõsu vitivattēsu, nabha-yama-naga-sakkarāje tipitaka-bēdagamatakka-byākarana-chandálankāra-joti-vajja-gani. ka-sattha-sankhātānam sutānam vasēna bahugsuto, itakavaddhaki-daravaddhaki-sipp&divasēna bahubippo nănādēsabbäsäsukataparicayo, saddahadya nēkagara-gaņa-samangi, kamada-kundaBarada-candikā-samāna-sētagajapati-bhūtā Rāmādhipati näms Siripavaramahādhammarājadhirajā Kusimamandala-Hamsavatimandala-Mattimamandalasankhātēsu tisu Raman

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ñamaṇḍalēsu janataya rakkhavaranaguttim katva Hamsavatiyam dhammēna samēna rajjam karēsi.
Tada su rajā Satthusäsäne suṭṭhutaram pasannattay' evam cintesi: "pabbajjadhina khō upasampada upasampadhinañ ca sasanam: upasampada pana sima-parisa-vatthu-ññatya. nusavana-sampattisankhātāhi pañcahi sampattihi yatta vâkuppa thanâraha hōti. Tasu parisuddhass' upasampadâpêkkhassa vatthussa byañjanaparipuriṁ katvā vācētum samatthānam Acariyanañ ca labbhamanattä vatthuññatyânusavana-sampattiyo samvijjamänâraha bhaveyyum; simaparisa-sampattinam pana vijjamänâbhāvam katham jānitum labbheyyan ti ?"
Tato raja: Vinayapaliñca; Vinay'aṭṭhakathañ ca; Suratthadipanim nama Vinayațikan ca; Vimativinodanim nama Vinayaṭikan ca; Vijirabuddhithērēna katam Vinayaṭikan ca; Kankhävitaranim nama Mätik' atthakathan ca taṭṭikañ ca; Vinayavinicchayapakaraṇañ ca taṭṭikan ca; Vinayasangahapakaranañ ca; Simâlankarapakaraṇañ ca; Simâlankarasangahan ca -byanjanato ca atthato ca samannäharitvā tad anusārēna Paliya c'atthakatham, atthakathaya ca tikam, pakaranēna ca pakaranam, pubbēna câparam samsanditvä, samanayitva, kidisō nu khō Bhagavatō ajjhasayanurupo atthakathâkira-tika kāra-pakaranâkārâcariyânulōmatō simadhikare Vinayavinicchayo ti sammad ēva punnappunam upaparikkhati, punappunam anuvicinati. Tass' evaṁ punappunam upaparikk hantassa punappunaṁ vicinantass' ĕvarūpō Vinayavinicchayo pațibhāti:
"Yasmim hi naranarinam gamanâgamanatṭhānâbhava-catu-iriyapathapavattanabhava-sad
daniccharanaṭṭhānâbhava-bhuñjitabbâyuppatiṭṭhānabhava-sankhata-lakkhanasahite karaggahaparicchinne pakatigāmakhettē vā, visumgämakhette va, yam kinci yatharucitakam padēsam gahētva, simam kattum icchanti. Tassa pakatigāmakhettassa va visumgümakhettassa vā aññēhi gamakhēttēhi rukkhasakhadi-sambandham avacchinditva, yassa simabandhanaṭṭhānabhūtassa yatharucita kassa padesassa samantato dubiññeyya-sima-maggayaṁ mahatiyam simayam sanṭhānabhäda bhāvē pi bahuni nimittēni thapētva, suviññeyya-simä-maggayam pana khuddakasimayam singhāṭakasaṇṭhānam kattum icchāyam, tīņi nimittäni, samacaturassanthanam vā dighacaturassasaṇṭhāram va kattum iccahayam, cattari nimittäni, nänäsaṇṭhānabhēdam kattum icchāyam, pancâdīni nimittäni thapetva, antō-nimitta-bahi-nimitta-bhūtānam padēsānam rukkhasakhâdi-sambandham api byavacchijja simämaggam dassētva, nimittōnam antō ca bahica yavatika tasmim gamakhette bhikkhu, to sabbe hatthapasanayanârahe hatthapasâgate katvā, chandârahānam va chande ähate, avasōsō gamkhettato bahi niharupētvē, disūcārikabhikkhunam saucārâpanayanattham tassa gamakhettassa samantato ārakkhakamanasse thapōtvā, saññānakaraṇattham tēsu tēsu ṭhānāsu dhajam va paṭākam va ussāpētvä, bhērisankhâdini vä thapetva, tikkhattum nimittēni kittēva, byañjanasampattiyuttaya kammavācāya sima bandhi. tabba. Evarūpēna vidhina katā simāsammuti akuppa hōti thanâraha. Tassan ca simayam katam upasampadâdikammam akuppam hoti thanâraham.
Api ca vassanassa catūsu māsōsu addhamase adḍhamāsu sammādhärâpacchedavasena, ēkaväravassanai va, pancâhe pancâhe sammādhārâpacchēdavasena ēkaväravassanam vä samavutthilakkhanam. Addbamasato pana param ekaväravassanaṁ dubbutthilakkhanam. Pancâhatō une caturahe. caturahe va, tihe tihe va, dvîhe dvihe va, dine dine va, vassanam, panktivathilakkhapaṁ.
Samavaṭṭhike ca kālē yassam nadiyam vassanassa catusu masēsu yatthakatthaci titthe va atitthē vā uttarantiye bhikkhuniya antaravasakō ēka-dv'aigulamattam pi temiyati; ayam nadisankham gacchati. Addhamasē aḍdhamasē hi ekaväravassanalakkhanena samavuṭṭhikē kālē yassam nadiyam vassānassa catūsu māsēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhuniya antaravasakō temiyati; ayam mahanadisankham gacchati. Dasâhe dasâhe ekavaravassanalakkhaņēna samavutthike kale yassam nadiyam vassanassa catusu masēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhaniyā antaravāsakō tēmiyati; ayam majjimanadisankham gacchati. Pañcâhe pañcâhē ēka väravassanalakkhaņēna samavuṭṭhikē kālē yassam nadiyam vassanassa catusu masēsa yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhuniya antaravasakō tēmiyati; ayam khuddakanadisankhain gacchati.

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Samavutthikē ca kālē yasgam nadiyam vassanassa catūsu másēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhuniyē antaravāsako tēmiyati; dubbutthikë kálē tu na tēmiyati; så nadisankhan na gacchatiti na vattabbā: dubbutthiyū apamāṇatta. Samavathikë pana kālē vassānassa catūsu māsesu yatthakatthaci uttarantiyū bhikkhuniya antaravāsako na tēmiyati; ativutthikē pana kāle vassinassa catūsu māsēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhuniya antaravasaku tēmiyati; sü tu nadisankham gacchatîti na vattabbá: ativuthiya pi apamanatti.
Jātassaro pana sayam ēva jati. Na yena kēnaci khato; samantato agatāna udakēna paripurito. Tādisē ca yasmin jātassarē samavutthikë kālē vassānassa catūsu māsūsu pivitum vā hattbapēdë dhövitum vă udakam höti: ayam jātassaro ti saúkham gacchati. Yasmim samavutthikë kālo pahõnakajátassa rē dubbuthikālē vā hēmantagimhêsu và pâtum va hatthapado dhövitu vīndakam na hūti: ayam jātassarū ti sankham na gacchatiti na vattabbū. Samavutthikē pana kälē yasmim jātassare vassānassa catūsu māsēsu pivitum va hatthapado dhüvitum va adakam na hūti; ativathikë tu udakam hüti: ayan jātassarū ti suukhan na gacchati.
Ayan ca Rāmaññadoso sabbavuthiko va: kathan pan' ētassativutthikattam niyatiti? Yasmā hi vassānassa catūsu misusu ti' iminā vassinnssa catumâsikattam atthakathāyam vuttam. Imasmim pana Ramañiadēsē vassēnakālo chamasiko hoti. Pancho pañcah' ēkavāraVassanaṁ samavutthiakkhanan ti ca vattattā; caturaho caturaho va, tihe tihe va, dvíhë dvihū va, dinü dinė vī, vassanam ativutthilakkhanan ti manyan.
Imasmim pana Ramaññadesē kadici caturahē, kadaci tihe, kadaci dviho, kadăci dino dino, kadāci sattihamattam pi vã, dasāhamattaṁ pi và, suriyappabhūya pi ūkasam adatvā, akulam api ghanam andhakārikam viya katvå, sammadhārâpacchedanëna dūvü vassati. Tasmi Rāmaūžadisassâtivutthikattam viññāyati.
Tasmi imasmim Ramaññadasē yidishyaro nadiynm samavutthikē kale yatbūvnttonn Vassanappakārēna dēvē vassantē pi vassānassa catūsu māsēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhaniya antaravāsakatēmanar sambhavēyya; tādisayam mahanadiyam udakukkhēpam karitvi, katam upasampadakammam akuppam thânáraham bhavēyya. Yadisē pana jātassarī samavut. thikë kālē yathāvattēna vassanappakārēna dēvē vassantē pi vassinnssa catūsu māsēsu pivitam vā hatthapadē dhövitum vă adakam bhavēyya; tādisē mahajatassare udakokkhēpam katvā, katam upasan pada kammam akuppam thânäraham hotiti."
Tass' ēvam pațibhāyamānasimāvinicchayassa Rāmādhipatino pan'āvam cētaso parivitakko udapādi: “Yē hi kēci thēra yasmim gamakhõtte simam bandhitum icchanti; tasmim gāmakhēttē thitanam sabbēsam ēva bhikkhūnam hatthapăsânayanidivasena sūdhanam akatvā antonimittägatē pēva hatthapăsâgatē katvā simam sammannanti. Tēsam simāsammutikammar parisavipattito yēva kuppam hoti.
Yasmin hi pakatigamakhőtt 'ekadēsaṁ ya kiñci karaggahaparicchinnatthānam karabhagaṁ datum icchāyaḥ, rājâdihi paricchinditvā, dinnam tam yēva visumgåmasankhan gacchati. Baddhasimattañ ca kammavācapariyūsånē yēva höti: na nimittakittanamattēna. Tasma ayam antonimittabhūto padēso niyatiya bhūtagāmasimato visumgamasankham pi na gacchati; baddhasimattam pi na pāpuņātiti: anto-nimitta-padēsa-bahi-nimitta-padosavam ēkagūmasima bhāvato. Tassam ēkagamasimāvaṁ thitē sabbē pi bhikkhū hatthapāsî nayanarahē hatthapāsigatē akatva, chandarahānam pi chandam anāharitvå, bahi niharūpētabbē aniharāpētvi, antonimittägatē yēva bhikkhū hatthapāsagate katva, katam simüsammatikamman vaggat hoti adhammikakamman ti. Tassañ ca simāyam katam apasampadâdikammam simāsammutikammassa kuppatta simavippattito koppati.
Yo'vå pana thērā gūmalakkhanarahitam yam kiñci yathüracitakam thinam rūjídihi paricchindap@tvũ, visumg@makhettan hôtiti sammaya vũ, tasmin yathārucitakatthānā yeva thit bhikkliū hatthapāsagatē katvā, simam sammannanti; na sabbqsmim pakntigamakhüttö. Tēsam pi tan simāsammatikamman parisavippattito kuppam hoti. Tasmā tassam pi simayam katam upasampadadikammar simāvippattito kuppati.

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Yē câparë thērā yasmit gamakbēttē simam sammapnitum icchanti; tassa gamakhüttass' añīvhi gümakhöttühi rukkhasākhâdisambandlâvacchēdam akstva, tastnit yëva gümaklettē thitānań bhikkhunan hattbapāsanayapadivasena sūdhanan katvá sima sammanhanti. Tēsam pi simāsammutikammam pariga vippattito kuppat hotiyasma hi:
OBVERSE FACE OF THE SECOND STONE. Yathā dvinna baddhasimanaṁ rukkbasākhâdi-sambandhën' aññamaññar saôkarabhāvā hoti; tathā baddhasima-gāmasimānam pi vă, dvinnam gämasimīdam pi vā. rukkhasük hadisambandhēna sai karabhāvā höti yavati. Tassañ ca simāyana katam ajuusimpadâdikamniam pi simăvippattito kuppam hūti.
Yë pan' añña thërī ativutthikasmim Rāmaññadėse nadilakkhana-jātassaralakklana-virahj. tēsu pi nadijātassarēsu sajjitāyam adakukkhēpasimāyam upasampadîdikamman karūnti. Tésam upasampadâdikammam pi simăvippattito kuppati. Ativutthikö hi Rámaññadoso yādisāyam nadiyam samavathikë kālē yathāvuttēna vassanappa karena dēvŪ yassante, vassānassa catūsu māsēsu yatthakatthaci uttarantiya bhikkhuniya antaravāsakatēmanam na sambhavēyyn. Ativathikattā pan' imassa padēsass' antararāsakatēmapam sambhavēyya. Tādisapi nadi samavutthikālē yatbavuttam antaravāsakatēmanam attham gahötvā, nadisahkham gacchatî ti vatturi katham yajjēyya ? Yadisē pana jātassarē samavutthikālē yathūvattēna vassanappakarēna dēvē vassantē, vassānassa catūsu māsēsu pivitum vă hatthapādē dhūviturn vā udakam na bhavēyya. Ativuthikattā pan' imassa padēsassa vassānassa catūsu māsusu pivitum vā hatthapādē dhövitum vă adakam bhavēyya. Tādisā pi jātassarā samavarthikālē yathāvuttam pivana-hattha-pada-dbõvana-pahönak' udakassa vijjamānam attham gahētvā, jātassarā ti saikham Kacchati ti vattum katham yujjēgyå ti?
Appē kaccē pana thēra yasmin gāmakhettē simam bandhitum icchanti; tass' aññéhi gümakhēttēbi rukkhasākhadi-sambandham avacchinditvä, tasmin gümakhöttē antonimittägatānañ ca babinimittägatānañ ca sabbēgam pi bhikkhunam hatthapasanayanâdim katvā simam bandhanti. Tassam simāyam apasampadadikammakaranakālē pana tassü ca gämasimāya ruk. khasākhadi-samband ham aviyājētvā apasampadâdikammam karonti. Tēsam upasampadadikammar parisavipattito kuppati. Tassā baddhasimāya ca gamasimiya e' aññamaññam sai karabhāvapattito. Yadi vă pan' ētē tbērā parisuddhāya baddhasimāya vā, gāmalakkhanasahitē pakatigāmakhēttē vā, visurgāmakhēttē vā, nadilakkhanapattāya mahānadigă vă, jatassaralakkhaṇapattē jātassarē va, samuddalakkhaṇapattē samuddē vā, upasampadâdikammam karönti. Yē pana tasmim upasampadâdikammē gaņā hānti. To vuttanayēna vippannasimāya vā, gāmalakkhanarahitē visumgämakhēttē vă, radilakkhanamapattāya khudda kanadiyā vā, jātassaralakkhaṇamapattē khudda kajātassarē vā, upasampannā bhikkhū yēva hõntiti. Tēkam u pasampadâdikamman pi parisavipattito kuppam yēvati."
Atha kho Rāmādhipatirājā Rāmaññadēsē upasampadAdikam massa simāvippatti-parisavippattinam vijjamānabhāvam atvā: "Mayham pi iminā vuttappakärēna upasampadâdikammassa simāvippattiparisavippattiyo khāyanti. Rāmaññadēsē ca Hamsavatinagarē bahū tëpitakā byattā paţibalā. Tēsam pi upasampadâdikammassa simāvippatti-parisavippattiyö khāyĒyyum vă no vā. Appēva nāma ham të pi sabbē s'atthakathā-tikam Vinayapāļith byañjanato ca atthato côpaparikkhāpētvā, Pāliyā c'atthakatham, atthakathāya ca ţikam, pubbēna câparam samsandāpētvī, samānayāpētva, simîdhikarē Vinayavinicchayam kārāpēyyan ti" cintētvā, to sabbē pi tipitakadharë bhikkhū simadhikarē Vinayavinicchayam kärāpēsi.
Tato Rāmādhipatirājön' ajjhësitā sabbē pi tipitakadhara bhikkhu s'atthakathā-tikam Vinayapaļin byañjanato o' atthato o' apaparikkhitvā, punappunam sammad ēva samsandētvă, samānayitvä, simārippatti-parisa vippattinam vijjamānabhāvam disvi, yathädittham ratio Vinayavinicchayam ārācāsu.
Tato rājā: "aho vata ! Buddhasāsanaṁ pañcavassasahassa parimana kalam thassatîti' atthakatnácariyasabhēhi vattam; idāni pana Buddhassa Sambodhipattato sattacattāliskdbikaṁ! dvisasiassamattam övati ; idañ ca kho dāni yēva säsanaṁ samalar sakantakam s'abbudam
1 Catusatthadhikań in MS. B.

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sasank'upasampadam jātam. Kathañ ca rahi yavaparicavageasa hassa parimāņakālapariyantapavattanasamattham bhavēyyati?” cintētvā, pana cintösi: “Yajjaham idisam sūsanő uppannan malakanţak' abbuda disvā va, yathā sāsanē niräsank'appeampadabhāvâpajjanēna parisuddham pariyödātam hutvā, yuvapancavassasabassa parimāņakālapariyanta pavattanasamattham bhavüyya. Yatha byaparam anäpajjitvā v'upēkkhako viharēyya; tathā sati Bhagavati Sammisambuddhū pi sukarapomabhi pasādēnasamannāgato gäravacittikārēnasamangibhūto va bhayissam. Appova nāma mayā sasanam visādhētabbam ēva. Kuto du khvaham adito parisuddh'opasampadań samüharitva, imasmim Ramaññadēsē patitthāpēto ? Yē tē saddhāsampannā kulaputta tad upasampada pekkha; të tad u pasampadam gābāpētvā nirāsaik' apasampadabbūvūna susanam parisuddhatn bhavēyyati." Ath' ēvam cintēntassa Rămădhipatirājass' ēvarūpo parivitakko udapādi.
Sammisambuddhaparinibbanato kira dvinnar vassasatānam upari chattimsatimē vasso vitivattē, Möggāgaliputtatissamahāthārēna pēsito Mahāmahindathōrō Tambapannidipam gantvā, sasanam patitthāpēsi. Tato Dēvānampiyatisso Sihaļindo thërē pasiditvā Mahāvihāram patitthāpēsi. Mahāvihāra patitthānato pana pathāya atthārasadhikāni dvõvassasatāni parisuddhan säsanam; ēko yēva Mahävihäravāsinikāyā jäto. Yada pana VattagāmaņiAbhayā rājā Dādhiyan nāma Damilarājānan jinitvā, Lankādipē rajjam patto. Abhaya. girivihāram kārāpētvā, sattahi Damilehi parājitvā, palāyitvā, cuddasa vassāni niliyitva, vasanakālo niocan pubb'apakarim Mahātissar nāma thēram inētvi tassadāsi. Tam pana kulasamsasthan Mahātissathāram kulasaṁsatt hadõsēna Mahäviharavāsibhikkhusanghū Mahavihārato uihari. Tato pabhuti Mahāvihāravāsikā bhikkhu ca Abhayagirivihāravāsikā bhikkhu ca: dvēdhā bhinnā dvē nikāyā jātā.
Tato Abhayagirivihārapatitthānato pana sattapannāgavassadhikēsu tisu vassasa tõsu vitivattösu, Mahāsēnō nāma rājā Lankādipā sattavisativassāni rajjam kārēsi. Tasmim kālo 8o rājā Jētavanavihāram katvā, Dakkhiņavihāravāsissa jimhantarassa asaññatassa pāpamittassa Tiasathērassa pasiditvã adūsi. Tato pathāya Jütavanavibāravasiko bhikkhi Mahüviharavisiköhi bhikkhühi Abhayagirivāsikuhi bhikkhūhi ca bhinditvā, Jētavanavihūraviiriuikiyo năm' 6kỹ nikyỡ jātô.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN BURMA.
BY TAW SEIN-KO.
No. 3.-The Three-eyel King. Saladànbawd was succeeded in 442 B. C. by Duttabaung, the son of Maharanbawà by Bédayi. The advent of this king, who had three eyes, the third being between the other two, was prophesied by Gautama Buddlm himself according to the following tradition,
1 There is a similar tradition among the Talaings, from whom tho Burmany appear to have a lapted their own version after the conquest of the maritime provinces by Alompra in 1757 A. D. Tho Talaing namo for the king is Mutpirêjê and not Duttabaung. The following is extracted from Haswell's Grammatical Notes and Vocabulary of the Peguan Language, p. xv.: “The Peguan name of Maulmain is Möt-moon-lům (Mot-mwê-lem) or One-eye-destroyed. The legend is, that an ancient king had three cyes, two in the usual places, and one in the centre of the forehead. With this third eyo be could soo what was going on in the surrounding kingdoms. The King of Siam was at war with him, and, finding his plans continually thwarted, suspected there were traitors in his camp, and called a council to find out who gave information concerning his plans to the enemy. His officers told him that there was no traitor, but thmt the King of Maulmain was able with his third eye to see all that was going on in tho Siamese Camp. It was suggested that the King of Siam should give his daughter to the King of Maulmair, so that when she had succeeded in gaining the confidence of the king, she might manage to put out his third eye. This counsel was followed and proved successful, and tho third eye was destroyed. Hence the name of the city. It is often called Mot-lům-Lam (Mut-lim-lem), or Eye-destroyed. destroyed." These traditions about Duttabaung and Mat-pirėje are, I beliove, traceable to the worship of Siva, which prevailed in Burma in ancient times.
* See ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 448, 489. [Observe the line of royal descont. Father, then elder-son, then younger-son (childless), then oIder-son's son. Compare ante, Vol. XXI. p. 2878.-ED.)
* This tradition, with slight variations, is gravely recorded in the Maliyizawin ( Mahirkjuvari.80) or Chronicle of the Burmese Kings.

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Gautama Buddha, in the fifth year of his Buddhahood, was presented by the two brothers Mahápunna and Chalapunna with & sandal-wood monastery situated at Vanijjagama, otherwise called Legaing, in Sunâ paranta. The sage accepted the gift and occupied the monastery for seven days. On his return he walked along the Yôma range fringing the right bank of the Irrawaddy, and from the top of the Po::daung hills to the north of Prome, he saw a piece of cow-dung floating in the sea, which stretched to the range of hills on the east. At the same time a male mole came and paid him homage by offering him some burrowings. On seeing these two omens the Master smiled, and being asked by Ananda the cause of his doing so, he replied: "My beloved Ananda, after I have attained Parinirvana, and after the religion has flourished for 101 years, yonder sea will dry up and the kingdom of Varêk'êttari will be founded. The mole before us will be incarnated as Duttabaung, the founder of that kingdom, from whose reign will date the establishment of my religion in the country of the Mrànmas."
The mole had been asked by his wife to wake her up when Gautama approached their home, so that she might participate in the merit that would accrue to them both by making some suitable offering. As it was rather early in the morning when Buddha arrived, the husband thought that he would not disturb the slumbers of his wife. But when she got up and found out that the sage had come and gone, and that her husband had made an offering of his barrowings, she became irate at his remissness of duty, and lost no time in following Gautama and crying out to him, at the top of her voice, to stop and receive her offering. In compliance with her entreaty, he stopped at a hill, called, in after times, the Dàngyidaung, and duly received her proffered borrowings. This done, the female mole thought that she would have revenge on her husband for his extreme recklessness for her spiritual welfare, and took an oath thus :
"By the efficacy of the merit I have just acquired, may I, in my next birth, be a person capable of wreaking a singular vengeance on my husband in his next birth !"
The male mole was duly incarnated in the womb of Bodayt, the Queen of Maharanbaw while his wife became Princess Pekdando in the country of Pandw4.10 The princess was beautiful, accomplished, and clever, and many were the princes that sought her hand. Her father determined that high birth, if not uninterrupted descent from the race of Sakyall kings of Northern India, should be the sine quá non of his fatore son-in-law, and he accordingly wedded his daughter to Duttabaung, king of darêk'éttara.
Dattabaung was a puissant prince, who wielded the sceptre of an extensive empire. His dominions included the whole of Jambudipal and his influence was felt even in the land of
* Lågning is in the Minbu district. It is still a famous place of pilgrimage.
• Burmans deriva Poses from Paw Asos (Sole-head) because, according to tradition, Gautama Buddha turned the soles of his feet on the top of this hill and pronounced an oracle regarding the foundation of Parék'éttard (Brfkahara). See, ante, p. 6.
That the aes washed the shore as far as Prome appears to be supported by the marine shells found on the hills in the neighbourhood, but the exact or approximate period when it dried up has not, as yet, been determined.
The exact derivation of Myanmd (pron. Bamd), the national appellation, by which the Barmans are knowu to themselves, has not been definitely settled. Sir Arthur Phayre says that it is derived from Brahma, the progenitor of the human race according to Buddhist tradition, while Bishop Bigandet derives it from Mien, the appellation by which the Burmans are known to the Chinese (Mrán-md = Myin.md according to one method of phonetico). Hodgson, on the other hand, maintains that it is derived from a word signifying 'man.'
• Tho Dangyldaung hin is nearly opposite Prome. There is another of the same name opposite Pagan. The local derivation of Dangyfdaung is ton, to stop, abruptly, kyt, to see and lawng, a hill.
. [Pekyant is spelt Pissan= () Pibuni.-ED.)
10 PandwA in identified with Taungdwingyt in the Magwê district. For the story of Bedayi, see ante, Vol. XIX. P. 437 4.
11 Burmese historians take a delight in tracing the descent of their kings from the Sakya race of Northern India, to wbioh Gautama Buddha belonged.
12 Burms is included by native writers in Jambodipa. Their iden of geography is extremely hasy.

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the Någas and Asuras. His might and power was such that even Indra, 13 the Lord of the thirty-three gods of Tavatimsa, had to lendis his celestial aid to the consummation of his wishes. When darêkéttara was built both Sakra and the Nagas rendered valuable assistance, and on its completion Dutta baung was inducted to his throne by Sakra, 13 who conferred on him celestial weapons. One of these was a wonderful spear, which carried royal messages to the king's tributaries. Sakra also presented Duttabaung with a wonderful drum, which, when beaten, could be heard on the utmost confines of the empire, thereby indicating that the time for paying tribute had come.
Duttabaung ruled with justice tempered by mercy, and great was the amount of tribute received by him. He was loved by his subjects and feared by his tribntary chiefs, and was, in short, blessed in all respects except one. That was, although he was extremely fond of his wife Pekdano, he was treated by her with coldness, haughty disdain, and inveterate hatred, dissimulated under the cloak of feigned obedience and respect. Her one object in life appeared to be to foil his designs wherever possible, to effect the reduction of his power and influence, and to bring ignominy and shame upon him in all that he undertook. But so long as the king observed the precepts inculcated by Gautama Buddha, supported the monks, and looked after the interests of the religion, the designs of this malicions queen were frustrated by the occult power of the nats (spirits).
One day, however, in an evil hour, the king, without due investigation directed the confiscation of a piece of rice-land measuring 5 pès (a pè is a measure of land which may be taken for the purposes of the story at an acre), which a widowed sweet-meat seller had presented to her preceptor. Henceforth, owing to this sinful deed committed against the religion, the king's power declined.15 His satraps and governors grew refractory and eventually threw off their allegiance: tribute was withheld: the wonderful spear would no longer go on its wonted errands : and the drum would sound no more. To add to this long series of misfortunes Queen Pekanð hit upon a plan, which was doomed to be successful in fulfilling her evil desire. She had an old skirt16 of hers washed clean, and obtained some rage from a cemetery, and then had a towel woven with these materials for the use of the king. Duttabaung placed too much confidence in the love and fidelity of his wife, and not suspecting anything wiped his face with it, when lo! on account of the extreme uncleanliness of the towel, bis third or middle eye became blind! Simultaneously with his blindness his celestial spear and dram disappeared ! Not convinced that his power had diminished, the foolish king in his dotage set ont on a progress through his dominions with the object of re-establishing his government on its former basis. He was cruising near Cape Negrais, 17 when by spitting into the sea he excited the wrath of the Nagas, who carried him and his brazen boat to their country under the earth.
Thns perished the three-eyed king, Duttabaang, and the oath of his wife Pekand, in her previous birth, was fulfilled.
18 Bakra, the Recording Angel of Buddhism, is known to the Burmans w Pary-min. Min is pure Burmese, signifying an important personage : for Magyd (= Sakra), see ante, Vol. XX. p. 422.
14 Burmans have a saying that, when a king is powerful, even rulers of nata (spirita) have to render him Assistance.
16 Native histories are mostly the work of Buddhist monks, or of monks who have turned laymen; and overy opportunity is seized upon to improve their position, and to impress on the secular rulers the unwisdom of interfering with the Buddhist Religion, as inculcated by the monkish brotherhood. The Mahayaxaroin was put into its present shape by body of learned monks and ex-monks after the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824 A. D.).
16 Skirts of women and clothes from a cemetery are regarded by the Burmans to be specially unclean for men. [In the uncleannons of the former we have a most interesting survival of a custom of tabu.-ED.)
11 The Burmese name for Negrais is Nagayit = Nkga-coiling. [The symbols for yit may, however, be rach, ra. or ris according to the pbonetics adopted. The usual PAři form of the word is Nagardi.-ED.)

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MISCELLANEA. SANSKRIT WORDS IN THE BURMESE book Committee of Burma, of which I was a memLANGUAGE.
ber, the Sanskrit derivative bhissik was changed A REPLY.
to bhisik on the advice of the native sayiis or I shall proceed to deal with Mr. Houghton's
pandits, who were in the majority, and whose
evident desire was to disclaim any relationship criticisms seriatim.
of Burmese with Sanskrit, and, in spite of ancient Mr. Houghton disagrees with me in thinking usace. to try and derive all Sanskrit derivatives that any of the words given in my list relate to from Pali, the sacred language of the Southern social life or are in common use. In refutation of School of Buddhism. I do not at all see how "the his statement I may say that the following San- fact of the penultimate vowel in the Burmese form skrit derivatives are in very common use
beingi and not d is a proof of its late introduction." among the Burmese :-(7) chaikram in the
In the first place this statement is inconsistent with sense of walking about for exercise; (8) drap as a
the assertion made in Mr. Houghton's first parasynonym for gún (Pali guna), meaning primarily to
graph that "from very ancient times, indeed, the be possessed of a certain status in society, and kings of Burma kept Brahman astrologers at their secondarily to be proud; (10) kambhd, a world or
courts for the purpose of making forecasts, fixing a cycle of existence; (12) parissad, an assembly or
dates, and what not" (I suppose the vague "what audience, a congregation of people meeting to- not" would include the duty of performing the gether for purposes of religious devotion or festi
coronation ceremony of Burmese kings). In the vity: (14) prakati, in statu quo, or in a state of second place, in dealing with Indo-Chinese langu. nature; (15) prassad, a turret, or a building with
ages, which have borrowed their alphabet from a number of roofs overtopping one another." India, it is hardly safe to base one's conclusion on Adhvan.-Mr. Houghton says: "The word is,
the mere morphology of words. The genius of however, an extremely rare one, and its meaning
such languages is so different from either Sanskrit would probably not be understood by nine edu
or Pali that it would be much safer to take also cated Burmans out of ten." With all due defer
into consideration the phonetic forms of such ence, I must say again that this word is in very
words. Although the derivative from Sansksit, common use. When a Burman wishes to express
which we are now discussing, is written bhiss ik or the incalculable duration of his repeated existences
bhisik, the combination ik is always pronounced before he can enter Nirvana, he would always
Ok, thus establishing its affinity to the vowel é in employ this word in connexion with satisdra.
abhishika. Again, in Burmese histories, as well as in conver- Chakra-I must again point out the very sation, the word is commonly employed to signify common use of the derivative from this Sansksit the long succession of kings subsequent to the word. The Pați expression dhammachakka is reigning ruler.
always rendered into Burmese as dhamuachakra, Amrita.-The Sansksit derivative is pronounced thus showing the partiality of the Burmese amrail or amyaik, 18 pointed out by Mr.
language for derivatives from Sanskrit and rebut. Houghton. The substitution of t for k, in my
ting Mr. Houghton's contention : - "the former, former article (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 94) is, as admit
or PAļi, word (chakka) was that originally used, ted by the Editor, a misprint. The truth of Mr.
and that the Sanskrit word has been introduced
subsequently by some courtly scholar." One of Houghton's remark that, "the application of the
the titles of the Burmese king was "the Lord of epithet amraik (amrita) to the Buddhist Nirvana is obviously modern and needs no discussion here,"
the chakrd weapon (or disc);" and in common can, I must confess, be hardly admitted by any
conversation the notion of a supernatural element scholar who knows anything of Påļi and Bud
is always conveyed by the word chakri in such
expressions as yatiá: chakrd, supernatural or dhism. There can be no doubt that North Indian influence is responsible for tne transformation of
flying chariots; nd: chakrá, supernatural faculty the word, the various stages of which appear to be
of hearing. as follows: amrita=amritzamrótampók, which, Chakravala.-The cosmogony of the Burmese according to the Burmese system of phonetice,
is not derived from the Brahman astrologers at would be pronounced amrtik.
the Court," bat was introduced with Buddhism. Abhisheka.-No doubt in the "corrected Chakravartin.-I cannot at all agree with spelling" issued under the authority of the Text- Mr. Houghton's statement as to the manner of 1 See ante, p. 244.
The numbon refer to the words in my former list, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 85.

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MISCELLANEA.
163
Pali."
the introduction of the derivative from this word. such preference? Surely terms, which had atNo Burmese king has ever arrogated to himself tained some popular fixity, would have been such a title, and the condemnation of the Burinese employed in translating astrological works, which, courtiers is hardly justifiable. Nor can I sub according to Mr. Houghton, were a later imporscribe to his espression the "old speakers of tation.
Parissad.-In the Revised Vocabulary of BurChankram Childers, in his Pati Dictionary mese Spelling issued by the Text-book Com. Ukrye 99), identifies the Pali word caiskamo, meun- mittee, this word is, no doubt, ae pointed by iny "a covered walk, arcade, portico, cloister," Mr. Houghton, spelt parisat. At the sitting of with the Sansksit 134 + . The word 796 the Committee, when the spelling of this word as meaning "walk (abstract and concrete)" is
was discussed, the reason given by one of the given at page 165 of Cappeller's Sanskrit- English
sayús for the adoption of the form as it now Dictionary.
stands was, that it was derived from parisati,
which is but another form of parisd + iti! This Dravya.-The exceedingly common use of the was no doubt an attempt made with a vengeance word drap, which is derived from dravya, has to disclaim all connexion with Sanskrit. The already been pointed out above.
word used to be spelt until a few years ago parisKalpa. Mr. Houghton contends that, where
sad, but the modern school of Burmese writers, a Pali and a Sanskrit derivative having the
who know nothing about the obligations of Bur. samo signification exist in Burmese, greater
mese to Sanskrit, desire to eliminate all Sanantiquity should be attached to the former,
skritio elements, which they do not understand and With all due deference to his scholarship I
cannot appreciate. in Sanskrit means would beg lesve to differ from this view. I "sitting around, besetting assembly, congregawould select only a few instances to show that this
tion." The corresponding PAļi form parisd is pricontention is not warranted by facts. The PAļi
marily employed in the Buddhistic sense of the words dhammachakka and Sariputta always
various classes of Buddha's disciples as monks, assume in Burmese partially Sanskritio forms as
nuns, lay disciples, female devotees, &c., &o. (See dhammachakra and Suriputtard. Again, in a
Childers' Pali Dictionary, page 346). Mr. Burmese inscription, dated 1198 A. D., which was
Houghton's 'violent assumption' that 'the original found at Pagan, the word Nirpan occurs, which
Sanskrit word means rather & council, as in a has closer affinity to the Sanskrit Nirudna than
court, or an assembly of ministers,' and that it to the Påļi Nibbdna; and the Paļi Vissakamma is
was so first used by the Brahmans in the king's always rendered in Burmese as Visakróm (Sanskrit court, the use of the word becoming afterwards Vibvakarman). How would Mr. Houghton explain more generally extended,' is scarcely warranted by this remarkable phenomenon P Could he explain it the circumstances of the case. The supposition in any way other than by saying that the Sanskrit that the word was first introduced in & political, derivatives in the Burmese language are of more and not a religions, sense, and that it then perancient date than the corresponding Pați deriva- meated to the masses is not reasonably justified by tives P
the absence of means for the dissemination of ideas
from a centre of political activity among the masses As regards the pronunciation of the conjunct
of the people, by the difficulty of communication consonant l as anusvara in such words as alldpa
and interoourse, and by the attitude of indifference and salldpa, it is hardly justifiable to adopt the
generally assumed by native rulers towards their standard obtaining in Arakan, though it is un.
subjects. There can be no doubt that the word doubtedly not nowadays a centre of native learn
parissad was introduced into Burma with the ing. Since the fall of Arakan in 1785 A. D. the
Buddhist Religion. capitals of Burma have been the seats of learning and the centres of literary activity for the whole
Prakriti.-My acknowledgments are due to Mr. of the Burmese Empire.
Houghton for rectifying this error. The Sanskrit
derivative is now being superseded by tho Papi Mrigasiras and Pushya.-The point to which
derivative, for the reasons explained above. I would desire to draw attention in connexion with these words is that in Burmese works, such
Prasada. Burmese architecture is, at present, 85 the translations of JAtakas, preference is almost a terra incognita, and it is hard to refute always shown to the employment of Banskrit arguments in the shape of vague Burmises. derivatives. If the Paļi derivatives were already | Preta.-See my remarks on abhisheka above. in existence, and were therefore, better and more The derivative prittd is in very common use strong widely understood, how could we account for the Burmese. That the Buddhistic sense of the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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word is at one with the Sanskritic sense is clearly explanation about the possible confusion of the shewn at page 378 of Childers' Pali Dictionary. two Pați words sattó, a "being, creature, animal,
Rishi. --The derivative from this word is not sentient being, man," and satta, seven, is highly now used as a title of respect when addressing
ingenious, but cannot bear any criticism, because Buddhist monks, the word now in use being rahan:
surely when a Burman with some knowledge of (PAļi, arahan). The modern signification at Påļi reads a book in that language, he would have tached in Burmese to rassé is an anchorite, who common sense enough to construe according to is beyond the pale of the Order of Buddhist the context, and not take the meaning of each Monks. The imputation of pride and conceit to
detached word without any reference to the other Burmese monks, as implied by Mr. Houghton's words in the same sentence. Mr. Houghton remarks, is, I think, uncalled for and unjustifiable. says: - "It seems probable that the Sanskrit In spite of the high authority of Dr. Judson, who
form of this word (which is mainly used in philo. is, by the way, not an authority on Pali or San- sophical works) was adopted in Burmese ..." skrit, the Pali form isi of the word rishi is never This Sansksit derivative occurs as sattud, in an found in Burmese as a naturalized word. In ancient inscription of Pagan, dated 585 B. E. translating isi its equivalent rassé is invariably (1223 A. D.). used. In this connexion it may be interesting to Here, again, we have an instance where the word note that Sanskrit and Pali derivatives are is derived from the Sansk pit sattva, and not by the Burmese sometimes coupled together, from the Paļi satta. &B if the object is to explain one by the Sakra.-Mr. Houghton accuses me of allowing other:
my religious zeal to overstep my discretion in kan kramma = kamma PAļi + karman
giving this personage" the title of the "Re(Sanskrit)
cording Angel of Buddhism :" "A very little kap kambha = kappa (Pali) + kalpa (San. enquiry would have shown him” that Childers skpit)
makes use of this very title in his Dictionary (page Rased Rahan: = Řishi (Sanskpit) + Arahan
419), and that the Burmese notions regarding (Pali)
this god are more in conformity with Buddhist Amépuccha praagang = Ames (Burmese) +
than with Hindu ideas. puccha (Paļi) + praśna (Sanskrit)
The point at issue, therefore, between Mr. The above combinations are frequently met
Houghton and myself is, whether Sanskrit with in Burmese prose.
or Pali derivatives were first introduced into Samudra.-In Burmese books, so far as I have the Burmese language. His remarks appear read them, the word samuddard is always used, in a to show that he is in favour of the theory literal and not a metaphorical sense, in preference which accords priority to the latter class of to the vernacular word pintè. In Burmese poetry derivatives. I venture to hold the opposite the two words are sometimes found joined view and to base my conclusion on the together. I should be glad to know the grounds
following statements of fact:of Mr. Houghton's statement: - "It was there
In the Buddhist literature of the Burmese we fore probably introduced at a late period by
meet with the remarkable phenomenon of trars. some philosophical writer."
lating Pali words by means of Sanskrit derivaSariputra.--Theform Sdriputtard as well as that tives; e. g. of amraik (Sanskrit amrita, PAļi amata) are found, in the Paramigàn, the "Paradise Lost” of the
Sanskrit
Original form of PAli word.
the derivative Burmese. This work was compiled by Bilavamsa,
derivative.
in Sanekrit. a learned monk of Taungdwingyi in the Magwê District of Upper Burma, in the latter half of the Amata. Amraik.
Amrita. 15th Century A. D.
Dhammachakka. Dhammachakra Dharmachakra. Sattva.-Here, again, Mr. Houghton has been Kamme. Kramma. Karman. misled by Dr. Judson, who says that sattava | Sakka.
Sakrát
Sakra. means a 'rational being' in Burmese, which is Samudda Samuddara. Samudra. not a complete definition. The sense in which Sangaha. Sangroh. Sangraha. this word is used in Sanskrit, Pali, and Burmese Skriputta. Såriputtara. Såriputra. is nearly identical. In Burmese we speak of lu Satta.
Sattava. Sattva. sattavd. mankind, kon sattaud, animals of the Viesakamma. Vigakrôm. Višvakarman. land, yê sattard, fishes of the sea. Mr. Houghton's
* Spelt phonetically.

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Again, in the ancient inscriptions of Pagan (iii) that the Southern School or Hinayana, dating from the Ilth and 12th centuries we meet the language of whose scriptures is Pali, subwith the Sanskrit form of invocation Sri Namûsequently absorbed and assimilated, by its Buddhiya instead of the customary Påļi form stronger vitality, the Northern School, which, Nawu Tursa Bhagavaty Arahati Sanmisambud. through the cessation of intercourse with dhassa. Also in some inscriptions, as tho Pošus Northern India, had fallen into corruption daung Inscription (see ante, p. 2) traces of the and decay. influence of the Mahiyaina, or Northern School
These inferences are further supported by the of Buddhism, still exist in the expression of the
evolution of the Burmese pagoda, in which ar wish of the donor to attain Buddhahood, and not
combined the stúpa type of Northern India and Arahatship (see Hibbero Lectures, 1881, pp. 251-5).
the chaitya type of Ceylon, as pointed out by the Lastly, that Sanskrit studies were much cultivated
Eclitor of this Journal in his lecture on the subject among the Burmese in ancient times is clearly
before the Anthropological Institute in October proved by the Tet-hn wègyaung Inscription at Pagan, dated 804 B. E. or 142 A.D., which records a list not only of works belonging to the Buddhist I am glad that my short note on the existence Canon, but also of medical, astrological, gram- of Sanskrit derivatives in the Burmese language matical, and poetical works translated from the
has been criticised by Mr. Houghton. The conSanskpit language.
troversy will, I hope, excite some interest in the
subject. At present there is a lamentable dearth These facts appear to indicate:
of scholars in Burma, and Burmese history, (i) That the form of Buddhism first intro- Burmese literature, and Burmese antiquities are duced into Burma Proper was that of the fields in which the labourers are exceedingly few Mshayana or Northern School;
though the harvest should be plentiful and (ii) that the Buddhist scriptures when
rich.
Taw SEIX-Ko. first introduced were written in Sanskrit, which is the language of the Northern School; | Christ's College, Cambridge, March 3th, 1893.
1892.
. NOTES AND QUERIES. WISHING STONES IN BURMA.
the health of relatives, and the girls with recard On the platform of the Shwedagon Pagoda at
to their love affairs.
R. C. TEMPLE. Rangoon there are two Wishing Stones. Thero
BAO, IN DOEUROPEAN FOR MONASTERY, is also one on Mandalay Hill, and one in the
Sangermano in his Description of the Burmese: Kògun Cave in the Amherst District. There are
Empire, written 1780-1808 A.D., nses throughout probably others scattered about the country.
the book the word bso to mean a Buddhist emasThe custom is to formulate a wish in the tery. At p. 90, (reprint 1885) he says, "there is mind and then try and lift the stone, e.g., "I not any village, however small, which has not one want so and so: may the stone be heavy (or light, or more large wooden houses, which are a species as the case may be) if my prayer is heard!" The of convent, by the Portuguese in India called stone is then lifted and if it proves heavy or light, Bao." He means clearly what is called a kyang according as wished, the prayer is heard.
by the Burmese and a vihera in the classics. The Burmese are very fond of testing things Again in the Life of Monsignor Percoto by twice, but not oftener. Accordingly the wish Quirini on page 125 occurs :is nsually repeated twice, reversing the desired "egli sembra dissi, cho i Talapoini non siano weight of the stone: i.e., it is wished to be light che un' avanzo. e rampollo di cotali filo and then heavy, or vice versa. If the prayer is Indiani, menando una vita a quelli somigliante in answered to the same effect twice well and good, certi loro Monisterj, con vocabolo Egizio, o nell' but if the prayer is answered differently at the
Egitto usato, Bsd chiamati." two trials it is neither granted nor denied. The
Lastly in Haswell's Peguan Language, s.v., first trial in such a case is considered the better
there occurs Bha, a monastery. This seems to of the two.
settle the derivation of this word, which puzzled At Rangoon the stones are chiefly used by ola Yulc; scc Hobson-Jobson, s.v., Kyoung, in Supwomen and maidens. The old women to ascertain plement.
R. C. TEMPLE.
.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1893.
BOOK NOTICE.
A SANSKRIT-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, being a have we to assume that the part which has not
practical Handbook, with Transliteration, Acoen. survived contains no words which do not occur tuation, and Etymological Analysis throughout.
in the part which has ? For this reason, though Compiled by ARTHUR A. MACDONELL, M.A., PH.D.,
I fully admit its practical convenience in a work Corpus Christi College, (Deputy) Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford. London,
like the present, I feel compelled to utter a proLongmans, Green & Co., 1893.
test against a fashion, if I may so term it, which I cannot do better than commence by quoting is coming to the front, of treating with too much the first words of the preface of this excellent book.
distrust the works of the oldest Indian Lexico. The aim of the present work is to satisfy, within graphers and Grammarians. I maintain that the compass of a comparatively bandy volume, all a complete Sanskrit dictionary should contain the practical wants not only of learners of Sanskrit, all words given in native dictionaries, whether but also of scholars for purposes of ordinary found in literature or not, for one never knows reading." It will appear from what follows that when & certain word will not be required by this modest aim has been completely arrived at.
the student. Moreover, many of these unquotDr. Macdonell has followed the newer school able words may be found most useful to the of Sanskritists, of whom Professor Whitney is comparative philologist, whether he compare the most prominent leader, in abandoning native Sanskrit with other Aryan languages, or with authorities, and confining himself to words modern Indian languages, and even when he which can be quoted from actual literature. endeavours to study the life history of Sanskrit There is much to be said for this standpoint, and itself. To take an example from the field of no doubt it supplies a convenient hard and fast comparative philology with which I am most principle for the selection of words,-a principle familiar. There is a Hindi word agárs, meaning too, which, in a work like the present, meant "sugar-cane sprouts," the derivation of which more for Sanskrit students than for comparative would be a mystery to the student, who had only a philologists, stands the test of practical useful lexicon based on the theory of the new school to ness. At the same time, with every respect for guide him. The preservation of the g shows that the learned scholars who have adopted it, I feel the word must have come through a Prakrit form bound to protest against it, as being based on a containing either a double gg or a g protected by false assumption. Even assuming that the prin a nasal. This would refer us to a Sanskrit form ciple is a sound one, it is impossible to carry it angdrikd, but no such word is to be found in out thoroughly at the present day. For until Dr. Macdonell's dictionary, as it is not quotable every Sanskrit work in existence has been made from literature. A reference, however, to the accessible to scholars, and has been indexed, it older dictionaries, shows that the Indian lexicois impobeible to say whether any word suggested graphers did give a word angdrikd, meaning for insertion in a dictionary, or any form sug. "sugar-cane sprouts." Here we have a direct gested for insertion in a grammar is quotable or proof that the old lexicographers were right, and not. But putting that point to one side, it is that the writer of a complete Sanskrit dictionary a fallacy to assume that the portion of Sanskrit would not err in including it. But this word is literature of which we have existing remains not only a help to the student of modern Indian contains the omne scibile of the language. I languages. It is a help to the student of Sanskrit believe that the greatest European Sanskrit itself. It is one of the many instances of false scholar will be the first to confess that in many etymologies which occur in that language, and is a particulars his knowledge of Sanskrit is very small valuable example of the way in which the founders beside that of scholars like Hêmachandra or the of Sanskrit (as distinct from the Vedic language) authors of the Dhdtupatha. The latter may, no helped out the paucity of a traditional priests' doubt, be sometimes mistaken, but I should not language of the schools, and made it available for dream of doubting the existence of a word men- the use of the forum, by borrowing words from tioned by them, merely because it did not occur the vernaculars current at the time of the birth in known literature, unless some cogent argument of profane Sanskpit learning. They took these were advanced for showing that they were wrong. Praksit (I use the word for want of a better term) Besides, only a small portion of the whole of words and worked back from them to what they Sansksit literature has survived, and what right considered must have been the original word as
1 For reasons which it is unnecessary to quote here, there is no doubt that the PrAkrit word was aggaadia (i.6., agra, with pleonastic ada and ikd). This is, as a
matter of letters, posible corruption of angariki, but is certainly not derived from that word.

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167
used in Vedio times, and adopted the word thus The only work which I should have been glad to formed as Sanskrit. Sometimes, as in the case see represented, and which has been left out, is of angárika, their etymology, was at fault, but the Nalodaya. This difficult poem has to be read this does not prevent the word being Sanskrit. at some time or other by every serious student
It is therefore well to recognize at once the of Sansksit, and it has the advantage of having limits of Dr. Macdonell's work. For the purpose been excellently edited many years ago by Yates. of the student of Sanskrit literature it is There are many words in it with meanings which admirable and complete, but it does not supply I have not seen in any dictionary. Such are the wants of the comparative philologist nor does (to quote a couple of instances from the first few it pretend to do so.
verses) Vrdj, to be happy (I. 5), adhirdja =rujdHaving said so much about what the dictionary nam adhikritya (I. 7). does not contain, it is time to say what it does. None of the puranas are included in the list, Briefly speaking, it is mainly a dictionary of nor are any of the tantras. The omission of the Classical (or as some call it, “ Profane") San- first is immaterial, for the language of these krit and only contains such Vedic words as occur works is usually of the most simple description. in those portions of Vedic literature which are There are, however, a few words occurring in readily accessible in good selections. Out-of-the- mahatmyas and tantras which the reader will way technical terms are, as a rule, excluded, butamiss. Such are brf-8ákta* (though purusha-stikta special feature of the work is the large number of is given), and bija, in the sense of 'mysticgrammatical and rhetorical terms so necessary formula,'' a word of frequent occurrence in the for the adequate comprehension of native glosses, tantras. Each mystic formula has a name such and which have hitherto not been found in any as maya-bija, and so forth, and they can all be dictionary. Chancing to have had a good deal to found, as well as I remember, in a work called the do with rhetorical terms lately, I have been able Tantra-sára, which has been printed in Calcutta. to test this feature of the work pretty thoroughly, and have found that_Dr. Macdonell's claims to
The arrangement of the dictionary is as con
pact as is compatible with clearness. Compounds usefulness in this respect are amply borne out.
are arranged in convenient groups under a Even when the meaning of a rhetorical term is clear, it is not always easy to hit readily upon
leading word. Before consulting the dictionary,
the reader must be warned to master thoroughly the exact English accepted equivalent. The
the system of punctuation, on which the whole translation of the Sahitya Darpana has hitherto
system of each group of articles depends. Foi been the only guide to the student, but it is
instance, anushangika, occurs under the group inconvenient to use, and only deals with the main stems of the many-branching tree of Hindu
headed by dnu-kul-ika, and unless the meaning
of the preceding semi-colon is understood, a rhetoric. For the purposes of a future edition
learner may be tempted to read the "-shangika," I may refer Dr. Macdonell to a useful little
as dnu-kul-shangika. The system is, however, Hindi book,-Bihari-Tulasi-Bhúshana-Bodha, by
simplicity itself, and, what is wanted in a Paudit Bihari Lal Chaube, which gives an alpha
dictionary, aids compactness, without sacrificing betical list of some hundred and fifty rhetorical
in any way the readiness with which a word can terms, each of which is fully explained, together
be found. On one point I must congratulato with examples from Hindi literature.
Dr. Macdonell on having the courage to revert to Dr. Macdonell, in his preface, gives a list of the books to which the dictionary specially refers.
Benfey's system of giving verbal prepositions in
alphabetical order after the last forin of the It contains some forty names, principally of the high classical period of Sanskrit literature. It
simple verb with which they are used. includes such difficult works as the Kadambari, Although references are not given, all that is the Kiritdrjuniya, and the Sisupalavadha. really necessary to the ordinary student is to be Curiously enough the Ramayana is not men- found, viz, the literary period to which each word tioned, though no doubt every word in that not or meaning belongs, and the frequency or rarity very extensive epic will be found duly explained of its occurrence. Another point of importance
? Printed at the Kharg Bilas Press, Bankipur. The half of the 17th Century and the whole of the 18th book deals ostensibly with Hindi rhetorie, but it is nearly the only celebrated authors (always excepting equally useful for Sanskrit students, the technical the incomparable Biharf LAI) were men who taught terms being all borrowed from Sanskrit. I may men- people how to write poetry, but who could not write it tion that the study of rhetoric has been carried to astonishing lengths by Hindi writers, commencing with I omit from consideration the larger Petersburg K ava Dasa, who flourished in the middle of the 17th | Dictionary which I am not just now able to consult. century. After the death of Tulasi Dasa (1623 A. D.), 1 • Given in the smaller Petersburg Dictionary. poetry disappeared from India, and during the latter Not in the smaller Petersburg Dictionary.

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is that wherever the accent is known from Vedic uncommon, and can always be referred through texts it has been indicated in the transliteration. Pråkpit either to a Sanskřit , or to a Sansksit
The etymological portion of the dictionary is, ati (a-i, 4. a). Henco I believe that this second so far as it goes, complete. As already men- meaning of akupya is to be referred to a Prakrit tioned, it does not aim at comparative philology, form of ikupya or atikupya. outside the bounds of the Sanskrit language. In order to test the vocabulary of this dicAll words, -except the small number which defy
tionary, I have gone through the first sixty pages analysis, have been broken up into their com
of the Kidambari, and compared it with the ponent parts in the transliteration. When these dictionary hitherto available to English scholars, mcans failed, the derivation is concisely added in
that of Sir Monier Williams. In these sisty brackets. I only regret that Dr. Macdonell did
pages there are about eighteen words which I not take advantage of the opportunity to point
have failed to find in the older work, all of which, out how much Sanskrit, and especially Classical with a few unimportant exceptions, are duly Sanskrit, is indebted to words borrowed from registered in that under consideration. The ex. vernaculars in a state of much greater phonetic ceptions are of no moment, and cause no trouble decay than that at which the main portion of
to the reader. Those I have noticed in my the language had been arrested. This is a wide
edition of the Kidambarí, are aklishtati (aklishta field, bardly touched upon as yet, save by Prof.
is given), úshuidhin (ashálha, a palása-staff, is Zacharia; and is one which promises with little
given), utsuda (utsddana is given), rasita (rasita labour to yield a bounteous fruit. Words like
is given) rúpa (rípa mrigah svabhivavantah angdra already mentioned, the possible connec
Wledócha, comm., bakuni-júna (bakuna-jauna, is tion between verbal bases such as ichchha, and given). This will show the thoroughness with pea, (both Vedio) parallel forms such as kapata
which the work has been done, and of how far it and kawita, leshurika and chhurika, gdha and
supersedes previous similar books. Of the above griha (both Vedic), pattra and patta, and hundreds
omitted words, only one (utsdda) is found in the of others, point to one of two things, either the
smaller St. Petersburg Dictionary. existence of dialects at the time the Vedic hymns were composed (if not when they were compiled),
I have alrendy drawn attention to the compact or else to the borrowing, by a language already
and convenient arrangement of the articles. A stereotyped, of words from vernaculars in a later
word of praise must also be given to the beautistage of phoneticnl growth. Both of these facts
| fully clear type, and to the freedom from misfall well within the province of the etymological prints, an accuracy which makes an Anglolexicographer: and a correct appreciation of
Indian condemned to hard labour at the hands both is absolutely necessary to comprehend the
of Calcutta compositors sigh with envy relationship between Profane and Vedic Sanskrit, In conclusion, I must congratulate Prof. Macand between the former and the Vernaculars of
donell on being the first to produce a scientific India from the time of Asoka to the present day.cally arranged Sanskrit dictionary, of convenient One word I miss from Dr. Macdonell's dictionary, size and moderate cost. Measured by its aim it which well illustrates what I mean, - akupya. is a complete and brilliant success, and if here The word is not quotable, and hence it is quite and there I have appeared to be a chhidrinveshan, rightly omitted, but still I should have been glad I have referred not to the execution of what has to know what a skilled etymologist such as he been done, but have only expressed my regrets is, would have said about it. The word has two that his aim has not been a higher one. But meanings 'not (a) base metal (kupya),' and 'base then, if it had been as I wish it, and if Dr. metal.' Other dictionaries explain the second Macdonell had given us still more gifts from the meaning by declaring the a to be expletive, that storehouse of his learning, the size of his book is to say ignotum per ignotius. Pandits give the would not have been convenient, nor would its cost a its negative force, and say the word means have been moderate. Things are better as they
that metal with reference to which all other are, and we may hope for, at some future time, metals are not base,' i.e., 'metal which is very a lexicon embracing the whole Sanskrit language, base. I believe that a reference to the despised and dealing with it in all its aspects from his vernaculars and Prakrits will clear up the diffi.
competent pen. culty. In the former this a prefix is by no means
G. A. GRIERSON.
I am, of course, aware of the ow theory regarding these chchha bases. But whether ichchha is an original Sanskrit base or not, the fact that the Prakrit form of fpea, to wish to obtain, to desire, is also ichchha, cannot be overlooked by the student of Sanskrit etymology.
So also they talk of a word a-vara (not ava-ra), very excellent' : 'that with reference to which all other things are not excellent.'
e.g. Hindi achapala = chapala.

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169
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE BRIHAT-SAMHITA.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., Ph.D., C.I.E. THE topographical information contained in the Brihat-Samhita of Varahamihira
1 is to be tound chiefly in chapter xiv., entitled kúrma-vibhaga or “the Division of the Globe;" the special object of wbich, in conformity with the astrological nature of the whole work, is to provide an arrangement from which it may be determined what countries and peoples suffer calamity when particular nakshatras or lunar mansions are vexed by the planets. For this purpose, the twenty-seven nakshatras, commencing with Ksittikâh (the Pleiades), are divided into nine groups, of three each ; and the globe, into a corresponding numbers of nine divisions, starting with the Madhyadeśa or middle country, as the central part of Bhäratavarsha or the inhabitable world, and then running round the compass from east to north-east. And an application of the distribution, - though not a very careful one, unless it can be improved or corrected by any emendation of the present text,- is given in verses 32, 33, of the same chapter; where we learn that, as the groups of nakshatras are vexed, commencing with that of which the first nakshatra is Āgnêya or Krittikâh, so, in due order, destruction and death come upon the kings of the Pañchâlas (middle-country), of Magadha (eastern division), of Kalinga (south-east division), of Avanti (southern division), of Anarta (south-west division), of the Sindhu-Sanviras (again the south-west division), of the Harahauras or Hårahauras (not mentioned elsewhere), of the Madras (north-west division), and of the Kauņindas (north-east division).
The first part of my catalogue, the divisional list, gives all the names thus mentioned in chapter xiv., as it runs in Dr. Kern's edition, arranged alphabetically under the divisions of the country adopted by Varkhamihira. As has been indicated, the primary division is the Madhyadosa or middle country. I do not find any definition of this term in the Brihat-Sanhita. And there seem to be differences in respect of its limits. Thus, Prof. H. H. Wilson has spoken of it as being "the country along the Narmadá;" and Albêrûni, from the information given to him, has explained it as being "the country all around Kanauj, which is also called Aryavarta." Sir Monier Monier-Williams, however, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives it a considerably more ample extent; defining it as "the country lying between the Himalayas on the north, the Vindhya mountains on the south, Vinasana on the west," i.e. apparently the place where the river Sarasvati was supposed to lose itself in the sand, “Prayaga on the east, and comprising the modern provinces of Allahâbâd, Ågrâ, Dehli, Oude, &c." And this seems to be more in consonance with Varahamihira's view : since we find him including in it, on the east, Såketa (Oude), 8 and on the west, the Maru country (Marwad), and the Sarasvatas or people living on the banks of the Sarasvatî which rises in Mount Abu, and, running almost due south, flows into the Ran of Cutch; while, on the other hand, the Yamunas or people living on the banks of the Jamnâ, which rises in the Himalayas, are placed by him partly in the middle country and partly in the northern division, and the Vindhya mountains, which run across the peninsula and constitute the northern boundary of the valley of the Narmada, are excluded by him from the middle country altogether, though, in connecting them only with the south-east division, he fails to represent fully their extent.
In presenting this divisional list, I do not mean to suggest that it furnishes materials for preparing an accurate map of ancient India; or that the cities, rivers, mountains, tribes, &c.,and especially the tribes,- belong actually and only to the divisions to which they are allotted by Varahamihira. Mistakes in his details can easily be shewn: for instance, though he places Kachchha and Girinagara both in the southern division, he locates Raivataka in the southwest; whereas this mountain is quite close to Girinagara (Junagadh) and the Girnår mountain,
1 Vishnu-Purana, Translation, Vol. IV. p. 64, note 3. · Albirani's India, Translation, Vol. I. p. 173 ; also see p. 198.
• So also the Matsya Purana places Ayodha (Oude) in the Madhyadéks; see Vishnu-Purana, Translation, Vol. IV. p. 168, note ul.

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and is considerably to the south of Cutch. My object is to make a start, in order that, when the lists of other books have been treated in the same way and all have been compared, we may then be in a position to put all the materiais together, and arrive at some consolidated and satisfactory results.
In addition to the divisional list of chapter xiv., the astrological statements that run through the whole book, and in particular verses 1 to 39 of chapter xvi., which define "the countries, peoples, and things belonging to the domain of each planet," add a variety of other names which are not mentioned at all in chapter xiv. All these names I have included, with those taken from chapter xiv., in the general alphabetical list. And here I have inserted notes on some of the names, chiefly in the direction of quoting the earliest epigraphic references to them; but without attempting to give all that might be said about them, or about the others that I have passed over without comment. Little, if anything, in a topographical direction, is to be learnt from these astrological references; which simply tell us, for instance, that (chap. xviii. Verse 6) “should the Moon leave Saturn at her right, then sovereigns keeping the town will "triumph, and the Sakas, Bahlikas, (the people of) Sindhu, Pahlavas and Yavanas, be joyful." They are of value only as tending to indicate the comparative importance or notability of the different tribes and places, as judged by the number of different allusions to each of them. To apply them in any other way, e. g. to assume that the names mentioned in one and the same passage are to be referred to much about one and the same locality, would only be conducive to error. Thus, such a rule might be applied in respect of the verse just mentioned, without going far wrong. But chapter iv. verse 25, and chapter xvi. verse 22, give clear instances to the contrary. The former couples the Arjunayanas and the Yaudhêyas, who belong to the northern division, and the Kauravas, who, as the people of Kuru-land, may perhaps be referred to the northern division, with the Pragišas or kings of the eastern country. And the latter couples the Arjaniyanas, Yandhyas, Traigartas, Pauravas, and Vatadhanas, of the northern division, with the Ambashthas of the east or south-west, the Paratas of the west, and the Sarasvatas and Matsyas of the middle country. But little, therefore, if anything at all, could be gained, in this or any similar list, by noting the way in which different names are connected with each other in the astrological passages.
DIVISIONAL LIST. The Madhyadosa or middle country in- Surasênas, Uddehikas, Ujjihanas, Upajyotislas, clades (xiv, 2, 3, 4) Gajapura (see under Gaja- | Vatsas, and Yamunas. hvava), Kalakote, Kapishthala, Mathura], The eastern division includes (xiv. 5, 6, 7) and Sakêta ;
[Chandrapura), Kasi, Mekala, the milky sea the Maru and [Udumbaral countries; (kishírôla), the eastern) ocean (sumulru), the Dharmiranya forest;
[Tàmalipti], and Vardhamana ;[the rivers Samsvati and Yamunâ];
the [Košaln), Magadha, Mithila, [Pundra], and the following tribes or peoples; the Samatata, and Udra countries;Arimêdas, Aśvatthas, Audumbaras, Bhadras, the mountains Añjann, Malyavat, Padma, Gauragrîvas, Ghoshas, Gulas, Kaukas, Kuku- Sibira, Udayagiri, and Vpishabhadhvaja ;ras, Korns, Madhyamikas, Manilavyas, Mathu- the river Lauhitya;rakas, Matsyas, Nipas, Panchalas, Pandus, and the following tribes or peoples; the Salvas or Sålvas, Samkhyatas, Sarasvatas, Ambashthas, Bhadras, Chandrapuras, Dantura
• As far as the end of chapter lxxxv., of course I have utilized Dr. Kern's translation. It is to be found in the Jour. 1. 18. Soc., N. S., Vol. IV. pp. 130-479 (chap. i. to vii.); Vol. V. pp. 15-90 (chap. viii. to xv.), and pp. 231.288 (chap. xvi. to xxxv.): Vol. VI. pp. 35-91 (chap. xxxvi. to li.), and pp. 279-338 (chap. liii. to lxiv. ; chap. lii., on boils and their consonon , is loft untranslated, as being of no interest whatever); and Vol. VII. pp. 81-134 (chap. lxv. to lxxxv.). I havo glanced through the remaining nineteen chapters, without actually reading them here, the Dévaailgari characters, with their absonca of capitala, may possibly have caused me to pass over a point or two which otherwiso I might have noted; but I think that I have not onittod anything of importance.
Names in square brackets are supplied from the tribal appellations ; thus, in the present instance, Mathura, from the mention of the lathurakas.

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kas, Gandakas, Karvațas, Kaušalakas, Khasas, The south-west division includes (xvi. Paundras, Pragjyotishas, Suhmas, Tâmaliptikas, 17, 18, 19) the great ocean (mahirnava), and and Utkalas; also the cannibals (purushada), Vadavâmukha ;the horse-faced people (asvavadana), the one the Ânarta, Dravida, Kamboja), Paragava, footed people (ékapada), the people with ears shaped like a sickle (óúrpukarna), and the tiger- the mountains Hômagiri, Phênagiri, and faced people (vyághramukha).
(Rêvataka);The south-east division includes (xiv. ,
the river (or country) Sindhu ;9, 10) Hêmakûndya, the islands of bark, of
and the following tribes or pooples; the bulls, andof cocoanuts, Kantakasthala, Kish
Abhiras, Ambasbthas, Aravas, Badaras, kindha, and Tripuri;--
Barbaras, Chanchûkas, Kalakas, Kapilas, the Andhra, Anga, [Chêdi], Kalinga, Kobala,
Karnapravêyas, Khandas, Kirktas, Makaras,
Pahlavas, Raivatakas, Sindhu-Sauviras, Upavanga, Vanga, and Vidarbha countries;
Sudras, and Yavanas; also the eaters of (raw) the Vindhya mountains;
flesh (kravyásin), and the people with the and the following tribes or peoples; the
faces of women (nárímulsha). Chêdikas, Daśârņas, Jatharas, Maulikas (or "Saulikas), Nishadas, Purikas, Sabaras (specified The western division includes (xiv. 20, as the leaf-clad 'Sabarus and the naked 'Sabaras), 21) the region of gold (kanaka), and TaraSaulikas (or Maulikas), Smaśrudharas, and kshiti; Vatsas ; also the great-necked people (mahúgri
the Pañohanada and Ramatha countries ;vu), the high-throated people ardhvakantha),
the collection of forests (ranaugha); and the snake-necked people (vyalagriva). the mountains Astagiri, Kshurárpaņa,
The southern division includes (xiv. 11-16) | Manimat, Meghavat, and Prasasta; Akara, Atri's hermitage, [Avanti], Baladeva
and the following tribes or peoples; the pattana, the beryl-mines (vaidarya), Bharu
Aparantakas, Haihayas, Jsingas, Mlêchchhas, kachchha, Chitraķûta, (the places for obtaining)
Paratas, Sakas, Santikas, Vaisyas, and conch-sheils (sarkha), Dašapura, Dharmapat
Vokkâņas. tava, the elephants' glen (kunjaradari), Gana- The north-west division includes (xiv. rajya, Girinagara, the hermitages (tápasásrama), 22, 23) the kingdom of the amazons (strithe islands (dvipa), Kanchi, [Karmanêya], Kol- rújya); lagiri, Krauñchadvipa, Lanka, Maruchipattana,
the Asmaka, Kulûta, and Lahada or Ladaha Násikya, the southern ocean (ydmyodadhi), (the
countries; places for obtaining) pearls (mukta), Sinhala,
the forest of the man-lions (nrisimhaTalikata, Vanavasi, and Vellûra :
vana); the Chêra), Chola, Kachchha, Karpata, the rivers Garuhâ or Guruha, Phalgulaka, [Kerala], Konkana, and Tankana countries; and Vêņumati;
the Dandakavana and Tambavana forests, and the following tribes or peoples; the and the great forest (mahatava);
Charmarangas, Halas or Lahas, Madras, Månthe mountains Dardura, Kusuma, Mahên. davyas, Marakachchas, Sulikas (or Malikas), dra, Malaya, Malindya, Rishyamuka, and Talas, and Tukhâras; also the dwellers in the Sûrps ;
sky (khastha), the one-eyed people (@kapilóthe rivers Kåvêri, Krishna, Tâmraparņin, chana), the long-faced people (dirghásya), the and Vên ;
long-haired people (dirghakésa), and the people and the following tribes or peoples; the
with long-necks (darghagriva). Åbhiras, Aryakas, A vantakas, Bhadras, Chêr. yas, Gônardas, Kairalakas, KålAjinas, Kauka
The northern diivsion includes (xiv. 24-28) tas, Kirmaņêyakas, Kirnas, Phaņikaras, Pisi
Bhôgaprastha, the city of spirits (Chútapura), kas, Rishabhas, Rishikas, Sauris, and Sibikas:
[Pushkalâvati], [Takshásilk], Vasâti, and also, the mariners (várichara), the peoplo with
Yaśôvati; thick matted hair (jatádhara), and the eaters the Adarsa, Antardvipin, Gândhåra, (Málaof whales (timingildsana.)
| va], Trigarta, and (Uttara-Kurn) countries ,

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the mountains Dhanushmat, Himavat | The north-east division includes (xiv. 29, (Himalaya) Kailasa, Kranñcha, Blêru, and 30, 31) Brahmapura, the kingdom of the dead Vasumat;
(nashtarijya), the gold-region (suvarnablue), the river (Yamuna] :
and the marshes or swamps (Palála); and the following tribes or peoples; the the [Kasmira] and Kulûta countrios; Agnidhras or Agnityas, Ambaras, Arjuna yanas, the forest of Vasus or spirits (vasuvana), the Dandapingalakas, Dasamêyas, Dasêrakas, Gav- forest-kingdom (vanarájya), and tho forestyas, Hématalas, Hûņas, Kachchâras, Kaikayas, territory (vanarashtra); - Kailâvatas, Kanthadhânas, Kohalas, Kshatri- the mountains Mêruka and Muñja ;yas (under the name of rajanya), Kshēma. and the following tribos or peoples; the dhûrtas, Kshudramînas, Madrakas, Malavas, Abhisaras, Anaviśvas, Bhallas, Chinas, Dáma. Manahalas, Mandavyas, Pauravas, Push kala- ras, Daradas, Dirvas, Gandharvas, Ghôshas, vatas, Saradhanas, Sitakas (or Satakas), Sya- Kašmiras, Kauņindas, Khashas, Kiras, Kiratas, makas, Takshasilas, Udichyas, Uttara-Kurus, Kuchikas, Kuņathas, Pauravas, Sairindhas, Vâtadhanas, Yamunas, and Yaudhêyas; also and Tangaņas; also the nomads (pasupála), the flat-nosed people (chipitanásika) the thick the wearers of bark (chiranivasana), the haired people (kesadhara), the roamers in the dwellers in the sky (diri shtha), the demons sky (khachara), the dog-faced peoplo (svamu- with matted hair or elf-locks (jafásteret), the kha), and the horse-faced people (turage-one-footed people (ékacharana), and the threenana).
eyed people (trinétra).
ALPHABETICAL LIST. Abhira, or Åbhira, the name of a people mines," considers that it denotes the modern
placed in the southern division, xiv. 12, and Khindosh. The name apparently occurs in in the south-west division, xiv. 18; miscel- one of the Nâsik inscriptions Archool. Surv. laneous astrological references, v. 38, 42; West. Indl. Vol. IV. p. 109), and in the Junaix. 19; xvi. 31. One of the Nâsik inscrip- gadh inscription of Rudradaman (Inul. Ant. tions mentions an Abhîra king (Archæol. Vol. VII. p. 262; the text has Ákar-Avan ty-). Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 104). And the Alaka, apparently a city; the lord of Alaka Abhiras are named among the tribes subju- (Alaka-nátha), misc. ref., xi. 58. Kern in gated by Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, his translation gives the feminine form, p. 14).
Alaka; which, however, does not suit the Abhisára, a people in the north-east division, metre. The published text is Ikshváku
xiv. 29; misc. ref., xxxii. 19. The Abhisara Rulakanathan, “the [kshvâkus and the lord country is supposed to be the modern Hazara, of Ralaka ;" with the various readings of in the Pañjab (McCrindle's Invasion of India kukula and rulaka, for ralaka. But, in a by Alexander the Great, p. 69, note 3).
note to his translation, Kern prefers IkshudAdarśa, a country in the northern division, kur-Alakanaths; which is the reading of xiv. 25.
the commentary, and is supported by the Agnidhra, or Agnidhra, a people in the remark Alaká-nagari tan-náthô rájá. The
northern division, xiv. 25. In his text, only other Alaka that is known, is the city Kern reads Bhögaprasth - Arjunayan-Agni- of Kubêra. The name of Ralaka is not dhráh; and in his various readings he notes otherwise known at all. that one MS. gives Agrioyá, but all the amazons, the kingdom of the (denoted by others, except the one from which tho word strirajya), in the north-west division, xiv. in his text is taken, Agnityah. In his trans- 22; misc. ref., xvi. 6. Albêrûni says, "Stri. lation he gives "Agnidhras (or Agnityas)." rajya, i. e. women among whom no man Albêrûnî has given the Brihat-Sarikitá divi. dwells longer than half a year." sional list (India, Translation, Vol. I. pp. Ambara, a people in the northern division, 300-303); and here he gires "Agnitya."
xiv. 27. Âkara, a place in the southern division, siv. 12. Ambashțha, a people in the eastern division,
Kern, who translates the word by "the xiv. 7; also in the south-west, xiv. 17; misc.

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ref., xi. 19; xvi. 22. In a note to his trans- See also Aparântya.' Mention is made of lation, Kern remarks that the Ambash thas the Aparanta people or country in one of the of the eastern division are the Ambaste of Násik inscriptions Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Ptolemy, vii. 1, 66 seq.; and that they are Vol. IV. p. 109), and in the Junagadh not to be confounded with their namesakes inscription of Rudradâman (Ind. Ant. Vol. in the south-west.
VII. p. 262). And one of the Asöka edicts Aparta, a country in the south-west division, classes the Yavanas, Kambojas, and Gandhå
xiv. 17; misc. ref., v. 80; xiv. 33; xvi. 31. ras as áparánta (id. Vol. XX. pp. 240, 241). This country is mentioned in the Junagadh Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has said that inscription of Rudradaman (Ind. Ant. Vol. there are reasons for thinking that Sôpârâ, VII. pp. 262, 263).
in the Thana District (see under 'Saarparaka'), Andhra, or Andhra, a country, and the people was the chief place in the Aparânta country
of it, in the south-east division, riv. 8; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XV. p. 274, misc. ref., xvi. 11 ; xvii. 25; - the lord of and note 3). Andhra, or of the Andhras (Andhra-pati), Aparântya, a people, evidently identical with misc. ref., xi. 59. The Andhras are carried | Aparântaka, q. v.; misc. ref., v. 40, ix. 15. back to the third century B. C. by one of the Arava, a people in the south-west division, edicts of Asoka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 239, xiv. 17. 240, 247, 248). Other early epigraphic Arbuda (the modern Mount Abû), misc. ref., references are to be found in Gupta Inscrip: v. 68; xvi. 31 ; xxxii. 19. tions, p. 230, and Archäol. Sury. West. Ind. Arimêda, a people in the middle country, Vol. IV. p. 127.
xiv. 2. Anga, a country in the south-east division, Arjunảyana, a people in the northern division,
ziv. 8; misc. ref., v. 72; ix. 10; x. 14; xiv. 25; misc. ref., iv. 25; xi, 59; xvi. 22;
xi. 56; xxxii. 15. See under Jathara. xvii. 19. The Arjunayapas are named among Anjana, & mountain in the eastern division, the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta xiv. 5.
(Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14). An early coin Antard vipa, or Antardvipin, a region in the of the Arjanîyanas is figured in Prinsep's northern division, xiv. 25.
Essays, Vol. II. p. 223, Plate xliv. No. 22. Antargiri, a mountain region; misc, ref., v. 42. Arya, a people; misc, ref., v. 42, where Kern
In a note to his translation Kern remarks -- takes the word as meaning "the inhabitants “I am not able to say which part of the of Arya varta," q. v. Himalayan hill country was called Antar- Aryaka, a people in the southern division, giri; it may be Kumaon, or a still more xiv. 15. eastern district. Cf. ch. xvi. 2, and Maha- Aryavarta, the inhabitants of Aryavárta (the bhår. II. ch. xxvii. 3." In xvi. 2, the origi- text uses the nom. plur.), which is a cusnal has bahir-antah-saila-jáh, "the people tomary name for Northern India; misc. ref., beyond and within the mountains ;" note, v. 67. See also uttarapatha. The word "i. e. a part of the Himalaya,"
Aryavarta means 'the abode of the Aryas, Antarvédi, & region; misc, ref., v. 65. Kern or excellent or noble people. It is used to
translates by "the Doab." The name may denote Northern India in the Allahabad apply to any Doab: but it usually denotes inscription of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscripthe country lying between the Ganga and tions, p. 13). In the Múnavadharmasastra, the Yamuna, which is mentioned as Ganga- ii. 22 (Burnell's Translation, p. 18) Aryavarta Yamun-antarála, in lxix. 26, misc. ref.; and is defined as the land between the Himalaya it is used in that sense in the Indôr grant and Vindhya mountains, extending to the
of Skandagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 69). eastern and to the western seas. But a Annvisva, a people in the north-east division, more precise division between Northern and xiv. 31.
Southern India is given by the poet RajaA parantaka (v. l. A parantika)," the people sekhara, who, in the 'Bálarámáyana, Act
of the western marches," a people in the 6 (see V. Sh. Apte's Rajasekhara : his Life western division, ziv. 20; misc, ref., v. 70. and Writings, p. 21), speaks of the river

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1
DO
Narmada (the Nerbudda'), which rises in, Avantaka, the inhabitants of Avanti or Avanti, and runs along close to the south of, the 1 9. v., a people in the southern division, xiv. Vindhya range, as "the dividing line of 12; misc, ref., v. 73. See also Avanta' and Aryavarta and the dakshinapatha."
Avantika.' Asikn, a people; misc. ref., xi. 56. Mention Avanti, a city (better known as Ujjayani, q. t.,
is made of the Asika people or country in or Ujjayin1), misc. ref., v. 40; ix, 17; also one of the Nasik inscriptions (Archæol. Suru. an inhabitant of the same, misc. ref., ix. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109).
18, 21. See also Avanti, Avanta, Avantaka, Asmaka, #country, and the people of it, in and Åvantika.' The name Avanti occurs in
the north-west division, xiv. 22 ; mise, ref., inscriptions at Nâsik and Ajanta (Archæol. v. 39, 73, 74; ix, 18, 27; xvi. 11; xxxii. Sury, West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 109, 127), and 15; the lord of Asmaka (Asmaka-pa, in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman, -nátha, -narendra) misc. ref., xi. 54, 55; xvii. Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262; the text has 15. Below his translation of xiv. 22, Kern Åkar-Avanty-). adds the note- "the Assakanoi of the Avanti, a city, the same as Avanti, q.o.; misc. Greeks." Mention is made of the Asmaka ref., xi. 35. people or country in one of the Ajanta inscrip- Avantika, & king or other inhabitant of
tions (drchæol. Suru. West. Ind. IV. p. 131). Avanti or Avanti,' q. v. misc, ref., v. 64; astagiri, the mountain behind which the sun lxxxvi. 2. See also Âvanta' and Avantaks.'
sets,' in the western division, xiv. 20. Ayodhyaka, the inhabitants of Ayodhyâ, which Asvattha, #people in the middle country, is the modern Ajodhya, Audh, Awadh, or xiv. 3.
Oade;' misc. ref., iv. 24. See also Sakêta.' asvamukha, horse-faced people;' misc. ref., The name Ayodhyâ occurs in the spurious
xvi. 35. See also asvavadana' and 'turaga- grant of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, nana.'
p. 257). asvavadana, 'horse-faced people,' in the eastern
division, xiv. 6; identified by Kern with the Bådara, a people in the south-west division, Hippoprosôpoi of the Periplus Maris Ery- ziv. 19. thræi. See also asvamukha' and turagá- Bahlika, a country, and the inhabitants of it; nana.'
misc. ref., v. 37; xviii. 6. See also . Bahlika, Atri (the hermitage of), in the southern divi- Vâhlika, and Váhlika.' sion, xiv. 14.
Båhlfka, the same as Bahlika, 9. v.; misc. ref., Audra or Odra, a country (the modern Orissa), . 7; xvi. 1; xvii. 13, 25; xxxii. 15. In and the people of it; misc, ref., v. 74. See xvi, 1, Kern translates by "Balkh." also .Udra.'
Babugiri, rendered by Kern by "hill-districts," Audumbara, the people of the Udumbara
but perhaps the name of some particular country, in the middle country, xiv. 4. mon ntainous country; misc. ref., xvi. 26. See also Udumbara.'
Baladêvapattana, a city in the southern diviAnjjayanika, the people of Ujjayant, q..; sion; xiv, 16. Below his translation Kern misc. ref., xi. 56.
gives the note- "the Balaipatna of Ptolemy, Auáinara, 'a king of the Ukinaras,' q. v.; misc. so that the reading Palaipatna, preferred by ref., xi. 55.
Lassen, is proved to be a falso form." Avagâņa, or Avagâņa a people or country; Barbara, a people in the south-west division, misc. ref., xi. 61; xvi. 38. Kern translates xiv. 18; misc. ref., v. 42. the word by Afghans,' in both places. In bark, the island of charmadvipa), in the xi. 61, among other various readings there south-east division, xiv. 9;- wearers of are Chål-Abakána, Chol-Anhang ana, and bark (chiga-nivasana), a people in the northChola-Varga-Kaukana ; and in xvi. 38, east division, xiv. 31. Ch8l-Avagána, and Ch8l-Abakána.
beryl-mines (vaidúrya), in the southern division, Avanta, a king or other inhabitant of Avanti xiv. 14.
or Avanti, q. v. ; misc. ref., xiv. 33. See Bhadra, a people in the middle country, xiv. 2; also Avantaka' and Avantika.'
and in the eastern division, xiv. 7; and in

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the southern division, xiv. 16. In a note to with the note" or Bhásápura or Bhásávaras. his translation of xiv. 7, Kern explains the "May be, Bhásáparas (= Bhásávaras) means name by "the Blessed," and suggests that " those who live on this side of Mount the Bhadras are probably the same with the "Bhasa." Utpala gives no explanation. Bhadraśvas, q. v.
Bhimarnth, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 9. The Bhadraśva, a people, to be placed in the middle published text has Bhimarathdyáh, which
country if identified with the Bhadras; the Kern rendered by “ (the inhabitants of the king of the Bhadrâśvas (Bhadráśva-nripa), western half of the district) of the Bhimaramiso, ref., ix. 11. In a note to his transla- tha.” A various reading is Bhimarathyâyah, tion, Kern remarks-“The Bhadraśvas area which gives the name of Bhîmarathya. A mythical peoplo, fabled to live in the remote grant of the Eastern Chalukya king VishEast, or, according to the phrase of the nuvardhana I. gives the name as Bhimarathi astronomical Siddhantas, at 90° E. from (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. pp. 304, 310). The Lanka, in the region where Yavakoti, “Java river is undoubtedly the modern Bhima, Point," is situated. (The reading Yamakoti which rises in the Sahyadri range, and flows is erroneous; for Yama's kingdom is in the into the Krishna near Raichur. South, not in the East; and, besides, the Bhringi (?), a people (?); misc. ref., iv. 22. compound Yamakôţi is devoid of sense.) There are the various readings of Bhrigi, The origin of the Bhadrâśvas living near Jsingi, and Vannga; and in his translation the Udayagiri may be traced, I think, to Kern stamps the word as “very doubtful." Rigveda, i. 115, 2, seq."
Bhôgáprastha, a (?) people, in the northern Bhalla, (v. 1. Bhilla), a people in the north-east division, xiv. 25. division, xiv. 30.
Bhôgavardhana, a (?) city or country; misc. Bharata, a people; misc. ref. xvi. 21.
ref., perhaps an interpolation, xvi. 12. Bharatavarsha, xiv. 1. The word occurs in Bhútapura, the city of spirits,' in the northern
other works as Bharatavarsha. In the division, xiv. 27. latter form, it means the country of Bharata ;' | Brahmapura, a city, in the north-east division, and in the other, the country of the Bharatas xiv. 30. or descendants of Bharata. And it is a balls, the island of (urishadvipa), in the southname for the whole of India, the first king east division, xiv. 9. of which is held to have been Bharata, son of Dushyanta.
cannibals (purushida, púrusháda), in the eastBharukachchha, the modern Bharuch or Bha- ern division, xiv. 6; misc. ref., iv. 22.
roch, i, e. 'Broach,' a city in the southern In a note to the translation, Kern remarks division, xiv. 11; misc. ref., xvi. 6; lxix. 11; -"the cannibals, being always placed in - the rulers of Bharukachchha (Bharu- the far East, must denote either the inhabikachchha-pah), v. 40. The name Bharukach- tants of the Andamans and Nicobars, or the chha occurs in inscriptions at Junnar and cannibal tribes of the Indian Archipelago, Nasik (Archaeol. Sury. West. Ind. Vol. IV. or both." See also kravyásin.' pp. 96, 100); and perhaps in the Junagadh castes. The work does not mention the inscription of Rudradâman (Ind. Ant. Vol. Brâhmans with any topographical reference: VII. p. 262, where, however, “Maru and but it locates the Kshatriyas (mentioned by Kachchha" is preferred by the editors). the term rájanya) in the northern division, Sometimes the Sansksit or Sanskritised form xiv. 28; the Vaisyas in the western division, Bhrigukachchha is met with (e. g., Ind. Ant. xiv, 21; and the Sadras in the south-west Vol. XII. p. 189; Vol. XIX. p. 175). By the division, xiv. 18. Greeks it was called Barygara.
Chaidya, the people of Chêdi, q. v.; misc. Bhâsâ pura (P), a town (?); misc. ref., xvi. 11. ref., xi. 59. See also Chedika.'
The published text has Bhásúpura, with the Champå, a (?) town or country; misc. ref., various readings of Bhásapura, Bhásüpürt, xvi. 3. Bhúsháparar, and Dasapura. In his transla- Chañchůka (v. l. Champûka), a people in the tion, however, Kern gives "the BhAsaparas;" south-west division, xiy. 18.

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Chandrabhaga river, supposed to be the
Chenab, one of the five rivers of the Pañjab; misc. ref., xvi. 27. Chandrapuras, the inhabitants of the city of
Chandrapura, in the eastern division, xiv. 5. A town named Chandrapura is mentioned in the Indor grant of Skandagupta (Gupta
Inscriptions, p. 71). charmadvipa, the island of bark, in the south
east division, xiv. 9. Charmaranga, a people in the north-west
division, xiv. 23. Chârudêvî, a (?) town or country, misc. ref.,
ix. 18; the word occurs in the plural, as if
denoting the inhabitants. Chêdi, a country, misc, ref., xvi. 3; xxxii. 22;
- the ruler of Chedi (Chedi-pa), xliii. 8. See also Chaidya and Chêdika.' The Kalachuris of Central India were kings of
Chêdi. Chêdika (v. I. Chaidika), the people of Chêdi,
9. v., in the south-east division, xiv. 8. See
also Chaidya.' Chêrya, a people, evidently of the Chêra
country, in the southern division, xiv.
15. China, a people in the north-east division, xiv.
30; misc. ref., v. 77, 78, 80 ; x. 7, 11; xi. 61 ; xvi. 1, 38. Kern translates the word
by "Chinese;" e. g. v. 77, 78, 80. chipițandsika, flat-nosed people, in the
northern division, xiv. 26. chiranivasana, 'wearers of bark,' & people in
the north-east division, 'xiv. 31. Chitrakūta, in the sonthern division, xiv. 13;
misc. ref., xvi. 17. It is the modern Chitrakôt or Chatarkôt hill or district, near Kampta in Bundelkhand. The name occurs in the Sirûr inscription of A. D. 866 (Ind.
Ant. Vol. XII. p. 218). Chola, a country, and the people of it, in the
southern division, xiv. 13; misc, ref., v. 40; xi. 61; xvi. 10, 38. In southern inscriptions, the name appears in the forms of Chola, Chola, and Chôda; and it is taken back to the third century B. C. by one of the edicts of Asoka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX.
pp. 239, 240, 249). cocoa-nuts, the island of (nálikára-dvipa), in
the south-east division, xiv. 9. conch-shells, the places for obtaining, are
placed in the southern division, xiv, 14.
dakshinapatha, the region of the south,' i. e.
Southern India, below the Narmada, misc. ref., ix. 40; xlvii. 8. See under Aryavarta.' The term dakshinápatha occurs in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradå man (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262); in the Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13); and apparently in one of the Násik inscriptions (Archæol. Suru. West.
Ind. Vol. IV. p. 110). Dâmara (v. 1. Dâmara), people in the north
east division, xiv. 30. Dandaka, a country or people, misc. ref., xvi.
11 ;- the king of Dandaka (Dandak-adhipati), misc, ref. xi. 56. Daņdakivana, in the southern division, xiv.
16. This is, I suppose, another form of the name of the Dandakâranya, or Dandaka forest, which lay between the rivers Narmadâ and Godavari. Danda pingalaka, & people in the northern di.
vision, xiv. 27. Danturaka, a people in the eastern division,
xiv. 6. Albêrûni says "Dantura, i. e. people with long teeth." Darada, a people in the north-east division,
xiv. 29; misc, ref., v. 42, 79, xiii. 9. Albêrunt omits them; or, rather, he gives Abhisárad,
instead of Abhisára and Darada. Dardura, a mountain in the southern division,
xiv. 11. Darva, a people in the north-east division, xiv.
30.
Dásamêya, a people in the northern division,
xiv, 28. Dasapura, a city in the southern division, xiv.
12. It is the modern Mandasor, or more properly Dasôr, in Malwa. It is mentioned in inscriptions at Násik (Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 100, 114), and in inscriptions at Mandasôr itself (Gupta
Inscriptions, pp. 79, note 2, and 84, 86). Daśârna, & variant of Dasarna, q. 1.; misc.
ref., v. 40; x. 15; xxxii. 11. In a note to his translation, Kern remarks that the Dasarnas are the Dosarene or Desarene of the Periplus
Maris Erythræi. Dasarņa, a people in the south-east division, xiv. 10; miso. ref., xvi. 26. See also
Dásárņa.' Dasêraka, & variant of Dåsêraka, 4. v. ; misc.
ref., v. 67.

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Daséraka, a people in the northern division, Dramidas)." In xiv. 19, Albêrûnî gives xiv. 26. See also Dasêraka.'
"Dramida." See also Dravida.' dead, the kingdom of the (nashta-rajya), in the Dravida, of or belonging to Dravida,'q. v.;
north-east, xiv. 29. See under Mêruka.' misc. ref., lviii. 4, where Kern renders demons with elf-locks (jat-asura), in the north- Drávidam by "(a measure) for Dravidas east division, siv. 30.
(barbarians)." Dêvika, a river; misc. ref., xi. 35. Dhanashmat, a mountain, in the northern ears ; people with ears like a winnowing fan
division, xiv. 24. The text distinctly stamps (súrpa-karna), in the eastern division, xiv. 5. Dhanushmat as a mountain. But Albêrûni elephants, the glen of (kunjara-dar), in the says "Dhanushman (!), i.e. the people with southern division, xiv. 16. bows."
ékaoharana, one-footed people,' in the northDharmapattana, a city in the southern division, east division, xiv. 31. See also ekapada.'
xiv. 14. Kern translates the name by ékapada, 'one-footed people, in the eastern "Yama's city."
division, ziv. 7. See also 'ékacharana.' Dharmâranya, a forest region, in the middle élavilôchana, 'one-eyed people,' in the northcountry, xiv, 3.
west division, xiv. 23. diamonds are found in the Himavat mountains, elephants; the elephant's cave, or the glen of
in Kalinga, Kośala, Matanga (?), Pandra, elephants (kunjara-dart), in the southern and Saurashtra, at Surpära (see under division, xiv. 16.
Aparânta' and Saurpâraka'), and on the eyes; one-eyed people (éka-vilôchana) in the banks of the Vêņâ, lxxx. 6, 7.
north-west division, xiv. 23 ;-three-eyed dirghagriva, people with long necks,' in the people (tri-netra), in the north-east division, north-west division, xiv, 23.
xiv. 31. dirghakésa, 'long-haired people,' in the northwest division, xiv. 23.
faces ; 'dog-faced people' (sva-mukha), in the dirghúsya, 'long-faced people,' in the north. northern division, xiv. 25 ;- horse-faced west division, xiv. 23.
people'(asva-vadana) in the eastern division, divisktha, "the inhabitants of heaven," dwel
xiv. 6, and (turag anana) in the northern lers in the sky, a people, in the north-east division, ziv. 25; misc. ref. (asva-mukha), division, xiv. 31.
xvi. 35;- 'long-faced people' (dirgh-ásya), dog-faced people (óva-mukha), in the northern in the north-west division, xiv. 23; division, xiv. 25.
tiger-faced people' (vyághra-mukha), in the Domba, the Gipsies ; misc. ref. lxxxvii. 33. eastern division, xiv. 5.
Also, in liii. 84 the text has ávapach-adayah, feet; one-footed people' (éka-pada), in the those who cook (and eat) dogs, and others eastern division, xiv. 7; and (6ko-charana), like them ;' and the commentary says sva- in the north-east division, xiv. 31. pachá Dombáh, the cookers of dogs are the flesh, eaters of raw (kravy-ásin), in the southDombas.' The name is doubtless identical west division, xiv. 18. See also canniwith the Domma that occurs elsewhere; e. g. bals. The word is, however, rather doubtin the Anamkond inscription of Rudradova ful; the readings are kravyaddnábhira, (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 17). And the and hravyakhyábhira, for which Dr. Kern Dommasor. Dôms were the Gipsies (id. adopted, by conjecture, kravyásy-abhira. Vol. XV. p. 15).
forests; the Dharmaraṇya, in the middle Dravida, a country, and the people of it, in the country, xiv. 3 ;- the great forest (mah
south-west division, xiv. 19; misc. ref., ix. 15, atavi), in the southern division, xiv. 13; 19; xvi. 11; xxxii, 15; - the rulers of the Dandakâvana, in the southern division, Dravida, or of the Dravidas (Dravid-adhipáh) xiv. 16;- the collection of forests (van. misc. ref., iv. 23; the eastern half of the augha; v. 1. van-auka, the inhabitants of Dra vida countries (Dravidanán prág-ardha). forests'), in the western division, xiv. misc. ref, xvi. 2. In his translation of svi. 20;- the forest of the man-lions (nrinha11 and xxxii, 15, Kern gives - Dravidas (or sana), in the north-west division, xiv.

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22; the forest-territory (vana-rashtra), in the north-east division, xiv. 29;- the forestkingdom (vana-rajya), in the north-east division, xiv. 30 - the forest of Vasus or spirits (vasu-vana), in the north-east division, xiv. 31. The kings of all the forest countries (sarv-útavika-rája)" were compelled by Samudragupta to do service to him (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13). The same record mentions also a kingdom named Mahakântara, which seems to be a great forest kingdom (ibid.). And the hereditary territory of the Maharaja Samkshôbha included "the eighteen forest kingdoms" (ashtadas-útavi-rajya; id. p. 116).
Gajahvaya, apparently (the city) that has the appellation of the elephant,' i.e. Gajapura or Hastinapura, the modern Dehli, in the middle country, xiv. 4. Gambhîrika, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 16. Ganarajya, a kingdom in the southern division, xiv. 14.
Gandhara, a country (the modern Kandahår), and the people of it, in the northern division, xiv. 28; misc. ref., iv. 23; v. 77, 78; ix. 21; x. 7; xvi. 26; xvii. 18; lxix. 26. The name is carried back to the third century B. C. by one of the edicts of Asóka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 239, 240, 247). Gandharva, a class of supernatural beings, in the north-east division, xiv. 31; misc. ref., xiii. 8; lxxxvii. 33.
Ganga, the river Ganges, described as constituting, with the Jamnâ, the necklace of the earth, xliii. 32;- reference to the region between the Ganga and the Yamuna, lxix. 26; misc. ref., xvi. 16.
Garuhâ, see Guruhâ. Gauḍaka, a people in the eastern division, xiv. 7. This is the reading in the text; but in his translation Kern gives "Gauras," and adds the note". e. the Whites,' supposed to live in Svêtadvipa, which, according to Kathúsaritsagara, 54, 18, 199, lies near the Cocoa-island" (see islands'). Albêrûnî gives "Gauraka."
Gauragriva, a people in the middle country xiv. 3.
Gavya, a people in the northern division, xiv. 28. Ghosha, a people in the middle country, xiv.
2; and in the north-east division, xiv. 30.
[JULY, 1893.
In xiv. 2, Kern translates "Ghôsha;" and in xiv. 30, "Ghôshas (stations of herdsmen)." Girinagara, a city in the southern division, xiv. 11. The name has now passed over to the mountain Girnår, in Kathiawâḍ; and the ancient city is now represented by Junâgadh, at the foot of it. The original name of the Girnår mountain was Urjayat (Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 64, 65). Girivraja, the inhabitants of the district of Girivraja,' as rendered by Kern, - in accordance with the commentary, I presume; misc. ref., x. 14. H. H. Wilson (VishnuPurána, Translation, Vol. IV. p. 15, note 3), said that Girivraja is "in the mountainous part of Magadha ;" and further on (id. p. 180, note 1) he identified it with Rajagriha in Bihar.
Gôdâvarî, the river of that name in Southern India; misc. ref., xvi. 9.
Gôlângûla, a (?) mountain; misc. ref., xvi. 3. gold, the region of (kanaka), in the western division, xiv. 21, and (suvarna-bhú) in the north-east division, xiv. 31.
Gomanta, a mountain; misc. ref., v. 68, xvi. 17. Gômatî, a river; misc. ref., perhaps an interpolation, xvi. 12. It seems to be the modern Gômti or Gumti, which rises in the Shahjahanpur District and flows into the Ganges about half-way between Benares and Ghâzîpur; at any rate, it is somewhere in that neighbourhood that we have to locate the place Gômatikoṭṭaka, which is mentioned in the Dêô-Baranârk inscription of Jivitagupta II. (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 217). But there is also a river Gômatî in the Kângra District in the Panjab.
Gônarda, a people in the southern division, xiv. 12; misc. ref., ix. 13; xxxii. 22. Guda, a people in the middle country, xiv. 3. Albêrûnî says "Guda Tânêshar." Guruhâ, or Garuhâ, a river in the north-west division, xiv. 23. There are the various readings of Gulahá, Guluhá, and Gurúha. Below his translation, Kern remarks "Guruha (also Garuhâ) is, to my apprehension, the Garoigas of the Greeks; the river district they called Goryaia. Lassen, in his Altert. iii. p. 127 and 136, identifies the Greek name with Gauri. It need not be pointed out how exactly both forms coincide with Garuha and Guruhâ."

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Haihaya, a people in the western division, xiv. Hûnas are mentioned in the Bhitari inserip
20. The Kalachuris of Central India were tion of Skandagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, Haihayas (Ind, Ant. Vol. XII. pp. 253, 268). p. 56), in the Mandasôr inscription of YaśôAnd the Western Chalakya king Vikra- dharman (id. p. 148), in the Aphead inscripmaditya II. (A.D. 733-34 to 746-47) married tion of Adityasena (id. p. 206), and in many two Haibaya princesses.
later records ; but I do not know of any hair ; people with thick matted hair (jatá. epigraphic passage which specifies "the
dhara), in the southern division, xiv. 13; - White Hiņas." long-haired people (dérgha-késa) in the northwest division, xiv. 23; -thick-haired people Ikshumati, & river; misc. ref., xvi. 4. (késa-dhara) in the northern division, xiv. Ikshváka, () people; misc. ref., v. 75; ix. 26; - demons with matted hair or elf-locks 17; xi. 58. Madhariputra-Purushadatta, a Cat-ásúra), in the north-east division, hero of the Ikshvákus, is mentioned in one xiv. 30.
of the early inscriptions at the JaggayyaHala (. . Laha), people in the north-west pêça stripa (Archæol. Suru. South. Ind. Vol. I.
division, xiv. 22; wisc. ref., xvi. 6; xxxii. 19. pp. 110, 111). Hârahaura, '& king of the Harahauras or Iråvati, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 27. Hârahauras ;' misc. ref., xiv. 34.
islands of balls (usisha-dvipa), of cocoanuts Hēmagiri, a mountain in the south-west divi- (ndlikdra-dvípa), and of bark (charma-dvípa), sion, xiv. 19.
in the south-east division, xiv. 9; "the Hêmakundya, a place in the south-east divi- islands (dvipa)," saggested by Kern, below
sion, xiv. 9. There are the various readings his translation, to be the Maldives, in the of Héma-kita, -kutya, -kudya, and -kudya. southern division, xiv. 14;- the islands of In his text, Kern gave the name as Home- the great ocean (mahdrnava-dvipa), misc. kötya; but in his translation he preferred ref., xvi. 6. Hêmakundya, because Paraśara exhibits the
same form. Albêrûni gives “Hêmakațya." jackal-eaters (gômáyu-bhaksha); misc. ref., Hêmatfila, a people in the northern division, xvi. 35. xiv. 28.
jaladhara, 'people with thick matted hair,' in hermitages (tápas-harama), in the southern the southern division, xiv. 13.
divison, xiv. 15;--the hermitage of Atri jațasura, demons with matted hair or elf(atri), in the southern division, xiv. 14.
looke,' in the north-east division, xiv. 30. Himavat, the Himalaya mountains, in the Jathara, or perhaps Jathara-Anga, a people in
northern division, xiv. 24;- spoken of as the south-east division, xiv. 8. The text is one of the breasts of the earth, the other Vang-Opavanga-Jathar-Angah; which Kern being the Vindhya mountain, xlii. 35 ;- translates by “Vanga, Vanga minor, (and) diamonds are obtained there, lxxx. 7;- and the Jathara-Angas." But the same compearls, lxxxi. 2, 5;- misc. ref., xvi. 2 bination, Jathara-Anga, does not occur any(bahir-antah-saila-jáh, see Antargiri'); xvi. where else. Albêrani separates the names,
17 (Himavat); lxxii. 1 (Hima-kshmádhara). and says "Jathara, Anga." horse-faced people (asva-vadana) in the eastern Jţinga, &. people in the western division,
division, xiv. 6, and (turag-unana) in the 1 xiv. 21. northern division, xiv. 25; misc. ref. (asa-mukha), xvi. 35.
Kachchha, a country in the southern division, Hûna, (v. I. Hûna), a people in the northern xiv. 16. It is evidently the modern Kachh,
division, xiv. 27; misc. ref., xi. 61; xvi. 38. vulga Catch, to the north of Kathiawad. In xi. 61, Kern translates Ohól- Avagána- Kachchhara, a people in the northern division, sita-Húna by “Chôlas, Afghans, (and) White Hûnas ; " but in xvi. 33 be translates Pah. i Kaikaye, a people in the northern division, luva-svéta-Húna by “Pahlavas, Svētas, (and) xiv. 25; misc. ref., iv. 22, v. 67, 74 ; xvi. 26, Hûnas," though sveta here ie exactly Byno. xvii. 18; - the lord of the Kaikayas nymous with sita in the other passage. The l (Kaikaya-ndtha), misc. ref. xi. 60.

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(JULY, 1893.
Kailasa, a mountain in the northern division, must be located far more to the north than is
xiv. 24. It is peculiarly sacred as being the done by Varkhamihira. The name is carried paradise of the god 'Siva. It belongs to the back to the third centary B. C. by one of the Himalayan range, and constitutes the water. edicts of Asoka. And Senart allots the tribe shed from which the Indus, Satlej, and to the tract of the river Kabul (Ind. Ant. Brahmaputra take their rise; but it appears Vol. XX. pp. 239, 240, 247). to be really in Tibet (Hunter's Indian Empire, kanaka, the region of gold, in the western pp. 43, 45). It is mentioned in the Gang- division, xiv. 21. The text is Jținga-Vaisyadhår inscription of Visvavarian and the kanaka-Sakáh; which Kern translates by Mandasôr inscription of Bandhuvarman
"the Jsingas, Vaisyas, (and) Gold(Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 78, 85, 86); and in Scythians." But he adds the note that the the last passage it is called one of the breasts commentary explains differently; vis. "the
of the earth, the other being Sumêru. region of gold, and the Sakas." Albêrûni Kailâvata, & people in the northern division, also separates the words, and gives - Vaisya, xiv. 26.
Kanaka, Saka." See also gold.' Kairalaka, the people of Kerala, q.v., in the Káñebi, a city, in the southern division, xiv.
southern division, xiv. 12. The text gives 15. It is the modern Conjeveram. Vishņu. the reading Kêralaka ; but this is a mistake gôpa of Kanchi is named among the kings for Kairala ka, or still more correctly Kaira- whom Samudragupta is said to have captured laka, which occurs in the Allabâbâd inscrip- (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13). Barnell held tion of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, that the Sanskrit. Káñchi' is a mis-transla. p. 7, line 19).
tion of the Dravidian Kanji' (South-Indian Kalajina (v. l. KAlañjana), & people or place Palcography, p. X., note 2). in the southern division, siv. 11. Can it bé Kaika, a people in the middle country, xiv. 4. really intended for Kalaõjara,' - a city of Kaukata, & people in the southern division, the Kalachuris of Central India, now re- xiv. 12. presented by the Kalañjar hill fort, - the Kantakasthala, a locality in the south-east name of which is sometimes wrongly given
division, xiv. 10. in inscriptions as Kalanjana'?
Kanthadhana, a people in the northern diviKalaka, a people in the south-west division, sion, xiv, 26. xiv. 19.
Kantipara, a city ; misc. ref., xvi. 11. Kalakoți, & fortress or city in the middle Kapila, a people in the sonth-west division, country, xiv. 4.
xiv. 17. Kalinga, a country, and the people of it, in the Kâpishthala, (v. l. Kapishthaka), a people or
south-east division, xiv. 8; - diamonds are locality in the middle country, xiv. 4. found there, lxxx. 7; - other misc. rof.,
Monier-Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, v. 35, 75, 79; ix. 10, 26; X. 16; xvi. 1, 3; compares the Kambistholoi of the Greeks. xvii. 13, 22; xxxii. 15; - the king of the Karmanêyaka, a people in the southern diviKalinga country (Kolinga-desa-nriputt), misc.
sion, xiv. 15. The place whence the name is ref., v. 69; - the lord of Kalinga (Kaling- derived, is mentioned in inscriptions as ésa), misc. ref., xi. 54. See also Kalinga.' Karmaņêya, Kamaniya, and Kammanijja; The name of the Kalinga country is carried and it is the modern Kamrêj in the Baroda back to the third century B. C. by one of the
territory (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. pp. 184 and edicts of Asðka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 247). note 5, and 198). Kalinga, a king or other inhabitant of the Karnapravêya, a people in the south-west Kaliiga country, q. v.; misc. ref. xiv. 32.
division, xiv. 18. There are the various Kalmiisha, a people; misc. ref., v. 69.
readings of Karnapradéya and Karnapra. Kamboja, a country, and the people of it, in
varana. The latter form, Karnapravarana, the south-west division, xiv. 17; misc, ref.,
which would equally well suit the metre v. 35, 78, 80; xi. 57; viii. 9; xvi. 1, 16.
here, occurs in the Ramayana, KishkindháWith the Yavanas and the Pahlavas, who are
kánda, ul. 26 (Vishpul-Purana, Translation, mentioned in the same verse, the Kambojas Vol. II. p. 161, note u). Below his trans

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181
the
p. 309).
lation Kern remarks "Synonymous with eastern division, xiv, 7 [the text gives here Karnapra veya is Karpaprůvarana. Now, I the reading Kôšalaka; but this must be a právarana is synonymous with práveni, so that mistake for Kausalaka]; misc. ref., v. 70; práveya either stands for privénya, or pravêni
x. 9. See also‘Kausala. The correct spelling and právenya are derived from the same base (see also under Kosala') appears to be with právéya. The Markandeya-Purâna, 58; Kausalaka,' which occurs in the Allahabad 31, bas Karņaprâdhêya, in which al is inscription of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscripmisread v."
tions, p. 7, line 19). Karnața, the Kanarese country, in the southern Kansambi, the modern Kosam on the Ganges;
division, xiv. 13. In the Sâmângad grant misc. ref., xvi. 3. The name occurs in one of Dantidurga, the Western Chalukya forces of the Asoka edicts (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII, are called "the boundless army of the
Karnataka" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 114). Kausikî, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 16. Karvata, a people in the eastern division, xiv. Kavêri, the river that still bears this name, in 5; misc, ref., xvi. 13.
the southern division, xiv. 13 (where the Kaši, a city in the eastern division, better name is given in the plural, Kivéryal);
known as Benares, xiv, 7; misc. ref., v. 72; misc. ref., v. 64. x. 4, 13; xxxii. 19;- the lord or king of Kasi Kerala, a country; misc. ref., xvi. 11. See (Kđé-Escara, Kasi-pa, Kasi-rája), misc. ref., ix. also Kairalala.' Mantarâja of Kerala is 19; xi, 59; lxxviii. 1;- the country of Kasi named among the kings of Southern India, (Kasi-désa), misc. ref., xvii. 25. In the whom Samudragupta is said to have captured plural (Kasayah), the word is used to denote (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13). the people of Kasi; misc. ref., v. 69. The | kesadhara, 'long-haired or thick-haired people,' city of Kasi is mentioned in the Sarnath in the northern division, xiv. 26. inscription of Prakataditya (Gupta Inscrip-khachara, the inhabitants of the sky, or tions, p. 286).
roamers in the sky,' a people in the northern Kasmira, & people, in the north-east division division, xiv. 28.
(the inhabitants of the Kaśmir country), Khaņda, dwarfs (?),' a people in the southxiv. 29; misc. ref., v. 77, 78; ix. 18; 2. 12. west division, xiv. 18. Also see Kaśmîraka.'
Khasa, a people in tl castern division, xiv. 6; Kâśmîraka, the people of Kasmir; misc. ref., misc. ref., x. 12; lxix, 26. v. 70; xi. 57. See also Kasmira.'
Khasha, a people in the north-east division, Kaunkaņa, the people of the Kookaņa, q. v.; xiv. 30. misc. ref., xvi. 11.
khastha, .dwellers in the sky,' people in the Kaulinda, a people ; misc. ref., iv. 24. There north-west division, xiv. 22.
is the various reading Kaulindra. See also Kira, a people in the north-cast division, xiv. • Kauninda,
29; misc. ref., iv. 23; xxxii. 19. In the Kaulûta, the people of Kulata, q. v.; misc. Chambù grant, the Kiras are mentioned as ref., x. 11.
being conquered by Salilladeva (Ind. Ant. Kanpinda (v. I. Kaulinda), a people in the Vol. XVII. p. 8).
north-east division, xiv. 30; - a king of the Kirâta, a people in the south-west division, Kauņindas or Kuņindas' (Kauninda), misc. xiv. 18, and in the north-east division, xiv. ref., xiv. 33. There are the various readings, 30; misc. ref., v. 35, 80; ix, 35; xi. 60; Kaulinda (ziv. 30, 33), and Kaulindra (xiv. xvi. 2; xxxii. 19, 22; - tbe prince of the 30). See also. Kaulinda.'
Kiratas (Kiráta-bhartri, párthiva), misc. Kaurava, a people, probably the inhabitants of ref., is. 17; xi. 54.
Kuru-land (søe Kuru'); misc. ref., iv. 25; Kirņa, a people in the southern division, xiv. ix. 30; - the lord of the Kauravas (Kaurav- 11. adhipatı), iv. 24.
Kishkindha, a mountain, in the south-east Kansala, the people of Kôšala, q. v.; misc. ref., division, xiv. 10. Monier-Williams defines 2. 14. See also Kausalaka.'
it as "in Odra, containing & cave, the Kausalaka, the people of Kosala, 9. v., in the residence of the monkey-prince Bâlin."

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Alboran says, "Kishkindha, the country of the monkeys."
Kóhala, (v. 1. Kôśala), a people in the northern Kshatriyas, under the term rájanya, placed division, xiv. 27. in the northern division, xiv. 28. Kshêmadhûrta, a people in the northern division, xiv. 28. Kshudramina, a people in the northern division,
xiv. 24.
Kollagiri, in the southern division, xiv. 13. It is, in all probability, the modern Kôlhâpur (properly Kôlâpur), the chief town of the Native Stato in the Southern Marâţhâ Country, which is mentioned as Kollagira in an inscription at Têrdal (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 23).
Konkana, (v. 1. Kaunkana), a country (usually known as the Seven Konkanas) in the southern division, xiv. 12. See also Kaunkana. Albêruni says " Konkana near the sea."
Kôśala, a country, and the people of it, in the south-east division, xiv. 8; diamonds are found there, lxxx. 6; other misc. ref., v. 69; ix. 26; x. 4, 13; xvi. 6; xvii. 22. See also 'Kausalaka.' The correct spelling (see also under 'Kausalaka') appears to be Kôsala,' which occurs in one of the Ajanțâ inscriptions (Archaol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 127), and in the Râjim grant of Tivaradeva (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296). Mahendra of Kosala is named among the kings whom Samudragupta is said to have captured (id. p. 13).
Kôtivarsha, apparently a country; the king of Kôtivarsha (Kotivarsha-nripa), misc. ref., ix. 11.
Krauñcha, a mountain in the northern division, xiv, 24. See also under Kraunchadvipa.' Krauñchadvipa, a country, in the southern division, xiv. 13; misc. ref., x. 18. MonierWilliams gives the word as equivalent to
Krauñcha,' which, he says, is the name of a mountain, part of the Himalayan range, situated in the eastern part of the chain, on the north of Assam, and is also the name of one of the dvipas or principal divisions of the world, surrounded by the sea of curds.
kravyasin, eaters of raw flesh,' in the southwest division, xiv. 18. See also 'cannibals,' and under flesh.'
[JULY, 1993.
the river Krishna and the town of Vellûra (q. v.).
Krishna, a river (the 'Kistna') in the southern division, xiv. 14. Kern took this word, with the one that follows it in the text, to give the name of a place, Krishnavellara. But Varâhamihira has undoubtedly mentioned
—
Kshurârpana, a mountain in the western division, xiv. 20.
Kuchika, a people in the north-east division, xiv. 30.
Kukura, a people in the middle country, xiv. 4; misc. ref., v. 71; xxxii. 22. Mention is made of the Kukura people or country in one of the Nasik inscriptions (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109), and in the Junâgadh inscription of Rudradâman (Ind. Ant." Vol. VII. p. 262). Kulûta, a country in the north-west division, xiv. 22, and in the north-cast division, xiv. 29; misc. ref., x. 12; xvii. 18. See also 'Kulûtaka. Kulûta is mentioned in the Chambâ grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 8). Kulûtaka, the people of Kulûta, q. v.; misc. ref., iv. 22.
Kanatha (v. 1. Kunata, Kunaha, and Kunapa), a people in the north-east division, xiv. 30. kunjaradari, the elephant's cave, or the glen of elephants, in the southern division, xiv. 16.
Kuntala, a country; misc. ref., xvi. 11. It is mentioned in one of the Ajanta inscriptions, under circumstances which imply, I think, that Ajanta itself was in Kuntala (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 126, 127); and it is, I consider, the country of which Nasik was the capital (see page 115 above). It is also mentioned in numerous later records. And the Western Châlukyas of Kalyani are. constantly described emphatically as "the lords of Kuntala."
Kuntibhôja, a people; misc. ref., x. 15. Kuru, a people. The Kurus consisted of two branches, the northern and the southern; and the land of the northern Kurus is supposed to be a region beyond the most northern part of the Himalayan range, and is described as a country of everlasting happiness. Varâhamihira mentions (1) the Kurus, without any qualification, as a people in the middle country, xiv. 4; and (2) the

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northern Kurus (uttaráh Kuravah) as a between the river Mali and the Koukan people in the northern division (xiv. 24; (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 1-45). It is mentioned here Kern translates by “the Hyperbo- in one of the Bandasör inscriptions (Gupta reans"). It is doubtless in connection with Inscriptions, p. 84), in the Aiholo inscrip(1) only, that we have to take Albêrûni's tion of Palikasin II. (Inl. Ant. Vol. VIII. remark “Kuru = Tânêshar," and Kern's p. 244), in one of the Ajantil inscriptions note on his translation of xvi. 32, in which (Archæol. Surv. IVest, Inul. Vol. IV. p. 127), he specifies Kurukshetra as being "the and in various later records. country about Thânêsar (Skr. Sthânvis Lauhitya (the river Bralumaputra), in the var.)” There are the following miscella- eastern division, siv. 6; mise, rof., xvi. 16. neous references; the Kurus, v. 383; xxxii. In a note to his translation Kern adds that 11; - the people of Kuru-land (Kurukshe- one MS. of the commentary has Lökiti traka), v. 78; (Kurabhiimi-ja) xvi. 32; - the nadal; and another Lauhito nailah. The lord of Kuru-land (Kurukshetr-adhipa), xi. form Lauhitya' occurs in the Mandasôr 57; - the forest, or wild, or uninhabited, inscription of Yaśôdharman (Gupta Inscriplands of Kura (Kuru-jáigala), ix, 29. See tions, p. 148); and the form "Lôhitya' in also Kaurava.' The land of the northern the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena (ul. Kurus is mentioned in the Udayagiri Jain
p. 206). inscription (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 260). lions; the forest of the man-lions (nsisihaKusuma, a mountain in the sonthern division, tana), in the north-west division, xiv. 22. xir. 14.
Madhyadêsa, the middle country: the tribes, Laba, v.l. for Hala, q. v.
&c., contained in it, xiv. 2, 3, 4; misc. ref., Labada, a country in the north-west division, 1 v. 78, 90; viii. 46; x. 5; xiv. 1; xvii. 19, 20,
xiv. 22. There are the various readings of 22; xviii. 4; xlvii. 7. The country is perLahara, Ladaha, and Kalaha. In his trans- haps mentioned in the Sârnâth inscription of lation, Kern gives " Lahada (or Ladaha)." Prakatiditya (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 286). And he adds the note this seems to be Madhyamika, a people in the middle country, Lahara, so frequently mentioned in the Rája. xiv. 2. tarangini, e.g. vii. 912, 1373 (Láhara, “Laha- Madra, & people in the north-west division. rian," 1173). It is a border-land between 1 xiv. 22; misc. ref., iv. 22; v. 40 ; 1. 4; xvii. Kashmir and Dardistân; to this identifica- 18; xxxii. 19; the lord of the Madras tion of Lahara and Lahaula, it will not be (Badr-ésa), misc. ref., xiv. 33. See also objected that our author, committing the Madraka. grave blunder of placing Kashmir and Madraka, a people in the northern division, Dardistân in the North-east, should needs siv. 27;- the lord of the Madrakas (Madhave assigned a wrong situation to Lahada raka-pati) misc. ref., xi. 59. See also too."
Madra. A tribe named Madraka is menLanka, in the southern division, xiv. 11. As tioned as subjugated by Samudragupta
Simbala is mentioned in the same passage, (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14). xiv. 15, Lanka would seem to denote here, Magadha, a country, and the people of it, in not the island of Ceylon, but its capital the eastern division, xiv. 6; misc. ref., iv. city, which it was perhaps thought necessary 22, 26; v. 69, 79; X. 14 ; xvi. 1; xxxii. 11;to mention separately, because it provides i the lord of Magadha (Magadk-ésa), misc. the Hindu prime meridian. Albêrûni says ref., X. 16;- the ruler of Magadha (Magadh“Lanka, ie, the cupola of the earth." The adhipa), misc. ref., xi. 55. See also MÂgaisland of Lanka is mentioned in the Bodh- dhika.' In iv. 26, Kern translates Magadhán Gaya inscription of Mahanaman (Gupta (accus. plur.) by " Behar." Inscriptions, pp. 277, 278).
Mâgadhika, the people of Magadha, q. v.; miso, Låta, a country, misc. ref., lxix 11. It corre- ref., xiv. 32.
sponds to what might now be called central Mahậnadi, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 10. It is and southern Gujarat, - to the country mentioned in the Såmangad grant of Danti

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durga (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 114; for "of the great river Mahî and of the Rêvâ," read "of (the rivers) Mahi, Mahanadi, and Rêvâ"). mahagriva, 'great-necked people,' in the southeast division, xiv. 9.
Maharashtra, the Maharashtra countries, or the people of them (the word occurs in the nom. pl., maharashtrah); misc. ref., x. 8. According to the Aihole inscription, which speaks of three divisions of the country, each called Mahârâshtraka, in the seventh century A. D. the country included, or was traditionally held to include, ninety-nine thousand villages (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 244). mahúrnava, the great ocean,' in the southwest division, i.e. the Indian Ocean, xiv. 19. See also 'ocean' and 'islands.'
mahatavi, the great forest,' in the southern division, xiv. 13. See also 'forests.' Mahendra, a mountain in the southern division, xiv. 11; misc. ref., xvi. 10. The reference is probably to the Mahendra mountain in the Gañjâm District, among the Eastern Ghants, which is mentioned in the records of the Gangas of Kalinganagara (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. pp. 121, 123; Vol. XVIII. pp. 145, 164, 170, 175). But there may have been also a mountain of the same name in the Western Ghauts (Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109; Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 146 and note 1, 148; see also p. 7, note 2).
Mahi, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 32. It is mentioned in the Sâmângad grant of Dantidurga (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 114). Mahisha, a country; misc. ref., ix. 10. It has been considered to be the modern Mysore. See also Mahishaka.'
Mahishaka, the people of Mahisha, q. v.; misc. ref., xvii. 26. There may perhaps also be the form Mahishaka;' see under Matrishika.'
C
Makara, a people in the south-west division,
xiv. 18.
Malati, a river, misc. ref., xvi. 10. Mâlava, a country, and the people of it, in the northern division, xiv. 27; misc. ref., iv. 24; xvi. 26; xxxii. 19; lxix. 11. The Mâlavas are mentioned among the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14). Varâhamihira places them too
[JULY, 1893.
much to the north; as they are undoubtedly the people of Malwa, from whom (see Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 404) the Vikrama era derived its original appellation. Malaya, a mountain in the southern division, xiv. 11; misc. ref., xvi. 10; xxvii. 2. It is mentioned in one of the Nâsik inscriptions (Archaeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109). Mâlindya, a mountain in the southern division, xiv. 11.
Malla, a people, unless the word simply denotes 'wrestlers or boxers;' misc. ref., v. 38, 41. To his translation of v. 38, where he gives "Mallas" as a people, Kern adds the note
"the Scholiast takes mallán here as an appellative noun, báhuyuddha-iñán, 'boxers.' In v. 41 he translates malla by 'boxers,' and adds the note "or, 'the Mallas;' may be the expression applies both to these and to boxers."
Malyavat, a mountain in the eastern division, xiv. 5. Mânahala, a people in the northern division, xiv. 27. Mandâkinî, the river Ganges, or an arm of it, misc. ref., xvi. 10. The name occurs in the Alina grant of Silâditya VII. (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 184).
Mânḍavya, a people in the middle country, xiv. 2; and in the north-west division, xiv. 22; and in the north, xiv. 27. Manimat, a mountain in the western division, xiv. 20.
mariners (vári-chara), a people in the southern division, xiv. 14. Below his translation Kern suggests that "these may be the Pirates of Greek sources."
marshes or swamps (palôla), in the north-east division, xiv. 30.
Marttikâvata, a people; misc. ref., xvi. 26. Maru, a region in the middle country, xiv. 2;
misc. ref., v. 68; xvi. 38. It is the modern Mârwâḍ. The Junagadh inscription of Rudradâman seems to mention the desert of Mara (Maru-dhanvan; Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 260, line 8, and Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 129). Maruchipattana, a city in the southern division, xiv. 15. Below his translation Kern gives the note "Marachi, or Muracbi, Marichi, seems to be the Muziris (transposed from Murizis) of the Greeks)."

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Marukuchcha, or Murukuchcha, a people in Mêkala, a mountain, or a people, in the eastern
the north-west division, xiv. 23. There are division, xiv. 7; misc, ref., v. 39, 73; xvi. 2. the various readings of Marukachcha, Mêru, a mountain in the northern division, Murukuchcha, Murûku, Marûhaturukacha, xiv. 24; misc. ref., xxvii. 7. In his Sanskrit Bharukachha, Nuruka, Maru kastha, Puru- Dictionary Monier-Williams describes it as a kutsa, Gurukatsa, and Paramuch cha;' also fabulous mountain, regarded as the Olympus (Paraśara) Marukuchcha,' which is the form of Hindu mythology, and says that, when used by Kern in his text. The possibility not looked at from that point of view, it of Bharukachchha is excluded, by this town appears to mean the highland of Tartary, being allotted in xiv. 11 to the southern north of the Himalayas. It is mentioned in division : nor can Maru and Kachchha be incriptions as Mêru (Gupta Inscriptions, intended; since they are allotted respectively pp. 77, 163), and as Samoru (id. pp. 86, 147, to the middle country, xiv. 2, and the south- 278); and in two of the latter passages ern division, xiv. 16. In iv. 22, misc. ref., it is spoken of as one of the breasts of the where the various readings are Tarukachla, earth (the other being the mountain Kailasa), and Maruvachha, Kern gives Maru-Kachchha and as the abode of the god Indra. in the text; but in the translation he rectifies Mêruka, a people, country, or mountain, in this, and adopts Marukuchcha; and he adds the north-east division, xiv. 29. But there the note -"the Marukuchchas, or Muru- does not seem any other authority for the kuchchas, were & people in the modern namo. And the text, Mérukanashtarajya, Kaferistan, or thereabouts."
suggests to me just the possibility of the Matanga, a (?) place where diamonds are original reading being Méru-Kanishkarájya. found, lxxx. 7.
milky ocean (kshir-oda), in the eastern diviMathurî, a city; misc. ref., iv. 26; xvi. 17, 21. sion, xiv. 6.
It is the so-called 'Muttra' in the North- mines, the (akara), a place in the southern West Provinces. See also Mathuraka. division, supposed by Kern to be the modern Mathuraka, the inhabitants of Mathura, q. v., 1 Kbândesh, xiv. 12 ; see Akara ; '-mines of in the middle country, xiv. 3.
beryl-stone, (vaidúrya), in the southern Matrishika (?), a people (?); misc. ref., xvi. division, xiv. 14.
11. In his text Kern gives the reading Mithila, a country in the eastern division, xiv. 48 sa-Mantrishikáh; and notes the various 6; misc. ref., . 14. readings of sa-dlamtrisikhah, -Matriskikáh, Mléchchha, a people, characterised as lawless,' - Mahishakdh, -Párasíkáh, and - Mamyushikáh. or without moral customs' (nirmaryáda), In his translation he gives - Matrishika ; in the western division, xiv. 21 ; misc. ref., and adds the pote - "perhaps an error of v. 79; ix. 13; xvi. 11, 35; xvi. 14, 16, 20; the copyists, or of the copies of some works - the Yavanas spoken of as Mlêchchhas consulted by the author, for sah-Atry- (Mléchchhá hi Yavanáh), ii. 15. Kern transRishikah," with Atri's hermitage and the slates Mléchchha in ii. 15, by “foreigners ;" Rishikas;" ch. xix. 14 and 15." I think it and in the other paysages by "barbarians." very likely that the intended reading was In xiv. 21 the translation is "all the lawless sa-Máhishakdh, which would give another hordes of barbarians living in the west" form of the name of the people of Mahisha, (nirmaryádá Mléchchhá yé paschima-dik-sthi
tás té cha). Albêrûni says, “Mlêchchha, i. e. Matsya, a people in the middle country, xiv. the Arabs." There is a passage in the
2; misc. ref., v. 37, 38; ix. 18; xvi. 22; Vishnu-Purána (Book IV. chap. III. ; xvii. 22; xxxii, 11 ; - the lord of the Wilson's Translation, Vol. III. p. 294 f.), Matsyas (Matsy-adhipatt), iv. 24.
which seems worth quoting here; it tells us Maulika, a people in the south-east division, that Sagara “made the Yavanas shave their
xiv. 8; but perhaps the correct reading is heads entirely; the Sakas he compelled to Saulika. See also Malika.'
shave (the upper) half of their heads; the Måghavat, a mountain in the western division, Paradas wore their hair long; and the xiv. 20.
Pahlavas let their beards grow; in obedience

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to his commands. Them, also, and other Nirvindhya, a river; misc, ref., xvi. 9. Kshattriya races, he deprived of the esta- Nishada, a people in the south-east division, blished usages of oblations to fire and the xiv. 10; misc. ref. v. 76. Kern translates, study of the Vedas; and, thus separated in xiv. 10, Nishada-ráshtrám, by " the terrifrom religious rites, and abandoned by the tory of the Aborigines;" and in v. 76, Nisha - Brahmans, these different tribes became da-sangháh, by " the savage tribes." The Mlécbchhas." The Mlêchchhas are men- Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman mentioned in the Junagadh inscription of Skan- tions the Nishada people or country (Inil, dagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 62).
Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262). mountain of sunrise (udaya-giri), in the eastern nomads (pasu-pála), in the north-east division,
division, xiv. 7; misc, ref., xxviii. 3; - xiv. 29. mountain of sunset (asta-giri), in the western noses; flat-nosed people (chipița-násika) in the clirision, xiv. 20.
northern division, siv. 26. Halika, a people in the north-west division, nşisinha-vana, "the forest of the man-lions,' in
xir. 23; but perhaps the correct reading is the north-west division, xiv. 22.
Sülika. See also “Maulika,' Muñja (v. I. Puñja), a mountain in the north-oceans; the ocean (samudra) in the eastern
cast division, xiv. 31. Albêrûni gives the division, i.e. the Bay of Bengal, xiv. 6; - the name as "Puñjadri."
ocean of milk (kshit-oda) in the eastern diviMuro kuchcha, a people; see Marukuchcha. sion, xiv. 6; the southern ocean (yámy
#dadhi) in the southern division, xiv, 15; -- Naimisha, a people; the king of the Naimishas the great ocean (mah-árņava) in the south(Naimisha-nripa), misc. ref., xi. 60.
west division, i. e. the Indian Ocean, xiv. 19; adlikéradvipa, the island of cocoanuts, in the - the eastern ocean (purva-ságara), misc. south-east division, xiv. 9.
ref., v. 65; - the ocean mentioned as the wirimukha, a people with the faces of women, gone or girdle of the earth, xliii. 32. For in the south-west division, xiv. 17.
some other interesting references, see the Narmada, the river Nerbudda ;' misc. ref., index of Gupta Inscriptions.
1. 64; xvi. 1, 9. See also Rêvâ.' The name Odra, or Audra, a country, the modern Orissa, Narmada occurs in the Eran inscription of and the people of it; misc, ref., v. 74. See
Budhagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 90). also 'Udra.' Nasikya, a town or country, in the southern
division, xiv. 13; unisc. ref., perhaps an Padma, & mountain in the eastern division, interpolation, xvi. 12. It is the modern xiv. 5. Násik. The form Násika' appears to be Pahlava, a people in the south-west division, established by inscriptions at Bedsa and at xiv. 17; misc ref., v. 38; xvi. 38; xviii. 6. Nasik itself (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. See also under . Mlêchchha.' The Pahlavas Vol. IV. pp. 89, 98).
are mentioned in one of the Násik inscripwashtordjya, the kingdom of the dead, in the tions (Archeol. Surp. West. Ind. Vol. IV.
north-east division, xiv. 29. But see ander p. 109. And a Pahlava minister of Radra. Mêruka.'
dâman is mentioned in the Junagadh innecks; great-necked people (mahd-griva) in scription (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 263).
the south east division, xiv. 9; snake-necked palla, the marshes or swamps, in the northpeople (vyálu-griva) in the south-east divi- east division, xiv. 30. Below his translation, sion, xiv. 9; long-necked people (dirgha- Kern remarks that "palila must be the gris) in the north-west division, xiy. 23. vulgar pronunciation for the Skr. paloala, Also see throats.
swamp, marsh.' The modern name is Terai, Vépåla, a country, and the people of it; misc. the eastern part of which, near Kuch-Behår, ref., iv. 22; v. 65. It is the modern Nepal. seems to be meant by palóla in our list." The name occurs in the Allahâbâd inscription Pañchâla, a people in the middle country, xiv.
of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14). 3; misc, ref., iv, 22; v. 35, 38, 41; ix. 29, Nipa a people in the middle country, xiv. 2. 34; . 4, 13; xiv. 32.

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Panchanada, '(the country) of the five rivers,' Paurava, a people in the northern division,
the Pañjab, in the western division, xiv. 21; xiv. 27, and in the north-east, xiv. 31; misc. misc. ref., x. 6. See also · Pañchanada.' ref., xvi. 22; xxxii. 19. Paichanada, a king or other inhabitant of Payôshni, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 10. In his Panchanada, q. v.; misc. ref., xi. 60.
translation, Kern notes that "another read. Pandu, a people in the middle country, xiv. 3. ing, also in Kaśya pa, is Parôshại."
The Rajim grant allots Indrabala, Nanna- pearls; the places where they are found dêra, and Tivararaja, to the Pandu-vama or are located in the southern division, xiv.
lineage of Pandu (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 298). 14 ;-in addition to being obtained from Páydya, a country, and the people of it; oysters, pearls are obtained from or found in
northern Pandya (uttara-Pandya), misc. ref., mines (sic), and in the Himavat mountains, xvi. 10; – the Pandya king (Pandya-narés- in the northern country (kaubêru), and in varu, Pandya-nátha, Pandya- ripa), misc. Pandyavậta, Paraloka, Paraśava, Simbala, ref., iv. 10; vi. 8, xi. 56. The Pandyas are Surashtra, and Tamraparni, lxxxi. 2. carried back to the third century B. C. Phalguluka, a river in the north-west division, by one of the edicts of Asoka (Ind. Ant. xiv. 23. Vol. XX. pp. 239, 240, 249).
Phanikara, a people in the southern division, Pandyavâța, a place or country where pearls xiv. 12. are found, lxxxi. 2, 6.
Phênagiri (v. I. Phênagiri) a mountain in the Pârâ, a river ; misc. ref., xvi. 10. It may south-west division, xiv. 18. Monier
perhaps be the same with the Pârâdâ of one Williams says it is near the mouth of the of the Nasik inscriptions, which has been Indus. identified with the river Par or Påradi in Pisika, a people in the southern division, xiv. the Surat District (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. 14. Albêrûnî repeats "Sibika" here. Vol. IV. p. 100, and note 2).
Prabhasa, a place of pilgrimage near Dvaraka, Peraloka, a place where pearls are found, misc, ref., xvi. 32. It is mentioned in Ixxxi. 2, 4.
inscriptions at Násik and Karle (Archceol. Parašava, a country, and the people of it, in Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 100, 101).
the south-west division, xiv. 18; - pearls Prachyadhipa, the kings of the eastern are found there, lxxxi. 2, 5; - misc. ref., country; misc. rof., v. 69; - the lords of liii. 15. Albêrûnî says, “ Pâraśava, i.e. the
the eastern and other countries (PráchyPersians."
ádindin patayah), misc. ref., lxxxvi. 75. Parata, a people in the western division, xiv. See also Pragiša.'
21 ; misc. ref., 1.5, 7; xiii. 9; xvi. 4, 13, Pragiša, the kings of the eastern country; 22. The Paratas may possibly be identical | misc, ref., iv. 25. See also · Prâchyâdhipa.'
with the Pâradas; see under Mlechchha.' Prügjyotisha, a people in the eastern division, Pâriyâtra, (v.l. Paripâtra), a mountain in the xiv. 6; misc, ref., xvi. 1. middle country, xiv. 4; misc. ref., v. 68; vi. Praśasta, a mountain in the western division, 10; lxix. 11. The form Paripátra' is xiv. 20. deduced from one of the Násik inscrip- Prasthala, a people ; misc. ref., xvi. 26. tions (Archæol. Sury. West. Ind. Vol. IV. Prayaga, probably the place of pilgrimage at p. 109). "Pariyâtra' occurs in one of the the confluence of the Ganges and the Mandasổr inscriptions (Gupta Inscriptions, Jamnâ; misc. ref., xi. 35. The name occurs p. 157). See also Pariyatrika
in the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena Piriyâtrika, the people of the Pariyatra moun- (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 206). tain, q. v. ; misc. ref., I. 15.
Palinda, & people; misc. ref., iv. 22; v. 77, 78; Parvatiya, & people; misc. ref., xvii. 16, 23; ix. 17, 29, 40; xvi. 2, 33; - the Pulinda xviii. 2.
tribe (Pulinda-gana), miso, ref., v. 39. The paóupála, nomads, in the north-east division, Palindas are carried back to the third xiv. 29.
century A. D. by one of the edicts of Abóka Paandra, the people of Pandra, q. 1., in the (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 239, 240, 247, 248).
eastern division, xiv. 7; misc. rof., v. 74, 80. Pandra, country, and the people of it;

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diamonds are obtained there, lxxx. 7; other misc. ref., v. 70; ix. 15; x. 14; xvi. 3; the leader of the Pundras (Pundradhipati), misc. ref., xi. 58. See also 'Paundra.'
Purika, a people in the south-east division, xiv. 10.
purusháda, purusháda, cannibals,' in the eastern division, xiv. 6; misc. ref., iv. 22. See also kravyúsin.' Pushkalavata, a people in the northern division, xiv. 26. Albêrûnt says, "Pushkalâvati, i. e. Púkala." Pushkalâvati, whence Pushkalâvata is formed, appears to be the Peukelaôtis of the Greek writers; and the latter has been identified with the modern Hashtnagar, near Peshawar (Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 59, and note 3). See also Pushkalavataka.' Pushkalavataka, a people, identical with
Pushkalâvata, q. v.; misc. ref., xvi. 26. Pushkara, probably the modern Pokhar in Ajmir, misc. ref., v. 68; xvi. 31; - the forest of Pushkara (Pushkar-aranya), misc. ref., xi. 35. The Pushkaras (pôksharáni, = pushkarani) are mentioned in one of the Nasik inscriptions (Archaeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 100).
Raivataka, in the south-west division, xiv. 19; misc. ref., xvi. 31. Raivataka is the hill at Junagadh, opposite to the Girnår mountain. It is mentioned in the Junagadh inscription of Skandagupta, and in the Jaunpur inscription of Îávaravarman (Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 64, 230).
"
rájanya, Kshatriyas,' placed in the northern division, xiv. 28.
Ramatha, a country and the people of it, in the western division, xiv. 21; misc. ref., xvi. 21. Albêrûnî gives "Mathara." See also 'Ramatha.'
Ramatha, the people of Ramatha, q. v.; misc. ref., x. 5,
Rathahva, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 16. In his translation, Kern notes that it is difficult to decide upon the true form, as some of his manuscripts had Rathasvá, Rathampa, and Rathasya or Rathaspa. With Rathâhvå, we may compare Gajâhva.
Rêvâ, the river Nerbudda;' misc. ref., xii. 6. See also 'Narmada.' The name Rêvâ occurs
[JULY, 1893.
in one of the Mandasôr Inscriptions (Gapta Inscriptions, pp. 156, 157). Rishabha, a people in the southern division,
xiv. 15.
Rishika, a people in the southern division, xiv. 15. Can the name have any connection with the Ristika' or Ristika' of one of the edicts of Aśoka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 240, 247, 248). Rishyamuka, a moun tain in the southern division, xiv. 13. Romaka, a people or place; misc. ref., xvi. 6. Kern translates by "the Romans." Albêrânî, speaking of the determination of longitude by the Hindus, from Lanka, says (India, Translation, Vol. I. p. 303) "Their remarks on the rising and setting of the heavenly bodies show that Yamakôți and Rûm are distant from each other by half a circle. It seems that they assign the countries of the West (i. e. North Africa) to Rûm or the Roman Empire, because the Rûm or Byzantine Greeks occupy the opposite shores of the same sea (the Mediterranean); for the Roman Empire has much northern latitude, and penetrates high into the north. No part of it stretches far southward, and, of course, nowhere does it reach the equator, as the Hindus say with regard to Romaka." As regards Yamakôți mentioned here, see under Bhadrâśva.'
Sabara, a people; misc. ref., v. 38; ix. 15, 29; x. 15, 18; xvi. 1, 33; xxxii. 15; - naked Sabaras (nagna-Sabara), and leaf-clad or leaf-eating Sabaras (parna-Sabara), in the south-east division, xiv. 10; the band of the Sabaras, hunters, and thieves' (Sabaravyadha-chaura-sangha), misc. ref., lxxxvii. 10. In a note to his translation, Kern remarks on the word parna-Sabara, "i. e. 'leaf-savages,' meaning those that feed upon leaves; they are manifestly the Phyllita of Ptolemy." The grant of PallavamallaNandivarman mentions Sabara king named Udayana (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 279).
&
Sahya, a mountain; misc. ref., lxix. 30. It is the Sahyadri range, in the Western Ghauts. It is mentioned in one of the Nâsik inscriptions (Archaeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109). It is sometimes spoken of as one of

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TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE BRIHAT-SAMHITA.
189
the breasts of the earth, - the other being Saurashtra, a country, the modern Kathiawad, the Vindhya range (Gupta Inscriptions, and the people of it; diamonds are obtained p. 184).
there, lxxx. 6, and pearls, lxxxi. 2, 4; misc. Saindhava, the people of the Sindhu country; ref., v. 68 ; ix. 19; xvi. 17, 31. See also misc. ref., v. 71. See also 'Sindhu.'
Saurashtraka, and Surashtra.' Sairindha, a people in the north-east division, Saurashtraka, the people of Saurashtra, 7. v. xiv. 29.
misc. ref., xxxii. 11. Saka, a people in the western division, ziv. 21; Sauri, a people in the sonthern division, xiv.
misc. ref., v. 38, 75, 79; ix. 21; xiii. 9; 11. In a note to his translation, Kern xvi. 1; xvii. 26; xviii. 6. In each instance, suggests that the Sauris are the Sorce of Kern gives - Scythians" in his translation. Ptolemy. See also under 'kanaka' and 'Mlêchchha.' Saurpâraka, of or belonging to Surpara,' The 'Sakas, as a people, are mentioned in where, it is said, black diamonds are found, one of the Nâsik inscriptions (drchæoi. Surv. lxxx, 6. Surpâra is the modern' Sôpârâi, in West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109); and individual the Thâņa District, Bombay Presidency. For Sakas, including Ushavadata, son-in-law of a long note on it, giving all the varieties of the Kshatrapa Nahapana, are mentioned in the name and epigraphical and literary the same series of records (id. pp. 101, 104, references, see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. 114). The 'Sakas are also mentioned among XV. p. 273. See also under Aparantaka.' the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta Sauvira, & people ; misc. ref., xvi. 21. See (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14).
also Sauviraka, and Sindhu-Sauvira.' The Såkôta, the modern Audh, or "Oude' or Junagadh inscription of Rudradiman men
Oudh,' in the middle country, xiv. 4. See tions the Sauvira people or country (Ind. also • Ayôdhaka.'
Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262). Salve, (v. I. Salva and 'Sálva), a people in the Sauviraka, a people; misc. ref. iv. 23. See
middle conntry, xiv. 2 ; misc. ref., v. 76; also Sauvira, and Sindhu-Sauvîra.' xvi. 21 ; xvii. 13, 18.
Sibi, & people; misc. ref., iv. 24; v. 67 ; xi. Samatata, in the eastern division, xiv. 6. The 59; xvi. 26 ; xvii. 19. See also 'Sibika.'
name means the country of which the Sibika, a people in the southern division, xiv. Hvers have flat and level banks, of equal 12. See also Sibi.' height on both sides,' and it denotes Lower Sibira, (v. l. 'Savara), a mountain in the eastern Bengal. It occurs in the Allahâbâd in- division, xiv. 6. scription of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscrip- Sinhala, Ceylon, in the southern division, xiv. tions, p. 14).
15;-the ruler of Sinhala (Sinhal-adhipa), Samkhyâta, a people in the middle country, misc. ref., xi. 60; - pearls are obtained xiv. 2.
there, lxxxi. 2, 3 See also 'Lanka.' The Santika, a people in the western division, xiv. Saimhaļakas, or people of Simhaļs, are men
tioned in the Allahabad inscription of Saradhâna, a people in the northern division, Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 14). xiv. 26.
Simhapuraka, a people; misc, ref., v. 42. Sarasvata, people in the middle country, xiv. Sindhu, either the river Indus, or the Sindh
2 ; misc. ref., xvi. 22. They seem to be the country, in the south-west division, xiv. 19; people dwelling on the banks of the Saras- - the Sindhu river (Sindhu-nada), misc. vati, q.o.
ref., xvi. 16, 21;-the (river) Sindhu, misc. Sarasvati, a river; misc. ref. to the region ref., xvi. 10; - the banks of the Sindhu where 'it disappears, xvi. 31. See also (Sindhu-taļa), misc. ref., v. 66, 80; - the Sarasvata.'
Sindhu country (Sindhra-vishaya), misc, ref., Sarayů, a river; misc. ref., v. 65; xvi. 16. lxix. 11; - other misc. ref. to either the Satadrů, a river ; misc. ref., xvi. 21.
river, or the country, or the people of it, iv. Saalika, a people in the south-east division, 23 ; xviii. 6. The Sindhu country is menxiv. 8; but perhaps the correct reading is
tioned in the Junagadh inscription of Maulika, See also "Salika.'
Rudradaman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262).
20.

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And the seven months of the river Sindhu are mentioned in the Mêharauli inscription of the emperor Chandra (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 141). See also 'Saindhava.' Sindhu-Sauvira, a people in the south-west division, xiv. 17; misc. ref., x. 6; xiv. 34; also Sindhu-Sauviraka, misc. ref., ix. 19. Albêrûnî says, "Sauvira, i. e. Multân and Jahrávár."
Siprà, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 9.
sita, a white people, misc. ref., xi. 61. See also 'svéta,' and under 'Hûna.'
Sitaka (v. 1. Sataka), a people in the northern division, xiv. 27.
sky; dwellers in the sky (khastha), in the north-west division, xiv. 22; roamers in the sky (khachara), in the northern division, xiv. 28; dwellers in the sky (divishtha), in the north-east division, xiv. 31. On xiv. 22, Albêrûnî says "Khastha, i. e. people who are born from the trees, hanging on them by the navel-strings."
Smaśradhara, a people in the south-east
division, xiv. 9.
Sóna, a river; misc. ref., v. 65; xvi. 1, 9. spirits, the city of (bhúta-pura), in the northern division, xiv. 27.
'Sriparvata, a mountain; misc. ref., xvi. 3. Srughna, a town or country, misc. ref., xvi.
21. Gen. Sir Alexander Cunningham has identified it with the Su-lu-k'in-na of Hiuen Tsiang, and the modern Sugh near Thânêsar (Anc. Geogr. of India, p. 345). stri-rajya, the kingdom of women, i. e. the amazons, in the north-west division, xiv. 22; misc. ref., xvi. 6. See under amazons.'
Sûdras, placed in the south-west division, xiv. 18.
Suhma, a people in the eastern division, xiv. 5; misc. ref., v. 37; xvi. 1.
Sukti, a place or people; the Sakti lord (Sukty-adhipa), misc. ref,, iv. 24 Sûlika, a people in the north-west division, xiv. 23; misc. ref., ix. 15, 21; 1. 7; xvi. 35; but perhaps the correct reading is Mâlika. In his text of ix. 15, Kern gives Sûlika, with the palatal aspirate; but in his translation he gives Sûlika, with the dental aspirate, and adds the note that "this seems to be the preferable spelling." See also "Saulika."
[JULY, 1893.
sunrise, the mountain of (udaya-giri), in the eastern division, xiv. 7.
sunset, the mountain of (asta-giri), in the western division, xiv. 20. supernatural people and places; the city of spirits (bhuta-pura), in the northern division, xiv. 27;-demons with matted hair (jatásura), in the north-east division, xiv. 30;the grove of spirits (vasu-vana), in the north. east division, xiv. 31;- Gandharvas, or the heavenly choristers, in the north-east division, xiv. 31; misc. ref., xiii. 8;-dwellers in the sky (khastha), in the north-west division, xiv. 22;- dwellers in the sky (divistha), in the north-east division, xiv. 31;- roamers in the sky (khachara), in the northern. division, xiv. 28. Sûrasêna (v. 1. Sûrasêna), a people in the middle country, xiv. 3; misc. ref., v. 35, 69; ix. 17; xvii. 13, 22; lxix. 26; the lord of the Sûrasênas (Sûraséna-pati), misc. ref., xi. 54. See also Sûrasênaka,' An inscription of the Sûrasênas has been published in Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 34; the name occurs as Sûrasena there, and also (as a proper name) in one of the Nêpâl inscriptions (Gupta Inscriptions, Introd. p. 180). Sarasênaka, a people; the king of the Sûrasênakas (Súrasénaka-nṛipa), misc. ref., ix. 11. See also Sûrasêna.' Surashtra, a country, the modern Kathiawâd, and the people of it, in the south-west division, xiv. 19; pearls are obtained there, lxxxi. 2, 4; other misc. ref., iv. 22; v. 79; x. 6; lxix. 11. See also 'Saurashtra.' The base 'Surâshtra' occurs in one of the Nåsik inscriptions (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109); in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradâman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262); and in line 9 of the Junagadh inscription of Skandagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 59): but line 8 of the latter record shews that the customary expression was Surashtrâh (nom. pl.), the Surâshtra countries.' Sarpa, a mountain in the southern division,
xiv. 14.
suvarna-bhú, the region of gold, in the northeast division, xiv. 31. Below his translation, Kern gives the note" in all likelihood a mythical land; with Ptolemy it is. called Chryse (cf. Lassen, Altert. iii. 242), which is not to be confounded with the real

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island and peninsula Chryse. The latter is held to be Malakka; the Golden Island, however, the existence of which is denied by Lassen (Altert. iii. 247), but sufficiently attested not only by the Greeks, but also in the Kathasaritságara (x. 54, 99; 56, 62; 57, 72; xviii. 123, 110), cannot be but Sumatra, including, perhaps, Java. Cf. Ramayana, 40, 30 (ed. Bombay)."
TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE BRIHAT-SAMHITA.
Suvâsta, a place or country, misc. ref., xxxii. 19. Can it denote the Swât territory ? Suvira, a people; misc. ref., v. 79. See also 'Sauvira, Sauviraka, and Sindhu-Sauvira.' sva-mukha, a dog-faced people, in the northern division, xiv. 25.
évéta, a white people; misc. ref., xvi. 38. See also sita,' and under Hûna.' swamps or marshes (pulôla), in the northeast division, xiv. 30.
Syâmâka, a people in the northern division, ziv. 28.
Takshasila, the inhabitants of Takshasilâ, q. v., in the northern division, xiv. 26; misc. ref., xvi. 26.
Takshasila, a city; misc. ref., x. 8. See also Takshasila.' The place is the well-known Taxila of the Greek writers. And it was one of the principal seats of Asôka's power (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 247). Albêrûnî says "Takshasila, i. e. Marikala." Marikala seems to be the same with Mârîgala, in connection with which he speaks of "the country between Bardari and Mârigala," and of "the country Nirahara, behind Mârigala" (India, Translation, Vol. II. p. 8).
Tâla, a people in the north-west division, xiv. 22. Albêrûnî gives "Talahala," not "Talas and Halas," as given by Kern, from the commentary, I suppose. There was an ancient town named Talapura or Tâlâpura in the neighbourhood of Nirmand in the Pañjab (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 290). Talikata (v. 1. Tàpitata), in the southern division, xiv. 11. Tâlikôt in the Bijapur District suggests itself; but it is hardly possible that the place can be so ancient. Tâmaliptî, a city; misc. ref., x. 14. It seems to be the Tan-mo-li-ti of Hiuen Tsiang, which has been identified with Tamluk on the Selai, just above its junction with the
191
Hughli (Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 200, and note 36). See also 'Tâmaliptika.' Tâmaliptika, (v. 7. Tâmalipta and Tâmaliptaka), the inhabitants of Tâmalipti, q. v., in the eastern division, xiv. 7.
Tâmraparni, in the southern division, xiv. 16; pearls are obtained there, Ixxxi. 2, 3. It is not clear whether the reference is to a river, said to be noted for its pearls, rising in Malaya, or to Ceylon, which was known as Tamraparni (whence Taprobane') in the days of Asôka (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 239, 240, 249).
Tangana (v. 7. Tankaņa, q. v.), a people in the north-east division, xiv. 29; misc. ref., ix. 17; x. 12; xvi. 6; xxxii. 15. Taikana, a country in the southern division, xiv. 12; misc. ref., xvii. 25. A country named Tanka is mentioned in the Daśâvatâra eave inscription at Ellôrà (Cave-Temple Inscriptions, p. 94, text line 10). See also 'Tangana.'
Tapi, the river Tapti; misc. ref., perhaps an interpolation, xvi. 12. The name occurs in one of the Nasik inscriptions (Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 100). The v. l. for Talikata, q. v., would give a reference to the banks of the Tâpî. Târakshiti, a (?) country, in the western division, xiv. 21. throats; high-throated people (úrdhvakantha) in the south-east division, xiv. 8. Also see 'necks.'
timingildiana, 'a whale-eating people,' in the
southern division, xiv. 16. Traigarta, the people of Trigarta, q. v.; misc. ref., x. 11; xvi. 22; xvii. 16. Also Traigartaka, misc. ref., iv. 24. Trigarta, a country in the northern division, xiv. 25; misc. ref., ix. 19. See also 'Traigarta.' Trigarta is mentioned in the Chamba grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. P. 8). trinétra, 'three-eyed people,' in the north-east division, xiv. 31.
Tripura, a city; misc. ref., v. 39. See also 'Tripuri.'
Tripuri, a city in the south-east division, xiv. 9. See also 'Tripura.' There can be little doubt, if any, that it is the Tripurt, - the modern Têwar near Jabalpur, of the Kalachuris of Central India.
-

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Tukhara, a people in the north-west division, Utkala, a people in the eastern division, xiv. 7.
xiv. 22; misc. ref., xvi 6. In the latter Utkala is always explained as denoting Orissa passage, Kern translates the word by uttará patha, a customary name for Northern “Tocharians."
India, misc, ref., ix. 41, See also Aryavarta ;' Tumbavana, a forest in the southern division, and contrast dakshinapatha.' Occasionally xiv. 15.
udichipatha occury in place of the more turagúnana, horse-faced people, in the customary and technical uttarapatha. The
northern division, xiv. 25. See also asva- Western Chalukya records speak of Harshamukha, and asvavadana.'
vardhana of Kanauj as “the lord of all the
uttarúpatha or region of the north" (e. g. udayagiri, the mountain of sunrise,' in the Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 87).
eastern division, xiv. 7. Uddêbika, (v. I. Audêbika and Audd@hika), Vadavâmukha, in the south-west division, xiv.
a people in the middle country, xiv. 3. 17. The name means the mare's mouth, Albêrûnt says, “Uddehika, near Bazâna." which is the entrance to the lower regions Bazâna, which name is marked by the trans- at the south pole, where the submarine fire lator, in the index, with a query, is said by is. Below his translation Korn remarks - Albêrûnî (India, Translation, Vol. I. p. 202) |
"in the astronomical Siddhantas Vadavato be twenty-eight farsakhs (one farsakh = mukha is the supposed abode of the dead at four miles, id. p. 200) in a south-westerly the South Pole," direction from Kananj. He also says that Vâhlika, Vahlika, a country, and an inhabitant Bazâna is the capital of Gujarat, and " is of it; misc. ref., v. 80; ix. 10. See also called Nardyan by our people." And he BAhlika, Bahlîka. The name of Balkh seems places Ambilwad sixty farsalchs to the south- to be derived from this word. But the west of Bazâna (id. p. 205).
statement, in the Mêharauli inscription (GupUdichye, the people of the north; miso. ref., ta Inscriptions, p. 141), that the emperor
xvi. 21. Compare udichipatha as a name of Chandra crossed the seven months of the
Northern India, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 312 Indus and then conquered the Vahlikas, Udra (v. l., perhaps, Odra or Audra), a country, tends to locate the tribe, for that period, far
the modern Orissa, and the people of it, in to the south of Balkh. the eastern division, xiv. 6; misc. ref., v.35; Vaidarbha, the people of Vidarbha, q. v.; misc.
xvi. 1 ; xvii. 25. Also see Audra, and Odra.' ref., ix. 27. Udumbara, a people; misc. ref., v. 40; xvi. 3. Vaideha, the people of Vidêha, q. v.; miso. See also 'Audumbara.'
ref., xxxii. 22. Ujjayani, the modern Ujjain ; misc. ref., x. 15; Vaidehaks, the people of Vidêha, q. v.; miso.
xii. 14; lxix. 30. See also 'Aujjayanika, and ref., ix. 13, 21 ; xvi. 16. Avanti.' In the Průksit form of Ujôni, the vaidurya, the place or places where berylname appears in one of the Nasik inscrip- stones are found, in the southern division, tions (Archæol, Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. ziv. 14. p. 101), and is also carried back to the third Vaisyas, placed in the western division, xiv. 21. century B. C. by one of the edicts of Asoka Vanavâsi, in the southern division, xiv. 12; (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. pp. 85, 96).
misc. ref., ix. 15; xvi. 6. It is the modern Ujjihậna, a people in the middle country, ziv. 2. Banawâsi in the North Kanara District, Upajyotisha, (v. I. Aupajyautisha), a people in above the Ghauts. Albêrûni says " Vanathe middle country, xiv. 3.
vâsi on the coast." And Rashidu-d Din Upavanga, a country in the south-east division, (Elliot's History of India, Vol. I. p. 58) says
xiv. 8. Kern translates the name by "Vanga " Banawas on the shore of the sea." It minor."
seems to be some similar wrong information Ardhvakantha, "high-throated people,' in the that led the Greek writers to speak of south-east division, xiv. 8.
Buxantion, which appears to represent Ubinara, a people; misc, ref., iv. 22; xvi. 26. Vaijayanti, another ancient name of BanaSee also Ausinara,
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TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE BRIHAT-SAMHITA.
193
vanaugha, the collection of forests, in the members of the community of ascetics western division, xiv. 20.
" whose permanent abode was in the caveVanga, a country, and the people of it, in temples at Vallúraka," and who had come to
the south-east division, xiv. 8; misc. ref., pass the rainy season at Kârlê; the other v. 72, 73, 79; ix, 10 ; x. 14 ; xvi. 1; xvii. two records, however, seem to mean that a 18, 22; xxxii. 15. See also "Vaiga, and branch of the sainghą from Vallûraka ultiUpavanga.' The Vanga countries (Vanyéskre; mately settled at Kârlê, and gave its name loc. plur.) are mentioned in the Méharauli to one or more of the caves there: there inscription of the emperor Chandra (Gupta seems no foundation for the suggestion, ibid. Inscriptions, p. 141).
p. 101, note 1, that Vallúraka was the Vanga, a variant of Vanga, q. v.; misc. ref., ancient name of Karlê itself). Under the xi. 60.
Sanskritised name of Elậpura, the place is Vardhamana, a city or country, in the eastern also mentioned in connection with the Rash
division, xiv. 7 ; misc. ref., xvi. 3; lxxix. trakūta king Krishňa I., 'for whom the 21; xciv. 2. It is the modern Bardwan in "Kailasa temple" was constructed there Bengal.
(Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 228). Vasáti (v. l. Vaśâti), in the northern division, Vêņâ, a river in the southern division, xiv. xiv. 25; misc. ref., xvii. 19.
12; -diamonds are obtained there, lxxx. 6; Vasumat, a mountain, in the northern division, misc. ref. iv. 26; xvi. 9. xiv. 24.
Vêņumati, a river in the north-west division, vasuvana, 'the forest of Vosus or spirits,' in xiv. 23. Albêrûnî says, "Vēņumati (?), i. e. the north-east division; xiv. 31.
Tirmidh." Vatadhana, a people in the northern division, vetravati, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 9.
xis, 26 : misc, ref., xvi. 22. The text of xvi. Vidarbha, a country in the south-east division, 22 shews that the name.is Vatadhana. But xiv. 8. See also · Vaidarbba. Vidarbha is on xiv. 26 Albêrûni gives "Dasêra ; Kava- mentioned in one of the Nâsik inscriptions tadhana," instead of "Dasêraka and Vâta
(Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109). dhina." Monier-Williams says that, in Viddha, a country, and the people of it; miso. addition to being the name of a degraded
ref., v. 41, 71 ; xvi, 11. See also Vaideha, tribe, the word means the descendant of an and Vaidê haka.'
outcaste Brâhman by a Brahman female. Vidiśâ; misc. ref., xvi. 32. Monier-Williams Vatsa, a people in the middle country, xiv. 2; gives the word as denoting (1) the capital
and in the south-east division, xiv. 8; -1 of the district of Daśârņâ, and (2) a river in misc, ref., x. 5; xvii. 18, 22.
Mâlwá. Vēdasmriti, a river; misc. ref., xvi. 32.
Vidyadhara, a class of supernatural beings; Vellúra, a town in the southern division, xiv.
misc. ref., ix. 27. Kern translates by "the 14. It is, undoubtedly, the well-known
inhabitants of Fairy-land;" and identifies Vera!, Yerola, Elûrê, or Ellora, in the
them with the Teutonic "elves." Nizam's Dominions, where the cave-temples
Vindhya mountains; "the inhabitants of the ere. The place is also mentioned, as Vallûra recesses of the Vindhyas," or the people (for Vellûra), in the inscription at the Bud. dwelling near the boundaries or at the end of dhist vikara, known as the Ghatotkacha the Vindhyas (Vindhy-ánta-vásinah), in the cave, near Gulwada in the neighbourhood south-east division, xiv, 9;- the forests of of Ajanti (Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. the Vindhyas (Vindhy-áțavi), xvi. 3; pp. 139, 140); and as Valûraka, or probably the range spoken of as one of the breasts of more correctly Valláraks (for Velldraka), the earth, the other being the Himavat mounin three Buddhist inscriptions at Kårle tains, xliii. 35; -misc. ref., zii: 6; xvi. 10, 12 (Archeol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 101, (perhaps an interpolation); lxix. 30. The 108, 113: as regards the first of these Vindhya mountains are mentioned in one of records, I differ from the published transla- the Násik inscriptions (Archæol. Suru. West. tion, and take the record to mean that the
ind. Vol. IV. p. 109). In other epigravillage of Karaika was granted to some phic passages, they are mentioned as one of

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the breasts of the earth, the other being the the northern division, xiv. 25. In xiv. 2, Sahya range (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 184); as Kern translates those who dwell along the constituting both the breasts (id. p. 185); banks of the Jamnå;" and in xiv. 25, "those and as extending up to, and including, the who live near the sources of the Jamna." On Nagarjuni Hill in the Gaya District id. xiv. 2, Albêrûni says "the valley of the pp. 227, 228).
Yamuna;" but on xiv. 25, "Yamuna, i.e. a Vipåsa, a river ; misc. ref., xvi. 21.
kind of Greeks," - evidently confusing Virâta, a country; misc. ref. (perhaps an inter- Yamuna with Yavana.
polation), xvi. 12. Viratakote, the fort of Yaśôvati, a city in the northern division, xiv. Virata,' was a name of Hangal in the Dhar- 28. Below his translation, Kern notes that war District.
it is "a mythical city of the Elves." Vitaka, a pooplo; misc. ref., xvi. 2. In his Yaudhêya, a people in the northern division, translation Kern adds the note, which per- xiv. 28; misc, ref., iv. 25; v. 40, 67, 75; haps includes the Mekalas and the Kirktas, xvi. 22; xvii. 19. See also Yaadhêyaka.' -“These are the same tribes ho by a The Yaudhêyas are mentioned in the synonymous term are called Lampákas and Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman (Ind. Utsavasanketas; they are said to scorn the Ant. Vol. VII. p. 262), and in the Allahabad institution of matrimony, and to form only inscription of Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptemporal engagements, lasting for the time tions, p. 14); and there is a fragmentary of a festival."
inscription of some leader of the tribe at Vitastî, the river Jhêlam; misc. ref., xvi. 27.
Bijayagadh (id. p. 251). Vokkaņa, & people in the western division, Yaudhêyaka, another form of Yaudhéya, q. v.; xiv. 20; misc. ref., xvi. 35.
misc. ref., xi. 59; - the king of the Yaudhe. Vpishabhadhvaja, & mountain in the eastern yakas (Yaudhéyaka-nsipa), misc, ref., ix. 11. division, xiv. 5.
Yavana, a people in the south-west division, urishadvipa, the island of bully,' in the south. xiv. 18; misc. ref., iv. 22; v. 78, 80; ix. east division, xiv. 9.
21, 35; X. 6, 15, 18; xiii. 9; xvi. 1 ; xviii. tyághamukha, a tiger-faced people,' in the 6;- the Yavanas spoken of as Mléchchhas eastern division, xiv. 5.
(Mléchchha hi Yavanáh), ii. 15 (see also vydlagriva, 'a people with serpents' necks' in under "Mlêchchha'). In ii. 15 and xvi. 1, the south-east division, ziv. 9.
Kern translates the word Yavana by
"the Greeks ;" and the first of these two whales, eaters of timingil-hsana), in the passages mentions the flourishing state of southern division, xiv. 16.
astronomy among the Yavanas. On xiv. 18, wlite peoplo (gaudaka) in the eastern division, Albêrûni says "Yavana, i.e. the Greeks."
xix. 7 ; misp. ref. to white people (svéta) or And McCrindle gives the following note to White Hûņas (svéta-Húna), xvi. 38,- (Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, but see under Hûņa.'
p. 122, note 1), to explain the derivation women; the kingdom of women, i.e. the of the word :-“The name of lon, the
country of the amazons (stri-rajya), in the eponymous ancestor of the Ionians, had north-west division, xiv. 22; & people originally the digamma, and hence was with the faces of women (ndri-mukha), in written as Ivon. The Hebrew transcription the south-west division, ziv. 17.
of this digammated form is Javan, the name
by which Greece is designated in the Bible. Yamuna, the river Jamna ; miso. ref., v. 37; The Sanskrit transcription is Yavana, the
xvi. 2; - mentioned as the daughter of the name applied in Indian works to Ionians or Bun (divákara-sutá), zliji. 32 ; - the region Greeks and foreigners generally." The between the Ganga and the Yamuna (Ganga. thirteenth rock edict of Asoka speaks of the
Yamun-antardla), misc. ref., lxix. 26. See Yonas, i. e. Yavanas (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. also Yamuna.'
pp. 239, 240, 247); and it describes AntiYamuna, the people living near the Yamuna, ochus II. of Syria, as a Yôna, i. e. Yavana,
q. o., in the middle country, xiv. 2, and int king (ibid. pp. 239, 240, 241, 242). The

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Yavanas, as a tribe, are mentioned in one of original stone, I take the reading to be the Násik inscriptions (Archæol. Suru. West. Asôkasya Mauryasy=ásité Yavana-rájény Ind. Vol. IV. p. 109); and several indivi- Tuskasphénoldhishthaya &c.) Like the dual Yavanas are mentioned in the same Kambðjus and the Pahlavas, the Yavanas series of records (ibid. pp. 90, 91, 93, 94, are located by Varahamihira too much 95, 115). And the Junagadh inscription of towards the south; unless the reference is Rudradâman speaks of a Yavana prince or simply to some large settlement of them king named Tushaspha, apparently as sl in the neighbourhood of Nâsik. contemporary of Aśôka (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. Yagamdhara, & people; misc. ref., xxxii. p. 260, text line 8; from an inspection of the 19.
MISCELLANEA. FOLK-ETYMOLOGY OF PLACE NAMES IN THE & torrent, such as commonly rushes down the hill SANDOWAY DISTRICT, BURMA.
sides in the rains. There was no one to help, Extract from a diary kept by the My0,0% of and so she was drowned. Her last words were Sandoway shewing the popular etymology of
ame 18' and hence the streamlet is thereabouts place names in the Dade Circle of the Sando
named Mòwa, whence also a neighbouring village way townships. In all four cases it can be took its name. shewn that the etymology is false :
Lower down are two villages, Yetbe, and In ancient times there lived near the source of Palaing. These took their names from the the Dade River a pute, who had a daughter. yetbet and palaing, with which the girl had The girl was amusing herself by fishing in the been fishing, and which were found on the banks stream, when she was suddenly swept down it by at these spots.
B. HOUGHTON.
NOTES AND QUERIES. ORDEAL IN MODERN INDIAN LIFE. by caste a Thakur from Faizabad in Oudh, and Lately a pair of boots belonging to me disap- I had brought it himself in the medicine bottle peared in a suspicious manner. The servanta had from Hardwar. been quarrelling, and it was pretty evident that The mehtar then essayed to take up the holy one of them had made away with the boots in water, but was not perinitted to touch the bottle ; order to spite the man in charge. They decided so be produced his three children,-& son, & to take oath among themselves to find out the danghter and a child in arms. He successively culprit. The servants implicated were the coach- touched their heads and swore to the above effect. man, the cook, the bhists, the khansdman, the
All the Musulmans then swore on the Qur'an bearer, a khidmatgdr, and a chuprdal, all Musal. mans; a chuprdst, a sais, two pankhdrolds, all
that none of them were guilty. Hindus; and a mehtar.
In the end the khdnadman came to me, and said I watched the proceedings. Firstly, real holy
they had all sworn to innocence. There was no
gainsaying that, but one of them was, in their water (gangdjal) from Hardwar was produced in a medicine bottle (!) and uncorked. This the Hindus
own opinion, guilty nevertheless, and so they had in turn solemnly held in both hands, while they
decided to divide the cost of the boots amongst repeated, each in his own fashion, an oath which
themselves, aga general punishment for failing ran somewhat thus:-"May my eyes go blind,
to detect the culprit between them! In this and my body break out, etc., if I stole those
every one acquiesced, and that ended the matter boota!" The bottle was then lifted above the
to every one's satisfaction, except the master's, head by both hands in the usual form of saluta.
who lost a comfortable pair of boots. tion. There was no doubt as to the holy water.
R. C. TEMPLE. It belonged to one of the pankhdwdlds, who was Rangoon, March 1898.
1 Township officer.
Merchant, wealthy man. "My mother!" common expression of astonishment and trouble.
A fshing instrument. A basket.

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BOOK NOTICE. SANTAL FOLKTALES. Translated from the Santalf by Northern India of the demon who chows grains of
A. Caunpbell, Free Church of Scotland, Santal iron and is killed by the hero, while the rascally Mission, Manbhoom. Santal Mission Prese, Pokhuria.
Dôm or Dhobi takes all the credit. Next follows Any fresh collection of Indian folktales is wel
"The King and His Inquisitive Queen," which come, and in particular one made among primitive
corresponds perfectly with the well-known story isolated races like the Santâls, who may be expected
in the Introduction of the Arabian Nights," to be in a great measure unaffected by Hindu where the deus ex machind, who warns the merinfluence, and among whom we know that some
chant, that he is a fool not to thrash his wife, is a really original folklore undoubtedly exists. There cook: here it is a he-goat. Then comes " The is, for instance, the remarkable legend of their Story of Bitarim." Bitlu, Dr. Campbell may be creation from goose which is probably of a glad to know, is good Hindi, as well as Santali, for totemistic character.
a span, and the story of Bittarim, who is known I must admit, however, that Dr. Campbell's as Bittan all over Northern India, is the Oriental collection is somewhat disappointing. Nor has representative of one of the most delightful of he, I venture to think, gone quite in the proper Grimm's Household Tales (No. 37), "Thumbling." way of collecting. Many of these tales display, The only difference is that the Santali Hop-o'-myas may be easily shewn, undoubted traces of Thumb is more of an imp than the touching foreign influence : and this being the case, before creation of the German fancy, in which, too, we we can satisfactorily classify them, it is absolutely find the charming parental tenderness for the necessary to know by whom and under what dear little creature which we miss in the Eastern circunstances they were told and recorded. It form of the tale. "The Story of the Tiger" is would then be, perhape, possible to trace the our old friend the fox, who acts as arbitrator and source by which much undoubtedly foreign folk induces the tiger to go back to his cage to shew lore has come to be included among them. But how he managed to come out. In "Läpi and on this point Dr. Campbell vouchsafes absolutely Lapra" we have the well-known idea of the clever no information whatever. It would again not youngest son who gets the better of his brothers, have been a difficult task to suggest some of the and " Gumda the Hero" is of the Munchausen analogies and parallels to other collections wbich type. In Upper India it appears in the form of appear throughout this collection.
the "Wrestler of the East and the West." The first story, “The Magic Lamp," is an un. Perhaps the most original and characteristic doubted variant of our old friend Aladdin of the of these stories are those about animals. A good "Arabian Nights," which is not part of the one describes the dilemma of the man who had original recension, and has probably reached India to arbitrate daily between the tiger and the in quite recent years from Western sources. In lizard : and here, too, we come across the stupid the second tale, "Jhorea and Jhore," we have old tiger who allows his tail to be fried, who takes several of the familiar drolls known in Northern people about on his back, and is swindled by the India as "The Wiles of Shekh Chilli.” Many of crane who takes one year the root crop and in these, according to Mr. Jacobs, form the basis of the next the leaves, of which we have a German our Joe Miller. In the third tale, The Boy and version in Grimm. In the “ Seven Brothers and bis Stepmother, we have the familiar type of the their Sister" we have the old superstition of cruel stepmother and her stepson, which in India human sacrifice at the foundation of buildings, often takes the form of the malicione saut or on which Dr. Campbell might have given an co-wife, who appears later on in "Sit and Bosont." interesting note. In this third tale it is mixed up with the Faithful It will thus be seen that, to the student of comAnimal" cycle, which, in this case, is represented parative folklore, there is much of interest in this by the protecting cow-a legitimate descendant of collection. We can only express the hope that in the Kamadhenu of Hindu mythology. Here, too, another series Dr. Campbell will give us more of we have a well-known incident of the lovey who the really indigenous folktales, and ruthlessly finds the golden hair of the princess floating down discard those which are obviously of foreign the stream. The common Northern India version origin: and he would do more justice to his work of this is given by Mr. Mark Thornhill in the if he would send it outequipped with analysis,
Princess with the Golden Hair" and in Major notes and illustrations of parallel plots and inTemple's “Wonderfal Ring."
cidents, without which any collection of folklore, In the fifth tale, “Kara and Guja," we have intended for serious students, is of comparatively another well-known incident popular all over little value.
W. CROOKE. 1 Dalton Descriptive Ethnology, p. 209 f. Indian Fairy Tales, p. 86. Wideawake Stories, p. 201.

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NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS. BY G. A. GRIERSOX, I. C. 8.
(Continued from p. 129.) TT may be useful to give a somewhat fuller account of these works than has been given in 1 the Modern Vernacular Literature of Hinduistán.
(1) Ram Lala Nahachha. Twenty verses of four lines each in Sshar-chhand, consisting of 16 syllables and 22 mútras. A short poem, celebrating the ceremonial touching of Rama's nails before his investiture with the sacred thread. This ceremony will be found described in Bihár Peasant Life, $ 1314. A good commentary by Pandit Bandan Pathak, which has been printed at the Khadg Bilås Press, Bänkipur. The two opening verses may be taken as a sample of the style and metre
Adi Sáradá,. Ganapati, Gauri mandia hoi Rấm a- Lali kara malachhà gái 8 đia hộ II. Jehi gáé sidhi hội parama-nidhi paia ho 1 K i janama kara pátalca dari 80 jdia hô 11 1 11 Kótinha bdjana bájahin Dasaratha ké griha hôi Déva-lóka saba dekhahin ananda ati hia h8 11 Nagara soh dwana lágata barani na játai hô 1
Kausalya ke harakha na hridaya samátai hó 11 2 1 First revere I 'Sarada, Gaņēsa and Gauri, and then sing I the nail-touching of the sweet childi Rama. He who singeth it gaineth perfect knowledge and the supreme treasure, and the sins accumulated through countless transmigrations leave him for ever (1).
Myriads of musical instruments sound in Dasaratha's house. The Gods look on rejoicing in their hearts. The city of Oudh seemeth so beautiful that tongue cannot describe it; and the bliss of Kausalya cannot be contained in her heart (2).
(2) Vairagya-Sandipani (usually spelled odipint) or the Kindling of Continence,' or of Devotion' (as contrasted with the common expression kámágni-so, the kindling the fire of love, exciting sexual desire). In three prakása or lectures, with an introductory invocation. In verse 7, the poet himself calls the work Birága-Sandipini. A good Commentary by Bandan Pathak, with gloss by Mahadev Par'sâd, Khadg Biiâs Press, Bankipar. The contents aru described by the names of the various lectures, as follows:--
Invocation I., 1–7.
Prakása I., Sant-Swabhav-barnan, an account of the true nature of a holy man. I, 7-33. Metre Dóhá, Sóralhá and Chaupái.
Prakasa II., Sant-mahima-barnan, an account of the true greatness of a holy man. II., 1-9. Metre, as above.
Prakasa III., Sánti-barnan, an account of the true Peace. III., 1-20. Metre, as above.
The work is principally composed of short sententious verses. The following may be taken as examples of the language :
5. Tulasi, yaha tana Ihéta hai,
Mana vacha karma kisána! Pápa punya dwai bija hain,
Bawai 80 lawai nidána 11 III, 1. Raini ko bhukhana indu hai,
Diwasa ko blúkhana bhána 1
• Lala = 141, a darling.

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Disa ko whilkhana thakli hain,
Bhakti Lo bhukhana jiúna 11 11 Jhina ko lnvikhana hyána hai,
Dhyána lo Shukhana tyága 1 Tyúja ko bhukhana súnti-pada,
Tulasi, amala ailága 11 2 11 I have noted two verses of the Vairágya Sandipini, which are repeated in other works of the poct :-rit., Bai. I, I. This occurs in Dhabali (1) and Sat'sai (1, 2). Bai. I, 15. =D6hábai (38) and Sat'sai I, 107.
The poem being a short one, and containing much of interest to the student of comparative religion, I here give a translation of the whole.
I.-Invocation. Dlá, - On the left of Râmn sitteth Sità and on his right Lakshmana: meditation on him. thus is ever propitious, and is, O Tulsi, to thee thy wishing-tree (1). Tulsi, the darkness of thie delusions of this world is not wiped away by the virtue of ten million holy deeds: for the lotus of thy heart will no'er expand, till the sun of the Lord (himself descended from the sun) shineth upon it (2). He beareth without ears, and seeth without eyes. Without a tongue doth he taste. No nose hath he, and yet he smelleth; and no body hath he, yet he feeleth (3). Söratha - Unborn is he. He alone existeth; his form cannot be comprehended. Utterly free is he of quality, of Maya (illusion) is he the Lord, and for the sake of his servants did he take unto himself the form of man (4). Dóhd, - Tul'sî, this body of thine suffereth. It ever suffereth the threefold woe. It obtaineth not peace, till, by the Lord's might, it reacheth the stage of peace (5). Thy body is a field, thy mind, thy words, thine actions, are the husband men. Two seeds are there, Sin and Holiness. As thou sowest, so wilt thou reap (6). This book, the • Kindling of Devotion containeth the marrow of all knowledge. It giveth the teaching of the Vedas and Puriņas, and the wisdom of all holy books (7).
II.-The Nature of the Holy. Dohá, - Simple are his syllables, simple his language. But, though simple, know thou, that they are full of menning. Tulsi, simple is the Holy, and thus mayst thou recognize hirn (8). Chaupút, -Unimpassioned is be, but giving happiness to all. Just and self-restrained ever singing the praises of the Lord. Erer enlightening the souls of the ignorant, and ever for this purpose wandering from place to place (9). Dóhú, – Such men are only here and there. Blessed is the land where many Holy dwell. Ever devoted to helping others, ever devoted to the supreme goal, in loves working out their lives (10). Wlrether he shutteth the door of his mouth, or whether he speaketh the truth, in this world is the Holy man ever discreet' (11). When he speaketh, it is with discretion, and full of his own sweet nature : nor ever placeth he his foot on the way which leadeth to pain or angry words (12). He showeth enmity to no man, to no man showeth he over-friendship. Tul'si! this is the religion of the Holy, ever to speak with even justice (13). Chaupái, - Very true is he to the One, ever keeping his members in subjection. His thoughts dwell on no one but the Lord. For he knoweth in his heart that this world is but a mirage. Tulisi, by these marks dost thou know him (14),
- Rama is, throughout Tulle DAs's philosophy, the equivalent of the føvara of Ramanuja's VedAntio system, I hence translate the word for the future as the Lord.' Vide post, the remarks on the Sat'sal.
3 Here the poet adopts the language of Bankara Acharya.
+ Woo is of three kinds, those from within the body (ne disease, &c.), those from God (as a lightning stroko, &c.), and external (as from wild beasts, or serpents). Cf. Sankhya Karika, I. . I take the reading priti not vritti.
Jatha artha equal to yathartha. 16. 9., even when speaking the truth, he speaks kindly.

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Dóhá,- One trust, one strength, one hope, one faith. As the chdtak-bird longeth for a raincloud in the season of Swáti, so longeth he for the Lord (15). He hath no anger nor fault, and is a ship wherein to cross the ocean of existence. He hath abandoned desire, and hath betaken himself to humility and content (16). He betaketh himself to humility; He endureth all things; with heart and mouth, he ever calleth on the name of the Lord. So dwelleth the Holy man, and so dooth he (17). Those who dwell by him, he maketh like unto himself'; while the wicked man giveth his soul twofold" sorrow. Saith Tul'sî, the Holy man is like Mount Malnya, but without its fault" (18). Gentle are the words of the Holy man, falling like nectar on the ear. When the hard heart heareth them, it becometh wax (19). They beget the happiness of comprehending The Supreme;" they lift and carry away the errors of this world, and in the heart they are (sharp arrows) piercing sio (20). Cooling are they like unto the beams of the moon. Ten million fevers do they cure in the soul of him on whose ears they fall (21). Chaupai, -- They destroy every thorn of sin and sorrow. Like the sun do they clear away the darkness of error. O Tul'si, so excellent is the pious man that the Scriptures declare that the ocean of his virtue is fathomless (22). Dihú, - Not by deed, not by thought, not by word doth he ever give pain to any one. Yea, he is such because the Lord dwelleth in him on this earth13 (23). When thou seest the face of a Holy man, thy sin abandoneth thee. When thou touchest him thy deeds" depart. When thou hearest his words the error of thine heart is swept away, and bringest thee to Him from whom thon camest (24). Very gentle is he, and pare even in his desires. In his soul is there no defilement. On his, Master alone is his heart ever stayed (25). Him, from whose heart hath departed every worldly longing, doth Tul'si praise with thought, and word, and deed (26). To him gold is the same as a piece of glass : women are but as wood or stone. Such an Holy man, is a portion of the supreme Deity upon earth (27).
Chaupái, - Gold looketh he upon as clay, woman as bat wood or stone. Of these things the flavour hath he forgotten. That man hath the Lord manifest in his flesh (28).
Daha, - Free of worldly possessions, his members in subjection, ever devoted to the Lord alone, such an Holy man is rare in this world (29). He hath no egoism, nor maketh any difference between I' and 'thon,' (but knoweth that all are but parts of the Lord). No evil thought is ever his. Sorrow doth not make him sorrowful, nor doth happinese make him happy (30). Equal counteth he gold and glass. Equal counteth he friend and foe. Such an one is counted in this world an Holy man (31). Few, few wilt thou meet in this world, Holy men who have freed themselves from all illusion: for in this iron age men's natures are ever lustful and crooked, like the peacock and the crows (32). He who hath wiped out I' and *thon,' and the darkness of error, and in whom hath risen the sun of know thyself': know him as Holy, for by this mark, saith Tul'si, is he known (33).
III.-The Greatness of the Holy. Sôratha.-Who, O Tulsi, can tell with a single mouth, the greatness of the Holy man? For the thousand tongued serpent of eternity, and Siva himself with his fivefold mouth cannot describe his spotless discernment (34). Doha, - Were the whole earth the tablet, the ocean the ink, all the trees turned into pens, and Ganesa himself the learned recorder, that greatness could
• Comm. asd man ka chan'nd, bharosd buddhi k4, biswda chitt ka, bal ahamkar ka. • Or, if we read dwłkha, for dökha, he hath neither love nor hatred. 10 Sorrow for the wicked man's unhappy state, and sorrow caused by the persecution of the wicked,
11 Mt. Malaya is famous for its sandal trees which give their soent to all who approach it, good and bad alike.. Ita fault is its origin. It was originally a pile of ordure.
13 Comm. anubhava-sukha brahma-sukha. 13 Lit., he is Rama's form upon the earth. The corresponding idea in English is that given above.
# Thy karma. The consequences of thy good and bad actions. Every motion binding the soul to earth and separating it from the Lord.
15 The peacock, fair without and mean within. The crow, black without and within.

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not all be written (35). Blessed, twice blessed, are his mother and his father. Blessed are they that he is their son, who is a true worshipper of the Lord, whatever he be in form or shape (36). Blessed would be the skin of my body, if it but form the sole of the shoe of him from whose mouth cometh the name of the Lord, even though it be by mistake (37). The lowest of the low is blessed, if he worship the Lord day and night; but what availeth the highest caste, if the Lord's name is not heard therein (38). Behold, how on very high mountains are the dwelling places of sunkes, but on the lowest low lands grow sweet sugarcane and corn and betel (39). Chaupai, Tul'sî saith, I have seen the good men of all nations, but none is equal unto him, who is the single-hearted servant of the Lord, and who night and day at every breath reiterateth his name (40). Let the Holy man be ever so vile by birth or station, still no high-born man is equal unto him. For the one day and night uttereth the Name, while the other ever burneth in the fire of pride (41). Dôkú,-The Servant of the Lord is ever devoted but to the one Name. He careth not for bliss or in this world or hereafter. Ever remaining apart from the world, he is not scorched by the fire of its pains (42).
IV.-Perfect Peace.
Dôhú, The adornment of the night is the moon, the adornment of the day is the sun. The adornment of the servant of the Lord is Faith, and the adornment of that faith is Perfect Knowledge (43). The adornment of this knowledge is Meditation, the adornment of meditation is total Self-surrender to the Lord, and the adornment of self-surrender is pure and spotless Peace (44).
Chaupai,This Peace is altogether pure and spotless, and destroyeth all the troubles mankind endureth. He who can maintain sach peace within his heart ever remaineth in an ocean of rapture (45). The sorrows which are born of the threefold sins, the intolerable hoard of grief begotten of faults committed, - all these are wiped away. Him, who remaineth rapt in Perfect Peace, doth no woe e'er approach to pierce (46). O Tul'si, so cool" is the Holy Man, that ever he remaineth free of earthly cares. The wicked are like serpents, but what can they do unto him, for his every limb hath become a sure medicine1 against their bite (47).
Dôhá,- Very cool is he, and very pure, free from all taint of earthly desire. Count him as free, his whole existence rapt in Peace (48).
Chaupai, In this world, call thou him cool, who never uttereth words of anger from his month, and who, when pierced in front by sharp arrows of words, never feeleth one trace of wrath (49). Dôhá,-Search ye the seven regions, the nine continents, 20 the three worlds," and ye will find no bliss equal to Peace (50). Chaupai,-Where Peace hath been imparted by the True Teacher, there the root of anger is consumed, as if by fire. Earthly lusts and desires fade away, and this is the mark of Peace (51). Peace is a bliss-giving ocean, whose shining actions holy sages have sung. Him, whose body and soul are rapt in it, no fire of self can burn (52).
Doha, In the fire of self, burneth the whole universe, and only the Holy escape, only because that they have Peace (53). Peace is like unto a mighty water, which when a man toucheth he becometh peaceful, and the fire of self consumeth him not, though (the wicked) try with countless efforts (54). His virtues become glorious as the sun, which when the world seeth it marvelleth; but he who hath once become as water, becometh again not as fire (55).
22
-
16 Sin is of three kinds, and it is committed by thought (manasa), by word (vachaka), or by deed (kayaku).
17 The expression "cool" has a peculiar significance in a hot climate like India. The poet describes what con stitutes "coolness" in the following verses.
18 The garala sila is said to be a stone on smelling which a person bitten by a snake recovers.
19 The sapta dripa, Jambu and the others.
20 The nava khanda, Bharata and the others, named from the nine sons of Rishabhadeva.
n Earth, heaven and the world of the departed.
23 Virtues in the sense of "qualities," not "good qualities."

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Albeit it is cool, and gentle, pleasure giving, and preserving life, still count not Peace as water, 23 for as fire also are its virtues (56).
Chaupái,- Those mortals ne'er bave Peace even in a dream, whose way is that they blaze, thoy burn, they are angry, they make angry, they spend their lives in love and hate alternately (57). Dóhá, -He is learned, he is skilled, he is wise and holy, he is a hero, he is alert, he is a true warrior (58), he is full of wisdom, he is virtuous, he is generous and full of meditation, whose soul is free from passion and from hato (59).
Chaupái, -The fire of Passion and Hate is extinguished. Ltust, anger, desire are destroyed. Tulisi, when Peace hath taken up its abode within thee, from thy heart of hearts ariseth a loud cry for mercy (60). Dôlá, — There ariseth a loud cry to the Lord for mercy. Lust and its crew are fled, even ns the darkness fleeth ashamed before the arising sun (61).
Good man, hear thou with attention this Kindling of Devotion,' and where thou meetest an unfit word, correct it (and forgive the poet) (62).
(3) Barawd or Barawai Ramayan. In the Barawá metre (6 + 4+2 +4 +2 + 1= 19 mátrás). In 7 kands or cantos. Kind I, Bál-kánd vv. 1.19. Kand II, Ayodhya-kúnd vr. 20-27. Kánd III, Aranyu-lúnd, vv. 28-33. Kánd IV, Kishkindhya-kand, vv. 34-35. Kánd V, Sundar-kánd, vv. 36-41. Kánd VI, Lanká-kánd, v. 42. Kánd VII, Uttar-känd, vr. 43-69. A good commentary by Bandan Pathak, another by Baij'nåth, published by Nawal Kishôr, Lucknow. Pandit Sudhikara Dvivedi is of opinion that this work is incomplete as it stands now. No other work of the poet is without a mangala, or introductory invocation.
After three introductory verses in praise of Sita's beauty, the poem follows the story of the Rámáyan, in an extremely condensed and often enigmatic form. Thus, the whole narrative of the Kishkindhya-kúnd is given in two verses, and of the Lanka-ledyd in one verse; as follows:
Kishkindhyá-kánd.
Syama gaura dou murati Lachhimana Ráma 1 Ina té Chai sita kirati ali abhirama II 1 11 Kujana-pála guna-barajita akula anatha
Kahahu kripa-nidhi ráura kasa guma-gátha | 2 I (Hanuman points them out to Sugriva and says): "These two forms, one dark and the other fair, ore Rama and Lakshmana. They have won (lit. from them is sprung up) a spotless glory, very charming (to him who hears the tale).' (When Råma had killed Bali, and set Sogriva on the throne. The latter approached him and said), "Tell me, Abode-of-mercy, how I can sing thy virtues. I am but a lord of ku-janas (monkeys), without a single virtue of my own, of mean birth, and with no protector (except thoe).'
Lanka-kúnd.
Bibidha váhani vilasata sahita ananta
Jala-dhi sarisa ko kahai Rúmá bhagawanta II (On hearing about Sitâ from Hanuman), the holy Rama (started for Lanka) glorions with an army (váhani for váhini) of many kinds of animals), accompanied by the Serpent of Eternity (i.e. Lakshmana who was its incarnation). Who dare say that (the army) was like the sea ? (For the sea is destructive, but Râma's army was for the benefit of mankind, as with it he conquered Lanka
23 This requires explanation. The poet has in the last few verses compared Peace with water and opntrasted it with fire. But, he says, the comparison must not be carried too far, for water, thongh it assuages thirst, &o., has but temporary effects, and thirst returns, while the effects of Pence are permanent. On the other hand, fire, though a burning destroyer, is also an universal purifier, and as such resemblea Ponce.

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(4) Parbati-mangal. The marriage song of Pârvati. Sixteen stanzas. Each composed of sixteen or twenty-four lines in Aruna chhand, followed by four lines in Harigits-chhand, a total of 360 lines or charans.
The poem describes the marriage of Uma, or Parvati, to 'Siva, -well known to readers of the Kumára Saribhava. It is a favourite subject with Tulsi Das, (cf. Rám. Ba, 75 and ff.). who makes skilfal use of the contrast between the snowy parity and grace of the daughter of the Himalaya, and the terrifying horrors of Siva's appearance. The tale may well be described as telling the legend of the marriage of pure Aryan Nature-worship to the degrading demonworship of the aborigines of India. The following example describes the approach of Siva's gruesome marriage procession to Umi's home :
Dibrulha Coli Hari kaheu nikada puru deu !
Apana úpana súju sabahin vilagher | 97 II Pramatha-nátha ké sátha Pramatha-gana rdjahin
Bibilha bhanti mukha báhana békha birdjahin 11 98 1 Kamatha khapara madhi khála nisána bajawahin!
Nara-kapála jala bhari bhari piahin piúwahin 11 99 II Bara anuharata baráta bani Hari hansi kaha!
Suni hia hansatu Mahésu kali kautuka maha il 100 11 Bada binôdu maga módu na kachhu kahi iwata
Jdi nagara niaráni baráta bajdwata | 101 !! Pura kharubharu ura harakkeu Achalu Akhandalu
Paraba udadhi umageu janu lakhi bidhu-mandalu | 102 II Pramudita ge agawánu bilóki barátahi
Bhabharé banai na rahata na banai parátahi 11 103 II Chalé tháji gaja biji phirahin nahin phêrata
Bálaka bhabhari bhulána phirahin ghara hérata | 104 1 Dinha jái janawása supása kić saba
Ghara ghara bilaka báta kahana lág& taba II 105 II Prêta betala barátí bhíta bhay anaka 1
Barala chadhd bara bhuura sabai kubánaka 11 106 11 Kusala karai karatára kahahin hama sárchia
Dékhaba kofi liáha jiata jaun bánchia || 107 II Samáchára suni sóchu blaeu mana Mainahin
Náraila ke upadésa kawana ghara gai nahin | 108 11 Chhand. 11 Ghara-ghila-chalaka kalaha-priya kahiata parama paramárathi 1
Taisi barékhi kinha puni muni sáta swuratha sárathi Ura lai Umahin aneka bidhi jalapati janani dukha mánai !
Ilimawánu kaheu Isánu-mahima agama nigama na janai 11 13 11 (Sira, with his retinue of ghosts and goblins attended by all the other gods, approaches the bride's home. The goils, healel by Vishnu, can hardly conceal their laughter at his strange array). Hari addressed the gods and said "The city is now near. Let us each march separately, cach with his own rotinue.25 Goblins will look best in attendance on their lord.' (So 'Siva's
# Aruna.chhand. 20 matria, with pause at the 11th. The last two syllablen must be one matr each. The inetre is not incutioned by Kellogg, or by (olebrooke in his essay on Sanskrit and Prikrit Poetry. It is described in the Gume I'rosluruka-Irakva. of Ram Das Udást, which gives the first two lines of the Parbati-mangal as an example. Hariviti-chhand, also called Mahisharic-hhand is well known. Described by Kellogg on p. 20 of his prosody, not mentioned by Colebrooke. It has seven feet in each line (4 x 5) + 6 + 9 = 28 matras. Pause at the 16th instant, secondary pause at the 9th. The last syllable of each charan must be long. This is the standard of the metre, but there are many varieties, which, while having 28 matras, with the last syllable of each charan long, do not follow the orthodox divisions. This is the case in the Parbati-mangal.
25 This is simply a piece of mischief on Hari's part, to make Siva's retinue more ghastly by contrast.

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retinue assembled), conspicuous with many kinds of faces, vehicles and dresses. They played on kettle drums made of skin stretched over tortoise-shells or skulls, and filling human skulis with water they drink from them, and give each other to drink. Hari laughing cried, 'Like bridegroom, like procession;' and Mahesa, as he heard his words, also laughed in his heart at the outlandish contortions of his followers. Sporting mightily they went along the road. No tongue could describe their diversions, as, when the procession neared the city, the music began. When the stir rose in the city, the Unscatlied Mountaiu26 rejoiced in heart, as the ocean swells when it sees the face of the Moon at its change. The heralds joyfully went forward to meet the God, but when they saw his procession, in terror they could neither stand still nor run away. The elephants and horses fled in dismay and the latter refused to answer to their reins, while the children ran for their lives in terror straight back home. (The procession) was led to its lodging place, where all arrangements for their comfort were made, while in every house the children began to tell their elders) about their adventures. The bridegroom's people are demons, goblins, and frightful ghosts. The bridegroom is a maniac riding on a bull and of terrible exterior. We declare of a truth, that if God saves us, and we do not die of fright, we shall see countless weddings. When Mainâ heard the news, grief filled her soul What house hath Nanada's counsel not destroyed 27
Chhand.--A desolater of homes is he, & lover of strife, though he calls himself a seeker after supreme bliss. So also the seven sages, companions of their own selfish ends, have arranged this marriage.' Full of sorrow the mother lamenting took Umâ to her breast, but Himalaya said : Not even do the Scriptures know the full extent of Siva's greatness.'
(5) Janaki-mangal. The marriage song of Sita. Twenty-four stanzas, with the same metre as in the Párbati-mangal. Total 480 lines. The poem describes the journey of Râma with Viśvamitra from Oudh to Mithila, the breaking of 'Siva's bow, and Rama's marriage to Sita. The following specimen describes the journey of the young princes, with the saint through the the forest :
Giri taru béli sarita sara bipula bilókahin!
Dhawahin bila-subháwa bihaga mriga rókahin 11 33 11 Sakuchahin munili sabhita bahuri phiri awahin
Tóri phúla phala kisalaya mála banáwahiñ 11 34 11 Dékki binoda pramoda prêma Kauska ura
Karata jahin ghana chhaiha sumana barakhahin sura 11 35 H Badhi Tadaka Ráma jáni saba layaka
Bidya mantra rahasya dié muni-ndyaka 11 36 11 Maga-lôganha ké karata suphala mana lôchana 1
Gae Kausika ásranahin bipra bhaya-móchana 11 37 11 Mari nisachara-nikara jajna kararodeu !
Abhaya kié muni-brinda jagata jasu gdeu 11 39 11 Bipra-sadhu-sura-kaju mahámuni mana dhari
Ramahin chalk liwdi dhanukha-makha misu kari | 40'II Garitama nári udhari pathai pati-dhamahin
Janaka-nagara lai gaeu mahámuni Rámahin | 41 11 Chhand. 11 Lai gaeu Ramahin Gadhi-suana biláki pura harakhó hio 1
Muni-ráu ágê lêna deu sachiwa guru bhusura lié 1 Nripa gahe panya asísa pái mina adara ati kif !
Abalóki Ramahin anubhavuta janu Brahma sukha sau gunawie #1 5 11
* So I translate achalu akhandatu, in the sense of Uma's father, the Him Alaya. It may also be translated 'the firm, the unbroken one,' i.e., Sive
97 Narada was a great stirrer up of dissension and was the author of the rain of mapy families.

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The princes looked about them at the mountains, trees, ereepers, rivers and large lakes, and in their boyish way ran after the birds and deer to try to catch them. Then remembering in awe the saint, they would turn back to him in fear, and, plucking fruit, flowers and tender twigs, would weave thein into garlands. Love filled Viswamitra's heart as he watched their playful sport. The clouds cast shade, the gods dropped flowers on them. When Rama lind plain Tidaki, the mighty saint knew that he wae all-fitted for his task, and imparted to him the mystic charm of knowledge. Satisfying the hearts and eyes of the people on the way, driving away the fears of the holy men, they arrived at Kaasika's hermitage. There the boy prince attacked and defeated the demon army, and gave the hermits security for their sacrifices, while the whole world sang his glory. Then the great saint, intent upon the needs of Brahmaņas, saints, and gods, induced Rama to accompany him (to Mithila) on the pretext of the sacrifice of the bow. On the way the prince wrought salvation for Ahałyâ, Gautama's wife, sending her to her husband's abode, and then, the great saint conducted Rama to Alithila, the city of Janaka.
Chhawl. The son of Gadhi (Viswamitra) conducted Râma, and gazed upon the city with his heart full-filled with joy. Hearing of his arrival, the king (Janaka) with ministers of state and honorable Brah manas came forth to meet the lord of saints. The king himself clasped his feet and earned his blessing, showing him hospitable reverence : and then, as his eyes fell upon Râna, he felt as if the Almighty had multiplied his happiness thousand times.
(6). Sri Ramajna, or Sri Ramagyd, or Ram-Sagungball. The Commands of the Holy Rama, or The Collections of Rama-omens. Metre Dóhá. In seven adhyâyas or lectures, of seren saptakas or septads, each containing seven pairs of dóhás. Each adhyâya forms a sort of running commentary or summary of the corresponding kunda of the Ramayana. Each verse or pair of dóhas is used as a means of foretelling the success or otherwise of anything undertaken. It is a kind of Sortes Virgiliane. The ingoirer takes three handfuls of lotus seed. He counts the first handful out by sevens, and whatever number remains over, is called the number of the adhyáya. Again he counts out the second handful in the same way, and whatever is over is the number of the saptaka; and similarly, whatever number is over from the third handful is the number of the dôhá. Thus if there are 53 seeds in the first heap, the number of the adhyaya is 4 (i.e. 49 7 X 7) + 4. If there are 108 in the second heap the number of the saptaka is 3 (15 X 7 + 3 = 108), and if there are 15 in the third heap, the number of the dóhá is one. In this case the verse which is to be accepted as an omen is the first verse of the third septad of the fourth lecture. If the number of any handfal is exactly divisible by seven, then the remainder is considered to be seven. There are other ways of finding out the verse based on the same principle, which need not be detailed here. The following is a specimen of this work. It is the third septad of the third lecture:
Máyá mrigu pahicháni Prabhu chalb Siya-ruchi jani
Banchaka chôra prapancha-krita saguna kahaba hitaháni | 1 | Siya harana-abasara saguna bhaya sansaya santapa
Núri-kája hita nipaļa gata pragafa parábhava pápa 11 21 Gidha-raja Ravana samara gháyala biru birája
Súra sujasu smigráma mahi maranu susáhiba kaja II 3 11 Rima Lakhanu bana bana bikala phirata Siya-suthi léta!
Sachata saguna bikhádu bada asubha arishtà acheta II 4 11 Raghubara wilula bihangu lakhi 88 bilóki dou bira
Siya-sudhi kahi Siya Ráma kahí tají déha mati-dhira 11 51) Dasaratha te dasa-guna bhagati sahita tásukari kaju!
Sóchata bandhu saméta Prabhu keripá-sindhu Raghu-ráju 11 6 # Tulasi sahita sanéha mita sumirahu Sitá Ráma
Saguna sumangala subha sadů ádi madhya parináma 11 711

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Though he saw through (Maricha's disguise as) the false deer, the Lord, knowing Sita's longing, went forth. This must be called a disastrous omen of a deceiving thief, produced by illusion.
The omen of the opportunity for the rape of Sita is one of fear, and doubt, and anguish. Especially in reference to a woman's actions, doth it portend defeat and sin.
The Vulture-king fought with Ravaņa, and, wounded, shone forth as a hero. In the contest (this is the omen of) the glory of the valiant—that is death in cause of the Good Master.
Rama and Lakshmana wander distraught through the forest, seeking for news of Sita. They point to an omen of great sorrow, of unlucky, senseless misfortune.
When Rama saw the bird (JatAyu, the vulture-king) distraught, and he saw the two heroes, he gave him news of Sita, and, crying Sitâ Rama,' with steadfast soul gave up the ghost. (This is an omen of salvation after death.)
The Lord Rama, the Ocean of pity, performs the funeral ceremonies of that (vulture), whose faith was ten times that of Dasaratha, and with his brother, grieves for the loss of bis friend. (This is a good omen for those who believe.)
Tulisi, ever meditate with love on Sitâ and Rama,-an omen ever fortunate and lucky, at the beginning, at the middle, at the end.
The following interesting legend about the composition of the Romágya has been communicated to me by Babu Ram Din Singh. At that time the Râjâ of Kasi Raj Ghât in Banaras was a Gahawâr Kshattriya (to whose family the Râjâs of Mâorâ and Kantit now belong). His son went out on a hunting expedition with the army, and one of his people was killed by a tiger. This gave rise to a rumour, which reached the king, that it was the prince who had suffered, and full of anxiety he sent to Pah'lad Ghat to summon a well-known astrologer named Gangå Ram Jyotishi. On the astrologer's arrival he asked him to prophesy the exact time at which the prince should return from his hunting expedition. If his prophesy turned out true he would be rewarded with a lákh of rupees, but, if false, his head would be cut off. Dismayed at this peremptory order, Ganga Râm asked for time till tomorrow morning to calculate out his answer, and under this pretext obtained permission to return to his house at Pah'lad Ghât, where he spent some very bad quarters of an hour.
His dearest friend was Tul'si Das, who was living close by in the suburb of Asi, and the two holy men were in the habit of meeting constantly and at the time of evening prayer taking the air in a boat on the river Ganges; accordingly, on this evening, Tul'si Das came in his boat to Pah'lad Ghât, and called out for Ganga Râm' who, however, was too much occupied with his own unhappy thoughts to notice the cry, though it was repeated again and again. At length Tul'si sent a boatman to see what was the matter, who returned with a message that the Jyotishi was just then unwell and would not go out that evening. On hearing this, the poet landed and went to his friend's house, and seeing him in tribulation asked him what was the matter. On being told the cause, Talsi Das smiled and said, Come along. What cause for tribulation is this? I will show you a means of extricating yourself, and of giving a correct reply.' Consoled by these words, and trusting fully to Tul'si Das's almost divine knowledge, Ganga Râm went out with him and, as usual, offered his evening prayer. On their returning together to Pah'lad Ghật, after nightfall, Tul'si Das asked for writing materials, but no pen or inkstand, only some paper could be found. So the poet took some catechu out of his betel box for ink, and began to write with a piece of ordinary reed (not a reed pen). He wrote on for six hours without stopping, and named what he had written, Rámágyá. He gave the manuscript to Gang Râm, and showing him how to use it for purposes of divination (as previously, explained) went home to Asi. Ganga Râm then consulted the oracle, and found that the prince would return all well next evening. Early in the morning he went to Tul'si Das, and told him what he had divined from the manuscript. The poet directed him to go and tell the

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Râjâ accordingly. He therefore went to Raj Ghâs, and declared to the Rajâ that the prince would return all well that evening. The Râjâ asked at what hour, and the astrologer replied
one ghari before sunset.'28 Thereupon the Râjâ ordered Ganga Ram to be kept in confinement till further orders. Sure enough, at the very time predicted by the astrologer the prince returned, and the Râjâ, overcome with joy at his arrival, forgot altogether about the former, and his promised reward. Five or six gharís after nightfall, Ganga Râm sent word to him that the prince had returned, and asked why he was still in prison. Then the Rajâ remembered and hurriedly calling for him, offered him with much respect the promised lakh of rupees. Ganga Rám at first replied, Maharaj, neither will I take this money, nor will I ever practice prophecy again. It is too dangerous. A moment's inadvertence may cost me my head.' The Rajâ, full of shame, replied, What I said, I said when I was not responsible for my words. Show favour to me by forgetting them, forgiving your humble slave, and accepting this money.' The astrologer at first consented to take a small sum, but the Rajâ would hear no excuse, and insisted on sending him and the whole likh, to his home in charge of a guard of soldiers. Ganga Ram, took tbe money direct to Tulsi Das at Asî, and laid the whole amount at his feet. The poet asked him why he had brought it. Because,' replied the astrologer, 'the money is yours, not mine. Why should I not bring it to you? My life has been saved and the money earned by your grace alone. It is for this reason that I am come to you. It is more than enough for me that my life has been saved.' Brother,' said the poet, the grace was not mine. All grace cometh from the Holy Lord Rama and his blessed spouse Sîta. You and I are friends. Without Rama's grace, who can save whom, and who can destroy whom? Take now away this money to your home, where it will be useful. What need have I of this world's goods ? But Ganga Râm refused to be persuaded, and these two good and holy men spent the whole night arguing as to who was the rightful owner of the money. At dawn, Tal'si Das was persuaded to keep ten thousand rupees, and helped the astrologer to convey the remaining ninety thousand to the latter's house. With the ten thousand rupees, he built ten temples in honour of Hanuman, with an image of the God in each. These ten temples exist to the present day, and may be known by the fact that they all face south,
Tul'sî Das is believed to have composed other works to assist divination, but the one which is admitted on all hands to be authentic is the Rámágya, of which the copy written by his own band, with the reed-pen, and the catechu ink, was in existence at Pah'lad Ghât up to about thirty years ago. As stated above, a large number of verses of the Rámágyá are repeated in the Dóhábali.
(To be continued.)
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
DHAMMACHETI, 1476 A. D.
BY TAW SEIN KO.
(Continued from p. 159.) Evan Laňkādipē sāganapatitthānato chasu vassasatēsu kinci aparipunnēsu yāva. Lankādipā bhikkhū tidhā bhinnati : tayo nikāyā jātā. Tēsu Mahāvihāravūsinikayo vaccanta parisuddho dhammavadi; nēsā dvē nikāyā aparisuddhā adhammavādino. Tato patthaya Lankūdipë anukkamēna dhammavādino appatarā dubbalā; adhammavādino pana bhikkhū balutari balavantā. Te vividhã apatipattiyo duppatipattiyo vă pațipajjanti. Tēna sūsanam samalan sakantakaṁ s'abbudam jātan.
Lankūdipā sāsanapatitthānato dvēsattadhikacatusatadhikē vassasahassē, satthuparinibbānato pang atth 'uttarasattasatadhikē vassasahassē vitivattē, Sirisanghabodhi.
23 Pandit Sudhakar Drivedl justly points out that this sentence marks the whole story as apocryphal. The Rimdjad cannot be used for such divination as this. It only discloses good or bad omena for commencing now work. Sce dihas 1-3 of the last septad, where this is clearly stated.
The Ram Salaka is one.

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Parakkamabahumahārājassa Lankādīpē rajjabhisekapattato aṭṭhārasamē vassē, rājā apatipattiduppatipattiyo patipajjantānam sasanavacarikānam bhikkhunam dassane, susanassa uppanna-mala-kantak'-abbuda-bhavam ñatva: "Yadi madiso sasanassa uppanna-mala-kantak'abburda-bhavam jänitvä pi, yatha sasanam parisuddham bhavēyya; tatha byāpāram anapajjitvā v'upekkhako vihareyya; tatha sati Sammãsambuddhe sukara-pumâbhipasāda-garava-cittikarabahnlo na bhavayya. Appēva nāmâham Udumbaragirivasi Mahākassapathōrapamukhassa sammapatipattipatipannassa dhammavadino Mahaviharavasisanghass' upatthambhakam katva, yath Ásōkō dhammarājā Möggaliputtatissamahāthēram upanissayam katva, vibhajjavādī Sammāsambuddho ti vadantass' accantaparisuddhassa dhammavadino mahato bhikkhusanghass' upatthambhakam katva, sassatâdivadi Sammãsambuddhō ti vadante aparisuddhe saṭṭhisahassamatte papabhikkhu uppabbājētva, sasanassa visōdhanam kareyyan ti. Evam evâham pi apatipatti-duppatipattiyo patipajjante aparisuddhe adhammavadino bahu pāpabhikkhu uppabbājotva. Mahavihäravasinikāyam ekanikāyam avasesētvā sasanavisōdhanam kareyyan ti" cintētva, tathu katva, sasanavisōdhanam akasi. Bhikkhunañ ca katikavattam kārūpēsi. Pacchâpi ca Vijayabāhurājā ca, Parakkamabāhurājā ca, sāsanavisōdhanattham katikavattam kārāpēsum.
Tato patthaya Lankādīpē accantaparisuddhassa sammapaṭipattipatipannassa dhammavādinō Mahaviharavasibhikkhusanghassa pavēņibhutō ekanikayabhutō bhikkhusangha yav 'ajjatanā pavattati.
"Tasma byatto pațibale bhikkhu sammad avayacanen 'ajjhēsētva, Lankadīpē suparisuddham upasampadaṁ sammāharāpētvā, imasmim Bāmaññadēsē patiṭṭhāpētvā, saddhasampannānam upasampadâpekkhānam kulaputtanam tad upasampadaṁ gāhāpētvā, sāsanaṁ nirasaik 'upasam padabhavâpajjanena parisuddham pariyōdatām hutva, yavapañcavassasahassaparimaṇakālapariyanta-pavattanasamattham kareyyan ti." Tatō Rāmādhipatirājā Mōggalanathēradayō bāvisatithērē nimantētvā ēvam āyāci: "amhākam idāni bhante, Ramaññadese bhikkhunam upasampada sasaikā viya khayati. Tasmā sasank'upasa mpadâdhinam susanaṁ katham yavapañcavassasahassa parimaṇakālapariyanta thassati ? Sihnladipe ca bhantē, sasanapatiṭṭhānato paṭṭhāya yav' ajjatan 'accantaparisuddhō Mahavihäravasisangha paramparabhutō bhikkhusanghō pavattati. Yadi bhante, tumhe Sihaladipam gantva, Mahāvihāraväsisanghaparamparabhutasanghato parisuddham garahaparupavadamattavirahitam ganam uccinitvi, Sammāsambuddha-deha-sitali-karanaṭṭhānabhūtāya Kalyāṇīgangaya sajjitayam udakukkhēpasimāyam upasampadam sammaharēyyatha; tad upasampadam susanabijam katvā, rūpētvā, idha Ramaññadese saddhasampannānam upasampadâpekkhānaṁ kalaputtānam upasampad 'ankuram nippajjāpēyyāma. Tathā sati sasanam idam parisuddham hutvā, yävapañcavassasahassa parimāṇakālapariyautā thassati.
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS.
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Sihaladipagamanañ ca bhantē, tumhākaṁ mahapphalam bhavissati, mahânisamsam. Sihaladipam patta hi bhantē, tumhe tatha Siridaṭhādhātua ca, Dakkhiņasakhâdayō Bōdhirukkho ca, Ratanacetiyâdini cetiyāni ca, Samantakuṭapabbatamatthake thitam Bhagavatō Padavalañjacetiyan ca, vanditun ca pujitun ca laccheyyatha. Tena bhantē, tumhākam anappakapuññâbhisando vadḍhissati. Tasma Sihaladipagamanaya tumhākam santikē varam asisāmâti."
Atha të thēra Sasanavuḍḍhihētukatta: "Mahārāja, dhammikā tē varâsisā. Sihaladipagamanañ ca no accantam evânappakō puññâbhisando vadḍhissati. Tasma varan te damma, Sihaladipam gacchissāmâti" vatvā pațiññam adamsu.
Atha rājā thērānam paṭisäsanam labhitvā: paññāsaphala-suvanna viracitam thupikôparipatiṭṭhāpitam mahaggh' inda-nila-manimayam ēkam selapattan ca; satthiphala-suvannabhisankhatam sadharakapidhana-pattan ca; timsaphala-suvannaparikataṁ suvanṇabhingārañ ca; timsaphalasuvanna-sajjitam dvādasakōṇa-tambula-pēṭakañ ca; tettimsaphala-suvanṇabhisankhatam cetiyasanthanam suvaṇṇamayadhātumandirañ ca; phalikamayam dhātumandiran ca; masaragallasadisa-kacamani-parisankhatam dhatumandirañ ca; suvannamalañ câti;etthakam Siridathādhātupūjāsakkāram abhisankari patisajji.

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Ratanacētiyâdi-cētiya-Pädavalañja-bavisa-Bödhirukkha-pujanstthāya ca: nädāvaņņāni pañcâsītivitānāni ca ; suvannalimptē madhusitthamayē paññāsamahādīpē ca; suvannalimpitē madhusitthamayi paññāsadipē câbhisankhari.
Sihaladipavūsinam mahāthērānam atthāya: sokhumānam kappăsadussānam cattālisamañjūsē ca ; kūsēgyamayāni ca kappăsamayani ca rattavanna-pitavaņņa-cittavanna-dhavalavannavasēna nānā vannāni visatipāvuraņāni ca; cittavannāni Haribhusjadēsiyāni visatitambulapetakāni ca; catasso selamayakundikāyā ca; athal Cinadēsiyā cittakundikāyo ck; visati Cinadesiya bijaniyo ca pațisajji.
Api ca Rāmaññadēsissară dhavalagajapatibhūtā Rāmādhipatirājā Sihaladipavāsinam ayyānam mahathërānam sakkaccam abhivādētvā, sandēsapannam idam nivēdēsi: "Siridāthadhātâ dipujanatthāya bhantē, mayā pahitēhi pūjāsakkārēhi Siridāthadhātadayo pūjētum byāparaṁ karēyyātha. Sasissēhi bāvisatiyā thērēhi saddhim pësitā Citradüta-Rämadūtábhidhanã saparijanā Siridāthädhätum passitum vă, vanditum vä, pujitam vā, yathā labhissanti; tatha ayyā, vāyāmam karõntu. Siridāthādhātu-dassanabhivādanapujanāni katvā, sasissā bāvisati thērü Mahāvihāravāsipavēņibhūtabhikkhusanghato garahaparūpavādamattavirahitam ganam uccinitvā, Bhagavati nahanaparibhögēna paribhattāya Kalyāṇigangāya sajjitayam udakukkhēpasimayam upasampadam yathā labhissanti; tatha ayy, vāyamam karöntäti." Eva Sihaladipavāsinam mahāthērānam pāhētabbasandēsapappam abhisaukhari.
Sībalissarassa pana Bhavanēkabāhurājassa : dvisataphala-rūpiy' agghanikë dvē nīlamanayo ca; timsadhikacatusataphal'agghanikē dvē lõhitankamaņay ca; dīghakañcukatthaya katāni givakkhakatinitambapădatthānēsu parisankhatacittakāni mahagghāni cattāri Cinapattāni ca; dhavala-nilavaņņāni bhasmanibhani purimapupphikāni tiņi ghana-Cinapattāni ca; dhavalanilayaņņāni bhasmanibhāni matthāni dvē ghana-Cinapattāni ca; dhavalavannam mattham ēkam ghana-Cinapattan ca; haritavangāni vāyimapupphikūni dvē ghana-Cinapattani on; haritavannam mattham ēkam ghana-Cinapatta ca; mocakavaņņāni mathāni dvē Cinapatļāni ca; pitavaạnavayimapupphikam ēkam ghana-Cinapattañ ca;rattavanna-vāyimapupphikamēkam pēlava-Cinapatan ca; dhavala-nilavannam bhasmanibham vāyimapupphikamēkam pēlava-Cinapattañ eâti : visati Cinapattāni, Pavityábhidhānabhiyyāni visaticitrakāsēyyavatthāni ca; cammakosavirahitānam tattarikānań dvēphalasatāni câti; ētthakaṁ pahēmakam patisankhari. Sihaļissarassa Bhūva. nēkabāhurājassa Sihaļavāsikamabāthērānam pahitē sandēsapaņņē vattavacanasadisēna sandēsavacanona viracitam suvannapattan ca patisankhari.
Evam rājā yam yattakam pațisankharitabbami tam sabbam patisan kharitv., bevisatithērānam ticīvaratthāya, sukhumakappăsadussānam catacattālisamañjūsānica; Marammadesiyani uņnāmayāni bāvisatipāvuragāni ca ; bāvisaticitracammakhandāni ca; Haribhuñjadēsiyāni sapidhānāni băvisatioitmtambulapetakani oa dātva; maggantaraparibbayatthāya ca, bhēsajjatthāya ca, bahu dēyyadhammam datva; tösarn sissabhūtānam pi bävisatibhikkhunam bāvisati-Katiputtâbhidhānavatthäni ca: Marammadēsiyāni ghanapupphāni bāvisatipāvuranāni ca datvā; sissõhi saddhin të bāvisatithērē Citradüta-Rāmadūtabhidhānānam dvinnam dūtānam appētvā yathāvuttam dhātupūjāsakkarañ ca; Sihaliyānam mahāthērāda pāhētabbadeyyadhammañ ca, sandēsapannañ ca, Bhuvanekabāhu-Sihalissarassa pahēnakañ ça, sandēsasuvannapattañ ca dūtāpam hatthē adäsi. Bāvisatigaņāna co thörānam dubbhikkhadyantarāyā sati, catupaccayam uppādam katvā dātum, suvaņņajātakāni dvēphalagatāņi dātānam adāsi. Tato sasissö Möggalanathēradayo okādasathārā Rāmadūtāna saddhim ēkanāvam abhiruhāpēsi. Sasisso Mahāsivalither dayo kādasatbērē Citradütōna saddhim ēkanāvam abhirūhāpēsi.
REVERSE FACE OF THE SECOND STONE. Atha RāmadūtAbhirulhā nāvā muni-sikhi-naga-Bakkarājā māghamāsassa kalapak, khō ēkādasamiyam adiccavāro Yogabhidhānanadimukhato nikkhamitvā, samuddam
1 Cha in MS. (B).

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pakkhantā. Citradītibhiruhi pana navā māghamāsassa kalapakkho dvādasamiyam candavārā Yogibhidhānanalimnklatū nikkhamitrit, samudan palkanlitvā, chukuna niyamānī, phsggunamāsassa kāļapakkho aţthamiyam Kalambutitthan pattā.
Tato Bhūvanēkabūhu-Sîhalari jā tam pavattim sutra, phagynami-assa kalapakkl' uposathadivasi, tesam ēkā lasannan thūranan Citradütassa cu paccuseamanan kārapetra, Rūmadhipatimahārajona dhavalagajapatikuladappanuun simmaninam atidlavalatarasaikliakunda-kumuda-sarada-candikā-samāna-yajapati-bhūtün saddhal yanūkagunagapasamangina palitasando-apannabhūtain Citmdütün' initam suvannapatam vilcūpötva, ativiya pitisümanassajäto. Thöreli ca Citradītonn ca sammüllaniyam kathnin saravīyan vitisürütvā, sayam ūva vutthalitrā, kapparūna salihin tambulnilinan katva, thorānam uivāsanatthanai ca pindapūtapacenyasi ca dūpotvā, Citradītassa ca nivāsanatthānañ ca paribbayai ca dāposi.
Panadivasu Citrodato Rūmüdhipatimahārājuna palitad5yyaudhammönn sardhim Sihalndesigūnam mahuthuranam sand Jsa pamam adasi. Atha tu malāthorā : “yatha Ramadhipatimahāru. jassa ruccati, tatli kurissimiti" patiññam akarsu.
Tato Citradütanüvábhirulha ükūdnsnthūra, Rāmadītavāvabhirn!hinam thorānam assompattattā: "yavi ēta sainpapunissanti, tūva mayam Sihalaraino igncitvi (idh'ova Lankā lī; vasissümati cintetvā tatl'ova Sihalaranno āyācitvā, tosam Rāmadūtanāvábhirullinan thorānam āgamanam āgamanto vasinisu.
Atha Rāmadatábhirulhī nāvā)? Anuradhapurngamimnggunigatnttä сavitvī, gamanakala patilomavatunagatatta kicchena kasirūna gautvā, citramāsassa sukkapakkhē navamiyam adiocavārā Valligūmam sampattā.
· Tasmim pana Valligāmē Garavi nāma Sinaliyımacco raññā damarikakammam katrā pativasati. Tassā nāvāya sampattakülü pana, Sihabarani kanitthabhātā nāvábhiruļlo yūdhibhirolhāhi bahunīvīni snddhim, tuna dāmarikimaccona sadlim yajjhanatthāyabhiyāsi. Tato sū amacco bhītu patiyajjhitun asakkūnto, tamhā gāmā nikkhamitvā palīyitra, vanam pāvisi. Tato raño kanitthabhātā Valligūmam labhitvā pativasati. Dāmarikassa panamacassa sünikārayõdhānam Valligāmassa ca Jayavaddhananagarassa c'antarā tasmim tasmim thano niliyitvi, 'gatagatānam janānam antara yakaratta, thorusu ca Rāmadutoca Jayavaddlananagaram gantum icchantēsu pi, raiño kanithabhātā tēsa ykās nädāsi. Tasmin pana nāga-sikhināga-sakkarāja-bhūtē samvaccharē durāsaļhabhāvā patham 1sa!hamāsassa kāļapakkhā dutiyāyam tithiyam Öv okāsar labhitvā, thērā ca Rāmadūto ca Valligāmatö nikkhamitvā, maggantaragamanõna pancadivasāni vitināmõtvā, atthamiyam Jayavaddhananagaram sampatta.
Tats Bhūvanēkabāhu Sihalamanajindo theranam Rāmadūtassa c'āgamanapavattim entrā, pacenggamanam kārūpētvā, Rāmadutēna samānitam Rāmādhipatimahārājassa suvaņpaptam vācā pētvā, pamuditabadayo vuttanayēn' iva kattabbapatisanthāram katvā, thürānam Rūmadutassa ca pindapātañ ca paribbayai ca dāpētvū, nivūsanatthānam adāsi.
Panadivasē Rāmaduto Hamsa vatīpurâdhipēna raññā pahitań dēyyadhammañ ca sandēsapannañ ca Sihaladēsiyana mahātbērānam adāsi. Te sabbē pi mahāthörä Citradütassa viya Rāmadūtassapi pațiinam adamsu.
Tato param ēkamāsē vītivattē, Citradütanāvábhiruļhã Anuradhapuragatā thērā Ratanacetiyañ ca, Maricivatticētiyañ ca, Thūpârāmacētiyañ ca, Abhayagiricētiyañ ca, Silācētiyañ ca, Jetavanacētiyañ ca, Dakkhiņasākham Mahābõdhirakkhañ ca vanditvā, Lõhapāsadañ ca passitvā, tēsu tēsu cētiyangaņēsu kattabban tiņalatāvanapākāråpaharanakiocam sūmatthiya 'nurūpato katvã, puj58akkārapibbakan vattpatipattin purẽtvã, peccāgantv8, Jayavaddhananagaram sampattā.
* Lacuna supplied from MS. (A).

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Tato Sihalarājā nāvädvagabhirulhū sabbē pi thürū samūgatā tēsam Siridathādhatun dassütun ca, vandapotui cn, kūlo sampatto ti mantvā, dutiyasalhamāsassa kāļapakkhassa pāțipadabhūtō ādiccavāro vass'upanāyikadivasē, sabbath Siridathādhātumandirapasiidam alaukuapetvai, celavitānam bandhapetvā, gandha-dīpa-dhūmamālāhi pūjāpētra, Sibaladesivo mabāthere okamantam vasāpētrā, sasisso nāvādvayabhirulho būvisatimabāthere ca nimantapetva, Citraduta-Rūmadūto ca pak kösūpētvā, suvannamayamandire Siridäthädhücum niharā pētra, te būvisatithere ca Citradüta-Rāmadati ca passāpēsi, vandāpusi, pūjāpēsi. Tato Sihalarājā Ramadhipatiranno sandūsam anussaritvā, tūna palite suvannamayadhātumandiri Siridathādhātui thapūpētrā, tass' upari sētachattam dharūpētvā, dhātuyā pūritam suvannamayapattai ca, suvannamayabbingārai ca, suvannamayam dvūdasakūnam tambūlapētakañ ca, slapāpētrā, bāvisatitheranai ca, Citraduta-Rāmadītānañ ca dassētvā: "tumhe ca bhante, Citraduta ca, Rāmadata ca, Sötagajapatissn yathū sandesakāram mu jānantůti" äha. Tatü param Silunlaräjä: "Sutagajapatissa yathā sandesam karissāmiti," Sihaliyamacco āņāpētra, nahūnapariblogēna Bhagavata paribhuttaya Kalyūnigangaya nāvāsaighatain kārūpētvā, tass' upari pasādam kūrāputru celaviti nan bandhūpötva, ninividhan pi vitānālambanam kärāpusi. Vidāgamamahāthēran ca Mahāvihāravasipavēņibhūtablikkhusaúghato pi garahaparūpavādamattavirahitam ganam uccinapusi. Tadā Vidīgamamahätherū Dhammakittimahāthēra-Vanaratanamahāthēra-Pan. caparivēnavāsi-Mangalathēra-Sihalarājayuvarāja cariyathēradikan caturisati parimānam ganam uccini. Evam rājā nāvāsaiylātam pațisajjāpētvā, ganañ d' uccināpētvā, dutiyasalhamā. sassa kāļapakkho ēkādasamiyam buddhavārē Dhammakittimahāthe adayo kammakurake catuvisatibhikkhu nimantapötvā, nāvāsanghātam abhirūhāpētvā, tesam catucattālisanam Rimaññadīsiyānam bhikkhūnam upasampadanam kärāpēsi.
Tatu Sihaladusiyanan mahāthërānam pubbē paradīsato agatîgatanam bhikkhunam apasam. padadanakālo yathācinnanurūpam të catucattālisa-Rāmaññabhikkhū gihibhāvē patitthüpetra puna Vanaratanamahāthõro kāsüyadāna-saranagamanadāna-vasõna pabbājētvá sūmaņērabhumiyarn patitthāpēsi.
Tato param buddhavārassa rattiyar, Möggalānathērā ca, Kumārakassapathēro ca, Mahāsivalithērā ca, Sāriputtathērā ca, Mānasāgarathēro cati: panca thērā catuvisatiparimūņassa ganassa santikē Dhammakittimahāthēram upajjhāyam, PañcaparivēņavāsiMangalathāram ācariyam, katvā, upasampannā. Dvādasamiyam pana guruvārassa rattiyam, Sumanathörő ca, Kassapathēro ca, Nandathēro ca, Rahulathēro ca, Buddhavamsathērõ ca, Sumangalathēro ca, Khujjanandathērā ca, Sõnuttarathēro ca, Guņasāgarathēro ca, Dhammarakkhitathēro cati: dasathērā pana Vanaratanamahāthēram upajjhāyam, Pañ caparivõnavāsi-Mangalathēram ācariyam, katvā, upasampannā. Tato param tērasamiyam sukkavārassa divākalē, Cüļasumangalathāro ca, Javanapannāthēro ca, Cülakassapathēro ca, Culasivalithēro ca, Manisārathēro ca, Dhammarājikathērā ca, Candanasārathēro cati: satta pi thērā Vanaratanamahāthēram upajjhāyam, Pañcaparivēņavāsi-Mangalathēram övācariyam, katvā, upasampannā. Tato param cuddasamiyam sannivārē, tõsam sissā būvigatidaharabhikkhū Pañcaparivāņavāsi-Mangalathāram upajjhāyam, Sihalarājay uvarāja cariyathāram ācariyam, katvā, upasampannā.
Fato Sihalaraja a pasampannē būvisati-Rāmaññatherë nimantētvā, bhojetrā; bhojanavasüne ēkam ekassa ticivarañ ca, Gocaratidēsiyam ēkam ēkam sāņiñ ca, vitānañ ca, sīharasena lēkhitam ükam ēkam citracammakhandan CA, chēkëna cundakārünâbhisankhatam hatthidantamayam ēkam ēkam tālavantabijaniñ ca, ēkam ēkam tambūlapētakan ca, datvā, pun' üha: "Jambudipam bhantē, tumhē gantva, Hamsavatīpurē sāsanam ujjūtayissatha. Angadēyyadhammadänëna me bhanto, kitti na hoti: sati kāraņē khippam ēva nassanadhammatā. Tasmā idānáham tumhākam nūmapantattidānam dadēyyam. Eram bhantē, tumhākam yaratayukar să ţhassatiti" vatvi, Rāmadütanavablirashanam: Möggalānathēra-Kumāra kassapathāra-Ñānasāgarathēra-Buddhavamsathāra-Nandathēra-Rāhulathēra-Sumangalathora-Dhammarak k hitathāra-culas umangalathora-Kassapathāra-Manisữrathāra-sau khi tănam skudasannon thêru

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nam : Sirisaighabudhisimi-Kittisirimöghasāmi-Parakkamabāhurāmi-Buddhnglosaximi-Silaladipavisuddhasāmi-Gunaratanacharasami-Jinālajikīrasimi-Ratanamālismi- SalellammatejasāmiDhammaramasimi-Bhuvanūkabahusamiti kamūn' okadasonāmānidatvā; Citradütanivablirnhānni C: Mahāsivalithēra-Sāriputtathāra-Sumanthēra-Dülakassapathora-CulanandathēraSõnuttarathēra.Gunasagarathēra-Javanapaññāthēra-Cūlasivalithöra-Dhammarājikathēra-Candanasārathāra-sauklātīnam ekādasannam thürūnan: Tilökngurusami-Siriramartanasami-Mangalathorasāmi-Kalyūnitissasūmi-Candanagirisāmi-Siridantauhātusni-Van visitispitsumi-Ratanālnikarasümi-Mahadovasümi-Udumbalagirisūmi.Caliblinyatissasiimti kamon' ikidesanāmāni adāsi.
Tato pana Rūmadütanā Abhira!hā ēkādasathürü Ramadītona snddhi Jayavaddhanato nikkhamitrā, Valligūmam eva pacchgati. Citradutanīvabhiru!hit pan' ūkiulasathüri Sanantikūtapabbatamatthako țhitam Siripulibhidhanam Paulavalañjacetiyain vanditvah, Jayaradhanam era paccăgată. Valligamapaccāgatā pan' eta 'kadasathura bhaddamisassa sukkapakknē dutiyāyam buddhavārā, nāvabhiruļbā paccāgantvā, bhaddamāsassa kāļapakkhe dutiyāyam guruvārē, Yogabhidhānanadimukham pattā.
Atha klų Rūmadhipatirājā Rimadītanăvâbhiruthanam thorānain Yogibhidhinanadimu. klasarpatta-pavattin sutva: "naklūpan 'utan patirūpain, yam mayam ajjlisitinam Silualadipan pantva, upasampalasammīharikānau thornain yūna kūnaci parijanena posetvi, paccurgamanam kitapétum. Appura nāmâham simam yöva Tigumpanagaram gantvu, tosalassatulāparimankanû pasajjitam mahāylantam jivaminnka-Sammāsambuddha-kosachūtn-cītiyassa assayajapun. pomiyam mahapnvaranvlivasi pūjoyyam, tato nivattotvī theranam paccugganunam karayyan ti' cintotvā: "gavitham Tigampanagaram pāpaņissāmi; tāva bladdantā Tignmpanagaru Tevi Vasantûti" sandūsnpannin dntrā, thürinní vasanathann cn, pindupātañ ca, patisni kharapotrā, samuddagaminiyū jüngäuāvüy' ürühüpütva, nadigāmimiyō nāvüyo 'bhirühüpütvī, Tigumpanagarü vasūpusi.
Citraditanăvâbhirn!ha pan' ükūdasathörā —"Sutagajapatissa bhantë, Ramadhipatimaharūjass' al vehi palita-pamākārēhi, saha mama pitu-Parakkamabāhumahārājassa niccavalaijita. sataphala-parimāņam plzussarūgavajiramaņiparikatam Siridūthádhātubimbasan khatam dhammikapannākāram paliņitum dūtam posutum icchāmi; yāva tassa dutassa navà nitthitaparikammā hutvā, tumhūkam nāvāya suddhim ikatū gantum labhissati, tiv' agamētbâti" Sihaļarūjöna vuttatta niyamacintánurūpö Rūmaññadosa-paccügamanayūgyo yuttakülü paccăgantuin nalabhimsu. Tato Citradütuna saddhim okūdasasu thürosu Sihalaranno dūtam agamantösa yöva Kalambutitthu pasiņ'ūlanıbakam katvā, thapitam janakāyabhirulham jüngümahanavain paradhibhidhūnu viruddhamahavätö utthahitvā, samudda üsidāpesi. Atha kho Sihalarājā Citraditanāvāya samuddôsidanapavattiin sutvā, thüre Citradütañ c'évam āha: "yadi tumhñkam nāvā n'atthi, mama dūtīna saddhim ēkanavam abhirūhitva, paccīgucchūyyūthati." Tato thürü ca saparijano Citradütò ca Sihnlarājassa dutēna saddhim ēkanā vâbhiru!hū Kalambutittható nikkhamitva, bühirasamuddagūminü maggēna ūgantvī, Sihaladipa-Jambudipānam antara Sillamabhidhānasamuddagāminā maggüna paccägatii. Atha Kalambutitthato nik khamantünom tisam nāvä rattittayë vitivattö, viruddhamahüvätöna phalitatta samuddödakanimagganam pūsīnasiugānam antara laggitvi, patit hitā. Atha nivAbhiro!hä sabbē janā pūsīnasingānam antarī patitthitāya nāvāya niharitum asakkūnēyyabhāvam ñatvā, yattakā pāvāya vēludāradabbasambhārā santi, të sabbē gahētva, uļumpam katvă, tatrabhiruļbū Jambudipatirass' asannabhāvēna, Jambudipam pattā.
Tada Sihalarūjadito pannūkārānam abhāvēna Sihaladipam ēva paccăgantum arabhi. Thērā pana Citraduto ca pattikā va yệna Nāgapattanam tēn' upasadkamimsu; upasaúkamitvá Nägapattano Padarikārāmavihāra vatthum passitvā, Hemamāla-Dandakumārabhidhänānam ubhinnar jāyāpatikānam Siridūthūdhātayā Lai kūdipânayanakālē, samuddatire dhītu patitthān'ākāsë Cinadēsissarēna mahārājēna kārāpitāya mahāguhāya, Buddhapaţimam vanditvā, sēna disibhā gēna Nāvutabhidhānapattanam tad'avasarimsu. Tasmim pana pattanē MālimparakāyA

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baidhāno ca Pacchaliyabhidhāno cati: dvē pattanadhikūrino sam vaccharē sam vaccharē dvihi zūvähi vāņijjatthāya parijanē pēsētvā, Rūmadhipatimahārajassa pannākärain pahitattā, tonn Rimathipatimaharūjuna kutapatisanthāratta ca, Ramadhipatimalūräjini sampasanti. Tona thūrännin civarui cn, piņlapūtai ca datvā, vasanatthanam datva, samupasūsum. Citraditassa ca paribbayai ca nivasanavatthañ cada riisu. “Nāvīgamanekalo yēv' amhūkam bhanti, nāvâbhirulhä Sutrujnpatissit snkiisam ayyil gacchantùti." Atha kho Tilükaguruthüro ca, Ratanälaikiratherü cn, Mahilovathūru ca, Calabhayatissatherü cîti: cattāro theră catūhi bhikkhuli snddhim tosin santiko pativasitisu. Avasisi pana sattathorā: "sattabhikkhūhi saddlim Kömālapattano niyan abhirūlissümāti" Kömülapattanam gantvi vasimsu.
Ruddha-sikhi-näga-sakkarājē pana visākhāmāsassa sukkapakkhô catutthiyam buddhavārā Tilskaguruthūru ca, Ratauālaikārathuru ca, Māhūdēvathērā citi: tayū thora dilimpart kayâbhithanapattanadhikäranā vâbhiruļlā, Cūlabhayatissatherū pana Pacchaliyabli linapattanadhikaranävâbhirashū, Nāvutâbhidhānapattanato prkkbantū. Tüsu pana tayo thori thürattayabhirulhayn nüväyn visākhāmāsassa kā!apakkhē dvādasamiyam sukkavārē Nägarāsipabbatokkantanadimukhapattattā, jõtthamāsassa sukkapakkho pūtipadadivasē angūravārā, Kusimanagaram sampāpunimsu. Culübhayatissnthūro āsashamāsassa sukkapakkhē tõrasamiyam angāravārē Hansavatinagaram sam pāpuni.
kümülapattanam gantvì sattabhikkhūhi sahn vasantūsu sattasu pana thūrosu Mangalathoro mijasissöna bhikkhanīt cn, Vanaratanathurasissona bhikkhuni cn, Siridantadhituthērasissõna bhikkhuni cn, rupa-vēda-nūga-sakkarājē bhaddamāsassamāvāsiyam budd havūrē, Bindaityabhidhūnanāvikanāvábhirulho, Kõmālapattanato nikkhamitvā, kattikamāsassa sukkapakkho pātipadadivasē sukkavūrē Nāgarāsipabbat'okkantanadimukham patvā, ēkādasamiyam candavāfē Kusimanagaram patvā, kattikamāsassa kalapakkhē cuddasamiyam sukkavāro Hansavatinagaram sampāpuņi.
Avasüsti pana chathürü catühi daharabhikkhūhi saddhin sabbasattanam kammadīyādattā akusalakammapatham atikkamitum asamattlatta, aniccatam pāpunimsu. Ahu sabbasaikhārā anicci ti!
OBVERSE FACE OF THE THIRD STONE. Naga-sikhi-nāga-parimūno yöva pana sakkarājē, Rūmüdhipatimahūrājā mahighaman Kõsadhātuchotiyassa pūjanatthāya essayujamāsassa sukkapakkho atthamiyam guruvūrā navüsaighatoparipatisaj khatasuvannakūtågürâbhiruļho bahūhi indavimūnâbhidhinadistavaunanīvāpamukhāhi nāvāhi purakkhato kamēna gacchanto, yēna Tigumpanagaram tad avasari. Tigumpanagaram sampattakālē pana assay ujamāsassa sukkapakkbā tērasamiyam gügūrevārā, Rūmadutanāvábhirulho 'kādasathére nimantētvā, nūn' aggarasablöjanana santapputri sampavarētrā, ticivaratthaya c' ēk' ēkassa dve dve dussayagi datva, kattabbapațisantharui ca katva, nivūsana thanam eva patānāpēsi.
Tnto Rūmīdhipatimahäräji tini divasāni mahāsainajjam kūrūpütvī, mahāpavüranūdivasü surnvar tan mahāghantain Kesadhāturētiyassa pūjanatthāya cētiyauganam ārūpāpēsi. Pātipadau.livas sukkürü pana, Tigumpavūsinam bhikkhūnam dünam datva, kapani 'ddhikavanibbakarcu databbani düyyadhammam dāpētva, kālapakkhe tatiyāyam adiccavūrė 'kādasanāvūyo sak kacenm alaikärapētvū, paccuggamanattbāya amaccē thērānam santikam appesi. Evan Ramadhipatirīja theranam paccuggamanavidhin sajjitvā, catutthiyam candavārē pāto va, Tiyumpanagarato apakkamitvā, kamēna gacchanto atthamiyam sukkavāro Hansavatinagaram patvū, niccavanagirablutam ratanamandiram pāvisi. Thērē pana Mahābuddharūpasannatitthē yüv'okaham vasūpētva, dasamiyam ūdiccavāre bahunāvāyā sammäpațisak harāpētvã, nänä. dhajapatakēhi snbbatālávacarēhi ca saddhim amaccâdayā pēsētvā, thērē paccaggāhāpētva, ratuurmandivam ārühüpüsi.
Tato pana tū thera' ratanamandirabhidhānam rajamandiram patvā, Siridāthādhātulimpitacanduracunnakarandakan ca; Siridāthīdhātubimbañ ca; Bodhirukkhasākhāpattabijānica;
posl.

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sasanavisādhakassa Sirisaugbabõdhi-Parakkamabāhumahārājassa ca, Vijayabāhumahārājassa ca, Parakkamabāhumahārājassa ca, sāsanasõdhanavidhidipakam; bhikkhūhi patipajjitabbūpam tēna tēna raññā bhikkhusangbam āyācētvā, kārāpitānam katika vattānañ ca dipakam; Sihaļadēsiyēhi thērēhi pahiņitvă dinnakatikavatta põţthakañ ca ; sandēsapannañ ca; Vanaratanamahāthērēna viracitam gāthābandhañ ca ; Bhüvanēkabāhu-Sihalarājassa sandēsapannañ ca; Rāmādhipatimahārājāssadamsu. Evam Rāmädhipatimahārājā thērēbi saddhim kattabbapațisanthāram katvā, thērē 'kādasapi 'paccēkam amaccē āņāpētvā, bahūhi dhajapațākēhi sabbatālâ vacarēhi ca saddhim, sakam sakam vihāram pahiņāpēsi.
Tato para Rāmādhipatimahärājass' ētad ahosi: "Imē pan' ēküdasathëra Sihaladipam gantvā, tato parisuddh'upasampadam gahētvā samāyātā. Imasmim ca Hamgavatinagarē parisuddhabaddhasimā vā, nadilakkhaṇapattā mahānadi va, jātassaralakkhanapatto mabājātassaro vas suvisādhaniyam gāmakhēttam vā, n'atthi. Kattha nu kho pan' imē thērā upūsathadisanghakammam upasampadakammam vā kātam labhissanti ? Yam nunham surakkhaniyam khuddakam gāmakhēttam pariyēsētvā, tatth' ēkam baddhasimam imēhi yēva thērēbi sammad ēva bandhā. pēyyam. Tatbā sati tatth' ētë thērā v posathâdisa nghakammam upasampadakammam vā kātum labhissantiti.” Atha kho Rāmādhipatirājā parijanē pēsētvā tathārūpam gūmakhēttam pariyesipēsi. Tato ranno parijanā pariyZsitvā, Mudhavábhidhānas88 mahācētiyansa pacchimadisāyam vanapariyantē Narasuramaccassa gāmakhőttam khuddakaṁ surakkhaniyan ti ñatvā rañño tath' ārēcēsum. Tato rājā sayam ēva gantvā tam thānam õlõketvā, surakkhaniyam idam gāmakhēttam pațirūpam; ēttha simāsammannan ti ointētvā, tatth' ēkasmim padēsē bhūmim sõdhāpētvā, sammannitabbasimatthānaṁ sallākkhētvā, vēmajjhē ēkam sālam kārāpētvā, sālāy' anto ca bahi bālāya sammannitabbasimatthānañ ca tato bahi pi yathārucitakan kiñci padēsam harit'upalittam kāräpētvā, samantato catūsu disāsu vatim kārāpētvā, sakavātam catudvāram yõjāpēsi. Tasga gāmakhēttassa ca samantato aūñēhi gāmakbēttēhi sankaradāsam pabaritum, hēţthā bhūmiyañ cupari ākāsë ca rukkbasākhadi-sambandham avecchinditvā, vidatthimattagambhiravitthāram khuddakamātikam khaṇāpēsi. Simāsammannatthānato pana pacchimadisāyam avidūrē sanghakammakārakānam ēkādasannam thērānam vihārañ ca bhattasālañ ca nahānakötthakañ ca vaccakuțiñ ca kārāpētvā, tē nimantētvā vasāpēsi.
Tato paraṁ puna pi Rāmādhipatirājā cintēsi : "kiñcâpēkādasathērā saddhim ēkādasahi sissabhūtēhi daharabhikkhūhi Sībaladipato accantaparisuddham upasampadam gahētvā, samayātā; tatbâpi' mē sasissã thēra garaba parūpavādamattasambhāvâbhāvavicāraṇavasēna parivi. mamsitabbā va. Yē pana tēsu garahaparūpavādamattasahitā tēsam accanta parisuddh' upasampadabhāvē pi simāsammutiyā ganabhāvē parivajjanam ēv' amhākam roccati: simāya sasa. namülabhāvato hi; suddh' apasam padānam pi garahaparūpavādamattasahitānam simāsaramutiyā ganabhāvē sati garabaparūpavādamattassậyatim sāsanapaccatthikānam ukkotapakāraņabhāvato cati."
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.1
No. 18.-The Sleeping Nasib. Once upon a time there lived two brothers, one of whom was possessed of ample means, while the other was utterly destitute, but the rich brother would not so much as give a handful of barley to save his brother and his poor family from starvation. One day the rich brother had occasion to give a large feast in honour of the nuptials of his children, and although he had invited a large number of his friends to it, he had not so much as sent a servant to ask his brother and his family to join them.
Now the poor brother, who had been long out of work, had exhausted all his resources, so that on the day of the feast he and his family had not a morsel of anything to eat, and
For a variant of this tale, see ante, Vol. XVII. page 13. Nasib means 'luck, good fortune.'

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this had been their state for two or three days past. Towards evening therefore he said to his wife: "Go, wife, and see if you can bring us some of the leavings of the feast. There must be some bones and crumbs left in the pots and dishes; so make haste and do bring as something." The poor woman accordingly went round to the back of her rich relative's house. But she saw at a glance that she was too late, as the pots and pans had already been scrubbed clean, and that there was, therefore, no chance of her getting anything. Just then she saw some white finid in a large tub, and knew that it was the water in which the rice for the feast had been washed. So she begged of the servants to let her have some of it; but the mistress of the house, who happened to come up at the time, forbade them to give her anything at all. "Even this water has its uses," said she," and it must not be wasted," and she relentlessly turned her back on her poor relative, who had to walk home to her unfortunate little ones empty-handed.
When she told her husband how she had been treated by his brother's wife, he was beside himself with rage and disappointment, and swore that he would go that very night to the rich barley fields of his brother and bring away some sheaves of barley, in spite of him, to make bread with for his starving little ones. So he took a scythe, and under cover of night stole noiselessly out of his house, and walked up to his brother's barley fields. But just as he was entering one, his further progress was arrested by somebody, who looked like a watch-man, loudly asking him what he wanted.
"I am come here to take home some barley from this field of my brother, since he is determined not to give me anything, although my children are actually dying for want of food. But who are you, to put yourself thus in my way P"
"I am your brother's nasib (Luck), placed here to guard his possessions, and I cannot let you have anything that belongs to him!" was the stern reply.
“My brother's nas 6 indeed!" exclaimed the poor man in surprise; "then, where on earth has my nasib stowed himself away that he would not help me to procure the means of subsistence for my starving wife and children?"
" Thy nasib !" said the other mockingly; "why, he lies sleeping beyond the seven Beas: go thither if thou wouldst find and wake him !"
So the poor fellow had to trudge back home just as he had come. The words of his brother's nasib, however, jarred on his memory, and he could not resi till he had told his wife of his interview with that strange being. She, in her turn, urged him to go and find out his nasib, and see if he could wake him from his slumbers, as they had suffered long enough from his lethargy.
The husband agreed to this, and the wife borrowed, or rather begged, some barley of her neighbours, ground it, and made it into bread, over which the poor starving children and the unfortunate parents broke their four days' fast. The poor father then took leave of his family, and set out on his journey.
He had proceeded about twelve k88, or so, when he again felt the pangs of hunger, and sat down under the spreading shade of a tree to eat a loaf or two of the bread that his wife had reserved for his journey. Just then, a little mango dropped at his feet from the tree, and on looking up, he saw that he was under a mango-tree filled to luxuriance with a crop of young mangoes. He eagerly picked up the fruit and gnawed at it, but to his great disappointment found that it was quite bitter! So he flung it away from his lips, and oursing his fate for not letting him enjoy even so muoh as a mango, again looked up at the tree and sighed. But the tree echoed back his sighs and said: "Brother, who art thou P and whither dost thou wend thy way? Have mercy upon me!"
“Oh! do not ask me that question," said the poor man in distress, "I do not like to dwell apon it."

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On the tree, however, pressing him further, he replied: "As yon are so very anxious to know my history, I shall tell it to you. Learn then first of all that I am going in search of my nasib, which I am told lies asleep beyond the seven seas! He then unfolded to the sympathising tree the whole doleful tale of his poverty, his brother's brutal treatment of him, and his interview with his brother's nasib.
When the tree had heard all, it said: "I feel very much for you, and hope you will succeed in finding out your nosib. And if ever you meet him, will you not do me the favour to ask him, if he can tell why it should be my lot to produce such bitter mangoes? Not a traveller that passes under me fails to take up one of my fruit, only to fling it from him in disgust on finding it taste so bitter and unwholesome, and curse me into the bargain."
"I will, with pleasure," was our hero's reply, as he listlessly rose and again proceeded on his weary journey. He had not gone many miles, however, when he saw a very strange sight. A large fish was rolling most restlessly on the sandy banks of a river- it would toss itself to and fro, and curse itself at every turn for being so miserable.
Our hero felt much grieved to see the plight the poor creature was in, when the fish, happening to look at him, asked him who he was, and where he was going.
On being told that he was going in search of his nasib, the fish said: "If you succeed in finding your nasib, will you ask him in my name, why it is that a poor creature like myself should be so ill used as to be made to leave its native element and to be tortured to death on these hot sands ?"
"Very well," replied our hero, and went his way again.
Some days after this, he arrived at a large city, the towers of which seemed to touch the skies, so grand and beautiful was it. As he proceeded farther into it, admiring its lofty edifices and beautifully built palaces, he was told that the Râjà of that place was just then engaged in having a new tower built, which in spite of all the skill the best architects bestowed on it, tumbled down as soon as it was finished, without any apparent cause whatever. The poor traveller, therefore, out of mere curiosity, went near the tower, when the Râjâ, who was sitting by, with a disconsolate look, watching the operations of the workmen, was struck with his foreign look and manners, and asked him who he was, and where he was going. Our hero, thereupon, fell at the Raja's feet, related to him his strange story, and told him the nature of his errand. The Raja heard him through, and then desired him to inquire of his nás.b why it was that the tower he was bent on building collapsed as soon as it reached completion.
The poor man made his obeisance to the Raja, and promising to do his bidding, soon took leave of him.
He had not gone very far, however, on what now seemed to be his interminable journey, when he encountered a fine horse beautifully caparisoned and ready bridled, pasturing in a meadow.
On seeing him the steed looked sorrowfully at him and said: "Good Sir, you look as if you were laden with as much care as I am; tell me, therefore, where you are going, and what is the object of your journey?"
Our hero told him every thing, and the horse, too, in his turn, charged him with a message to his nasib. He was to ask that personage, why it was that the gallant steed, so powerful and so handsome, was destined to his utter grief and despair to idle away his life in the manner he did, instead of being made to gallop and prance about under the control of a rider, although he was all-anxious to serve a master and go to the battle field to share his fortunes, whenever le might wish to take him.
"Very well, my friend," replied our hero, "I shall do as you desire." So saying he patted the noble animal on its back and trudged along as before.

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But as he proceeded farther and farther without so much as getting a glimpse of even one of the seven seas he had been told of, our hero felt utterly disheartened, and tired out both in body and mind by the hardships and privations he was going through. So he threw himself under the shade of a large tree and soon fell fast asleep. But in a short time his slumbers were suddenly disturbed by the cries and yells of some eagles that had their nest in the top-most branches of the tree. No sooner, however, did he open his eyes than he saw & huge serpent creeping up the tree to get at the young eagles in the best. He immediately drew his sword and divided the hideons crawling reptile into three pieces! The poor little eagles in the branches joined each other in a chorus of delight at this, and our hero, covering up the remains of their tormentor with his plaid, sheathed his sword, and soon fell fast asleep again!
When the old birds that had gone out in search of food came back and saw the traveller sleeping under the tree, they were at once seized with the idea that he was the enemy that had 80 long and so successfully been destroying their progeny ; for many times before had that serpent succeeded in climbing the top of the tree and devouring either the birds' eggs or their little ones. So the enraged couple determined to be revenged upon him, and the male bird proposed that he would go and perch himself upon one of the topmost branches, and then fling himself down upon the sleeper with such violence as to crush him to death! The female bird, however, was for breaking the bones of the supposed enemy with one swoop of her powerful wing! At this stage, fortunately for our hero, the young birds interfered, and declared how the man had proved himself their friend by destroying their real enemy, the serpent, the carcass of which they pointed out to them covered up with the plaid! The old birds immediately tore the cloth open, and were convinced beyond doubt of the innocence of the sleeping man. So the old female bird, changing her anger into love, placed herself by bis side, and began to fan him with her large wings, while the male flew away to a neigbouring city and pouncing upon a tray full of sweetmeats, temptingly displayed at a pastry cook's bore it away with him, and placed it at the feet of the still slumbering traveller
When our hero awoke from his slumbers he saw the situation at a glance, and was deeply gratified at the attentions bestowed upon him. So without much hesitation he made a hearty meal of the sweet things he saw before him. It was, in fact, the first hearty meal he bad made for many and many a day, and, feeling very much refreshed in body and buoyant in spirits, he told the birds all his story, how he had left bis starving children to set out in search of his nasib, how he had travelled to such a distance amidst great hardships and privations, and how he had hitherto met with no success. The birds felt deeply grieved for him, and told him that it was hopeless for him to try to cross the seven seas without their help, and that they would, therefore, as a small return for what he had done for them, give him one of their numerous brood that would carry him on its back and deposit him dry-shod and safe beyond the seven seas.
Our hero was profuse in his thanks to the birds, and soon mounted the back of one of the young eagles, and bidding a hearty farewell to his feathered friends resumed his journey, this time not over hard and rough roads and mountains, or through deep dark jungles, but through the fresh balmy air and the cool transcendant brightness of the skies.
All the seven seas were crossed one after another in quick succession, when from his lofty position in the air he one day perceived a human figure stretched at full length on a bleak and desolate beach. This he was led to believe must be his nasib, so he asked the good eagle to place him down near it.
The bird obeyed, and our hero, eagerly went up to the recumbent figure and drew away from his head the sheet in which its was enveloped. Finding, however, that it would not wake, he twisted one of the sluggard's great toes with such violence that he started up at once, and began to rub his eyes, and press his brows to ascertain where he was, and who had so radely awakened him.

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“You lazy idiot," cried our hero, half in delight at his success and half in anger," do you know how much pain and misery you have caused me by thus slumbering peacefully on for years together? How can a man come by his share of the good ?hings of this world while his nasib neglects him so much as to go and throw himself into such a deep slumber in so unapproachable a corner of the earth? Get up at once, sud promise never to relapse again into slumber after I depart."
"No, no, I cannot sleep again, now that you have waked me," replied the nasib ; "I was sleeping only because you had not hitherto taken the trouble to rouse me. Now that I have 'been awakened I shall attend you wherever you go, and will not let you want for anything."
“ Very well, then," cried our hero, perfectly satisfied," now look sharp and give me plain and true answers to a few questions I have been commissioned to ask you."
He then delivered to him all the different messages given to him by the mango-tree, tho fish, the Rajâ, and the horse. The nasib listened with great attention, and then replied as follows :
“The mango tree will bear bitter mangoes so long as it does not give up the treasure that lies buried under it.
The fish has a large solid slab of gold hidden in its stomach, which must be squeezed ont of its body to relieve it of its sufferings.
As for the Raja-tell him to give up building towers for the present and turn his attention to his household, and he will find that, although his eldest daughter has long since passed her twelfth year, she has not yet been provided with a husband, which circumstance draws many a sigh from her heart, and as each sigh pierces the air, the lofty structure shakes under its spell and gives way. If the Râjâ therefore, first sees his daughter married, he will not have any more cause to complain."
Coming then to speak of the horse, the nasib patted our hero on his back, and continued :
“The rider destined to gladden the heart of that noble animal is none but yourself. Go, therefore and monnt him, and he will take you home to your family."
This terminated our hero's interview with his nasib, and after again admonishing him not to relapse into slumber, he mounted his aërial charger once more, and joyously turned his face homewards.
When the seven seas had again been crossed, the faithful bird took him to where he had found the horse, and laid him down safe beside him. The traveller then took leave of the eagle with many expressions of gratitude and going up to the steed stroked him gently and said: "Here I am sent to be your rider! I was predestined to ride you, but as my nasib was lying asleep up to this time, I could not see my way to do so !"
“Bismillah," exclaimed the horse, "I am quite at your service." Our hero, thereupon, mounted the steed and the noble animal soon galloped away with him, and both horse and rider being infused with a sense of happiness did not feel the harships and fatigues of the journey so much as they would have done under other circumstances.
While passing by the river on the banks of which he had perceived the fish writhing in agony, our hero saw that it was still there in the same sad plight. So he at once went up to it, and catching hold of it, squeezed the slab of gold out of its body, restored the poor creature to its element, and putting the gold into his wallet, made his way to the city where he had encountered the Râjâ.
When he arrived there he put up at a saral, and purchased with the gold acquired from the fish, rich clothes, jewellery, and weapons befitting a young nobleman, and, attiring himself in them, presented himself before the Raja.

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The Raja was surprised to see him, so much changed did he look from his former self, and welcoming him most cordially, gave him a seat of honour in the midst of his nobles. He then inquired of him whether his nasil had given him any solution of the vexed question of the collapse of the tower, and was delighted to hear in reply that so simple a matter was the cause of all the annoyance he had suffered, and all the expense he had been put to. With a view, therefore, to put an end to the difficulty at once, he ordered his daughter to be brought before him, and putting her hand into that of our hero, proclaimed him then and there his son-in-law !
After this the tower stood as erect and firm as the Râjâ wished it, and the whole kingdom resounded with the praises of the traveller who had been the means of contributing to its stability, and no one grudged him the hand of the fair princess as a reward for his services.
After a few days spent in feasting and merry-making, our hero took leave of his father-inlaw, and set out on his homeward journey with a large retinue. When he reached the mango tree that produced bitter fruit, and sat down under its branches, surrounded by all the evidences of wealth and honour, he could not help contrasting his former state with his present altered circumstances, and poured forth his thanks to the good Allah, who had bitherto befriended him. He then ordered his men to dig at the roots of the tree, and their labours were soon rewarded by the discovery of a large copper vessel, so heavy as to require the united strength of a number of men to haul it up. When the treasure trove was opened, it was found to be full of gold and jewels of great value, and our hero got the whole laden upon camels, and joyfully resumed his journey home.
When he entered his native place with his bright cavalcade and his lovely wife, quite a crowd of cager spectators gathered round him, and his brother and other relatives who were of the number, although they recognized him, were too awe-struck to address him. So he ordered his tents to be pitched in a prominent part of the town, and put up there with his bride. In due course le caused inquiries to be made regarding his first wife and his children, and soon had the satisfaction of embracing them once more. He was grieved to find them in the same half-sturved, ill-clad condition he had left them in, but was nevertheless thankful that their life had been spared so long. His next step was to take his new bride to his first, and therefore more rightful wife, place her hand in hers, and bid her look upon her as a younger sister. This tho old lady promised gladly to do.
All his friends and neighbours then called upon him to offer him their congratulations, ard even his hard-hearted brother and his wife failed not to visit him, and wish him joy of his good fortune. Seeing now that he was a much richer man than themselves, they tried their best to ingratiate themselves into his favour, and tho wife even went so far as to invite his two wives to a grand feast, which she said she was going to give in honour of his happy return and reunion with his family.
Our hero consented to let his wives go to the feast, and the next day the two ladies, attiring themselves in their best clothes and jewels, went to their brother-in-law's house, where a large party, consisting of ladies of the best families, had assembled to do them honour. After some time spent in the interchange of civilities, the whole company sat down to a sumptuous banquct. As the meal proceeded however, what was the surprise of the guests to see, that instead of putting the rich viands into her mouth, the old wife of our hero placed a tiny morsel cach time on each of the different articles of her jewellery and on the deep gold embroidered borders of her säsi. For some time no one dared to question her as to the reason of her strange behaviour, but at last, one old woman, bolder than the rest, and who was, moreover, possessed of a sharp touguo, cried out in a loud voice : " Bibi, what are you about? You don't seem to have come here to feed yourself, for up to now you have been doing nothing but feed your jewellery and your clothes!"

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"You are right, old lady," replied our hero's wife, "you are quite right when you say that I have been feeding my jewellery and clothes; for has not this repast been provided, and all this distingaished company brought together, in honour of our rich clothes and jewellery ? There was a time, when neither my husband or myself was thought fit to partake of our hostess's hospitality; nay, at one time, even so much as a bucketful of water in which rice had been washed for a feast, was refused to me, although my husband, my children and myself were starving! And all that because then we were not possessed of these fine clothes, and this jewellery!"
With these words she took her co-wife by the hand, and the two turning their backs on their hostess, walked majestically out to their palanquins and returned home!
The chagrin, disappointment, and rage of the hostess knew no bounds at this, especially as all her guests, instead of taking her part, began to laugh at her, and told her she had been well served for her ill-mannered pride and her hard-heartedness to her relatives when in distress. Nay, to shew their contempt for her, they all left the feast unfinished, and went away to their homes in rapid succession.
Our hero passed the rest of his life with his two wives and their children very happily ever afterwards, and had never again any cause to complain against his nasio.
MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF SUNDARA-PANDYA.
In his 10th year inscription Sundara-Pandya JATAVARJAN.
tells us that he conquered Kanda-Güpâla and Dr. Hultzsch has published materials for Ganapati. Dr. Hultzsch gives a date of Ganapati calculating the date of Sundara-Pandya- in the Sakn year 1172, and tells us from other Jatavarman, ante, Vol. XXI. pp. 121-2 and sources that he died in Saka-Samvat 1180. He 343-4. He has given parts containing dates also gives three dates of Kanda-Gopala, which of two inscriptions of Sundara-Pandya. One are as follows: belongs to the 9th and the other to the 10th year of his reign. The details of the date of
No. L. the 9th year inscription are (ante, Vol. XXI. On the south wall of the 80-called "rock" p. 343):- Tribhuvanachakrava[r]ttiga[!] sri. (malai) in the Arulla-Perumal temple. Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku ya[n]du gåvadu
Svasti sri Sakara-yându 1187 perra TiribuvanaIshava-nasya]rru parvva-pakshattu palichamiy[u]m Se[v]vây-kkilamaiyum perra Punar
chchakarava[r]ttiga! sri-vijaya-Kanda-Gopala
dévarkku yêņdu 15vadu pašattu nal. -" In the 9th year (of the reign) of
Miduņa-nayarru the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious
apara-pakshattu trayodasiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of the
perra Rôšani-na! nakshatra) Punarvasu, which corresponded to
"Hail! Prosperity! In the 15th year of the Tuesday, the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the the month of Rishabha." And the details of the glorious and victorious Kanda-Gopaladeva, date of the 10th year inscription are (ante, which corresponded to the Saka year 1187, - Vol. XXI. p. 121):- Ko-Chohadaipanmar-ana on the day of the nakshatra) Rôhini, which Tribhuvanachchakravarttiga! emmandalamun=
corresponded to Saturday, the thirteenth kond aruļiya érf-Bundara-Pandiyadóvar[ku)
tithi of the second fortnight of the month of yandu 10vadu pattåvadu Rishabha-nêyarru apara
Mithuna." [pa]kshattu Budan-kilamaiyum prathamaiyum
No. IL perra A[nillattu nál. "In the 10th -tenth - year (of the reigri) of king Jatavarman, alias
On the north wall of the second präkdra of the the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious
Ekamrandtha temple. Sundara-Pandyadeva, who was pleased to Svasti eri Sakara-yapdu 1187 perra Tiribuvaffaconquer every country, - on the day of (the chchakkarava[r]ttiga! sri-visaiya-Kaņda-Gopanakshatra) Anuradha, which corresponded to ladóvar[k*]ku yandu 1[6]vadu Simha-ngyarru Wednesday, the first tithi of the second fortnight apara-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Sagi-kkilanaiyum of the month of Rishabha."
perra Uttirådatta na!.

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"Hail! Prosperity! In the 1[6]th year of etc., here, once for all, that the Saka years in my calwhich corresponded to the Saka year 1187, - on culation are all taken as expired years. the day of the nakshatra) Uttarashadha, which
Tuesday, and the Punarvasu nakshatra falling corresponded to Saturday, the third tithi of the
on a sukla pañchami in the solar month of second fortnight of the month of Simha."
Vpishabha, are the requirements of the 9th year No. III.
inscription; and Wednesday, and the nakshatra
Anuradhå falling on a krishna pratipadd in the On the same wall as No. I.
solar month Vpishabha, are required for the 10th Svasti śri Sakara-yându 118[7] perra Tiribu- year inscription. In both the inscriptions the vanagakkarava[r]ttiga! sri-visaiya-Kanda-Gopa- solar month is Vpishabha. Parts of two lunar ladevarkku ya[n]du 16vadu] Simba-nkyarru months, Vaisakha and Jyêshtha, fall in the solar apara-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Saņi-kkilamaiyum month Vrishabha. First I searched for the years, perra Uttirattádi-nål.
in which the given week days fell on the given "Hail! Prosperity! In the 1[6th) year of etc.,
tithis of Vaisakha and Jyêshtha. I need not which corresponded to the Saka year 118[7], -
give here all these years. I calculated afterwards on the day of the naloshatra) Uttara-Bhadrapada,
in which of these years the given week days, the which corresponded to Saturday, the third tithi
nakshatras, and the solar month fell together; of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
and found that the three required things for
the 9th and 10th year inscriptions, respectively, The details of these three dates are correct for
fell together, actually or nearly, in the Saka years the Saka years quoted with them; except that
1181 and 1182, and again in 1184 and 1185. Also, the nakshatra of No. II. should be Uttara
taking each inscription separately, there is no Bhadrapadá instead of Uttarash&dha.
other year for either of them. The English equivalents of these three dates are :- No. I. Saturday, the 13th June A. D.
Of the above two pairs of years, first I take the 1265; and Nos. II. and III. Saturday.. the 1st
latter. According to the present Sürya-Siddhanta,
in Saka-Samvat 1185, the amanta Vaisakha Sukla August' A. D. 1265. The Saka years in thebe
púrnimd ended and the krishna pratipada comthree dates are expired, while that in the date
menced on Wednesday, the 25th April, A. D. of Ganapati is current.
1263, at 4 ghatis 25 palas; and the nakshatra From these data Dr. Hultzsch has already
Vibakhá ended and Anuradha commenced at pointed out that the year fitting to the details of
23 gh. 23 pa., Ujjain mean time (i. e. at so many the 10th year inscription of Sundara-Påndya
ghatis and palas after mean sunrise at Ujjain). should be sought for between the Saka years
So, two of the three requirements fell together 1172 and 1190.
after 23 gh. 23 a. from mean sunrise on the The 10th year inscription in which Sundara- Wednesday. But the Vrishabha-sankranti took Pandya alludes to his victory over Kanda- place on the same day at 44 gh. 7 pa. (Ujjain Gopala, is dated in the solar month of Vrishabha. mean time), which was 45 gh. 16 pa. of the We see from the date No. I. of Kanda-Gôpåla apparent time on that day at Trichinopoly, the that his accession must have taken place not place of the 10th year inscription. In finding before the commencement of the month Mithuna the apparent time, I have taken for Trichinopoly of Saka-Samvat 1172 expired. The first available latitude 10° 47' and longitude 78° 43' east of month Vpishabha after this is that of S.-S. 1173 Greenwich, and 3° 0 east of Ujjain (see expired. The Saka year, therefore, for Sundara. Johnston's Atlas). There seem to be two systems Pandya's 10th year inscription does not fall | at present of commencing a solar month civilly before S.-S. 1173 expired. Strictly speaking, (see South Indian Chronological Tables, p. 7 f.). therefore, we should seek for the Saka year fitting According to one, when & sankranti takes place to the details of the 10th year inscription of before sunset, the month is made to begin on the Sundara-Pandya, between the years 1173 and 1190 same day; while, if it takes place after sunset expired, both inclusive. Consequently, the Saka the month begins on the next day. According to year for his 9th year inscription should be sought the other system, when the sun enters & sign between the years 1172 and 1189 expired, both within three of the five parts into which the dayinclusive. Taking, however, one year more on time is divided, the month begins on the same each side, I find that the Saka years 1181 and 1182 day; otherwise, it begins on the next day. In expired are the only years corresponding respect the present instance, the solar month Vpishabha ively to the details of the 9th and 10th year did not begin on the Wednesday by either of the inscriptions of Sundara-Pandya. I may say two systems. Even if we take the actual time of

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the sankranti, the month began at about mid- the Karana-prakdéa, a work composed in Saka. night; but no religious ceremony is likely to Samvat 1014, and based on the first Åryatake place after midnight. According to the Siddhanta with a bija correction. And by the first Arya-Siddhanta, which is the authority in Karana-prakdéa I find that the tithi ended at the Tamil country, the solar month in question Trichinopoly at 2 gh. 58 pa., apparent time. This actually commences about 4 ghatis earlier; that tithiended rather soon after sunrise, and therefore is at about 40 gh. (Ujjain mean time); but that I calculated it from different authorities, to find hour also is too late. So, Saka-Samvat 1185 is whether it might end on the previous day, Tuesday, not the year of the 10th year inscription
by any authority; but now I am sure that by no Now as regards the 9th year in ription. Ac- authority, likely to be in use in the Tamil country cording to Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, in Saka.
at the time of the inscriptions in question, could Sarvat 1184, Vaisakha éukla panchami ended on
it end on the Tuesday. On the above Vaisakha Tuesday, 25th April, A. D. 1262, at 19 gh. 40 pa.
krisluna pratipada, Wednesday, the nakshatra was (Ujjain mean time); and up to about 33 gh.
Anuradha, which ended at 7 gh. 34 pa, Ujjain from sunrise there was the nakshatra Panarvasu.
mean time, and at 8 gh. 45 pa., Trichinopoly But here again, the Vpishabha-samkrinti took
apparent time, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, place, according to the present Súrya-Siddhanta, and at 9 gh. 46 pa, Trichinopoly apparent time, on the same day at 28 gh. 36 pa. (Ujjain mean
according to the Karana-prakdéa; and the solar time). So, only after this time on that day
month was Vțishabha, the day being its fourth the three requirements, the week day, the
civil day, the sun having already entered the sign nakshatra, and the solar month, came together.
Vpishabha on the night of Saturday, 24th April, Moreover, the tithi, panchamt, was not current
A. D. 1260. So the three required things fell with them, though it was current at sunrise and together in the Saka year 1182. up to 19 gh.
I may state here that the Saka years 1170 and Taking the 9th year inscription alone, this year 1171, and again 1191 and 1192, are other pairs of might be taken fitting, though not satisfactorily, years, in which the three required things fall to the details of its date. But taking both together, actually or nearly. But the first of the inscriptions together, there remains no these two is more unsatisfactory than the pair of doubt that Saka-Samvat 1184 is not the year of years 1184 and 1185 above described. The second the 9th year inscription. So Saka-Samvat 1184 pair is a little less satisfactory than the pair of and 1185 are not the years of the 9th and 10th years 1181 and 1182. But these two pairs are year inscriptions respectively.
out of our limit, which has, as I have stated The other pair of years Saka-Samvat 1181 and
above, kaka-Samvat 1172 and 1173 on one side 1182 is, however, quite satisfactory. In S.-S.
and 1129 and 1190 on the other. 1181, Vaisakha kukla panchami ended, according So, the Baka years 1181 and 1182 expired to Prof. Chhatre's Tables, on Tuesday, 29th April,
are the only years respectively for the 9th and A. D. 1259, at 16 gh. 10 pa. (Ujjain mean time);
10th year inscriptions of Sundara-Påndyafrom sunrise to the end of the tithi there was the
Jatavarman. Ilis accession must have taken nakshatra Punarvasu ; and the solar month was
place on some day from the fifth day in the solar Vrishabha, the day being its fourth civil day, the
morth of Vșishabha of Saka-Sarivat 1172 up sun having already entered that sign at night on
to the fourth day in the same solar month of 8.-S. Friday, zoun Apru. So, the three required things, 1173: or from Vaisakha krishna dvitiui of S.-S. the week day, the nakshatra, and the solar month,
1172, to Vaisakha sukla panchami of S.-S. 1173. did exist together in S.-S. 1181. In S.-S. 1182,
There being about ten or eleven months of the according to the present Sarya-Siddhanta,
year 1172 and only one or two of 1173, we should, Vaisakha krishna pratipadá ended on Wednesday,
in the absence of other definite proof, prefer 28th April, A. D. 1260, at 0 gh. 16 pa. (Ujjain
the Baka year 1172, expired, for the accession mean time), and at 1 gh. 27 pa., Trichinopoly
of Sundara-Pandya-Jaţåvarme.n. apparent time. A practical work, based on the first Arya-Siddhanta,- the chief authority for the There is not a single year from Saka-Samvat Tami] solar calendar, - must have been in use at 1170 to 1192, both inclusive, that satisfactorily Trichinopoly and other Tami) provinces at the fits the details of the date No. 2, ante, Vol. XXI. time of the inscription in question. I do not p. 344, of the 9th year inscription of Sundaraknow the actual work; but it must be similar to Pandya-Maravarman. In the Saka years 117
In the other calculations, also, in this note, I have beenred as much accuracy as is required in each individual case.

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and 1177, there is only a near approach of the three requirements. In these two years, Chaitra krishna dvittyd ended and tritiya commenced on a Friday, at respectively 16 gh. 55 pa. and 46 gh. 41 pa. (Ujjain mean time), according to Prof. Chhatre's Tables, and after that time only, the required things, - krishna tritiyd coupled with * Friday, the nakshatra Việåkha, and the solar month Mêsha - fell together. If the Sundara.
Pandya-Máravarman of this inscription of the 9th year were the same as Sundara-Pandya. Jatavarman, the details of its date should fit Saka-Samvat 1181; but they do not. It is certain, therefore, that Sundara-Pandya-Måravarman is different from Sundara-Pandya-Jatavarman.
SHANKAR B. DIKSHIT. Dhulia, 10th May 1893.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SRAHE.
tad-varsham-modal-agiy=eradu bráheya siddhaBraho is a puzzling word, which appears in the yam-olag-dgi. This shews that there were two dates of a few inscriptions in the Kanarese srahe-days in the year; and that certain fixed country (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 163).
duties or taxes were paid on them. It also I have just found another, rather different, proves that the word is óráhe; and not aérdhe, as instance of the use of it. An inscription of the is equally possible in the other passages in which time of the Western Chalukya king Sômêsvara I., the word has been met with. But the meaning dated in A. D. 1050, at Sadi in the Rôn Taluka, of the word still remains unexplained. Dharwar District, mentions, among the grants,
J. F. FLEET.
BOOK NOTICE. PAȘINI, Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der indischen which puts him 1,100 years later. The author's
Literatur und Grammatik. Von Bruno Liebich, own opinion on this point is that we have not yet Dr. Phil., Leipzig. Hässel, 1891.
sufficient ground to come to a definite conclusion, It is an observation as trite as it is true, that
but that in all probability he came after the
but that in all probability ha an epoch-making work, besides having an import- Buddha and before the commencement of the ance of its owu, renders possible the production Christian Era : and that he was nearer the of other good books, and thereby opens out paths earlier than the later limit. In the second of investigation, which but for them would have chapter the author continues the inquiry, by seekremained closed to the most adventurous pioneers ing to establish the dates of Pånini's commentators. by an impassable barrier. As Gumäni of Patná The author of the Katika Vritti, died about 660 puts it :
A. D. He was preceded by Chandragðmin, who पूर्वजशुद्धिमिषावि गङ्गामू
appears to have lived in the 4th or early in the 5th प्रापितवान्स भगीरथभूपः।
century A. D. Before him came Patañjali, the बन्धुरभूज्जगतः परमोऽसौ
author of the Mahabhdshya, who probably lived सज्जन है सब का उपकारी।
in the second century. B. C. Kâtyâyana, the
author of the Varttika, lived some generations Dr. Kielhorn's Edition of the Mahabhúshya is a
before Patañjali, and Pånini was at least one case in point. A monument of accurate and solid learning in itself, it has incited Dr. Liebich, and
generation before Katyayana. made it possible for him, to write the excellent | Dr. Liebich in his third chapter opens the essay which forms the subject of this review. most original and interesting portion of the work.
The work may be described as having the same! He compares the Sanskrit language as laid down object as Goldstücker's well-known essay-to in Panini's Grammar with the actual Grammar determine the place of Panini in Sanskrit exhibited by four stages of Sanskrit literature, Literature and it may be at once stated that between the first and last of which he must the author has made a great advance in this certainly have lived. For this purpose he takes a interesting investigation. He has had at his thousand verbal forms in each of the followingcommand materials not available to former (a)the Gitaréya Brdhmana, (b) the Brihadaranyaka authors, and he has employed new methods, Upanishad, (c) the Asvaldyana and Paraskara which they had hitherto not been able to adopt. Grihyasútras, and (a) the Bhagavadgita. The first Dr. Liebich's first chapter is devoted to a review represents the language of the older Brahmanas of the attempts of former authors to fix the date the second that of the later Brahmanas, the third of Pânini, from Goldstücker's suggestion of that of the sátras and the fourth that of Epic poetry. not later than 700 B. O., to that of Dr. Pischel, Every form is compared with what Påņini says it

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ought to have been, and each departure from his posing him to have lived a hundred years earlier or grammar is recorded and classified. Omitting a hundred years later, in the matter of the growth irregularities which are noticed by Påņini himself, of a language really makes very little difference. as belonging to the Chhandas or older (i.e. before Now we know that the Vedic hymns, which, in him) language, the following is the number of their original forms, were in the vernacular languforms found to be grammatically false according age of the people who first sang them, existed to his rules, out of the thousand examined in certainly some centuries before Panini. The each work,-(a) 6, (6) 27, (c) 41, (d) 37. From older Brahmanas, equally certainly were comthese statistics, and from a consideration of the posed some centuries before Pånini's time, and nature of the irregularities in each case, he comes finally, the Sutras were composed about his time. to the following conclusions :
On the other hand, the Asoka Inscriptions, which 1. That Panini is nearest in time to the were in the vernacular language of the Court of Grihyasútras.
Magadha, were fifty, or at most a hundred and 2. That both the Aitaréya Brahmana and the
fifty, years later than Pånini. Now, taking Brihadaranyaka Upanishad certainly belong to
Pånini's own time as the standpoint and looking
backwards and forward, what do we see P Look. a time earlier than his.
ing backward, through a long vista of centuries we 3. That the Bhagavadgitu certainly belongs
see the hymns of the Vedas, the searchings of the to & time later than his.
Brahmanas and the teachings of the Satras, all In his fourth chapter the author deals with the couched in what is practically one and the same Panini's relation to the language of India; with- language. The oldest hymns of the Rig Vedio out a clear comprehension of which it is im- have ancient forms, and it may be argued that we possible to solve the problem of the extent to should exclude them,-be it so. Between the oldest which Sanskrit was a living speech. Tbe Brühmaņas and Panini at least one century must author first gives a brief résumé of the various have elapsed, and the language of the Brůhmanas propositions on this point which have hitherto and the language of Påņini are identical. Bebeen advanced, in which I may notice that hetween Panmi and Asoka, certainly not more than omits to mention Senart's arguments, contained a century and a half elapsed, and the language of in his essays on the Inscriptions of Piyadasi. Asoka is as different from that treated by Pånini, His own opinion is that Påņini taught the as Italian is from Latin. Nay, this was the case, language spoken in India at his time, that although the people of Asoka's time had Panini's the Sanskrit which he taught was, syntactically, Grammar before them as a guide, and though the practically identical with that of the Brilmunas Asoka Inscriptions show plain signs of a striving and of the Satras, and that in grammar, it after style more in accordance with the teachings of only differed from the Brühmanas by the the Sanskrit schools than the existing vernacular absence of a few ancient forms, most of which of the day. Aboka, it is true, lived in Eastern were specially noted by him as Vedic peculiarities, Hindustan, and Panini in the North-west, but that and from the Sútras by the omission to notice can be of little weight. It is impossible to certain loosely used forms, such as those which suppose that, while language developed along exist in every language beside the stricter ones its natural lines in the east, that developmeat enjoined by grammar.
remained arrested in the west. In suggesting that Påņini taught in his gram- Those, therefore, who maintain that Panini mar the Aryan language, in the form in which it wrote a grammar of the language generally was at the time generally spoken even by the spoken at his time must account for two things. educated in India, I think Dr. Liebich goes too Before his time, for at least a hundred years! far. That Panini, in his grammar, illustrated the vernacular language remained, fixed, una language which was spoken at the time by changed, in a state of arrested development. After, some persons, and probably by himself, is pos. bis time, during at most a century and a half, sible, and may be allowed; but I, for one, can- and possibly during only half a century, the not admit that that language was in Panini's same vernacular language underwent a course of time the general spoken language of India, or decay or development, as great as the developeven of North-Western India. One fact alone ment of Latin into Italian. This, too, during a makes the thing seem to me impossible. Panini time when it had before it Pånini's great Gramprobably lived somewhere about 300 B.C., but sup- mar to keep it straight, in the right way, and to
1 Of course I do not for a moment suggest that the oldest Brahma jas were only a hundred years older than
Papini. I am only stating the case in the most favour able way I can for the other side.

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arrest its development, as suddenly and fixedly as the course of time had even branched out into the developinent of Sanskrit was arrested. The scholastic dialects, as Dr. Liebich's statistics of assumption of such two conditions of existence in the Sútras show. two periods of a language's history, one of which
I think, therefore, that Dr. Liebich goes too far, immediately succeeds the other, is too violent to
if I understand him aright, when he says that be credible.
PAņini's Sanskpit was the spoken, the living But I have admitted that it is possible that at speech of the learned men of his time.' Unless he the time of Pånini, Sanskrit was a spoken lan- means by this that it was merely a school language guage. If it was not spoken by the common of the learned, entirely distinct from the general people, by whom was it spoken P The answer language of Hindustan, also spoken by, and is, by the schools.
actually the vernacular even of, these learned men,
I cannot but consider him, and the many who From the earliest times the Brahmans devoted
agree with him, to be labouring under a false themselves to the study of the language of
impression. their sacred books, and no doubt they used it amongst themselves, in the schools, as & medium
In concluding this subject, Dr. Liebich's classi. of disputation, and, perhaps, even, of ordinary
fication of the various stages of the Sanskrit intercourse. In later times we find, in the Ramd
language may be given here. He divides them yana, Hanuman considering whether he should as follows:address Sita in Sanskrit or in Pråkpit, And no
I. Ante-classical doubt this illustrated the state of affairs in
The Sanhitas of the four Védas. Pånini's time as well. Brâhmans could address II. Classical each other in the holy language, which they so
(a) Brdhmanas and Sútras. Jarefully studied and kept up in its integrity, but
(6) Påņini's teaching. in communication with the outer world beyond III. Post-classical the boundaries of their schools, they had to use
(a) Literature not governed by Panini : that vernacnlar language of the people, which,
The Epic poems. descended from the dialects in which the Vedic
(6) Literature arisen under the influ. Hymns were first composed, passed, regularly and
ence of Pånini: the language inevitably, in the course of centuries, into(amongst
of Kalidasa, &c. others) the language of Asoka, and thence into that
In the fifth chapter Dr. Liebich combats Prof. of Hâla and of Tulasi Dâs. Call that Vernacular language what you will, so long as it is
Whitney's attacks on the Sanskrit grammatical not called Sans' rit. Many things add proof to
school in general, and in the sixth he applies the the existence of this vernacular language at the
statistics already given to deciding whether any time when Sanskrit was fixed, -nay, Sanskrit itself
portions of the Brihadáranyaka Upanishad and bears witness to it itself, on its very face, in the
of the Aitariya Brahmana are older or more way in which it has borrowed some of these verna
modern than other portions; but I must refer the cular words, in their vernacular forms, and then re
reader to both these essays directly; as the transferred them, by a process of reversed etymo.
demands of space do not allow me to describe logy into what it imagined to be their original
their contents. Suffice it to say that with regards Vedic forms. Its mistakes in this process of rever.
to the Kanva Recension of the foriner, he considers sion betray the secret. No doubt in speaking
the whole of it (with a reservation regarding the Sanskrit in the schools many things were referred
5th book) to be earlier than Påņini. So also to, of which the original Vedic name was forgotten,
the Aitareya Brahmana with the exception of the and of which the vernacular form had perforce to
31st Adhyâya. be used in a form dressed up for the occasion." This excellent and most interesting book conIn short, Sanskṣit was used in the schools in cludes with two useful appendices, in which the Paniņi's time much as Latin was used in the author explains the Paninian teaching on the schools in the Middle Ages. It was habitually genus (pada) of the Verb, and on the formation used and spoken as a scholastic language, and in of the Feminine of nouns.
? An example is the Sanskrit angára, sugarcane that angara was the Sanskrit word for sugarcane sprout. sprouts, which I have referred to (ante, p. 166) in review. Really, the word is derived from agra with pleonastic ing Dr. Macdonell's Sanskrit Dictionary. This word is I da (quasi drit). There are many examples of this sort. manufactured from the old Prikrit aggaala. Sanskrit # Just as Father Tom said to the Pope in their imtook aggaada, and by a mistaken otymology assumed mortal conversation : 'Dimidium cyathi vero wpud me. that it was derived from angara, and therefore it declared tropolitanos Hibernicos dicitur dandau ( dandy

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NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
225
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS. BY G. A. GRIERSON, I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 206.) (7.) Dohabalt. See above. Five hundred and seventy-three miscellaneous dúhá and sorathá verses.
The following may be taken as a specimen. They are extracts from other works of the poet:
Taba lagi lousala na jica kuhun sapanehun mana bisráma
Jaka lagi bhajata na Rama kahun sila-elháma taji kama 11 131 11 Binu sata-sanga na Jari-Bathie tehi hinu möhr na bhaya !
Miha gaé binn Rúme-rala hoe na dridha anuraga 1| 132 N Dinn bistrisa bhagati nahin teki bini cravahin M Rima l
Reima-keripii bine sapanéha jina nu laha bisráma 11 133 H 131. No happiness will be in life, no rest to the soul even in dreams, till a man, abandoning desire, that home of sorrow, worships Râma.
132. Without fellowships of the faithful, there can be no converse abont God, an! without that converse illusion does not disappear. Unless illusion disappear, there is no firnu love for Rama's feet.
133. Withont trust there is no fnith, and without faith Rima is not compassionate. Without Ramn's mercy there is no rest for life, even in one's dreams.
(7a.) The Sat'sai, or Seven Centuries. I have already discussed at considerable length the question of the authenticity of this work. Whether written by Tulsi Das or not, it certainly .contains, and is the only work attributed to him which does contain, a systematic exposition of his religious opinions. It therefore deserves more than a passing notice.
Although nominally in seven sargas or parts, each consisting of a century of verses, this is not quite an accurate description, for, as will be seen, each part contains a few more or less than a hundred. This lends countenance to the theory that verses have been interpolated here and there. The object of the work is purely religions, and though each dóhá is capable of being quoted independently by itself, the book is not a mere collection of disjointed gnomic verses. A clear connecting leading idea runs through the whole of each part.
The verses may be considered as falling into three classes, viz. gnomic, parenetic, and purely devotional. The majority belong to the second class.
The following are the names of the various parts:
Sarga I., Prêma-bhakti-nirdééa, Explanation of Faith as Affection. One hundred and ten dohás.
Sarga II., Upasand-parábhakti-nirdesa, the Explanation of Faith in itsel Highest Form 26 Adoration. One hundred and three dohás.
.
. bet 2.1 1 Kodo Ram, pupil of Jánakt Sarma, the pon of Bësh Dutt Barth, in the sathor of the following Home, Ghrparing the various Sargas to different portions of sta's body Metre Chhopaait . Wh o C
Srt ja promet paya" tanke atigipya para hai
Vakros nesudara, Rama t amnije bhard. ha v e ed il Hridaya atama-bodha, karme-rildhdnto, aald heidare 210
2 T Ananan daranta janda hai brakma hala he u..
. Raja-ufti has a riya, ehi vidki Tulas Daaghiye, at VISA ants WA dekhij sataniyd" has alfa... Sve
L
5 12 Tbe srga on Paith Affootion in St's feet, that on faith in its Highet Form greatly to be aherished as her 10 waist, that on the Fesence of the Lord described in Enigmas, filled with npotar, is her womb, that on Self-knowledge. is hot heart that on the Doctrine of barma' her neck, thint on the Doctrine of knowledge, by which Brahman may sortsinly (bo found), in her face, and that on the Duties of kinga is her, houd. Thus did Tul's Das determine i n his heart that from beginning to end the gata Whould be representation of Sitarix
l i 10 of. Shaditys Ly 1. ath� bhaltijada, paranuraktir fuar. Now,then there is wish to know faith, sladi its bigbook for it is an affection frred on thoai Covo). W a t too
) 3930
de ses

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Sarga III., sánkéta-vukrókti-rama-rasa-varnana, the Description of the Essence of the Lord by means of symbolical Enigmas. One hundred and one dihas.
Sarga IV., Atma-bódha-nirdésa, the Path of Self-knowledge. One hundred and four dóhás.
Sarga V., Karma-siddhanta-yôga, the Influence of the Doctrine of Karma. Ninety-nine dohás.
Sarga VI., Jñana-siddhanta-yoga, the Determination of the Doctrine of Knowledge. One hundred and one dôlás. Subject, -the necessity of a spiritual guide for a perfect knowledge of the mystery of the Perfect Name.
Sarga VII., Raja-niti prastáva-varnana, On the Duties of Kings (and their subjects).
As stated above, a large number of the verses in the Sat'sai are repeated in the Dôhábali. Sat. I., 2, also occurs in the Bairagya Sandipani (I., 1) and Sat. I., 107, in Bai, I, 15. Both these verses are also repeated in the Dóndbali (1, 38).
The part of the Sat'sai which is best known is the third sarga, in which various devotional exhortations are disguised in symbolical enigmas, in the style long afterwards made popular by Bihari in his Sat'sai. As already explained, the authenticity of this part is more than doubtful. Each dôhd is a riddle, in which the true meaning is hidden to any one not possessed of the key. Two examples will suffice.
Bija dhananjaya rabi sahita Tulari tatha mayanka!
Pragața tahán nahin tama tami sama chita rahata asanka 115 Literally this means :
• The seed of Dhanamjaya with the sun, and, O Tul'si, also the moon. Where they are manifest, the night of darkness is not, and the soul remains at peace and secure. This is, as it stands, nonsense. But lija is a technical term for the esoteric meaning of the letters of the alphabet, and the word dhananjay means also "fire. Therefore the bija of dhanawijaya means that letter, the esoteric meaning of which is fire,' i e., ra. So also the bija of ravi, the sun, is a, and of mayanka, the moon, mi. These three together make up the word Ráma, and hence the poet means to say that when the name of Rama is manifest, the night of ignorance vanishes, and leaves the soul at peace. Again,
Bhaju hari adihin búfilcá bhari tá rájiba anta!
Kara tá pada biswasa bhawa sarita tarasi turunta # 22 11 Worship, after taking away the first syllable of (a-rama, a synonym of) báliká, a garden, and adding ta to the last syllable of ($-81, a synonym of) rájiba, the moon (i.e. worship Rama and Sita). Place trust in their feet, and at once dost thou pass over the sea of existence.
The fifth sarga is a good example of the author's didactic style, and the following free translation of it may be acceptable, as it contains Tul'si Das's doctrine of karms or works.
It will be advantageous, however, first to warn the reader as to the ground on which we are treading. Tul'si Das's system of philosophy was mainly that of the Vedanta, -not how
Tal'si DÅs's use of the word karma, may be gathered from 90th dóha of this sarga, where he gives in illustration & goldsmith as the karta or agent, the gold on which he works as the kårana or object acted on (i.e. the material cause), and the finiehed ornament as the karya or effect. Karya and karma are to him almost equivalent terms ( g., ds. 86). Just as there cannot be an earthen pot without presupposing the existence of potter, so without a kartd or agent, there cannot be a karma. It is only by koowing the kartų that the true nature of the karma can be recognized (87). Karma can never be wiped out, only the Lord is free from its law (12). Each individual is a store' of karma (9), and hence nevor loses his identity. As & seed always produces its own kind and not another plant, so an individual always remains the same, even when he is absorbed in the Lord (10). Just as water is absorbed by the sun, and yet is never destroyed, so the individual is absorbed in the Supreme God, and yet is never rodaoed to nibility (8).

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ever of the school more usually known, that of 'Sankara Acharya,-but partly based on the lesser known school of Râmânuja, as developed in the Sri Bhashya. Fifth (?) in descent from Ramanuja (11th-12th century), in the line of religious teachers came Ramanand, the founder of the Ramawat Sect, to which Tul'si Das belonged. The philosophical system of the Râmânujas is much the same as that of the Râmâwats. It is in matters of detail of doctrine that they differ. The main difference is the somewhat illiberal views of Rimânuja. He wrote for the Brahmans and in Sanskrit, and his system of ceremonial purity was strict in the extreme. Ramanand was converted to broader notions by his expulsion from that brotherhood for an imaginary impurity, and this insult was the direct cause of one of the greatest religious revolutions which India has seen. A revolution, like the Buddha's, from intolerance to tolerance, from spiritual pride to spiritual humility, and from a religion which teaches that the highest good is self-salvation, to one which teaches love to God and a man's duty to his neighbour. That Perfect Faith in God consists in Perfect Love to God is the first text of the sermon which Râmânand's disciples preached, and the second was the Universal Brotherhood of Man, for we are all His children.' Râmânand called his followers Avadhúta, for they had shaken off the bonds of narrow-mindedness. To the happy accident of the insult, we owe the noble catholicity of Ramanand's disciple (greater than his master) Kabir, and this teaching reached its final development, and what is more, reached its acceptance by the masses of Hindustan, at the hands of Tul'si Das.
"
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
227
We are, however, now more concerned with the scheme of philosophy on which this system was based. The main points of difference betwee the Vêdânta doctrines of Sankara Acharya and of Râmânaja, are given by Dr. Thibaut, in the introduction to his translation of the Védánta Sutras, and a very brief sketch, based on his remarks, such as is necessary for understanding Tul'si Dis's language, will suffice here. I shall translate throughout the personal name Rama' by 'The Lord." As Dr. Thibaut says of Ramanuja The only "sectarian" feature of the Sri Bhashya is, that it identifies Brahman with Vishnu or Narayana; but . . . . Narayana is in fact nothing but another name of Brahman.' So also Tul'si Dâs identifies Brahman or lávara with the Râma incarnation of Vishnu.
The key note of Ramanuja's system is a personal Supreme Being, whether called Brahman (neuter), Nârâvana, or Rama, roddar óvoμárov poft pia. According to 'Sankara, on the contrary, Brahman, the Supreme being, the highest Self, is pure Intelligence or Thought, or which comes to the same thing, pure Being.' Absolutely nothing can be predicated of it. All the world around us is simply a projection of this absolute intelligence in association with máya or illusion, and, as so associated, Brahman is called Isvara, the Lord. Each soul (jiva) is pure Brahman, and the aggregate of bodily organs, and mental functions which make up the individual, and which separate and distinguish one soul from another, are mere máyá and unreal. So also all objects of cognition, volition, &c., the external world, are mere máyá; the only thing that really exists is the soul, the projection of the supreme (param) qualityless (nirgunam) Brahman. The non-enlightened soul is unable to look beyond the veil of máy, and blindly identifies itself with its adjuncts, the bodily organs and cognitions which make up the individual. It thus becomes limited in knowledge and power, as an agent and enjoyer. As such it burdens itself with the merit and demerit of its actions, and as a consequence is subject to a continual series of births and rebirths into infinity, each of which is a direct
-
Now in course of publication in the Bibl. Ind. That Tal's! Dâs is considered a professed follower of Ramanuja is manifest from the introductory verses of the Minas Sankvoll of Bandan Pathak. He praises Sitâ, Rama, Hanu mat, Ganesa and Tul's! Dås. Then he goes on ri-Riminuja-mata prabala dharaka tåraks jiva Tuld-râma Briguru charana bandun &c. The author would not have brought Ramanuja's name so prominently forward, were it not germane to the subject of his work.
Sacred Books of the East.
[Just as I have insisted in Legends of the Panjab in similarly translating Rêm, Hari, Baghblr, Raghunath, &c., as "God." As the point is of much interest I give the following references to that work.-I. 135, 835, 357, 362, 365, 498: II. 7, 41, 101 ff., 204, 212., 219, 376. III. 381.-ED.]

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consequence of its previous actions. The only way of escaping from this weary continual round of births, is the recognition by the soul of the soul as one with the Supreme Brahman,
- the highest self. By such knowledge the seeker after truth withdraws from the influence of maya, and, at the moment of death obtains immediate final release, being absorbed into and altogether losing his identity in the absolute Supreme Brahman. He once more becomes himself pure "Being," without qualities, cognitions, or identity.
On the other hand, recording to Riminnja, Brahman, the Supreme Being, the highest Self, the Lord,' is not pure Intelligence, though Intelligence is his chief attribute. So far from being pnroBeing,' devoid of all qnalities, he is endowed with all auspicions qualities. The Lord (I quote Dr. Thibaut's words) is all-pervading, all-powerful, all-knowing, all-mercifal his nature is fundamentally antagonistic to all evil. He contains within himself whatever exists.' Matter and soul (achit and chit) constitute the body of the Lord ; they stand to him in the same relation of entire dependence and subserviency, as that in which the matter forming an animal or vegetable body stands to its soul or animating principle. The Lord pervades and rnles all things which exist, material or immaterial-as their antaryhmin,' or inward ruler.
Antter and soul as forming the body of the Lord are also called modes of him (prakúra).' They are lookod npon as his effects, but they have enjoyed the kind of individual existence which is theirs from all eternity, and will never be entirely resolved into Brahman. Creation (as both he and Sankara agree) takes place at intervals. Between each period of creation, is a period of pralaya or non-creation, during which matter is anevolved (nvyakta), and according to Riminnja)'individual sonls are not joined to material bodies, but their intelligence is in a state of contraction, non-manifestation (sankicha). During this pralaya period Brahman is said to be in his causal condition (káranivastha). When the pralaya state comes to an end, creation takes place owing to an act of volition on the Lord's part. Primary unevolved matter becomes gross and requires those sensible attributes (such as visibility, tangibility, &c.), which are known from ordinary experience. At the same time the souls enter into connexion with material bodies corresponding to the degree of merit or demerit acquired by them in previous existenco; their intelligence at the same time andergoes a certain expansion (vikása). The Lord, together with matter in its gross state, and the "expanded" souls, is Brahman in the condition of effect (káryávastha). Canse and effect are thus at the bottom the same; for the effect is nothing but the cange which has undergone a certain change (parinama).'
There is thus, as in Ramanuja's system a never ending rond of births influenced by former nctions, and the only way of escaping from the endless chain is cognition of and meditation on the Lord, a thing which can only be done by His grace. There is no veil of máyk, as there is in Sankara's system, between the soul and the Lord: but without the Grace of the Lord, true anderstanding and true meditation is impossible. He who obtains that grace obtains final emancipation, and an everlasting blissful existenee. He does not become abecrbed in Brahman, but enjoys a separate personal existence, and will remain a personality for ever.' The release from smisára, the world of births and rebirths means, according to Sankars, the absolute merging of the individual soul in Brabman, due to the dismissal of the erroneons notion that the soul is distinct from Brahman; according to Ramanuja it only means the soul's passing from the tronbles of earthly life into a kind of heaven or paradise, where it will remain for ever in andisturbed personal bliss.'
The above brief abatract of Dr. Thibant's laminone comparison of these two sister philosophies, will, it is believed enable the student to understand the parenetic side of Tul'st Dis's writings, and in concluding this portion of the essay, I will give one more quotation from Dr. Thibaut, which (rem acu tetigit) accurately sums up the history of this side of religious
* Note that according to Sankara there are two conditions of Brahman, higher, which is Brahman, pure Intelligence, param wigwam Brahman - lower, Associated with mdyd. aparam sagam Brahman, known as Tivara, the Lord. Ramanuja knows only one condition of Brahman, with which name Tivara, the Lord, is ynonymons.

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thought in India. Although this (Sankara's) form of doctrine has, ever since Sankara's time, been the one most generally accepted by Brahmanic students of philosophy, it has never had any wide-reaching influence on the masses of India. It is too little in sympathy with the wants of the human heart, which, after all, are not so very different in India from what they are elsewhere. Comparatively few, even in India, are those who rejoice in the idea of a universal non-personal essence in which their own individuality is to be merged and lost for ever, who think it is sweet "to be. wrecked on the ocean of the Infinite." The only forms of Vêdântic philosophy which are and can at any time have been really popular, are those in which the Brahman of the Upanishads has somehow transformed itself into a being, between which and the devotee there can exist a personal relation, love and faith on the part of man, justice tempered by mercy on the part of divinity. The only religious books of wide-spread influence, are such as the Ramayan of Tal'si Dâs, which lay no stress on the distinction between an absolute Brahman inaccessible to all human wants and sympathies, and a shadowy Lord whose very conception depends on the illusory principle of mayá, but love to dwell on the delights of devotion to one all-wise and merciful. ruler, who is able and willing to lend a gracious ear to the supplication of the worshipper.'
NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS.
229
With these introductory remarks I submit the following analysis of the fifth, or karma, sarga of the Sat-sai.
The commentator Baij'nath's preface to this part is not uninteresting and must first be quoted. The subject matter of this part is an account of the doctrine of actions (karmasiddhanta-varṇana). Now this karma is the primal cause (ádi-kárana) of all things. This karma may be good or evil (subhásubha). It is, as it were, the wings of the bird-like soul (jiva-rupapakshi), wings by the support (ádhára) of which the soul continually makes progress (gati). Moreover, good and evil karmas ever emanate naturally from the soul,-good, such as giving water to the thirsty, gifts to the hungry, setting on the right path those who have gone astray, leading the heat-oppressed to shade, and the like,-evil,-but they are countless. Or again; everything doable (yávat kartavyatá) is karma, as for example, calmness, self-command, patience, trust. The six kinds of religious meditation, freedom from passion, desire for salvation, and other means of obtaining perfect knowledge are all examples of karma. Or again; hearing the Scriptures, chanting hymns, prayer and adoration, faith, these are all karmas Or again; no karma which may be done contrary to a man's position in life or caste can be considered a good one. Thus, the branches of the tree of karma extend to hell (naraka), to the lower heaven (svarga), and to the abode of supreme bliss (mukti-dhúman), and are (the soul's) one support. Wherever the soul may go, if it do karma with a selfish object (savásika karma) (e. g., to obtain salvation), it must remain dependent upon karma alone, which thus becomes its fetter; but if it does karma with no selfish object (nirvásika karma), that is merely in order to please the Lord, then karma is no longer a fetter; it gives faith and salvation, nay, it is an agent (kartri) of both. For example, Prithu when he sacrificed, had no selfish object, and became endowed with faith to the Lord, but through performing a sacrifice with a selfish object Daksha fell a victim to calamities. So Dhruva performed unselfish austerities, and obtained faith, but Râvana per formed selfish austerities and wrought his own destruction. Ambarisha obtained faith through his unselfish sacrifice. Other examples of karma are, unselfish justice, as in Yudhishthira, and, selfish (karma), Jarasandha. Thus a man who relies on selfish karma attains only to the lower heaven (svarga), and having thus exhausted his merits must again be born in the world of mortals. Hence, in order to attain to faith in the Lord, a man should only perform good karmas. This ocean of the doctrine of karma is fathomless and illimitable, but with the aid of a spiritual teacher, one crosses it as in a boat.' End of Preface.
Text. Consider thy body as worthy of honour, for the Lord himself once took the human
The fifth sarga is devoted to the doctrine (siddhanta) of karma, and the sixth to the doctrine of jñana. There is no reference here to the karma-kanda (parva-mímámsá) and the jñana-kanda (uttara-mimams) of the Védântists.

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form (and became incarnate as Rama),' and knowledge of the non-dual (advaita) Lord is never far from it (1, 2). The holy man alone understandeth the mystery of the sun and the water, and obtaineth nirvanalo (3). The Lord is like the sun which draweth water from the Earth in the hot season and again dischargeth it upon the Earth in the rainy season, never desisting in his course (4). He calleth the holy to union with himself as the magnet doth steel (5). Even as the sun's action in giving water is visible, but in taking water (by evaporation) is invisible, so is the action of the Lord, which can only be learnt by the grace of a spiritual guide (6); for every one knoweth what is before him, visible to the eye,-the gifts of the Lord, bat who knoweth what happeneth after death, when the Lord absorbeth (laya) a man to himself (7)11 ? Even as water is drawn from the earth to the sun, and is not lost in it but remaineth water, even so life goeth to the feet of the Lord, but is not absorbed (laya) in him 12 (8). Each according to his nature taketh his store of actions (karma) with him, and where'er he goeth he beareth its consequences (9). As a seed (or Earth-born material cause) changeth not its nature, but always produceth its own kind, so doth a man when absorbed (laya) in the Lord still retain his individuality (10). Thus, all things are in the Lord, yet is he not affected by them, as a mirror is not affected by that which it reflects (11); for karma (i. e. actions) cannot be wiped away, 13 it is like a series of waves; the actions of a man's present life (kriyamána) are the result of those of his former lives (sarachita) and cause those of his future lives! (12,13). Actions (karma) are of two kinds good and bad), 15 and the Lord alone is entirely free from them. Few there are who can understand this mystery (14).
But the holy man, who is absorbed in faith in the saving power of the Lord, doeth every action only out of adoration for his Lord, and never looketh back (15). He unchangingly looketh upon Sità (the energic power of the Lord) as the giver of happiness, and upon Rama (the Lord) as the taker away of his woes; the moon and the sun of the night and day16 of his faith (16). The holy man's one joy is in Sita, the tender, illuminating moon of his faith (17) and as gold gloweth in the fire, so gloweth the soul of a holy man in the cool rays of that moon, casting itself at their feet17 (18).
Mankind, in their own obstinacy, keep binding themselves in the net of actions (or works) (karma), and though they know and hear of the bliss of those who have faith in the Lord, they attempt not the only means of release (19) Works (karma) are a spider's thread up and down which he continually rundeth, and which is never broken; so works lead a soul downwards to the earth, and upwards to the Lord (20).
Thy nature is ever with thee, and where thou art, there is thy nature too, nor is it set aright till thou has learnt association with the holy (21). If, as the Vedântists do, we talk of an individual's subtile body (súkshma karira) and his grosser body (sthúla sarira) then there is
. This is not the interpretation of Baij' nath, and depends on a reading ye tanu instead of yatana (yatna) in the first line.
10 It will subsequently appear, of. Vss. 8 and ff. that this is very different from the nirvana of Buddhism. 11 Baij'nath's explanation differs bere. 13 For the Lord is devoid of karma (a-karma), and cannot become one with a sa-karma soul.
11 The argument is that a soul can never free itself from its karma, while the Lord is ever free from karma, hence the two never can become one. A-karma cannot unite with sa-karma.
14 Karma (actions) has thus three aspects, that which is being done now (kriyamana), which is the result of that which has been done in the past (samhchita), and which is the cause of that which has to be done in future (prérabdha).
18 Baijnath gives an alternative classification. He says that, with reference to the future, the present and the past of the present are the same. Therefore the two kinds may be, on the one hand sanchita (including kriyamana) and on the other prärabdha.
16 The night' of ignorance (Tvidya), and the day of knowledge (jaldna). The darkness of night is miha, illusion, and the heat of the day is 'works' (adhana), which Rama, unlike the real sun renders unnecessary, by the gift of knowledge.
11 As fire destroys the dross of gold, so Rama and Sita destroy the dross (sin) of human beings. She, however, does not burn, as fire burns the gold.

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no difference between them. The faults and virtues of the subtile are all found in the grosser body (22).
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As water for four months cometh from the sun, and for eight months goeth to it, so are the souls of men; they return to the place whence they camels (23). The water as it cometh is visible, but as it goeth is invisible, even so is the going of the soul hard to know without a spiritual guide (24). The wicked man goeth along the path of sorrow and is reborn to misery for countless generations (25). There are the two paths of bliss and sorrow, but without the grace of the Lord they cannot be recognized (26), and it is not till he experienceth the sorrow of these perpetual births, that he calleth for the moon, lit. way of Sitâ (wisdom) (27). Once a holy man treadeth on this path his woes disappear. For that path leadeth to Sita's (wisdom's) feet, which guide him to the feet of the Lord19 (28). This moon of wisdom distilleth nectar of itself, and never suffereth eclipse or shadow (29). Like the real moon she giveth joy to all the world, and if the chakraváka bird and lotus (i. e. the worldly) grieve when she appears, 'tis not her fault (30). Yet when the world, without experience, seeth them in sorrow, it falsely accuseth her of the fault, though, with a spiritual guide, all that sorrow would be wiped away (31). Learn the parable of the rain-cloud, which sheddeth water and maketh the whole world to rejoice. But, though the rain also causeth the jawás plant to wither, no one blameth the cloud (32). The moon draweth poison from the earth, and yieldeth nectar in return; such is faith which destroyeth the holy man's sins, and giveth him peace (33).
Again, the fierce rays of the sun draw moisture from the earth, and the cool rays of the moon give back nectar. 20 Each is the complement of the other, so is it with the Lord and with wisdom (34, 35).
The earth is like the grosser (sthula) body, and water like the subtile (súkshma) one (which is absorbed by the sun, and given out by it again). This requireth a spiritual guide to understand (36).
The just man adoreth the cool rays of this moon, while others are seeking refuge (at once) in the fierce rays of the sun21 undergo difficulties and miseries (39). Therefore should a man by every possible device seek association with the holy, for this endeth finally in union with the Lord (38). Take the part of a servant, which leadeth to happiness, and not that of a master (which by pride and confidence in good works) leadeth to misery. Remember the fates of Vibhishana and Ravana (39).
The moon produceth coolness, and the sun heat,' (so saith the ignorant), but neither produceth either; consider thou this carefully (40). No one ever saw them do it, yet everyone calleth them the cool-maker' (sta-kara) and the heat-maker' (ushṇa-kara), and saith, therefore it is true, and cannot be false.' But the maker of heat and cold, of sun and moon, is the Lord alone (41). The very Védas tell us of the virtues of nectar, how a draught of it destroyeth disease, and bringeth the dead to life, yet even it is subject to the Lord's will22 (42). Every one knoweth that the property of earth is smell, of water coolness, of fire heat, and of air the sense of touch, and their existence is accepted as proved, although they cannot be seen23 (43).
18 That is to say during the pralaya period (see above) during which matter is unevolved, and intelligence is in a state of contraction, when the Lord is in his causal state.
19 Baij'nath's commentary is instructive.
A father cannot cherish a young child. The mother cherishes it
and brings it to the father, so, &c.'
20 Or, the sun gives fiery rays, and the moon coolness.
21 i. e. seeking to know the supreme deity at once, by pure reason, without an intercessor, or by means of good works alone.
23 As for instance, the shower of nectar after the battle of Lanka only brought the bears and monkeys to life, and not the rakshasas.
Read, gandha sita api ushṇata sparta vidita jaga jana. A reference to the well known categories of the Nyaya philosophy. In the following verse, ala alaris parna: chétana parabrahmarúpa Ramachandra. I am indebted to Pandit Sudhakar Dvivêdi for the explanation of this very difficult verse, of which the commentators available to me can make no sense. If, in verse 44, we could read bilakha, na instead of bilakhata, the passage would be still easier: So in these (i. e. the faithful) the Pure Almighty is not visible, but is revealed, &c."

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In them all is visible the Pure Almighty Lord, who is revealed easily to the heart by the teaching of a spiritual guide (44). Of this nature is the supreme knowledge, which only a few by the grace of their spiritual guides obtain, and thus become for ever holy and able to understand (45).
As the young cuckoo deserteth its foster-father, the crow, and seeketh its own kin, as soon as its wings are grown, - so the soul, when it gaineth wings of intelligence (chaitanya) abandoneth things of this world and seeketh the Lord (46). An even mind (samatá) and clear discrimination (viveka) follow from abandoning mundane welfare (svár tha)24 (47), yet all men clamour for the latter, though not one desire is ever perfectly fulfilled; for, void of knowledge (jñána) their delight is in ignorance (ajñána), and their trust is in their hard and evil intellect (48). But that only is welfare (svártha) which destroyeth woe, and a spiritual guide alone can point it out (49). They desire this welfare, which is an effect (kárya), withoat doing those things which are its cause. Learn, saith Tul'si, the parable of the cotton bush, and the sugarcaneas (50).
Every one confesseth that the effect (káry a26) is a necessary consequence of the material cause (Karaw), and saith Tul'si, thou and thou alone art the agent (kára or kartri) which acteth upon this material cause (51) : for without an agent there can be no effect, and how can he attain (to his effect, i. e, salvation) without the instructions of the spiritual guide (as a material cause). The agent acteth upon the material cause, and the effect is produced, but, under the influence of delusion (möha) the agent acteth not (goeth not to the spiritual guide), and hence the effect cometh not (53). For the effect (i.e. salvation) never cometh without the action of the agent upon the material cause (e.g. faith), as surely as waves come not except from the action of the wind upon the water (54). The ultimate refuge of the agent (towards which he should act) is the Lord (55). The agent and the material cause are the two essentials.27 By them thou becomest free from impurity, and endowed with faith in the one Lord, while karma (actions) waxeth or waneth (as their effect) (56). Where there is a material cause, the action (karma) must be produced (as an effect) self-born like the sweat-born insects.28 No cne sees them produced, and yet they come (57).
From unholy actions (karma) holiness cannot come. Wash thyself clear of unholiness, and be holy (58). Show love to all creatures and thou wilt be happy (59), for when thou lovest all things, thou lovest the Lord, for He is all in all (60). Thou and the universe are made of the same elements, and in thee dwelleth thy soul (jivátman), which thou canst not know till thon hast gained perfect knowledge (61). This knowledge may come in a sudden inspiration, or from humbly sitting at the feet of a spiritual guide (62). Learn from thy guide to distinguish effects (kárya) temporal from effects eternal (63); the night is dark, let the sunrise of
24 Defined as (1) sundart vanita, (2) atar Adi sugandh, (3) sundar vasan, (4) budahan, (5) gân tán, (6) tambar, (7) uttam bhijan, (8) gajadi,
> Worldly welfare consists in fine clothes, sweet food, and the like. These are effects, and cannot be produced without weaving cotton, and pressing the sugarcane. The preparations of the cotton and of the sugarcane are therefore the material causes of these effects. So also the supreme welfare, or salvation, is an effect which neces sitates & material cause. This material cause is true knowledg
use is true knowledge, faith and the like. Here the dry cotton bush represents the dry (nfrasa) path to salvation by philosophy alone, while sugarcane represents the sweet (sarasa) path to salvation by faith in the Lord.
* I follow the reading karona-kara jo, a) tain.
# Baij'nath says, these two of the three (agent, material cause, and effect) are the essentials, because when the agent acquires belief (Sraddha, not bhakti; cf. Sindilys, 24) he approaches material causes, such as association with the holy. By the power of these his mind (manas) is directed to the Lord, and he does works (addhano) such As hearing the soriptures, hymn-singing, adoration and the like from which love (preman) arises. Thus his dualistic wisdom (dvaita-buddhé), which was foul, is destroyed, and into his pure mind monistic discrimination will enter, and with pure affection he will obtain the Lord. So also, when the Agent associates with the worldly, he looks upon mysteries after their fashion, and any purity which he originally had is destroyed, the mind becomes attached to things of the senses, and owing to sinful karma increasing, the agent gains the eighty-four hells. Therefore, saith Tul's Das, make association with the holy a material cause.
+ Lice, &c., which are classed as a separate order of beings, distinct from those which are viviparous or oviparous. They have no parenta.

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knowledge shine. A man cannot trust for salvation to his good works (karma)," for often do they mislead and the wisest are thereby made fools 30 (65). A work (karma) done for mere reputation (núma-kúra) defileth, for it is done without considering its effects (66). Flee evil communications. Holiness waneth when near wickedness, as the moon waneth when approached by the sun, and waneth as it goeth farther from it (67).
As thy father and thy mother were born, so hast thou been born, but thou art not one with thy father and thy mother (thou art only one with the Lord) (68). Hence thou art one with the whole universe (which is one with him), yet, at the same time thou art a distinct separate being (69). Even as gold is made into various ornaments, but still remaineth gold: so is the soul, and only by the Lord's ce can the wise man test it (as a goldsmith testeth the ornament, and knoweth that it is gold) (70).33 It is one thing throughout, yet it hath many qualities and many names," , beyond the possibility of counting, and thou canst only ascertain its true nature with the help of a spiritual guide (71). The gold is the rootsubstance, and it is only the adjuncts (upádhi) of name, form, &c., which cause it to appear as the countless ornaments of the body (72). The form of the root-substance may change owing to its adjuncts, and according to them it is beautiful or the reverse, and only the clear intellect considereth the effect of these qualities in his mind (74).
When thou seest the outer form, give thou it its name and tell of its qualities only after
29 I retain throughout the word karma besides translating it. Here it means good works, which, I may note, are of three kinds, those done for the love of God (manasika), those done for personal salvation (kiyika), and those done for mere reputation (nama-kara). The names, however, do not agree with the descriptions, which are Baij'nath's.
20 Baijnath gives several examples. Two will suffice to explain the author's meaning. The pious Nriga gave the same cow to two Brahmans by mistake, and was cursed in consequence. Here a good karma led to a bad result. Ajamila, a notorious sinner, accidentally, and not intending it, uttered the name of God when at the point of death, and thereby got salvation. Here a bad karma led to a good result. Hence the moral is, put not your trust in karma or works, but in faith in the Lord.
31 All commentators explain this by a reference to the Sankara doctrine of May, which was ignored by Ramanuja, who only recognizes the Lord in two conditions of cause and effect, karanárastha and karyavastha. If the interpretation is true (which I greatly doubt), then Tul'st Das has superadded to Ramanuja's doctrine, a doctrine of sakti-maya. Baij'nath's explanation is as follows, As a son is born from the union of his father and his mother, so the soul comes into living being from the union of the Lord (févara) and MayA. At the will of the Lord Maya became fakti, and then became a triple-qualified self (triguntmaka). Mâya has two forms, vis., of cause and of effect, and Îávara projected a portion of himself, like seed vtjavat), into the causal form (karaṇa-rupa, rajas). Thence was produced the soul in a condition of forgetfulness of its true self, and imagining its body, &c., to be its real self. At the same time MAy& in its form of effect (karya-rapa), having deluded the organs of sense, &c., and having caused them to forget happiness in the Lord, made them devoted to temporal happiness. Hence the poet tells the soul not to think himself one with his earthly father and mother, or even with his supreme parents favara and karaṇa-rupa Maya, but to recognize himself as really one with the Lord only.
sa Here we come back to Râmânuja's doctrine of the eternally separate individuality of the soul. There is nothing about the śakti-maya in the text. Indeed in doha 16 the poet apparently treats Sit& as a kind of sakti, and he assuredly would not call her Maya.
35 Baijnath carries on his explanation,-Just as gold is made into many ornaments, yet still remains gold, and its quantity remains unchanged, and is not diminished, so, with MAyA for a material cause, the formation of bodies takes place, but the true nature of the self (atma-tattva) is in no way minished, but ever remains unaltered.
54 Gold may have many qualities, e.g., it may be used for charity or for debauchery, for food or for clothes, ornaments, and so on, and many names, as, a specified coin, a bracelet, an earring, and so on.
According to Baijnath, gandhana is a trade term used by goldsmiths for gold. So also Sesh Datt Sarma. It is not given in the usual dictionaries.
36 Baijnath says ornaments (bhashana) are of twelve classes according as they are worn on the crown of the head (1), forehead (2), ear (3), throat (4), nose (5), arm (6), wrist (7), finger (8), waist (9), foot (10), ankle (11), toe (12). Each of these classes contains countless ornaments.
37 From the 44th to the 74th doha, the poet has dealt with the question of the soul recognizing its own form. He now deals with the question of recognizing the form (rupa) of the Lord. According to Baij'nath, the Lord has five principal forms, viz. (1) Antarydmin, the Inward Ruler, who is void of quality, nirguna, (2) Para, He who becomes incarnate, like Rama, out of pity for mankind, (3) Vydha (not explained), (4) Vibhava, He who becomes incarnate for special purposes, such as Nrisimha, &c., (5) Archd, Local forms, such as Jagannatha, &c., No. 2-5 have qualities (saguna). Antaryamin (inward ruler) is usually mistranslated by Hindt scholars as antarjñânin, the inward knower (antar ko janat, Baijnath).

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careful thought (75). The Lord is ever endowed with all auspicions qualities, in whom alone is the hope of ultimate salvation (76). There is only one easy, simple, means of approaching this saguna (with-quality) Lord (namely faith), while the way of knowledge to a nirgunum (without-quality) Brahman is full of countless difficulties (77).*' In that one Lord there are four classes of qualities, and say (O doubter) what existeth not within these qualities ? All things are included in them, & saying hard to anderstand (78). The holy man knoweth the secret of the universe from East to West, and without that knowledge how can one wipe out one's heritage of woe" (79); for the disease which hath doubt and sorrow (or error) for its root giveth unmeasured sorrow, as snakes seen in a dream, from which a man cannot esen pe** (80). The snakes to him are real things, until he openeth his eyes; so is this sorrow real, till the eyes of the soul are opened by hearing the words of the spiritual guide (81). As long as hope (in things temporal) but toucheth the sonl, no full sight of the true object of desire can be gained ; even as, in the rainy season, as long as rain cometh not, the husbandman is not satisfied (82). As long as the soul hath ever so little desire, every one is greater than it, but once a man entirely loseth all desire, who can be greater than 'hets and be obtaineth in the end the supreme home (83).
The cause (káraņa) is the agent (kartrı) (i.e. Brahman) immutable, without beginning, in the form of the uncreated, free from blemish, and incomparable. From it cometh many effects
Sukha-ságara-madhurya (or divya) gunan kari agadh. It will be seen that Baijnath in the above note says that Antary Amin is nirguna. This is directly opposed to Ramanaja, and is not stated by Tul'st Dis. Baij'nåth adds that he is both chit, soul, and achit, matter, which agrees with R&mánujs, who says that these form the body of the (nagum) Lord, and are modes (prakdra) of him.
So I translate this verse, which I take me arguing against the nirgunam Brahman doctrine of Sankara, in favour of the sagunam Brahman (or saguna'Iivara) doctrine of Ramanuja. It involves translating upâdhi here as equivalent to updya. The verse literally translated is as follows: The device for (obtaining) the riguna padirtha (padartha-zartha dharma kama mókshads, that is to say, sath porna-guna-sahita sarra-sukha-dayaka sagwa sri Rama) is one and everlasting. The devices for the ninguna (padartha ) are countless. Tul'si saith, consider with special care, and follow the very easy course.' Baijnath, following his original error, explains nirguna, not by the Sankara, as opposed to the Råmánuja, Brahman, but by the Antarydmin, who, he again repeata is agun, and akarta. As already said, according to Ramanuja, the Antarydmin is eaguna, and pervades and rules all things which exist, both material and immaterial, chit and achit.
** Baij'nåth quoting from the Bhagavad-guna-darpana, explains that in the Lord are all possible qualities, and it is useless denying that anything which erista has qualities which he has not. These qualities (guna) are divided into four classes. (1) Those oonducive to the creation (utpatti) and maintenance of the universe, vi
Jadna (+)-saleti (")-bal (*)-aišvarya (*)- vfrya (6)-tejamsy (-afdshata) 1
tavanantagunasyapi ahad fua prathamd gundh II hayapratyantkatvaseshatvdbhydrh saha gundahtakam idar jagad-utpattyddi-vydpardahu pradhanash kdranata 11 knowledge, power, foroe, lordship, virile energy, ardoar; to whioh some add, hostility to what should be abandoned, and infinity. I give the original Sanskrit, because Beijingth has entirely misunderstood the latter, prose, portion.
(2) Those conducive to devotion, eight, vis.:---satyatva, truth; jñdnatva, knowledge in the abstract; anantata, endlessness; ékatva, oneness; vyapakatva, pervadingness; amalatva, purity; rdtantrya, independence; Anandatva, bliss in the abstract.
(3) Beneficial to those who take refuge in a person (afrita-faranópaygin) nineteen, vis, -dayd, meroy; kripa, graciousness: anukampd, compassion; anrifamaat, mildness; vdtaalya, tenderness; nowffly, amiability; saulabhya, scoeasibility: karunya, pity: kshamd, forbearance ; gambhfrya, profundity; audarya, nobility; sthairyd, firmness; dhairya, patience; chaturya, sagacity; krititua, expertness; kitajñatva, gratitude; mardava, sweetness; drjava, rectitude ; sauharda, kind-heartedness.
(4) Beneficial to the outward appearance, vir.-soundarya, beauty, madhurya, softness; saugandhya, fragrance; saukumarya, youthfulness; aujjvalya, olearness of complexion; lavanya, charm; abhirdpa, good proportion; kanti, enhancement of beauty by love: tarunya, gracefulness, and the like.
It will be observed that these are all auspicious qualities, with which, according to Ramanuja, the Lord is ondowed.
+1 Again the commentators go wrong in explaining this very simple verse, trying to force Bankara'. doctrine into it.
* That is to say, ignorance causes real Borrow, just as a phantom snake, seen in a nightmare, gives very real agony.
is As long as it wants anything which it has not got and another has, that other is a greater man than it. ++ Or all things are equal in his sight.

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(kdrya) (84)." But the agent cannot be known without the help of a spiritual guide, and except in the way of true happiness, how can sorrow be wiped away (85)? The world knoweth that an earthen vessel cannot be made without a potter, so how can any action (karma) be done without an agent (86) ? Learn thou to know that agent (the Lord) from whom cometh the chief action ; for without that knowledge, though thon reason in countless ways, thou wilt not come to see him (87).** Reasoning cannot prove anything without a witness, therefore, if thou depend upon reason, I challenge thee to show me what visible proof thou hast (88). The potter, the agent, with his material cause, the earth, maketh (vessels of) many (varieties as his effects); but the man without discrimination looketh only at the cause (the earth) and considereth not that there must also have been an agent (the potter) (89). The goldsmith, as the agent, maketh manifest the gold which is the material cause; his joy-giving effects are the ornaments which he maketh from it, whose qualities are to enhance the beauty of the wearer** (90). From the gold come ornaments of countless kinds, each depending on the intention of the agent. The soul which devoteth itself to them (instead of to their agent, the Lord), and hath not a spiritual guide is doomed) to woe (91). Owing to the trammels of) its body, the soul imagineth that whatsoever existence it findeth itself in, that is the real one; but when given knowledge it knoweth that this is not so (92). The potter's vessels are of various kinds, each taking its form according to the volition of the agent, and he who hath a spiritual guide and knoweth this (not only) giveth joy (to others but) obtaineth matchless wisdom (93). In the market (every one looketh at and admireth the vessels (for sale), and but few think of the potter, according to whose volition there are many forms, vessels very small aud very great 5 (94). The potter is uniform, and so is the clay. The vessels are of many kinds, small and great, and their form is due to the volition of the
4 In this and the following verses I deliberately throw over all the commentators. First, because my translation is literal, and secondly, because it exactly agrees with Ramanuja, who says expressly that the Lord in the pralaya state is in his causal stato kirandustha. When the pralaya stato comes to an end, creation takes place according to an act of volition on the Lord's part. He is therefore now both a cause, kirana, and an agent kartri. When creation is complete the Lord (together with all created things) is in the condition of an effect, karyavastha. Cause and effect are thus at the bottom the same. It will be seen that this is just what Tul'af DAS says above. The commentators explain the agent to be the soul, and the cause to be means of salvation (converse with the holy and the like) or the reverse. These two are immutable, &c. The effect they explain to be good actions, karma, &e. This is nonsense, as I understand it. How can such a causo be described as immutable and so on P Ramanuja, it is true (I1, 3, 33—40), ascribes kartritra to the jive, but I do not think that this is what Tulisi Das refers to here, though he undoubtedly does so in dohá ól ff.
+ The clay is the material cause, the potter is the agent, making the pot is the sotion or karma (Baij'ngth in his oummentary on Doha 84, distinctly says that karma = karya, and I think that here he is nearly right). So all this will be very familiar to readers of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, cf. also Vedanta sutras II., 1, 14-20. So also the Lord, acting as above described, creates all things, which effects are karma. By 'chief' action, I understand the creation of all existing things. Not only the Lord, but every individual soul is an agent. The Lord is the chief agent, and his action should also be the chief.
47 Baijnath, still interpreting the soul as the agent, adds, - the effects are joy-giving, because, if the goldsmith is skilful and fears the king, nor covets and steals a portion of the gold, but uses all his industry to make beautiful ornaments, and gives them to the king to wear, the beauty of the king is enhanced. Then the king, being pleased, gives the goldsmith a reward, who thereby is made joyful. But if the goldsmith is foolish and covetous, and puts alloy in the gold, the ornament is spoiled, and the king punishes him. This parable is to be explained as follows: The soul is the agent, the goldsmith. His skill is self-knowledge, and abandonment of worldly desire. Association with the holy, and the like, are the cause, the gold. The nine different categories, prêman, love, &o., are the effecta, the ornaments. The Lord is the king. By causing him to wear the ornaments, the qualities of tenderness to the devotee and the like are made manifest. By the grace of the Lord, the faithfnl being released from fear, are exalted. On the other hand, the soul which is foolish, attached to things of this world, and full of desires, makes alloyed ornaments for its karma or actions, and its punishment is (toil of the world.
*I adopt the reading karataba (karlavya).
karta-mana bhava ripa, its form became existing according to the mind of the agent. The commontators make mana=jiva, the soul, and say, as there are many kinds of vessels, so the soul, as agent, with the material universe (bhava = sansára) as cause, makes many kinds of bodies. I tako bhava in its common meaning of
boonmo,' the past tense of Wind. The application of mukhada is doubtful. Possibly the spiritual guide is joy. giving, and not the enlightened soul.
50 ja ke mana kt rupa bahu. Baijnath explains, the potter as the soul under the influence of whose desires (mana = mansratha), the body takes new forms after death.

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agentől (95). Wherever He is, and in whatever form He dwelleth, there He is ever the same." No past hath He and no future hath He, the Pure, the Incomparable (98). He cannot be recognized. The grace of the Lord is the only means of showing Him (and teaching the nature of the Higher Self), just as a pure mirror maketh visible the (hitherto unseen water) in the breath-wind of the body" (97). But why make these comparisons? His immutable conditions are incomprehensible, and only they can understand the way who have gained the true knowledge (98). According to the time, from the agent and the material cause come actions (karma); know this as my decision. Again, according to the time, the agent goeth far off, and the cause remaineth as a proof of his existence (99),55
54
(To be continued.)
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS. DHAMMACHETI, 1476 A. D.
BY TAW SEIN-KO.
(Continued from p. 213.)
Atha rājā paṇḍitajanē pēsētvā parivimaṁsāpēsi. Tato parivimamsanakale therass' ēkassa catunnañ ca daharabhikkūnaṁ Sihal' upasampadagahaṇato pubbē mahantaravajjâbhāvē pi tucchassa garahaparūpavadamattassa sambhavam ñatva, rañño tath' ärōcēsum, Tato Rāmā. dhipatirājā sasanassa accantaparisuddhâkankh'ajjhasayataya parisuddh' upasampadabhāvē ca upasam padagahaṇato pubbē mahantaravajjâbhāvē ca sante pi rittakagarahaparupavādamattasahitam tam theram sasissaṁ parivajjētva, tath' aññe pi cattarō daharabhikkhu parivajjesi. Tad avasēsā pana dasathēra ca cha daharabhikkhu c' accantaparisuddh' upasampada
51 The earth, the material cause, has nothing whatever to do with the shape of the resultant effect. Cause and effect are essentially the same, and in all the vessels the same canse, the earth, exists unchanged. Any difference in form is due therefore to the volition of the agent, whom I interpret as the Lord, and Baij'nåth and other commentatora as the soul, acting on Máyd as the material cause, and producing different forms in different births.
62 Every soul is of the Lord, and a portion of him. He therefore is in every thing, unchanged and unchangeable, without beginning (past) or end (future).
63 This is the plain meaning of the words Sudsa-samira pratyaksha apa wachchha darasa lakhata. The commentators, however, give an altogether different mystical interpretation. The body is composed of five elements, ether, air, fire, water and earth. Here air, includes ether and fire, and water includes earth. Therefore air and water are the essentials of the body. Therefore the line means this; self, composed of breath and water, when visible, is pure like a mirror, but it is only visible by the Lord's grace.
Read, Tulasi tuli rahi játa hai juguti na achala upadhi. Papḍit Sudhakar Dvivêdî gives me the following explanation of this verse, which has completely baffled the commentators. Tulasi tuli (tuland kar) rahi jata hai (chup hi jata hai). Achala upadhi men juguti (yukti) nahin hai, arthat yukti nahin milti.
65 Here again, with fear and trembling, I differ from the commentators. The verse is as follows, and I have given above a literal translation:
karta karana kala k yoga karma mati jana
punaḥ kála karta durata karana rahata pramâna II
I interpret this as referring to the two states of the Lord. In the karyavastha, the condition of effect, he creates and actions are produced. Again, in course of time, in the praliya-kala, matter becomes unevolved, and individual souls are in a state of non-manifestation (samk6cha). The Lord himself is quiescent, and as it were, far off. He is then in his káranavastha. Hence the poet says 'at one time, during the period of creation, the Lord is an active agent; by his volition all actions (karma) take place. At another time, during the (pralaya) period, he withdraws himself, and becomes a mere unevolved cause (kirana) which is all that remains to prove bis existence.'
The commentators treating the agent as meaning the individual soul, say that kala yiga means according to age periods, such as the satya yuga, the dvápara yuga and so on: or, in other words, according to associations. According to good or evil company, the agent (the soul) and the cause (the associations or maya) produce different fruits (karma), some good, some evil. Then durata 'becomes distant,' is interpreted to mean 'changes,' and the second line is translated as times change, the soul (the agent) changes its nature as a goldsmith manufactures his ornaments as the fashions change) (karta, jo jeva, soa durat, bhav, svabhav badlat, arthât samay anukúl jiva bhi huai jât; yatha svarṇakár jaisa samay dekhat tais! bhashan rachat. Ta-te kal-kê darê-té karta bhi durat.), while the cause (just as the gold and the clay of the potter are always the same) i.e., mayd, that is to say, ignorance, evil companionship, wickedness, and on the other hand, knowledge, good companionship, honesty, remains always exactly the same.' I cannot admit this interpretation to be correct. It is in the first place forced, and in the second place is opposed to Râmânuja's doctrine.

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rittakagarahaparūpavādamattato pi virahitã simāsammutigaṇabhävayógyâti sannitthānam akāsi.
Simāsammannanasannakālē pan' ētēsu Gunaratanadharathēro gēla ēna piļitattu sissēna saddhim sakavihāram paccāgantvā vasati. Tēna Sirisanghabodhisāmi ca, Kittisirimēghasāmi ca, Parakkamabāhusāmica, Buddhaghősāmi ca, Jinālankārasāmi ca, Ratanamālisāmi cd, Saddhammatējasāmi ca, Sudhammārāmasāmi ca, Bhūvanēkabāhusāmi cati : nava thērā; tēsam sissabhūtā pana daharabikkhu: Sangharakkhito ca, Dhammavilāso ca, Uttaro ca, Uttamo ca, Dhammasāro ca: pañcâti; cuddas'eva bhikkhu simatthānato pacchimadisayam kārūpitē vihārē vasanti.
Tato para Rūjā simāsammutikamman käräpētakāmo: "Yattha bhikkhū simaṁ sammannitum icchanti; sacē tattha purūnasimā n'atthi; tatthêdini sammanitasimā sambhavati; sace pan'atthi, abhinavasimā na sambhavati: simāsambhēd'ajjhüttharaṇadūsapasa o kato. Tasmā tattha purāṇasit asamugghätam katvā vêdāni sammannitū 'bhinavasimā sambhavati. Tasmā simāsammutiya pathamam ēva simāsamugghātakammam kattabban ti": manasi ridhaya atthakathāysantam simāsamugghātaparikammam kātum ärabhi.
“Evañ ca pana bhikkhavē, ticivarēna avippavāso samūhanitabbū ti." Ettha simam samū. hanantēna bhikkhunā vattam jānitabbam. Tatr' idam vattan: khandasimāya thatvā avippavā. sasimāsaikhātā mahāsimā na samhanitabbā; tathā avippavāsasimāsaukhātāya mabāsimāya thatvā khandasimūna samuhanitabbā. Khandasimāya pana thitēna khandasimi va samühanitabbā; tathā'itarāya pi shitēna itarā. Simā nāma dvihi kāraņēhi samūbananti: pakatiya khuddakan puna ävüsavaddhanatthāya mahatim vā kātum, pakatiyā mahatir pnna aññēsam viharokāsadānatthāya khuddakam vā kātari. Tattha saco khandasimañ ca avippavāsasimāsan khātam mahāsimañ ca jānanti; samūhanituă ca bandhitun ca sakkhissanti. Khaņdasimam pana jāuantă, avippavāsasai khātam mahūsimam ajūnantā pi, samuhanitañ ca bandhituð ca sakkhissanti. Khandasimam ajānantā, avippavāsasa ukhātam mabāsimam yēva jänantā, cētiyangaņa-būdhiyangan uposathậgārâdisu niräsankatthānēsu thatvā, appēva nāma samūhanitum sakkhissanti; bandhitum pana na sakkhissant'ēva. Cē bandhēyyum, simāsambhēdam katvā vihāram avihāram karayyum: tasmā na samuhanitabbā.
Yē pana ubhô pi na jānanti; tē n'ēva samūhanitum na bandhitum sakkhissanti. Ayam hi simā nāma kammavācāya vă asimā hoti; sāsan'antaradhānēna vā; na ca sakkā simam ajānantēhi kammavācam kātun; tasmā na samūhanitabbā. Sadhukam pana fiatvä yēva samūhanitabbă ca bandhitabbâti vuttattā simāsamugghātakamman kattum icchantā bhikkū sacū parāṇasimāya vijjamānattan vỡ paricchêdan vã jānanti ; tattha kammapatt@hi bhikkhuhi thatvã purãnasima samūhanituñ ca abhinavasimam bandhitui ca labhanti. Sacē pana purūnasimūparicchēdań na jānanti; tathā sati tarn samūhanitun ca abhinavasimam sammannituñ ca na labhantiti atthū āpannā viya dissati. Vimativinödaniyam pana: "kēci pana idisēsu pi vihūrēsn cha-pañcamattē bhikkhū gahētvā, vihārakūțito patthāya vihāraparikkhēpassa anto ca bahi ca samantā leddupātē tattha sabbattha mañcapamāņē ākāsē nirantaram thatrā, pathamam avipparāsasimam tato samūnasamvāsa kasimañ ca samihananavasēna simāsamugghātë katë, tasmim vihūrē khandasimāyā va mahāsimāya vā vijjamānattē sati avassam ēkasmi mancatthānē tāsaṁ majjhagatā të bhikkhū tā samūhaneyyum. Tato gūmasimā ēva avasissēyya. Na h'ottla simaya vă paricchedassa vā jānanam angam hoti. Simāya pana anto thānam samūhanissāmati kammavācākaranasi c'éttha angam. Asthakathāyam khandasimam pana jānantā avippavasam ajānantā pi samūhanituñ c'éva bandhitun ca sakkhissantīti. Evam mahāsimāya paricchēdassa ajūnanē pi samūhatāya vuttattā gāmasimāy' ēva ca avasitthāya tattha yathārucitakam duvidham pi simam bandhitun c'ēva upasampadadikammam kātuñ ca vattatiti vadanti. Tam yuttam viya dissati; vimamsitvü gahētabban ti" vuttattā tēsam kēsanci thērānam adhippāyā yuttarūpū viga diseati. Atthakathāyasi ca purūņasimāya vijjamānattam vā paricchēdam vă ajānantānam simāsamugghātassa dukkarattā mahartam vāyāmam akatvā gēna vā tēna vā vāyāmēna samühapanavasena simāsamuggbātam sandbāya ye pana ubho pi na jānanti; të n'eva samühanitun ca na bandhitoñ ca labhantiti vuttam. Na pana

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mahantam vāyimam katrā ajānanavasõna simasamugghāto katē vijjamānāya simāya samūhatábhāvan sandhūya vuttam. Tothi hi yatthabhinavasimam bandhitum icchanti. Tattha kiñcâpi purūnasimāya vijjamanattan vā paricchödam vă na jänanti. Tathậpi kattabbūyabhinavasimāya nimittanam thapanârahokāsato anto ca bahi ca yathārucitake padēsë catuhattha pamāṇam vă pancabatthapamāņam vă paricchēdam panti-pantivasõda vā kötthāsa-kotthāsavasēna vā paricchēdam katvā, tattha kütthāsē kõtthāsē yadi kammapattā bhikkhu nirantaram katvā, simāsamugghātam karānti. Tattha vijjamānapurīnasimānam katham samūhati na bhavŪyya ? Gamasimā ēva ca avasittha katham na bhaviyyati ? Tasmā tēna nayāna simāsamugghātaparikammavidhā. yakam kārāpāsi: sammannitabbāyabhinavasimāya nimittarthapanôkāsato anto āyāmatā ca vitthāratū ca pañca panca batthapamānam padēsam paricchindūpētvā bahi ca pañca pañca hatthapamanam padosam paricchindāpētvă connēna vā stamattikäya vā lökham kārūpētvā panti-panti-kotthasar kärūpüsi. Tato param pañcahi daharabhikkhühi saddhim të navathērā nimantitvi simisamugghātakammam ēvam kārāpīsi. Pathama-pantiyan pathama-kotthāsa yathāvutto enddasnblikkha vasāpētvā kommavācam pi sattasu thànēsu pathūpētvā visum visum sattası vārūsu simisamugghätakammavācam vācāpēsi. Tato parar pathama-pantiyam eva kütthäso kötthäso anukkamūna thatvā tath' ēva katvā avasāno antima-kõtthäso simāsamug. ghatakammavicam vācāpātva pana dutiyāya pantiga antima-kütthāsato pațilomēna kötthāse kõtthase kamūna thatvā datiya-pantiyā pathama-kotthāse thatrā simūsainugghātakammavācam vīcāpüsi. Evam vuttanayēna dvē dvē pantiyū pantiyū analomēna sakim patitomēna kötthāsē kõtthaso simasamngghāta kamnavācam vācāpētvā kötthäsosu parikhiņāsu simüsamagghātain parinitthaposi. Idan ca simāsamugghātakammaṁ migasiramāsassa sukkapakkhē sattamiyam sannivärö pariniţthitan ti datthabbam.
Atthamiyam pana Rāmādhipatirājā simāsammutikammam kārāpātu pāto va gantvā simāsammutito pathamam kattabbaṁ parikammam ēvam kārūpēsi. Yattakam padisam simam kattum icchati; tattakassa padēsassa bahi catūsvanudisāsu cattāri nimittāni thapāpusi. Catūsu disāsu pana cattāri nimittäni kõņēsu catunnan nimittānam thapanāya payājanabhūtacatarassasanthānatū santhānabhedasankhātam payājanam dagsētum majjhē kiñci vitthakam katvá thapāpēsi. Tato param athannam nimittapāsāņānam abbhantarimo passē rajjum kaddhitrā rajjuyanusārēna blūmiyam lēkham datvā, lēkhato anto simam kattakāmattāya bahi lēkhāya simāmaggasankhātassa paricchēdassa päkatikabhāvakaraṇattham vidatthimattayambhiravitthāram khaddakamātikam khanāpētvā, nimittapāsāņānam antö ca bahi ca gā makhētta padēsānam sankaribhāvakaranattham rukkhasākhâdi-sambandham vicchinditvà, khudda kamātikāya mattikam linpäpätva udakam siñcūpētvā tēsam athannam nimittapāsäņānam suvannalimpanasindūracunnalimpanonalankārāpētvā, rattavattha-Bētavatthēhi-vēthā pētvā, Bhagavati garavēna tēsam nimittapāsāņānam santiko chatta-dhaja-dipa-dhūmapupphāni pūjāpētva, kumudapupphacchannavilāsitamokho kalasi ca thapāpētvā, aññēhi ca vatthâdihi pujaniyavatthūhi pujāpēsi. Evam simāsammatiyā pubbaparikammai abhisan kharitvi, pañcahi daharabhikkhūhi saddhim tē navathērā nimantetvā puratthimadiaato patthāyanukkamēn'atthasu disāsu atthanimittäni kittāpētva, pathamakittitanimitténa ghatāpētvā tēna nayona tikkhattum nimittäni kittāpēsi. Tato param pātū va Narasuramaccagāmakhettassa samantato tasmim tasmim thūno dhajapatākē ussāpotva, bhūrisau kha-disaddasaññinam kārāpētvā, disācārikabhikkhanam sancáranivāraṇattham tasmim gūmakhattē thitānam annēsam bhikkhūnam gāmakhettato bahi singham niharā panatthañ ca thapitē ārakkhakamanussi assårühữ ca singhagamino pattikāca pēsētvū, samantato 'nuyuñjāpētvā, tatth' aññēsam bhikkhūnam n' atthi-bhāvamîti sutvā va, simāsammutikammavācam byañjanapāripūrivasēna sattakkháttum vācāpētvā, simāsammutikammam nitthāpēsi. Pariniţthite ca pana simāsammutikammē tikkhattum sabbatālâvacare vajjāpētvā sabbajanakāyam ukkuthim kārāpēsi. Imissā pana simāya Kalyānigangāya sajjitāyam udakukkhēpasimāyam upasampannā bhikkhūhi sammatattā Kalyāņisimati nāmam adāsi.
Kalyānīsimāsammutito ca puretaram ēva, Sībaļadīpē upasam pājjitvā paccāgatānam thērānam sampattakālato patthāyatē saddhāsampannā byattā patibalā gainā ganacariyā Rāmādhipatirājānam upasan kamitvā: "na 'kho pan' ētam no Mahārāja, patirūpam yam mayam Buddhasāsane

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pabbajitvā, upesa.npajjitvä, yathā pannattani sikkhāradāni pațipajjantâpi, upasampadaya sasanka bhavŪyyāma. Labhāyyāma Mahārāja, tēsan thõrānam santike upasampadam ; ēvam no' pasampadā nirāsankā bhavissatiti” ahamsu. Tato Rāmādhipatirajā ēvam āha: "yē tā blantė, gawino gamăcariyā saddhasampannā Bhagavatā ajjhāsayanurūpam Vinaya-vinicehayam upaparikkhitva, nij 'apasam pedāya såsankā accanta.parisuddha-Mahāvihāravāsi-bhikkhusanghassa parariaparabhūta-bhikkhusanghatā nirisan kam upasam padam patiggahētvā, paccāgacchantanan thzrānan santike tad u pasampadam ganhitakamā te ganhantu: tē pi má ganhathậti na nivärēmi. Yo pi c'ēto gawino ganacariya Bhagavato ajjhasayanarūpam Vinaya-vinicchayam upa parikkhitva, nij 'upasampadaya niräsaikā tēsam thêrānam santikē Sihaļadēsiy' upasam pada-paramparabhūtam upasampadam garhitum wicchanti; to pi gaphath' ēvati na visahämi. Vinaya-viniochayam Va pamīnam. Tu dhammam ēva sukaram upaparikkhöyyathati." Tato pazam ēvam Rāmādhipatirājā cintjsi: "apajjhāya mülikā pabbajjä сa u pasampada ca; upajjhūyabhāvā ca desavassinam thūra blāvappattānuen pațibalānam yēva Bhagavata 'nuññāto. Imë thërā pan' imasmim yēva samvacchare upasampannā. Na ca tesvēkassapi yattarūpē upajjhūyabhāvā ti. Katha. pan'ētam labhūyyāna? Yo Mahāvihäraväsibhikkhusangha-paramparabhūta-bhikkhusangka-santikö pari. Buddh' upasam padat gahötva, paccăgato upajjhāyabhāvayūgyo; tam upajjhayam katvā, sabbi Silaliy'upasampada-parampar'a pasam padam ganhitukämä gayinő gapácariya imusam Sihaladipato paccigatanam thüränam santika gaṇhitun labhissantti" cintütvà tādisam bhikkhun pariyesapisi. Tato Parakkamabāhusāmithero: "atthi Mahārāja Suvannasõbhano nām ēkā thērā; Mahävikäravāsi-param parabhikkhusaiigha-santikë yêr' u pasampanno; upajjhāyabhāvanurūpö. So hi Mahürija, araññavisi, dhütangadharü, appiccho, santutthö, sallükhi, lajji, kukkuecakü, sikkbäkämö, byatto, patibalā ti" āba. Atha kho rajä parijanam appētvä tam nimantapetvā pucchi : "Sihaladipam bhante, gamanakālē, katarasimāyam kittakassa gañassa santikē upasampanno 'si? Kā pana të upajjhāyā? Ko kammavācacariyū ? Sihaļadīpē upasampannakülatü pathāya 'dani kativasso 'siti?"
Tadā Suvannasõbhanathārā rājānam ēvam aha: "Kalambunāmo Mahārāja, mahājātassarā sajjitāyam udakukkhāpasimāyam appamāṇassa ganassa santikē Vanaratananāmakam pārāņa-Mahāsangharājānam upajjhāyam, pubbakālā Bāhulabhaddanāmakam, idāni Vijayabāhu-Sangharājānam kammavācacariyam katvā vaham upasampannā. Tato patthāya ohabbisavasgo 'mhiti.” Atha räjā pamuditahadayo upasampada pokkhānam upajjhāyabhūvatthaya thūram nimantēsi. Tadā thērā: "pabbakipi Mahārāja, khiņåsavathūrā attan hitam vihitvå paccanto säsanasuddhim ovakamgu. Evam ovaham pi Mahārāja, sappurisagatia anugantvå säsanasuddhim karissāmiti” vatvà raññā patiññam adāsi.
REVERSE FACE OF THE THIRD STONE. Sinasammutiya 'nantaram ēva yü tū saddhāsampannā byattā pāţibalā pubb' upasampadāya sasaiki Siha!' upasampada-param par' upasampadam ganhitukāmā paţikaco' ēva rājānam u pasan kamitvå yāciņsa. To rājānam u pasankamitvå ēvam āhamsu: “Simä сa Mahārāju, samrad ēva samannagata ; upajjhāyabhāvanurupā ca mahāthuro celaddlo; labhēyyāms mayath pi dāni Sībal' upasampadan ti."
Tato rājā migasiramäsassa sukkapakkhē navamiyam candavārā pāto va tēhi ganacariyābi saddhim yāna Kalyāṇīsimā tēn' upasankami. Pancahi daharabhikkhūhi saddhim uavathēră ca upajjhāyabhāvanurupa-Suvannasübhaşathūrai ca nimantāpūtvà Kalyānisimāyam nisidūpēsi. Tato rājā Sihat upasampadaṁ gauhitakāmo ganacariyö thaputvā, yüna Siha!adīpagaminü thürā tün' upasaii kami; u pasaukamitvā të ēvam iha: "Imü bhantü, ganacariyā tumhākam şantikē Siha ujasampadam ganlitum icchanti; dētha bhantö, tumho upasampadam imesam ganacariyanan ti."
Thurā punad ēvam āharusu: "magan Mahārāja, Mahäräjöna püsita Sihadadi pam gantva, Mahavihāravasi-paramparabhūtabhikkhusangha-santikë parisuddh' upasampadarn ganhēyyāma. Tüsum nu Maharaja, parisuddh' upasam padagahanato pathamań Siha!adesiyū mabāt bērā ēvam ühutusu : Pubbukūnaia āyasmautā, Sibuladēsiyāuat mabūthūrānam idáciņam : yan paradesato

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āgatānam bhikkhūnam apasampadagahanato pathamam ēva gihino mayan ti vacibhedan kārāpētvā, civaram apanētvā, sētavatthadānēna gihibhāvē patitthāpētvā, puna civaradāvasaraṇagamanadāna-vasēna sāmaņēra-pabbajjāya sampabbājētvā, samaņēra-bhūmiyan patitthāpi. tānam yēv' u pasampadanam. Tāṁ kissa hētu? Yēl' āyasmanto, bhikkhu idhagată: purimôpasampadā no parisuddbă, Sībaladēsiy' upasampadā soddhati maññamānā saddbāsampannā butvā, nay' apasampadam ganhirsu. Tē câyasmanto, bhikkhu pacchā sissádīnam yesam kesañc, parijanam ādiyitvā, vipațisārino hutvā, abhinavavassam agaņētvā, purāna vassam yēva gaphimsı. Na cētam no ruccati: tēn' ēvam acinnam. Tasmā yadi tamhē pi saddhāsampannā hatvai parisuddh' apasampadam ganhitum icchatha; Siha adēsiyānam mabāthērānam ācinnan rūpam karissatha. Evan tumhākam upasampadam dassāma; no cē karissatha; anācinnattā tumhākam upasampadam dátum agamatthā bhavissāmâti'. Tato Sihaladėsiyānan mahāthērānam icimnânurūpam katvā vậmhākam apasam padan te adarsûti." Tadā tē pi babaganacariya: "yadi bhante, tumhē Sihaļadēsiyānam mahathērānam ācionânurūpam katrā va, parisaddh' apasampadar ganhēyyātha; ēram mayam pi saddhāsampannattā rēva parisuddh' apasampa-dam akankhayāma. Tasmā Sihaladēsiyānam mahāthērānam āciņnânarūpam ēva katvī parisuddh' upasampadam ganhissāmâti" ahamsu. Evam Sihaladēsato paccāgata thērā tēli sabbēhi ganacariyēhi saddhin samstadētvā tad anantaran yēva Dhammakittināmagagacariyam adin katvā, Sihaladēsiyānam āciņpanurūpan kārāpētvā, Suvannasõbhanathēram upajjhāyan katvā, Sihaladēsato paocagatēsu navasu thērēsu dvē dvē vārēna vārēna kammavā cacariyo katvā upasampādēsum.
Tasmim pana apasampadakammakaraṇakālē pathamadivasabhūtē migasiramāsassa sukka pakkhē navamiyam candavārā Rāmādhipatirajā sayam ēva tattha nisīditvā, kammakārakabhikkhūnai ca, apasampandānan gasacariyánañca, apasampadapēkkhānañ ca garácariyā. nam, purē bhattabhöjanañ ca pacchi bhattam vividhapānañ ca santappanattham pațisanklarăpētvā, apasampadadānapariyosānē ca sădhukāradāpattham bhērisau khâdini dhamāpētva upasampannānam apasam pannānam ganajānanattham 18kavõhärakā vidē lēkhake anēkamaecē cânēkapanditajanē hapētrā, rattiyam upasampadatthāya ca bahū dipē thapētvā, sūriyatthangamanaAannakālē patinivattitvă nijamandiram agamäsi.
Navamito patthāya yāva tērasamiyā pancadivasam up asampannā ganacariyā pan. cacattālinadhikadvisatsparimānā ahābum. Tato rājā cātuddasiyam sannivärē upasampannē pañcacattālisadhikadvisata-parimāņā tē thēra-ganacariyê: “Svē bhaddantā migasirapunnam uposathadivasē ādiccavārē upasampadakammakārakēhi pannarasa bhikkhühi saddhin Kalyāņisimāyam upõsatham karõntu; tad avasānē bhaddantānam piņdapātañ ca aññan ca dēyyadhammam dātum lacchāma, cittañ ca pasādētun laochămâti" nimantāpēsi. Upõsathadivasē pana rājā mahatā parivārēna saddhim pāto vagantvā Kalyāṇīsimāya paññāpētabbâsanāni paññāpāpētvā, pādôdakañ ca patitthāpētvā, apasampannopasampannē të gaṇacariyē ca pannaras' upasampadakammakārakē câgamayamānā nisidi. Atha tē sabbē sannipativā Kalyānisimāyam uposatham akarimau. Tad avasānē rājā tē sabbē pi nānappakärēhi khajja-bhojj@hi ca vivid hēhi ca tambulâdibhēsajjēhi santappētvă, ēk'ēkassa ticivaratthāya sukhumānam kappăsadussanan dvē dvē yago datvā, pūga kattariyâdiparivāram sapidhānam ēkam ēkan tambūlapētakañ cas tālabijanim ēkam ēkañ ca, sindipaņpachattam ēk' ēkañ da, sådhārakapidbānam pattam ēk' ēkan ca, dāpēsi.
Tato rājā sabbēgam bhikkhūnam apupatiyā yeva Suvannasõbhanathērassa 'Kalyā. nitissamahāthēro' ti nāmam adāsi,
Tata pabhuti rājā pañcahi daharabhikkhūbi saddhin tēsam apasampadakārakānań Kalyānītissamahāthēradinaṁ dasannań thērānañ ca, tassat simāyam ågatinam upasampannānam gañácariyānañ ca, bahūnam upasampadâpēkkbänañ ca, pindapātádi-paccayēhi upatthāpanatthāya amaccē panditajanē ca, upasampannānam apasampannānam ganasañjānanattham bahū lēkhakē ca, upasam padakammavācāya parinitthāna-pariyosānē sådhukāradanatthaya bhērisaukhádivādakē ca, antatam ēva tattha vasāpēsi,

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Upasampada kammakārakā dagathārā ce, upagampann' upasampannā pancacattāli. sadhikadvisatapamāṇānam gandcariyā ca, tēsat ca sissabhūtē bahū bhikkhū ca, Siha!' upasampadam ganhitukāmē anno odgatagatē ganAcariyē ca, divasē divasē nirantaram upasampādēsum.
Api ca Rāmādhipatirājā sakalam pi bhikkhusanghamāyācötvā, tassanumatiyā yāva sabbasmin pi Bāmaññamandala thitānam sabbõsam bhikkhūnam idisam katikavacanam ārācēsi :
"Ajjataggē bhaddantā, sacē pabbajja pēkkhē pabbājētakāmi hönti; yē pana pabbajjapākhbā lakkhaņaihatā vā hồnti; dhajabandhacõrā vā; 'gārabhedakă vă; rājadubbhino vā: jarajiņņā vā; adhimattagēlaīn' upapilita vā; hatthacchinuâdi-angavikalā vā; khujjā vā; Vāmanā vā; khañjā vā; kuņino vā; yē vā pan' aññe pi parisadūsanā hönti. Yo yē pabbajitē pi, passantā passanti manussā kēli vā, parihāsam vā, garaham vā, karūnti; cittara pagādētu vă, gāravam uppādētam vā, na sukkūnti. Te tādisē bhaddantā, mā pabbājēntu.
"Sacē vā pana bhaddantānam santikū upasampadâpēkkhā santi; tē pi Rāmādhipatiranno vā, Hamgavatipuradhivāsinath ganaoariyabhūtānam vã thērānam, anārācētvā, sakasakatthānē yēv' upasampadam mā karõntu. Sacē pan' amhēhi katarh pi katikavattam anādiyitvā, saka-sakatthāno yōv' u pasampadath bhaddantā karissanti: tathā sat' upasampadapēkkhānam mātāpitänar vā, nātakānam vā, upatthakabhūtānam vā dāyskānam, mayam dandakammam upanāssāmati ca.
“Yê vă pana pāpabhikkhū vajjakammam karūnti; yē vā ganakakammam vaddhakikammam dantakāran katvā, rājā-rājamahåmattadinan sabbēsam pi janānam jātakôpadhārasiyēna vā, uppādanimitta-supin'-uppāda-karana-vasēna vā, snkhadukkham ācikk hanti.
"Yē vã bhikkhū yūdisam yādisam ācikkhanan, cittakarakammavaddhakikamma-dantakārakamma-cundakārakamma-bimbakārakammadikam katvā, gihikāmabhõgino viya jivitam kappēnti. Tam sabbam ajivitam kappēnti.
“Yē vā pana bhikkhū kappasakhēttatthānam gantvā āyatakēna sarūna dhamman kathēntă kappăsatulapiņdań labhitvā vāņijjam karānti.
"Yö ca bhikkhū sāli-vihi-yavadi-khēttathānam gantva dhamma kathāntā dhaññam labbitvå vāņijjam karūnti.
“Yö vi pana bhikkhữ maricatthanaṁ gantvå dhamma kathātvă maricam labhitva vāģijjaṁ karonti.
"Yē vi pana bhikkhū aññēn' aññēna pakārēna vāņijjan karonti.
"Yë vă pana bhikkhū akkhadhattēli vā, itthidhattēbi vã, surădhuttēhi vă, coriyakammâjivikēbi vä, rājapurigāhi vā, yēhi kēhici vă naranäribi saddhim ananulomikēna gihisamsaggēna samsathā viharanti.
"Ta sabba pi pāpabhikkhu. Pápabhikkhuna tēsar bhaddhantānam nicca santika vasitum ökasam mā dadantati ca.
“Yē panna bhikkhū saddhāsampannā; yathäsikkhāpadam pațipajjamānā sammāpatipattipabbakā; addēsaparipucchâdipasuta; tēsam yēva bhikkhūnam bhaddantānan niccam santike vasitum okāsam dadantůti ca.
"Sacē pana saddhāsampannā gihikulapattā bhaddantānam santikē pabbajitakāmā hönti. Tē akkharāni lēkhāpētvă akkharēsu byañjana pāripūrikaraṇavasõna paricayan kārāpētvā, saranagamanam vă sikkhāpadāni vă sikkhāpētvā va, bhaddantă pabbājāntûti ca.
"Yē pi ca sämaņērā paripaņņavisativassā upagampadá pökkhā; to pi upasampannabhikkhūhi paripūrētabbam pātimokkhasanvarasil'-indriyasamvarasil-äjivapārisuddhisīla-paccayasannissi. tasilasankhātam catupārisuddhisilan sankhépato paññāpētva, Bhikkhupātimokkhañ ca Khuddasikkhañ cadito yāva pariyāsānam byañjanato ca atthatö ca sikkhāpētvā, āpattidūsanañ ca catupaccayapaccavēkkhaņañ ca vāc' nggatam kārāpētvā, Bāmādhipatirano oa Hamsavatipuradhivāsinam gandcariyānan carēsānta. Tadā Rāmādhipatirājā tā parikkhārēn' upatthambhőtvā viupasampadāpēseatiti oa.

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" Sabbē pi ca bhaddantā Vinayē Bhagavată paññattasikkhāpadânurūpam pațipattiro yēva patipajjantûti ca.
“Pubbē pana Rämabadēgo bhikkhūnam nānānikāyatta yēva sisanē idisam mala-kantak'. bbudam jātań. Idäni pana sabbēsam pi bhaddantānam saddhäsampannatta yēva Mahāvihāravāsinam parampara-Sihal' upasam padagāhitā. Yathā Sihaladesiyānam mahäthöränam kēs'oropa! nam vä сivarabandham vā bönti; tathā katrā v'ēkan ikāyo bötati ca."
Evañ ca pana Rāmādhipatirājā sabbasmim pi Rāmaññamandalē bhikkhūnam yar katikavattam ārācētvā, yē të bhikkhu jätarūpa-rajatadi-dhana-dhañña-hatthi-assa-go-mahimsa-dāsi-dāsa-vanto tēsam idisam ārācāpēsi : "Sacē pan' ayyā, saddhāsampannā butvā, jātarupa-rajatâdi-dhanadhañña-hatthi-assa-go-mahimsa-dāsi dāsē vissajjitum ussahanti; te nissajjitva Bhagavatā panñattasikkhāpadânurūpam sammăpațipattim yēvs pațipajjantu. Sacē pana n' ussahanti, yathākā. mam vibbhamantûti."
Atha appē kaccē bhikkhū saddhāsampansattā tē sabbē nissajjitvā sikkhāpadânurūpā sammāpatipattiyo ya pațipajjanti. Appé kaccē thērā sabbē pi santikē nissajjitum anossahantā' yathākāmaṁ vibbhamanti. Yē vā pana bhikkhū pākațabhūtā yēv' antimavattham accantam ēv' sjjhāpajjanti ; tēsam āyācanaṁ katra, gibībhāvē patitthāpēsi. Yēsam accantam ēv antimavattham āpannabhāvõ na pākață; garahaparūpavadamattam pana dubbisõdhaniyam; tēkam āyācanam katvā, gihibhāvē patiţthāpēsi. Yë ca păpabhikkhu vajjakamman vã karonti; yē vā yathāvuttam gananakammadi-kammar vä karönti; yē và gihikāmabhāgino viya cittakammâdim äjivika katrā micch&jivēna jivitam kappēnti; yē vă pana bhikkhu dhammakathāya pūjāsakkāram labhitvā vāạijjam karönti; yē vi pan' aññe pi bhikkhū aññēn' aññēna pakārēna vāņijjam karunti-tē sabbē pi gibibhāvē patitthäpēsi. Evam Rāmādhipatirajā sabbasmim pi Ramaññamandalē sāsanamalam visādhētvi, sa kalam pi bhikkhusangham ēkanikāyam akāsi.
Evan sabbasmim pi Būmannsmandalē gamaväsino araññavūsino ca bhikkhü nägasikhi-nāga-Bakkarājato yāva rūpa-bēda-nāga-sakkarājam Mahāvihāravasi-paramparaaccanta-parisuddha-Siha!'-upasam padam nirantaram ēva ganhimsu.
Tasar ganacariyabhūtā atthasata parimāņā hönti; daharab hikkhū pans pancaBatthadhikadvisat'-uttaracuddasasahassa-pamāṇāhānti: ētē ubho pi sampinditā pañcasafthadhika-panna-rasa-sahassapamāṇā hānti. Tēsvatthasatānam ganacariyanam upasampadagahaņa-pariyosānē rājā ticivaratthaya dvē dvē sukhumakappāsiyaduss ayugë ca, tambulapattapūga-kattari-mukhapañ-chanacõladi-parikkhāra-sahitam sapidhānam tamb ülapētakañ ca, sindipaonachattañ ca, sådhārakapidbāna-pattañ ca, tālabijanin ca, ēk'ēkass' ēk’ēkam ēvådāsi. Yēsam gaņâcariyānam nūma-paññatti pi dātabbā hoti: tēsam pi sabbēkam năma-paññattim adāsi.
Tato paraṁ pubbë katakatika niyāmēn' ēva nātacatu pārisuddhisilānań sikkhita-pâtimökkhakhuddasikkha-pakaraṇānam vāc'-uggatápatti-dēsanā-paccavēkkhaņānan paripunnavisntivassānam ēkadhika-cha-satānam sāmaņērānam patta-civara-parikkhārâdi-dĒyyadhammēh' upatthambhētvi, Kalyānisimāyam upasampadāpāsi. Tē pi sampinditvā tadā Rāmānfamandala chasatthadhikachagat'-uttara-pannarasa-saha88a-pamāṇā bhikkhū ahēsum.
Evam pana Buddhasisanam visādhanam karāntā Rāmadhipatirāja : "yāva pañca-vassasahassa-pamaņa-käla-pariyantā Buddhasāsanam idam nirāsaük'apasan padabhävēn' ova dussilanaṁ bhikkhunañ ca garahaparūpavādamattåvirahitanam bhikkhūnam capagamanavasëna parisuddhaṁ pabhassaram pariyādātam hutva, pavattatati" manasi nidhayakäsi.
1. Pur' Āsāko dhammarājā atulavibhavôdayo Sāsanam piyataya 'ssa mala-dassana-kampito. 2. Mõggaliputtatissathēram u panissüya södhanam Bhikkhu chanahutē 'käsi, uppalbājiya pāpakē. 3. Lankädipē Sirisanghabodhadipada-nāmako Parakkamabāhurājā pi Buddhasāsanam āmako.

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4. Malinaṁ sasanam disva samvegapannamānasō Pāpake babavō bhikkhu dhamsiyâdhammavādinō. 5. Mahavihāravāsīnam pavēņim dhammavadinam Sangham ēkanikayañ ca thapētvä sōdhanam akā. 6. Tato paccha puna c' añño Vijayabahu-bhūpati Parakkamarājā câpi tatha sasanasōdhanaṁ. 7. Amhākam Bodhisattō pi pürentō pārami pură Tidasalayasaggamhi devarajjam akārayi.
8. Tada Anandathērō pi Bārāṇasīpurē akā Rajjam Usinnaro hutvā Kassapa Buddhasāsanē 9. Malam disvā pi majjhattō nākā sāsanasōdhanam. Tadā Sakkō dēvarājā dibbasukham param-mukhō 10. Kanhasunakha-vannēna gantvā Mātalinā saha Uttāsētvana rājānam tada 'sinnaranamakaṁ. 11. Sasanadhanatthaya laddhā tap paṭijananaṁ Paccha 'nusasanam katva paccāgā Tidasalayam.
12. Tasmā Rāmaññadēsissaro pi Rāmādhipati-bhūpati Sanādaram satacaram anugantvana sasanam
13. Yavapañcasahassantā patiṭṭhānāya 'sōdhayi.
14. Itthaṁ sasanasōdhanakuslaṁ Rāmādhipati-ham alattham yam Tēnākhiņam iva jätam santam suddham sivam paccha. 15. Hamsavatipurâdhipatino saddhālunō Bhūpālavarā Disvā sāsanajaṁ malam pūṇayituṁ vayamantu sadā. 16. Khiúsavā katakiccathērā Majjhantikâdayō Vimuttisukham ohaya pavivēkaratā api
17. Sasanavuḍḍhiyā hētu byāpāram akarum purā. Tasmā tēsam sanādarain anukammē supēsalō
18. Paccha Hamsapūravāsī bhikkhusangho ca sădarō Sasanassa malam disva sudhanam kurutaṁ tatō
19. Yatha tam tibhav' ōghagata taritum durite kasi-ayatane jahitum Ariyam padadhim pavaram gamitum adhibōdhi-budhâlalitam lalitam.
Iti Kalyani nama pāsāṇalēkhā niṭṭhita.
(To be continued.)
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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 16. The Prince and the Kambals.1
There once lived with his queen a king, whose dominions extended far and wide, and who had an immeasurable hoard of treasure; but, as the saying goes, "there was no one to eat," or in other words, the good couple had no children, though they had become old, and this grieved them very much. Every day the queen used to make it her habit to sit in the balcony of her palace, with a supli (sieve) full of gold, which she distributed among beggars, with the expectation that she would get a son through their prayers and blessings.
One day, as she was seated as usual with a sieve full of gold, there came up to her a gôsánvi who asked her what she had in the sieve. The queen answered saying it was gold.
1 For the description of a kambal, see the story of "The Snake and the Girl," ante, Vol. XIX. page 315, note 5.
2 For the description of a gosanvi, see the story of " Bâpkhadi," ante, Vol. XX. p. 142, note 1.

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Upon this the gosûnvi again asked her:-"Is there any one that will eat it ?", meaning "Have you got any children who will enjoy all this gold ?"
"No!" said the queen in a sorrowful tone; "and that is the reason why I am sitting here with this sieve full of gold in order that, by distributing it, the receivers of it may pray and obtain a son for me; but up to this time it seems that their prayers have not been heard."
The queen was then asked where her husband, the king, was; and she said that he was gone out.
"Very well," said the gosánvi. "Tell the king, when he comes back, to come to a certain village where is my mat, and then I will tell him what to do in order that your desires may be satisfied."
Thus saying the gosúnvi received some alms from the queen and went away.
Now, when the king came back in the evening, the queen laid out supper for him, and while he was partaking of it, the queen said:"My dear husband, this morning as I was seated as usual in the balcony with a sieve fall of gold to distribute to beggars, a gósánvi, who says his hut is in such and such a village, came up to me and asked me what I had in the sieve, and when I told him it was gold, he asked me if there was one who would eat it, to which I said 'no,' and that I was distributing it in order to obtain a son through the prayers of the beggars. Upon this he asked me if you were at home, and I told him that you were not at home. Then, telling me where his hut was, he asked me to send you to him, when, he said he would tell you what to do to obtain our desires."
The king listened to her very attentively, and, when she had finished speaking, said:"But, my dear wife, you are distributing, a sieve full of gold every morning, and we are both performing other charitable acts, and all to no avail; what can the gosánvi tell and much less do, that our desires may be fulfilled? It won't be worth my while to go to him."
But the queen pressed and begged of him to go, saying:-"Let us see what he says. Who knows but that he may help us to obtain our wishes ?"
After much entreaty the king consented, and, having finished his supper, set out for the mat (hut) of the gôsánvi. When he reached it, the gêsánvi asked him what he wanted.
The king said:"Did you not go to the palace this morning and tell my wife to send me to you when I came home ?"
"Yes, my lord," answered the gêsánvi. "I will now tell you what to do. Go to a certain place where you will find a tree laden with fruit. Climb the tree and shake it. Come down and take two of the fruit. Mind you do not take more than two. Eat one yourself, and give the other to your wife, the queen; thereby you will obtain your desires."
The king went in the direction that the gosánvi mentioned, and saw a large tree, which was bent down by the weight of its fruit. He climbed up and shook and shook the tree till he saw hundreds of the fruit fall on the ground, but when he came down and went to pick up the fruit he found only two. So he climbed again, and again shook the tree for a long while, and again. he heard the sound of hundreds of fruit falling, but, as before, when he was picking up he got only two. The king was astonished at this occurrence, and climbed up in the tree a third time, and shook and shook the tree with all his might for a very long time till he was quite fatigued, and he heard the sound of some thousands of the fruit dropping on the ground. When he came down, the ground under the tree was so covered up by the fruit that he could not put his feet down but fell on heaps of fruit, which made him glad to think that he had now plenty of them, but, to his great astonishment, as he proceeded to gather them, all the fruit went up again in the tree, and there remained for him to carry only two.
A 'holy' man's hut.
It is to be regretted that the tree and the fruit are not mentioned by name.

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Thought the king to himself :-"The gósánci told me to take only two of these fruit, but though I want to take more, and I knocked down so many, I can't get more than two. There must be some meaning in it. I will, therefore, abide by the instructions of the gúsánvi, or, who knows, if I take more, they will have any effect."
He then took the fruit and shewed them to the gôshiwi, who again told him to take them home, and to eat one himself and to give the other to the queen to eat.
The king, after thanking the gásávvi for his kind advice, went home with the fruit, and giving one to his queen, told her to eat it, while he ate the other himself. From that time the queen became pregnant, and, when one, two, three, and so on till nine, months of her pregnancy had elapsed, she gave birth to a very beautiful boy. This event caused great joy to the king and queen, and they entertained all the palace servants to a great treat.
Now on the fifth day was celebrated the pánchví of the new-born, and on the sixth day was the sall. On the day of the salli a fortune-teller was called to consult about the fortune and career of the infant-prince. While the fortune-teller was consulting the horoscope the pardhans kept watch outside. Though the fortune-teller knew what would happen to the prince, she did not tell the king and queen of the results of her calculations, and was going away, wben the pardhan stopped her and asked her what was in the luck of the new-born. She refused to tell him anything, apon which he threatened to kill her if she would not tell him of the fortune of the king's son.
The fortune-teller then said :-" It is written in the fortune of the prince that on the twelfth day after his birth the boy will be drowned in the sea!”
Thus saying she went away. The pardhan, however, kept this story to himself.
Eleven days passed after the birth of the prince, and on the twelfth day was to be done the báráví ceremony. For this purpose they had to go to a certain temple, to come to which they had to cross a sea. The king and every one else, with the exception of the pardhan, being ignorant of what misfortune was in store for the child, made grand preparations to celebrate the auspicious occasion with great pomp and joy, and hundreds of relatives and others were invited to be present at the ceremony of naming the child.
At the appointed time they took a ship and set sail for the temple. On the way one person took up the child; a little while after a second person carried him. Soon after a third would take him, and so on, all the guests vying with each for the honour of carrying the prince. When they had sailed for several hours they came to the middle of the sea. The child happened to be in the arms of a woman, who, by accident, let the child fall, and down went the prince to the bottom of the sea ! Hundreds of people dived after the child but in vain, and with tears in their eyes and broken hearts the king and the queen returned home with their guests. When they came home the king sentenced the woman, who had so carelessly dropped the child, to imprisonment for twelve years, during which she had to grind náchni.
Now it happened that as soon as the child fell into the sea, he was devoured by a magalmAsa,which, again, was carried by the tide and thrown on dry land in a certain village. In the morning & fisherman, who lived with his wife, and who were very wealthy, was going in pursuit of his vocation, vis., that of fishing, when he came upon the magalmásá. He, therefore, managed somehow or other to drag it to the shore, and cut it open, when to his great surprise and confusion, he saw a child come out of the belly of the magalmasa. The child was alive. Having no children himself with all his wealth, he gladly took up the child in his arms,
SA prince is usually called apardhan, but here, I think, is meant the prime minister, or some kúrbhart of the household.
• Nachní is a sort of grain. It is popularly supposed that women, when sentenced to rigorous imprisonment, are made to grind nächni.
1 Equals magarmasi = an alligator.

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and went home and handed him to his wife, who also rejoiced at the event, saying:-"At last God has sent us a child in this miraculous manner."
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They constituted themselves the drowned prince's foster-parents, and, possessing great wealth as they did, took every possible care, and brought him up with great tenderness. The prince grew up rapidly. When he was only one month old he looked two months old, when two months old, he seemed to be four months old, and so on.
Thus the boy grew up strong and beautiful, and was known to all as the fisherman's son, for the prince, too, always addressed the fisherman and his wife as father and mother. When he was about six or seven years old, he used to run about and play with the children from the neighbourhood.
One day the children ran to the shore, and the prince asked his foster-parents to permit him also to go and play there, but the fisherman said:"No, my dear child. Don't you go and play near the seabeach. You know how mischievous the children are. Who knows but that some accident or other may befall you? Then what shall I do? Tell me what you may need, and I will get you any toys that you may wish for, with which you can play about the house in safety."
In spite of the kind advice the prince, as is the wont of children, ran full speed, and joined his playmates at the seabeach.
Now it happened that, as the children were playing and running about on the sand, they spied a very beautiful kambal, floating on the tide which was coming in. Every one of the children attempted to get it, but all failed. At last our hero said he would fetch it, but all of them laughed at his folly, saying:
"What a silly child you are. Such big boys as we are we could not succeed, and you say that you can fetch it."
The prince, however, persisted saying he would fetch the kambal, upon which they laid a wager, to which he consented and dived headlong into the waves, and in a few moments was again on the shore triumphantly carrying the kambal, and thus won the wager. The prince then carried the kambal to his foster-parents, who, on seeing it, asked him where he got it from, or whether he had stolen it from any one. The prince told them how, as he and other children were playing on the shore, they spied it floating on the water, and how, when all the other children had failed, they laid a wager for it, upon which he dived into the sea and came out safely with the kambal.
Now in that country kambals were so rave, that not even the nobles and very seldom the kings could obtain them, and to possess one was thought a great luxury. So the fisherman began to think to himself:-"Here is a most beautiful kambal, but of what use can it be to a poor man like me? I will go and present it to the king."
So one day he took the kambal and presented it to the king, who was very glad to see such a beautiful flower, and asked him where he got it from. The fisherman told him the whole truth, and the king, being satisfied with the answer, dismissed him, after rewarding him handsomely. The king then took the kambal and hung it upon his bed. One of the maidservants of the queen, who happened to come into the room just then, on seeing the kambal, said:
"My lord, this flower is certainly very beautiful, but unless you can get and hang up two more it will never lend a: y beauty by itself to the bed."
It must be borne in mind that this king is the father of our hero.
Two more added would make three kambals. The number three has here evidently some meaning to it, for it could be more natural to add three, so as to make four, one for each of the four corners of the bed.

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The king, having heard this, sent for the fisherman, and told him to ask his son to bring two more; but the fisherman protested, saying:
"My lord, it was by sheer chance that my son obtained that kambal, and it is next to impossible to get any more.'
The king, however, would not be convinced of the impossibility of getting more kambals, and told the fisherman that should his son fail to bring him two more kambals he should forfeit his head.
The poor fisherman went away downhearted, thinking upon the unreasonableness of the king. He went home, and, refusing to take any food or drink, took to his bed. Now, it was customary during meals for the old man, owing to his great affection, to feed the prince as one would a little child, though he was already nearly eight years old. That day, however, the prince missed him, and so asked his foster-mother why his father did not take sapper. She said she did not know the reuson; perhaps he was not feeling well. Upon this the prince went and asked him why he did not come to supper, but the old man said:
"Go, my child, and take your supper. I do not want any."
"But, father," said the prince, "you fed me every day, and why don't you do so to-day? What is the matter with you? What misfortune has befallen you that you look so downcast and won't torch your food ? Tell me, father, all your cares and anxieties."
The old man was very much pleased with the prince's kind words, and said to him :“My dear child, the kambal you brought from the sea, and which I presented to the king, has brought a very great misfortune on me. The king went and suspended the kambal upon his bed, but a maid-servant, who saw it, said, that the kambal, though certainly very beautiful, lent no beauty to the bed, and that, if there should be hung up two more, it would make the bed appear very handsome. The king, therefore, wants you to bring him two more kambals. I remonstrated with him on the impossibility of getting any, but to no use, for the king cannot be persuaded of it, and he has ordered you to fetch them on the penalty of forfeiting your head in case of failure. God gave you to us so miraculously in our old age, and the cruel king wishes to take you away. This, my child, is my grief, and I will starve myself to death before you are snatched away from me. Go, my dear boy, and wake your supper, and go to bed quietly."
Thus said the fisherman and heaved a deep sigb, and tears could be seen trickling from his eyes in profusion.
Upon this the prince said :-"Is this what has caused you so much anxiety ? Tell the king that I promise to bring him two kambals. But, first of all, tell him that he must provide me with a ship completely manned with khaldsis and other servants, and I'must have provisions to last for several months, and an iron chain several yards long. Then I will go and fetch him the kambals. In the meanwhile you must calm your fears, and rise and take your supper."
When the fisherman heard these words he took heart, and rose and took his supper. On the following morning the fisherman bent his way to the palace and informed the king that his son had promised to bring him the kambals on condition that he fitted out a ship with servants, a long iron chain, and provisions to last for several months. The king agreed to the conditions, and ordered a ship to be built. What did the king lack? He had hoards of treasures. So he hired numerous workmen, and a job, that would take two or three months to finish, he got done in a fortnight, and fitted out the ship with a great number of khalásis and other servants He also procured a very long iron chain, and stored in the ship provisions of all sorts enough not for some months, but for years!

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Everything was now ready, and the prince, taking a tender leave of his foster-parents went and embarked on board the ship, and in a little while more the ship was out of sight dancing on the waves of the vast ocean.
They went on and on for many days. When they had reached the middle of the sea, the prince ordered them to cast anchor. He then hooked on the long iron chain to the side of the ship, and said to the khalasis:
"I am now going to dive into the sea. Keep hold of the chain, and as soon as you feel extra weight on it pull up the chain and haul it home."
Thus he said to the khalasis, and descended along the chain and dived into the sea. When he had gone down a long way, he came upon a beautiful country with large gardens full of fruit-trees of all sorts, bent down with the weight of the abundance of fruit, very tempting to the view.
Here he walked about for a couple of hours, and came upon a large but lonely mansion, most beautifully furnished, and as he entered it he came in sight of a damsel of unparalleled beauty, from whose mouth fell kambals as she spoke. Our hero asked her what she was doing there apparently alone, for he could see no signs of any other human beings.
Our hero being also very beautiful, the damsel of the subterraneous abode was enamoured of him, but said with a sorrowful tone:
"I am the daughter of a rankhas10 who has gone out in search of his food, which consists of animals and such like, and occasionally human beings, should any fall into his hands by chance. I am certainly glad to see you, but still I am anxious about your safety, because, should my father see you, he will have no mercy on you, but will make a meal of you in a trice."
"Then tell me where I can conceal myself with safety," said the prince.
Upon this the girl said:" See, I will transform you into a fly and put you up on the wall, where you must remain till my father goes out again to-morrow. In the meanwhile you must be hungry; so take some food at my hands and be ready for the transformation before my father, the rankhas, comes back, which will not be very long hence."
The prince thanked her for her kindness. She then set before him some food, which she prepared in a hurry-scurry, and to which our hero did ample justice, being very hungry, as he had not eaten for several hours. This done, the girl changed the prince into a fly and stuck him up on the wall.
Not very long after the rankhas came home after his day's excursion, and, as usual, lay down to rest, while his daughter shampooed his body. As he lay there he said to his daughter:
"My dear girl, I smell the smell of a human being about the place. Are you aware of any one having come or gone this way ?"
And the daughter replied: "What makes you think of human beings about here? Here I am alone from one hour of the day to the other. What a silly idea this is of yours ?"
"But" said the father, "I do smell the smell of a human being; otherwise I shouldn't have said so."
The girl, however, said that she had seen no human being, and was, therefore, unaware of it. The rankhas was now quieted, and fell fast asleep.
On the next day when the rankhas went, as usual, in search of prey, his daughter transformed the fly on the wall into its original shape, and there stood our prince before her. She then prepared some food of which they partook together, and conversed with each other freely
10. e,, a rakshasa = a giant,

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during the whole day. At the close of the day, when it was near time for the rúnkhas to return, the girl again transformed him into a fly, and stuck him up on the wall. Thus matters continued for several days.
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One day the prince told the girl to ask her father, the rakhas, in what his life lay. Accordingly, in the evening, when the rankhus returned, and she was shampooing his limbs, she said: -
"Father, tell me in what lies your life?"
The rankhas replied:
"Why are you so anxious about knowing in what my life lies?" "Father," said she, "if I am not to be anxious about your life, who should be? Every day you go in quest of food, which consists generally of animals. Should any accident happen to you, how could I know it, and what shall I do in the event of your death?"
But the rankhas replied: " Cast off your fears and anxieties, for there is no likelihood of my ever dying. However, to calm your fears, I may tell you as regards my life, you know the three brab-trees11 standing near our house. Should any person cut one of the trees with one stroke, I shall get a strong attack of fever; and if he succeeds in cutting the other two also with one stroke, there will be an end to my life. So long, therefore, as the trees are safe I am safe also. You see, then, that you have no cause for anxiety about me."
He then fell asleeep. The following day, when the rankhas was gone, the girl, after transforming the prince, told him everything she had heard from her father. Our hero now looked about and caught sight of the rankhas' sword hanging on the wall. He took it, and, having sharpened it, went out, and, with one stroke, cut off one of the brab-trees. As soon as the tree was cut down, a strong fever came on the rankhas, who now retraced his steps home, but before he could reach it, our hero cut down the other two brab-trees also with one stroke, and with the fall of the trees the rankhas also fell dead.
The prince then lived with the damsel for several days, during which he gathered plenty of the kanbals, which fell from her mouth every time she spoke. He now thought that he had been absent for a rather long time from his foster-parents, who must be becoming anxious about him. So he made up his mind to quit the place taking with him the kambals, which he intended to give to his king. He, therefore, made the damsel of the subterraneous abode acquainted with his intention.
The girl, however, said:-"You have killed my father, and now wish to go away, leaving me alone! What can I do here all by myself? Under whose protection shall I live? Take me with you, and we will be husband and wife, and live together happily."
The prince consented, but the difficulty was how to bring her to land. He then hit upon the following plan. He put her in a box and carried her to the place where his ship was waiting. He then tied the box to the chain, but alas! so soon as the khalásís felt the weight of the box they pulled up the chain, and to their astonishment saw that a box was tied up with it!
"Where is the boy?" they thought. "From whence comes this box? What can have become of him? We have, however, acted up to his orders and are not to blame. Let us now return home; but let us, in the first place, see the contents of the box."
Thus saying, they proceeded to open the box, but to their utter embarrassment they heard a voice coming from inside:- "Hold! Be cautious what you are about. Do not open the box. Any one, who dares to do it in spite of my remonstrances, will be plagued with worms."
11 [This is an exceedingly interesting instance of the local survival of an old forgotten Anglo-Indian word, the last previous quotation for which is 1909, so far as I know, the earliest being 1623. Brab is a corruption of Portuguese brava, and stands for the tree'otherwise known as the toddy palm, the palmyra, and the fan-palm = Borassus flabelliformis.-ED.]

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When they heard these words, they thought it best not to meddle with the box, but to take it and present it to their king for what it might be worth.
Accordingly they set sail, and with a favourable breeze reached their native shore in a very short time. When they had landed, they carried the box into the presence of the king, who was impatiently waiting to see the prince back with the kambals, and thus addressed him :
"Sire, here we are after a long absence. When we had reached in the middle of the sea the young lad, who promised to bring the kambals, descended into the sea with the aid of the long iron chain, which he had so particularly ordered you to make, and diving under the waters disappeared. Before doing so he told us to hold the chain in its position till we felt it getting heavier, when we were to pull it up. After waiting there for many days, we felt an unusual and extraordinary weight, upon which we pulled up the chain, expecting, every moment, to see the lad, but to our surprise we found this box tied to the chain. We cannot say what bas become of the lad. When we attempted to open the box, we heard a female voice speaking from inside the following words:- Hold! Be cautious what you are about. Do not open the box. Any one, who dares to do it in spite of my remonstrances, will be plagned with worms.' We, therefore, refrained from opening the box, which we now present to your Majesty."
The king was pleased to accept the box, and proceeded to open it, expecting to hear the words the khalasis had told him, bat our heroine let him open it. When the box was, however, opened, out popped a damsel of unequalled beauty.
The maid-servants, who saw her, at once exclaimed: - "Sire, she is fit to be your queen, while the queen ought to be made her maid-servant."
The king, thereupon, asked her if she was willing to be his queen, but she said :-"I am under a vow for twelve years; should any one dare touch me before that period has elapsed he will be plagued with worms. If, however, you wish to keep me, you must allot me a separate room, to which no one is to be allowed admittance, except one or two maid-servants. When my twelve years of vow have passed away I will be yours."
The king did not wish her to violate the vow of twelve years which she had mentioned. He, therefore, ordered a large room to be furnished in an elegant style for her to live in separately, and provided her with maid-servants and everything else necessary to her comfort.
To return to our hero, the prince, whom we left behind in the country under the sea. As soon as he found that the chain with the box was hauled up, and there was no chance of his coming out of the sea, he walked back, and wandered about in the gardens, subsisting on the various fruits with which the place abounded. He lived in this way for many days. One day he felt himself fatigued and so lay down to rest under a pimpal-tree.
Now it happened that two birds, a male and a female, called gårúpaksha and gúrúpaksh'n, were in the habit of breeding in that pimpal-tree, but, to their misfortune, as soon as they left the place in search of food or for any purpose, some wild animal or bird used to come and eat up their young ones. That day, too, the girupakshi'n gave birth to two littles ones, after which she and the gúrúpaksha went away in search of food. During their absence a huge wild hird came and was about to gobble up the little birds, when our hero at once rose up to their help, and killed their enemy. Some four or five hours afterwards the gúrúpaksha and gúrúpakskin came to the tree carrying some food in their beaks, and proceeded to feed the little ones, upon which they said :
"Before you feed us, tell us if you had any othex issue besides ourselves, or are we your first-born ?"
Tlie parent-birds said :- "Dear little ones, we had many children born before you, but some cruel bird deprived us of all of thein. We are certainly astonished to find you alive ; and even now we are not certain how long you will be spared to us."
(To be continued.)

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MISCELLANEA.
251
MISCELLANEA. VADDAVARA
vipattin Daityana Gurur akhila-bhôg-AnuThe details given by Prof. Kielhorn on page 111
bhavanam above, in connection with certain dates which
I nsiņam tail-abhyangat sa padi kurato include the word Vaddavars as the name of s
Saryatanayah 11 dsy of the week, render unnecessary the greater This marks Sunday, Tuesday, Thursday, and part of a note which I have had on hand, un- Friday, as unlucky days.- Monday and Wednesfinished, for over four years. But it may be use- day, as lucky days.- and Saturday, as the best ful to now supplement what he has written
day of all, for the tailabhyanga. Prof. Kielhorn has arrived at the opinion that So, also, a verse from the Muhurta-Mártanda - Vaddsvåra must be either Saturday or (Bhadrú-Barikrama-pita, &c.; quoted in the DharSunday, and that the chances are in favour of masindhusdra, parichchhêda iii. para. 134) - Bays Sunday.'
that one should not make the taildbhyanga, withOn the other hand, I arrived at the opinion that ont some suficient reason, on Sunday, Tuesday, Vaddavára is most probably Saturday. But Thursday, and Friday. I have not been able to obtain the actual And another verse, given in the same paragraph, proof that is needed. And that is why my note implies the same, by stating that the tailabhyanga has remained unpublished.
confers happiness, if flowers are scattered on a Finding, like Prof. Kielhorn, that the available Sunday, fragrant earth on a Tuesday, durvú-grass dates do not give uniform results, I was pursuing on a Thursday, and cowdung on a Friday. a different line of inquiry, which was suggested Also, another passage in the Dharmasindhu-8dra, by the fact that, among the grants recorded in parichchheda i. para. 45, says, in general terms, an inscription at Talgund in Mysore, dated in the that the tailithyanga should be avoided on a 1śvara savitatsara, A. D. 1157-58 (Pali, Sanskrit, Suuday. and Oul-Canarcse Inscriptions, No. 219), there is There are also rules prescribing the tailubhyanga mentioned (line 65-66) the item of - Vadda- for certain tithis and festivals, and prohibiting it Varsdol abhyanga Somaváradal 30 manushya for certain other similar occasione Rnt the brahmanat ruguran kalava navidana jivitain ga above is all that I have been able to find, on the 4. - "four gallyuinas (for) smearing the body
subject of the taildbhyanga in connection with with oil on Vaddsvåra, (and for the support
the week-days. of a barber who is to bathe thirty sick Brahmaņs
The general tendency of the passages given (or, perhaps, the thirty Brahmans, when they fall
above is, that the tailabhyanga may ordinarily be sick) on Monday.”
preformed on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday. This passage shews that at any rate Vadda
Of these three days, Monday is plainly excluded, våra is not Monday. And my object was to find
as far as the meaning of Vaddavára is concerned, out the day of the week for which the abhyanga
by the Talgund inscription. And, Saturday being or tailabhyanga is prescribed by the Sastras.
clearly indicated as the best day of all for the Prof. Kielhorn will very probably be able to give
tailabhyanga, and also answering best to the dates the final passage that is required. Meanwhile, I that I calculated, I arrived at the opinion that will quote the following:--
Vaddsvars is most probably Saturday. But Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit supplied me with the follow- of course the result is not a conclusive one. And ing from Sripati's Ratnomulu, Vära-prakarana, it remains to be seen whether it can be borne out verse 9:
by, for instance, any other passage to the effect Ravis tâpan kantin vitarati Sasi Bhumitanayo that, under all ordinary circumstances, and as far mpitit luksha mitu Chandrih Surapatigurur as the week-days only are concerned, Saturday is
vitta-harañain the proper day for the tailabhyanga.
1 As regards the latter point, he seems to have been somewhat influenced by some remarks by Mr. Rice, from which he infers that tadda may be synonymous with mukhya and Adi. But I cannot find anything to support such a meaning of the word. - As we have, in Kanarese, oddita, dulness,' it is just possibe that odda, varda, may be a corruption of the Sanskrit mandu, which is used as a name of the planet. Saturn. But I have not been influenced by this idea in the result at which I have
arrived. - In an inscription at Tagund (P. S. and 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 217, line 20, and Myrore Inscriptions, p. 203, and note), that village is called "the glorious great vadda-village, Tanagundur" (see ante, Vol. IV. p. 279, note S). But I doubt whether in that expression, or in vaddarduula as the name of an ancient tax, and in raddavyavaharin which indicates a trade or profession, valda has the same application as in vaddarura.

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To the dates given by Prof. Kielhorn, I can add the following:
An inscription on a virgal at Hali in the Belgaum District is dated on Vadḍavara, the fifth tithi of the dark fortnight of Sravana of the Sarvajit samvatsara, which was the thirty-second year of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kâla. Here, Sarvajit coincided with Saka-Sainvat 1030 current. And the given tithi, beginning at about 48 gh 40 p., 19 hrs. 28 min., after mean sunrise, on the Friday, ended at 49 gh. 45 p., 19 hrs. 41 min., on Saturday, 10th August, A. D. 1107.
And, on the dates put forward by him, I would make the following remarks:
The inscription of A. D. 1087. This records a grant of land and an oil-mill; and the latter item seems to connect the grant closely with the tailabhyanga. expect that in this record the fourteenth tithi, which began on the Saturday at about 42 gh. 40 p., 17 hrs. 4 min., and ended on the Sunday at 46 gh. 45 p., : 18 hrs. 42 min., is a genuine mistake for the thirteenth, which included all the daylight hours of the Saturday. The inscription of A. D. 1144. The resulting day for Vaddavara, with the ended tithi, is Friday, as stated by Prof. Kielhorn. But, as Friday is mentioned in the first part of this record by the usual name, Sukravåra, it seems hardly likely that Vadḍavara also can be really used here to mean Friday. Though the two parts of the record are dated in two successive years, they seem to have been written at one and the same time. With the tithi, the second, which seems, at first sight, to be given in the first part of the record, the resulting week-day there is Monday, instead of Friday. But there are indications that the 'two' was corrected into six.' And this would give the correct day, Friday. It seems possible that there was some similar carelessness, left uncorrected, in respect of the tithi in the second part of the record. The given tithi, indeed, Magha krishna 14, is the tithi of the Maha-Sivaratri, which is named in the record; and there ought to be no mistake in connection with at any rate the tithi of so very special a festival. But, plenty of cases can be turned up in which the rites have had to be celebrated on the day on which the thirteenth tithi ended. And the question
NOTES AND
[SEPTEMBER, 1893.
may be, whether, on the occasion in question, there were any circumstances that necessitated. the celebration of the rites during the fifteenth tithi, which ended on Saturday, with the result that the writer made confusion between the ended tithi of that day and the tithi of the
festival.
BASSEIN-BASSEEN.
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. teak, quotes Rennell, Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan or the Mogul Empire, 1793, p. 260, to the following effect:the teek forests, from whence the marine yard at Bombay is furnished with that excellent species of ship timber, lie along the western side of the
The inscription of A. D. 11 63. The tithi began on the Saturday, at about 3 gh. 15 p., 1 hr. 18 min., and ended on the Sunday, at 6 gh. 5 p.,
2 hrs. 26 min. As a current tithi, it was connected with almost the whole of the daytime of the Saturday. And my belief is that we have always to consider the week-day during which a tithi is current during an appreciable portion of the daytime, quite as much as the week-day on which it ends.
The inscription of A. D. 1187. The resulting week-day is undoubtedly Saturday, as stated by Prof. Kielhorn. The tithi began at about 39 gh. 10 p., 15 hrs. 40 min., on the Friday; and ended at 35 gh. 10 p.,. 14 hrs. 4 min., on the Saturday. And both the daytime condition and the ending condition are satisfied.
The inscription of A. D. 1234. Here, again, the resulting week-day is undoubtedly Saturday, as stated by Prof. Kielhorn. The tithi began at about 33 gh. 40 p., 13 hrs. 28 min., on the Friday; and ended at 28 gh. 35 p.,= 11 hrs. 26 min., on the Saturd ay. And, here also, the daytime condition is satisfied, as well as the ending condition.
The inscription of A. D. 1284. According to all but one of the inscriptions of Ramachandra in Sir Walter Elliot's MS. Collection, the Svabhanu samvatsara, A. D. 1283-84, ought to be the thirteenth year of his reign, not the twelfth; according to the one exception, it would be the twelfth year. My results are the same as Prof. Kielhorn's, for the three years given by him. And there must be more than one mistake in the details given in the record.
It seems to me that the evidence decided, preponderates in favour of Vaḍḍavara meaning Saturday. But, as I have already said, definite proof is still wanting.
J. F. FLEET.
24th May, 1893.
QUERIES.
Gaut Mountains. . . . on the north and northeast of Basseen.
This settles the pronounciation of Bassein when the word first began to be recognized, although the Bassein referred to by Rennell is I take it the town in the Bombay Presidency and not the town in Burma. See ante, p. 18 ff. R. C. TEMPLE.

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(Concluded from p. 236.) 8. The Kabitta Ramayan, or Kabittabali. The history of Rama in the kavitta, ghanákshari, chhappai and sawaiyá metres. It is devoted to the contemplation of the majestic side of Rama's character. Pandit Sudhakar Dvivêdi informs me that the poem has been enlarged in later times by the addition to the last kúnd of occasional verses written by Tul'si Dâs in karitta metres. "That Tul'si Das did write occasional verses, like other poets of his time, is to be expected, and they have been collected and arranged in appropriate groups by admirers of the poet. Such are K. Rám., Ut., 132 ff., in praise of the Jánaki-vaļa, or peepal tree at the site of Valmiki's hermitage, which still exists on the banks of the Ganges, and is an object of worship to the present day. So also, Ut. 94-96, addressed to the Kaliyuga, Ut., 170 and ff., lamenting over the insults offered by the Musalmans to Banaras, and Ut., 174, which is said to have been uttered by him when at the point of death. Other collections of similar verses, frequently found appended to the Kabitta Rámáyan are the Rám-stuti, Uddhav-göpiká-samhád, Hanumanádi-stuti, Janaki-stuti, Sankar-batisi, and the Hanumán báhuik (written when the poet was suffering from a severe sore in the arm). In seven kúnds or cantos, viz. :
(1) The Bal-kand, Childhood. Commencing with Rama's childhood and ending with the breaking of Siva's bow. 22 stanzas (pada), mostly quatrains.
(2) The Ayodhya-kand, Ayodhyå. Describes the circumstances attending Rama's departure on exile. 28 stanzas.
(3) Aranya-kand, the Forest. Describes the chase of the golden deer. One stanza.
(4) Kishkindha-känd, the Adventures in Kishkindhya. A description of Hanumat's famous leap. One stanza.
(5) Sundar-kand, the Beautiful. Sita in the garden in Lauka. Hanumat's adventures there. The conflagration of Lauka. Hanumat bids farewell to Sitâ, and returns to Råma. Thirty-two stanzas.
(6) Lanka-kánd, Lanka. The news of Rama's arrival in Ceylon. Trijatá tells Sità. Alarm of the citizens. The first battle, Aigada's challenge. Vibhishana's remonstrarce. Mandödari's remonstrance. The battle resumed. Hanumat's journey for the sanjivani root. The final victory. Fifty-eight stanzas.
(7) Uttar-kand, the Sequel. Verses in adoration of Rama. Miscellanea. One hundred and seventy-seven stanzas.
1 The commentators say that there are three ways of looking at Rama (tini bhanti lila), vix, the tonder side of his character (mddhurya), the majestic side of his character (uistarya), and the complex (misrita) in which tenderness and majesty are combined. There are four ways of singing his praisce, as a magadha or panegyrist, a vandin or bard, sata or historical poet, and an arthin or suppliant. A work in which the complex view of Rama's character, together with his glory and his power, is celebrated is called a charita, and should be sung by a sita (also called a pauranika,) an historical poet. His tenderness should be sung by a magadha, and his majosty by # vandin; while entreaties addressed to him should be sung by an arthin. Tul'si Das first composed the Rama. charita-mangsa, dealing with the complex side of Råma's character, as a sita. Then, to encourage the faithful with a true idea of Roma's power, he illustrated his majesty in the Kabittabali, assuming the rule of vandin. Then to strengthen the love of the worshipper, he dwelt on Rama's tenderness in the Gitaball, taking the role of a magadha. Finally becoming an arthin, a suppliant, he wrote tho Binay pattrika. Pandit Sudh Akar Dvivedi gives me the following $óka :
sútál pauranikah próktil, magadhi varsa alakan
vandinas tv amala-prajñili prastava-sadrisaktaya from which we gather that a suta is a reader of ancient histories, a magadha praises the king's family, and a tandin is expert in complying with his demand for a fine poem.

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The following are examples of this work. K. Rám. I. Metre. Sawaiya. Awadhésa ké dáre sakáre gai euta goda kai bhúpati lai nikase!
Abalóki haun sôcha bimochana kó hagi si rahi, je na thagé dhika sé Tulasi mana-ranjana ranjita asjana naina sukhanjana-játaka sé
Sajani, sasi men sama sila ubhai nava nila sarőruha sé bikasé 1111 (One towngwoman of Ayodhyâ says to another) "I went at dawn to the portal of the Lord of Awadha (Dasaratha), as, son in arms, the king issued from the palace. As I gazed upon the babe, the releaser from sorrow, I stopped like one enchanted, -yea, shame on all who were not enchanted at the sight. (O! Tul'si), His eyes darkened with heart-rejoicing henna were like young khanjanas. My dear, 'twas just as though twc dark lotuses had bloomed, noble in character, upon the fair moon (of his countenance)."
We may note that the first word of the first line is said by the commentators to set the whole keynote of the poem. Aradhésa, the Lord of Awadh, isa-isvara), indicates that the subject of the poem is majesty (aišvarya).
The next example (V, 14, 15) describes how Hanomat, with his flaming tail sets fire to Laoka. It is a good example of Tulsi Das's power over words, with which he makes the sound an echo of the sense.
Metre. Kavitta. Háta-báta kóta-óta afani agára pauri khöri khóri dauri dauri dinhi ati dgi hai Arata pukárata, sanbhárata na kou káhí, byákula jahan 80 tahán lóga chalyau
bhagi hai | Baladht phirdwai, bára bára jhahardwai, jharai bindiya si, lanka paghildi pagi
pági hai Tulasi, bilóki akuláni játudhani kahai chitra hún ké kapi 86 nisáchara na lági
hai II 14 III Lági lági ági, bhági bhági chalé jahái tahár, dhiya ko na máya, bápa púta na
sanbhárahis Chhúţé bára, basana ugharé, dhuma dhundha andha, kahai báré budhé bári bári
bára bárahin II Haya hihináta, thágê játa, ghaharūta gaja, bhari bhíra dhili péli raundi khaundi
darahin Náma lai chiláta bilaláta akuláta ati táta táta tausiyata jhaunsiyata jhárahis 11 15 H
In the market-gulleys, on the bulwarks of the citadel, on the balconies, on the palaces, on the gateways, running along from lane to lane, Hanumat sets alight a mighty conflagration. In terror the people scream. One fails to help another, every one is in confusion, and every one only tries to run away from where he finds himself. The monkey brandishes his (blazing) tail: he jerks it from door to door; sparks fall from it like rain drops, and Lanka, as it were, ripens and melts into syrap. (O Tul'sî) the distraught Rakshasa women cry out as they look at him not even in a picture hath such a monkey been seen by the night-prowlers '? (14)
Fire! Fire! Fire!' They flee, they run bither and thither for their lives. Mother knows not her own daughter. Father helps not his own son. Girls with their hair dishevelled, nay, their very garments torn open, blind in the darkness of the smoke, children, old men, cry and cry again for 'water, water!' The horses neigh, the elephants trumpet, as they break from their stalls. In the vast mob men shove and trample one another, one crushing another as he falls beneath his feet. Calling each others' names, children screech, lamenting, distraught, crying 'my father, my father, I am being scorched, I am being burnt alive in the flames.' (15)
1 The khafijana is a very quickly darting bird, to which we are frequently compared. .."Rakabase

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9. The Git Ramayan or Gitabali. The history of Rama, in various song-metres. Devoted to the tender side (mádhuryu) of Rama's character. In seven kands, or cantos, viz. (1) Bál-kúnd. Childhood. A gospel of the infant Râma. The birth of Rama and his brothers. Rejoicings thereon. The delight and affection of the queen-mothers (7), and of Dasaratha in and for their infant children. The blessing of Vasishtha (13). The mothers' affection. They rock the babes to sleep. Description of the beauty of the infants. They grow older and crawl about the court of the palace (26). Rama's beauty at this age. They play in the courtyard and lisp their first words. Their first lessons in walking. The wakening of Rama, at dawn, by his mother (36). The boys run out to play. The admiration of the town folk. They play on the banks of the Sarayu (46). (The first half of the canto ends here. Forty-six songs).
Visvamitra comes to Ayodhya. His welcome. He asks for Râma and Lakshmana to relieve the hermits from the Rakshasas. They start off with him. Description of their charming appearance. Their delight and wonder at the novelties they see on the way. The slaughter of the Rakshasas. Rejoicing of the hermits. The salvation of Ahalya (57). They set out for Janakapura. Their reception there: admiration of the citizens. The two princes introduced to Janaka. They reach the scene of the bow-sacrifice. The appearance of the princes. The crowd assembles to see the sight. The townsfolk talk. The grandeur of the assembly. Arrival of Sita in state (84). The proclamation of the conditions. The other competitor kings fail even to move the bow. Râma, at Viśvâmitra's instance, breaks the bow (90). Rejoicings thereat. Rage of the defeated kings. Delight of the townsfolk (99).
Kausalya's lamentations in Râma's absence from Ayodhyâ. The other queens comfort her. Arrival of news from Janakapura. Rejoicings in Ayodhyâ. The marriage procession starts and arrives at Janakapura (100). The wedding. Description of the beauty of Râma and Sîtâ. Of Lakshmana and Urmila. The townsfolk talk of Rama. His reception at Ayodhya by his mother. Altogether 110 songs (pada) to various melodies.
(2) Ayodhya-kand. Ayodhya. Dasaratha determines to make Rama yuvaraja. Kaikêyî, under Manthara's influence, gets Bharata made yuvarája, and has Râma sent to exile (1). Lamentations of Kausalya and Dasaratha. They entreat Râma to stop, but unavailingly. Sitâ makes ready to go with Râma. He remonstrates. She insists. The townsfolk lament that Sitâ is going (11). Lakshmana also insists on going. They start (12). Sitâ washes Râma's feet when he is weary with the road. Their pilgrimage (14). The comments of the people along the way, on their appearance. Of the village people (15-30). Their hardships. Comments of people on the road (31-41). The comments of the forest women (kirútini) in Chitrakuta. The pilgrims settle there. Their life. The forest and all nature gain new beauties (42-50). At Ayodhya, the lamentations of Kausalya (51-55). Return of the charioteer Sumantra. Dasaratha addresses him, laments, and dies (56-59). Bharata reproaches Kaikêyî (60, 61). He speaks humbly to Kausalya. Her reply (62-64). He refuses to be made king, and sets out for Chitrakuta (65). Lamentations of the parrots, &c., in Râma's house (66-67). Bharata's journey to Chitrakuta. He meets Râma, and entreats him to return. Râma refuses (68-72). Bharata asks for Lakshmana This he also refuses. He takes at least to return, and to let him go instead with Râma. Rama's shoes home with him, to set them on the throne. He himself lives in humble guise at Nandigrama (73-79). Praise of Bharata (80-82). Kausalya's lamentations (80-87). The talk of the townsfolk (88, 89). Total eighty-nine songs (pada).
(3) Aranya-kand. The Forest. The pilgrims in the forest. Râma as a hunter. The leaf hut in Panchavati (1-5). The golden deer. The circumstances of its death. The approach of Ravana disguised as the mendicant devotee. The rape of Sita. The conflict with Jatayu (6-8); return of Rama and Lakshmana to the hermitage. The search for Sita. They find Jatayu. He tells them of the rape (9-16). The meeting with the 'Savari (17). Altogether 17 songs (pada).
See note on the Kabittábalt.

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(4) Kishkindha-kand. The Adventures in Kishkindhya. Sugriva shows Rama the bracelets dropped by Sita. When the rainy season is over the monkeys and bears go off to search for Sita. In all two songs (pada).
(5) Sundar-kand. The Beautiful. The monkeys and bears set out to search for Sita. The meeting with Sampâti. Hanumat leaps over the sea. Searches for Sita in Lanka, and tinds her (1). The meeting. Hanumat gives her Râma's ring (2). She addresses the ring (3, 4). Conversation between Hanumat and Sîta (5-11). Hanumat addresses Râvaņa (12, 13). After having burnt Lavka, Hanumat addresses Sitâ and departs (14, 15). Lakshmana tells Rama of the arrival of Hanumat. Hanumat arrives and tells his own story (16-20). Râma's reception of the news. They set out for Lanka, build the Setubandba and cross the sea (21, 22). Ravaņa receives news of the approach of Rama's army. Mandödari advises him to submit. Also Vibhishaņa. Råvaņa spurns him. He deserts to Râma and his reception (23-46). Sitâ awaiting Rama's arrival. She talks with Trijatā (47-51). Altogether 51 songs (pada).
(6) Lanka-känd. Lanka. Mandödari remonstrates with Ravana (1). Angada's challenge (2, 3). Lakshmana's wound. Hangmat brings the magic root, visiting Ayodhyâ on his way. His conversation with Bharata. Lakshmana recovers (4-15). After conquering the Rakshasas (all description of the battle omitted) Råma brings the slain monkeys and bears to life (1). The period of Rama's banishment elapsed. Kausalya expecting Rama at Ayodhyâ. Good omens. Rejoicing in the city at the news of Rama's approach. The arrival of Rama (18-23). In all twenty-three songs (pada).
(7) Uttar-kúnd. The Sequel. The majestic (aisrarya) sway of Rama, after his return (1). The tenderness (mádhurya) of his rule. The music when he wakes in the morning (2). He bathes in the Sarayû (3-5). Rama on his throne (6-8). His love, &c. (9.12). His might. Praise of his personal appearance (13-17). The swing festival in the rainy season (18). Praise of Ayodhya (19). Its illumination (20). Its inhabitants (21). "The Holi festival (22). The prosperity of the city (23). Rama's justice. The affair of the Washerman. The banisbment of Sita (24-32). Sita's life in Valmiki's hermitage. Birth of Lava and Kuss. Their growth (33-36). Rama's life in Ayodhyâ after Sita's banishment (37). Praise of Bima (38). In all thirty-eight songs (pada).
The following is an example of this poem. Git. I. 32. Rág Kanhara
Lalita sutahi lalati sachu pdyer Kausalya kala kanaka ajira mahai sikhawata chalana anguriyan idyen 11111 Rați kinkini painjani pánjani bájati runu jhunu madhura rengáyên! Pakunchi karani kantha kantkulá banyau kéhari-nakha mani-jarita jardyen || 2 || Pita punita bichitra jhanguliya sôhati syama sarira scháyén Datiyá dvai dvai manbhara mukha-chhabi aruna adhara chita léta chordyéi 11 3 11 Ohibuka kapóla nå sika sundara bhala tilaka masi bindu bundyên Rájata nayana manju anjana-juta khanjana kanja mina madu náyére 11 4 11 Latakana cháru bhrikutiya têdhi médhi subhaga sudésa subháyên Kilaki kilaki náchata chutaki suni darapati janani chhufulayer 11 5 11 Giri ghufuruani têki uthi anujani tătari b6lata púpa dekháyên Bála-kéli abaldki mátu saba mudita magana ananda anamiyén (1 6 11 Dékhata nabha ghana ota charita muni jóga samadhi birati bisaráyên Tulasi Dása jê rasik na yehi rasa té nara jada jivata jaga jáyên 11 7 11
Full of happiness Kausalya caresses her darling boy. She lets him cling to her finger as she teaches him to walk in the fair golden palace court (1). Runu jhunu, runu jhunu, sweetly tinkles the bell-girdle on his waist, sweetly tinkle the anklet-bells on his feet, as she helps him along. On his wrists are bracelets, and round his throat a jewelled necklet studded with (evil

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fending) tiger's claws (2). A spotless saffron-coloured little silken coat adorns him, while it itself looks charming on his dark limbs. His sweet face is a picture, with two little teeth above and below, peeping out behind his cherry lips, and stealing away the hearts of all (3). Lovely is his chin, his cheek, his nose. On his forehead, like a caste mark is a drop of ink (to ward off the evil eye). His bright eyes, henna-darkened, shine, putting to shame the khasjana, the lotus, and the (glancing silver) fish (4). On his bow-shaped brow hang daiuty curls, and over them hair-plaits of enhancing charm. As he hears his mother snap her fingers, he crows and springs with delight, and when he lets go her finger from his hand she is filled with dismay (5). He tambles down, and pulls himself up upon his knees, and babbles (with joy) to his brothers when his mother shows him a piece of cake, and she, as she looks at all his pretty baby ways, is drowned in love, and cannot bear her joy (6). The saints in heaven gaze at his pranks from behind the clouds, and forget all their austerities. Saith Tul'si Dûs, the man who loveth not this sweetness, hath no soul, and his life in this world is in vain (10).
10. The Krishna Gitabali. A collection of songs in honour of Kộishņa. In the Braj, or rather the Kanauji, dialect. A collection of 61 songs (pada). The first portion deals with Krishna's babyhood and boyish pranks in Gokula, and the latter portion with the lamentations of the herd-maidens during his visit to Mathuri. The style is quite different from that of Tol's Das's other works, and many scholars deny its authenticity. I have only seen two lithographed editions of the text, and no commentary. The following is an example. It describes how Krishna held up Mount Govardhana. Krishna Gitdball. 18. Rág Malár
Brija para ghana ghamanda kari aye 1 Ati apamāna bichári ápano, kopi surésa pathdye il Damakati dusaha dasa hu disi admini, bhayo tama gagana ganbhira! Garajata ghôru váridhara dhávata prérita prabala samira 11 Bára bára pabi-pata upala ghana barakhata bunda bisála Sita-sabhita pukárata árata gôsuta gốpi gwála 11 Rákhahu Ráma Kanha ehi abasara dusaha dasá bhai di Nanda birodha hiyo sura pati saun 86 tumharó bala pái II Suni hansi uthyau Nanda ko ndharuliyo kara kudhara uthai Tulasi Dása, Maghavd. apané saun kari gayô garba ganuki 11
On Vraja the storm clouds have arrogantly come, for the king of the Gods (Indra) considering himself insulted has sent them. Lightning, irresistible, flashes all around; in the heaven hath been born a profound darkness. Fierce rain clouds roar and rush, impelled by a mighty wind. Again and again fall thunderbolta, and the raindrops of the clouds are huge hailstones. Terrified at the cold, the cowboys, the cow-maidens, and the cowherds scream aloud, Protect us, o Balarama and Kộishọa. Our lot is now more than we can bear. Nanda has contended with the Lord of the Gods, trusting in your power.' When Nanda's tiger heard these words, be rose up smiling, and lifted up the mountain (of Govardhana) with his hand. Saith Tul'si Das, Maghavan (Indra) thus, by his own action, humbled his own pride.
11. The Binay Pattrika. The Book of Petitions. In this the poet writes in the character of a suppliant (arthin). There is an interesting legend as to the way the book came to be written. Tul's Dås first, as a pauráņika, wrote the Ram Charit Manas, in which he dwelt on the complex side of Râma's character and on his glory, might and prowess. Then, as a vandin, to establish the hearts of those who bought the Lord, he wrote the Kabittdbali dealing with Râma's majesty. Then, to increase love in the worshippers of the Lord, he wrote as & mdgadha, the Gitábali. Subsequently to all this, a murderer one day came on a pilgrimage crying, For the love of
• Using it as an umbrella to shelter the distracted cowherds.. • See footnote 1 to the account of the Kabittball.

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the Lord Rama, cast alms to me, a murderer.' Tul'si, hearing the well-beloved name, called him to his house, gave him sacred food which had been offered to the God, declared him purified, and sang praises to his beloved deity. The Brahmans of Banaras held an assembly, and sent for the poet, asking how this 'murderer's sin was absolved, and how he had eaten with him. Tul'si replied, 'Read ye your Scriptures. Their truth hath not entered yet into your hearts. Your intellects are not yet ripe, and they remove not the darkness from your souls.' They replied that they knew the power of the Name, as recorded in the Scriptures, but this man is a murderer. How can he obtain salvation?' Tul'si asked them to mention some proof by which he might convince them, and they at length agreed that, if the sacred bull of 'Siva would eat from the murderer's hand, they would confess that they were wrong, and that Tulsi Das was right. The man was taken to the temple and the ball at once ate out of his hand. Thus did Tul'si teach that the repentance of even the greatest sinner is accepted by the Lord. This miracle had the effect of converting thousands of men and making them lead holy lives. The result enraged the Kaliyuga? (the present age of sin personified), who came to the poet and threatened him, saying, "Thou hast become a stumbling block in my kingdom of wickedness. I will straightway devour thee, unless thou promise to stop this increase of piety.' Full of terror, Tulisi Das confided all this to Hanumat, who consoled him, telling him he was blameless and advising him to become a complainant in the court of the Lord himself. Write a binay-pattrika, a petition of complaint, and I will get an order passed on it by the master, and will be empowered to punish the Kaliyuga. Without such an order I cannot do so, for he is the king of the present age. According to this advice the poet wrote the Binay Pattrika.
The book is in the form of a series of hymns, adapted to singing, and addressed to the Lord, as a king in a court. According to earthly custom, the first hymns, or petitions, are addressed to the lower gods--the door.keepers, ashers, and courtiers as it were, of heaven, and then the remainder of the book is devoted to humble petitions to the Lord Rama himself. Thus,-He first addresses Ganesa (the door keeper) (1), then the Sun-god (2), Siva (3--10), Bhairava ('Siva, the protector of Banaras) (11), "Samkara (12), 'Siva (13), Siva and Pârvati in one (14), Pârvati (15, 16), the Ganges (17—20), the Yamuna (21), the Kshetra-påla of Banaras (22). Chitrakața (23, 24), Hanumnt (25—36), Lakshmana (37, 38), Bharata (39), Satrughna (40), Sita (41–43). With the 44th hymn the petitions to Rama begin, and are continued to the 277th. In the 278th the poet addresses the whole court, and the 279th, and last, hymn records the successful result of his petitions.8
The following are specimens of this work:Bin. 149.
Kahan jaun, ka saun kahaun, aura thaura na méré Janma ganwayê têre-i dváré kinkara têrê ll 1 1 Main tau bigari, nátha, só sváratha k& linhé ! Tohi kripá-nidhi kyaun banai meri si kinhé il 2 II Dina duradina, dina duradasá, dina dukha dina dúkhana 1 Jaun laun tún na bilôkihai Raghubansa-bibhúkhana 11 3 11 Dai pithi bina dithi haun, bisva-bilochana TS 8ôn tu hii, na dúsarô, nata-sócha-bimochana 11 4 11 Parádhina, déva, dina haun, svadhina gosdir! Bólanaharé số karai, bali, binai ki jhanin 11 5 1 Åpu dekhi, mohin dekhiye, jana jániyê sáncho 1 Badi 6fa Rama nama, ki jehin lai sô bancho il 6 il Rahani riti Ráma rávari nila hiyê hulasi hai Jyaua bhávai tyann karu kripala têrô Tulasi hai II 7 11
Kaliyuga, as a person, may practically be translated by the devil' of Christianity. (For Kaliyuga's doing when personified as a god in popular poetry, see Legends of the Panjab, Vol. II. p. 239 ff.-ED.)
• Some editions make 280, not 279 hymns.

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In the preceding hymn, the poet has prayed to the Lord to look upon him, he can do nothing of himself. He now continues, "For whither can I go P to whom can I tell (my sorrows)? No other place have I. Have I not passed my life a slave at thy door, and thine only? True, often have I turned away from thee, and grasped the things of this world; but, O thou full of mercy, how can acts like mine be done by thee (that thou shouldst hide thy face from me)? O Glory of Raghu's race, till thou wilt look upon me, my days will be days of evil, my days will be calamity, my days will be woe, my days will be defilement. When I turned my back to thee, and (it was because) I had no eyes of faith to see thee where thou art; but thou art all-seeing (and canst therefore look upon me where'er 1 be). Thou alone, and no other, art like unto thyself; thou who dost relieve the sorrows of the humble. O God, I am not mine own; to some one must I be the humble slave, while thou art absolutely uncontrolled, and master of thy will. I am but a sacrifice (bali) offered unto thee; what petition can the reflection in the mirror make to the living being who is reflected therein. First, look thon upon thyself (and remember thy mercy and thy might). Then cast thine eyes upon me; and claim me as thy true servant ; for the name of the Lord is a sure protection, and he who taketh it is saved. Lord, thy conduct and thy ways10 ever give joy unto my heart; Tul'si is thine alone, and, O God of mercy, do unto him as it seemeth good unto thee." Bin, 195. Bali jáun haun Ráma Gosánin 1
Kijai kripa ápani nanin 11 Paramaratha - surapura - sádhana, saba sváratha sukhada, bhalái
Kali sakópa lópí sucháli, nija kahina kucháli chalái II Jahan jahan chita chitawata hita, tahan nita nawa bikháda adhikái
Ruchi bhávati bhabhari bhágahin, samuhái amita anabhde 11 Adhi magana mana, byádhi bikala tana, bachana malina jhuthat
Btehun para tumha 88 Tulasi ki sakala sané ha sagái 11 95 II O Rama, my Holy one, I offer myself a sacrifice unto thee. Show thou grace unto me as thou art wont. The evil age hath in its wrath cut off every good way, the means of ultimate salvation, and the means of attaining to the lower heaven, yea, every earthly happiness, every goodness,--and hath brought into use its own, hard, evil way.
Wherever the soul looketh towards good, there ever it canseth new sorrows to increase. 11 Every pleasure that delighteth fleeth in terror, while all things that delight not, stand in front of a man, in anmeasured numbers. The soul is plunged in spiritual woe: the body is distracted by disease: man's very words are foul and false. And yet, (O Lord,) with thee doth Tulsi Das hold the close kinship of perfect love.
12. Rama-charita-manasa, the Lake of the Gests of Râma. Written in various metres. Most commonly eight pairs (frequently more) of chaupais followed by one pair (sometimes more) of dóhás, with other metres, in the more high-flown portions, interspersed. In seven såpána, or descents (into the lake), viz.
(1) Bala kanda. (2) Ayodhya kanda. (3) Aranya kaņda. (4) Kishkindhya kanda.
(5) Sundara kanda. (6) Lanka kanda. (7) Uttara kaņda.
This work, which is more usually called the Manas Ramayan, or the Tulsi-krit Ramayan, is, as already shown, largely quoted in the Dôhábali. The following references will show that
The reflection of sman in a mirror is entirely dependent on the man who is reflected. It moves as he moves, and only acts as he wills. So man's soul, which is but a reflection of the universal Soul, is entirely dependent on the will (prirana) of the latter for all his actions good and bad. Hence the poet asks that the Lord may will hits to lead a holy life. He has no right to ask for it as a right, he can only ask for it as a favour.
• Rahani acharana (wvalata guruta dharmanéti adi jis acharan par dpurahain; ta ki rahani kahl, comm.). Riti = vyapa hdra (ha vyavahdra td mantri mitra avak prajadi par vartais.)
11 The commentator gives an illustration, disease springing up at holy festival. The late Hardwar stair is an example in point.

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certain verses occur twice in the poem itself. Whether this is due to interpolations or not I cannot say. My references are all to Chhakkan Lal's Corpus, and also to the new edition published by Bâbî Râm Din Singh. Râm. Bả, Ch. 77, 2 = Râm. A, Ch. 212, 3 (Ram Dina, 213, 3) Sira dhari ayasu karia tumhára
Parama dharama yaha nátha hamárk II Râm. Ba., Ch. 73, 3, 4 Tapa-bala rachai prapancha bidhátá
Tapa-bala Bishnu sakala jaga-tráta 11 Tapa-bala Sambhu karahin sanghará
Tapa-bala Sekha dharai maki-bhára !! Compare Râm. Bå., Ch. 163, 23 Tapa-bala tén jaga srijai bidhátú
Tapa-bala Bishnu bhal paritráta | Tapa-bala Sambhu karahin sanghård1
Tapa tên agama na kachhu sansára !! Râm. A., Ch. 89, 2 = Râm. A., Ch. 111, 7 Té pitu mátu kahahu, sakhi, kaise
Jinha pathae banu bálaka aisé !! Ram A., Ch. 123, 1, 2 – Râm. Ar., Ch. 7, 2, 3 (Ram Dân, 9, 2, 3) Age Rama Lakhanu bane (puni) pachh&
Tápasa békha birajata (bant ati) ldchhe Ubhaya bícha Siya sohati kais&
bichar maryatinio
Talat be that the last bila
Note that the last half line, 'as Maya exists between Brahman and the soul,' shows that Tulsi Das was not altogether in accord with Ramanuja, wbo altogether denied the existence of the Mâyâ postulated by Saokarácbårya. This will be dealt with subsequently. Ram Sun., Ch. 23, 1 Ráma charana-pankaja ura dharahú
Lanká achala ráju tumha karahú 11 Râm. Lan, Ch. 1, 8 Ráma charana-pankaja ura dharahú
Kautuka éka bhálu kapi karahú 11 The poem was commenced in the year 1574 A. D. in Ayodhyd, where the first three sôpánas were written. Thence he went to Banaras, where Tul'si Das completed the work.13
I do not give any analysis of the contents of this excellent work. Mr. Growse's translation makes this unnecessary. I hesitate also to give any example of it. No specimen will gives fair idea of the poem's many beauties, and at the same time of its (to European taste) defects. It would be as unfair as to show a single pearl as a sample of the ocean with all its profundity and all its terrors. The Rama-charita-mánasa is the earliest known, and at the same time the greatest, of Tulsi Das's works. But, though the earliest, it has none of the crudeness which we might expect in a poet's first attempt at song. Its metre is correct, though never monotonous; its language is appropriate without being affected, and the chain of thought, ever bound together by the one golden string of love and devotion to his master, is worthy of the greatest
19 Ram..Ki., So. 1. mukti-janna mahi jani, &o. Here the poet for the first time in the poem praises Kaut (Banfras), instead of Ayodhya, and this passage is to be interpreted as above. The Blla, Ayodhya and Aranya Kandas wero writton at Ayodhy A, and the Kishkindhya, Sundara, Laika and Uttara Kapuas, at Banaras.

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NOTES ON TUL'SI DAS..
poet of any age. In the specimens taken from his other works I have shown what power the poet had over language, and how full that language would be either of tenderness, or of soulabsorbing devotion to the Deity whom he adored, and if I now give an extract from the Tul's-krit Ramayan it is not as a specimen of the work, but to show Tal'sî Dâs in his lighter, perhaps more artificial mood, in which, with neatness and brevity of expression worthy of Kalidasa or of Horace, he paints the marvellous transformation of nature which accompanies the change from one Indian season to another. I allude to the well-known passage in the Kishkindhya-kand which describes the rainy season, and the coming of autumn (Ch. 14 and ff). I follow Chhakkan Lâl's text, as usual, in this paper.
A word as to the style. Tu'lsi Dâs here adopts a series of balanced, antithetic sentences,each line consisting of a statement of fact and of a simile,-the latter often of a religious nature. This method of writing closely resembles that adopted by Kâlidâsa in portions of the first book of the Raghuvamsa, and still more that of the Book of Proverbs. Thus, (Prov. xxvi, 7 and ff.
"The legs of the lame are not equal;
So is a parable in the mouth of fools. As he that bindeth a stone in a sling;
So is he that giveth honour to a fool. As a thorn goeth up into the hand of a drunkard; So is a parable in the mouth of fools.
In the same style, Tul'sî Dâs here says
As the sheet lightning flickereth,
So is the short-lived love of the wicked. As the clouds heavy with rain bow down to the earth, So boweth (humbly) the wise man full of wisdom.
As the mountains heed not the assaults of the raindrops,
So the holy man heedeth not the words of the wicked.
Chaupas. Ghana ghamanda nabha garajata ghorá Priya-hina mana darapata môrá Dámini damaka raha na ghana mahin Khala kai priti jatha thiru nahin II Barakhahin jalada bhumi niardé |
Jatha nawahin budha bidyá páé Bunda agháta sahahin giri kaise
Khala ke bachana santa saha jaise 11 Chhudra nadi bhari chali tordi
Jasa thôra hu dhana khala itará 11 Bhumi parata bha dhabara páni
Janu jivali máyá lapafání || Samili samiti jala bharahin taláwa |
261
The translation given by me below will be found to be more full than the above, but it will be seen that, throughout, the text is built on this principle.
Jimi sadaguna sajjana pahin áwá || Sarita jala jala-nidhi mahun di
Hoi achala jimi jiva Hari pat Ꭰöha. .
-
Harita bhúmi trina sankula Jimi pakhanda báda ten
samujhi parahin nahin pantha | gupta hohin sadagrantha ||'14 ||

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Chaupdi. Dadura dhuni chahun disá suhái 1
Béda padhalin janu batu samudái ll Nava pallava bhae bitapa anéká
Súdhaka mana jasa milé 'bibéká 11 Arka jawása páta binu bhayaúl
Jasa purája khala udyama gayau 11 Khojata katahun milai nahin dhíril
Karai krôdha jimi dharamahi duri Il Sasi-sampanna sôha mahi kaisi 1
Upakari kai sampati jaisill Nisi tama ghana khadyotabirájá
Janu dambhinha kar mild samája !! Mahábrishti chali phúti kiári
Jimi sutantra bhaye bigarahin nari | Krishi niráwahin chatura kisánál
Jimi budha tajahin moha mada maná 11 Dekhiyata chakrabáka Mhaga náho
Kalihi pai jimi dharma parahil Usara barakhai trina nahia jamá
Jimi Hari-jana-hiya wpaja na kámd 11 Bibidha janta-sankula mahi bhrája
Prajd basha jimi pki surája 11 Jahan tahan rahé pathikathaki nind Jimi indriya-gara upajé jñána II
Doha. Kaba-hur prabala bahe máruta jahan tahan mégha bilahin Jimi kapúta ké wpaje
kula saddharma nasáhin 11 Kaba-hus dibasa mahun dibida tama kaba-kun ka praga!a patanga Binasai upajaï jidna jimi
pai ku-sanga 8u-sanga Il 15 11
Chaupai. Berakhá bigata sarada-ritu ai!
Lachhimana dê khahu parama suhdill Phúlé kása sakala mahi chhati
Janu barakha-krita pragata budhúin Udita Agasti pantha-jala sôkhá
Jimi løbhahi sókhai santôkhá 11 Sarita sara nirmala jala sóká 1
Santa hridaya jasa gata-mada-inôhá 11 Rasa rasa súkha sarita sare pani Il
Mamatá-tyaga karahin jimi jñáni 11 Jani sarada ritu Ichañjana bé
Pái samaya jimi suksita suhůé il Panka na rénu, sha ati dharani 11
Niti nipuna nipa kai jasi karani 11 Jala-sankocha bikala bhai míná 11
Abudha kutumbi jimi dhana-hina 11 Binu ghana nirmala sôha akásá
Hari jana iba parihari saba asá 11 Kahun lahun brishti sáradi thori
Kou eka páwa bhagati jimi môri |

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Dóhá. Chalé harakhi taji. nagara nripa, tápasa, banika, bhikhari 1 Jimi Hari-bhagati pái srama
tajahin ásramí chári 11 16 11
Chaupti. Sukhi mína je nira agudha |
Jimi Hari-sarana na ékau bádhd it Phale kamala, sôha sara kaisú
Nirguna Brahma saguna bhae jaisá 11 Guijata madhukara mukhara antipá
Sundara khaga raba ráné rúpá 11 Chakrabáka mana dukha nisi pékhí II
Jimi durjana para-sampati dé khi ll Chátaka ratata trikha ati Chín
Jimi sukha lahaž na Sankara-drohi || Sarada tapa wisi sasi apaharait
Santa-darasa jimi pátaka garai ! Dekhi indu chakêra samudáil
Chitawahin jimi Hari-jana Hari pai Il Masaka dansa bite hima-trásá Jimi dwija-dróha kié kula-násá 11
Dóhá. Bhumi jive sankuta rahe
gaé' sarada-ritu pái Sada - gurú milé jáhin jimi
sansaya bhrama samuddi 11 17 11 Ráma addresses Lakshmana, while they are waiting in the Kishkindhya forest for the rains to pass over, that they may start on their search for Sita.
Chaupai. The sky covered with arrogant rain-clouds fiercely roareth, while my heart is distraught, bereft of its darling. The sheet lightning flickereth amidst the heavy clouds, fitful as the short-lived love of the wicked. The heavy vapours pour forth rain, and hang close-bellied to the earth, like wise man stooping 'nenth his weight of wisdom. The mountains bear the never-eeasing assaults of the rain drops, standing proudly unconcerned ; and even so the boly man heedeth not the words of the wieked. Each shallow streamlet, flooded to the brim, hasteneth eagerly on its way, like & vain fellow puffed up with a little wealth. The clear water which falleth on the earth is become mad (and hideth it from the sky), as the cares of this world envelop the soul and hide it from its Creator). With here a drop and there a rill, the water filleth the lakes, like virtue entering a good man's heart; while the rushing rivers flow into the Ocean and find rest, even as the soul findeth rest in faith in God.
Déhá.-The grass groweth green and thick spon the ground, hiding the very paths so that they cannot be traced ont; and even so the disputations of the unbelievers ever hide the true path of the scriptures.
Chaupti. The frogs shont lastily around, like a school of postulants reading holy books. Fresh shoots appear on bushes, as wisdom springeth in the hearts of the pious; and only the arka and jawán trees lose their green leaves from the rainfall, as the schemes of the wieked fail under a righteous governor. Seek where thou wilt, thou wilt find no dust, -50 when a man yieldeth to passion his piety departeth. Fair sbineth the earth prosperous with its fields of corn, As fair as a charitable man blessed by prosperity ; bat in the dark nights the countless fireflies are radiant, like anto hypocrites that have met their meet companion (the night of ignorance). The field banks (left uneared for) are barst and wasbed away by the heavy rainstorms, as a woman is ruined by being left to her own devices; but the wise and clever husbandman weedeth his crops, as the wise man weedeth his heart of delusion, passion, and pride. The Brahmani gonge hath hidden itself, even as piety disappeareth in this age of sin;

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and as on the barren land, for all the rain, not a blade of grass is seen, so lust is born not in the heart of a servant of the Lord. The earth is brilliant with swarms of manifold living creatures; so, under a good governor, do his subjects multiply. Here and there a wearied traveller sitteth to rest himself, as a man's senses rest when wisdom is born in him,
Doha. At times a mighty wind ariseth and hither and thither scattereth the clouds, as, with the birth of a disobedient son, a boasehold's piety is destroyed. At one time, by day, here is a thick darkness, at another time the sun is visible; even so, true knowledge is destroyed or born, as a man consorteth with the vile or with the holy.
Chaupat.-The rains are past, the Autumn-time is come; O Lakshmana, see how fair the world appeareth, (The first sign that it cometh) is the white-bearded blossom of the tall thatchgrass, which hideth the earth as though declaring that the old age of the rains had come. Canopas shineth in the heavens, and the water which drowned the pathways is drying up, as desire drieth up when the True Content is achieved. The water glisteneth clear in the streams and lakes, like a holy man's heart from which passion and delusion have departed. Gently minisheth the depth of the streams and lakes, as the wise man gradually loseth his thoughts of self. The wagtail knoweth that the Autumn is arrived, and cometh forth from its hiding place, beautiful as a good work done in season. No mud is there, and yet no dust, fair shineth the world, yea, like unto the deeds of a lore-learned king: yet as the waters fall the fish are troubled, as a foolish spendthrift is perplexed when his possessions are wasted. The sky serene and pure, without a cloud, is like unto a servant of the Lord, who is free from all earthly desire; while now and then there fall a few drops of Autumn rain, - few, as the few, who place their faith in me 13
Doha - Joyfully issue forth from the cities, kings and eremítes, merchants and beggars, even as the four orders of mankind desert all care when they find faith in the Lord.
Chaupái. - Happy are the fish where the water is deep; and happy is he who findeth naught between him and the fathomless mercy of the Lord. The lotuses bloom, and the lakes take from them a charm, as the pure Spirit becometh lovely when it taketh material form.4 The noisy bees hum basily, and birds of many kinds sing taneful potes. The Brahmaņi goose alone is mournful when it seeth the night approach (which separateth it from its mate), as the evil man mourneth when he seeth the prosperity of another. The chátak waileth in its ever waxing thirst, even as an enemy of the deity never findeth peace. The moon by night consoleth for the heat of the autumn sun, as sin vanisheth at the sight of a holy man. The partridge-coveys gaze intent upon the moon, like pious men whose only thought is for the Lord. The gnat and the gadily disappear in fear of winter, as surely as a house is destroyed which persecuteth Brahmans.
Dohá.--The swarms of living creatures with which, in the rainy season, the earth was fulflled, are gone. When they found the Autumn approaching, they departed. So, when man findeth a holy spiritual guide, all doubts and errors vanish.
(3) Legends and Traditions, In conclusion, it will be interesting to record such legends regarding the poet, as have not been already given in this paper. Some of these have been published before, but others are, I believe, new to English scholars.
I commence by giving some valuable facts communicated to me by Mahamahopadhyâya Sudhakara Dvivêdi. Some say that the poet was & Kanyakubja, and others that he was & Sarayupariņa-Brahman. Brábmans of the former clan condemn the receipt of preserts, begging for alms, and the like; bnt Tulisi Das in Kabittávali, Ut., 73, says distinctly, jáyó kula mangana, I was born in a family which begged,' and hence be must be considered to have been a Sarayuparina. Tradition adds that he was a Dubé of the Paraśars gótra of that clan. The most trustworthy soeounts state that he was born in Samvat 1589 (A. D. 1532), so that he must
13 Rams was of course an incarnation of the Lord. 14 Here Tai'at Dla certainly speaks both of Nirgunar and not of a Sagunan, Brahman.

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have been 42 years of age when he commenced writing the Rúmdyana, and this conclusion is borne out by the nature of the work, which is that of a mature intellect, - of a man who had lived.
In former days, before the British rule, children born at the end of the asterism Jyêshthâ, and at the beginning of that of Mûla, were said to be born in Abhukta-múla. Such a child was considered to be of the worst possible nature, and destined to destroy his father. On this account he would usually be abandoned by his parents, or, at the best, if from natural affection they could not be so inhuman, they would not look upon its face for eight years. Thus, in the Muhártta-chintámani (composed about Tul'sî Das's time), it is written, játar sidurit tatra parityajéd vá mukhan pita 'sya 'shțasamá na pasyét.' In the puránas, Narantaka is mentioned as having been born to Ravana in Abluuleta-múla, and to have been abandoned in this way. He did not die, but grew ap and had many children and grandchildren. At Nârada's instigation, Råvaņa sent for them, and they were all killed in the conflict with Rama.
Tulip Das was one of these children born in Abhukta-mala, and, when bis parents abandoned him he must have been picked up by some wandering sádhru, for no respectable householder would have had aught to do with such a child. He tells us himself in Binay Pattritel, 227, 2, janani janaka tajó janami, karama binu bidhi-hún sirajyó abadéré,' My father and mother brought me into being and then abandoned me, and God himself created me without good fortune, and forsook me.' Compare, also, the whole passage above quoted from the Kabit. tábali, Ut., 73. He must, as a boy, have lived and wandered over India with this sádhá, and learnt from him and his companions the story of Râma, as he himself tells us.16
He was probably named Tulasi Dasa by the sadhu, according to a custom which these men have. When they desire to purify any person, they cause him to eat a tulasi lenf which has been dedicated to an image of Vishịu. This was probably done in the unfortunate lad's case, and hence his name.
He is popularly supposed to have been a profound pandit, but this is an evident error, as is shewn by his works. His Sansk sit is full of mistakes, e. g., in the introductory blokas to Rám. Ut., he writes kékikanthábhanilan for kéket, and chintakasya manabhringasanginau for mand. bhringa', or in the Rudráshtaka, 16 Rudráshtakanı idari proktasi vipréna hara-lôshayé, for "tósháya.
According to tradition, his father's name was Atma Ram Sukla Dabe, and his mother's Hulasi. His real name was, as he tells us in K. Rám. Ut., 94, Râm Bólâ. His spiritual preceptor was named Nara hari. His father-in-law's name was Dinabandhu Pathak, his wife's Ratnivali, and his son's Târak.17 Various places claim the honour of his birth, viz. Tari in the Doâb, Hastinâpur, Hajipur near Chitrakut, and Rajapur, in the district of Banda, on the banks of the Yamuna. Of these, Tari appears to have the best claim. In his youth, he studied at Sakarakshếtra, the modern Sôrôn (Rám. Ba., dô. 30). He married in bis father's lifetime, and after the latter's death, he lived contentedly as a householder, and begat a son. As explained elsewhere, Tul'si Dâs was a follower of the visish advaita Vedantic teaching of Ramanuja, as modified by Ramananda. It would be incorrect, however, to call him 'strict adherent of that sect. I have previously pointed out that, in Ayodhyâ he was a Smärta, not
1 Rám. BA., dd. 30, 1 (Main puni nija gura, &c.) and the following charpáls. This pasage also tells us that he learned the Ráms-story from this addhu, or guru, as he called him, in Sanskrit, and why he determined to tell it in the vernacular (bhakhd-baddha, &e.)
16 See remarks above on the Kabittabali. 11 The following dohós give the above particulars :Dübe Atamarama hai
pitanima joga jo na Mata Hulasi kahata saba
Tulasi kai nina kuna II (Praha)lada-udharana rama-kari
guru ki rungt sidhu Prugata nama nahi kahata jaga kahe hota aparddhu #1 Dinabandhu Pathaka kahata
sasura nima soba ki 1 Ratsudvali tiya noma hai
suta Taraka gata mi! The Guru's name cannot be plainly given without sin, but it is that form of Vishnu which saved Prahlada, i... Narahari. From the last lino, it appears that the poet's son died at an early age.
The poet also mentions his Guru's namo in a similarly disguised fashion in Rim. Bå., s. I, 5 'bandaui guru. pada-kanja k,ipd. sindhu NARA-ripa HARI' With regard to his mother's Dame, vide, post.

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a Vairagi Vaishụava, and also worshipped Mahadeva to some extent. In the Kámáyanle he himself states that he has followed many scriptures, and now and then he even alludes to the nirvitésha advaita Vedantic teaching of 'Sankaracharya, with its maya and its nirgunan Brahma. A great friend of his was Madhu-südana Sarasvati, who was a follower of the doctrine of Sankaracharya. As a whole, however, his teaching may be taken as that of the višishịadvaita védánta, with a liberality, leaning sometimes to approval of strange or more esoteric doctrines. I have obtained from Babâ Mohan Das Sadhu the following genealogical table showing the line of succession of the teachers of the poet. It starts from Sri-Mannarayaņa, who was twelfth in ascent of teachers before Râmánuja. I have no means of checking it, and give it for what it is worth, and with the warning that it is probably largely based upon unwritten tradition. Some of the names are interesting and well known. I give in a parallel column another list of names received from Paț'nâ, which differs in a few particulars, and the authority of which is unknown to me. Mohan Dåg's List.
Pat'nê List. Môhan DAs's List.
Paț'nå List.
Sri Mannarayana
Sri Lakshmi ... 3 Sri Dharamuni ...
Sri Sênápatimuni ... 5 Sri Kârisunumuni
Sri Sainyanåthamuni... Not given. 7 Sri Näthamuni 8 Sri Pandarika... 9 Sri Ramamiéra
Sri Pårinkusa... .. Sri Yamunacharya ... SRI RAMANUJASVAMIN. Sri Ramanujasva
min. Sri Satakôpácharya ...
...
*** Sri Kuresáchårya
Not given. Sri Lok&charya ... As in Môhan Dås. Sri Parasarâcharya ... Ditto. Sri Vakacharya ... Sri Maghatindra
charya Sri Lôkarya ... ... As in Môhan Das.
Sri Dêvadhipêcharya... 20 Sri Sailesáchêrya ... Ditto.
Sri Purushottamachår. As in Môhan Das.
ya. Sri Gangadharananda.. Ditto. Sri Râmēśvarananda... Sri Râmamiéra. Sri Dvârânanda ... As in Môhan Dås. Sri Dêvånanda
Ditto. Sri Syamananda
Ditto. Sri Srutananda
Ditto. Sri Nityananda
Ditto. Sri Parņånanda
Ditto. Sri Haryananda ... Ditto. Sri Srayyananda ... Not given. Sri Harivaryananda ... As in Môhan Das.
Sri Raghavånanda ... Ditto. 34 Sei RÂMÂNANDA" ... Ditto.
Sri Surasurananda 20 ... Ditto. Sri Madhavananda ... Ditto. Sri Garibananda ... Sri Garibadisaji. Sri Lakshmidásaji ... As in Môhan Das. Sri Gôpåladásaji
Ditto. Sri Naraharidâsaji ...
Ditto. 41 SRI TULASIDASAJI ... Ditto.
Ditto.
18 Ba, 14. 7. ndnd-purana- nigamagama-sammalati.
19 Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindos, gives a much shorter line of descent between Ramanuja and Ramananda. On p. 35, n. 1, he concludes that Ramanuja was born about the end of the 11th century, and that the first half of the 12th century was the period at which his fame as teacher was established. On p. 47, he says "Ramanand is sometimes said to have been the immediate disciple of Ramanuja, but this appears to be an error." He adds that a more particular account gives the following succession :
1 Ramanuja (No. 12 in above list) 2 Dévånanda (No. 25) 3 Harinanda (? No. 32) 4 Raghavananda (No. 38)
5 Ram&nanda (No. 34) which would place the last about the end of the 18th century. The Bhaktamaid omits No. 4 in the above list. Wilson, himself, doubts the accuracy of the list given by him, and believes that Raminanda was not earlier than the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th century, thus putting three centuries between the two masters.
» Wilson, l. 6. p. 59.

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His father-in-law, Dinabandhu, was devoted to the adoration of Rama, and his daughter, who had been married to Tul'si Das in her girl-hood, but who, according to custom, lived with her family till she was grown up, becamo also imbued with the same faith, and, when holy men visited her father used to tend them, and entreat them hospitably. When she grew up she went to live with her husband, who became passionately devoted to her. After a son had been born, one day, Tul'si Dâs came home, and discovered that his wife, without letting him know, had gone to her father's house. Full of anxiety he followed her there, and was received by her with the following dó hás :Lája na lágata apu ke
dhauré ayehu sátha ! Dhika dhika aisé préma ki kaha kahaun main natha 11 Isthi-charma-maya deha mama tá món jaisi priti 1
Taisi jaun Sri Ráma mahan hota na tau bhava-bhiti 11 Are you not filled with shame, that you have pursued me here? Fie on such love. What can I say to you, my Lord ? My body is but made of perishable bone and skin, and if such love as you have for it, had been bat devoted to the holy Râma, the terrors of existence would not have existed for you.'
Immediately on hearing these words, Tulsi Das became converted,' and set out again for his own home. His wife, who had by no means intended to produce so violent a reaction, followed, calling him back, and asking him to stay and eat, that she might return with him. But what could a fan do, in the face of a whirlwind P' Tul'si Dâs from that moment became an ascetic and, abandoning house and home, wandered about as a released' worshipper of Rama. He made Ayodhyâ, and subsequently Banaras, his head-quarters, from which he frequently visited such places as Mathura, Vrindavana, Kurukshetra, Prayaga (Allahabad) and Purushôttamapuri. After he had left his home, his wife wrote to him the following letter
Kati ki khini kanala si rahata sakhina sanga 8ôi
Mohi phat ki daru nahin a nata katen dara hôi 11 • Slender of loin am I, and, fair like gold, I dwell amid my girl-companions. I fear, not that my own (heart) may break, but that thou may perchance be captured by some other woman.' To this. Tul's Dûs replied
Kate éka Rughunátha sanga bandhi jaļa sira-késa
Hama tô chákhá préma-rasa patni ke upadésa 11
Captured alone by Raghunatha am I, with my locks bounded in matted curls. That is flavour of the love which I have tasted, taught by my own wife.'
On receiving this reply, his wife sent him her blessing, and praised him for the course he bad adopted.
Years afterwards, when Tul'sî was an old man, he was returning from Chitrakůta, and, rapt in devotion he came to his father-in-law's village, and called at his house for hospitality, without recognizing it, or knowing where he was. His wife, who was now also very old, came out, according to custom, to tend the venerable guest, and asked him what he desired to cat. He replied, 'I will make a mess of pottage,' and so she prepared him an eating place (chaula) and bronght him wood, rice, peast, vegetables, and clarified butter. Tulsi Das, as is the custom of Smarta Vaishnavas, began to cook his food with his own hands. After his wife had heard him speak once or twice she recognized him, and became full of joy that her husband had so mani. festly become a devotee of Rama. She, however, did not disclose herself, but only said, Reverend sir, may I bring you some pepper ?' He replied there is some in my wallet.' 'May
31 Katna =phans juni.

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I bring you some sour condiment?' There is some in my wallet.' May I bring you some camphor?' There is some in my wallet.' Then, without asking permission, she attempted to wash his feet; but he would not let her. After this she passed the whole night thinking to herself, How can I manage to stay with him, and to spend my time at once serving the Lord and my husband ?' At one time she would wish to do so, and at another time she would remember that her husband had left her and become an ascetic, and that her company would only embarrass him. Finally she made up her mind that, as he carried about with him, in his bag, delicacies like pepper, sour condiments, and camphor, she as his wife, would be no impediment to him. Accordingly, at early dawn she invited Tul'si to stay there, and worship. He refused, in spite of all her entreaties. He would not even stay to eat. Then she said * Reverend sir, do you not know me ?' He replied 'No.' Reverend sir, do you not know whose house this is ?' 'No.' 'Do you not know what town this is ?' 'No.' Then she told him who she was, and asked that she might be allowed to stay with him; to which he would in no way agree. She continued, 22
Kkaryú23 khari kapara lên uchita na piya tiya tyága!
Kai lekariya mohi méli kai achala karau anuraga Il If there be in your wallet everything from chalk to camphor, you should not, my love, have abandoned your wife. Either take me also in your wallet, or else (abandon it) and devote yourself entirely to love for the Omnipotent (giving up all care for earthly things).'24 Thereupon Tůl'si Das departed, and gave away all the things in his wallet to Brahmans, and his wife's knowledge of things divine (jñána) became faller than before.
On cne of his journeys, Tol'st Dås, after visiting Bhrigurasram,25 Hâusanagar and Parasiya, being attracted by the devotion of Gambhîra Dêva, Raja of Gay Ghit, stayed there a short time, and thence went to Brahmapur26 to visit the shrine of Brahmêsvaranatha Mahadeva. From Brahmapur he went to the village of Kant. 27 There not only did he find no place, where he could get any food, but was distressed to see the people devoted to the manners and customs of female demons (Rakshasi). He went on his way, and met a cowherd (ahir, abhira) of Kant, named Mangar or Mangara, the son of Sanwarů Ahir.28 He had a cattle yard in the open plain, where he used to offer hospitality to holy men. With great humility, he invited Tul'si Das thither and gave him some milk, which the poet boiled down into khôá, and ate. He then asked Mangar to ask a boon, and the latter begged first that he might be endowed with perfect faith in the Lord, and secondly that his family, which was short lived, might be a long lived one. Tul'sî Das replied, 'If you and your family commit no thefts, 29 and avoid causing affliction to any person, your desire will be fulfilled. It is now claimed that the blessing has been fulfilled. The story is still well known both in Baliya and Shâhibid districts. In 1889 A.D. the representative of his family was an old man named Bihârî Ahîr. Mangar's descendants have always been well known, ever since, for the ready hospitality they offer to holy men, and are said never to commit theft, though other Ahîrs of the same village have by no means so good a reputation.
9 This verse is DShabali 255, with slight differences of reading.
38 Khariyd is the technical name for a Vaishnava mendicant's wallet. It is made of kharud cloth, and carried on the shoulder.
24 The meaning is that he keeps himself too well supplied with delicacies, to be a pure mendicant. He should be either a pure mendicant, or not at all.
26 Bhrigurdérama (sic) is the chief town of the District of Baliy, opposite ShAhRibad, and east of Banfras, in the N. W. P. Parasiya is in the same district. It is said to be the site of Parbara's hermitage. So also Hansanagar and Gay Ghat are in Baliya. The latter is no longer the seat of a RAJA. The family of the Raja of Gay Ghat is now settled at Halat in the same district. They are Kshattriyas of the Hayaho clan.
36 Brahmapur is in the District of ShlhAbad (Arrah). A mela is held there at the fertival of the Sivaratri. 37 Aleo in ShAhabad, about two miles east of Brahmapur. It is in fact commonly known as Kant. Brahmapur, * Two mon of the same names are prominent figures in the well known folk song of Lôrik. 79 Ahtrs are notorious thieves.

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From Kánt, Talsi Dâs went on to Bêlâ Pataut where he met a Paņdit, a Sakadvipi Brâhman, named Gobind Miśra, and a Kshattriya, named Raghunath Singh. These received him with great hospitality. He complained that the name of the town, BelA Pataut, was not a good one, and suggested its being changed to Raghunath'pur, by which both Raghunath Singh's name would be preserved, and also handreds of thousands of men would be continually uttering a name of Râma, (i. e., Raghunatha) when speaking of it. This proposal was agreed to and the place is now known as Raghunath'pur ; it is a station on the East Indian Railway, and is about two miles south of Brahmapur.30 The chaurá, or place where Tul'si Das used to sit, is still shown there. Another village in the neighbourhood is called Kaithf, where the principal man, Jôrâwar Singh, is said to have received the poet, and to have been initiated by him.
Tul'st Das at first resided in Ayodhyâ, as a Smärta Vaishnava, and here the Lord Rama is said to have appeared to him in a dream, and to have commanded him to write a Ramayana in the vernacular language used by the common people. He commenced it in the year 1574 A.D. and had got as far as the end of the Aranya-kand, when his differences with the Vairagi Vaishnavas, with whose regulations about food he could not comply, induced him to go to Banaras, where he completed the poem.
He settled in Banâras at Asi-ghat, near the Lolarka-kuņd, and here he died in the year 1623 A.D. A ghat on the Ganges near this place is still called the Tul'si-ghất. Close by is a temple in honour of Hanuman, said to have been built by the poet, as mentioned, when describing the legend as to manner in which the Rámájñd came to be written.
It is said that, after he had finished his great poem, he was one day bathing at Maşikarşikâ-ghat, when a pandit, who was proud of his knowledge of Sansksit came up to him and said, 'Reverend sir, Your Honour is a learned Sanskpit Pandit. Why, therefore, did Your Honour compose an epic poem in the valgar tongue.' Tul'si Dâs replied ; My language in the vulgar tongue is imperfect, I admit, but it is better than the eroticg31 of you Sanskrit-knowing gentlemen. How is that ?' said the Pandit. Because,' said Tol's,
Mani bhájana bikha párai pürana ami nihári 1
Ká chhündiya ka sangrahiya kahahu bibêka bichári 11 32 If thon find a jewelled vessel full of poison, and an earthen cup (púrana=puravá) full of ambrosia, which wilt thou refuse, and which wilt thou accept? Tell me this after thou hast considered the matter.'
Ghana Syama 'Sukla33 was a great Sanskrit poet, but used to prefer to write poems in the vernacular. Some of the latter were on religious topics, and a pandit reproached him for this, telling him to write for the future in the pure Sanskrit language, and God would be pleased thereby. Ghana Syama replied that he would ask Tulsi Das, and do what he advised. He then laid the whole matter before the poet, who replied,
Ka bhakha ká sajiskrita préma chahiye sāncha
Káma jo awai kámari ka lai karai kumánchá 11 34 Whether it be in the valgar tongue, or whether it be in Sanskrit, all that is necessary is true Love for the Lord. When a rough woollen blanket is wanted to protect one in the storm), who takes out a silken vest?'
It was the custom of Tulsi Das to cross the river Asi every morning for purificatory purposes. On his way back, he used to throw the water, which remained unused in his lati,
80 It was originally two villages, Béla and Pataut, which have grown into one. 31 Núyiki-tarnana. More literally, description of heroines. 32 This is Dohabali 351, with slight variations of reading. 38 Modern l'ernacular Literature of Hindustan, $ 92.
24 Dohabalt 572, and Sat'sat VII. 125. The Kaliyuga is the time of sturm und drang, when the rough protection of the vernacular is wanted, and not the silken graces of Sanakit to teach people the right way. Rumiuch explained as equivalent to qamish (Arabic) close texture,' hence as above.

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upon a mango tree which grew there. A ghost (prétá) lived in that tree, and one day he appeared to the poet, thanked him for the daily draught of water, and told him to ask a boon. Tal'sî asked to be shown the Lord Rama with his attendants. The ghost replied, I have no power to show you Râma, but I can show you how to get to see him. In a certain temple the story of the Ramayana is being recited. There you will find a very poor miserable looking man, who comes before every one else to hear the reading, and goes away last of all. That is Hanuman. Go to him privately, fall at his feet, and make known your petition to him. If he be willing, he will show you Râma.'35 Tul'sî Dâs went home, bathed and worshipped, and then went and sat where the reading was to go on. Sure enough, as the ghost had said, a wretched looking man came first of all and stayed till the very end. When he went away, Tul'si followed him, and when they got to a lonely place, fell at his feet, calling him Hanumân and making known his petition. Hanuman said: Go thou to Chitrakuta and there wilt thou be vouchsafed a sight of Rama Chandra.' With these words he disappeared.
270
Tul'sî Dâs started for Chitrakuta with his heart full of love and joy; stayed there a few days to visit the various holy places, and then, one day, took a walk outside the city, where all of a sudden he came upon a Rám Lilá, or dramatic representation of the history of Rama. The scene which was being acted was the Conquest of Lanka, including the giving of the kingdom to Vibhishana, and the return to Ayodhyâ. There were Râma, Lakshmana, Sitâ, Hanumân, and all their friends. When Tal'si Dâs had finished looking on he turned to go home, and met a Brahman, who was no other than Hanuman in disguise. Sir,' said Tul'si Dâs, this is a very excellent Rám Lila. The Brahman said, 'Are you mad, talking of Rám Lilás at this time of year? Here they only take place in Aévin and Kârtik (October and November). This is not the season for the Rám Lilá.' Tul'si Dâs, feeling annoyed at the brusque answer which he received, replied, 'No, Sir, I have just seen one with my own eyes, come along, and I will show it to you.' He took the Brahman back to the scene of the Lila, but, when they got there, there was nothing visible. Tul'si asked all the people about, 'Where is the Ram Lila I saw just now going on here? Where have the actors gone to? Did not you see it ?' Everyone said, 'Who would see a Lilá at this season?' Then Tal'si remembered what Hanuman had said to him at Banaras, and recognized that what he had thought was a Lila was really a vision of the actual heroes of the drama. Full of shame at not having recognized his Lord and done honour to him, be went home weeping, and refused to eat. At night, when he had gone to rest, Hanuman came to him in a dream, and said to him Tul'si, regret not. In this Kali Yuga, even gods get no opportunity of seeing Râma. Blessed art thou among men, that he hath shown himself to thee. Now abandon sorrow, and adore him more.' Comforted by these words, the holy man returned to Banâras, and spent his days adoring his Master. It was on his way home on this occasion, that he met his wife as already recorded.
As Tul'si Das was going home one dark night in Banaras, he was set upon by robbers, who rushed at him crying 'már, már.' He did not attempt to protect himself, but stood his ground fearlessly, saying:
Básara dhasani ké dhaka Dalata dayánidhi dekhiyé
rajani chahun disi chôrá kapi kisari kisóra ||
36
35 The ghost was a wicked man who had died under the tree just outside Bandras. He had thus not gone to Heaven, but had been saved, by propinquity to the holy place, from going to hell. He was accordingly settled in the mango tree. The story goes that after his interview with Tul'st Dâs, he was allowed entrance into the city, and thereby obtained salvation.
36 Compare Dohabali 239, in which the second half line runs,
'Sankara nija pura rakhiye
chitai sulichana kóra,'
O Siva, protect thine own city (Bandras), with a glance (literally margin) of thy propitious eye.' Biva had three eyes; two were propitious, and the third turned to ashes him on whom its glance fell (e. g., Kamadeva. Cf. Rám. Ba., ch. 87, 6, taba siwa tisara nayana ughard). I am indebted to Pandit Sudhakar Dvived! for this explanation of this difficult verse of which I have seen several attempted translations. The sixty-year cycle of Jupiter is divided into three periods of 20 years each, sacred to Brahms, to Vishnu and to Siva, respectively. The last score or 'Rudravisi,' commenced in Tal'sî Dâs's time about V. 8. 1655 (1508 A. D.), just when the Musalmins commenced to oppress

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By day, I am rudely thrust aside by scoffers; by night, robbers surround me. O Hanuman, thou monkey-prince, thou son of Kêsarin, gaze in compassion as they oppress me.'
Whereupon Hanuman appeared and so terrified the robbers that they fell to the ground in fear, and Tulsi went on his way unmolested.
Another thief-legend is better known. A thief came by night to break into his house, but as he was about to enter, he was alarmed to see a mysterious watchman, armed with bow and arrow standing in his way. The thief retreated, to come again two or three times the same night, but always with the same result. The same thing happened for two nights more. On the morning of the third day, the thief approached Tul'si Das aud asked who the handsome dark-complexioned man was that was living in his house. Tol'si asked him when he had seen him, and the thief confessed the whole affair. Then the poet recognized that the mysterious stranger could be no other than his master, Râma, and grieved that his possessing property should have given his Lord such trouble to guard it, distributed all he had to Brâhmans, offering some to the thief also. The latter, overwhelmed with remorse, gave up his house and home, and became a follower of Tulsi Dås.
A mendicant of the Alakh 37 Sect came to Banâras, and every one gave him alms except Tul'st Dås. Annoyed at this he came to the poet's residence with his usual cry Alakh kahó, Alakh ko lakho,' 'Tell of the Unseen. See the Unseen.' Tal'si made no reply. Then the mendicant began to abuse him, but Tul'st replied ; .Why do you abuse me, and call upon the Unseen ? Call upon Râma,”
Hama lakhu hama-hi hamára lakhu hama hamara ke bicha Tulasi alathahi lá lakhahu
Rima-nama japu nicha 11 Thou who art in the midst of "I" and of " mine," see (that which thou callest) "I" and (that which is really "I." See (that which is really) "mine." Why dost thou endeavour to see the Unseen P Vile one, utter prayer in the name of Rama.'
Here "I" and "mine" mean the illusion, máyá, of the Vedantins, in which the ignorant man, is enveloped. This is well brought out in the oft-quoted line,
main aru môra tora tain máyá,
"I and my, thy and thou, are illusion." Tulisi Dâs tells the Alakhiya to distinguish what he calls self from his real self, the Antaryami Brahma. When a man is in the midst of illusion, all he can see is the illusion. The Alakhiya is to break the veil, and to understand what his real self is. Without breaking that veil it is impossible to see Brahman. The only way to break it is to worship Râma.
At the village of Mairawk in the district of Saran is a Brahma-sthana, where one called Hạri Râma committed suicide, compelled thereto by the tyranny of Kanak Shâhi Bisen. Throughout the districts of Gorakh'pur and Saran, there is widely believed tradition that Tulsi Das was present when he was invested with the Brahmanical thread. The sthan is called Hari Râm Brahm, and a large fair is held here on the ninth of the bright half of Chaitra (the Rama-Davami). The place is a station on the Bengal and North-Western Railway.
The celebrated Abdu'r-Rahim Khânkhân 438 used frequently to correspond with Tul'ol Dâs. On one occasion Tulisi Das sent him half a dohá as follows:
"Sura-tiya, nara-tiya, naga-tiya, saha bedana saba kil
Benares. The verse (the original is certainly the Dohabalt version) refers to this. The dhanenê wala, the calumniators, were the Musalmans. Dhakd in equivalent to dhakka, a shove. Of. K. Ram., Ut. 76, Andharó adhama, &c. Cf. also Dohaball, 240, and K. Ram., Ut. 170-176, in which the Rudra viol is specially mentioned.
"The Alakh-jagandwdlds are Baivas. The name is derived from alakshya, invisible. They are a sub-division of the Port division of the Dannámi seot. They are also called Alakhiya. Some of the Gorakhpanthis also call themselves Alakhiyas, but the true Alakhiyâs do not elit their ears as the Gorakhpanthis do.
** See Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindtietan, $ 108.

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To which the Nawab replied, Garbha liye Hulasi phire
Talasi sẽ sata hôi N.” Women of the gods, women of the mortals, women of the Nagas, all suffer pain (in child-birth).'
Yet Hulas139 (the poet's mother) let herself become with child, that she might have a son like Tol'sî'
Pandit Sudhakar Dvivodi gives a variant of the legend, with a slightly different reading of the verse. A poor Brahman is said to have worried the poet for money to meet the expenses of his daughter's marriage. Finally Tulsi gave him the following half line :"Sura-tiya nara-tiya naga-tiya
sabu chahata asa hói l' * These three kinds of women all desire a son like thee,' and told him to present it to the Emperor's Governor. The latter on receiving it rewarded the Brâhman, and wrote the answer "Goda lié hulasi phirain
Tulagi 8ề suta hối to But all women desire that they may joyfully (hulasi) carry in their arms, a son like Tulasi.' This verse, the Pandit explains, is probably the foundation of the tradition that the name of the poet's mother was Hulasi.
The famous Tôdar Mall40 was another of Tulsi Dâs's friends and was an ardent devotee of Rama. When he died (1589 A.D.) the poet wrote the following verses in memoriam :Mahato charó gánwa ko
mana kó badai mahipa Tulasi ya kali-kála mén athayé podara dipa il Tulasi Ráma sanéha ko
sira dhara whári bhúra Todara dharé na kandha hújaga kura rahou utára 11 Tulasi ura thála bimala
Podara guna-gana bága! Samujhi sulóchana sinchihen umagi umagi anuraga ! Ráma-dhama Todara gaye
Tulani bhayen wis chil Jiyabô máta punita binu yahi badé sankich !! A master of but four villages, but a mighty monarch of himself. Tulsi, in this age of evil the light of Todar hath set. Tul'si placed on his head the heavy burrien of love for the Lord, but Todar could not bear the burden of the world upon his shoulders, and luid it down. Tul'si's heart was a pure watering-basin in the garden of Todar's virtues When I think of this mine eyes o'erflow and water them with affection. Todar hath gone to the dwelliy place of the Lord, and therefore Tul'si refraineth his grief, but hard it is for him to live w. hout bis pure friend.'
The famous Mahârâj Man Singh (d. 1618) of Amber (Jaipur), and his brother Jagat Singh and other great princes were in the habit of coming to pay reverence to the poet. A man once asked why such great people came to see him now-a-days. In former days no one came to see him. Tul'si Das replied: Lahai na phúti kaudi-hu
kỏ chahai kahi kája Sú Tulasi mahangô kiyo Ráma gariba-niwája il It is an idea expressed frequently in Tul's DÅs's poetry, that the mother of a son devoted to Rama is blessed above all others.
4. Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan, $ 105. The deed of arbitration Already alluded to was devoted to settling & quarrel between his descendants. We have already seen that Tul'al Das is said to have compiled the Dihaball, after the year 1508 A. D. at his request. Tul'al Dls objected on principle to praising any great man, 800 Ram. Bd., Ch., 11, 7 (kinhé průkrita jana, &c.)
41 This may be either taken literally, or if charón ganna be need in itu idiomatio meaning of 'landed property, the sentence may mean respected in his own property.'
42 The meaning of this dona is doubtful to me. 45 Vernarslar Lit. $ 109. Dohaball, 108, 109.

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Ghara ghara mángé úka puni b húpati puj& páil
Té Tulasi taba Ráma binu te aba Ráma sahái 11 *(Once did I beg) and collected not even a cracked cowry in alms. Who wanted me then for any need? But Râma, the cherisher of the poor, made me of great price. I used to beg from door to door for alms, now kings worship my feet. Saith Tulsi : then it was without Rama. Now Râma is my helper.'
One day a Brahman.woman, whose husband had just died, and who was on her way to become suttee, passed Tul'si Das and made obeisance to him. The holy man, in absence of mind, blessed her, saying 'saubhagyarati hô,' blessed be your wedded life. Her relations who accompanied her said : Reverend sir, this woman only to-day became a widow, and is on her way to become a suttee with her husband. You have just now given her a blessing, which must turn out unfulfilled, -but, still, all men know your might.' Tal'sî replied, Achchhá, do not burn her husband till I come. He then went to the Ganges and bathed, put a new garment on to the corpse, and began to repeat the name of Rama. He remained praying and praising the Lord in this way for nearly three hours, when the corpse rose, as one awakened from sleep, and sitting up in the presence of thousands of men, said Why have you brought me here? His relations explained to him that he had died, and that Tal'si had brought him to life, at hearing which he fell at the poet's feet. Thereupon all the people praised the name of Rama, and took him who was dead, and was now alive, to bis home.
News of this reached the emperor at Dehli,46 who sent for Tul'st Das. When the poet arrived in court, the emperor received him with much honour, gave him a high seat, and then asked him to perform a miracle. Tul'sî smiled and answered, Your Majesty, I have no power to perform miracles. I know not magic. One thing, and only one, I know, - the name of the Lord, Rama Chandra.' The emperor, on this, flew into a rage, and ordered the poet to be imprisoned till he should perform some miracle. He sat in prison, repeating the name of Râma and praising Hanunân.
Seeing the trouble in which this faithful devotee of Râma was involved, Hanuman sent myriads of monkeys, who entered the city and began to destroy the palace and all its contents. They even went so far as to make faces at and threaten the emperor and his wives. When nothing could stop their devastation, the emperor's eyes became opened, and going with his chief queen he fell at Tul'si Das's feet and implored his forgiveness. The poet then prayed again to Hanuman and the army of monkeys withdrew, after the emperor had promised to leave Dehli (a city of holy memories to Hindus), and found a new city. This new city is that now known as Shahjahânâbâd. From Debli, Tal'si Das went to Vrindavana, where he met Nâbhâ Das, the worshipper of Krishna and the author of the Bhakt Mald. One day, the two poets went, with other Vaishnavas, to worship at the temple of Gopala (Krishna). Some of the Vaishnavas said to him sarcastically, 'He has deserted his own God (Rama), and come to worship in the temple of another (Krishna). To this Tulsi replied :
Ka baranaun chhabi aja ki bhalé birájau nátha
Tulasi 'mastaka taba nawai dhanukha bána lie hatha 11 How am I to describe the representation (of Kộishna) which I see to-day. Noble indeed doth he seem, but not till he appear with bow and arrow in his hands (i. e., in the character of Rama), will Tal'si bow his head to him.'
While he was yet speaking, behold the image of Kțishna changed its appearance. His flute became an arrow, and his reed a bow. Seeing this miracle, all were astonished, and praised Tol'si.
+5 Some legends say this was Shah Jahan, who reigned from 1628 to 1658 A. D. But the poet died in 1624 A.D. # Vornacular Lit. $ 51.

Page #294

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The following are said to have been Tal'si Dâs's dying words :
bhayau chahata aba mauna
Rúma-nama-jasa barani kai Tulasi ké mukha dijiyé
aba-hi tulasi sauna ||
274
[OCTOBER, 1893.
'I have sung the glory of the name of Rama, and now would I be silent. Now place ye the gold, and the leaf of tul'si, into Tul'si's mouth."47
I may add that K. Rám. Ut., 180 (kunkuma ranga su-anga jitô, &c.), is said to have been composed by the poet, when his eye fell upon a kshémakari falcon, a bird of good omen, as he sat on the banks of the Ganges awaiting death.
In conclusion, I must again thank the various scholars who have helped me to compile these notes, more especially Mahâmahopadhyaya Pandit Sudhakar Dvivêdî, and Bâbù Râm Din Singh. Without their kind assistance, I should never have been able to place on record the information here made public.
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS. (Concluded from page 243.)
Postscript.
[BY MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE.]
In May 1892 the Local Government in Burma authorized me to arrange for the restoration of the three Pâli stones of these inscriptions, if possible.
Through the kindness of Messrs. E. W. Oates, Algie and Griffin, of the Public Works Department, preliminary works were undertaken, with a view to finding out what remained of the stones and how far they could be put back into their original condition.
Mr. Griffin took a great deal of trouble over the matter, and the immediate result of his labours was the following report:
"The stones, of which there are ten, i. e., including both the Pâli and the Talaing inscriptions, are all more or less broken. Their original form was approximately that shewn in the sketch (see the six Plates entitled "Restored Portions of the Pâli Stones of the Kalyani Inscriptions"). They stood 6 ft. high above the ground surface and had their tops curved, as shewn in the Plate, "Stones 1 to 10 of the Kalyânî Inscriptions." Only one retains any part of the top curvature, the rest being broken off much nearer the ground. Their thickness averages about 13 inches, but they differ in this respect from each other, and each stone varies in itself. The broken pieces shewn in the Plate, "Broken Portions of the Kalyani Stones," are numbered as belonging to the various stones; but this selection depends partly on the position in which they are lying, and partly on their thickness. Consequently, since the thickness is variable, the selection is only approximate and cannot be absolutely determined mechanically till the pieces are fitted together. The material from which the stones were cut is a moderately hard sandstone.
"The stones are inscribed on both sides, and, consequently, many of the broken pieces have been lying with one surface in contact with the soil. In some cases this has decayed the stone, and a few portions of the inscriptions have been thereby entirely destroyed. Other portions have also been destroyed by the stone having flaked off, not by the action of the weather, but when the stones were broken. These flakes it will, of course, be impossible to recover. It will, therefore, be impossible to entirely restore the inscriptions.
"The sketches in the Plates above mentioned shew those portions of the stones, which are still left standing above ground, and also those pieces lying on the ground, which are above one
* Amongst members of the Vaishnava sect, it is customary to place Ganges water, gold, and a leaf of the tul'st plaat into a dying person's month.

Page #295

Plate I.
Restored portions of the Pâli stones of the Kalyanî Inscriptions of Dhammachêtî, 1476 A.D. Obverse face of the first stone.
(76 lines).
4
G
41
10
12
14
16
18
20
2
ླ ྃ 8 གཽ རྟ་ ཆ ོ #་ ྴ ོ་རྩྭ ྤ ོ ཤ ོ་རྩྭ ྴ་ ྴ་ཇ་རྩ ༞ £ ྤ༴ ཆ ོ་ཥཾ་ བྷ རྞ་ ཊྚ
26
30
40
46
52
56
53
EO
64
66
68
72
74
75
ாெ
impe
TAW SEIN KO
Indicatiya ivory.
Maknany Souge
ப
kurti perfimu
moroccan Rag
பர்மாவி
Jimbledon புக பைகள்வ
MING கயாவில்
aampaam
magy மன் exmatwapkபக்திக்
சி
மகன்
reflay
ே
l&occambrரிப்பு rak கூரம்மன் கன்ரிர்மாணி undha tamiபி
Searcyon
பி
Oues
toug
ரோல் noame
Augennigineel
SCALE 09.
விசிறியில புரியத்தால் பாவம்
nagkont26) AD
ப்புள் மது
DOMETUSI DÖV
Yumipitou
Q
பதிை Nutrigen A
தில்லானுடமும இந்தபுmmசி6.Samமீபியா
a?ukm
QUAM VANLASTIC
வதியவ ng
pr
maler un
சி
wine farmac
pmki
பிரி:
Suomes
பிரிய
MOTORTONAS
இபரிப்1ை31 குபற்றியஜ்ய பனி வாங்ககுரிய பிறுகர்துLைETS, Anuாவிப்ர்ய்விடியட்டில்
பக
m flouகமியாலிhareeya சடாரில் ஏறி பலபிரமி
ரங் Ardumகாய்ரிது
மார்கன்
mo
Plant
விந்துவினறு
rfa A
மிய
THE CARTELLS command
தங்க kyldunaro
நடுவ
ராம்
m
༅ ༠་སྲ་ཇ ེ་ ལྟ་ལྟ ིི ཾ ོ* ིི ིིལྐ རྐ ྃ ྃ ཙྭ བྷཱུ; ; ོ་ྒུརྩྭ ྴ སྒ ོ ྃ་རྩ ིི ིི❖
26
60
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
GO
64

Page #296

Plate II.
Reverse face of the first stone.
170 lirics
"மதன்
கத்தார் பாகம்
*
'
'
தகா
"
நாள்
படிக மாறுபாடுகள் பன்ய தான்
பார்பது நாகபடி
ஈகோ ஜாககபேயானை
யோகம்
த க தயாரப பா. Tuti-பாகம் பக்கமே
கேட்க *
பாகாத உகார்கார்பாக
தாகாட்ட
-
புத்பாபு பபபப
.
காட்டி
தை
பேதை காகாராரையாக
ரவிபாயாகப் பயன்பாடு பாமக பாகயே போயாம்பு பாயாதுப்பாம்ப
ரம்
பேன் எப்போரில்
க பட்டரி பொடியாகப்
ங்கையமபடியிங்கம் -
படிக்க வரப்பயன்பா ரம்பாரகான் படிக்கப் போனதாக கப்பல் -
வைபராகமராக்கா பாப்பா "பயப்படாமைகாகப் பாராயமாய் - கார்
கொடிய ரோபாயப பாத்ரயாகா 'பமா படமாயமா பாபா பார் கராரா யயாக பதிய மைத்ய யந்தரம்
பாடாத LAT' கா பாட்டியாகபார்காயோகாக்க
மகாபாரதி ப -
பார்க்கலாம், பாபப்பப்பட்டான்
பப்ப HTAயாகப் பப் பார்த்தா
ர்
, பாயை ITEEN பன் சganisamy பணய்பாபாபாபாழைப்பம் பப்பராமாயரிடயர்பாக கார் *
பப்பாயாக பட்டான் படிப்பதுமாகப்மாபா பாமரர் அ
+ வாயவொயாப்பாற்
+H
பால் கேட்க சந்தர்ப்பயாபாரமாக
பா பாப
uthen Minist R
கமா NARENா 'பக்காங்க பார்பான்கார்ந்தாயாக
பாரிய காப்பாயாக * பாதாம் பாப்பானான் நாங்கள்
நான் போகாபாரம் ANாம் பைக் பாட்டிக்காக கக்கார் - மாக
காப்பகம்
*12.

Page #297

Plate III.
Obverse face of the second stone.
TF / lint:
*
*
த
கர்
பாம்பன்
-
உன்பை காதோரா
பினன் மா இதயபுரம் misiri
- போட்டார்
காயம் * 'பாகமம்
*காக
-
*
' தாதமாக
- சட்
*
-
பா
-
--
-
தாயாக தயார்
-
:
-
சட்டியார் TA:
தாயாக -
பம்ம *
Trழம் பாபா பட்
போர் + His காம்பன் பாடwineTMEN பா + ' சர்'.
TN
ப
பேய்'vai பப்படமாக மகாபாரமா பாபாகாதே
MORTANT பழம்பாயARTNERARIRAI there
சச

Page #298

Plate IV.
Reverse face of the second stone.
67 lines)
-
கர
--
---
-
.
4
ப
IADாபக்
பயம்
பார்ம் போRே மாமரப்ப ர் தந்த பாட்'
போகர்
ஆகாச
காம்
சாய்பாபா கோ ---டியா' பாப்பாப்பா படமாகன் கபாப்
A ராகபாமாக பாரம்பாரா பர்கா "டி" iries சிவ
ராபர் மாடர்பாக பாபா பார் A பாபாபாபாபாபா நாராயம் வராNA Sar
. சமோ கதாபாயாக
. "பா மகாராண காயா சித்தப்பா பாடியது
பல்லாம் கார்ப்பு தான் அப்துல்
'
படி பாசம் பாதையை கடன்படி தப்பிக்க
க
Wாடியாக "ம
காதியர் பக்கம் , க -
காங்க கப்பல் பாதுகாக்க
! T
HIER
டிங்
மகராக பாபா M மங்யா பொடி (TA - படி
"
- 1, - பாகம்
" AUR UNI
மாமரம் - * HR
AURE:
பாம்.
பார் வடிபொடி யோவாதயா NIRANAM பாப்பா பாடbari கபார்

Page #299

Plate V.
Obverse face of the third stone.
(78 lines)
-
-
-
காக்க 1 - 4
படம் சர்கார்பதியர் தசாங்கம் - சபா +
- நாட்-திரம், ப - பாப்புபடியமர்
பப்பாபகமாம் பார்ப்பன பபா yar
, பிடிப்பான
1
காமம் *
பாடப்பட்ட டா
-
பாககனகாகாவாரியான மக்கர்
கார்காலமாக
பரும் பான்டேகாலமாக
--
-கர்
ப
வா வாயாடிபோகாது
றப்படர் பக்தHI பா. பாகட்பாEmilar மங் காப்பாயAILR HRIயாயாயாயது
12
சாக
-
EUCH
கார் - கா பெர்பாம்
-
காமாடா. VAANI பயமாய்
பாப
yrne tamiபாதார Fax போட்டி பார் : Arayiபாம் Im காயக
பாக்காட்டாக
ார் நாகப்பாக
காட்டு
யம் உங்க
போதானந்தா
*
IN பரடம்
பாய பாடமாகாரி பார் mathaசங்கரமாக fறு பாபாபோ
சிரதர்யா
urushrg
காம ரர் niRaயாங்காமயா HINIMMARAN *PEN PARTNANTINA THAYUMMAN
TENT, AA.டாயபபார்ததாக பப்பயாரடா Fபப்டிகடைப்பயம் NHANPANIREN VIRATT 'ாப்பாட்ட ம் ANU
MIA A f ப்ப Tm பழா ITH
TENT எக்கா
" - - -

Page #300

Plate VI.
Reverse face of the third stone.
(68!mies).
வர்
-
-
- - க
- ---
சா
+
பாடப்பட
-
சுபம் --
-
-
அவ 1 ourt ' FrafU
சாய்பா பேப்பர்
பொல்
p
5
பாராயமாக
காமபார். ம் பாபா ராம் ராகவபப்பாடமாயா பாரியாப்பமரப்ப போயர் பாதாரபாலாமாக நeremthi
போலாமா பாடிமலைப்படி
பார்ப்பபைாம்பு பாபாலையா.
HT
படம் யோனாக Hri +
finitkaruகர், யறியபோது I படமார் கப்பமாய் விராட்ப ராக
மாலையர் பதைப் "NITIES
தாரா + ப பு
; க
டர் - பாகமாவசை 1 பாப்பா பாப்பழE-2 ச
' காதம் If
பாரா பாபு ' -, Enhan'பாப ர்
பாபாபாபாபாராதமான பக்கப்பரிய கார்படிப் பாடி பாதியோ பாமா இதப்படியாக
யப்பன் 1 பாபாபாபாபாபாபாவைதோயப்பா பப்பாயரப் பார்க்க
வரயா சப்பாண்டி கொடு சட்டப்படி காபwinouம் பான்பப் பொறுப்பாகாப்பு. ThimirianisH AT: பாராமராயபல்சான் | சபா
AAP காகா பயாழ்வார் +
ரியா தம்பதியர் பாபர்
பாபார் கட்டப்படி வாங்க வாழ பாப்பா
மாயா பாதாா
- 4
டிப்பு
ச

Page #301

No. I.
No. 2.
1#
thick.
-
6.10
-2.11
13" thick
Ground level WL
No. 3.
No. 4.
No. 5.
No. 6.
1
W
12 thiok.
143 thick.
12 thick.
13) thick
Ground ler
No. 10
No. 7.
No. 8.
No. 9.
TML
18+ thick
12"
thick.
13) thick.
12" thick.
3.10
42
9
-4C
.
3
i
Ground lepel v
E
Stones i to 10 of the Kalyani Inscriptions.

Page #302


Page #303

No. 3? +--..-2.0---
No. 3?
No. 2?
No.4?
No. 5?
--6
12 thick.
+-2.3--
13 thick
14 thick.
---2.10----->
131 thick.
11
---
3 -
- -2
-
(--/3
- - ---
-- 3.0 - ------3
No. 5?
No. 7 or 8?
No. 6?
<
15
>
12
1272
14 thick.
No. 6?
9/12: thick
-
12-16--
14 thick.
--9---2---
->
No. 67
No. 6?
No. 6?
No. 6.
<---1.10 --->
F--17--
1
--
-
14 thick.
13 thick.
13" thick.
+.-7.10
13" thick
---2.2---
-9
--
---
2 -
4
→
-----2.10---→
No. 6?
No.4?
No. 1? +---1.10
No. ?
---13
thick,
141 thick.
.
135 thick.
- 114
---24
144 thick. --22.--
+---24---→
+----3.7
Broken Portions of the Kalyani Stones.

Page #304


Page #305

Brick
Ruins of a small brick Pagoda
E' (approximately)
Platform
road
Small wound formed by ans round the base of a bamboo thickel, since cut down. May contain a few small tourt; two large onex alread, laken ont.
Slight Mound about 1 ct. above the natural surface of the ground, apparently formed of broken brick, probably debris from the pagoda to the North.
Surface of ground xloper nway nery slighilly from the basen
of the stones. From their appearance the soil wat have been originally heaped up higher aruand then than it is at present.
Small hollow showing brickwork at its top edge. Vight possibly be the top of an old Reell in ohich some of the stones may he buried, but not rery probable.
Small mass of brick rork overgruvor with bamboox and partially broken away.
General Plan of the Site of the Kalyani Inscriptions.

Page #306


Page #307

OCTOBER, 1893.]
cubic foot in size and which bear a portion of both inscribed surfaces. The total volume of all these is approximately 200 cubic feet; while the total volume of the original stones above ground must have been at least 325 cubic feet, taking an average thickness of 13 inches. This leaves a difference of 125 cubic feet, representing the volume of the missing portions.
KALYANI INSCRIPTIONS..
275
"All that is now visible does not exceed half of this, if, indeed, it is as much. It is clear, then, that some portions of the stones have either been removed from the site, or are lying buried near it.
"With regard to the possibility of some pieces of inscribed stone being buried near the site, the Plate, "General Plan of the Site of the Kalyanî Inscriptions," shews a slight mound near the south-west corner and a small hollow at the south-east. The former does not rise more than twelve to eighteen inches above the natural surface of the ground and appears to be composed of broken brick, possibly debris from a ruined pagoda opposite. The hollow is circular, and about two feet deep, with brickwork shewing round its edge. This may possibly be the top of a well which has been filled in, but this is doubtful. There is a small mound at its edge, which is made up of brick work, partially broken away and overgrown by bamboos. The only other mound is that shewn in the General Plan" about the centre of the line of stones. This is very small, having been formed by ants round the base of an old bamboo clump, now cut down. Two stones have already been taken out of this and it could not possibly contain more of any consequence. The ground slopes slightly from the base of the stones and the pieces shewn in the plates were lying on the slopes, either on the surface, or partially buried to a depth of only three to four inches below it.
"The general inference, then, is that the probability of finding any considerable amount of inscribed stone buried in the vicinity is very small.
"Building up the various parts of the stones would be attended with considerable difficulty, since the stones are inscribed on both sides. The only portions available for connecting the parts are, therefore, the broken surfaces (these in many cases have a considerable slope to the horizontal) and the outside edges; so it would be exceedingly difficult to fix the centre portions. For the same reasons, also, it will be necessary to build them up in a vertical position."
The above report, having made it clear that the restoration of the stones, if possible at all, would be attended with much difficulty, advantage was taken of a set of ink impressions taken by the late Prof. Forchhammer, and found among his papers, to aid in piecing the broken stones together.
The work of restoring the stones on paper from Prof. Forchhammer's fragments was in itself a matter of no small difficulty, but it has been successfully accomplished, so far as the materials at hand sufficed for the purpose. For this work the MSS., from which the text given in this Journal was compiled, were of great value, and their general accuracy was proved by the fact that with their aid the text of the original stones could be followed so closely as to admit of the fragmentary impressions collected by Prof. Forchhammer being arranged in the order, in which they must have originally been inscribed on the stones.
When the fragments of the text were thus restored, they were fixed on to large sheets of paper, the original forms of the stones were roughly drawn in, and the spaces left between fragments blackened over. The sheets were then photo-lithographed and the results reproduced in Flates I. to V1., entitled "Restored Portions of the Pâli Stones of the Kalyani Inscriptions of Dhammachêtî, 1476 A. D."
These plates are now in the hands of the engineers, and it may be possible yet to restore these most important stones and preserve them from further destruction.
The credit of the difficult and ingenious work of piecing together Prof. Forchhammer's fragments is due to Mr. Taw Sein-Ko.

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 16.-The Prince and the Kambals.
(Continued from p. 250). The little birds then snid :-"We thought as much. We did see some huge bird falling upon us, and had it not been for that boy there under the tree, we, too, should have been lost to you. As soon as he saw the wild bird trying to devour us, he got up and killed it, and there lies the carcase of it. Go down, therefore, and thank him first as our deliverer. You must also try and render lim somo help, for he appears to be in great anxicty about something or other."
The grúpaksha and giripaksh'u then came down and saw that all that their children said was true. They, therefore, thanked our hero very heartily, and asked him why he looked so dejected and care-worn, and if they could help him in any way. The prince told them everything: how he had come to that land in search of kambals; how he killed the rankhas ; how he packed the rank has' daughter in a box and tied it to the chain of the ship in which he came; how the chain was drawn up, and he was left behind withont any chance of his ever getting back to his parents, which thought caused him the greatest pain and anxiety.
When the gúrúpakshi and girúpakshin heard his story they said to him :- "Is this all that you are anxious about? Order us and we will bear you in a short time to your home in safety. But before you go, take a little present from us. We will each give you a feather. When you wear the feather of the gúrúpakshá in your turban, at any age, you will look like a person a thousand years old ; again, when you wear that of the gúrúpakshin, you will look like a lad of twelve years. Now tell us where you wish to go."
Upon this our hero took heart at the opportunity offered him of once more going to see his parents, and told them where he wished to be carried. The gúrúpaksha and gúrtipakshin then both joined their wings and thus made a fine seat, and having seated the prince thereon, bore him into the air, and in a few moments put him down near the fisherman's house, and went away, after again thanking him for rescuing their children's life, and each of them gave him a feather.
The fisherman and his wife, who were nearly blind from the effects of crying day and night for the supposed loss of their child, were taken by surprise, as they heard the prince's voice suddenly fall on their ears, calling out to them as father and mother. They were now very glad to see him back, and asked him where he had been and what he had been doing for. 80 long. He told them everything from the moment he had left them to the time of speaking. They listened, with amazement, to the exploits of their son, and were proud of him. Now that their son was again with them safe, they shook off their cares and anxieties, and, recovering slowly, regained their strength. Thus they were again themselves in a short time.
A few months after this, there happened to be a great festival, and every one was supposed to cat and drink merrily for the day. The old fisherman called the prince, and, handing him some money, told him to go to the bázár and bay some meat and vegetables and fruit, and other nice things for dinner. The prince at once obeyed. Going to the bázár, he bought what was necessary, and, hiring a cooly, sent it to his house, while he himself kept roaming about the place, as he had not been there since he had left in search of the kambals, diverting himself with sweets and fruits. Rambling from one place to another, he happened to come to where the palace of the king was located. Just then be remembered the feathers given to him by the gárúpaksha and gúrúpakshin, and of their virtue. So wishing to amuse himself by passing off for an old man, he wore in his turban the feather of the gúrúpakshú, when, at once, he was transformed into an old man of a thousand years!

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In this guise he went past the king's palace. The king, who happened to be standing in the baloony of his palace, saw him, and thought to himself :
“How old that man looks! Surely, he must have seen many countries, and must be acquainted with many stories. It will certainly be worth while to hear some tale or other from him."
Thus thinking, he called him in, addressing him as ájjá (grand-father), and said : -"Ajjú, you look a thousand years old. Won't you oblige me with one of the old tales of which you must be full ?"
But our hero modestly said : -"No, no; what do I know about old stories ?"
The king then again said : -" Come, come, újjá, who will believe that you are not acquainted with stories? Do oblige me."
After much begging and coaxing, the supposed old man began :
"Sire, as I told you, I do not know any old stories, but listen to what little I can tell yon. Once upon a time, there lived a king with his queen, whose dominions extended far and wide, and who possessed an immense hoard of treasure, but, to their great grief, they had had no issue, to procure which the queen every day gave away one súpli (sieve) full of gold in alms to beggars, hoping that the recipients of the alms would pray and thereby obtain them a son.
"One day she was seated in the balcony with a sieve fall of gold for the purpose of distributing among the beggars, when a gôsánvi, who happened to come to beg, saw this gold, and asked her what she had in the sieve. The queen told him it was gold, upon which the gôsánci asked her:- Is there any one that will eat it? And the queen answered in a sorrowful tone: - No; and that is the reason why I am sitting here with this sieve full of gold, hoping that, by distributing it, the receivers of it may pray and obtain a son for me, but to this day it seems that their prayers have not been heard.' The gôsánvi then asked her if the king, her husband, was at home, but she said that he had gone out. Very well,' said the gôsánvi. • Tell him, when he returns, to come to my mat in a certain village, and then I will tell him what to do in order that your desires may be satisfied. The queen promised to send the king on his return, and the gosínvi, after receiving alms, went away.
“This is the story, O king, I know; and now let me go."
The king, who suspected that this story was all about himself, was anxious to hear more, and so said to him: – "Go on, újjá, tell me further. It is a very interesting tale."
But the sapposed old man pretended to know nothing more. The king, however, begged of him, and urged him to tell more, upon which he continued : -
"Then, Sire, when the king returned in the evening, the queen laid out supper for him, and while he was partaking of it, the queen said :-*My dear husband, this morning, as I was seated as usual in the balcony with a sieve full of gold to distribute to beggars, a gôsánvi, who says his hut is in a certain village, came up and asked me what I had in the sieve, and when I told him it was gold, he asked me if there was any one who would eat it, but I said there was no one, and that was the reason why I distributed it among beggars, in order that, through their prayers at any rate, we may get a son. Upon this he asked me if you were at home, and when I told him you were gone out, he asked me to send you to his ma! on your return.'
“The king listened to her very attentively, and, when she had finished speaking, said :My dear wife, you are distributing a sieve full of gold every morning, besides which we are performing other charitable acts, and all to no avail. What can & gosdivi tell, and much less do. that our desires may be fulfilled ?' But the qaeen pressed and begged of him to go, saying:
Let us see what he may have to say. Who knows but that he may help us to obtain our wishes.'

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"After much entreaty, however, the king consented to go, and, having finished his supper, he set out for the gôsánvi's mat. When he had reached it, the gôsánvi asked him what he wanted. The king said :- Did you not go to the palace this morning and tell my wife to send me over to you when I came home?' 'Yes, my lord,' answered the gosánvi. I will now tell you what to do. Go to a certain place where you will see a tree laden with fruit. Climb up the tree and shake it. Come down and take two of the fruit. Mind you do not take more than two. Eat one yourself and give the other to your wife, the queen; thereby you will obtain your desires.'
"The king went in the direction he was told by the gôsánvi, and saw a large tree which was bent down by the weight of its fruit. He climbed up and shook and shook the tree, till he saw hundreds of the fruit fall on the ground, but when he came down and went to pick up the fruit he found only two. So he climbed again, and again shook the tree for a long while, and he again heard the sound of hundreds of fruit falling, but, as before, when he was picking them up he got only two. The king was astonished at this occurrence, and climbed up in the tree a third time, and shook and shook the tree with all his might for a very long time, till he was tired, and he heard the sound of some thousands of the fruit dropping on the ground. When he came down, the ground under the tree was so covered by the fruit that he could not put his feet down without treading on heaps of them, which made him glad to think that he had at last plenty, but, to his great astonishment, as he proceeded to gather them, all the fruit went up again into the tree, and there remained for him to carry away only two. The king now thought to himself:- The gôsánvi told me to take only two of these fruit, but though I wished to take more, and I knocked down so many, I cannot get more than two. There must be some meaning in it. I will, therefore, abide by the instructions of the gôsánvi; or, who knows, if I should take more, they may lose their virtue?'
"He then took the fruit and shewed them to the gósánvi, who again told him to take them home, and to eat one himself and to give the other to the queen to eat.
«The king, after thanking the gôsánvi for his kind advice, went home with the fruit, and, giving one to his queen, told her to eat it, while he ate the other himself. From that moment the queen became pregnant, and, in due time, she gave birth to a very beautiful boy. This event was the cause of great joy to the old king and queen, and they feasted the palace servants very sumptuously.
“This much, O king, I know; I shall thank you to let me go."
The king, however, could not be persuaded to believe that the old ájjá knew only so much, and again prayed and urged him to tell something more, upon which the thousand-year-old man continued :
"Five days passed after the birth of the child and they celebrated the páñchví, and on the following day, the sixth day, was the satti. On the day of the satt a fortune-teller was called in to consult about the future of the infant-prince. When the fortune-teller was going away, after consulting the horoscope, the pardhan of the palace, who was watching outside, stopped her and asked her what would be the future career of the king's son. The fortune-teller, after much reluctance on her part, and much entreaty on the part of the pardhan, said : It is written in the fortune of the prince that on the twelfth day after his birth the boy will be drowned in the sea!! Thus saying she went away, and the pardhan, too, did not divulge what he heard from the fortune-teller.
“Eleven days passed after the birth of the prince, and on the twelfth day was to be celebrated the búráví ceremony. For this purpose they fitted a ship to convey them to a certain temple, to come to which they had to cross a sea. Hundreds of guests were invited to be present at the ceremony, and the king and queen made grand preparations to celebrate the auspiu.us event of naming the child, with great joy and befitting pomp.

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"At the appointed time, the king and the queen, with all their guests, embarked on board the ship, and soon set sail. On the way, the guests vied with each other for the honour of carrying the child, though it was only for a moment. Scarcely one had lifted the child, when & second person asked and took it from him. In another moment a third person came and took up the child, and then a fourth, and a fifth, and so on. When they had sailed for several hours they came to the middle of the sea. The child happened to be in the arms of a woman, who, by accident, let fall the child, and in a moment more the prince was drowned. Hundreds of people dived into the sea after the child, and made a long search, but in vain, and with tears in their eyes and broken hearts the king and the queen returned home with their guests. When they reached their home, the king sentenced the woman, who had so carelessly let fall the child, to a rigorous imprisonment for twelve years.
Thus far, o king, I know the story, and can't tell what happened afterwards. I am now getting late for my meal, do let me go."
The king, who was now almost certain that the story was about himself and his child, for whom he had not yet left off mourning, was now more anxious to hear further. He made himself sure that an old man of the story-teller's age knew everything.
So he said :-"O ájjá, come, finish your story. You are only pretending not to know further."
But the supposed old man said :-“No, no ; I know no further. I have told you all I knew."
Nothing, however, could convince tbe king of the ignorance of the old ájjá, as he called him, and he begged hard of him to continue the story. So at last the old man said :
"Listen, Oking; as it was written in the fate of the king's son, so it came to pass. As soon as the child fell into the sea, he was swallowed by a large magalmásk, which was carried by the tide and thrown on dry land in a certain village of the king's dominions. In the morning a fisherman, who lived with his wife, and possessed great wealth, was walking along in pursuit of his vocation, and he happened to see the magalmásá. He dragged it to shore, and cut it open, when to his great surprise and confusion he saw a child come out of the belly of the magalmásá alive. The fisherman, too, with all his wealth had no children. He, therefore, gladly took up the child in his arms, and, going home, handed him to his wife, who was also very glad, saying:-Dear wife, God has, at last, given us a child in this miraculous manner.'
"Thus they constituted themselves the prince's foster-parents, and, possessing great wealth, took every possible care, and brought him up with great tenderness. With such care the prince grew up rapidly. When he was only a month old he looked a child of two months; when two months only he appeared as four months old, and so on. He grew strong and beautiful, and was the pride of his foster-parents. He was known in the neighbourhood as the fisherman's son, and the prince, too, always addressed the fisherman and his wife as father and mother.
“When he was about six or seven years old he used to run about and play with the children from the neighbourhood. One day they ran to the shore, and the prince, too, wishing to go with them, asked the foster-parents permission to go, but the fisherman said :-No, my dear child. Do not go to play near the seabeach. You know how mischievous the children are. Who knows but that some accident or other may befall you? Then, what shall I do? Tell me what you require, and I will get you any toys you may wish for, with which you can play about the house in safety. The prince, however, in spite of the kind advice of the old man, ran at full speed, and joined his playmates at the sea beach.
"Now it happened that, as the children were playing and ranning about on the sand, they spied a beautiful kambal floating on the waves. Every one of the children attempted to get it,

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but with no success. At last our hero said he would bring it, but all of them laughed at his folly, saying :- What a silly child you are. Boys bigger than yourself have failed to get it, and you say that you can bring it.' But the prince said he would bring it, though he was younger than the rest of the children. Upon this they laid a wager, to which the prince consented, and immediately dived headlong into the water, and in a few moments came on the shore triumph antly carrying the kambal, and thus won the wager. The prince then carried the kambal to his foster-parents, who asked him whence he got it, or whether he had come by it through stealing. The prince told them how, as he and other children were playing on the shore, they spied it floating on the water, and how, when all the children had failed, they laid a wager for it, opon which he dived into the sea and came out safely with the kambal.
“Now, in that conntry kambals were so rare, that even kings could seldom get them. The fisherman thought to himself :- This is a very beautiful kambal, but of what use can it be to a poor man like me? I will go and present it to the king.'
"So one day he took the kambal, and, going to the palace, made a present of it to the king. The king was certainly very much pleased with it, and asked the fisherman whence he had obtained it. The fisherman told him how, while his son and other children were playing on the seabeach, they saw it floating on the sea, and how, when all the children had failed in their attempts to get at it, his son succeeded in bringing it out. The king accepted the kambal at the hands of the fisherman with thanks, and rewarding him handsomely, dismissed him. Afterwards the king took the kambal and hung it on to his bed, but a maid-servant, who chanced to come into the room at the time, praised the kambal for its beauty, but said that if there two more hung up, then it would really lend beanty to the bed, and not otherwise. The king, thereupon, sent for the fisherman, and told him to order his son to fetch him two other kambals. The fisherman protested against the idea, saying:- My lord, it was by sheer chance that my son got that kambal, and it is simply impossible to get any more,' The king, however, would not be persuaded of the impossibility of getting more kambals, and told the fisherman that if his son failed to bring him two more kambals he would forfeit his head,
“Such, my lord, was the cruelty of the king. The poor fisherman went away downhearted, thinking upon the unreasonableness of the king. He went home, and, refusing to take any food or drink, took to his bed. Now, the love of the fisherman for the prince was so great that though he was now a lad of about eight years, he need to feed him like a child. That evening, therefore, the prince missed him at supper, and asked his foster-mother why his father did not come and eat with him. She said she was unaware of the reason why he did not take supper, lvut, perhaps, he was unwell. The prince, however, was not satisfied with the answer of bis foster-mother. So he went and asked the old man why he lay in bed, and why he did not j aim at supper; but the old man said :-'Go, my child, and take your supper. I do not w tany. Bat, father,' said the prince, 'yon fed me every day, and why don't you do so to-day? W at is the matter with you? What misfortune has befallen you that you look so downcast, and won't touch your food ? Tell me, father, all about your cares and anxieties.' The old man, thereupon, much pleased with the kind words of the prince, said :-My dear child, the kambal which you found in the sea, and which I presented to the king, is the cause of misfortune to me. The king took the kambal and hung it upon his bed, but a maid-servant, who chanced to come into the room, said that the kambal, no donbt, looked very beautiful in itself, but that, to impart beauty to the bed, there were required two more. The king, therefore, wants you to fetch him two more kambals. I tried hard to persuade him that it was impossible to get any more kambals, but in vain, for he will not convince himself of the impossibility, and says that, if you fail to carry out his orders, you run the risk of forfeiting your head. We have had no children, and God gave you to us in a miraculous manner in our old age, but this cruel king wants to deprive as of you. This, my child, is the cause of my grief, and I will rather starve myself to death, than see you snatched away from me. Go, my dear boy, and take your supper,

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and do not think about me.' Thus said the fisherman, and leaved a deep sigh, and shed tears in profusion.
"Upon this the prince said :-*Is this all that has caused you so much anxiety? Go and tell the king to-morrow that I promise to fetch him the kambals. He must, for that purpose. provide me with a ship titted out with servants and provisions to last for severnl months, and also an iron chain many yards long. Then I will yo and bring him the kumbuls. In the meanwhile, father, calm your fears, and get up and take your supper.'
“At these words the fisherman took courage, and, getting up, took his supper. The following morning he went to the paince and told the king that his son had offered to fetch him kumbals, provided the king supplied lim with a ship and everything else requisite for a long voyage, with provisions to last for several months, and also an iron chain several yards long. The king agreed to the conditions, and ordered a ship to be built. He engaged numerous workmen, and a job, that would take some months, was finished in about a fortnight. The ship was then manned by a number of khalásis and other servants, and the king did not forget to provide also a long iron chain. Provisions were also stored in the ship that would last, not for months, but for years.
“Everything was now ready, and the prince, taking a tender leave of his foster-parents, embarked on board the ship, and set sail. They went on and on for many days. When they had reached the middle of the sea, they cast anchor. The prince now hooked the iron chain to the side of the ship, and said to the khaláxis :-'I am now going into the sea. Keep hold of the chain till you feel extra weight on it, when you must pull it up, and return home. Thus saying, the prince descended along the chain, and disappeared under the waters.
"Did you hear, O king? Such was the cruelty of the monarch, that for the sake of two kambals, he was determined even to deprive the poor fisberman of a son, whom he had obtained 80 miraculously. Here ends my story, O king, and now let me go."
The king listened with wrapt attention, for he had now not the least particle of doubt that the story was his own. At the same time it gladdened liim to find that his son was miraculously saved and was living. He wished to know more about his son, and would not believe the supposed old man that that was the end of his story.
So he begged of him to tell the whole story, saying :-"0 ájjá, this cannot be the end of the story; do tell me the whole of it. An old man of your age must know more."
And thus he kept pressing him and begging of him to finish the story. Thereupon the supposed old man continueti, saying -
“After the prince had disappeared under the waters, he walked on and on, and came upon a beautiful country, where he saw large gardens full of fruit-trees of all sorts bent down with the weight of their fruit.
"Here he walked for a couple of hours and came upon a large but solitary mansion, furnished in a manner better imagined than described. He entered the mansion, in which he saw & damsel of unparalleled beauty, from whose mouth, as she spoke, fell kambals. Our hero asked her who she was and what she was doing there all by herself, for wherever he cast his eyes, outside the mansion, he could see no vestige of human beings. The damsel was at first. glad to see him, and she was also enamoured of bim for his beauty, but said with a sorrowful tone: -'I am the daughter of a rúnkhas, who has gone out in search of his prey, which consists of animals and such like things, and occasionally human beings, should any unluckily fall into his hands. I am certainly very glad to see you, but am still anxious about your safety, for should my father, the ránkhas, see you, he will, without fail, make a meal of you.'
«* Then tell me where I can go or conceal myself with safety,' said the prince. The girl then said: - See, I will transform you into a fly and put you up on the wall, where you must

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remain till my father goes out again to-morrow. In the meanwhile you must be hungry; so take some food at my hands and be ready for the transformation before the rankhas, my father, comes back, which will not be very long hence.' The prince thanked her for her kindness, and being very hungry did ample justice to the dishes set before him. After this the girl transformed him into a fly and put him up on the wall.
"A little while afterwards the rankhas came home after his day's excursion, and, as was his custom, lay down to rest, while his daughter shampooed his body. As he lay there he said to his daughter: My dear girl, I smell the smell of a human being about the place. Are you aware of any one having come or gone this way ?' In reply the girl said: What makes you think of human beings being about here? Here I am, alone from one hour of the day to the other. What a silly idea this is of yours ?' 'But,' said the rankhas, I do smell the smell of a human being; otherwise I shon't have said so.' The girl, however, said that she had seen no human being anywhere, and was, therefore, unaware of it. The rankhas was now quieted, and fell fast asleep.
"On the next day when the rankhas went, as usual, in search of prey, his daughter transformed the fly on the wall into its original shape, and there stood the prince before her. She then prepared some food, of which they partook together, and conversed with each other freely during the whole day. At the close of the day, when it was near the time for the rankhas to return, the girl again transformed him into a fly and stuck him up on the wall. Thus matters continued for several days.
"One day the prince told the girl to ask her father, the rankhas, in what lay his life. Accordingly, in the evening, when the rankhas returned, and she was shampooing him, she said: Father, tell me in what lies your life.' The rankhas replied: Why are you so anxious about knowing in what my life lies?' Father,' said she, if I am not to be anxious about your life, who should be? Every day you go in quest of food, which consists generally of animals. Should any accident occur to you, how could I know it, and what shall I do in the event of your death?' But the rankhas replied: 'Cast off your fears and anxieties, for there is no likelihood of my ever dying. However, to calm your fears, I may tell you as regards my life, you know the three brab-trees standing near our house. Should any person, with one stroke, cut down one of the trees, I shall get an attack of strong fever; and if he succeeds in cutting the other two trees, also with one stroke, then shall I die. So long, therefore, as the trees are safe and intact, I, too, am safe. You see, therefore, you have no cause for anxiety about my life.' He then went into sound sleep.
"The following day when the rankhas had gone out, the girl, after transforming the prince, told him everything she heard from her father concerning his life. The prince now looked about and saw the sword of the rankhas hanging on the wall. He took it down, and, after sharpening it, went where the three brab-trees stood. He first cut down, with one stroke, one of the trees. As soon as the tree was cut down a strong fever came on the rúnkhas, who now retraced his steps homewards, but before he could reach it, our hero, using all his strength, cut down the other two trees also with one stroke of the sword, and with the fall of the brab-trees the rankhas fell down dead.
"The prince then lived with the damsel for several days, during which he gathered plenty of the kambals, which dropped from her mouth every time she spoke. At last he got tired of the life in the subterraneous abode, and thought to himself that he had absented himself for rather a long time from his home and foster-parents, who must be growing anxious about him. So he determined to quit the place at the earliest opportunity, taking with him the kambals, which he intended presenting to the king. So he one day told the girl of his intention. The girl, however, said: 'You have killed my father, and now wish to go away, leaving me alone! What can I do here all by myself? Under whose protection shall I live? Take me with you, and we will be husband and wife, and live together happily.'

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE, No. 16.
"The prince consented to take her with him and to marry her, but the difficulty was how to carry her, to his house. He then hit upon the following plan. He put her into a box and carried her to where the ship was waiting. He then tied the box to the chain, but misfortune of misfortunes! as soon as the khalásís felt the weight of the box, they pulled the chain up, as instructed, and our prince, to his confusion and distress, was left behind, with little or no chance of his ever seeing his home and parents, who, he thought, must now die of grief.
"He now retraced his steps, and wandered about in the gardens, subsisting on the various fruits, which the gardens yielded in abundance. He lived in this way for many days. One day he felt himself quite fatigued; so he laid down to rest under a pimpul-tree.
"Now it happened that two birds, a male and a female, called gurupaksha and gurupakshin, had made their nest in that tree, and were in the habit of breeding there, but to their great sorrow, some wild animal or bird used to come and eat up their young ones. On the day that the prince came under the tree the gurupakshin gave birth to two little ones, after which she and the guripaksha went in search of food. In their absence a huge wild bird came and was about to eat up the little ones, when our hero, seeing its cruel intention, rose up to their help, and killed their enemy. Some time afterwards the gurupaksha and gúrupakshin returned, carrying some food in their beaks, and found, for once, their little ones alive, and proceeded to feed them, upon which the young birds said: 'Before you feed us, tell us if you had other issue besides ourselves, or are we your first-born? The parent-birds answered: Dear little ones, we had many children born before you, but some cruel bird deprived us of them all. We are certainly astonished to find you alive; and still we cannot say for certain, how long you will be spared to us. Upon this the young ones said: We thought as much. We did see some huge bird falling upon us, and had it not been for that lad there under the tree, we, too, should have been lost to you. As soon as he saw the cruel bird trying to make a meal of us, he got up and killed it, and there lies its carcase. Go down, therefore, and first of all thank him as our deliverer. You must also try and render him any assistance that may be within your power, for he appears to be in great anxiety about something or other.'
"When the gurupaksha and gurupakshin heard these words, they flew down immediately, and found that what their children told them was only too true. They, therefore, thanked the prince with all their heart, and then asked him what was his trouble, that he looked so dejected and care-worn, and if they could be of any service to him in any way. The prince then told them everything: how he had come to that land in search of kambals; how he killed the rankhas; how he packed the rankhas' daughter in a box and tied it to the chain of the ship in which he came; how the chain with the box was hauled up; and how he was left behind with little or no chance of his ever getting back to his parents, which thought caused him the greatest pain and anxiety. Upon this the gurupaksha and gurupakshin said to him: 'Is this all you are so anxious about? Order us and we will bear you in a short time to your home in safety. But before you go, take a little present from us. We will each give you a feather. When you wear the feather of the girupaksha in your turban, at any age, you will look like a person a thousand years old; again, when you wear the feather of the gûrûpakshin, you will look like a lad of twelve years. Now tell us where you wish to go.'
"Upon this the prince took heart at the opportunity offered him of once more seeing his parents, and told them where he wished to be carried. The girupaksha and gurupakshin then joined their wings together, and thus made a fine seat, and having seated the prince thereon, bore him in the air, and in a few moments more put him down near the fisherman's house, and went away after again thanking him for rescuing their children, and each of them gave him a feather.
"The fisherman and his wife, who were nearly blind from the effects of crying day and night at the loss of their supposed child, were taken by surprise, as they suddenly heard the prince's voice calling to them as father and mother. They were, of course, very glad to see

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him, and asked him where he had been so long and what he had been doing. He thereupon related to them his adventures, from the moment he took leave of them to depart in search of kambals to the moment of speaking. Now that their son was back, they slowly recovered their sight as well as health, and were again themselves.
"And, here, O king, ends the story. And, now that you have heard the whole of it, do let me go."
Just then the king happened to look behind him, when, at once, our hero removed the feather of the girupakshd from his turban, and replaced it by that of the gúrúpakshin, when lo! he appeared like a child of twelve years. When the king again turned towards him, he recognised in him his son, and folded him in his arms, saying:-"You are my son, my long lost son." The rúrkhas' daughter, too, who was close by, also made sure that this was no other than the prince, to whom she promised to be a wife, and she too rushed into his arms, and said :
“This is my husband, on whose account I had made a vow of twelve years."
The prince, however, said:--"No, no, I am the fisherman's son. They brought me up; I am not your son. Let me go to my parents; they must be waiting for me." But the king would on no account let him go, for he was more than sure that he was no other than his son, whose story he had just heard from his own mouth. The king then sent a palanquin to fetch the fisherman and his wife to the palace, and as a reward for their kindness in nursing and bringing up the prince, they were asked to live in the palace. The fisherman and his wife could not but accept the good offer of the king, and lived with the king and their foster-child very happily to the end of their lives. The prince was shortly afterwards married to the damsel of the subterraneous abode, and on this suspicious occasion the king feasted not only his relatives, but all his subjects for several days. The king now being very old preferred a more quiet life; so he made over the reing of government to his son, the hero of our tale, who ruled the vast kingdom with wisdom, dealing justice to all, making the welfare of his subjects his own, loved and respected by every one.12
FOLKLORE OF THE SGAW-KARENS. TRANSLATED BY B. HOUGHTON, M.R.A.S., FROM THE PAPERS OF SAYA KYAW ZAN
IN THE "SA-TU-WAW.1
1.-How the Karen was the Eldest Son of God. Here is written what our elders relate of the mighty things that happened in the beginning of time, in order that those who come after may hear, and hearing, understand
See and consider these things carefully, o ye who come after! May you estimate properly how these matters happened. O fellow tribesmen, do not slumber nor sleep!
What the people of the world say is as follows There were three brethren and their father was God(YwA). And the eldest of these three was the Karen, and the second
12 [Is it not possible that the rakshasa is merely the meat eating aboriginal, as distinguished from the vegetarian invader of an ancient India P-ED.]
1 A Sgaw. Karen periodical published monthly in Rangoon at the American Baptist Mission Press. 9Yw4. This word is used by the Missionaries to translate "God" in the Bible, and it is the word used A deity in the curious old Karen semi-Christian traditions. My impression is that the Karens, when in high Asia, were converted by the Nestorian Missionaries, and, after the expulsion of these, have retained in a mntilated forni the teachings they received from them, in addition to the old fairy worship, which they had before their probably merely partial conversion to Christianity. If this is so, it is possible that Ywd is merely a corruption of the Hebrew Yahreh = Jehovah in our version, I hope to produce evidence in support of this theory hereafter. The present folklore, though not older than the irruption of the Karens into Lower Burma, hae, excepting one obvious interpolation to be noted hereafter), nothing to do with Christianity.
[I am glad to see Mr. Houghton take this view, which is that I have always maintained, and it is in accord with the recent tracing back of the once supposed indigenous "Great Spirit of the North American Indians to the teachings of 17th Century Roman Catholic Missionaries.-ED]

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was the Burman, whilst the youngest was the Kuld." The Karen grew up the biggest, but, if there was any work to do or journey to make, he did not like to do it. The younger brethren did the work and the elder one oppressed them beyond measure.
After a long time the younger brethren could not endure this oppression any longer, and they went away, one to one place and one to another. They could not remain together. But their father, God, thought to himself: "Cannot my children live together? I will remove a little way, and instruct them, and they will live together."
II.-How the Karens procured liquor. Now there was a good piece of level ground near, and God made the Karen out a clearing there, and said to him, “Clear this ground thoroughly and well, and your father will plant it nicely with wheat.
And God thought:“If I instruct my children, they will certainly again live together.”
The Karen took his dat and axe and went at once to the level spot. And he saw that there were very many big trees (to cut), and a fit of laziness came over him, and, seeing some pleasant shade, he put down his dá and axe, and slept comfortably.
And one big tree was conspicuous amongst the others, but it was swollen in the middle and there was a hollow in it, in which was water. The latter, being visible, was drunk by various small birds, and those who drank it, becoming exceedingly excited and noisy, fell headlong on to the ground. But some fought and pecked each other on the tree. The excitement was entirely causeless. However, the Karen, having awaked from his sleep, looked and saw the great excitement of the birds, and said, “How is this P"
He slept no longer and went quickly to look. He climbed up the tree and saw the water that was in the hollow, and it was transparent and pure and good in his eyes. And the Karen touched it with his hands, and smelt it and tasted it. However, the Karen, not being yet stupefied, took up some more in the hollow of his hand and drank it, saying, “ It is very sweet to my taste," and, having taken ap and drank some more, he became aware that he was getting drunk! His heart and mind became different, and he became very brave and fierce. He descended quickly to the bottom of the tree. He became very brave until he became stupefied, after which, recovering his senses, he took up his dá and axe and retorned home. He then went to drink of the water of that tree every day. O friends! Thus bave our elders related how the Karens first drank intoxicating liquors !
A long time then elapsed and the Lord God, his father, asked the Karep if he had finished coltivating the piece of flat ground that he had sent him to do. And the Karen replied : "Let my father, God, have patience with me. I will work antil it is finished, and will then inform my father."
But though the Karen had thus replied, in his inmost heart he did not wish at all to do his father's business. And if his father bad sent him to go and do any work whatever, he had no wish for it. He had become lazy from getting drunk from the water in the tree, and did not want to do any work. However, his father said, “This son of mine is of no use at all."
And there was an orphan living with God. And God ordered him to cat down that tree, telling him to go to it by night.
And the orphan replied, “But my father, by night I cannot see, and I cannot cut at all." And God answered, "You shall most certainly go." Whereupon the orphan said, " I will go, but I cannot see, as it will be night." And God said, “Come close to me.”
• Burmese word = Barbarian or Foreigner.
The universal knife of Burma.

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And when the orphan did so, God passed the palm of his hand over the orphan's face, 80 that he saw as well in the night time as by day. And God instructed him to go to the level ground and look for a tree, which was bigger than the others, and to split ansl fell it. As soon was the orphan had cut the tree and it cracked, renily to fall, he was to run away quickly and mave himself; because, if the lazy man cauglit him, he wonld be killed. And the orphan went during the night and out that tree, so that at dawn it broke and fell. The orphan put down his axe quickly, clenched luis fists and made his escape at once. But the great tree cracked, and the entire trunk split and crashed down, all the water being spilt on the ground). When the Karen heard the noise his mind was uneasy, as he considered the crash must be that of his big tree. With an evil mind he ran qnickly at once to it, and finding the liquor evaporating, he said, "If I see the man who has felled this big tree of mine, I will kill kün off hand."
At this time, then, the Karen got no liquor, and was ill at ease, and he went abont inquiring for some from this man and thnt, bat no one could tell him (where to get it.) However, on his inquiring of Satan, the latter asked him in reply : -40 Karen, what is it yon are secking?"
The Karen replied: "O Satan, the sap of the tree that I ased to drink was pare and clear, but now there is nothing for me to drink. Have you ever chanced to drink froin such a tree?"
Satan asked, "What happens if one drinks sucli sap?"
The Karen answered, “O Satan, if one drinks that water, one becomes ezeeedingly fierce and strong."
Satan immediately got np and going to the liqnor jar, filled a cap with liquor and gave it to the Karen to drink. After the latter had drunk, he adressed Satan and asked him whencu he had procured it.
Satan replied, "O Karen, we know where to make that liquor." The Karen said, "Please tell me exactly how.”
Satan replied, "It is made as follows. Steep some unboiled riee in some water for a short time, and then take it again out of the pot, and pound it up with yeast powder, press it down with a lever and put it aside for seven days; then boil some rice and mix it with it. After letting it settle in water for three days you get a cienr liquid, which is the one (sou bave dank)."
And the Karen did carefully as Satan had instructed him, and browod some liquor. The Karen rank it and said, “This is iiulced the liquor."
He told Satan: “You have been kind to me and I will not forget you. My death I will die with you and my life I will live with you.
Then his father, Gol, know that his son was friendly with Satan, and, being grieved, le abandoned again the place where he lind been staying. So God, from dislike at the Kyren drinking liquor, left him.
111.- How the Kulás procurcil bouts. And tho Lord God said, "Those, my children, are no longer, of any ase to me. I will return and go to another country. I will get each of my children to come and accompany me on the way."
And God arose, and going to the Karon said to him, "My child, come and accompany your father on his way."
* This is obviously an interpolation by the worthy Saya, the object being to father he introduction of drinking liquor on this personage, who is unknown in Karen tradition. Doubtless in the original story it must have been some ná or mul-ka.
• 24 yi dä ya ka i-d-di-i da nd; da mi da ya ka ma ka då ut law.

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Now the Karen was fast asleep by the side of a liquor jar. After God had called him many times, he partialiy woke up and said, “I cannot go with you. Return in my old sow's trough. I have neither boat nor paddle, only this trough. Do you please go in it, my father, and he dragged the trough down to the water."
God then went and called the Burman. The latter replied, “How can I possibly go with you P Please go and call my elder brother, the Karen."
God replied, "Your elder brother also is not able to go. He only gave me a pig's trough."
The Burman replied, "You could only get the pig's trough, I will give you my paddle, to paddle it with."
So God went to the Kuld and said to him, "My nephew,' please come and accompany your father."
The Kulâ replied, "My father, have nothing in which to come and accompany you."
God replied, "You can come. The Karen has given me his pig's trough and the Burman his paddle. Come along with your father."
The Kula got up quickly and followed behind God to the sea. There God grasped the paddle and got into the trough, whereupon the trough became a great ship and the paddle became its masts and sails. Then the ship started forthwith and God came to his own country.
IV.-How the writing of the Karens came to them. God wrote Karen writing on a piece of leather, Burmese writing on a palm-leaf, and the Kula's (Foreigner's) writing on a piece of cloth.
And God commanded the Kula and said to him :-"You, my nephew, have indeed approached near to your Lord. Your father has written for you writing on cloth. But the Karen's writing is on leather, and the Burman's on a palm-leaf. Do you without fail learn your writing carefully until you understand it. Take back also the writing for the Karen and the Barman, and instract them to learn carefully the writings, which their father has sent them."
And the Kula answered, “O Lord God, my father, I will do faithfully what you have commanded me."
Then he asked, "How shall I return ? "
God replied, "Go into the sow's trough again and remain there. Your father will send you away."
The Kula went into the trough again and returned quickly. He came first to the Karen, and producing the leather scroll, gave it to him at once.
And he said to the Karen, “Our father, God, has commanded me to tell you to learn your writing carefully. Also please take back your old sow's trough." And the Karen went near to the sea, and seeing that the trough was not as before, said to the Kula, "My youngest brother, the trough is not as before. Your elder brother no longer cares for it. If you care for it, take it back with you."
The Kuld turned and went back to the Barman. He produced the palm-leaf with the Burmese writing on it and giving it to the Burman, commanded him, saying, “Our father has directed that you must certainly learn your writing, which is on this palm-leaf. Take back also your paddle."
1 PS-da. Obnorve the altered form of addrese.

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And the Burman replied to the Kula, " You will have to paddle the trough you are in with this paddle. Take it back with you."
The Kuld went back forthwith, and, coming to his house, he arranged suitably the masts and sails of a big ship. And as the Lord God, his father, had commanded him, he studied and learnt his writing thoroughly.
And the Kulâs increased in all that is good, and right, and fair to look upon.
V.-How the Writing of the Karens was lost. The Karen's country was very pleasant and fair, and if difficulties of any kind whatsoever, or disease, or anything else, came to him, he took medicine, but did not do anything else. And the Karens increased and became very numerous. However, the Burmans did as the Kuld had told them, but not so the Karens. For, although the writing, which the Kulâ brought, had reached them, they took no heed of it at all, but put it on a tree-stump, and went on clearing the weeds (in their clearings), nor did they take it away when the rain came and wetted it. At eventide they took the writing, and, returning home, put it on the shelf over the hearth. And as the rice was cooked and chillies were pounded and food stirred up, many times the leathern scroll feil on to the hearth.
And after many goings to and fro, the fowls came up and scratched in the hearth, so that the leathern scroll fell down under the hut. Now the Karens were not of a mind to look after things, and they forgot about the scroll. They did not care about the scroll in the least, and saying, “We work hard and we eat. If we learn writing we shall only bother ourselves. Eating good food and drinking good liquor always suits us,” they let the matter drop.
Now the Karen's old sow was under the hut and grubbed'ap (the ground) diligently all day long, and it grubbed about the scroll, so that it was utterly lost. Thus the Karens never saw their writing again.
VI.-How Charcoal was first rubbed on yokes. After a long long time the homes of the Karens became bad, and their food was bad, and even their wise men did not know how to make anything. If any forest was to be cleared, they had to go and ask the Burman for his dá and axe, and if they wished to cook any food they had to ask the Burman for a pot. And behold, the Burman and the Kulâ were happy and became great. There were wise men with them and they multiplied exceedingly. But the Karens were without implements and knew not how to forge them, or how to make pots, and had to ask the Burman for everything.
However, they remembered the former times somewhat, and, resolving to turn over a new leaf, they consulted one with another, but were unable to devise anything. They said to each other, “We must instruct ourselves anew from the writing."
They asked one another for it, and at last some said, “We were weeding, when the Kulás brought us the writing and we put it on the stump of a tree. When the rain came it got wet, and we put it on the drying shelf (over the fire,) and as we were continually pounding and scraping the food for cooking, it was shaken off and fell on to the earth. We neglected to take it up again, so when the fowls came and scratched, the writing was scratched away and fell under the hut. Then the pig came and grubbed it about, and it was utterly lost."
However, some said, "The fowl's feet when they were scratching must have trodden on and knooked against some charcoal. Let us, therefore, take the charcoal and rub it on our yokes. We will cast lote, and when they are favorable, we will unite again."
The Karens did in this manner, and so amongst all people they are distinguished as those who rub charcoal on their yokes!

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FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN.
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S.
No. 6. - Princess Fireflower.! Once upon a time there was a Rajî who had two sons, the elder of whom was married, while the younger was a bachelor. The younger prince used to come for his food to the house of his elder brother, but one day, when he asked for something to eat very early in the morning, his sister-in-law tauntingly said to him :
“How can I get up to cook for you? If you want your breakfast so early, you had better marry the Princess Fireflower, and she can do your cooking for you."
“Well! I will find Princess Fireflower," said he. And off he went on his travels in search of her.
On he went the whole day and in the evening reached the Brindaban Khakhasapurs forest. There he found & faqir, who used to sleep for twelve years at a time and remain awake again for twelve whole years. When the Prince saw the faqir asleep, he began to fan him, so that he soon awoke and said :
“Son! Thou hast done me good service. Aak now the boon that thou most desirest."
" Father!" replied the Prince, “if thou wishest to do me & service, give me Princess Fireflower in search of whom I have come hither."
“My son," he answered, "ask any boon but this."
"Nay," said the Prince," through your kindness I want naught else but her. Paramésar has given me all else I lack."
The fagir meditated for some time and said :
"Well! If you long so for Princess Fireflower, I will tell you how you can win her. But mind my words, and if you disobey me it will be your ruin. I am going to turn you into & parrot. Then fly to the island where Princess Fireflower lives, which is across the seven oceans. This island is guarded by demons (déo) and you can escape them only by watching when they are engaged in playing ball (gând khélté hain). When you reach the island pluck a flower and fly away with it in your beak. If the demons call you, do not look back. Otherwise ruin will befall you."
So saying the fagîr transformed the Prince into a parrot, and he flew across the seven oceans to the island of Princess Fireflower. Arriving there, he plucked the flower and was carrying it off in his beak, when the demons called out to him :
"You thief! Come back and pluck one flower more. We will not hurt you." Hearing this he turned a little back and was at once burnt to ashes.
Meanwhile the faqir was awaiting his return, and when he did not return in two days, he knew that disaster had befallen the Prince. He went in search of him, and when he reached the place he found only one of the tail feathers of the parrot, which had escaped the burning.
A tale told by Chhabináth Mahti, a Manjhi, one of the Dravidian races, resident of Járókhar, Dudht, Mirzapur District, recorded by Pandit Ramgharib Chaube. The number of the last tale of this series, published at p.75 ff., should have been No. 5 and not No. 4 as printed.
2 Augárkali Rant, the titlo of the princess means "the flower of blazing charcoal."
3 Brindaban is of course in the Mathura District-where Khakhafapur is I do not know. It is not given in Mr. Growho's list of villago namos in Tahsil Mathura. Possibly it is merely an imaginary name.
• The word used is Babu, & common way of addressing faqirs.
. For many instances of similar metamorphosis see Temple, Wideawake Stories, 420 sqq. : Tawney, Katha Sarit Sagara, II. 215, &c.
The sat samundar, or seven oceans, constantly appear in Indian folktales, see Temple, loc. cit. 432.
For the "looking back" taboo, see Grimm, Household Tales, II. 400: Miss Stokes, Indian Fairy Tales, 282-3, and the logonds of Orpheus and Eurydice and Lot's Wife.

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Over this he breathed his spells (mantra), and bringing the Prince to life again, returned with him to his hut. When they arrived there he said :
“Ask me for another boon. This quest of yours is too dangerous." The Prince replied :
"Baba! as I said before, through your kindness I lack nothing but the Princess Fireflower. Only grant me that I may find her."
“Well!" answered the faqir, "if you will not heed my advice, go again to the island in the form of a crow and pluck another flower. But, take care, look not back a second time, or you will be turned to ashes and then I am helpless to serve you."
The Prince promised to obey, and in the form of a crow flow again to the island, and on reaching there, plucked a flower which he took in his beak and flew back towards the faqir's hut. The guardian demons tried in vain to induce him to look back, but he would not, and came back safe to the faqir.
The demons followed close behind and, standing at the door, called out:"BAba! a thief has robbed us and entered your hut. Restore him to us at once." Meanwhile the faqir turned the Prince into a cat, and called out to the demons:
Come and look. There is no one here but my cat and myself. If you do not trust me, you can come in and search for yourselves."
The demons came in and looked everywhere, but when they found no one there, except the faqir and the cat, they returned home. When they had gone, the faqir restored the Prince again to the form of a man, and gave the prince a little red-lead box (sind úrdán) and said :"Take care not to open it till you reach your home."
The Prince started for home with the box, but when he reached close to his father's city he began to think:
"Perhaps the faqir has cheated me: and my sister-in-law will laugh at me again.”
So he opened the box, and immediately a lovely girl, twelve years old, came out, and so beautiful was she that the sun lost its brightness. The Prince made her sit down and was going to a well close by to draw water. She said :-"Where are you going?"
He answered :-" I am going to draw water for you and for me."
She answered :-"Do not bring water for me. If you do, I shall fall into Patâla. It is my task to serve you, not for you to serve me."
So she went to the well to draw water : and it so happened that at that very time the handmaid of the Râjâ came too to draw water. When she saw Princess Fireflower, she said :
"Who are you and where are you going?”
The Princess answered :-"I am Princess Fireflower, and the Raja's son has brought me hither."
The handmaid said :-"Let us change our clothes and see which is the lovelier."
The Princess agreed and made over her dress and ornaments to the handmaid : and when she went to the edge of the well to draw water, the handmaid pushed her in. She then filled a vessel of water and took it to the prince who said :
“How black you have grown by walking in the sun !"
He drank the water from her hand, and, believing her to be Princess Fireflower, told her to wait there while he went to the palace.
The Oriental equivalent of our "sweet seventeen." • The analogy to Grimm's charming story of the “Goose Girl," No. 89 of the Household Tales is obvious.

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When his sister-in-law saw him, she said :
"Well! have you found Fireflower Princess ?"
"She is at the well," he answered.
FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN.
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So he took a retinue and brought her home, and lived with her as his wife.
But a month after, a blaze, like that of a lamp, appeared over the well, and all who saw it were astonished; but whenever they went near the well the light was quenched. By-and-by this news reached the ear of the Raja, and he sent the Prince to see what had happened.
At break of day the Prince went to the well, and saw the place ablaze with light. So he threw himself into the water, and found there a flower bud, which he tied in his handkerchief and brought home. For many a day he kept the handkerchief carefully by him, but one day he happened to drop it in the courtyard, and his son, who had meanwhile been born of the handmaid, saw it and took it to his mother. She found the bud tied up inside, and threw it on the dunghill behind the palace.
In one night it grew into a large mango tree, and next morning the false queen saw it and fell ill of fright.
Her mother-in-law asked :-"What ails you ?"
"I have fallen ill," said she, "since I have seen this mango tree. Have it cut down and I will soon recover."10
Her mother-in-law told this to the old Râja, and he sent for labourers to cut down the tree. The Prince went to his father and said :
"To cut down a green mango tree is a sin. Let me remove it elsewhere, and the princess will not see the cause of her illness and recover."
"Be it so," said the Râja.
So the Prince removed the tree to his own orchard and said to his gardener :"When this tree fruits, let no one touch it but myself."
By-and-by the tree blossomed and bore fruit, and one of them fell on the ground. This the gardener's wife picked up and laid on a shelf to keep till the Prince should come. Meanwhile she went to buy grain and her cat knocked down the mango, and the moment it dropped, a lovely girl twelve years old stepped out of it.
When the gardener's wife returned and saw her, she was afraid, and said to the girl :"Stay here, but never leave the house even for a moment."
But one day she ventured into the courtyard, and the handmaid of the false queen saw her and told her mistress. The queen called the keeper of the elephants, and said:
"Go to the gardener's house and crush the girl you will find there to dust under your elephant's feet."
When the keeper of the elephants went to kill the girl, she brought out a great club and beat them and routed all the Râjâ's elephants.
Then the queen fell ill again and her mother-in-law asked her what ailed her.
"If the heart of the gardener's daughter be not brought to me I shall die," she said.
The Râjâ sent for the gardener and his wife and ordered them to bring out their daughter. "We have had neither chick nor child all the days we tended Your Majesty's garden. How can we give our daughter when we have none ?" they answered. But the Râjâ did not
10 So the mother is changed into a tree in the "Wonderful Birch," Lang, Red Fairy Book, 123 sqq..

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believe them and had their house searched, and finding the girl delivered her over to the executioner, 11
They were about to kill her in the forest, when an old Dom said to the others :
“What is the good of killing such a pretty girl for the sake of a few rupees. Let us spare her life and reach paradise (swarga); even if we kill her, the Raja won't give us his ráj for our trouble. Let us kill a goat and take its heart to the queen and she will be cared."12 The others obeyed his words and spared the life of the girl. When they took the goat's heart to the queen, she recovered at once.
The Princess Fireflower then went on to Brindaban Khakharapar, and there with her hand she struck four blows upon the earth, when a splendid palace appeared and there she lived. She kept several parrots and used to amuse herself by teaching them to say Râm ! Ram”! 13
A long time after the old Râjâ and his son, the Prince, came into the forest to hunt, and being thirsty came to the palace for water and the Princess entertained them hospitably. At night they slept in the portico, and early in the morning, while they were half-asleep, the parrots began to talk to each other, and they told how the Prince had brought Princess Fireflower, and how the handmaid had cheated him, and became queen, and how the life of the Princess had been saved, and how she had come to the palace.14
At this the Raja and the Prince were much astonished, and going at once to the Princess Fireflower, asked her if all this was true. She began to shed tears and told them the whole story from beginning to end. They brought her home in triumph.
Then the Rajá had a deep pit dog and buried the false queen alive. The Prince and Princess Fireflower lived happily ever after, and the Rajâ became a Sannyasi faqir and made over his kingdom to them.
As Paramobar overruled the fate of Princess Fireflower, so may he do to all of us.15
FROG-WORSHIP AMONGST THE NEWARS, WITH A NOTE ON THE
ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORD NEPAL.',
BY A. L. WADDELL, M.B., M. E. A. S. In his work on Népal, Dr. (Buchanan.) Hamilton incidentally noted that the Newars worship frogs. I have ascertained some interesting details of this worship.
The Ndwars are the aborigines of Népal Proper, that is, of the valley in which the present capital Khâțmandu stands; and their present tribal name appears to be of territorial origin. The etymology of the word Népal seems to me to be thus accounted for :--The whole of the hill territory of the Gôrkhâs is called by the Non-Hinduized hillmen of the Himalayas
11 The word in the original is Dom, the most degraded caste, who act as executioners, 12 This, it need hardly be said, is a stock folktale incident. 15 The onmmon form of invoortion and salutation, constantly taught to parrote.
14 These guardian, friendly parrots appear in many of the tales as dei ex machind : Bee The Wonderful Ring in Templo's Wideawake Stories, 205.
10 This is the common refrain of the rustic story teller. [This tale is interesting as to the following points. It exhibits the spread of the belief in the wonder-working "saint:" see Legends of the Panjab, index, 8. vu. miracle and metamorphosis, for a large number of instances. This wonder-working saint is a counterpart of the wonderworking devil (bhita) of Southern India, as will be seen by comparing the tales about to be published in this Journal, under the title of the Devil-worship of the Tuluvas," with those in the Legends of the Panjab. It also exhibits the widespread ides of the." substituted person": see indices to Wide-awake Stories and Legends of the Panjab, . v. And it exhibits strongly the anthropomorphic nature of the folk-tale parrot: see Legends of the Panjab, index, 8. v. parrot, and especially Vol. I. p. 354, where the parrot is a holy personage versed in the Four Vedas! For number of variants of the tale as a whole seo remarks on the Egg-hero in Wide-awake Stories, p. 899 f.-ED.)
1 An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, do.. by Francis Hamilton, M.D., F.R.S., &c., Edinburgh, 1819.

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Остовки, 1993.] FROG WORSHIP AMONGST THE NEWARS.
and the Tibetans Pal; and the original name of this section of the Pal country, which contained the home of the Nêwars, seems to have been Ne, while the people were hence called by the Hindus Nowar, or "Inhabitants of No." Eastern Népal, ne well as Sikkim, ia still called No by the Lepcha autochthones, and the Lepchas interpret the word as meaning the place of Caves for shelter or residence. Ne in most of the cognate tribal dialects of the Indo-Chinese -to whom, 1 find, both Nêwars and Lepelas belong means residence; the same root also appears with similar meaning in the Tibeto-Burman group; and in famaism it is usually restricted to sacred caves and other sacred spots and shrines. It was very probably used in a similar sense by the pre-Lamaist Newars, who were the originators of the so-called Nepalese form of Buddhism, and early gave up the greater portion of their original language for a Sanskritized speech. Some of the Newars are still Buddhists under the title of Baudhamârgis or followers of the Buddhist path, but the vast majority, as is well-known, have lately followed the fashion set by their Gorkha rulers of adopting the externals of Hinduism and call themselves 'Saivamärgis or followers of the 'Siva path," Now the chief Buddhist nês or shrines in the Cis-Himalayas of any antiquity viz., the Kashare and Sambhunath stupas, are all situated in the valley (Nepal Proper) of the Pal country. Thus the word Nepal' seems to mean the Nê (i. e., the residence, or head-quarters,' or 'the shrine) of the Pal country, and is so distinguished from the adjoining Nê country of the Lepchas.
•
293
The frog is worshipped by the Newàrs, not as a tribal totem, but in its supposed capacity of an amphibious (water and earth) divinity subordinate to the Naga demi-gods, and associated with the latter in the production and control of rain and water-supply, on the sufficiency of which the welfare of the crops depends. This elevation of so insignificant an animal as the frog to the dignity of an assistant to the Nagas, is all the more curious in view of the fact that frogs form the chief prey of the hooded cobra-the prototype of the Naga. But the Newars justify their worship of the frog by pointing to the sympathetic and intimate relation of the frog with water, and saying that frogs, although terrestrial animals, are only found in moist localities, and herald by their appearance and croaking? the onset of the rains. They are also found especially at springs, and also on digging deep down into the bowels of the earth, where lies, according to the Newârs, the primary store of water. It is interesting to note here that frogs are also worshipped by the Japanese in the Kiûshiû marshes as metempsychosed heroes,
Frog-worship is performed by the Newars at a different season and place from that required for the Nagas.. The Nigas, of whom the Newârs consider Karköta the greatest, are worshipped on the fifth day (Nagpañchami) of the month of Sawan (July) at the commencement of the rainy season, when the Nagas (water-dragons) are thundering in the sky. The site for the worship is selected by preference at a place where four or five streams meet. A Newâr priest is needed for this ceremony. On the morning of the eventful day, the priest ceremonially washes his face and hands and collects the following offerings, namely:whole rice, vermillion for making the fiká mark of beauty on the forehead, milk mixed with an equal bulk of water, rice-flour and water, flowers, ghi and butter, jaiphal spice, sandalwood
* Which in Tibetan means wool.' It is doubtful, however, whether the name was really intended to mean the wool-country,' for sheep are equally plentiful across the Himalayas.
The leading results of these observations I hope shortly to publish.
Spelt in Tibetan gnas,-but pronounced né.
[See Sir R. Temple's and R. C. Temple's Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim and Nepal, Vol. II. p. 234.-ED.]
6 Vide an account of this stúpa by the present writer in the Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society for December 1802.
Bheng, the vernacular word for frog, is an onomatopoetic attempt at reproducing the frog's call.
s Satow in Murray's Handbook to Central and Northern Japan, 1881.
The pre-eminence thus given to Karkota is evidently due to his being considered the tutelary Naga of the lacustrine valley of Khatmandu, which traditionally was formerly a vast lake reclaimed for the use of man by the saint Maujusri cutting the southern bank, and the escaping water was thus named the Bhagmatt or the fleeing one' -the present name of the river.

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and sal10 resin incense. The priest deposits these articles in the midst of a plate of water, in the above-named order, ignites the incense and spice which occupy the top of the pile, stnd then chants the following short prayer :-“Hail Paramêśvara Nagaraja, Paramount King of Nagas, "and ye Nine Nâgas !! I pray you to receive these offerings and to bless us and our crops."
Frog-worship, on the other hand, is performed on the seventh day of the month of Kartik (October), and usually at a pool, which is known to be frequented by frogs ; although it is not essential to the efficacy of the rite that a frog be actually seen at the time of performing the ceremony. For this service also a Newâr priest is necessary, who, after careful ablution of face and hands, places in five brazen bowls a dole consisting respectively of rice, flowers, milk and vermillion, ghi and incense, and water. Lighting the pile of ghi and incense the priest says: "Hail Paramèsvara Bhûmînatha! I pray you receive these offerings and to send timely rain, and bless our crops !"
The title of Paramébvara is given to the Nagas, Frogs and all the other N& war divinities; but Bhaminatha, Lord or Protector of the Soil,' is specially reserved for the Prog. Owing to its sacred character, the Frog is held by the Newars in special reverence, and every care is taken not to molest or injure it. But despite its semi-divine nature the Newârs, like other Buddhists, believe that the frog, as well as the Naga, is within the cycle of re-births.
THE TRADITIONAL MIGRATION OF THE SANTAL TRIBE.
BY L. A, WADDELL, M.B., M. B. A, B. It seems to me that the current story preserved by the Bantals, or Saontars, of their advance from Ahirt or Abiri-pipri, via Chhal and Champs, to their present location is manifestly a record of actual tribal progress, not, As is usually believed, from one part of the Hazaribagh Hills to apother - wbere indeed there could have been practically no Hindu pressure exercised, - but from the central alluvial valley of the Ganges south-westwards to the hills, under presspre of the Aryan invasion of the valley from the porth. For, in this part of the Gapgetic valley, I find ancient territorial names in keeping with this story of migration,
Moreover, the names of the Hazaribagh pargonas, which have been indentified with certain of these legendary lapds, present many difficolties in the way of their acceptance in interpretation of the story, even as a record of recent hill-migration. Ahsri could never become corrupted into Ahariâ, or vice versa. The Chhai pargapa of Hazaribagh is a remote hilly tract, from which there could have been no desire on the part of the earlier Hindus to dispossess the Santâls. Besides, the greater part of it is still under primitive forest, ancultivated, and in the occupation of the Santâls. The name is more likely to be a transplantation to their new home of their old country name, from a desire to retain the old home associations, such as is observable in colonists of all nationalities. The Champå pargana of Hazaribagh is situated on the high central plateau oceppied by the semi-aboriginal Urions and Mundas, who seem to be the autochthones of that area, and to which location it is generally believed the Santál tribe never penetrated.
The tracts, which I would identify with those of the story, are the following. The Ahir, or herdeman-tribe, was the dominant race in the Bihar section of the Gangetic valley in the later pre-historic period. The Ahiri-country extended from about Benares eastwards to the Kust river, and lay mainly to the north of the Ganges. The greatest stronghold latterly of the Ahirs and Gwalâs was at Hardi in the Darbhanga District, where their heroic chief Lôrik is
30 Shorea robusta.
11 The Nine Nagarajas are usually given as (1) Ananta, (2) Vasuki, (8) Karköta, (4) Padma, (6) Mahápadma, (6) Kulika, (7) Takshaka, (8) Baikhya, and (9) Batta.
1 [Saontal seems to be the correct spelling.-ED.

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THE MIGRATION OF THE SANTAL TRIBE.
295
now worshipped as a god, and his exploits still sung by the Gwalks and Ahîrs of Bihậr and Northern Bengal. This Hardigașh may, in fact, be the Haraduttie and Hurredgarhi of Col. Dalton's version of the legend,
Piprt is a very common village name all over Bihar ; but a well-known pre-Aryan settle. ment named Pipri exists near the south bank of the Ganges Dear Chunar, and was figured by Mr. Nesfield in the Calcutta Review for January 1889 in connection with his article on the semi-aboriginal Mushēras, or Musâ hars. It was originally a stronghold of the Chêrôs, who were dispossessed by the Ahirs under Lôrik. And this is very probably the Ahiri-piprî of the Santal story; but it would be worth wbile enquiring from Mr. Grierson, or some other correspondent well-acquainted with the Trans-Gangetic portion of North Bihar, whether there be another famous Pipri thereabouts, near Hardi, specially associated with Lôrik and his Ahirs.
Chhai is the old pargana of that name, in the modern Bhagalpur District, 489 square miles in extent, south of the Abiri stronghold of Hardi and bordering the Ganges. From its jhfl-traversed aspect it was probably in those days a dóáb, or an island, between the Ganges and the combined Gandak and Ghagrå rivers.
Directly opposite Chbai, across the Ganges to the south, is the old kingdom of Champa, now generally corresponding to the Cis-Gangetic portion of the modern district of Bhagalpur. Champa was one of the earliest Hindu settlements in the lower valley of the Ganges - according to Hiuen Tsiang's account it " was one of the first cities founded in Jambndvipa,"-and it was still the name of the country at the time of Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang's visits in the 5th and 7th centuries A. D. It now survives in the name of the old section of Bangalpur town, which is called Champanagar and Champapuri. The "Khairigarh" of Col. Dalton's version, and one of the recorded pass-words of the tribe, is evidently the fortified hill of Khêriya about twelve miles south-west of Champanagar, and an oatlier of the Hazaribagh section of the Vindhya range.
The Santal story also tells us that when “the Hindus drove them out of Champå they (the Santâls) established themselves in Saont," whence they have derived their present tribal name. The migration here referred to was evidently southwards into the adjoining hilly tract, extending from Southern Champâ, through the eastern part of the Hazaribagh District, to the borders of Midnapur District and the Upper Damuda Valley, in the south of which is said to be situated the village, or land, of Saont, though its exact situation does not seem to be known.
It may be worth considering, however, whether this name of Snont is not really related to their holy hill of Sãot Sikar (the scene of the Jina Parsvanitha's nirvana and therefore also called by his pame), towering high above their holy river, the Damuda. Sãêt is the Sanskritized form in which the name has been fixed in the earlier Hindu books. Sant may, therefore, not impossibly be the original name of their holy hill, which is in the very centre of their modern location. In this hilly tract, centring around Siêt Sikar, the tribe remained, hemmed in more and more by Bengali encroachments till quite recent times, when Government interference rendered it possible for the tribe to re-emerge on to the skirts of the Ganges Valley.
Their deified mountain Marang Buru, or the Great Hill,' is distinctly specified in Colonel Dalton's version to have been encountered after the expulsion of the tribe from Champa, and it is also stated to "have been the god of the Mûndås, whom the Santáls found already in occupation of the Hazaribagh platean. This pre-eminent hill must surely have been the graceful mountain of Siêt Sikar (Parasnath)--the culminating peak of this portion of the Vindhya range, and these savage refugees natarally worshipped the hills which sheltered them
Dalton's Ethnolgy af Bengal, p. 207 ff.
It means the village of the pipal tree' (ficus religiosa). • Damuda is a Santali word meaning the Home Water or Home-River.' The Brahmans have Sanskritized it into Damidar, the only word in their mythology to which it bore any resemblance; and as Dimodar is a title of the god Krishna, this river is now held by Hindus to be Krishna himself!

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securely from their Hindu enemies. Their other prod's Daine Mor&ko, may be tlse Môrêki River, which traverses this area and whose course is beset by numeruiy hot springs, still worshipped hy the aburigines. These in the winter mornings beleh forth great clouds of sulphurous bleum, marking their site from afar.
I have no doubt that the other minor names of the story, and most of the fort-smes wlich enter into the tribal pass-words, will be found still entrent als territorial names, or in the traditions of the Abîrs and Gwâlás, if only searched for in the tracts here indicated.
It will also be noticed that such a progress of the tribe, as that herein indicated, takes them from the base of the Hinuiluyus to their present location, thus accounting for the Turuuian' element in their speech.
MISCELLANEA. SONE DATES IN THE
ļukya Vikruma-kalada blncy=Anala-sanii vatsara. CHALUKYA-VIKRAMA-KALA.
da Chaitra-bahula-pamehami. Mashgabavara- 31era The Western Chalukya king Vikramadi (sbn)-sainkranti-ryatipatad- du. And these tys VI. sought to supersede the use of the Suka detxile work ont quite correctly. The year is era y un cru which was named after himself Saku-Samvut 1059 carrent. By Prof. Kert. the Chalukya-Vikrams.kala and Chalukya. | Lakshman Clbatre's tables, the given titki en led Vikrama-varsha, and the first year of which at about 21 gh. 10 p.=8 br. 28 min., after was the first year of his own reign, vis. tbe Anala mean sunrise (for Bombay), on Tuesday, 24th or Vala wersiivuthara, Suku-Suivat 999 current, Mareh, A. D. 1136. And the Nesha-sankranti A. D. 1076-77.
occurred, while that tithi was current, at about According to Sir Walter Elliot't Carnataka
56 ghatis, = 22 hrs. 24 min.. on the donduy, Den Inweriptions, Vol. I. p. 255, the eurliest
and, on account of the lateness of the hour, date in this eru is one of Chaitra krishnu D, in
would be celebrated on the Tuesday. the first yeur of it, contained in un inscription, This date is, in renlity, one of a few which shew which does not refer itself to any particular reign, that an attempt was inade to continue the at the temple of Kadumbesvaru at Araleshwar era after the end of the reign of Vikramain the Hangal Taluka, Dharwar District. Prof. ditya VI. Kielhorn hus receutly caleulated this date; with
These dntes may be divided into two classes :the result that the details. as taken by him, tlo not work out correctly (page 10 above, No. 8).
A. - Some of them shew simply a continusIde took them, lowever, from the reading which
tion of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kala. To this I myself gave (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 190, No. 4).
class belongs the Arn!ôshwar late, mentioned from the transcript in the Elliot Collection. Andab
il above. And other instances are to be found in I now find, from an ink-impression, that the
this Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 193, Nos. 37 to 39,
and +1 to 13. record is dated, as plainly as could possibly be, -- not in the first year of the era, as represented by Of these, Nos, 41, 42, and 43, of the sixty-first, Sir Walter Elliot's copyist, - but in the sixty- eighty-fourth, and ninety-fourth years, are first year of it. The original has-grimuch-Chat already verified. And I can now verify No. 37.
[1 hare referred this article to Mr. Grieryon, who seems to dingroo with Dr. Waddoll. He writes :-"I know of no Pipri in North Bihar. There in mail to have been Pipriand a Handl in Gay, but they are mythical and solely due to the desire which each Bihar distriet has of approprinting Lirik to itself. Hurut is really in Balis I shoulil xuy that the Ahirt were inore common in South Bihar. I do not remember y place called Hardt in Darbhanga, but it in twolve years since I was there. Lirik is not much known east of the Ganılak. The story is essentially Westeru Gandak and South Gaugotic. Shahabad and Gay A are full of it. So also are Saran, Bulia nad Benares. The favorito Darbhanga legend is the Dusalh one of Salhes. There will be a good ahir legend of South Bihlır in the articles now being priutel on Tulsi Di#."-E.]
1 I mean, to the oxtent of shewing that the records really oxist. The point whether the details work out correctly, is not of prenent importanco. -I thiuk thnt, as a matter of fact, the inajority of these dates will not work out correctly. Bnt, a Prof. Kiedhorn ha inilicated (page 111 above), this is the citro with many of the Inter of this perioil. An:l the records containing them are not necessarily to be stamperl ay not geuuiue ou thut account. - From more ample experience of the work of Sir Walter Elliot's copyint, I consider it waste of time and trouble to calculate dates, the details of which depend solely on his transcripts. His versions may be true and corroet in the majority of cases. But I have come across too many instituces iu which he has taken liberties with tho toxts of the originals.

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MISCELLANEA.
297
This record, at the temple of Ramêsvara at and the third year of the reign of BholôkamalisHiri-Muddanur in the Nizâm's Dominions Sômêsvara III. The year is Šaka-Samvat 1051 (Eliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 700), really does current. refer itself to the reign of Bhaloka-Sômêsvara
An inscription, which does not refer itself to III., and belongs to his fourth year; but it is,
any particular reign or reigns, on a beam in the nevertheless, dated (from an ink-impression) śrimach-Chalukya-Vikrama-varshada 54neya
madhyaranga of the temple of Sarvesvara at
Narêgal in the HÂngal Taluka, DhArwar District, Saumya-samvatsarada Pushya-su(su)-12-Soma
contains two dates. The first is in the month Vårad-ardin-uttarayana-sankranti-parbba(rvva)
Pausha of the Visvävasu santatsara, which was, nimittadim. The year is Šaka-Samvat 1052
and is quoted as, the fiftieth year of the Chalukya. current.
Vikrama-varsha. The second from an inkAnd I can add the following five instances : impression) runs - 55neya Sadbarana-samvatIn an inscription on a pillar at the temple of
sarada friheyo!; the words Chaľukya-Vikrama. Virupaksha at Kurtakoti in the Gadag Taluka,
varshada are intended to be supplied from the Dharwar District, which does not refer itself to
first date. The year is Saka-Samvat 1053 curany particular reign, the date (from an ink.
rent, -the fifth year of the reign of Sômêsvara
III. impression) runs - srimach-Châļukya-Vikrama. kalada Sa śnka-varsha 1048neya Parabhava- And a third inscription at Arajeshwar, on a sam vatsarada Syoshthad-amavasye Sómavara pillar in front of the gateway of the temple of stryya-grahaņada tat-kalikadol. The year is Saka.
Kadambởivara (Elliot Ms. Collection, Vol. II. Samvat 1048 expired,- the first year of the reign p. 601 where, however, the year and sanwatsara of Sômêsvara III. It is also the fifty-first year
are not given, and Pushya is given instead of of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kala; but the writer Joshta), contains two dates, of which the first of the record, though apparently intending to (from an ink-impression) runs - 60neya RAKquote this fifty-first year, omitted after all to
shasa-samvatsarada shasa-sar
Joshta- read Jyoshtha)do so.
sudhdha(read suddha)-punyami-Sómavárad-ardu. Another inscription at Araleshwar, on the The record does not refer itself to any particular makara-torana of the temple of Kadambêsvara, reign. And the words Chalukya. Vikrama-kalada which does not refer itself to any particular reign or 'varshada were omitted by the writer. But (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. II. p. 594), contains
there can be no doubt that the year is the sixtieth two dates. The first of them is in the Vibhava year of the Chålukya-Vikrama-kala, which was the samvatsara, the thirteenth year of the Chalukya. Rákshasa sanatsara, Saka-Sarhvat 1058 current. Vikrama-kala. The second, not fully transcribed and the tenth year of the reign of Sômêsvara by Sir Walter Elliot's copyist, runs (from an ink. impression) -- [śrima]ch-Châļukya-Vikrama
With these records we may also class an kalada 52neya Plavamga-samvatsarada Vaisakha
inscription on a stone built into a mandapa at suda. read buddha)-10-Bri(bsi)havárad-amdu.
the Molasthânêśvara temple at Nådendla in the The year is Saka-Samvat 1050 current, - the
Narasarkvupêța Taluks of the Kistna District, second year of the reign of Sömêsvara III.
Madras Presidency. It does not refer itself to In an inscription which is now stored in the any particular reign. But the date (from an inkKachêri at Lakshmeshwar, within the limits of impression, which reached me from Dr. Hultzsch the Dharwar District, the date of a supplementary after the rest of this note was written) runs - record, which does not formally refer itself srimach-Châļukya-Vikrama-varsha 2neya Pla. to any particular reign, runs (from an ink- vaga-Bath vatsara Bhadrapada su(su) 1 Brisbți). impression) – grimach-Chaļukya-Bholókamalla havára. Here, - unless Vikramao is a mistake varshada 53neya Kilaka-samvatsarada Sravana- for Bhatókamalla", which seems, on the whole, su(bu)ddha-panchami-Adivaram soma-grabañad. I not so probable as the other alternative, though amdu. Here two things are mixed up, the the writer very possibly had also the second year fifty-third year of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kala, of Bhalôkamalla running in his mind, -eneya is
III."
** The eclipse, of course, did not occur on the specified tithi.
* The second date in this record is -15neya Kbarasamvatsarada ] Chaitra-su(eu)-5-Sómavárad-amdu. Here, there is no reference to any particular reiga; but the Khara tarhalaara must be Baks-Sauvat 1094 current,
which was the fifteenth year, or properly the sixteenth, in the reckoning of the Kalachurya king Bijjala. And it is possible that the whole record was put on the stone at that time. In this second data, Sir Walter Elliot's copyist has given 16neya, instead of the 15neya which the original has.

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a mistake for 53neya; the Plavarnga sarivatsara of Kall@svara at Naregal in the Rôn Täluka was Saka-Sarhvat 1050 current, -the second year Dharwar District, dated in the month Pausha of the reign of Sômêsvara III.
of the same samvatsara, coupled, not with the
fifty-fourth year of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kala, B. The dates of the second class shew an
but with Saka-Samvat 1051 (expired) (ibid. imaginary continuation of the reign itself
p. 630); and an inscription at the temple of Sanof Vikramaditya VI., as well as a continuation
karalinga at Kurtakoti in the Gadag Täluka, of the era.
Dharwar District, dated in the Paridhävin sanOf this there is an indisputable instance in the vatsara, coupled, not with the fifty-seventh year inscription on a stone lying on the road on of the Chalukya-Vikrama-kála, but with Sakathe north of Kyksandr in the Hangal Taluka, Samvat 1054 (expired) (ibid. p. 638). As regards Dharwar District (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. these records, however, I have to remark (1) that p. 636; and ante, Vol. VIII. p. 193, No. 40). The I cannot make out such a date in the ink-imprespreamble contains the words Srimat-[Tribhu- sion, which I have seen, of the Kartakoti inscrip. vanamalladóvara vijaya-rdjyam=ultar-Ottar-dbhi- tion; and (2) that, whereas the Elliot MS. Colvridhdhi- read vriddhi)-pravarddhamdnam=d- lection, Vol. I. p. 626, represents an inscription chandr-drkka-túrar barai saluttam-ire, which at Lakshmêshwar as similarly referring itself to do expressly refer it to the reign of Vikramaditya the reign of Vikramaditya VI., and as being dated VI. But, as regards the date, the words Chalu- in the fifty-second year, the Plavarga samvatsara, kya-Vikrama-sakha (sic), which I gave when I | I find, from an ink-impression, that the original first noticed this date, are a pure invention of refers itself, as plainly as could possibly be, to Sir Walter Elliot's copyist. What the original the reign of Vira-Somèsvara IV., and that the really has is (from an ink-impression) simply Plavamga sanwatsara is mentioned as the second aivat-eteneya (read aivatt-êleneya) ParidhAvi-san year of his reign. vachcha(tsa)rada Chaitra-sudhda-{read buddha)panchami-Brehaspati( read Bțihaspati)vårad
It may be useful, to give here the latest date, andu. The sa invatsara was the fifty-seventh year
known to me, that is undoubtedly attributof the Chalukya-Vikrama-kåla, and the seventh
able to the actual reign of Vikramaditya VI.
There are several records dated in his fiftieth year of the reign of Sömêsvara III. And the
year, the Visv&vasu samvatsara, which was Saka. year is Saka-San vat 1055 current.
Samvat 1048 current. And the latest of them is And there is another equally clear instance in an inscription at the temple of Sarvesvara at an inscription near the large tank at Hunagund Naregal in the Hângal Täluka, Dharwar District in the Barkápur Taluka, Dharwar District. The (Elliot Ms. Collection, Vol. I. p. 613). The name preamble refers the record, in just the same way, of the reigning king, in the preamble, is illegible; to the reign of Vikramaditya VI. But the actual but there is no doubt that the biruda Tribhuvadate (from an ink-impresion) is - Srimach-Châlu. namalladôva stood there, in the usual manner. kya-Bhalokamalla-varshada 3neya Saumya- And the date (from an ink-impression) runs - samvatsa ............. .. spativara- grimach-Chalukya-Vikrama-varsha[da] 50neya mum-uttarayana-samkramana-vyatip&tam kadida VisvÂvagu-samvatsarada Magha-sudhdha ( read punya-tithiyo!. The year is Saka-Sarvat 1052 śuddha)-saptami-Sômavárad-amdu samastacurrent, - which was properly the fourth, not punya-tithi-galo ......... The date does the third, year of Sômêsvara IJI.
not work ont satisfactorily. Thus:- The year is If reliance may be placed on the transcripts,
Saka-Samvat 1048 current. And the given tithi the following records also, though dated in
ended at about 2 ghatis, 5 palas, =50 minutes, years which fall within the reign of Sõmêsvara
after mean sunrise, on Sunday, 3rd January, A.D. III., similarly refer themselves to the reign of
1126; and so it cannot be connected with the Vikramaditya VI.:-An inscription at the temple
Monday at all. This is the more remarkable, of Bhögôsvara at Gobbar in the Raichur Taluka,
because, though the aksharas are now illegible, Nizam's Dominions, dated in the fifty-second
the tithi was evidently described as an emphatiyear, the Plavamga samvatsara, in the month
cally auspicious one; in consequence of which, Jyêshtha falling in A.D. 1127 (Elliot MS. Collec
one would imagine, special care would be taken tion, VOL I. p. 623); an inscription at the temple
to compute all the details accurately. Still, there Hanumanta at Kanapur in the Kolhapur is nothing else in the record, to lead to its being territory, dated in the fifty-fourth year, the
looked upon as not genuine. Saumya samvatsara, in Vaisakha falling in A, D.
J. F. Fert. 1129 (ibid. p. 627); an inscription at the temple 28th Juno, 1893.

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NOVEMBER, 1893.) ASOKA'S SAHASRAM, RUPNATH AND BAIRAT EDICTS.
299
ASOKA'S SAHASRAM, RUPNATH AND BAIRAT EDICTS.
BY G. BÜHLER, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E. THE subjoined new edition of the Sahasråm and Rupnáth Edicts has been made according
1 to most excellent materials, rubbings (A) and paper-casts (B) made over to me by Dr. J. F. Fleet. The casts show the letters reversed in high relievo and indicate even the smallest flaws, abrasions and exfoliations in the rocks. It is in fact chiefly owing to them that a really trustworthy edition has become possible. Though, thanks to Sir A. Cunninham's kindness, a direct photograph of the Sahasram rock and a very fine rubbing of the Rūpnåth inscription were available for the first edition, they could not render the same services. For, the nature of such reproductious makes it impossible to answer a good many questions, which the decipherer must put to himself. They give merely surface-views, and necessarily leave one in doubt regarding the depth of the strokes and the minor details of the state of the stones. Nevertheless, one portion of the old materials, the photograph of the Sahasrâm rock, still retains a considerable value. For, since it was taken, the rock has suffered a good deal. Pieces have peeled off at the edges of the old exfoliations, and a new one has formed. Thus, to the left of the old exfoliation the letters vari á have disappeared in line 1, and on its right side the signs - iyani savachhal.. Similarly line 2 has lost, after sadhike, a stop and the syllable am, and to the right of the exfoliation the letters t.-éna cha anta. The new exfoliation has destroyed some letters in the middle of lines 6-8,2
The most important changes in the text of the Sahasram Edict, which the new edition exhibits, are l. 2, sadvachhalé for savinchhalé, suint[] for the conjectural husam te and 1. 8, -, i. e., ti, for yi. With respect to the first word it must be noted that the paper cast proves distinctly (1) that there is no Anusvira after the second sign, (2) that the shape of this second sign slightly differs from that used for vi. The corresponding passage of the Râpnath Edict las according to B quite distinctly chhavachhare, which represents exactly the Sanskrit
shadvatsaram, "& period of six years."
There is not the slightest doubt that the sign
may
be equivalent to and I, and that it is possible to read sadvachhalé. The form sad for Sanskrit shad occurs in the dates of the Pillar Edicta I.-VI., where we have sad-w-visati "twenty-six," and it must be noted that the dialect of the Pillar Edicts and of the Sahasrâm inscription is the same. The forms tadatva (Kalsi, Dhauli, Jaugada X.), dvo (Girnår I.), dve (Girnår II.), and dvadasa (Girnår III., IV.) prove that groups with va are admissible in the ancient Pali of the inscriptions just as in that of the Buddhist scriptures. Hence the word sadvachhalé is also grammatically unobjectionable.
These reasons appear to me sufficiently strong to warrant the assertion that the reading savichhalé can only be upheld in defiance of the fundamental principles of philology. He who still adopts it, has first to select an interpretation of the second sign which yields & word without any meaning, and next has to emend it as well as the perfectly intelligible form of the Rupnáth version. I, of course, have to plead guilty to having committed both these mistakes. My excuse must be that in 1876 I was still under the erroneous impression that the Asoka
1 Ante, Vol. VI. pp. 149ff. The facsimile of the Råpnáth version is an exact reproduction of the rubbing, which has not been touched up or corrected in any way.
. For further details see the notes to the transcripts. 3 See E. Müller, Simplified Grammar of Pali, p. 54.
* It is quite possible that the lovers of emendations will point to the readings savachhall or samhrachhall in the Myaore versions, as to proofs for the necessity of correcting those of Sabaarim und Rupoath. I have shown in my paper vu the new inscriptions, to be published in Dr. Haltzsch's continuation of the Epigraphia Indica, thalsa and sati may likewise be equivalents of Sanskrit shad.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1893.
inscriptions required corrections in every line, and were full of the most absurd mistakes. Thanks to Drs. Burgess and Fleet, it is now evident that they have been well incised and that most of them show only few and trifling mistakes. Moreover, the necessity for, nay the inclination to make, extensive or even more frequent alterations disappears, in the same degree as the character of the language and the contents of the edicts come to be better understood. The retention of the forms saḍvachhalé and chhavachharé with the sense of "a period of six years" has, of course, a most important bearing. With this explanation it appears that the Beloved of the gods had been an adherent of the Samgha not about four, but about nine years, and that when the inscriptions were incised his reign must have been longer than those of most of the later Maurya princes.
With respect to the substitution of the reading samt[a] for Dr. Bhagvânlal's conjectural emendation husam te, I have to add that M. Senart has vindicated its correctness long ago, and has been the first to recognise that the reading of the Mysore versions samáná, the present participle of the Atmanêpada of the verb as, fully agrees. I must also acknowledge that the division of the words likhúpayáthá (1.7) and likhapayatha have been taken over from his edition.
Turning to the Rûpnâth version the most important new readings are satilékáni for sátirakékáni, adhatiyani for adhitisani, and sagha up.te for sangha-papite, all in line 1. M. Senart had long ago given sáti(lé)káni. Dr. Fleet's paper-cast shews that the indistinctness of the sign is due to an attempt at correcting the Magadhî sátiléka to sátiréka, which the ancient dialect of the Central Provinces, no doubt, required. My old reading adhitisáni, on which I based one half of the historical deductions given in the introduction to my first edition, has been objected to by Professor Oldenberg and afterwards by M. Senart, who have proposed adhitiyáni or adhatiyani equivalent to Pâli addhatiya or addhateyya "two and a half." The paper-cast certainly makes the second form very probable, and the distinct reading of Mr. Rice's Brahmagiri version aḍhátiyáni fully confirms it. With respect to the third charge, I must confess that, looking now at my old facsimile, I cannot understand how I ever came to read papite. The first letter is their clearly an u, not a pa. But, I fear, the recognition of the truth has only come to me, after seeing the Mysore versions, where Mr. Rice has at once given correctly upayite. The paper-cast of Rûpnâth shews up.te quite plainly, but it proves also that the vowel attached to the second consonant has been destroyed. There are flaws both to the right and to the left of the top of the pa, one of which in the rubbing has assumed the appearance of an i. But, the real reading of the stone was probably upêté. The new division of the words lákhapétavaya ta has been taken over from M. Senart's edition. The text of the fragments of the Bairât Edict has been prepared according to two impressions on thick country paper, likewise sent to me by Dr. Fleet. They shew the shallow letters reversed, and give a faithful picture of the state of the rock, which apparently has a very uneven surface, and has been greatly injured by the peeling of the uppermost layer. The letters are very large, between an inch and a half and two inches high, but few among them stand out quite clear.
I am unable to give at present a new translation and discussion of the contents of the New Edicts, since that would necessitate a reproduction of the exact text of the Mysore versions according to Dr. Hultzsch's new impressions, which I have agreed to reprint only after my article on the Southern edicts has been published in the continuation of the Epigraphia Indica. But, there are two points on which I must say a few words. First, I must point out that the position of those scholars, who deny the identity of the Dêvânâm Piyê of the New Edicts with Dêvânath Piyê Piyadasi, has become exceedingly difficult and precarious since the discovery of the Mysore yersions. For, there a brief résumé of Asoka's well-known Dhamma is tacked on to a free reproduction of the contents of the Sahasrâm and Rûpnâth texts, and the writer gives a
Ante, Vol. XX. pp. 1548,
See, Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, No. 4, p. 11 (Jour. Asiatique, 1892, p. 482).

Page #333

A.- Rupnath Rock Edict of Devanampiya ---The Year 256
SCALE .17
B.--Sahasram Rock Edict of Devanampiva. --The Year 250
$
a
M
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
J.
FLEET. BO. C.S.
SCALE 25

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NOVEMBER, 1893.) ASOKA'S SAHASRAM, RUPNATH AND BAIRAT EDIOTS.
301
portion of his signature in the Northern characters, used in Gandhåra and in the Panjậb. We now know that their anthor, Devânâm Piyê, was a king who ruled from the extreme Northwest of India as far as Magadha in the East and Mahishamandala in the South, and who not only used in his inscriptions many of the phrases and terms peculiar to Piyadasi, Beloved of the gods, but also tried to spread those particular principles of morality, which the third Maurya king recommended to his subjects as the Dhamma ensuring endless merit and bliss in heaven.
Secondly, as the heading of Dr. Fleet's facsimile, published with this paper, mentions "the year 256," I think it only right to say a word regarding the question, how the passages with the numerals are to be interpreted, and to state more distinctly, than 'I have done on other occasions, that neither the objections raised against my translations nor the new explanations substituted for them by Professor Oldenberg and M. Senart," tempt mo to give them up. Further researches have, however, taught me that the sentence of Sahasram, iyazi cha st(sd) - vaná Viduthéna; dupe sapaindlátiratá vitutha ti, may be appropriately rendered into Sanskțit (as Professor Pischel first demanded) by iyan gha órávaná Vyushtena (kritd] doé shat pañchásadadhikabaté (varsháñán) vyushfé iti. For vyushļa, an irregular form of the participle passive of vivas, certainly occurs with the sense of " passed away, elapsed." Thus we read in the Gobhila Grihyasūtra II. 8, 8, jananád dasarâtré vyushte satarátré saivatsaré vá námadheyam | "When a period of ten (days and) nights, a period of one hundred (days and) nights or a year has elapsed, the name-giving (takes place)."8 Further, I will state that when I render ali by adhika, I simply mean to declare the meaning of the two words to be equivalent. Ati appears not rarely for adhi in the older language. Thus we have rájátirája for rújddhirája, atipadá sakvari "a Sakvari verse with a foot in excess," Mahâbhâshya, Vol. IV. p. 139 (Kielhorn)10 and so forth. Finally, the omission of varsháňám, which has caused such difficulties to my two critics, appears to me quite in keeping with the character of the ancient Indian prose, where with numerals nouns like "cows, men, pieces of gold" and so forth are frequently omitted, provided that some other word, which occurs in the sentence and is incompatible with the sakya artha, makes it necessary to supply the omitted word by lakshaná. This incompatible word is in our case vivutha 'elapsed,' which requires a noun denoting a period of time to be understood.
The new explanations of Professor Oldenberg and M. Senart are made unacceptable by various hazardons assumptions. Both scholars separate sata, which they take to be the representative of sattváh, from the numerals and assume that, among the remaining syllables saparindiati, sa stands for sa[tá] (100) and paina for parind[sa] (50). They further emend la to chha (6) and explain the final ti by iti. The result is, duve sastál parind[8] 14 chha) ti sátá vivutha ti or in Sanskrit, dve éaté panchasat shad iti sattvá vyushtá iti, which
* Zeitschriftder D. Morg. Gesellschaft, Vol. XXXV. pp. 474 ff, and Ind. Ant. loc. cit.
• The passage has been correctly rendered by Professor Oldenterg, Sacred Rooks of the East, Vol. XXX. p. 57 Professor Knager's translation, "Tot von der Geburt der zehnte Tag oder der hundertete oder auch ein Jahr angebrochen, involves two mistakes against the grammar, as dataratra does not mean "the tenth day" nor dataratra "the hundredth.". Moreover the words "Ist .... ein Jabr angebrochen," i.e. "bes a year begun" do not express what the autbor means to say. The commentators, of course, correctly explain ryushte by alikrante.
This is tbe form which occurs invariably on the coins and inscriptions of the Indo. Skythian period, see . 8. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. pp. 886 and 391, No. VIII. And No. XIX.
10 With respeot to M Senart's other objections I may add that he is quite right in saying that "two by-fifty-sixciceeded hundreds" for "wo hundreds exceeded by fifty six" is not a good or correct expression. But the Hindus are very loose in the use of their compounds, and similar bad idioms, where an independent word bas to be connected not with a whole compound but only with one of its parte, are not rare. In the second edition of his Sanskrit grammar, para. 1616, Professor Whitney has collected fow examples among wbioh Mapu's (VI. 34) ddrupdtrai cha mrinmayam is the most striking. I have given fow others in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XL. pp. 532 and 544. Amoug them andchariyakult visats is from the Pali, where, by the bye, they are even more common than in Sanskrit. In the dates of the inscriptions a good many turns occur, which are much worse than Asoka's little slip. Thus we have, Srivikramakalatitasashuateraikanavatyadhikabataikddaieshu for Vikramaavat 1190, and in the Aibole inscription, anto, Vol. V. p. 70, in order to express the figure 3785,
trishiatsu trisahasresh bharatad dhavdd ital
aaptabdasatayukteshu gateshy abdshu partchant II, It lasted some time, until the verse was correctly interpreted.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1893.
means according to Professor Oldenberg " 256 beings have passed into Nirvana)," and according to M. Senart" 256 men have been sent forth on missions."
My special objections against this very unceremonious treatment of the text are, (1) that cardinal numerals are never shortened, in the manner assumed, neither in ancient nor in modern Indian inscriptions, while in those of the seventh and later centuries the first syllable of an ordinal is put occasionally for the whole, see e. g. ante, Vol. XIII. p. 84, 1. 40, and Vol. XV. p. 340, 1. 57, where dui occars for duitiya, (2) that, to judge from the analogies, furnished by the forms sad-u-visti and á-sum-mustke in the Pillar Edicts, the form chha is not admissible in the dialect of the Sahasram inscription, and (3) tbat the phrase duré sa tá) painá sa] [chh]é ti would not be idiomatic, chha cha being required instead of chha ti. The meaning, which Professor Oldenberg elicits by his remarkable interpolations and emendations, is more curious than interesting. M. Senart's translation is on the contrary very interesting, and would make the passage historically valuable, if it could be apheld. This is, however, not possible, because it rests on the same doubtful assumptions as Professor Oldenberg's, and because the proofs for various minor auxiliary statements, such as, that vivas means to depart on missions,' and vivutha 'missionary,' and that the Rapnâth text has the reading vivasétariya, have been omitted. Under these circumstances I can only adhere to my former interpretation, which makes it unnecessary to do violence to the authentic text. And it is a matter of conree that I still hold the passage to refer to the time ela pred since Buddha's death and the 257th year after Buddha to coincide with the last of Asoka's reign. As according to the beginning of these edicts Asoka's connection with the Buddhists had lasted upwards of eight years, his conversion falls about the twenty-ninth year of his reign. The Sahasråm Edict. The Räpnath Edict.
The Bairat Edict. Dévântun Piyê hê. . . . Devanam - Piyê hêvam - Aha ( Dâvânat Piyê Aha [:] . . . . . . . . . &ticle]káni adhatily]ani" sati. . . . . . . . [1] . . . ani am upåsa- va-ya - sumi - pâkas vas&n[i] ya hakao7 upåsa. kêr sumi nalo chu badham [sa][va]k416 no-chu badhi kên. . bådba[m] pala kamtê (1) sadvachhales pakatēL:] Bâtilêkê - chu... . . . . . . sâdhi[kje . : . chhavacharê ya sumi- ... [2] [m] mamay&
hakarn? sagha" up.tel sa[m]ghe upayatês
. . [1] badhi chua pakaté bedha ch: . . . . . [êt. . lêna! (.) Y[i]" . imaya -- kalaya - ... ... [3] (J Jambudipasi ammisar dêv& Jambudipasi amisd-dêvê - Jambudipasi amiså n. dêvê [h]," sam(t&][2 muniså misam dêv. husu têdani mi]s.- kata* , .
. . . .......... ( Pakamasi - hi-êsa- phale . .. masa esa lê [4] . . . . mahatatâ va nô-cha éså - mabatata . . hi ésê mahatanêva . chakiyê pêvatavel[.) Khudakêna pâpotave[.] khudakêna chakiye .. .. .... pi pal[a]-[3] kama bi kao[2] pi -paruma - . . . [ka]ma - minêni vipulêpi suag. minêna-sakiyê-[p]i pules minénk
[5] vipulê • kiyes &.....v.1 [] pievage - årôdhavan [.) pi svago chaky Aladhêta.es S& @taye athayo iyam Etiya" -athầya-cha--savane ... . . . ... sú vânê' : ) khudaka cha udald -kate [] Khudaka-cha- udald .
[]& cha udala cha pa-[4] [a]kamamtu [.]cha pakamamtu ti [.] cha palakamata i [.6 Amtå pi cha? 1 janatatu | chila- Atà - pi-cha- jậnam'u iyam. A [m]ta . pi cha jânatctù ti [th]itik.8 cha palakame pakar..va[3]kiti chirathitike- chilathit. hotu I [.] Iyam cha ath. siya 1.) Iya-hi athe va. .. vadhisati vipular picba dhi-vadhisiti vipula cha..... .. lampi vadhisati [5] diyâdhiyar vadhisiti apaladhiyên- vadhisa. [7] avaladhiyênê diyadhiyam diyadhiya - vadhisata), [.] . yadhiyam vadhisati [8. vadhisati [.]
Iya -cha athë pavatie? . . 11 Professor Oldenberg adduces bati as an abbreviation for battimaa from the Jour. Bo. Br. Roy. As: Soc. Vol. V. p. 158. Dr. Stevenson's reading bati 82 is erroneous. The inscription has bitiye 2, see Archæol. Sury. West. Ind. No. 10, p. 36, and Reports, Vol. IV. p. 113. The abbreviation di for divase arrd similar ones, to which Professor Oldenberg also refers, do not prove anything regarding the treatment of the cardinal numerals,

Page #337

NOVEMBER, 1893.] ASOKA'S SAHASRAM, RUPNATH AND BAIRAT EDICTS.
Iyam
thêna
The Rupnâth Edict. Vivu lêkhâpêta vâlata hadha32 duvê saparhnâlâ cha [ ] Athi [4]silathubhê-siti-[6] satâ10 vivuthâ-ti [sa lathambhasi-lâkhâpôtavaya31 na phu] 256 [] Ima. cha ta[.] Etinâ cha vayaatham pavatêsu [1] janenâ-yâvatakatu paka-ahåle y thâ ya. [v] a-[7] savara vivasô-tavâ[yu]ti [.] thi hêtâ silâthambha Vyuṭhênâ-sávane-katê (sa na tata pi likh.... th.. [8] phu) 256 sa-[3] tavivâsâ-ta [6]
1. B shows that the last syllable is ké, not ko, as A and the facsimile might suggest. The direct photograph used for the first edition has clearly iyani samvachhalani, before am upásaké and hévam á at the beginning of the line.
The Sahasrâm Edict.
-
The Bairât Edict.
303
2. The upper half of the vertical stroke of na is injured, and the reading may have been no.
3. Neither A nor B shews any trace of an Anusvira after the second syllable. But B shews a deep abrasion to the right of the va, extending about a third of an inch from the circular portion and the vertical stroke as far as the horizontal line at the top of vu. It is deepest close to the akshara, but the outlines of the latter are nevertheless clearly distinguishable.. From the right end of the horizontal line at the top of the ra issues a vertical one, which is longer than that of the vowel i. For this reason and because the Rupnath edict has clearly chhuvachhare, it is necessary to read saḍvachhale instead of savichhale, which latter form besides makes no sense. The mistake was originally mine, but has been adopted by all my successors in the explanation of the edict. The photograph has súdhiké am and after the breák t. été na cha amtaléna.
4. The a-stroke is not certain, and the reading may have been also santam or samta, which both are equally admissible. The new materials make Dr. Bhagvânlâl's conjecture husam te, which I adopted in my first edition, absolutely impossible. Before sam stands only the stroke marking the division of the words. The photograph has in line 3 munisa misam deva kata pala, after the first break [h]i iyam phale, and after the second yam mahatata, etc.
5. The space between the vertical stroke of ki and the right hand stroke of g. is about an inch and a quarter, and just double the size of that between the vertical stroke of ki and the left side of ye. It is, therefore, most probable that a letter, either sa or cha, has been lost, the restoration sakiyé or chakiyé being required by the sense and the parallel passage of the Rupnâth edict. The photograph has álú before the break.
6. Read sávané. As the apparent á-stroke of the second syllable is rather short and running off into a point, it is possible that it is due to a flaw in the rock.
7. There is no Anusvára after cha, but there is a rather deep abrasion, which extends all along the upper half of the vertical stroke.
8. The photograph has plainly chilathitike. The last two vowels are now injured.
9. The photograph has plainly athe, the second syllable of which is at present almos entirely gone.
10. The photograph has distinctly iyam cha savané. Possibly sapannákátisatá to be read. 11. The photograph has distinctly likhapayáthá and likhapayatha. The word pi stands above the line. Of the last syllable of the edict nothing has been preserved, but the upper part of a vertical stroke to which the vowel i, is attached. The ya, which Sir A. Cunningham and I have given formerly, does not exist. B shows clearly that peculiar shape of the edge of a large exfoliation, by which the real consonant has been destroyed, has produced the mistake. The lost consonant no doubt was ta and the reading ti, as M. Senart has suggested. The correct division of the words likhapayáthá and likhapayatha has been first given by M. Senart.

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[NOVEMBER, 1893.
12. According to the new materials it would seem that first sútilékáni was incised and then partly erased, a ra being at the same time placed before it. No doubt the clerk copied sátilékáni, the Magadhî form, and then wanted to pnt in sátirékáni, as the vernacular of the Central Provinces required. In the transcript of this edict the horizontal lines between the words indicate that they stand close together in the original.
13. According to the new materials the reading adhatiyani, which is possible also according to my facsimile, is more probable than adhatisäni. The dhi of my first edition is simply a misreading.
14. M. Senart's vasa is a misreading, the new materials giving va-ya-sumi as plainly as the facsimile attached to the first edition.
15. Read haka; the stroke, intended for the carve of the first consonant, has been attached by mistake to the top.
16. Both according to A, and B, especially according to B, the first letter is an impers fectly formed sa, exactly as it looks in my facsimile. B seems to shew before ke the somewhat indistinct outlines of a va, while A has a blurred sign exactly like that on my facsimile. Though there is no trace of a letter in the blank space, the possibility that the reading may have been upásaké, is not absolutely precluded.
17. M. Senart's láká is neither supported by my old facsimile nor by the new materials, which all shew short vowels. The Anusvára stands low at the foot of the ka.
18. B shews gha plainly, sa more faintly, while A agrees exactly with my old facsimile. The reading may have been saghai, samgham, or sagha.
19. The first letter is undoubtedly u according to the old and the new materials, and the third te. The vowel, attached to the second, is not distinguishable in A and B, and the reading may have been either upité or upété.
20. B shews that the real reading is badhi not báḍhim, as M. Senart has, the dot after dhi being much too small for an Anusvira. Chu for cha (my misreading) is distinct on all the materials, especially on B.
21. The horizontal vowel-stroke, attached to ya, has according to B on the right a portion of an upward line, and the correct reading seems, therefore, to be yi (not ya); compare badhi for badhé and paratisu for pavatesu.
22. Both A and B shew somewhat faintly mi and to the right of the upper portion of the vertical stroke of sa a deep abrasion. It must remain uncertain, whether the reading was misa or misam.
28. The initial é of ésá consists of an acute angle and is open at the base, the third line having been left out, I suppose, accidentally.
24. The new materials, especially B, shew hi ka pi parumaminéna, which, as I have proposed formerly, must probably be altered to hi kim pi pakamaminéna. Ka might, however, stand, if it were possible to assume that the Pâli had preserved the ancient neuter kad. B makes it probable that ru was originally ka and that a very short portion of the crossbar has been lost accidentally by an abrasion on the left. B shows distinctly that the last syllable is not ná but na, the apparent á-stroke being due to a flaw in the stone.
25. The first letter of pipulé is slightly injured, but the reading given is even according to B more probable than vipulé. The form need not cause suspicion, as the sporadic change of va to pa is not uncommon in the literary Pâli and in that of the inscriptions.
26. Read árádhavé. The ro is certain, but the apparent stroke before dha, which M. Senart believes to be an é is not connected with the consonant and clearly due to a flaw in the stone.

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27. Etiya must not be changed to étáya, as M. Senart proposes; it is the dative of the feminine stem étí, which appears in élissá, étisset, and so forth. The use of the feminine for the masculine is common enough in these inscriptions; compare e. 9. above 1. 2, imeyu kaliya.
28. B proves most distinctly that atá not and is the reading. The form alu for la occurs also in the Kalsi Rock-Ed. XIII. 2, 6, atésu, and is protected by numerous analogies like magala for marigala, leiti for learnti, and so forth.
29. The vowel of this word is not distinguishable. It probably was palare, and may be a mistake for pakuwd, as M. Senart thinks, or equivalent to pakure, " manner" (of actiny).
30. Read vadhisati.
31. The 14-stroke of the last syllable of paratisu is very short, but unmistaknble, especially in B. The correction pavatész, which M. Senart proposcs, seems to me unnecessary, as in l'ali i frequently appears for Sanskrit e.
32. Hadha is either a mistake or a ricarious form for kidla. The words 1&lopéta-rálatu are as plain as possible on the new materials, and B shews that the rock has not been worn away. On the supposition that ráluta stands for pálata, i. e. paratru, with the in lali not unusnai softening of the pa, the clanse may be translated : " This matter has been incised by my order in the far distance in the districts) and here in Vagacha)." The last words remind one of the phrase in Rock Ediet V, hide whilésu chú nagalésu, (K. 1. 16). With this interpretation the sense is unobjectionable, but it may be nrged that the parallelism of the next phrase and tlie corresponding passage of the Sahasram cdict make it probable, that there should be a future puerticiple passive instead of the past participle passive. If that seems indispensable, it will suffice to insert one single syllable and to write lékhápetara-válata. Lekhipetava, i. c. lékhápetavca is as good as lékhápetuviya. M. Senart's extensive changes seem to me neither necessary nor even advisable as they destroy the sense of the passage.
33. In B the dental tha and the final i of athi are perfectly recognisable. In A these signs look exactly like those of the old facsimile. Cha has been inserted as a correction. Silathublé is not very plain on the old facsimile, but unmistakable both in A and B. The change of a to u has been caused by the influence of the labial; compare E. Müller, Simplified Pali Grammar, P. 6.
34. Read lékhápētavaya. With the termination raya for tiya compare such words as paddlayé, duparipadaye, and so forth. The final ta stands for li, i.e. iti. It is, however, not absolutely necessary to correct ta to li, as M. Senart does. For, the Maharashtri ia, which appears for iti in the beginning of a verse or of a sentence, points to the former existence of a vicarious form itu, which might be shortened to ta.
35. The vowel of the penultimate syllable, which is much injured, is doubtful; that of the antipenultimate [ is clearly á, not i, as M. Senart's transcript makes it.
36. Vynthena, not Tyathena, is the reading; but the u-strcke is very short, and the semicircular stroke of the ya very thick.
37. The final i of vasdni is at least probable, and it is certain that there is no Anusvara after the na. Possibly yan hakan to be read.
38. The Anusvåra of sasinghe is not certain. Both the impressions have clearly upayáté not payite.
39. The second syllable of amisd stands above the line. The following syllable may have been non, but the stone is just here very ropgh. Dôvéhi, now known as the reading of the Mysore versions, is tolerably distinct with the exception of the last consonant, which is rather faint.

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40. Chakiyê not chakaye is the real reading. The first sign of kamaminená is half gone. There is no ya after it.
41. Chakye looks almost like takyé, because the cha has been made triangular and the lower line is fainter than the two others.
42. The Anusvåra of amitá is not certain, the other two signs are faint, but recognisable.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 17.-A Cinderella Variant.1
Once upon a time there lived a king with his queen and two children, the elder a daughter of about ten or twelve years of age, and the younger a boy about seven years old. At this time the princess and the prince had the misfortune to lose their mother. The princess supplied her place, in the way of taking care of her brother, and other domestic affairs; and everything went on smoothly, so much so that the king forgot his affliction, and made up his mind not to marry again, for fear his second wife should ill-treat his daughter and son.
Now it happened that there lived close to the palace a widow, who also had a daughter of about the same age as the princess, and so like her that little or no difference could be seen between the two. The princess, after she had finished her domestic duties, was in the habit of visiting this widow and spending some time there. The widow, too, took a great liking to the princess, and every time she was visited by the girl, she would dress her hair, deck her with wreaths of flowers and shew her much kindness. While treating the princess in this manner, she would often say :
"My dear princess, are you not tired of your life, cooking and doing all the household work? You must ask your father to marry again, when you will have less work to do, and be more happy."
But the princess would say: "I like to do the household work, and my father loves me the more for it. As for his marriage, I cannot tell why he does not marry,"
Things went on like this for several months, and the widow said the same thing every day to the princess. So one day the princess said to her father:
"Father, why don't you marry another wife ?"
The king, however, said: "My dear child, I do not want to marry for the sake of you and your brother. There is every probability that your step-mother may ill-treat you, and injure you."
The following day, when the princess visited the widow, she told her what the king said, but the widow said to her:--
"Oh, what an idea for your father to have. Do not believe a word of it. Ask him again to marry, and if he says that he is afraid of your being ill-treated, say it will not be so."
So in the evening, at supper, the princess, again, said to her father:-"Why don't you marry again?"
And the king repeated the same reason. Upon this the princess said :-"No, no, father, it will not be so. On the contrary, it will be a relief to me in my domestic duties."
But the king seemed to pay no heed to the princess's words, and so the widow resorted to other tricks.
One day, as the princess was cooking something, she happened to leave the kitchen for a little while, and the widow came and put in the pot a handful of sand. Another day, she came
1 [It must be remembered that this in an Indian Christian tale.-ED.]

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in the same way and put in a great quantity of salt. On a third day she put in a lot of earth. And so on for many days. The king used to be surprised to find his food cooked in such a way, and thought that, because he would not marry a second time, the princess was doing it on purpose to vex him and to force him to marry. However, he thought it best to make himself sure as to who was really doing the mischief. So one day he left the house in the presence of the princess, and, returning quietly by another door, hid himself in such a position as to watch everything that was being done in the kitchen. The princess put a pot of rice on the oven to boil, and went to a well close by to fetch water. In the meantime the widow, who had seen the princess going to the well, came in and threw in the pot a lot of sand, and went away. The king, who had seen everything, now came out of his hiding place, and, after the princess came back with the water, he returned to the house, as if he had come from a distance.
In another half hour the dinner was ready, and the princess laid it on the table, and they sat down to partake of it. While they were eating, the king said: -
"My dear daughter, now tell me, who is it that tells you to say to me that I must marry? Is it your own idea, or has any one else suggested it to you ?"
The princess replied: - "Father, it is our neighbour, the widow, who tells me to speak to you in that way. And I think it is only reasonable that you should marry."
"But," said the king, "as I told you before, your step-mother may treat you very badly." And the princess said: "No, father, it will not be so."
The king then said to her:-"Very well, I will marry again; but should you complain of any ill-treatment at the hands of your step-mother, I will pay no heed to it. In fact, I will not even look at you."
Thus said the king, and it was settled that the king should marry again. And it happened that his choice fell on the widow, who was so kind to the princess.
Preparations were now made for the grand occasion, and on the appointed day the king was married to the widow with all possible éclat, and henceforth she must be called the queen. The queen continued to treat the princess with the same kindness as before for a few days, and then, as is usual with step-mothers, began to ill-treat her. She made her own daughter wear all the nice clothes of the princess, and do nothing all day but sit idle and eat sweets and such like things; while the princess had to go in rags and bear the drudgery of the cookhouse and other domestic work. The prince, too, was, under plea of being a mischievous child, sent to some school, where he was kept like an orphan.
Day after day the queen took a greater dislike to the princess and ill-treated her farther. Her hatred went so far that she could not even bear the sight of her, and she, therefore, began to devise means to keep her out of sight, if not altogether, at least during the day. So she one day told the king to buy her a cow. The king, at first, refused to do so, saying they had no business with a cow, but the queen insisted on having a cow, and, at last, the king was persuaded upon to buy one. As soon as the cow was bought and brought home, the princess was ordered by her step-mother, the queen, to take her out to graze every morning, and not to return home till dusk. For her own food during the whole day she was given bread made of bajri. The poor princess had no alternative but to obey. In fact she was only too glad, for it would keep her away the whole day, and save her the abuse she was wont to receive from her step-mother.
Every day, as soon as she got up in the morning, the princess could be seen with a bundle of bajri cakes in one hand and with the other leading the cow to the grazing ground some miles distant from the palace. Now it happened that the princess daily fed the cow with the bajri
* Bread made of bajrt is eaten only by the very poor classes.

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cakes that were her own food, and the cow, after eating them, deposited bhuklásús) and tánláriis, with which the princess fed herself, and thus grew strong and stout. This change in the condition of the princess (for, it must be remarked, she was reduced to almost a skeleton while at homo) oxcited the curiosity of the queen, who wondered what could be the cause of it.
One morning she sent the princess with the cow, without the bájri cakes, telling her that they were not ready, and that her sister (for so the princess addressed her step-mother's daughter) would bring them to her, when prepared. The object of the queen was, of course, to send her daughter to watch the princess, as to what she did and ate that made her so stout. Accordingly, an hour or so after the princess had gone, ber step-sister followed her with the bájri cakes, which she gave to the princess, and, pretending to return home, hid herself close by, so that she could see everything that the princess did. The princess little suspected that her step-sister had concealed herself, and that she was watching her actions. So, as usual, she untied the bundle of bújrí cakes and fed the cow. No sooner had the cow finished the last morsel than she deposited Wuklárús and tánlarús, and with these the princess appeased her hunger and thirst. The queen's daughter, who had seen everything from her hiding place, now went home. Her mother asked her if she and seen what the princess did to make her so stout and strong. The girl said :
“O mother, it is not surprising that the princess is getting so stout and strong. As directed by you, I gave her the bújri cakes, and, pretending to go home, I concealed myself so as to see everything. The princess thought I had gone home, and she untied the bundle of bájri cakes and gave them to the cow; and on eating the cakes the cow deposited bhiklarus and tânláris. O what sweet a savour they sent forth! In truth, I was half inclined to come out from the place of my concealment and to ask for a share. The princess ate the bhuklásús and tánláris; and that, I am sure, is the reason why she gets so stout and strong."
" If that be the case," thought the queen to herself,“ surely, it is better that I send my own daughter to graze the cow."
Thus it was decided that from the following day the princess should stay at home and that her step-sister should take the cow to graze. So, on the next day, as the princess was about to take the cow to the grazing ground, her step-sister came up to her and said :
"Sister, let me take the cow to graze. You must have been disgusted and tired, going with the cow daily. I wish to relieve you for a few days."
The princess little thought of the true reason of her step-sister's anxiety to take the cow to graze, and so allowed her to go with the cow; while she herself stayed at home, not in the least relieved of any troubles, as her step-sister had said, for she was shewn into the kitchen, where she had to work all day.
The queen's daughter, taking the bundle of bájri cakes, led the cow to the grazing-ground. When she reached it, she untied the bundle and fed the cow with the b&jrí cakes, every moment expecting to see the cow deposit bhéklárûs and tánlásús, but to her great annoyance and disgust the cow discharged dung! The girl, however, consoled herself with the thought that, that being her first day, she must not expect bhtiklásús and tânlásús. But the same thing continued for many days, and the girl was reduced almost to a skeleton for want of food. So she told her mother how she had been disappointed, and that she was determined not to go again.
This affair was the cause of further hatred on the part of the queen towards the princess, and she made up her mind to somehow or other get rid of her. The queen, therefore, now and again, told the king that the princess was now grown up, and that he must dispose of her in marriage; but the king paid no heed to what the queen said.
LArús are sweetmeats made into balls, and the bhaklards and anbarls of the text were supposed to appeare her hunger and thirst: bhûk means hunger, and tán thirst.

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About this time it happened that the king of a neighbouring country had an only son, whom the father desired to get married, but the prince said that he wished to select his own wife. For this purpose he told the king to get up a dance and to invite to it all the neighbour. ing princesses, as well as other big folk. The king, therefore, appointed an evening for the dance, and hundreds of princesses and the daughters of nobles were invited.
Milliners were at once called into requisition, and the girls vied with each other in choosing out dresses and slippers for the occasion. Our queen, too, got a very nice dress for her daughter, also a beautiful pair of slippers. The day appointed for the dance was fast approaching, and all the girls were anxiously waiting to go to it, and were impatient to know who would be selected by the price for his wife. This was, however, a cause of great misery to our princess, for she thought to herself:
"All the girls will soon go to the dance, while I must sit at home. Oh that my mother were living! Would she not get me a new dress to enable me to go too ? Even, though my mother was dead, my father would have done everything for me, but he takes no notice of me now, and it will be useless for me to speak to him, for has he not warned me that, should anything go wrong, I must not complain, and also that he will pay no heed to what I may say or do ? Corsed be the hour when l insisted upon and persuaded my father to marry a second time!"
Thus she thought, and burst into sobs and cries, and from her eyes ran & stream of tears. While the princess was in this mood, her godmother, who had been dead for some years, appeared to her, and asked her what was the matter with her, and what she wanted. The princess told her of her misfortunes since her mother's death, how she was ill-treated by her step-mother, and every thing else that had occurred. She then told her that she wanted a dress and a pair of slippers to go to a dance, which a neighbouring king had got up to enable his son to select a wife.
"Oh! is that all P" said the princess' godmother. "Do not fret about it: make yourself easy. You will have every thing you want in time."
Thus she said and disappeared.
In due time the day of the dance came, and hundreds of girls, each dressed in her best, with bright and variegated coloured slippers, could be seen making their way to the palace of the king who had given the dance. The queen also sent her daughter handsomely dressed, thinking perhaps the prince might take a liking to her. At the appointed time dancing commenced, and the prince was seen dancing with several girls alternately. Our princess, who had seen all the girls going, and not yet having received the dress her godmother had promised, thought the vision was merely a dream, and again burst into tears, when, she immediately saw a very handsome dress and a pair of golden slippers. Having dressed herself hastily she entered the king's Palace, and went into the dancing hall, when every body's attention was at once rivetted on her dancing ceased for a short time, and all admired the very beautiful dress, and the more beautiful features of the new-comer. All were at a loss to know who the stranger was. Even her step-mother and sister did not recognise her. In a little while dancing commenced with renewed vigour, and the prince, who was quite enamoured of the priacess, danced with no one save her. The merriment continued till the small hours of the morning, when all the guests left one by one. The princess, whom the prince tried to stop, made her escape and left before every body, and going home resumed her usual dress, which was not much better than rags.
Soon all the guests were gone and day dawned, and the king asked his son if he had made his choice. The prince said he bad, but that unfortunately he could not tell her name, nor did he even know whence she came, and that he was, therefore, very unhappy. The prince now asked the king to give another dance, when, he said, he would take more care in making a

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proper choice. The king, who was very fond of him, agreed to do so; and, a month or so after, again sent invitations to different countries, stating the object he had in view in getting up the dance.
The people, that had come for the first dance, now thought that the prince had not made his choice. They, therefore, ordered better dresses and slippers than on the first occasion, thinking that this time at least their daughters might succeed in winning the prince's love. On the appointed day hundreds of ladies with their daughters proceeded to the palace with beautiful dresses, flaunting the best silks and displaying their very best jewellery. A few days before this, the princess, again began to think of her inability to go to the dance, and burst into tears, when her godmother again appeared to her and comforted her, telling her that she would, as on the first occasion, get a dress and slippers in time for the dance. She then asked her what was the result of the first dance, and the princess told her godmother all that had occurred: how she went somewhat late; how dancing ceased for a while, and all the people began to admire her; how she remained unrecognised by any one, particularly by her step-mother and sister; how the prince danced with her alone; and how, when she was going home after the dance, the prince tried to stop her, but she escaped from his grasp and went home before every one, and thus kept her step-mother and others in ignorance about her being at the king's palace. Her godmother, upon this, said :
“My dear child, I am very glad to learn that the prince was enamoured of yon, which I gather from his dancing with you alone; but, I think, you did not act rightly in making your escape from him. On this occasion you must behave differently. I am sure that, after dancing is over, the prince will try to keep you, but you must, in making your escape, leave behind one of your slippers, which will be the surest means of the prince's being able to find you. In the meanwhile, compose yourself and be cheerful." Thus spake the godmother and disappeared.
On the appointed day, when hundreds of guests had already gone to the palace, the princess was seated alone in her father's house, anxiously waiting for the dress and slippers, and began to doubt the sincerity of her godmother. While she was yet thus thinking, she saw before her a very handsome dress, - even more handsome than that she got on the first occasion, and also a pair of golden slippers, studded with gems of the first water. Thug equipped the princess went in all possible haste to the king's palace, and as she entered the hall wherein the guests were assembled and were already dancing, all the people were struck dumb at the grandeur of the dress and the brilliancy of the slippers, and also at the noble demeanour and the handsome appearance of the new.comer. As on the first occasion dancing ceased for & while, while the people kept admiring the new guest. When dancing was resumed, the prince, who was bewitched by the beauty of the princess, would take no one except her to dance with him. They kept ap the dancing till near dawn of day, when the guests began to leave, one after another. This time the prince tried to stop the princess, but she managed to free herself from his grasp, and in the struggle to escape she let one of her slippers come from her foot, and ran away with all speed, so as to be at home before the others. She reached her house and resumed her ragged clothes; and when her step-mother and sister returned home they little dreamt that the fair person they saw and admired so much was the one they had so ill-treated.
The guests all went to their respective houses, but the prince snatched the slipper, and went unobserved and threw himself down in his father's stables, thinking how to find out the owner of the slipper, whom alone he wished to marry. The king und his servants searched the whole palace and then the whole town for the prince, but he was nowhere to be found.
The night passed and in the morning the maid-servants (butkini, sing. burkin) took some gram to feed the horses; but instead of giving the gram to the horses they ate it themselves, throwing the husks to the horses. This the prince saw, and reproached them for

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their deceit. As soon as the voice of the prince fell upon the ears of the maid-servants, they said :
"Oh dear prince, what are you doing here? The king is searching for you all over the country, and, being unable to find you, he has become sick."
But the prince said :-"Away, you humbugs. This is how you do your work : you eat the gram yourselves and give only the husks to the horses. No wonder you are becoming fatter day by day, while the horses are becoming leaner and weaker. Go away now; but take care of yourselves if you say a word about me to any one, at any rate to my father."
The maid-servants went away, but paid very little heed to the prince's threats, and went and stood before the king, saying: -
“Rájá Sáheb, Rájá Saheb, áikál té bari gôst hái ; Sir King, Sir King, if you will listen, there is a good story (news)."
Upon this the king roared ont:"Ka hai ? Tâmin khátúr ha ini rartiis ha! Ká sángta té sángá begin. What is it? You are always eating and always crying! What you have to say, say quickly."
The maid-servants answered :-"Good news, Raja Saheb, our prince is in the stables."
The king, however, would not give them credit, and therefore said :-"Oh, get away! You are always telling me lies! Why don't you say you want something P"
Bat the maid-servants swore that they did not want anything, and that they were telling him the truth, for they saw the prince with their own eyes.
Thereupon the king went with the maid-servants to his stables, and he saw, as the maid-servants had told him, the prince lying on the floor. The king thus spoke to him :
"Ká hótei tila? Kanáchan dúkh parlan túlá gê éinéirí hid tabilián likáláis ? Súng mála. Kônii hát trikilasél tvar, tidchá hát jhén; kónisi páis trikilasél túvar, tiáchá prin jhen; kóni dóla kéla él, tiáchá qólá kárin. Ou sáng, kú páije túlá têi paidaris karin. What ails you my son ? What trouble has come upon you that you have concealed yourself in the stable? Has any one threatened injury to you? Tell me. If any one has lifted up his hands against you, I shall take (cat) his hands; if any one has used his legs to do you harm, say, and I will take (cut) his legs; if any one has looked on you with an evil eye, say, I will pull out his eyes. Or, say what you want, and I will see that you get it."
Upon this the prince said :-"Father, nothing ails me; nor has any one threatened me. My grief is this. Look at this slipper. If you can get the owner of this slipper to marry me, I will have everything and I shall be happy; otherwise I will put an end to my life by starving
myself.”
The king then said: "Is this all that you are so grieved abont? Your desire shall be fulfilled at any cost. In the meanwhile, come, leave the stables, and take your meals."
The prince got op and followed his father, resuming his usual mood. The king then sent servants with the slipper the prince had picked up, with instructions to go from house to house through all the town and even to neighbouring countries, and try it on the foot of every girl they saw and whatsoever girl's foot it fitted, that girl was to be asked in marriage for the prince.
Away went the servants from village to village and city to city, and inquired from house to house if there were any girls. Hundreds of girls were shewn them, and they tried the slipper on every one of the girls' feet, but it fitted no one. At last they came to the house of our princess, and on inquiry from the servants if there were any girls in the house the queen shewed them her daughter. The servants tried the slipper on her feet, but it did not fit ber; so they asked if there was another girl, but the queen said there was no other girl besides her daughter. The servants now went and searched the houses over again, but with no success. For

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a second time they came to the princess' house and asked to be shewn any girls that there might be in the house. This time, too, the queen produced her daughter, but in vain. The servants again asked if there was no other girl in the house, and the queen again said there was none besides her daughter. The servants were about to go away when, as Providence would have it, they chanced to see the princess in the kitchen, and asked the queen to call her out. But the queen refused to do so, saying she was only a servant in the house, and, therefore, it would not be worth while trying the slipper on her feet. The servants, however, insisted on the girl in the kitchen, whoever she might be, being called out, and the queen was obliged to call her out, which she did with the greatest reluctance. The princess was soon in the presence of the servants, who asked her to wear the slipper which they gave her, and which fitted to her foot exactly; and what wonder, did it not belong to her? The servants next asked for an interview with the king, our princess' father, with whom it was arranged that he should give his daughter in marriage to the prince, the son of their master, the king. The king gave his consent to the marriage, and thus it was decided that the princess should marry the neighbouring king's son, and a day, a few months after, was appointed for the auspicious
occasion.
During the interval from this date, which we may call the day of betrothal of the princess and the prince, and the day of their marriage, preparations were being made on the grandest scale imaginable. Rice was ground for making pôles and ore, and all sorts of provisions were made ready for the great event. In due time the appointed day came, and the marriage of the princess with the prince was celebrated with great èclat and guests were feasted for several days by both parties. This was, of course, an event of great jubilation for the princess, and for two reasons: - firstly, because she had been fortunate in obtaining a prince for her husband, for it must be remembered that, had it not been for the dances that were given by the prince and the timely aid of her godmother, she would never have been married to a prince, as her father never paid the slightest attention to her; secondly, because she had, at length, escaped from the drudgery of the kitchen, and more so from ill-treatment at the hands of her step-mother. On the other hand, it was the greatest mortification to the queen, her step-mother, who was frustrated in her attempts to get her own daughter married to the prince. She could not, however, do anything now, and so she pretended to like what had happened, and shew every possible respect for the princess' husband, and treated him and also the princess with apparent kindness.
After spending a few days at his father-in-law's house, the prince taking his wife went and lived at his own house. When several months had passed after their marriage, the princess became enceinte, and in due time, when nine months had elapsed, she brought forth a beautiful child, a boy.
In the meanwhile the princess' step-mother, who was still bent upon mischief, kept on devising plans to get rid of her, and to get her daughter in her place. With this view, she one day asked her husband, the king, to invite his daughter and son-in-law to spend a few days with them. The king accordingly sent an'invitation, which invitation his son-in-law accepted, and came with his wife and child. The queen treated them with great kindness, and pretended love for the princess like her own daughter. When a few days passed the prince asked permission to go home, but the queen asked him to stay a few days longer. The prince, however, said that he could not stay any longer, as he had to attend his father's darbúr. The queen then said that, if he could not stay, he might at least allow his wife to remain a few days, and asked him also to come again on a certain day, when he could go home with his wife. The prince saw no objection to keeping his wife at her father's house, especially after so much entreaty from the queen, and, little suspecting the mischief she was up to, he allowed his wife to stay
For description of pôlé, sing. pila, see the tale of "Bâpkhadi" ante, Vol. XX. p. 143, note 3. Ore, sing. ora, are described in the tale of "The Ill-treated Daughter-in-law," ante, Vol. XXI. p. 376, note 3.

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another week or so, and, promising to come on a certain day to take her home, he went away. When the prince was gone the queen still shewed the same kindness to the princess.
One day, the queen called her daughter aside and said to her :-"When you go to the well to-day to fetch water, the princess, as is her wont, is sure to come to help you. If she happens to draw water from the well, you peep in and say to her - oh, how beautiful your reflection is in the water! Then ask her to let you wear all her jewels, which she will certainly not refuse you to do, and ask her how you appear with all the jewellery. When she again stoops to draw water, hold her by her legs and throw her into the water, and come home sharp."
The girl promised to do exactly as her mother said.
During the course of the day the girl took up a vessel and told her mother she was going to the well to fetch water. Upon this the princess also took up another vessel and followed her step-sister to the well. Now, while the girl was rinsing and washing the vessels the princess began to draw out water from the well, upon which the girl also peeped inside and suid :
“Oh, sister, how beautifully you reflect in the water! Suppose I put on your jewels, shall I also look as beautiful P”
The princess, who did not, in the least, suspect any foul play, stripped herself of all her jewellery and put it on her step-sister, who then went and looked in the well, saying :-"Oh sister, I do, indeed, look very beautiful with all the jewellery, but, I must confess, your beauty beats mine hollow. Come, remove the jewels from my person and wear them yourself. Who knows, I may lose some, or some of them might drop into the well."
The princess, however, said there was no necessity to be in such a hurry to remove them, but told her to keep them till they went home. The girl was only too glad that the princess was careless about the jewels. The princess now again began to draw water, and as she stooped to draw a bucket from the well, the wretched girl caught her by her legs, and, throwing her in, ran away, carrying the vessels they had brought for water. The poor princess was soon at the bottom of the well and was dead.
A few days passed after this and the prince came to take his wife, the princess, home when the queen ushered in his presence, her own daughter, as his wife. Now, as we said before, this girl was about the same age as the princess, and in appearance, too, there was little or no difference, and even her voice did not betray ber. The prince, at first sight, had some misgiving about her, but thought that some circumstance or other might account for the very slight difference he perceived in her. He passed the day at his father-in-law's, and, taking his supposed wife with his child, went home. Before leaving the queen put in the place of her daughter's breasts cocoaput shells, which made them look bigger, and thus deceived the prince thoroughly. When they had reached home the girl behaved to the child exactly as a mother would, that is, she would give, or pretended to give, suck to the child, bathe him, and so on. But the child always kept crying, particularly during the day, for want of milk.
Now it happened that during the night, when all used to go to sleep, the princess, though she was really dead, used to come to her husband's house, and by some charm, put every person to & sound sleep; and entering the bed-room, she used to give suck to the child, and this kept the child from crying much in the night. After giving milk to her child, the princess would sit on the hindlas in the outer verandah, and sing :
“Orpháidí chili, thania karántti, háis karin gở mkuję bhartará môgi?
Orphundi chóli, thanid karániliyhdis kargo manje báld môgi? Orphandi chóli, thania karántli, hais kari gở manj sasrid nõgi ? Orphandi chili, thaniá kardili, h&is kasi g8 manje súort môgi ?
. l'ho madia is a cot suspended by four chains or ropes tied to the four corners, on which people sit and swing about with their feet. It is favourite article of farniture in the houses of natives, and those of the Bombay East Indians in Salsette. It is generally suspended in the outer verandah.

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Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
husband? Reversed bodice, cocoanat shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
babe ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
father-in-law ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
mother-in-law ? After repeating this song several times the princess would disappear. This continued for many days, but no one in the king's palace was aware of it, except an old woman, who lived in a hut close by, and used to hear this song nightly, wondering what it meant, or who the person was that sang it. One day, the old woman saw the prince passing her hat, and stopping him she asked him who it was that sat on the hindld in the night and sang.
The prince was surprised to hear that someone sat on the hindid and sang when all were asleep. "Who can it be?" he thought to himself. “Everyone in the house goes to sleep as early as possible."
Thus thinking, he told the old woman he could not believe such a thing. The old woman, however, swore that she heard some one singing every night, “but to make yourself sure," said she to the prince," don't go to sleep to-night, and keep yourself concealed near the hindia, and then you can find out for yourself whether what I tell you is the truth or a lie." The prince agreed to do so, and went away,
In the evening, after taking supper, all the people of the palace went to bed, but the prince kept awake and hid himself close by the hindlá. About midnight he saw the figure of a young woman come and enter the palace, though the doors were all closed. The woman entered the bed-room, and after giving suck to the child, she came out and sat on the hindlá and sang :
“Orphandi chot, thania karántli, háis kari gô manje bhar árd môgi ?
Orphandi chóll, thanid karántli, háis kan go manje bala xôgi? Orphandi choli, thania karántli, huis kan gô manje sasria côgi ? Orphandi chóli, thanid karánd, hdis kan gå mánj& sású eigi ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
husband ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
babe ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
father-in-law ? Reversed bodice, cocoanut shells in place of breasts, are you worthy of my
mother-in-law ?" The prince now believed that what the old woman told him was true. He waited till the princess had repeated the song three or four times, upon which he left his hiding-place and seized the princess by her hand ; and asked her who she was, and what her song meant. She then told him that she was his wife, who was drowned in a well by her step-sister, while she had been to her father's house. She next explained how it had all happened.
When the prince heard the whole story of the princess, his oft-recurring suspicions about some fraud being practised on him were now confirmed. He seized the princess by the hand and begged of her not to leave him, but to stay with him, which she did. He next got into a rage and went and cut the pretended wife into three pieces: two pieces of the trunk he hung up on two roads, and the head (the third piece) he buried with mouth open in a latrine, the meaning being that she should eat human excreta as a punishment.

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Some time after this, her mother, who was not aware of all that had occurred, happened to pay a visit to her son-in-law's, but was surprised to find her daughter absent, and she was the more confused to see the princess, who was known to be dead, alive, and in the palace. She, however, dared not question any one as to the true state of affairs. During her stay there, she had occasion to resort to the latrine, when she heard the words : "Ah! mother, will you also be so cruel as to evacuate into my mouth?” The mother was struck dumb as the words fell upon her ears, for she recognised the voice of her daughter, and looked about to see whence it came, and she caught sight of the head of her danghter. She asked her what it all meant, and the daughter told her everything: how the princess, though dead, used to come in the night and give suck to her child; how she used to sit on the hindia and sing the song which led to the discovery of their fraud ; and how the prince, in his rage, killed her and cut her into three pieces, two of which he hung up on two roads, and the third, her head, he had buried in the latrine as a punishment. The poor mother, without another word, and not even staying to say good-bye to her son-in-law, inade her way home, with shame and confusion in her face.
The prince and the princess, who, as we said before, had consented to stay with the prince, then lived very happily to a very old age.7
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
No. 19. - Súrya and Chandra. Once there was a Rajâ, who was very fond of going about his kingdom in disguise, and acquired, by that means, knowledge of a good many things happening in every part of it.
One day standing under the shade of a tree near & well, he noticed a group of girls, all in the first flush of womanhood, chattering away and imparting to one another all their little hopes and fears, prospects and designs, as girls of the same age are wont to do, when they get together. The Râjâ felt interested, and stood quietly listening, as one of them said : “Now, sisters, I propose that, instead of wasting our time in idle talk, we tell one another what special qualifi. cation each can boast of! For my part I can do a good many things that other girls can do likewise, but there is one thing in which I excel all others, and what do you think it is po
“We really cannot say," replied the others laughing; "pray, tell us what it is that you excel all other girls in P"
“Why I," said the first speaker, who was, by the way, a betel-nut seller's daughter, "I can divide one small betel-nut into so many fragments, that after each member of a large assemblage, — say, the largest wedding party -- had one, there would still be some to spare !"
"Ha, ha; what does that signify p" laughed one who was a pan-leaf seller's daughter, "I can divide one pan-leaf - one small pan-leaf you know - "into as many pieces, as you can your betel nut, and I am sure my friends here will agree that that shews greater skill !"
And so the girls went on and on, till at last one, who looked not only prettier than the rest, but was also considerably superior. by birth and breeding, outdid them all by the very magnitude and nature of her boast!
1," said she, when her friends called on her to speak and tell them what special qualification she had, "I am destined to give birth to the Sun and the Moon."
Her companions were taken aback at this strange declaration, and while some giggled, others laughed at her as a dreamer. But the Baja, who had watched her with special interest,
+ This story is very interesting as being the result of the telling of European tales to Indian children. Cinderella has become naturalized fairly among native Christiane, but the European ghost appears in a very strange form.-ED.)

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was so struck with the force of her strange words, that he was seized with an eager desire to win her in marriage, and thus to share her destiny of bringing the Sun and the Moon in human shape upon earth!
So, when the girl separated from her companions, he followed her up to her house, an. noticed, and found that she belonged to a very respectable Brahman family!
This proved, however, no bar to his wishes, for he sent messengers to her father to ask him, or rather to bid him, give his daughter in marriage to him, and where was a subject that had the courage to refuse what royalty marked for his own! So, despite the difference in their castes, the Brahman lady was married to the Kshatriya Raja amid great pomp and rejoicings on both sides.
Now this RAJA had three other wives, but his Brahman bride was placed above them all on account of the strange and interesting destiny she was reputed to be the means of fulfilling. Consequently, the others grow jealous of her, and now and then devised plans for bringing her into disfavoar with the Râjâ, but, for some time, without success.
Things went on like this for some time till it was whispered in the household that the Rani was enciente, and soon the news got wind, and there were great rejoicings throughout the kingdom, for the Sun and the Moon were soon to be born upon earth! Bat the Raja knew how much he had to fear from the jealousy of his other Raņis, and had constantly to be on guard lest they should find means to harm his favoured wife or her expected progeny in some way.
Now, unfortunately, it happened that war broke out with a neighbouring power just when the time of the lady's delivery came near, and the Rajá had to go out himself at the head of his large army to fight the enemy. So he cautioned his Brâ himaņ wife against the wiles of her Co-wives, and giving her a large drum, told her to beat it with all her might as soon as she was seized with the pangs of maternity, assuring her that the sound of that miraculous instrument would reach him wherever be was, and soon bring him back to her!
As soon, however, as the RAJA's back was turned, the three crafty and jealous women set to work, and by their wiles and flattery succeeded in inducing the simple Brahman girl to tell them all about the drum, and the wicked Raņis lost no time in cutting it right through! When the time came for the poor lady to make use of it, sbe beat it with all her strength, but it would give ont no sound! She was too simple, however, to suspect her co-wives of having tampered with it, for she thought all along that they were her well-wishers, as they kept constantly near her and made much of her! She was moreover indiscreet enough to ask them to be near her when her expected twins were born, the Sun represented by a divinely handsome boy, the Moon by a bewitchingly lovely girl! And now the crafty women had their opportunity. As soon as the little twins came into the world, they covered up the mother's eyes on some pretext or other, and taking away the dear little babes, deposited them side by side, in a little wooden box, and set it afloat in the sea! In the meantime the midwife, whom they had completely bonght over to their interests, put in the twins' place, by the mother's side, & log of wood and a broom, and, then calling in the ladies and the officers of the court, told them to see what the lady had given birth to ! The poor lady herself, however, refused to believe the bag's story, and suspected foul play, but had not the courage to speak while the Râjâ was absent.
The Raja, on his part, had been counting the days as they passed by, and expecting every moment to hear the sound of the drum; but as several days passed and he heard it not, he could no longer control his impatience; so throwing up the chances of war, he at once bent his steps homewards. But what was his surprise on arriving there to see that the courtiers and others who had come forward to meet him, wore long faces, and while some sympathized with him, others langhed at him for being duped by a canning woman, who had devised that plan of

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inveigling him into marrying her! The Râjâ was beside himself with rage at this, and when he went into the presence of the Rânî, and the broom and the log of wood were produced before him, he struck the poor lady in his anger and forth with ordered her to be cast into prison.
And what a prison her enemies contrived her to be consigned to ! It was a dreary little room hemmed in between four massive walls, with just one small window in one of them to let in the air. Some coarse food and water was all that was given to her each day through that small window, and that, too, was barely enough to keep body and soul together; and in this wretched state the poor creature had to pass endless days and nights. Hope, however, sustained her through this trial, for she knew that she was innocent, and that a day would come when those who had brought about her ruin would be exposed.
While these events were taking place, the wooden box which contained the two little babes floated calmly on the surface of the ocean, till at last it was cast on a distant shore just at the feet of a poor devotee of the Sun, who lived by begging, and spent his days and nights on the desolate beach, worshipping the San and the Moon by turns. He eagerly picked ap the box, and on opening it, was no less surprised than delighted to see what it contained! The cry of hunger, which the dear little things gave just as the box was opened, awakened a feeling of the deepest love and tenderness in his breast, and he wished he were a woman and could suckle them, for he had with him then neither milk nor any other kind of food which he could give them. In sheer desperation, therefore, if only to keep them from crying, he put a finger of his into each of the little mouths, when lo! the poor hungry babes began to derive sustenance from them and were soon satisfied. The devotee was delighted at this, and, taking the little ones into his hut, fed them in this strange manner whenever they were hungry, and soon found that they throve beautifully on the nourishment they derived from his fingers!
After a year or so, when the little ones were able to ent solid food, he would put them in some safe place, and, going into the neighbouring town, beg food for them in the name of the Sun and the Moon. The people all reverenced this good man, and cheerfully gave him what they could spare, and he would return to his hat and divide what he thus got with the littse ones, just as a loving mother would do. Now the devotee, by means of his occult powers, had found out who his little charges were, and had consequently named the boy Surya and the girl Chandra. When Sûrya and Chandrà were about seven or eight years old, the good old man felt that his end was approaching. So, one day he called them to his bedside and gave them two things, a stove in which he had constantly been in the habit of keeping a fire burning, and a stick with a rope attached to it. He told them that if they wanted for anything after he was dead, they had only to burn some incense on the fire in the stove, and they would get it. As for the stick and the rope, he told them that, if ever they wanted to chastise or panish any one, they had only to whisper their instructions to the stick and the rope, and they would immediately set to work and give the.calprit as good a thrashing as ever was given to anyone,
Soon after the good old devotee had gone to his rest, the two young people thought of going forth into the world and finding out who their parents were, for they had learnt from their late benefactor how they had been discarded and entrusted to the mercy of the waves.
So, as a first step, they expressed to the stove a wish to have a beautiful garden, and in it a golden palace, such as buman hands could never build, in a place they chose for themselves. And soon they found themselves in a gorgeous golden palace whose walls and roof shone so brightly against the Sun, that they cast a strong reflection on their father's palace which was, as chance would have it, situated at the distance of about ten miles from it! The Raja was surprised at this, and sent forth his men to make inquiries as to the source of that strange light, when he was told that a lustrous palace of pure gold had risen up in the midst of the jungle, and was occupied by a beauteous lady and her brother. At this mention of a beauteous lady, the Raja was seized with an eager desire to see her, and to win her favour, and

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offered a large reward to any one who would undertake to persuade ber to let him have just a look at her.
Several persons came forward to compete for the reward, but the Raja selected ont of then one, a shrewd old hag with a glib and flattering tongue, and sent her forth on her errand.
By bribing the servants of Chandra, the fair lady of the golden palace, this old hag succeeded in getting admitted into her presence and soon ingratiated herself into her favour. As poor Chandra was often left by herself all day long, while her brother was engaged in some outdoor pursuit, she gradually began to like the company of the old hag, who frequently found means to visit her when alone, on some pretence or other. Soon the shrewd woman succeeded in wheedling the innocent young creature into telling her all her strange story, and then set about devising a plan to get rid of Chandra's brother. So, one day she said to her: "Fair lady, you have got the best garden the eye ever beheld, all the large trees in it are both beanti. ful and rare, and is it not a pity, therefore, that such a magnificent collection should lack that rarest of all trees, the sandal-wood tree, which is found at bottom of the well of Chandan Pari!"
"Ah!" sighed Chandra, " I should so like to have it !" and the cunning woman, seeing her opportunity, enlarged so much upon the merits and the beauty of the tree, that Chandra was seized with an eager desire to possess it, and would not let her brother rest, till he promised to go and bring it for her! So one morning Surya set out in the direction indicated by the old woman, determined to procure the sandal-wood tree. He travelled on and on for many a day, till one day he perceived a most lovely fairy sitting on the brink of a well in the midst of a very dark and deep jungle. But just as Sûrya's eye fell on her the little sprite hid her face with her hands and dropped swiftly into the well! Surya threw himself in after her, and soon found at the bottom & dry path, leading into a large palace situated in the bowels of the earth. He entered it, and the same sweet little fairy again greeted his sight. She would have run away from him this time also, but he speedily took hold of her hand, quieted her fears, and sncceeded in getting her to conyerse with him. They sat talking, till the time came for the return home of the rákshasa, whose daughter the pari was, when the pari converted Sûrya into a fly, in which guise he remained sticking to the ceiling right over the lady's head. The riksha88 soon entered, with a number of dead bodies of men and women slang over his back, and began sniffing about and calling out loudly that he suspected the presence of a human being in or about the palace. But his daughter said: "Do not be so angry, dear father, without cause, for the smell of human beings that pervades this place proceeds only out of the dead bodies you carry on your back!" The rákshasa, however, continued fretting and foaming, and made things very unpleasant for his poor daughter that evening. When morning came, the giant again went out, and the parí soon restored Súrya to his original shape. This went on for some time, till the two became fast friends. So one day Sûrya persuaded his fair companion to tell him whether she knew how her father was to come by his death. Now, the pari had learned from her father that there was a pair of doves living. in a vice in the walls of the well, over their heads, one grey and the other milk-white, and that milk-white dove held his life in its bosom, so that, if it were destroyed, the ráksi would fall where he stood, and instantly come by his death. The simple little pari repeated all this to her admirer, and he lost no time in profiting by the information he thus obtained, and one morning as soon as the rakshaşa went ont, he went to the well, and pulling the two doves out of the crevice, Aung the grey one away into the air, and instantly broke the neck of the milk-white one.
The rákshasa, who was somewhere about, gave a tremendous yell as he felt his own neck wrung violently, and fell down dead with a heavy thud. Instantly, there sprung up around Borys a host of other rakshasas, fierce, strong, and wild, who would have instantly killed

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him for having destroyed their chief, but he forth with drew out his miraculous stick and rope, which he always carried with bim, and bid them tie up all the rákshasts and give them as severe a thrashing as they could. The stick and the rope spoolily set to work, and the rákshusas received so severe a thrashing that they all roared out with pain and begged of our hero to have pity upon them, and promised in that event to become his slaves and remain so all their lives.
“Very well, then," said Sûrya; "do as I bid you. Bring the part and the Chandan-tree. that is the boast of her garden, out of this well, and follow me." The rotskurns were nothing loath, for one of them jumped in and brought ont the pari, all tremblings and disconsolate at the loss of her father, while the others went into the garden, amel, cutting on a portion of the ground on which the Chandan-tree grew, followed Surya and the park to the palace of gold.
Chandra was in ecstacies, not only to see her brother alive and well, but also the Chandar.. tree she had been longing so much for, and the pretty little Chandan Pari as well.
The old hag, however, who had never expected Sûrya to come back alive, was disconcerte ar his sudden arrival, as it interfered with her plans regarding his sister. She, lowever, stifled her disappointment as best she could, and, putting on a pleasant smile, welcomed our hero with every manifestation of regard and admiration, and congratulated him on having attained his object. Sûrys then persuaded Chandan Pari to forgive him for having caused her father's death, and t give him her hand in marriage, and the three lived happily together in that magnificent palace for some time, Chandra and the pari having become fast friends. But the old bay, who was bent upon Sürya's destruction, again devised a plan to get rid of him, and one day, while he was talking to his sister and extolling the charms of his fairy wife, the old wretch, who was present, craftily put in, by way of a remark, that he thought his Chandan Pari beautiful, only becanse he had not seen the world-renowned Pari of Unchhatra, who lived under the magnificent the called Unchhatra.
Surya at once fell into the trap, and expressed his determination to go in search of this new pari at once. Now this parí, as the hag well knew, was as cruel as she was beautiful, and all those that went to win her came back no more! She had & magic comb, which she kept constantly with her, and as soon as any one rode near enough to lay hands on her, she turned up her hair with it, and, in the twinkling of an eye, both horse and rider were transformed into stone! Our hero, however, who knew nothing of this, put a pinch of incense over the fire in the magic stove, and wished that he might be provided with a fleet steed, such as would traverse the longest distance in the twinkling of an eye, and lo, there presently stood before him just such a horse!
Surya was delighted, and soon taking leave of his pari-wife and his beloved sister, he mounted the fiery charger, and galloped away like lightning. The gallant charger seemed to know the abode of the pari of Unchhatra, and to be aware also of the trick of the comb, for, as soon as he spied her sitting under her favourite tree, he leapt almost right into her lap, and, before she could raise her hand and put the comb to her hair, Sûrya seized her by the wrist, and wrested it away. Unchhatra, finding herself thus suddenly deprived of her magic power, fell down at the feet of her valiant conqueror, and swooned right away. Sûrya promptly dismnounted, and, raising her head on his lap, tried every means to bring her round. As soon as she was restored to her senses, and was able to speak, she acknowledged Sûrya's supremacy over her, and promised to be his slave and servant all her life. The only favour, however, which she asked of him, when he had assured her of his forgiveness, was to be allowed to make use of her comb once more, not to do harm to anybody, for that power was now lost to her for ever, but to undo the mischief it had already caused. Our hero consented, and restored the comb to her, and she immediately turned her beautiful golden hair downwards with it, when, in a moment, several large stones, that were lying scattered about here and there, began to assume strange shapes, and soon numberless young men and horses were seen "to rouse and bestir themselves

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ere well awake." The pari asked pardon of all the young men for having allowed them to lie there so long, bereft of sense and motion, and they willingly forgave her, and, seeing the coveted place by her side already occupied by one who appeared far above them all, both in looks and bearing, they bowed low their heads to Sürya and went their different ways.
Our hero then went home with his new pari and her Unchhatra-tree and soon there was another welling at the golden palace, and both the parís, being very sensible young ladies, lived harmoniously together as co-wives. But the old hag, who, up to this time, had been doing 1. best to lure pour Chanelrå to destruction, although without success, began now to find the
co too lot for her. for the pari of Unchhatra, who was as clever as she was beautiful, saw Touch the flimsy veil of friendship under which the wretch had been hiding her black perpose, and persided her husband to send her to the right about. So the crafty old woman had to return crustfallen into the presence of the Raja, who immediataly consigned her to the tendor mercies of the executioner for having failed to perform the task she had undertaken.
Now the good pari of Unchliatra, who was blessed with the faculty of knowing the past, the present, and the future, one day told Sûrya and Chandrà all the strange history of their birth and parentage, and they were agreeably surprised to learn that their father was a Raja, who lived in a city only abont ten ligt distant from their palace. The pari then advised them to arrange a grand feast, and invite the Raja and all his subjects to it. Sarya and Chandra did accordingly, and asked of the fire in the magic stove to erect for them a row of mandapas, stretching from the palace almost to the gates of their father's city, provided with every cuinfort and luxury, and soon there rose up in the jungle as magnificent a line of canvas structures as human eyes ever beheld before! Separate mandapas were set apart for each different caste of people, so that not only were the Brahinans and the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas provided for, but cren the poor down-trodden 'Sudras were not forgotten! They, too, had a group of mundupas to themselves, fitted up and decorated in such a sumptuous style that the Rajâ, as he come to the feast with his three wives and a gay train of courtiers and followers, was nearly walking into one of them by mistake, and thus polluting himself! What then can we say of the range of mund pas that were set apart for the Råå himself and his Raņis! The ceiling was formed to resemble the lustrons concave of the sky, and was spangled with the brightest diamonds and sapphires to represent the Sun and the Moon and the Stars! The furniture and fittings also, which were of gold, silver and diamonds, were in perfect keeping with the magnificent ceiling - in short, there was nothing left to be desired.
Now the object of the pari of Unchhatra in getting her husband to invite the Râjâ to the feast with all his subjects, high or low, so that not a dog should be left behind, was, by that means to oblige him to bring also his discarded wife-the mother of his twin children, and therefore his most rightful Riņi. Bat when she was told that he had the effrontery to come without her, leaving her behind hemmed in between the four walls of her prison, when the whole town had turned out to the feast, she instantly ordered that but two seats, or rather masnads, were to be placed in the midst of the royal mandapa, and stood by watching as the Raja entered with his three wicked Raņis. Sürya and Chandrå lovingly escorted him to one of the seats of honour, and, as the elder of the Ranîs, who had taken the principal part in bringing about the ruin of the Brahman lady, and was now high in the Raja's favoar, moved forward to take the seat beside him, Unchhatra pulled her back, and demanded of the Râjâ whether it was she who had the right to occupy the seat of honour by his side! The Râjâ was nonplussed at this and said nothing, but, as the pari insisted upon knowing the truth, he had to confess that there was another, who had once a better right to fill that place, but had forfeited it when she was found out to be an impostor. Unchhatra then called upon him to explain what impostare it was that she had practised upon him, and he related how she had inveigled him into marriage with her by boasting that she was destined to be the mother of the Sun and the
1 About 20 miles.

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Moon, and how, instead of giving birth to those luminaries, she had brought forth a broom and a log of wood, and how she had been consigned to prison in consequence. But the pari, who, as we said, was cognizant of the whole story, related to the assemblage the trick the elder Raņis had played upon the poor unoffending Brâhman girl, and the way in which they had mercilessly cast adrift her new born babes, and called upon the midwife, who was standing among the crowd around, to testify to the truth of what she said. The midwife, seeing the turn things had taken, made a clean breast of everything, and the whole assemblage thereupon heaped reproaches upon the heads of the offending Rânis for having so sinfully misled their lord and master and encompassed the ruin of the mother of the most illustrious twins ever born!
Unchhatra then introduced Sûrya and Chandrà to their father, and so great was the rage of the Rijå at the treatment they and their mother had experienced at the hands of the wicked co-wives, that he ordered a large pit to be dug near the city gates, and had them buried in it waist deep, and left there to be torn alive by beasts and birds of prey.
Sürya and Chandra, in the meantime, had hastened to the city with some of the Raja's attendants, and, breaking open the walls of the prison, brought out their poor long suffering mother! Just a spark of life was all that was left in her poor emaciated frame, but by care and attention she was soon brought round, and who can describe her joy, when she learnt that it was her own dear son and daughter, who had been the means of bringing about her deliverance from what had been to her but a living death.
She embraced her dear twins again and again, and forgot all her past misory in the joy of meeting them.
At last, when she was apprised of the fate of her cruel tormentors and was told that the Råjå repented of his conduct towards her, and asked to be forgiven, the good Rani shed tears, aud wished to be united to him once more. There was nothing but joy and rejoicings all over the kingdom, when the news went forth that the Raja had, after all, had the proud distinction of being the progenitor of the Sun and Moon in human shape upon earth.?
FOLKLORE IN HINDUSTAN.
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, C. S.
No. 7.- Why the fish laughed. A fisherman was once hawking his fish through the city of Agra and eame in front of the palace of Akbar Badshah. The princess heard his cries and sent for him into her presence. The moment she looked into the basket, every fish in it began to laugh at her. Now she was her father's only daughter and much loved by him. So she went to Akbar and said :
“Father, I have seen dead fish laugh to-day. I must know the reason or I shall die." Akbar replied: “Do not distress yourself. I will discover the meaning."
Akbar sent for Birbal, and told him that he wonld have him executed, if he did not explain why the fish laughed. Birbal asked for time and went home. There lo lay down on his bed in sore distress and would tell no one the cause of his trouble. At last his eldest son induced him to tell what was the matter. He promised his father that he would find out the secret, if his father would get Akbar to give him five thousand rupees for the expenses of his journey
He got the money and started. On the way he met an old man, who asked him where he was going. He replied that he was going in search of employment. They went on together and at last came to a river. As he was going into the water, young Birbal put on his shoes, and took them off when he reached the other side. Then as they passed under a tree the young
(This story appears in part to have been subjected at some time to Western influence, as the Moon is feminine throughout.-ED.)
1 A folktale told by Dwarika Prasad, Pathak Brahman, of Bithalpar, Pargana Kariyat Sikhar, Mirakpur.

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man raised his umbrella over his head. They went on farther and camo to village where there was a fine crop of barley standing in a field.
"I wonder if this barley has been ground or not yet!"2 the young man said to the villager.
When they came to the old man's village he invited his companion to put up at his house, and he agreed to do so. When the old man went into his house he said to his daughter:
“Our guest is the greatest fool I ever saw in my life. He goes barefoot on dry land, and puts on his shoes when he walks in water! When he goes under a tree, he holds up his umbrella! When he sees a barley field, he asks if the grain is ground or not!"
“Whoever he may be, he is not such a fool as you think," the girl answered. "He puts on his shoes in water, because he cannot see the thorns as clearly as he can when he walks on land. He holds up his umbrella under a tree, because he is afraid lest a bird should throw down some dirt on his clothes. When he asked if the barley was ground or not, he meant to enquire whether the owner had borrowed the seed or not, and if the crop belonged to him or to the mahajan. This is a wise man: you must get me married to him."
So they were married, and the young man returned with his bride to Âgrå. He told her the business on which he bad set out, and she said:
“I can explain the riddle!” When she reached Agrå, she wrote a letter to the princess :"Be cautious and think over the matter in your mind." When the princess got this message, she was wrath, and said to her father : "It is time that Bîrbal was forced to reuc the riddle or bear the consequences."
When Akbar sent for Birbal, he sent back an answer that his daughter-in-law would explain the matter. So she was called into the zanána, and Akbar was present. The girl said:
“The box of the princess must be opened before the mystery can be explained." "My box shall never be opened," the princess screamed. "Let it be opened at once," shouted Akbar. And lo and behold! When it was opened out bounced four strapping young men !
“Now you see why the fish langhed !" said the girl. Akbar was confounded and had the princess and her lovers buried in the ground with their heads exposed and shot at with arrows till they died.
NOTES. This tale is in many ways instructive. A story very similar is recorded from Kasmir by Mr. Knowles (Folktales of Kashmir, pp. 484-90). The queen of the Kasmiri story has been localised at Âgrå, and the whole tale has been brought home into the familiar Akbar-Bîrbal, Cycle. In the Kasmiri tale, the youth asks the old man to give him a lift, meaning that he should beguile the road by telling stories. They are refused food in a city, and given some in a cemetery. The corn incident is in both, as well as that of the shoes. The youth asks the old man to cut two horses with a knife, meaning sticks, and he enquires if his ridge beam is sound, meaning to ask if he can afford to entertain a guest. The message to the queen is much more mysterious, and a young man disguised as a female slave in the carána, is discovered by all the servants being made to jump over a pit.
Mr. Jacob's remarks (Indian Fairy Tales, p. 250 sq.) may be quoted: “The latter part is the formula of the Clever Lass who guesses riddles. She has been bibliographised by Prof. Child (English and Scolch Ballads, I. 485); see also Benfey, Kl. Schr. II. 156 sq. The sex test
[The ignorance of the rich and great as to agricultural matters is a standing joke among the Indian peasantry.-ED.)
[We are now launched on an interesting set of those stock riddles, which perhaps represent what remains of an ancient form of divination.- ED.)

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at the end is different from any of those enumerated by Prof. Köhler on Gonzenbach. (Sexil. Mähr. II. 216.) Here we have a further example of a whole formula, or series of incidents, common to most European collections, found in India, and in a quarter, too, where European influence is little likely to penetrate. Prof. Benfey in an elaborate dissertation (Die Kluye Dirne in Ausland 1859, Nos. 20-25, now reprinted in Kl. Schr. II, 156 sq.) has shewn the wide spread of the theme in early Indian literature (though probably there derived from the folk) and in modern European folk literature."
The old village Brahman, of Mirzapur, who told the story was certainly ignorant of any European folklore, and the change in the incidents and its localization between Kasmir and the North-West Provinces are most instructive."
No. 8. — The Princess who loved her Father like Salt.
There was once a king who had threa sons and five daughters. One day he called them into his presence and asked each of them how much they loved him. One said that she loved him like sugar, another like sweets, and so on; but the youngest princess, who had lately been married, said that she loved him like salt. He was very angry and said, "Bitter love is no love at all." So he ordered his men to take her and expose her in the jungle.
When she found herself alone she feared the wild beasts, and began to weep, and as she wept she began to scratch the ground with a piece of stick. Immediately she saw a staircase of gold and when she scraped away some more earth she saw a golden tank beneath the ground. She then sent for masons and made them build her a palace all of gold, and there she lived until her son was born.
One day her father dreamed that he was sitting on a platform of silver, beneath a tree of gold whose leaves were made of the topaz; and among them sat a peacock. In the morning he went to his court and told his courtiers of his dream. “Whoever will shew me the things I have seen in my dream," said he, "to him I will give half my kingdom." Many soldiers tried to perform the task and failed; at last the princes undertook it, and rode away on the quest. By chance they came into the jungle where their sister lived. She was sitting on the balcony, and recognised them. She said to her son, "Your uncles are passing by; go and call them." When they came in they were astonished to see such a splendid pulace in the jungle. At last they came to think that it must be the abode of shags, and in fear and trembling they went inside. The boy made them sit down and brought them food; but they feared that it was poisoned and would not eat it, and buried it in the ground. Soon after the boy returned and asked them where they were going. They told him their mission, and he asked them to let him accompany them. They thought to themselves that the boy was a Thag, and wished to join them in order to rob or murder them. So they thought it best to start at once and not to take him with them.
When the boy returned and found that they had started without him, he told his mother what they had said, and then set out in pursuit of them. When he came up to them he said: * Why do you distrust me? If you let me go with you, I will help you in your enterprise." So he went on with them, and after some time they came to a well and they told him to draw water for them. When he looked into the well he saw a gate; and he called out: "I see a gate in the well. I am going in to see what is there. Wait here six months for me." He jumped into the well, passed through the gate, and came into a lovely garden in which was a splendid palace. He went inside and looked about and on a coach in one of the rooms he saw a beautiful fairy; but her head had been out off and was laid at her feet. He hid
• [I would throw out, as a hint for the ultimate solution of the origin of such tales, the fact that riddles are atill used as a form of divination precisely in the manner in which we find them employed in Indian folktales. See Golden Bough, II. 168: ante, Vol. XX. p. 196.-ED.]
* Told by Shiadas Chamar of Choukiya, Mirsapur.

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himself close by, and in the evening a Deo arrived. When he came in, he joined the fairy's head to her body, and gave her a slap on her right cheek, when she revived, and they began to talk and laugh together. Then she got up and brought food for the Deo. When he had eaten, he slept beside her, and in the morning he started off in search of his prey.
When the boy saw that she was alone, he went in and revived her as the Deo had done. She asked him how he had found his way there. "If the Deo finds you here," said she," he will cat you." "As I am here I will stay here," he said, and as he was very handsome, the fairy allowed him to remain. Towards evering when it became time for the Deo to return she taught him a mantra and said, "I am going to turn you into a bug. When you please you can regain your original shape by repeating this spell." So he became a bug, and she put him into her own bec. Whon the Doo arrived he called out, "Khanmansayan, khannansáyan," that is to say, "Fee fo fum! I smell a man." But she pacified him and said, " There is no one here but me." And he lay down and slept till morning, and, as usual, cutting off her head he went abroad. The boy then turned himself back into his original shape and revived the fairy. She asked him why he had left his native land, and he told her the whole story. "We are three sisters," said she; “my name is Chandi Pari (Silver Fairy); the second is Sopa Pari .(Gold Fairy); and the third is Zamurrnd Pari (Topaz Fairy). We are all in the hands of this Deo. If yon go to Sônä Pari your object will be accomplished."
So she gave him a letter to Sônâ Pari, and he took it to her. He found her in the same state as Chandi Pari, and he brought her to life in the same way. When she read her sister's letter she received him very kindly, and when the Deo came she also turned him into a bug. Next day she gave him a letter and sent him on to Zamurrad Pari, whom he also found in the same condition as her sisters. He began to plot with her how he could manage to release the three sisters. He said, "If you agree to accept my aid, when the Deo comes, tell him that, when 1.c goes away, you are very lonely and frightened here all by yourself, and that it would be a good thing if he would bring your sisters here." When the Deo came that night he began to boast and said, " The world does not hold the man who can take my life. Bat, of course, I would dic if my pigeon were killed.” “Which pigeon do you mean?” she asked. “In Fulân jungle," he said, "there is a banyan tree, and on it hangs my pigeon in a cage. If any one were to get my pigeon I am ruined." She then induced him to bring her sisters to her, and he repeatedl a mantra and the three came together. After some time the boy asked leave from the fairies to go home, and they said, "All three of us love you, and you shall not go without us." Further they said, "You must go to Fuliin jungle and find the banyan tree, open the cage kill the pigeon, and then the Deo will die also.”
He did as they told him, and when the Deo was dead, he asked them leave to go home. They gave him three pictures of themselves, and taught him a mantra and said, “Whenever yon wish our presence you have only to repeat this spell, and we will come out of our pictures." Further they said, "If you wish to make a platform of silver and the other things such as your grundfather saw in his dream, you have only to cut off our heads, and anything you desire will appear."
So the boy dived up the well, and when he was only two cubits from the top he called out to the princes to help him out; but they said, “We will not take you out unless you give us the things which you have brought with you." He gave them the pictures of the fairies; but when they got them, they would not take him out, and he was obliged to go back and live in the house to wbich he had gone at the beginning. The princes went home, and as they were passing the place where the boy's mother lived, she asked them what had become of her son, They answered that he had been with them until a few days before, and had then gone away by himself. She sent men to search for him, and by chance they halted by the same well. Hearing the sound of voices he came up, and when they saw him they pulled him out. When he came to his mother he told her all that had happenod, and then he went to see his grand

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325
father. He found many people collected there, and they were talking about the platform which the king had seen in his dream. He complained to the king that the princes had robbed him of three pictures. The King ordered the pictures to be produced, and when the princes brought them he told them to produce the platform and other things by means of them; but they could not do so as they were ignorant of the spells. The boy then asked the king's lense to try, and permission was given him. He at once produced a platform of silver, a tree of gold with leaves of topaz, and a peacock sitting in the branches. So the king offered him half his kingdom and the hand of his daughter; but he said that he could accept nothing until he took the advice of his mother. The king agreed to go with him, and when they sat down to eat there was no salt in any of the dishes. The king did not like the food, and then the princess sent him a dish seasoned with salt. This he liked, and she then fell at the feet of her father, and told him the whole history. He was much pleased to get her back, and took her to the palace. He put her son on the throne, and they all lived happily.
NOTES.
The story is incomplete, but is exactly as the narrator, a village labourer, told it. The fairies should come in and have their heads cut off before the platform is made, and the wicked fairies should be punished. Khanmansáyan, = "fee fo fum," in Chamir tales. I suppose it comes from khána = to eat: manushya = man. The fairies with palaces underground reached through wells, and the Life Index of the Deo are familiar. He is as stupid as these goblins usually are.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE KAKATIYA 1 We know that Ganapati died in A. D. 1257, DYNASTY.
and local records say he was succeeded by his The Ekamranatha inscription, edited by Dr. wife, who survived him either 28 or 38 years. If Hultzsch (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 197), furnishes the there is any truth in this, it suggests the inference following list of the Kakatiyas of Orangal:- that Ganapati himself had a short reign. It is (1) Betmarája.
impossible, however, to place implicit reliance on (2) Prôdarfja.
this kind of evidence, and in this case the Pratá(3) Rudradêva.
parudrfya of Vidyanatha makes his successor
his daughter (4) Mahadeva. (5) Ganapati; S. 1172 = A. D. 1250.
In spite of this, however, there is still a diffiDr. Hultzsch assumes that the “Rudradêva"
culty in covering the period between Rudra and of this group is identical with the "Rudra" of Ganapati satisfactorily. the Anumakond inscription and that he was, If we give Rudra a 30 years' reign, his father consequently, a son of Prodaraja. This assump- Próda having probably had a long one, and allow tion, however, involves a serious chronological to Mabadêra the usual 25 years, we should still difficulty. The Anumakond inscription fur- have to assume a 40 years' reign for Ganapati, for nishes Rudra with the date S. 1084 = A.D. 1162, which we have no special justification. and by its evidence he would appear to have The possibility has been suggested of another begun to reign in A. D. 1160. Ganapati's date,
Ganapati and another Rudra having intervened according to the Ekamranatha inscription, is
between the Rudra of the Anumakond inscription S. 1172 = A. D. 1250, 90 years later. If we accept and the Mahadeva of the Ekâmranatha group. Dr. Hultzsch's genealogy of the Kakatiyas we
This is by no means unlikely. have only one king - Mahadeva - to fill the gap.
In the first place, to judge from the wording Tradition records that Mahadeva fell in battle of the Ekamranatha inscription there is nothing in the third year of his reign. But apart from to suggest that the Rudra mentioned in it is a this, in order to bridge the distance, we should son of Prôdaraja. It merely states after him," have to give Ganapati a much longer reign than i. e., Pródarája, " this race was adorned by Rudrawe are, under the circumstances, entitled to do. dôva." There is nothing in this to necessitate

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INTERCHANGE OF INITIAL K AND P IN
BURMESE PLACE NAMES. Ante, p. 19, I noted the change of Kabeng to Pabong (Bassein) and of Kak'an to Pakàn (Pakinyi). I now give more instances. Mr. Thirkell White informs me that the modern Puntu, a Kachin village in the Bhamo district, Kuntu of older writings.
Of the reverse process there is an instance at Maulmain. The Farm " Caves near that town are well known to visitors, as one of the sights. The word "Farm” represents the old Shan P'Arum=Burmese K'ayun. Also in Tuulaing the Burmese word Bama, a Burman, becomes Khama : see Haswell's Peguan Language, p. 46.
By the way, from an inspection of the Barmese inscriptions preserved at the Mahamuni Pagoda at Mandalay I find that the speiling of Kukan (ante, p. 19) is really and invariably Kak'an.
R. C. TEMPLE.
the identification of this prince with the "Rudra" of the Anumakond inscription. He may as easily have been a later ruler of the same name. The similarity of the names might very easily cause confusion and lead to the omission of the other reigns by those who incised the Ekâmranatha inscription.
But the likelihood of the hypothesis receives apparent support from another quarter.
Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 197, Dr. Hultzsch mentions three synchronisms as existing between the Yadavas and the Kakatiyas. That between Mallugi and Rudra, and that between Singhana II. and Ganapati, he establishes satisfactorily. But when he affirms that Jaitngi the Yadava (A. D. 1191-1909) was also a contemporary of Ganapati it seems impossible to follow him.
In the Vratakhanda of Hêmadri (see Bhandarkar's Delekan, p. 82) Jaitugi is represented as slaying " Rudra, lord of the Tailangas," while the Paithņ 'grant of Ramachandra states that lie established Ganapati on his throne. It is natural, at first sight, to identify this Ganapati, as Dr. Hultzsch has done, with the prince of that name in the Ekamranátha inscription. But to do so involves a chronological difficulty of which he has apparently lost sight.
To make Ganapati a contemporary of Jaitugi, we must suppose his reign to have begun a year or two at least before A. D. 1209, Jaitugi's final date. As he died in A. D. 1207, that would give him a 50 years' reign; but we bave no justification for such an assumption, and the weight of our evidence, such as it is, is all the other way.
The supposition of an carlier Ganapati, if it could be proved a fact, would meet the case exactly. The list of the Kakatiyas would then stand somewhat as follows:
Próla, Prôļaraja ... ... circ. A.D. 1110-1160 Rudra I.... ... .. . »
» 1160-1195 Ganapati I. ... ... ... , 1195-1220 Rudra II. ... ...
.. » 1220-1237 Mahadeva (traditionally), 1237-1210 Ganapati 11.... ... ... » 1210-1257
Is it not possible that some of the numerons Kakatiya inscriptions might throw light on this point and clear away some of the confusion of names and dates, which at present prevents the formation of any satisfactory and systematic chronology of the dynasty ? Perhare some contributor might be able to direct his attention to this problem.
C. MABEL DUFF.
TALAPAY-TALAPOIN. Here is a contribution towards the solution of the vexed question of the origin of the extraordinary word talapoin=Buddhist monk, so common until quite lately.
In the Museum of Archæology at Cambridge there is a figure of Buddha of the usual modern type, with a brass chain round its neck, from which is hung an engraved medallion. On the medallion is cut the inscription given below and the figure of a Buddhist priest or monk. The figure is a very incorrect rendering of the reality, and belongs to the type of figure to be found in La Loubère's Kingdom of Siam, 1693, and in the Pères Jesuites' Voyage de Siam, 1686, and other illustrated books and maps of that period. Beyond that the image came from the Fitzwilliam Museum, it has, I believe, no further history. So the date may be taken as about 1700 A. D.
Inscription. Talspayi. e. Religiosi in Pegu Regno !
effigies 1 inventa in Templo ruinoso ad ripum fluminis
Syrian I).
From this we gather that the old visitor to Burna thoucht that the imave of Buddha was a image of a monk, probably on account of the dress, and that he found it either in a kyaung (monastic building), or in a pagoda, on the banks of the Pegu River near Syriam.
Talapay is an interesting variant of the well known Talspoin.
R. C. TEMPLE

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NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA
(The Talaing Country of Burma).
BY MAJOR R, C, TEMPLE.
I. The Caves about Maulmain. TN company with Mr. F.0. Oertel, I made, in April 1892, & short inspection of the caves
1 referred to by Mr. Taw Sein Ko in his "Notes on an Archeological Tour in Ramaññadésa," ante, Vol. XXI, pp. 377ff.
Attention was chiefly paid to the cave remains in the neighbourhood of Maulmain and Thatôn (Daton). Those that were visited, and it may be said, that are so far known, were :
(1) the Farm Caves, about 10 miles from Maalmain on the At'aran River; (2) the D'ammaba Caves, 18 miles from Maulmain on the Jain (Gyaing) River; (3) the Pagàt Caves, on the Salween River, 26 miles from Maulmain; (4) the Kògun Caves, on the Kògan Creek, near Pagat, 28 miles from Maulmain;
(5) the B'inji Caves, on the Dôndami River, 51 miles from Maulmain and 15 miles from Thatôn.
Maalmain being a great meeting point of navigable rivers, all these plaoes can be visited from it by launches, and, except B'inji, are within an easy day's journey, there and back. But they are all, except the Farm Caves, out of the regular routes, and are, consequently, but little visited, -indeed as regards the travelling public they are quite anknown, owing to the fact that it is necessary to engage a launch especially for the journey, a very expensive form of travelling, and not always available even on payment, except by special agreement.
In addition to those to the Caves, short visits were paid to Thaton and Martaban, the weather being at the former very unfavourable and fully bearing out the statement in the Kalyûņi Inscriptions at Pegu concerning "this very rainy country of Ramañña."
. It is extraordinarily difficult to obtain any information in Maulmain concerning the antiquities of the surrounding country. From statements made to me it would appear that many caves exist along the At'aràn River and along the upper reaches of the Dončami River ; but antil each story is verified it is most unsafe to rely apon anything stated locally.
The British Burma Gazetteer states, Vol. II., page 37, that there are no less than 88 groups of caves in the Amherst Distriot, each distinguished by its proper name. Among these may be the following, of which tolerably certain information was given me, locally, along the banks of the Atfaràn. All are said to be filled with images and M88. (1) In a hill opposite the "Nidon Quarries, 26 miles from Manlmain: (2) in a hill & mile and a half inland from the Quarries; here there is a climb over rough boulders and ladders for 400 ft., & narrow and low entrance, & large hall and deep cavity in the main cave, and several smaller caves in the neighbourhood : (3) at P'Abaung, 36 miles up the river ; here is a cave with a hole in the ceiling leading to a chamber filled with books and old ivory, which was visited by Crawford (Embassy to Ava, page 355), and runs right through the rooks, like that at D'ammabâ : (4) at the Hot Springs (At'aràn Yeba), 41 miles ap the River; where there are said to be more caves.
Col. Spearman, now Commissioner of the Tenasgerim Division and formerly editor of the British Burma Gazetteer, has kindly collected for me, in addition to the information above given,
1 Called Maulmain or Moulmein by the English, Molamyaing by the Barmans, Mutmwelem by the Talainge, And B Amapura in historical and epigraphis documents. It seems to have been called Molamyning and Maulaymyaing by the English at first-vide Crawfurd, Embassy to Ava, published 1829, pp. 982, 863, et passim. In Wileon's Burmese War, 1827, the word appears as Moolmein, in a Gasette notification of 1886, quoted at p. lit. Low calls it Malamein in his papers, 1893, As. Res. Vol. xviii. p. 128 ff.: Miscell. Papers on Indo-China, Vol. i. p. 179 f. Mr. Oertel in his Note on a Tour in Burma in March and April 1899, PP. 1811, also mentions the journey herein decorihed.
? See ante, p. 86. Punham the mos thone mentioned below as being of KyOndot Villaro. Low in 1883 W ap the At'orån and gives a good account of the Atarin Yeba (Miscelt. Papers on Indo-CMina, Vol. i. p. 196) and also Dóticos. (p. 197) the P'Abaung Cave, which he onlls Phabaptaung.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
the following information, from native sources, as to the caves in the Kyaikk'ami or Amherst District.
There are in the Jain-balwin (Gyne-Salween) Sub-division five caves, viz., the K'ayon-S'addân (Farm: see post, p. 329 ff.) in the K'ayôn Hill, and the Ngå up the At'arin River: the D'ammaba (see post, p. 331 ff.) and the S'addan up the Jain River. The first four are situated in the Tayânâ Circle, and the last in the Danpadaing Circle. The K'ayon Hill is a mile and a half from the K'ayôn Village, and two and a half miles from the Zababyin Village (on the Ataran ?). The usual routes are, by road to Nyaungbinzêk, four miles, thence across the Ferry over the Nyaungbinzék Creek (= At'aràn River), and thence by road to the Hill, fourmiles or by boat or launch up the At'aràn River to Zababyin Village (on the Ataran ?), 13 miles, and thence by cart to the Hill, 2 miles. The Nga Cave is two and a half miles distant in a separate hill. Only the K'ayôn Cave, of the above, has any remains in it. The D'ammaba Cave is reached by boat or launch up the Jain River, 19 miles, and contains about 1,000 images, of which 100 are in good order, and one chaitya. The S'addan Cave is two miles from Kòs'ên bàn Village, six miles from Naunglonji Village, and 18 miles north of Zababyin (on the Jain). The usual routes from Maulmain are by boat or launch up the Jain River to Zababyin, 13 miles, and thence by cart 18 miles: or by boat or launch to Donaing Village, 28 miles, and thence by cart, 15 miles. This cave is said to be a mile long, and to contain a chaitya and three images in bad order (two being broken) at the entrance. It is about 60 feet above ground level, and is reached by 100 masonry steps in practicable repair.
In the Kokarek Sub-division there are eight caves, viz., the SA, the three P'Abok Caves, the P'abàñun, the Taungbàlwè and the Yabe-Mont'. The first six are in the Myapadaing Circle and the last two in the Myawadi, and all are reached from Kyondôjf Village, which is 47 m. by boat or launch up the Jain River. The Sa Cave is in the little Pâbôk Hill, ten miles from Kyondôji. It contains five or six boxes of old MSS., but no images. These are said to be in good condition. The cave is 60 ft. above ground level, and is approached through old jungle paths. The three P'abok Caves are in the Great P'âbôk Hill and about 200 yards apart, nine miles from Kyôndôji. Two of the caves contain images and chaityas in bad repair. The caves are from 30 feet to 60 feet above ground level, and are approached by old jungle paths. The P'abañun Cave is eight miles from Kyôndôji. It has no contents and is about 60 feet from the ground level. The approach is bad by difficult jungle paths. The Taungbàlwè Cave is nine miles from Kyôndôji. It is 22 feet above the ground level, approached by bad jungle paths, and has no images in it. The Yabe and Monti Caves are in the Tinô Hill, about fifteen miles from Myawadi Village, which is 45 miles by road from Kyondôji. They are about 60 yards apart and 1,000 feet from the ground level. The Yabê Cave contains chaityas, images and old MSS. in bad condition. These caves are very difficult of access through thick jungle and are rarely visited, or as the Burmese informant puts it: "no one has ever been there!"
In the P'agàt Sub-division there are five caves, viz., the Kògun, the Yabêbyàn, the P'agat, the Wèbyàn, and the Taunggale. The first three are in the B'in'laing Circle and the last two in the Myaingji Circle. To reach the first three, the usual route is by boat or launch up the Salween to P'agit, 27 miles (sce post, p. 336), and thence by road. Each cave is close to a village of the same name, and the first two are each about three miles from Pagàt by different cart roads, and about three miles from each other. For detailed descriptions of the P'agàt and Kògun Caves, see post, p. 335 F. In the Yabêbyàn Cave are images and chaityas. The usual route to the Webyàn and Taunggale Caves is by launch to Shwêgun Village up the Salween, 76 miles, and thence by boa. Wèbyàn Village is about six miles beyond Shwêgun, and the cave is some two miles inland. It contains chaityas and images, and is about 50 feet above ground level, but is easily approached by steps lately made to the entrance. The Taunggale Cave is similarly about two miles inland from Myaingji village, which is three miles beyond Shwêgun. This cave is about 700 feet up the hill, approached by a bad road over hill and throngh jungle. It contains chaityas and images.
This local statement is guesswork (see post, p. 338).

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
Kalpeni hring Taingarrading
Katha Hill Hotlhenayin Hill
3 Dusdami
Zettled
Orthena
26
Nibyar Kane
IN
NS
R. Salween
Sittaung
othinari Catal
Pháght Co
RANGLON
l ar Cerare
R. Bhinlaing
Ja
Neengling med den dans
Syriam
Pado
MART
zaktyw
Dharmatha Can
Kambarato
Matilar o
R. Rangoon
GULF
Aler
TABAN
van Quarries
Scare o orfavas
lo Phabaung Cave.
MAP OF THE PARTS OF RÂMAÑÑADESA Visited by Mr. Tuw soin K in January 1892, and by Mayor R.C. Temple in April 1892. Where a precades the word "canas" il manas
that the exact situata has not been aromad
ottanan The O'Cars.
Scale of Englast Milas.
R.C.Tangle, d.
DES Moss Lickers

Page #364


Page #365

DECEMBER, 1893.)
NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
329
In the Thaton Sub-division are two caves, the Minlwin and the Winbon, both in the D'anůminlwin Circle. The usual route is by launch up the Salween and Dondam Rivers, 70 miles, to (?) Důyinzêk, and thence ten miles back to Winbôn Village by boat. The Winbon Cave is a mile from the village, but contains no images. The Minlwin Cave in about five miles inland and a mile from Mâjâ Village. It is 400 feet above ground level, and contains no images, but above it is a large marble slab (P inscribed), which is an object of fear and reverence. This information from Thaton I look upon with some doubt. The description corresponds generally with that of the B‘inji Cave given below at p. 338. It is probable that the Minlwin Cave is the same as the B'inji Cave, and that Winbôn is the village I have called later on (p. 338) B'in'laing or Nyaungjàp, and noted as being of doubtful nomenclature. If the Minlwin Cave is really the same as the B'inji Cave, it is quite erroneous to suppose that there are no images and chaityas in it.
Near Meulmain there are ten caves in the Kyauktalon Hill, which is situated in the Kinjaung Circle, about 14 miles from the town by cart road. Of these, four have images and chaityas, mostly in bad order. They are about a mile from Kyauktalón Village and about 20 to 30 yards apart. They are easily approached from the village.
This information, and that I have independently gathered as to the remains, goes to show that there are at least 40 caves in the Amherst District alone, of which at least 21 contain antiquities of value.
Daring the time at the disposal of Mr. Oertel and myself for exploration, viz., from the 11th to 15th April 1892, both days included, very little more than ascertaining the localities of the antiquities and the ways and means of reaching them, together with hurried visits, could be accomplished. But enough was seen to establish the archeological value of these caves, and, as regards materials for tracing the evolution of Buddhistic art in Burma, their extreme importance.
In this paper it is intended chiefly, by describing what was seen, to draw attention to these remarkable remains, in the hope that they may be explored, before, is it too late, by some one who has the leisure and is properly equipped for the purpose.
I may mention that Caves obviously of the same class as those herein described are to be found farther East in the Laos States, vide Bock, Temples and Elephants, pp. 288 ff., 301; Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, p. 240: in Cochin China, vide Crawfurd, Siam and CochinChina, p. 286 f. : and in Siam, vide Bowring, Siam, I. p. 167.
2. The Farm Caves. The 'Farm' Caves, situated about 10 miles from Maulmain, are favorite places for picnics and pleasure parties for the European population of the town, and also for the Native population, Burmese, Talaings, and Hindu Natives of India, who combine, however, religious worship with their outing. The Chettis (Madrasi Hindu money-lending class) of Maulmain have built themselves a rest-house oatside one of the Caves, and there is, of course, also a Burmese rest-house or zayát.
The name Farm' appears to be a corraption of the Shan name of the place, Parum (Pharum). Párum, as a place-Dame, is one of the many relics of the old Shin occupation of this part of Burma, the syllable p'd (precipitous rock) appearing in several place-names of the same class in the neighbourhood; e. g., Pakat (Bur. Pågåt), Piàn, P'Abyauk, Palat, Pånpå, Panun, Pauk, Parðsin, Pabin, Pawun, etc. However, the name 'Farm Caves' is so firmly established, so far as concerns Europeans, that it may be safely regarded as the proper one. The Burmese name is K'ayon (spelt K'arun and pronounced K'ayun to the present writer), after the neighbouring yillage of that name. Another derivation of "Farm" is from the guano in these caves, which was and perhaps is still, farmed out to contractors.
• Hindus all over Burma worship at the Buddhist shrines and pagodas. At the great Shwedagon Pagoda at Rangoon they may be seen at their devotions in oonsiderable numbers. The pagoda and sh
The pagoda and shrine attendants in Lower Burma are usually also Hindus from India, who have taken the place of the old pagoda slaves.
• For interchange of initial p and k in Burmese place-Dames, 500 ante, p. 19.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
The Farm Cavog, like all those mentioned in this paper, are situated in isolated hills of limestone rock, which rise picturesquely and abraptly out of the surrounding alluvial plain, and were evidently excavated by the sea at no remote geological period. They are now full of stalactites and stalagmites, some being of large size.
There are two distinct sets, one of which was formerly used for religious purposes and at one time richly ornamented. The other has always been left as nature made it. The former is the Kayôn Cave proper, the latter, which is about 600 yards distant southwards, is called the S'addan Cave. There is a third unornamented cave called the Ngå Cave in a hill about 2 miles distant.
The first set consists of an entrance hall running parallel with the face of the rock, a long hall running into the rock at the south end, evidently meant for the “Chaitya. Hall" of Fergasson's History of Indian Architecture (Chap. V.), and a subsidiary entrance and hall at the north end. This last apparently exists because of the form of the cave, and in front of it is the artificial tank, which invariably accompanies these remains. The following sketch plan will give a general idea of the construction,
-
Water
→
North
Charitya Hall
- ladder
Enlrunu Hall
.
.
Monta Entrance
Zavad
bayat
naised
Cart track to the Saddan cara
raad
Sketch Plan of the Pârun Kayon] Cave. The straight parallel lines represent brick and plaster platforms erected for images of all sorta ; of Gautama Buddha himself and of his worshippers or yahans ( rahan: Pali, arahan = Skr. arhantal = arhat). At the circular spots near the south entrance and in the Entrance Hall are small pagodas, and at a similar spot near the north entrance is & rádi (= Pali chétiyan = Skr. chaitya) or t o as the modern Burmese call it, of interesting construction. At
* This word is also preserved in modern Burmese as rahanta, pron. yahanda.
. On the platforms of pagodas such structures represent the old top-ornaments or umbrellas (Ge) of the pagoda, which when taken down to make way for new ones are bricked in by small chaitya-like structures, and thus preserved for over. The word t'c has become popularised us too by Fergusson's History of Indian Architecture, see p. 64, etc.

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DECEMBER, 1893.]
NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
831
the point indicated in the plan there is a bamboo ladder leading up into darkness in the roof, most probably into a higher cave in the rock, but this was evidently too much infested with bats to make exploration desirable at short notice during the visit.
The whole of the caves above described were clearly at one time crammed with images of all sizes, materials and ages, just as the Kògun, B'inji and D'ammabá Caves still are. These have nearly all now been destroyed by iconoclasts, probably.chiefly Natives of India, from Maulmain. The proximity of that town, its occupation by the British for nearly seventy years, the existence for many years of a large garrison there, and the callousness of the Burmese to this species of desecration, would easily account for the destruction of invaluable remains that has taken place.
There remain, however, several huge recumbent figures of Gautama Buddha, one measuring 45 feet in length and others not much less, sitting figures of various sizes, and small figures mostly matilated. The condition of the wood, of which some of these are made attest their antiquity.10 Some of the stalactites have been ornamented, but this has not been the rule, as it evidently was in some of the other caves, notably that at D'ammaba. All over the sides of the cave and its roof there are signs of former ornamentation with small images of plaster painted white and red, and made of terra-cotta stuck on with a cement. The best preserved of these particular remains are high up on the south wall at tlre deep end of the Chaitya Hall, where a number of plaster yahàns are kneeling opposite one of the huge Shrégáyaungs or recambent Gautamas, and in the roof near the entrance. Here advantage has been taken of a small natural dome to picture the Church' (bingá - sang'u); i. e., a numerous circle of yahàns praying round a central figure of Gautama under the Bo (=Bód'i=Bur. Bòdi) Tree 11 Plate I. which is from a photograph taken from the entrance to the Chaitya Hall, looking along the Entrance Hall northwards, indicates this ornamentation and shews the small pagoda above mentioned.
The best way of visiting the Farm Caves is to take a hackney carriage (these are numerous, cheap and proportionately bad in Maulmain) to the Nyaungbinzêk Ferry on the At'arân13 River, about four miles, then to cross in the Ferry, and thouce proceed by bullock cart to the caves, another four miles or so. There is no difficulty in the journey, as it is constantly made and the people en route consequently quite un lerstand what is wanted. It is advisable, however, to give notice to the bullock drivers of the intended journey. The roads are now good all the way.
3. The D'ammaba Cave. The D'ammaba Cave is distant from Maulmain about eighteen miles and is situated near the banks of a side-stream behind an island in the Jain River. There is a village and a small bright gilt pagoda on a high precipitous rock jutting picturesquely, 13 as usual, into the River. (See Plate XIX.) Near the pagoda are kyaungs (monastic buildings) of the ordinary village type. The Cave is in a range of limestone rocks of some height behind the village and distant about quarter of a mile, and there is no difficulty in procuring guides from the village. The peculiarity of this Cave is that it runs right through the rock, and so is better lighted than is usually the case.
It contains a great number of stalactites and stalagmites, some very large, and
Skr. Gautama = Pali Gòtama = Burmese Gùdaina and Güdami (Anglo-Indian goddama, vsed for any Buddhistic image).
10 Many of the figures aro, however, quite modern, having been placed there by worshippers of the present day. Loonl information places the number at 68, of which only 9 are now in good order.
11 This cave is much disfigured by scribbled names of visitors in, many languages: English, French, German Hindustani, Hindi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telugu, Burmese and Chinese.
11 This word is Attaran in Crawfurd's Aun, 1820, and in Spearman's Gazetteer of Burmah, 1950. It is Atharam in Wilson's Burmese War, 1827, p. lxiii. It is at this point frequently called the Nyaungbinzék Crock.
15 One of the most striking facts in Burma is the beautiful and picturesque situations of the pagodas and public buildings. They are comparable in this rospect to the religious structures of the Lepchas in Sikkim. See Journalo kept in Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim and Nepal, by Sir R. Tomple and R. C. Temple, Vol. II. Pp. 206-207. Bir R. Temple's Oriental Experience, pp. 73-74. See also post, p. 361 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
apparently all were originally ornamented. This may give a clue to the age of the ornamentation on further investigation, by determining whether the unornamented stalactites and stalagmites are posterior to those covered with ornaments, and how long it must have taken them to form. Some of them again are now only partially ornamented, and it is possible that the unornamented parts may have been formed since the ornament was put on.
The accompanying sketch plan gives an idea of this Cave.
- hole in roof apparently leading to upper cave
.
-plarked-in hole in the roof
20
North
... Triscription
Entrance from
Village
Jungle foot part
Tank - Single-plairk bridge
Small train
Sketch Plan of the D'ammada Cave The general design in the interior seems to have been to build up a pagoda or chaitya at both the east and west entrances, and to fill in the centre of the hall or cave with images and smaller pagodas. These are raised on platforms. Along the sides is a great mass of images on platforms, such as are shewn in the sketch plan. A general idea of the style of ornamentation and design can be seen from the interior view of the B'inji Cave given on Plate II.
The ornamentation of the roof, sides and stalactites consists of images of Gautama Buddhs and Yahans, of all sizes, from four inches in height to about life-size. These images are of brick and coloured plaster, chiefly red (hindapada!), and of terra cotta fastened on by a cement. There are also signs of glazed ware having been employed in places, and abundant signs of a general gildings of the figures.in days gone by. When new, and brightly colored and gilt, the effect of the ornamentation must have been very fine. (See Plates VI. and VII.) Great numbers of small earthen lamps, of the usual Indian chirágh form, are to be found. These must have been used, as now, for illuminating the images on feast days. Much broken pottery also lies about'; the remains no doubt of water-pots and of pots for votive flowers, used on similar occasions.
All the platforms, the pagodas, and the large images down the centre of the Cave, are of
14This word is spelt hamaapada Skr. 'goose-foot,' and is the name of a mineral (red oxide of mercury) prodacing the peculiar rich red used in Burms for ornamenting baildings. It is particularly well suited as a ground for gold, black, white or gray ornament.
18 The gilding was not always of good quality, as in many instances the images that remain are now simply covered with verdigris,

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DECEMBER, 1893.]
NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
338
brick and plaster, and now very much ruined. There is a general idea among those who have visited this Cave, which is repeated in the British Burma Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 138, that the rain has been caused by some enemy of the Talaings. However, unless direct historical evidence is forthcoming to sapport that argument, it may be put forward, as the more likely theory, that the destruction now visible is that which is inevitable in Burma. When a pagoda or image is once built or made, and the kúbo, (spelt kusól = PAļi kusalan, a 'good work) or religious merit, gained thereby has accrued, no more interest is taken in its preservation; and as every pagoda contains a treasure chamber of sorts, and as each large image is supposed to have valuables buried somewhere inside it, they are sooner or later dug into in search for treasure. This is sure to happen after any political disturbance, when anarchy, for a time at any rate, always supervenes. Plates IV. and V. shew pagodas thus treated in the Kogun Cave, and it may be said that, in the Cave remains in Ramaññadêsa generally, it is the role for pagodas and large images to have suffered thus. This fact alone is sufficient to account for the ruin observable at D'ammaba.
The Eastern Pagoda is utterly ruined and is now a mere mass of bricks, plaster and broken images, some of which may still possess great archeological value. Immediately above it there is a hole in the roof, now boarded-over. This leads to an upper chamber or cave, in which are still stored sadaiks, or book-coffers, containing Talaing M88., no doubt of unique value, if still legible and fit to take to pieces. The British Burma Gazetteer, Vol. II., p. 37, suggests that there are such documents to be found in the other caves. It hardly needs argument to shew that they should be removed as soon as possible to places, where they can be preserved until they can be properly utilized.16
Outside the eastern entrance there is a funnel leading upwards in the rock, but whether this ceases abruptly or leads to the boarded-in chamber could not be ascertained on the spot.
There is a very large number of images of all sizes and in all stages of preservation, lying in utter confusion about the floor and the sides of this Cave. Plate II. relating to the B'inji Cave, gives some idea of the state of the floor at D'ammabâ. These images evidently belong to all dates, from that of the first use of the Cave for religious purposes up to quite modern times. They are made of many materials :- wood, alabaster, limestone, plaster and terra-cotta, amongst others. The wooden images are probably the most valuable for antiquarian purposes. They are mostly now coated over with a black preparation which looks like Burmese resin (pron. Disst, spelt sachché: = (sach) bit, wood, + (chés) si, oil). It is either the under-coating of former coloring or gilding, or was meant as such and never covered over. This coating has preserved the outer surface as originally designed, whereas the wood under it has utterly decayed in many instances. The state of the wood, which is apparently teak in all cases, combined with the outer form and ornamentation of the images will go a long way, on careful investigation, towards determining when they were deposited ; because teak ander certain conditions may be assumed to take not less than a certain number of centuries to reach a certain stage of decay. It may farther be fairly argued that, when once the caves became established as recognized places for religious ceremonies, the great mass of images now found in them were deposited by successive generations of worshippers and pilgrims.
The images and similar remains are generally of the same character in all the Caves, and are well worth study, for the reason that they explain the forms of many of the old and small images deposited about the greater Pagodas in Lower Burms still used by the populace as places of Worship. (See Plates I., Ia, VI. and VII.) Exactly similar images are yet to be seen round the Kyaikbanlàn and the Kyaikpatàn - Pagodas at Maulmain, the Myabendan Pagoda at Martaban, the Shwêzayàn and Mulék (or Dajâp'aya) Pagodas at Thatôn, the great Shwedagon itself and the Sule Pagoda at Rangoon, the Kyaikkauk
* The Talaing language, thongh still spoken to a considerable extent, is cessing to be a literary mediam very rapidly, so much so that it is already extremely difficult to find an educated Talaing able to read even modern documents in his native language, and the epigraphie and old palm-leaf documents in that tongue, which are of supremo value to the history of Lower Burma will even now have to await the labours of the export student of the futare.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
Pagoda at Syriam, and in the far-renowned in Burma) Kalyani Dêng (sima) at Pegu, and round the great Shwêmòdd Pagoda at the same place.17 Whether these images were originally made for the pagodas, or were taken from the Caves by the devont and there deposited, is a question to be settled hereafter. For it must be remembered that it is still a fortunate thing in Burma for a p'aya (image of Gautama Buddha) 'to travel,' as tho people put it.
Careful search may unearth inscriptions of value in the D'ammaba Cavo. Some of the small terra-cotta figures, or, more strictly, tablets impressed with figures, that have become detached, are found to have sometimes, but not commonly, notes painted on the back. The only one of two or three picked up in this Cave, which is sufficiently complete for reading is that given below, full-size.
cinayo
Facsimile, full size, of the unscription on the back of a terra cotta tablet
impressed in front wla ao Image of Gautama Buddha. From
the Dammatâ Cave. The chardoters of the inscription are Talaing and the language is Talaing, and it means:18 "Nge Leh offered to the pagoda curry stuffs from his ancestral fields, fish, and property."'19
17 Lately there has been printed by the local Government a perfunctory and well-nigh valueless production called List of Objects of Antiquarian and Archæological Interest in British Burma. It is confined mainly to the names of the principle pagodas in the country and the folk-history thereof. It is useless for any purpose, except to find the names of the pagodas, and is not even thea of use, if there is more than one pagoda in a place, as the actual situation of each is never indicated.
18 It must be borne in mind however, that in the present condition of scholarship as regards the Fortbei Indian languages, every epigraphic reading should properly be regarded as tentative.
*I fancy we must assume from this that the pions Nge Leh held a feast from the produce of his ancestral fields and offered property to the paroda, and also let loose some fish as a good work: (jivita dina: swita dind. See Shwe Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 40 f.)

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DECEMBER, 1893.] NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
Transcribed the inscription runs thus:- nalah matau nè sané ka p'on balaḥ-kyu(k). The pronounciation and meaning of each word runs thus: Nge Leḥ metò ngè sani ka p'àn pale-kyaik20 'Nge Leh parents' field curry-stuff fish property offer-(to)-pagoda." In addition to the above, there are traces of another inscription in modern documentary Burmese characters.
335
These impressed tablets usually represent Gautama Buddha seated on a canopied throne, the canopy forming the back-ground of the tablet. Gautama Buddha is commonly thus represented in Burma in figures of all sizes and of all materials-vide Plates IV., V., VI. and VII. In the D'ammaba Cave a large full-sized seated figure has an inscription, white letters on a black ground, on the canopy, above either shoulder. As it is on plaster which is fast peeling off, no impression can be taken of it, but it should not present any difficulties in reading, if. read before it is too far destroyed, as it is in the ordinary square lapidary Burmese character in vogue in the last and the beginning of the present Century (vide the Pô:û: daung Inscription near Prome, ante, p. 1 ff.).
About two and a half miles distant from the Cave just described there are hot springs and another Cave (so local information on the spot says),21 The hot springs are well known to the natives of the country, and now also to immigrants from India, who repair to them annually to get rid of skin diseases. There are several such places in the Amherst District, notably the At'aran Yebû (Hot-waters) on the At'arùn River, the medicinal qualities of which have been attested by Dr. Helfer.22
The way to reach D'ammaba is by special launch from Maulmain, in which case the journey takes about three hours each way, or by ferry launch to Zaðabyin on the Salween, and thence by country boat to D'ammabi, a slow process. The former method of approach is very expensive.
4. The Pagàt and Kògun Caves.
The P'Agàt Cave on the Salween23 River is distant from Maulmain 26 miles, and is situated in an isolated limestone rock by the river-bank. It is not now of much interest, as it is very dark, and so offensive, owing to the presence of an enormous number of bats,24 that it is practically not explorable.
Seated Gautama Buddhas can, however, be made out in the darkness, and no doubt at one time the Cave was decorated and ornamented in the style of its neighbour at Kògun. Wilson, Burmese War (1827), quotes, p. lxvi., a Government Gazette notification, dated 20th April 1826, of a journey up the Saluen (Salween), where Pagat appears as Sagat, apparently by mistake. At that time the images were distinct and the ornamentation was evidently the same as that of Kògun. The bats are also mentioned. It is further noted that the ornamentation on the rock face, which is in the style of that already mentioned at D'ammabâ, looks from the river like the letters of a huge inscription. This accounts for the persistence of a local idea that there is a large prominent inscription on the face of this Cave.
As far as I can make out, the following description from Low's travels in these parts in 1833 (Asiatic Researches, Vol. xviii. p. 128 ff.; Miscell. Papers on Indo-China, Vol. I. p. 197) refers to P'agàt. "In rowing up the Sanlûn (= Salween, by misreading the final for the dental n, instead of the guttural n) or main river, the first objects which attracted my attention were the Krûklataung rocks, being a continuation of the great lime formation. The river at one spot is hemmed in betwixt two rocks, and, being thus narrowed, rushes through with considerable impetuosity. The rock on the north-west bank overhangs its base, the latter being
20 Pale-kyaik is a compound meaning to make an offering to a pagoda.'
This was not borne out, however, as regards the Cave, on further enquiries from local officers.
22 B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 38 and note. The only reference, besides those quoted from the Gazetteer, I have yet found to the D'ammabâ Cave is in that intelligent little book, Six Months in Burma, p. 41, by Mr. Christopher Winter, who visited it in 1858. It is there called Dhamathat, as it is usually still called by Europeans in Maulmain This is an instance of striving after a 'meaning, because Dhammathat' is a word well-knowu to most Anglo. Barmans, being the Burmese form of the name of a locally celebrated work, the Dharmasastra.
25 Salween Bur. spelling Samlwan, pron. balwin.
24 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 378: and Malcom, Travels, ii. 61. It is a well established fact that it takes these bats 25 to 30 minutes to fly out of the Cave to their food every evening.

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washed by the river. On a sharp, and one should suppose almost inaccessible pinnacle, a small pagoda has been built, producing a pleasing effect to the eye of a distant observer.
"The cliff I conjectured to be 250 feet high. On that front facing the river some niches have been cut in a pyramidal space, and in these stand many painted and gilt alabaster images of Buddha. A narrow opening leads into a magnificent cave, which has been dedicated to Buddha, since many large wooden and alabaster images of that deified mortal were found arranged in rows along the sides of it; the wooden images were mostly delayed through age and had tumbled on the floor. The rock consists of a grey and hard limestone. The cave bears no marks of having been a work of art. The Burman priests, who inbabit a village ou the opposite bank, could not afford me any information respecting it. No inscription was discovered on the rock."
P'Agat can be reached by a ferry launch in about four or five hours from Maulmain, but the best way is to visit both Pagàt and Kügun at the same time by special launch, - an expensive journey as already explained.
By & good fair-weather road from Pfagat, though somewhat unpleasant withal, the Cave and Village of Kògun can be reached by bullock-cart, if desired. The distance is about two miles. The preferable way of getting there is to stop in a special launch at the mouth of the Kògun Creek, about a mile short of Pagat, and thence either reach the Kogun Village by a country boat, if the tide serves, or by walking through the outskirts of the village for about a mile. The Cave is situated, as usual, in an isolated limestone rock about a quarter of a mile to the west of the village. It runs under an over-hanging ledge of rock for about a hundred feet from South to North and then dips Westwards into this rock for about the same distance at the North end. The following sketch plan gives an idea of it.35
Nord
ES
Wind
Drep holl
Inscripian
Overhanging Ledge
Eno ince Hali
-
c... Tiened pagoda
High Gurd..
Entrance
Square
Pama.
Stalagmites converted into a Charlyal.
tark
Sketch Plan of the Kögun Cave
• Pue Ground
Crawford visited Kögun on 27th January 1827-vide Embassy to Ava, p. 361 A.; Wilson's Documents of the Burmese War, Appx., PP. xliz., lxvi. f.

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The general plan of the cave proper is evidently that of the D'ammabê Cave, but advantage has been taken of the over-hanging ledge and the rising ground in front of it to create & profasoly ornamented Entrance Hall. In front of this is a large artificial square brick tank kept in good repair, as the Cave is still a place for an annual festival at the Burmese New Year (about 15th April). In front of the tank is the pice.ground, where Zit Pweg are performed on the occasions when people congregate here.
There are the usual image platforms about the sides of both the Cave and the Entrance Hall, and also several down the centre of the Cave, as at D'ammatba.
A goodly number of small brick and plaster pagodas and chairyas are scattered about both Cave and Entrance Hall, and the surroundings of the latter. The largest are noted on the sketch plan. There is also a remarkable ornamented stalagmite, see Plate VII, covered com. pletely over with small terra-cotta images, about four inches high, of Gautama Buddha entbroned in the style already explained, surmounted by & series of standing images in plaster work and much larger. On the top of all is a small pagods or chaitya of the usual modern form. The corresponding stalactite, not visible in the plate, is profusely ornamented with images of Buddha in every attitude, standing, seated and recumbent.
The peculiar position of the Entrance Hall under an over-hanging ledge of rock, sheltered from the rain brought by the prevailing south-west wind, has led no doubt to the profuse ornamentation of the surface of the rock to a considerable height, as shewn in Plates III., IV., V., VI. and VII.
'This ornamentation is the best sample of all of the type already noted as provailing at D'ammaba and P'arum, viz., covering the rock with impressed terra-cotta and plaster tablets of all sizes, from four inches to several feet in height. The impressions are chiefly of Gautama Buddha enthroned, but they are nevertheless in great variety, and the Ding á or Church is represented in several ways, as also are various scenes from the legendary life of the founder of the religion. On the many small ledges and recesses presented by the uneven surface of the rock are placed images in alabaster and brass. This is a special feature of the wall decoration of this Cave, due to natural conditions.
All about the Entrance Hall and the Cave itself, there is an astonishingly large deposit of figures of Gautama Buddha and yahàns in every material and in every condition, besides a mass of remains of Buddhistic objects generally. Many are quite modern, but some are of a type not now met with in nodern Burmese religious art, and are exceedingly interesting from an historical and antiquarian point of view, as connecting Burmese with Indian Buddhism. They are well worth study, and probably from this Cave alone could be procured, with judicious selection, a set of objects which would illustrate the entire history of Bad. dhism in Lower Burma, if not in Burma generally and the surrounding countries, especially Siam.27
The great mass of the images and remains are in a state of complete neglect, but, as the Cave is still in use for purposes of occasional worship, many of the figures are well looked after, and some of the larger exposed ones are protected from the weather by rough boarding. The Cave itself appears to wander indefinitely into the rock at the two deep holes marked in the plant, and that near the ruined pagoda is partly filled up with a great mass of mutilated images and broken objects, thrown together in an indescribable confusion. Every pagoda has been broken into for treasure in the manner shewn in Plates IV. and V.
The word pwd (Anglo-Indian pooay or poay) is Burmese, exactly corresponding to the English word 'play' in its various senses. 24t=PAļi jafi, wed for játaka, Buddhist birth-story. The Zat Pwe is consequently modified Passion Play.
1 A move in this direction is being made by the Local Government in Burma.

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6. The B'inji Cave. The Bʻinji Cave is situated in some low hills about 3 miles east of a village called, apparently indifferently, B'in'laing29 and Nyaungjàn, on the left bank of what is usually known to Earopeans as the Dončami River, but is really the B'in'laing River.29 This village is about three miles below Dayinzók, and about 51 from Maulmain and il from Thaton. At the foot of the Cave is the village of B'inji, which is reached by bullock cart across jungle and rice-fields from B'in'laing Village. In front of the Cave is a pool of very hot water from which a stream issues, 30 and over this stream is a single-plank bridge. The Cave itself is not situated at the foot of the hill, and a climb of from 50 to 100 feet is necessary before reaching it. In the rains the country between Bʻinlaing and Bʻinji is flooded. Bʻin'laing can be reached from Maulmain by ferry-launch to Dayinzek, 52 miles, and thence backwards three miles by country-boat. Bullock carts can, by arrangement, be procured at B-in-laing. A special launch from Maulmain could, of course, be moored at B'in'laing, which is a station for procuring firewood for the ferries. In any case more than one day is necessary for the expedition.
Bad weather prevented the exploration of this Cave, wbich is much to be regretted, as it is necessarily but little visited. Old and now faded photographs, see Plate II., taken by the late Mr. R. Romanis, the Government Chemical Examiner at Rangoon, in the possession of Mr. George Dawson, the present owner of the ferries along the rivers which join at Maulmain. and of the little Railway from Duyinzêk to Thatôn, however, fortunately shew that the Cave is of the ordinary Râmaūñadêsa type, though not so profusely ornamented as usual as to walls and roof. The plan has been to place a series of pagodas or chaityas down the centre and images on platforms along the sides. This Cave bas, however, a pagoda jast outside it, which is nnusunl; and it will be observed that this pagoda and those shewn in the interior are not of ancient form.
The B'inji Cave is deep and dark, requiring the use of special lights, but at the end of it is a pool of water flush with the floor, and & pagoda, 80 situated as to be lighted from a hole in the roof, or more correctly in the hill side, 31 after the fashion of the artificial lighting of the Ananda Pagoda at Pagàn (spelt Pagam and Pugan = Påļi Pugâma), and of some Jain structures in India. There is a fine reflection of the Cave, both roof and walls, in the pool.
6. Contents of the Caves. Plate Ia gives an idea of the great variety of images and objects to be found in the Caves above described. The plate itself is from a photograph taken on the spot at Kogun. The objects shewn in it were collected together for reproduction from the immediate neighbourhood of the ruined pagoda apon which they are placed. They are mostly of wood, but some are of terra cotta, plaster and stone.
The modern Burmese seated figures of Gautama Buddha are usually dressed in the garb of 8 monk, or pônji, 3 with curly hair drawn up into a knot on the top of the head, and the lobes of the ears touching the shoulder; but sometimes the Buddha is still represented dressed as Zababado. In these Cave representations there is, however, considerable
* This place is locally identified as "the residence of B'io'laing or Binlaung, the last Talaing king." The tradition is, however, probably a confused reference to the notable doings in these parts of Bayin Naung ( Port. Branginoco (Bayinjt Naungw), Bayin' being spelt 'B'ara') in 1851-1581 A. D., and of Binya Dala, the last Talaing king, 1746-1757 A. D.
* The DùnPamt and the Chauksarit Rivers join at a few miles above Dayinzek, acid form together the B'in'laing River, which, after tanning some 80 miles, falls into the Salween, somo 25 miles above Maulmain.
30 Not mentioned in the list given in B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 38, note.
91 There are several such holes in the P'Arum Caves giving fine effects of light. There is cave at Muang Pangiu the Laos States where the name ohance effect ooours. See Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 289 f.
* Yalo, Mirrion to Ava, pp. 38-9 and note; Fergusson, History of Indian Architecture, pp. 616 and 21
#1 Spelt b'un&krk and explained as the great glory (bunt), by the Burmese, but with doubtful accuracy to my mind.

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variety. When dressed as Zabubade, the ear lobes, though much enlarged, do not touch the shoulder, and the large holes in them are filled up with a roll much in the modern Burmese fashion, and from this roll there is occasionally something that hangs down to the shoulders (? a flower). The head-dress is in such cases a multiple crown, with, sometimes, appendages or wings hanging down behind the shoulders. On both arms are large jewels, or perhaps short embroidered sleeves, and the trunk is clothed in an elaborate winged garment reaching apparently to the feet and richly embroidered. All this is much in the modern style. In many of the older figures of the Buddha as a monk, the top-knot, there being, of course, no crown, is much elongated so as to form a sort of crown. In others again the body appears to be bare to the waist. In several the sole of the right foot is not exposed, as in most, but not all, modern figures ; vide those in the Shân Tazaung at the Shwe Dagon Pagoda ; also round the Nyaungdauk and Padank trees on the platform there. A good many thrones lie about the Kogun Cave with two images on them seated side by side, of which one is frequently inuch larger than the other and much more elaborately clad. Here the Buddha seems to be represented both as Zabobade and as a monk. Often, however, the two images are identical in every respect, making the explanation more difficult.
Zababade requires explanation. There is a story current and very popular in Burma, but not, so far as I know, yet traced to any Játak ., according to which Jambupati (= Bur. pron. Zabûbadê), Lord of the Earth, was a king exceedingly proud of dress and power. The Buddha, however, one day, to convince him of the valueless nature of his riches, assumed his form and clothing without effort. Thereupon Jambupati became a devoted follower. The figures of the Buddha dressed as Jambupati, and of Jambapati himself kneeling to the Buddha in acknowledgment of his superiority, have for centuries been popular iu Burma.
The serpent throne and canopy of Gautama Buddha is to be seen in Plate la in two instances, conventionally grotesqued in the style dear to the Borman. The material of most of the figures in the Plate is wood, but the present writer has in his possession a fine plaster bead with conventional serpent canopy of much finer workmanship than the specimens in the Plate, and in the Kalyani Deng at Pega3 are stored several specimens in plaster of Gautama lying upon a serpent throne with canopy. Modern figures of the Buddha and serpent combined seem to be rare, but a new one in alabaster was bought lately in Mandalay, which was explained to be a “Siamese Buddha (Yód'ayà Paya)." Also, among the treasures found at the palace at Mandalay, after the war in 1885, was a fine and well executed copper image of Buddha seated on a serpent of many coils, which was said to hare been sent from Ceylon as a present to one of the kings of the Alompra Dynasty.
Images of yahans also abound in the caves, always in an attitude of reverence. Those in Plate Ia (see also Plates I., IV., VI. and VII.) are of a type quite unknown in tho present day. Female figures seem to be very rarely met with, but there is one of characteristic Burmese type in Plate Ia. It belongs to a fallen impressed terra-cotta tablet and represents a favorite character of the Burmese sculptor: Mabonday. (Vasundhara), Protectress of the Earth during the present dispensation,
It is obviously impossible with the materials at present at hand to do more than draw attention to this remarkable field for enquiry, but enough has already been said to show how rich it is and how well worth study.
7. Bas-reliefs on glazed terra-cotta tablets, The importance of Thaton36 as an ancient home of the Talaing race is, of course, wellknown, and as it is now to be reached with ease from Maulmain by ferry-launch to Duyin
Spelt Pagal, and pron. Pago = PAli Hamsavati. Sangermano calls the country Pogů and the town Bago :. Reprint, 1885, p. 159 bas "Bagd in Pegà" and p. 172" Pegà or Bagò."
* Spelt bat'un, pron. baton, - PAļi Savanna-nagara and Savappa-bhumi: sloo Saddhammanagara, Saddhammåvatt, eto. It is like Basseio, a cause of wild etymological guesses, of which one is to be found in the delightfully Naive introduction to Gray's Buddhaghosuppitti, p. 14.

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zek,36 52 miles, and thence by a small Railway, 8 miles, it is to be hoped that its ruins will at last be properly studied. Unfortunately, the time available during the visit now referred to was very short, and the weather wet and unfavorable for exploration. The chief object of interest is the Mulek Pagoda, or Dajap'aya, as it is also called, of the usual Sinhalese type, with square terraces, or procession paths, surmounted by a stúpa. Putting aside a discussion of the form of this pagoda for the present, it is worth noting that into panels in the lowest terrace are let, in large numbers, burnt clay tablets impressed with bas-reliefs. As this pagoda was built, like most old Talaing structures of the kind, of squared laterite blocks, the unrestored portions are in a state of great decay, and many of the tablets have fallen out, while others are much injured and likely to disappear also. They are, however, for the purposes of the antiquarian of great importance, as exhibiting medieval manners and costumes. Many are mere grotesques, but others are clearly meant to picture contemporary customs.
These particular bas-reliefs were carefully examined some years ago by Mr. R. F. St. Andrew St. John, now of Oxford but formerly of the Burma Commission, and the detailed description given below is partly from personal observation and partly from his account.37
There is evidence that similar pagodas existed elsewhere in the Talaing Country at one time from the figures on Plates VIII., fig. 1, IX., IXa, X., XI., XII. and XIII., which are from photographs of part of the collection in the Phayre Museum at Rangoon of glazed tablets found at Pegu and Syriam.38 The Pegu tablets are all said to have been found round the entirely ruined square base of a pagoda, in the Zainganaing Quarter, in what is now known as Mr. Jackson's Garden (but see below, p. 353 ff.). That this ruined pagoda was once of great importance is attested by the existence in the neighbourhood of the remains of an unusually large artificial tank, the sides of which were once faced with laterite blocks. The ruins of the pagoda now resemble a square jungle-covered mound, and glazed ware is still dug out of it and the neighbouring tank walls in considerable quantities." As regards Upper Burma, at Pagan similar tablets abound, and at Amarapura, Yule observed the same style of decoration in sandstone on the basement of the Mahâtulatb'dnjò Kyaung: (Monastery). From Sagaing I have photographs of 21 inscribed green glazed bricks from the ruined procession paths of the old Sigonji: Pagoda there. These exhibit what I take to be scenes from a Játaka or Játakas, after the fashion at Bharaut, etc., in India. The inscriptions are legible enough, but, like so many old Burmese inscriptions, not as yet intelligible. The language is Burmese with much Pâli mixed with it. Every brick is numbered, and the high numbers on those that remain shew what a large quantity must originally have been set up: e. g. 278, 421, 573, 862.
There is no need to attribute a foreign origin to these tablets, on account of the remarkably good glazing, wherever found. Glazing, especially green glazing, is a very old art in Ramaññadesa, as the following interesting facts will shew.
There is still a well-known and important manufacture at Twantê," near Rangoon, of what are now called commercially Pegu Jars, but were known, until 1730 A. D., at any rate, by a
se Spelt Düsranch'ip, from dágyins, the durian fruit and s'ék, a landing place. It was from this place that the messengers of King DArAwadi (1837--1846 A. D.) used to embark on boats up the Donami and go thence by road vid Taung-nga and Yamègin to Amarapura with this fetid fruit, which is as great a delicacy to the Burmese as it is an object of disgust to Europeans. Yule notes this fact, op. cit., p., 161, footnote. Taung-nga (Toungoo) is always Taunù is Sangermano; see Reprint, 1885, pp. 158, &c.
27 B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. II pp. 715-717. Fergusson, Hist. of Indian Architecture, pp. 613-614, quotes Mr. St. John from The Phonix, Vol. II. p. 204 ff.
With the carelessness characteristic of all inhabitants of Burma these invaluable remains have been deposited without a note to shew which are from Pegu and which Irom Syriam. Syriam in Burmese is spelt SanЯyan and pron. bhanlyin. It is the Cirion, Sirian, Serian and Syrian of old writers.
se I received 71 tablets for the Phayre Museum quite lately from this place through the kindness of the owner. Both the Pegu and Syriam tablets are of the same type. Those from Syriam are from Capt. C. C. Wise's property and were found in the ruined base of an old pagoda outside the S. W. bastion of the old fort. But see post, p. 353 ft. is Mission to the Court of Ava, p. 164 and Plate xxi. 41 B. B. Gazetbeer, I. 418; II. 550, 649.

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variety of proses badge the wond there The Pegia Jat is, alyse vessel of pottery about four feet high, covered with a bard dark glaze, and was formerly much prized as a water jar itlder ROIR Aps and to the brug of Watatanduids in many parts of the world. They worocooted from Martaban and under the name of that port became famous over the whole of the East and even in Europe, Ibn Batuta mentions them in the 14th century under the pame Martaban as Thimons at Steles continerce, and they were largely in use all over India and much prized for storage air in the days of Linschoten and Pyrard de Laval (15th and 16th centuries). As early as 1915 we find a Dictionary in Latin stating this :-vasa figulina quæ vulgo Martabonia dicuntur per Indiam nota sunt. Per Orientem omnem, quin et Lusitaniam, borum est usus So that we see they early spread to Portugal and were familiar to the Arabs. We find also in France, Galand, in 1673, and the "1001 Jours," groting respectively Merdebani and Martabani as "une certaine terre verte" and "porcelaine verte." In 1820 Baillie Fraser fonndimitti okus of the Pegu Jar manufactured in Arabia and called Martaban;" while, writing so long ago as 1609, De Morga, Philippine Islands, Hak. Ed. p. 285f., gives an obvious reference to the Pegu Jar, when he says :-" In this island of Luzon, particularly in the provintos of Manila, Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, there are to be found amongst the natives, soune large jars of very apcient earthenware, of a dark colour, and not very sightly, some of them of a middHe'size, and others smaller, with marks and seals, and they can give no account front whence they got them, nor at what period; for now none are brought, nor are they made in the islands. The Japanese seek for them and value them, because they have found out that the root of a herb, which they call cha' (tea!), and which is drunk hot, as a great daintata inedicine, among the kings and lords of Japan, does not keep or last, except in these jars, and so on. The jars were known as tibors, and, under the name gusih, were similarly known and valued among the Dayaks of Borneo, as the Editor of De Morga tells us, referring to Boyle's Adventures in Borneo, p. 93.
Whencesoever, therefore, the Talaings and Burmans got their art of glazing" with lead-oar, Alexander Hamilton puts it, it is clear that an art that had reached the perfection of the Pegu Jar, and had become famous in trade throughout the civilized world as early as the 14th century, must have flourished vigorously in the country quite early enough to be contemporannuus with the earliest date we can reasonably assign to the existing monuments in which the glazed bricks are found.
As to fixing dates when glazing was actually in use in Burma on & large scale, the following evidence may be useful in addition to that collected by Yule, s. v. Martaban, in Hobson-Jobson. Mr. E. H. Parker in his Burma, Relations with China, p. 12, says, quoting from Chinese Annals, of the king of Piao (Burma), that “the circular wall of his city is built of greenish glazed tiles .... their house tiles are of lead and zinc .... they have a hundred monasteries, with bricks of vitreous ware." This quotation, Mr. Parker tells me, is from the Han History, chapter on the T'an (Burma) State, and refers to the doings of the Tang (Chinese) Dynasty (A. D. 600-900), and apparently to knowledge acquired in the year 832 A. D. He further kindly gave me the following quotation from Fan Ch'oh's work on the Southern Barbarians "the Piao State (i. e., Capital) is 75 journeys south of Zung-ch'ang, and communications with it were opened by Koh-lo-fêng. In this State they use greenish bricks to make the city-wall, which is one day's journey in circuit." The date of Koh-lo-fêng is 748-779 A. D.
" A fine collection of quotations extending from 1350 to 1837 A. D., supporting the above stated facts, is to be found in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, page 428 f. But he is wrong in supposing the words 'Pegu Jar' to be obsolete, for the article is still well known in Rangoon and Burma generally to Europeans to this day under that name. See also his Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. ii. p. 476: and the valuable quotations in Wilson's Documente of the Burmese Wur (1824), Appx. p. lxiv. Low, # very careful obseryer, in his Geological Observations of Portions of the Malay Peninsula, As. Res. (1833) Vol. xviii. pp. 128-162, also makes the mistake of thinking the Pogu Jar obsolete. See also Miscell. Papers on Indo-China, Vol. I. p. 195. He also thought (p. 198) that Martaban was not settled till 1236 A. D. : but this was a mistake.
45 Galena and rice water, B. B. Gazetteer, I. 419.

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The tablets at Thaton are found imbedded in niches in the second terrace about four inches deep and with a little over two square feet superficial area. The representations on some of them are as under, and the description shews them, I think, to be, like the Sagaing tablets and the sculptures in India at topes, representations of Játakas, or Zats, as the Burmese say
(1) Four bearded persons, with faces conventionally grotesqued, riding an elephant, are being pelted with stones by two youths on foot with their pas'08tucked up. One of the figures on the elephant has his hair tied into a knot on the forehead in Shan or Karen fashion. The youths have theirs in a knot at the back in the fashion" prevailing still further East.
(2) A royal figure is riding on a horse and another royal figure is on foot with an attendant. Wavy lines (? the sea) form the background.
(3) A royal figure kneeling before a trisula.46 A remarkable design in Burma, but common enough in India. See Fergasson, Hist, of Indian Architecture, pp. 104, 112: also Cunningham's Jahábódki, Plate VIII. fig. 2. This picture is comparable with that of the Nágas worshipping the trišala at Amaravati, given by Fergusson at p. 46, where there is no doubt that the tristila is an emblem of Buddha."
(4) A great man, is sitting under umbrellas. A man, kneeling to his right, is smiling and presenting something in a box. Below is a pony tied to a tree and an attendant kneeling. Both kneeling figures have their hair tied in a knot at the side of back, and their loins girt. From this last circumstance - an unusual thing in the presence of a great man - it might perhaps be conjectured that strangers have arrived from a distance in a hurry with a
present,
(5) A woman is kneeling before prince, and in front of them is a man on a four-wheeled cart drawn by a pony,
(6) A well-dressed man and woman, in & curions and remarkable cart drawn by a pony, are in front of a potter's house. Here one man is turning a wheel, another is shaping a pot, and a third is kneading clay. All the figures wear their hair in a knot behind.
(7) A princeps is seated among her women, one of whom is hanging a man by a rope through a hole in the floor.
(8) A king on his throne, and an attendant on either side ; girt about the loins, hair in a knot at the back.
4 Spelt puch', Burmese cotton or silk garment worn by men. It is a kind of petticoat wound round th waist, and is tucked up between the legs when anything requiring agility cr activity has to be done. "Gird up the loins of your mind," (I. Pet. i. 13), would be a metaphor at once understood in Burma.
16 The Burmese tie theirs in a knot at the top, as is seen in the modern images of Gautama Buddha. A real Tanno (ante. Vol. XXI. p. 379) still wears his hair as in the bas-reliefs, and so do the Augmene and Cambodians. The Tamils and Telugus of South India frequently do the same also. I have in my possession a kneeling figure in Sagaing marble from Amarapura with the hair tied at the back. The Cambodian influence visible in these tablets may help to fix the date of this Pagoda as between the 6th and 10th century A. D. See page 354 f., post. .6 It is very easy, by the way, to mistake the vajra for the tristila in indistinct sculptures
See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 381, and Oertel's Tour in Burma, p. 11. There is a strong tendency in antiquaries in Burms to attributo all Hindu symbols to pre-Buddhist Hinduism. This ignores all Tantrik influence on Buddhism in Burma, which, however distasteful to the modern Burman, is, I think, a dangerous thing to do. It certainly onnnot be done in discussing any Buddhist remains in India, and there are many signs of Tantrik influence in the ideas of the Burman Buddhist of to-duy, Phayre (Ind. Num. Orient. Vol. III. Part I. p. 83) falla into the Hinduism" mistake, and so describes what is conventional Buddhist chaitya ona "Pegu Medal" as the trident (trifila) of Siva, moralising accordingly. The latest work on such points, written in Burma, Gray's Huddhaghónappatti, 1892, sticks tightly to the Buddhaghpa and pre-Buddhistic Hinduism theories.
46 But see below No. 8.
46 Mr. St. John has an ingenions explanation of this. In every Talaing house there is a room set apart for the girls to sloop in, and this has a hole in the floor. Lovers come under the house and put their hands through this hole. By a sign, or tho feel of the hand, the girls know if the right man has come. If the wrong man comes, " Wee betide him."

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(9) A king seated on a throne with people kneeling before him. In the background is a man being." elbowed."50
(10) A man in a garden, or forest, has hold of an enormous serpent. A prince is seated on the ground with three princesses' kneeling on his left, one behind the other. The neaddresses are all of the well-known Näga type in Buddhist (Indian) sculptures. The dress otherwise is Burmese.::
(11) A king is seated on a throne, and an attendant kneeling is announcing the arrival of the queen. The queen, gorgeously apparelled and grave of countenance, is carried on a seat on the shoulders of four men. Behind are ambrellas, fans, swishes, &c.
(12) A prince is standing on the back of a man stretched on the ground. A man in front has hold of the victim's hair with one hand and holds a sword in the other. Behind are two kneeling women. Around are elephants, buffaloes, pigs and other animals.
The bas-reliefs at Amarapure are merely humorous grotesques, but those from Pegu (and (?) Syriam) had evidently a more serious meaning. A great number represent, no doubt, what we should call “foreigners," who to the ancient and medieval mind were largely people endowed with terrible faculties, features and forms. An attempt has been made to depict these mythical peoples in detail, and we find them endowed with stout formidable bodies and the heads of every creature known to the artists. They are generally represented as being naked as to the body and legs, and clad only with a cloth round the loins, no doubt in the fashion of the poorer classes of the time. The glazing of all the tablets is good and regular, and the colors prevalent are white, red, green, yellow, black and blue. The blue colour of some of the bodies represents perhaps the dark skin of the supposed foreigner One of the tablets represents two female figures, naked from the waist upwards, and clad only with a short garment drawn up tightly between the legs after the fashion of the Malay sarung, and of the lower orders of Siamese women, vide Crawfurd, Embassy to Sian, p. 115, illustration, which confirms the iden that these grotesque figures merely represent the people of a foreign nation.
On some, however, of the Pega tablets are representations of great personages of the time elaborately clad, crowned and jewelled. (See Plates IX., IX, XII. and XIII.) Only one, ou of over a hundred found at Pegu,51 has & legible inscription on it, and this inscription is, so far, largely a puzzle, which is disappointing, as there is no special difficulty in reading the characters, since they are of the square lapidary type common in these parts up till quite lately. Plate IX. gives a reproduction of it, and below is a tracing from a photograpla, on a scale-of-7. Tinc anys Tart
!
Lidt Dan Inn
The
y
be either Tahing, Burmese or Shan
timing it to be Talsing,
whment The p
month. The person to be punished is made to kneel down and bend forward. He is then
ween the shoulders and somewhat lower by the elbow of the punisher. The pain ga need is great and
"On very few is there any sign, of lost inscription. I have howeves einee found a similapoblet in Bangoon, presumably taken from the same site, and having precisely the same sincriptions that in the text, but in a more cursive form. It is shewa in Plate LX a. Low, see Indo-China, Vol. I. p. 197f., makes the, for him tory ourious mistake't saying that there are no inscriptions in Lower Burma! The opposite is the fact, and proper tionately there are many more historical inscriptions in Burma than in India.

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as the characters and would lead one to suppose, it is apparently translateable.
fo Transliterated it seems to run pretty clearly, thus:- Transnteraceascow
the corHornce Kwaru piran ini, pa mat local... .
its open By exercising considerable license in spelling, and in reading the lettors, sense can be made in Talaing out of all the words, thus : Kón 1 prear ma
p à
tôt...tout moto Son fernale hom. case do 1 hafriends k rever among
wife or daughter
i le SH !! the, Bot in order to get thus far, we have to misspell: kon which should be, transliterated, kaun and not kwan, and to read the akshara Gas G. and the aksharas God as 8o6This last reading, however, would be allowable. The last word can be variously read in Talaing as lút, lamót, lu-ugót, or lawót, according as the first akshara is read as 7 ,92, or -8.53
The meaning of the sentence thus read, which would be good Talaing so far as regards grammar, would be:-“the wife who is a friend for ever." I am very loth to accept auch a reading, as it would be against epigraphio experience. I
n
Marca Assuming the language to be partly Burmese or shati, and partly Siamese, for reasons given below, we get the following result by transliteration : Kuanp'ra i Mahápamáti lwat
in PAI: (the) noble Mahậpamát 1 .dedicated built ont. There is only one difficulty, in this reading, and that is in reading the akshara G, as prá: there being no sign in Burmese or Shân. The aleshara má bn stone is constantly used for maha. The indistinct akshara og in the last word would, if the language is Burmese, be read ut, and if Shfin lòt. Both words mean the same thing, i. e., primarily released, secondarily consecrated,' dedicated,' built in honor of. But whether the language is Burmese or Shan the first two words would be Siamese titles. Kwanp'ra (pron. kunpr) means 'a nobleman,'54 and such people in Siam often have a Pali name or personal title. The Mahậpamàt of the text is a legitimate form for such a name or title, standing for the Pali Mahápamata, either by shortening in the usual way, or in full. Because the akshara may be legitimately read as t, or as + + PAļi suffixed open vowel; 6 or á br for a 'ora. The
Siamese nobles did, we know, frequently visit Ramaññadêsa on pilgrimages and did erect buildings in consequence. This particular man may have done so and order dan inscription to be cut in his honor locally, and the lapidary may have used his own language, which however, at the time that the structures in the neigbourhood were built, 56 was riot likely to have been Burmese, though it might have been Shân.
But the inscription may be purely Siamese. The character is what Taylor, The Alphabet, Vol. II, p. 346 and elsewhere, calls the "Kiousa character of Burma," meaning clearly thereby (p. S45) the Burmese word kyauksd (chauksd, lapidary seript, epigraph). And although he is altogether wrong in his ideas as to its distribution in Burma, he shews that it was in use abont k apd in Siam generally. Such a sentence as that we have before as is, however,
pd Siamese. to be read the word must be read mit. !' *I am much Andebted to the Rev. Dr. Cushing, author of the Shape Diskionary
f indly aid in this difficult text.
* In Siamese the title kan may be prefixed to any other title of nobility, beine...usweit. The tithes are, highest downwarde, Chaup'aya, Playa, P'ra, Luang, Méung and Kun. A "roy" tit persopare prefires Krom bis other titles.
4
Peg - Assuming the neighbourhood whence the tablet came to be that of the Kyaikp an Pagoda (seb'tekt, post, p. 354 f.) the date of the inscription can be only. At present conjectured to be some time after the Siamese conquest of Cambodia in the 13th century A. D. See post, P. 355.

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If then this stone commemorates the visit of a Siarche prince or noblo to Pegu, it is of interest and some importance as historical evidence. Until disproved I am inclined to accept the second reading as the correct one. Another possible conjecture as to the nationality of the person commemorated by the stone is that he was a Talaing nobleman with a Siamese title. This is historically reasonable.
On the tablet, already mentioned (ante, p. 343), shewing two grotesque female figures is an inscribed monogram, of which he accompanying cut gives a full-sized tracing. The characters of this monogram bear a strong resemblance to the lapidury character of Burma.
The Pegu tablets at the Phayre Museum are then clearly of two types - grotesques and portraits, and, although ail are said locally to be from the same place, i. e., Mr. Jackson's Garden, I believe that this is an error, and that the grotesques came from the garden, and the portraits from the neighbourhood of the four colossal figures of Gautama Buddha, about six miles distant, known as the Kyaikp'un Pagoda. If this belief is correct, the inscription just examined would tend to shew that the Siamese had a hand in its erection, and for external evidence of such a supposition may be consulted Fergusson's statements and plates in his History of Indian Architecture, at page 663 ff., and especially at page 680.56
The grotesques divide themselves into four groups — figures marching armed, figures fighting, figures in flight, and figures in attitudes of supplication. It may be, therefore, fairly guessed that they represent the march, battle and defeat of a foreign army, such as that of Hanuman in the Rámáyana, the story of which, by the way, is quite well known in Burma as the Yámayand, or popularly as the Yümazàt.57
8. Images and enamelled' pagodas at Thaton. Perhaps the most interesting thing yet unearthed at Thaton is a stone image in basrelief about three feet, high, which was found quite lately, at 14 ft. below the surface, in digging a well in a garden near the Shinzû Kyaung. The owner has now set it up on & modern Burmese throne, or paling beside a pipal tree on the neighhouring road-side, and has built a tazaung (tans aung, a building with terraced roofs and umbrella' top) over it. The image is now entirely gilt, and the throne and tazaung ornamented with modern Burmese 'glass' and gold decoration. The money for the purpose is being collected from worshippers on the spot, and perhaps the owner will, in the end, make a small living out of it, as does the guardian of the curious Pop'o images.58
The image is that of a man standing upright, with long arms, broad shoulders, largelobed ears, and curly hair. The right arm hangs down straight, but the left is doubled up so that the tips of the fingers touch the top of the shoulder. Under the arm-pit is a representation of a palm-leaf MS., covered over with a cloth, in the style still in use. It bears & striking resemblance to the colossal Digambara Jain figures of Western India shewn, ante, Vol. II. p. 358, and in Fergusson's History of Indian Architecture, p. 268. It is not, however, naked.68 Bad weather prevented the taking of a photograph of this image, but it is well worth reproduction and study.
* The point is, of course, at present very obscure. See post, p. 354 f., for further arguments as to it.
T For xát see above, note 26. The pictures in Growse's Ramdyana of Tulat Das may be usefully compared with these grotesques ; see Book VI., Laoks. 68 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 381. He had started a box with a slot in it in April 1892 !
The statue at Karkala (ante, Vol. II. p. 358) is dated Saks 1858 = A.D. 1432.

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There is in the courtyard of the Shwêzayan Pagoda at Thaton, and again at Martaban,60 near the point where the Government Telegraph cable crosses the Salween from Maolmain, & 80called enamelled pagoda, locally presumed to be of great age. The t'fs, as well as the upper rings of the pagoda spire itself, is covered with glazed ware in several colors. The pagoda at Martaban, which is quite small, has a peculiarly venerable appearance from having been split from the crest downwards by a young pípal tree, which has taken root in the t.
The enamelled appearance is produced by nailing on to the brick and plaster work small plates of lead covered over with a silica glaze in various colors; brown, grey, yellow, gold and green. The antiquity of the work may be well doubted, as the plates at Martaban, at any rate, were fastened on with European nails.6! The Great Kyaikkauk Pagoda near Syriam is similarly "glazed." (B. B. Gazetteer, II. p. 283 f.)
9. Remarks on Pagodas. The form of the Mulek Pagoda at Thaton has been already commented on, being that of a Sinhalese dagaba.62. That is, it consists of three square terraces surmounted by what was a stúpa, and is now, after restoration, a modernized pagoda with the usual conventional t'f:. These terraces represent the three procession paths found round all Sinhalese dágabas. The style is repeated at Borobudur in Java, but with five procession paths in place of three. That the Thatôn sample was not an isolated instance in Râmaññadêsa has been already noted,64 and that the mere form itself does not argue antiquity can be seen from the Sibyo Pagoda at Myingun, which was built under Bodòp'aya in 1816 A. D., where precisely the same arrangement occurs.
This leads to the reflection that form alone can never be relied on for estimating the age of a pagoda in Burma, because of the tendency to go back to the old types: e. g., the great Kaung'ın ûdò6 (royal work of merit) Pagoda near Sagaing, 66 the date of which is known to be about 1650 A. D.87 and which is a stúpa with stone railing after the Bhilsâ type : e. g., also, the great pagoda of Bodòp'aya (1781 to 1823 A. D.) at Myingun, which, had it been finished, would have been a stúpa raised upon a square base in most approved ancient form, as may be seen from the model still existing at Myingun. In the village of Syriam, on the high road to the Kyaikkauk Pagoda, just facing what must have been the old east gate of the city walls, is a small ruined pagode of the true stúpa type. It is one of thirteen small pagodas, also mostly in ruins, but not of ancient form. To these I would add the remains of the Maháchêtî Pagoda at Pegu, the date of which lies between 1551 A. D., and 1581, and the resemblance of which to a true stúpa is most remarkable.
That the elongated pagods of Burma at the present day is the lineal descendant of the dagoba of Buddhist India there can be little doubt, but, owing to the recurrence of ancient types in modern times, all that can be predicated of any particular sample from form alone is that the greatly elongated spiral form is not likely to date beyond a century or so
* Portuguese, through (P) Arabic, form of the Talaing Måttama Burmese Moktama (see also Crawfurd, op. cit.) P.Ali, Mattime. In Wilson's Burmese War, 1827, it appears 43 Mautama.
1 A devout myk, or subordinate magistrate, caused the pagoda at Thaton to be white-washed in honor of new year's day, 1254 (B. E.=14th April 1892). There is no greater destroyer of ancient monuments in the world than the devout Burmese "restorer" of sacred buildings. His doings at Buddha Gay& in 1876 caused the deputation thither of Rajendralela Mitra on behalf of the Bengal Government, and resulted in the now well-known volume, Buddha Gayd.
61 Sinhalese visitors have recognized this. B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 717.
· Ferguisson, Ind. Archit. Ch, viij. and pp. 624, 643 ff. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 18: Strettell, Fianu Elastica, 4, 49: Yule, Ava, 172.
"There is a minor instance at Martaban of obviously no great age in the S-X. corner of the courtyard of the Myábendin Pagoda.. This digaba, for one can hardly call it anything else, is a cylindrical structure ten feet high and ten feet in diameter, surmonnted by the usual Burmese pagoda spire and t't. It rises out of three eqnare terraces, which have been evidently anperimposed on an old base. All the ornamentation is modern Burmere ; four niches at the base of the cylinder, and four manualhas at the corners of the uppermost terrace.
4 PAli namo. Challmaņi, Rjachf&maņi, Rajamanichļa. · Spelt Chachkoni=pron. Sitkaing and Sagaing : PAli Jayapura,
There is an inscription of great historical importance in the courtyard-wide Yule, Ava, p. 66 and Appx. B. of this I have lately prooured a hand oopy.
* See Yule, op. cit. p. 169.

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back. The great sample of the elongated style is the Shwêdagûn at Rangoon, which ist. historically known to have been continually enlarged (i. e., to consist of a series of pagodas built over smaller ones), from the days of Binyàwarů (1446-1450 A. D.) and Queen Shinsòbû (1453-1460 A. D.) of Pegu to those of S'inbyûyin (1763-1775 A. D.) of the Alompra Dynasty, under which last ruler it finally attained its present shape and height in 1768 A. D.
I hope in due course to return to this important subject later on and to examine the pagoda forms of Burma in detail.
10. The Shwefayaung at Pegu. The enormous recumbent figure of Gautama Buddha, the Shwefayaung, as it is called (see Plate XVII.), in the Zainganaing Quarter of Pegy, has been noted by Mr. Taw Sein Ko (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 384). This evidently was one of the sights in days gone by of a part of the town that was set apart for the priests, for the Kalyani Dêng is not far distant, the forgotten pagoda with its huge tank in Mr. Jackson's Garden (ante, p. 340) is close by, and the Mahîchêti Pagoda is not far off. It had an enclosure of its own surrounded by & wall. It is now a very prominent object of red brick on a platform of squared laterite blocks, but the restorers have begun on it and plastered the face already, and no doubt the efforts of the pions. will, in time, result in the plastering of the whole body. To the antiquarian it is remarkable for having a lost history. It is probably about 400 years old, and yet there is no history at all attached to it! What story there is about it is in fact an example of the utter extinction that at times overtakes an Oriental deltaic town upon conquest. Pega was taken by Alaangp'aya in 1757 A. D., and utterly destroyed for a generation. So completely were the inhabitante dispersed that, when the city was repopulated under S'inbyuyin, who conciliated the Talaings, about 20 years after its destruction, all remembrance of this image, 181 ft. long and 48 ft. high at the shoulder, had disappeared! And this, though it was within & mile of the new town and surrounded by monasteries! The place on which it was situated had become dense jungle, and the image itself turned into what appeared to be a jungle-covered hillock, or at best a tree-hidden ruin. In 1881 the Burma State Railway ran past Pego, within half a mile of the image, and laterite was required for the permanent way. A local contractor, in searching for laterite in the neighbourhood, came across a quantity in the jungle, and on clearing the place uncovered the image, which has ever since been an object of veneration,
A similar complete depopulation seems to have been effected at Bassein about 1760 A. D. by Alaungp'ayâ, for the British Burma Gazetteer accounts for the absence of native histories of Bassein by the utter destruction of the town that then took place.
11. Some details of the Plates.
Plate 1. The small figures in part of a circle at the top of the drawing represent the Sangha, or Church, seated round the Buddha, who is not visible in the plate. I have a curious brown glased brick from Wunbo, which shews four figures seated in a tasaung or sayát. It is inscribed with the words, in clear Barmese characters, “Tatiya Sanghúyanátar han," which in Burmese would be read Tatiya Ding'áyanátin hàn, and may be translated, "the picture of the Third Convocation hearing the precepts of the Buddha:" Yaná, to the modern Burman, is one of the early convocations of the Buddhist Church rehearsing the teachings of the Buddha: yanátin is the holding of such a convocation : hàn means “having the appearance of." It is not a verb.70
A careful comparison of the figures shewn in this Plate with those described in the next will shew that the figures of the Farm Cave are identical with those of the Kogun Cave in point of age and character.
See ante, p. 18. There is a recumbent Buddha at Pechaburi in fiam 145 ft. long; so Bowring's Biam, I. 167 and one in Bangkok, 166 ft. long, op. cit., I. 418.
• This Third Convocation is a great landmark in Burmese ecclesiastical history. The Burmans mean by it A Göka's Third Council, which, according to them, was held in the Year of Religion 285.986307 B. C. Also, ancord. ing to them, it was as a result of this Convocation that they adopted the Buddhist faith. See Bigapdet, Life and Legend of Gaudama, II. 139: ante, p. 16.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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38
INDEX PLATE OF PLATE 1 a
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Explanation of Index Plate Ia.
Figures (1) and (2) are two figures on one throne (palin:71). Fig. (1) is the Buddha in priestly costume. Fig. (2) is the Buddha as Zabûbade. In this case the sole of the right foot is not exposed. The material is wood. Fig. (3) is a "Shân Buddha." Priestly costume; the sole of the right foot is not exposed: material, wood. The same is to be said of figs. (4), (9), (11), (12), (13), and (14), all carved in a series of thrones or niches in the same piece of wood; also of figs. (33), (34), (40), (41), (43). Fig. (35) shews the same in stone.
Figures (5) and (6) are priestly disciples in the attitude of adoration : material, wood. So is fig. (7): material, stone.
Figure (10) is very interesting as being a "Cambodian tower" in wood, exhibiting the four Baddhas of this dispensation, Kakusandha, Kônagamana, Kasapa, Gôtama.
Figure (8) is Zabûbade in the attitude of submission to the Buddha after his conversion material, wood.
Figures (15), (16), (17) and (18) show the Buddha seated in the coils of the serpent Ananta, as on a throne. The serpent is three-headed: the three heads being grotesqued and conventionalized in true Burmese fashion. In both these instances the Buddha has both soles exposed material, wood.
Figures (19) and (23) shew what is known in Burma as a "Siamese Buddha" (Yôd'ayà Paya). It is winged after the fashion of Indian and Sinhalese Buddhas: material terra-cotta. Fig. (36) exhibits the same in stone.
Figures (20) and (37) shew the Buddha as Zabûbade: material, wood. Fig. (24) exhibits the same in terra-cotta: and fig. (39) in stone. So does fig. (42) in stone. Both soles are exposed, probably, in each case.
Figures (21) and (22) are two figures of the Buddha as Zabûbadê on one throne. In this case the sole of the right foot is not exposed: material, wood.
Figures (25) and (28) exhibits the Buddha in priestly costume, both soles exposed; but the type is antique.
Figure (26) exhibits the head of the Buddha of the Shân type in plaster.
Figure (27) is the background in wood of a throne and had originally an image fixed on to it. It is chiefly interesting as shewing symbols of the sun and moon (?), one above the other.
Figures (29) and (30) shew the janitors of a shrine, much in the fashion common on doorways in Ceylon and in Cambodia. Material, wood. Compare Plates IV. fig. 1, X. fig. 3, XIV. fig. 16, of Forchhammer's Report on the Antiquities of Arakan for similar figures.
Figure (31) is an image of Mabondayê in terra-cotta.
Figure (38) shews two images of the "Shân Buddha" seated on the same throne: material, wood.
It will be perceived that the pagoda, at the foot of which the images have been placed, has been broken into for treasure. This pagoda is that shewn again in Plate V.
Plate III.
This plate shews the elevation of the Entrance Hall of the Kògan Cave, which is alluded to in p. 336, ante, where a sketch plan of it is given. An examination of the plate through a magnifier will shew the extent to which the rock has been ornamented by lines of terra-cotta tablets, stuck on by cement and faced for the most with representations of the Buddha seated
12 Spelt pullan Pali pallanka.

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in priestly costame, of as Zabû bade. See Plates XVI. and XVIa, and also ante, p. 334, where full sized representation of the back of one of these tablets is given.
Plate IV.
Index Plate of Plate IV.

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Explanation of Index Plate IV. This Plate shews the mural decoration of the Kògun Cave to consist mainly of terra-cotta tablets, faced with representations of the Buddha, seated as already described. But a few facts are brought prominently to notice in it.
Figure (1) is the recumbent Buddha of not an unusual type. Figure (2) is a seated image of the type explained below, p. 354, Plate VII.
Figures (3), (6) and (13) are representations of the Buddha preaching, a form which is very rare in modern figures, but which must have been common enough when these caves were decorated. I have photographs of a fine set of very ancient type in wood, now at the Shinbink uji Pagoda in Talôkmyo, which were taken thither from the Ditsabàn Hill at Legaing, the ancient Våņijjaguma in the Minbû District, one of the oldest sites in Upper Barmah.73 One of these is now set up (restored) at the Sûlê Pagoda in Rangoon. Figure (13) has been accidentally cut out of the Plate, but is in the original photograph.
Figure (7) represents the Buddha with his Dabók, or begging bowl.
Fignres (8), (9), (10) and (12) are interesting as shewing images of the Buddha (Shin type) with one sole only exposed. Fig. (11) shews him as Zabûbade with a septaple tiara on his head.
Figure (4) also shews the great hexagonal ornamented stalagmite, which is to be better seen on Plate VII.
Fignre (5) exhibits the damage, almost universal in pagodas found in or near the Caves, and done in order to get at the contents of the treasure chamber. See ante, p. 333.
The day when this Cave was visited happened to be that of the annual new year's feast, and a couple of boys, worn out with the fatigues of the festival, are to be seen asleep in the foreground. The human figures in the photograph are useful to sbew the proportions of the varions objects shewn.
Figure (14) is an inscription in modern Burmese characters on plaster, which has partly peeled off. The figures 2157 can be made out on the original photograph through a magnifier. Given that this refers to the Year of Religion," or Anno Buddhæ, it yields the date 1613 A. D. At any rate the inscription is worth looking into, for there should be no difficulty in reading it. Its situation is marked in the sketch plan, ante, p. 336.
Plate V. This shews a pagoda which has been twice dug into in search for treasure.73
Of the mural decoration the objects of chief interest are a prominent figure of the Buddha preaching, and the small alabaster figures placed in hollows and on ledges in the upper part of the rock.
The boys in the foreground are some of those, who had come to be present at the new year festival noted in describing the last plate.
Plate VI. This plate gives a view, shewing the way into the Main Hall from the Entrance Hall, and shews that the decoration of roof and walls by means of plastering them with terra-cotta tablets extends eyen to the recesses of the Main Hall. It also shews usefully the extraordinary richness of the remains and the confusion into which they have now fallen.
12 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 121; Vol. XXII. p. 6.
15 This is the pagoda which appears in Plate Ia. Alerander, Travele, 1827, p. 18, says that about Rangoon, good deal of this kind of damage was due to the European troops in the First War.

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The main features of interest in the plate are those noted in the Index Plate.
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In many samples in this Plate, notably in figs. (1), (5), (7) and (9), it will be observed that the right sole is not exposed : and this in instances where the figures have obviously been built up of brick and plaster.
Figures (2) and (3) represent devotees in an attitude of prayer, and so does fig. (6), giving the back view of a favorite attitude.
Figure (4) is a sample of a " Yöd'aya Playa."
Figure (7) is especially interesting as being that of the Buddha enthroned in the jaws of & gigantic three-headed serpent, figs. (8), (8), (8). Each head has been conventionalized in the manner already described. I possess a fine example from Amarapura in wood of the Buddha seated on a throne, canopied by a seven-headed serpent, but the example in the Plate is, so far as I am yet aware, unique. Plate VII., Plate VIII. fig. 2, Plate IX., Plate IXa, Plate XII., Plate XIII.,
Plate XV. fig. 1. Plate xv. fig. 1 exhibits what is known as the Kyaikp1 Kyaikpʻun, or simply as the Kyaik pʻun, Pagoda near Pega. The remaining plates exhibit glazed bricks found in its neighbourhood, or in Mr. Jackson's Garden in the Zainganaing Quarter of Pego, or presumed to have come from these two spots.
I think an examination of the Kyaikpʻun Pagoda may throw light on the probable origin and date of these peculiar bricks, which I take to be conventional portraits and commemorative of devotees.
Now the Kyaikp'un Pagoda, a huge mass of brick 90 ft. high, shews, I think, the influence of the Cambodian style of architecture. That is, it is a solid square brick tower, on each face of which sits a huge figure of one of the four Buddhas of this dispensation, vis., Kakusandha, Köņagamana, Kassapa, and Götama. Compare this plate with those given in Fergusson's Indian Architecture, fig. 378, p. 680, and I hardly think that there can be much doubt about it. I have also a carious series of coarse chromolithographs by M. Jammes of his visit to Angkor Thom, which confirms this view. The extension of Cambodian, and later of Siamese, power, for a time, as far west as Pegu can, I think, be shewn historically.75 The Siamese influence seems to have been strongest in the latter part of the 13th and early part of the 14th centuries: in the 15th century we find the native Talaing Dynasty firmly established. The Cambodians were overthrown by the Siamese in the 14th century, and their influence was not apparently felt in Ramaññadesa after the 10th century. So that, if the Cambodians had a hand in the design of this tower, it must date back at least to the 10th century, and to its being a well-known structure in Talaing times in the 15th century we have the testimony of the Kalyani Inscriptions, in which it appears as the Mahabuddharûpa near a ferry over the Yoga, or Pegu, River.76
Plate XIII. goes to further shew the influence of Cambodian art in this region. The glazed brick shewn here is from the Zainganaing Quarter of Pegu and the costume of the figures is strongly Cambodian.77
Plates IX. and IXa exhibit two couples of figures of the portrait class, both, I believe, from Zainganaing. They also shew two versions of the inscription described ante, p. 343 f. Plate IX. shews the inscription as described, and Plate IXa shews it in a more cursive form, which is interesting on that account. Apart from the testimony of the inscription the costume
14 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 883. There is in the Phayre Museum small stone object (broken) with the four Buddhas seated back to back. It was taken from the neighbourhood of the Kyaip'un Pagoda, and may well have been votive model of it. In Buchanan-Hamilton's "Account of the Religion and Literature of the Burmaa" in Ariatic Researches, vi., 265, the Four Buddhas turn up as Chauchasam, Gonagom, Gaspa, and Godama! In Malcolm, Travele, Vol. i. . 284. they are Kaulthan, Gaunagòn, Kathapa and Guddama, and in Siamese, Kakasan, Konagon, Kuap and Kodom. To See Phayro, History of Burma, pp. 63-66: ante, Vol. XXI. p. 877.
** Ante, p. 46. TT But see ante, p. 844 f., a to s possible Siamese origin for these figuros.

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of the figures is Siamese or Cambodian, is also are the costumes of similar figures in Plates VIII. fig. 2, IX., IXa, and XII. from the same place. The figures are not clothed in Burinese fashion.
I would draw attention to the head-dress of theso figures, because if compared with that of the “Shîn Buddhas" and many non-Barmese figures shewn in Plates Ia, IV., VI. and VII., as found in the caves about Maulmain, it will be seen that they are identical, and give us a clue as to when they must have been deposited.
In Plate VII., at the point indicated in the index plate below, is a remarkable seated figure of the Cambodian type, as shewn in Plate XIII.
un
Index to Plate VIT. Close to the Kyaikp'un Pagoda is a large metal image of the Buddha overgrown now by tbe roots of a huge pipal tree. In the illustration of this in Plate VIII. fig. 2 are to be seen specimens of glazed bricks, shewing precisely the class of portraits' above described. The inference is that whatever the date of the Kyaikp'un Pagoda itself may be, that is also the date of the bricks seen in the Plate.
The structures in the Zainganning Quarter, whence these figures came, can be most safely attributed to a time before Dhammachett (the middle of the 15th century), and if the
15 The great Mahlehti Pagoda in Zaingabaing was, however, not built till the 16th century, and the Kalyéni Deng was built by Dhammachet.

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date of the Kyaikp'on Pagoda is to be placed earlier than the 13th century, we get a date for these glazed portrait bricks, vie., at the latest the 10th century A. D., and by analogy a similar date for the deposit of similar votive offerings in the caves. Assuming the remains to be of Cambodian origin, then, as the Cambodian power lasted in these parts from the 6th to the 10th centuries, the period between them would be that in which the bulk of the older deposits must have been made.
To sum up the evidence so far available, it may be said that the older cavo romains, it Cambodian, date between the 6th and 10th centuries A. D.: if Siamese, the date must be put forward to the 13th or 14th century.
Plate VIII. fig. 1, and Plates X. and XI.
minum
Index to Plate VIII. fig. 1. Plate VITT. fig. 1 shews selected specimens from the collection of glazed bricks from Pegu (see ante, p. 340) in the Phayre Museum, Rangoon. Some are said to have come from Syriam, but I cannot say which. They are sufficient in number and variety to shew the point of the remark already made that the whole set must have represented the march, battle, flight and defent of an ogre army. The march of armed ogree is depicted in figs. (13), (14), (15), (16) and (17): the battle in figs. (1), (2), (7), (8), (9), (10). (11) and (12): the flight in figs. (6) and (18): the defeat, as shewn in attitudes of supplication, in (3), (4), (5), and (19).
Plates X. and XI. shew some similar figures to those in this instructive Plate in greater detail. In Plate X. two couples of the army marching are shewn, and one, fig. (3), of the flight. Figure (1) represents the prisoners, two women in the tight fitting drawers, or girded skirt, of the tower orders of the Malays and Siamese. The trank and legs, as amongst these women still, are baro. Plate XI. exhibits the battle in figs. (5), (6) and (7), while fig. (8) represents the flight.

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The figures are further extremely instructive in the matter of costume, and how instructive in the matter of arms, the accompanying drawing, taken by Mr. D. M. Gordon of the Burma Secretariat from the original bricks, will shew.
13
2
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The d'ds or knives are shown in figs. (1), (4), (6), (9), (10): an adze in fig. (2): daggers in figs. (5), (8): spears in figs. (3), (7), (8), (11), (18): round embossed shields (P of leather) in figs. (1), (2), (5), (fig. (5) has a peculiarly Indian attitude and appearance), (6), (14): square shields (? of bamboo) in figs. (9), (10), (13): a Malay kris in fig. (14): a wooden mallet in fig. (15): an Indian composite bow, with arrow in fig. (12) (the arrow appears to have palm-leaf 'feathers"): a Kachin cross-bow and arrow in fig. (14): and a quoit in fig. (7).

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From Plate XI. fig. 8, I extract two more varieties of armament: an axe and a pestle.79
The two axes and the drum below are taken by myself from bricks in the Phayre Museum, which are not shewn on the Plates.
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Many more forms could, I think, be made out from a careful examination of the whole 110 bricks in the Museum, but enough have been given to shew the value of these bricks historically.
I would, however, warn antiquaries that it is quite possible that these bricks represent the Yamazàt, which is the Rámáyana in disguise, and that it is not, therefore, to be assumed from them that such foreign articles as the composite bow and the round embossed shield exhibit anything more than what the artists had seen in pictures.
Flates XIIIa, XIV. and XIVa.
These represent sculptured stones from Thaton. One would say that they were unique in Burma, were it not for the description of Pagàn in Yule's Ava, p. 54, and in Crawfurd's Ava, p. 69.80 They are prima facie Hindu, and Vaishnava or Saiva in type, according to the reading of the symbols carved on them. But I think Rajendralâla Mitra's remarks in Buddha Gayá, p. 138 f., are instructive in this connection, as shewing how much Tantrik Hinduism and Buddhism are mixed up in Buddhist sculpture in Gayâ itself. He also shows that a Burmese inscription was found at the foot of an image of 'Siva and Parbati! (page 227).
The head-dresses of the figures are remarkable, presuming them to precede the figures in the Cave remains. It will be seen that they are practically the same as those attributed to
79 One of the "elephants" in Plate X. fig. 2, has a distinct axe in his hand.
se Crawfurd's remarks, page 70, in explanation, I think, hit the right nail on the head. In his Siam, p. 150, Craufurd makes the following statement, which may prove of use in this connection. "Some questions put to our visitor upon the present occasion, respecting the origin of the Hindu images we saw in the temple, elucidated a point of some consequence in the history of Hindu emigration. They stated that the images in question were brought to Siam from Western India in the year 765 of the vulgar era of the Siamese, which corresponds with the year 1406 of our time. This fact, if correct, proves that an intercourse subsisted between Western India and Siam a full century before Europeans had found their way to the latter country."
81 See ante, Vol. XXI. p. 381.

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Cambodian origin, ante, p. 354, and, for the matter of that, approach very closely to those noted in Buldha Gaya, Plates XIII., XXI. and XXV.
Given that these stonos represent Buddhist sculptures, they would show that the Tantrik or Northern Buddhism was once prevalent in the neighbourhood of Thaton, 92 & view confirmed by the remarks made ante Vol. XXI. p. 381, concerning the "Hindu" nature of the glazed tablets round the Dajáp'aya, and further by the presence of the image of Mabondayê in the Caves.
Mabonday, respresents the Earth Goddess, Vasundhara, who is the Vasudhars of Cunningham's Mahábôdhi and the Prithivi Devi of Rajendralala Mitra.83 She is Vajravarahil and Vajra-kalikt, mother of the Buddha, according to the Northern belief. Her image is, at Buddha Gaya, often distinctly Hindu in type, with 4, 6, and even 8 arms.84 As Mabôndayê she is to be seen in Burmese sculptures in many places, notably at the Mabámuni Pagoda at Mandalay, and I am, as at present advised, strongly inclined to hold that the fourarmed female (?) figure in Plate Xllla is simply Vasadhârâ.85 It should also be noted that Rajendralala Mitra points out, at p. 6 of bis Buddha Gayá, that her colt appeared very early in Buddhism. • The presence of Tantrik Buddhism in Burma is a point of more importance than it would at first appear. The usual belief, based on local tradition, is that the Burmans got their Buddhism through Paļi from Ceylon. This belief does not, however, stand historical criticism as clearly as it should to be undeniably correct, 96 and if it can be shewn that the sculptural remains all over the country are of Tantrik origin, the opposite theory, based on criticism, that the Burmans really got their culture and religion overland, or by sea, from the North, will gain overwhelming support.
Here, at any rate, is a pretty bit of evidence of the early presence of Northern Buddhism in Thaton from a native writer of much learning on the points of which he treats Sarat Chandra Das, in his Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow, p. 50 f., gives a short life of Dipankara Srijnana, Atiba, and says that he "was born A. D. 980 in the royal family of Gaur at Vikramaṇipur in Bangala, a country lying to the East of Vajrasana (Buddha Gaya)." His name was Chandragarbha and he was educated by "the sage Jêtari, an avadhút adept.” “He acquired proficiency in the three piļakas of the four classes of the Hinayana 'Srivakas, in the Vaišêshika philosophy, in the three piļakas of the Mahayana doctrine, the high metaphysics of the Madhyamika and Yogacharya schools, and the four classes of Tantras, Having acquired the reputation of being a great pandit in the Sastras of the Tirthikas, he defeated a learned Brahman in disputation. Then preferring the practice of religion to the ease and pleasures of this world, he commenced the stady of the meditative science of the Buddhists, which consists of the tisíkshú of the three studies - morality, meditation and divine learning-, and for this purpose he went to the vihára of Krishnagiri to receive his lessons from Rahula Gupta. Here he was given the secret name of Guhyajvåna Vajra, and initiated into the mysteries of esoterio Buddhism. At the age of nineteen he took the sacred vows from Sila Rakshita, the Muhásángika Acharya of Odantapari, who gave him the name of Dipankara
12 Cunningham, op. cit. p. 55,' shows that it had completely gained ascendanoy at Buddha Gaya before the Mnsalman conquest in 1201 A. D.
* Budilha Gayd, p. 139.
# For a thoroughly Tant-ik conception of Vasundhard see Forchhammer, Report on ant. in Arakan, p. 19, where he translates an inscription :-" May Vasundhars, whose extent measures 240,000 yojanas, raise an accla mation of 'sdidhu, sidhu,' as a witness to this good work of mine." But I must say that I cannot clearly follow the passage, or the name, in the text given.
* Compare Buddha Gaya, Platos XXI. fig. 2, and XX. fig. 4. Oldfield's remarks on the Nepalese representations of Dharma, Sketches from Nipal, Vol. II. p. 160 ff., may be read with much instruction in this connection. See, also, his illustration at Vol. II, p. 157 of the. Triratna.
Vide Mr. Ffoulken' article on Buddhaghosa, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 105 ff., and Mr. Taw Sein-Ko's article on Sanskrit words in the Burmese language, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 94 ff., and ante, p. 102 .

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Srijñâna. At the age of thirty-one he was ordained in the highest order of Bhiksha, and also given the vows of a Bodhisattva by Dharma Rakshita. He received. lessons in metaphysics from several eminent Buddhist philosophers of Magadha." He was in short a typical Northern teacher of the time.
Now Sarat Chandra Das goes on to tell us that Dipankara "on account of these divers attainments, which moved his mind variously in different directions, resolved to go to Acharya Chandrakirtti, the High Priest of Suvarnadvipa. Accordingly, in the company of sone merchants, he embarked for Suvarnadvipa in a large vessel. The voyage was long and tedious, extending over several months, during which the travellers were overtaken by terrible storms. At this time Suvarnad vipa was the headquarters of Buddhism in the East, and its High Priest was considered the greatest scholar of his age. Dipankara resided there for a period of twelve years, in order to completely master the pure teachings of the Buddha, of which the key was possessed by the High Priest alone." On his return he took up his residence at the shrine of the Mahâbôdhi at Vajrâsana (Buddha Gaya).
Sarat Chandra Das also remarks, and he seems to be right in so doing, that Suvarnadvipa was Thaton.
Also, I cannot help quoting a note by Dr. Rost to p. 234 of Vol. I, of his edition of Miscellaneous Pupers relating to Indo-China in which, after describing Prof, Kern's work in connection with the Sanskrit inscriptions in the peninsula of Malacca, he says: - "These inscriptions confirm in a remarkable manner the conclusions to which the recent (1886) decipherments by Barth, Bergaigne, Senart and Kern, of the Cambodian inscriptions inevitably tend - viz., that Buddhism came to the peninsuls and Oamboja, not from Ceylon, but from regions on the coasts of India, where the so-called Northern type of that religion was ourrent."
That the great mediæval revival of Buddhism in Barma was supported by Sonthern influ. ence is unquestionable, but it is far from proved as yet that the original Buddhism of the country was not directly Indian in origin, or that medieval Northern Buddhism did not greatly affect the ideas of the people. As regards the educated, Tantrik worship and philosophy would seem to have disappeared, but, under cover of nat-(spirit) worship, it would seem to still largely survive among the people.
In any case, any such images as those under consideration are worth study, wherever found in order to settle the fundamental point now raised.
To put the matter fairly before the student, it is right to add here the views that a capable Hindu soholar takes of the figures shewn on Plates XIII, XIV., and XIVa, and so I give here verbatim an opinion kindly expressed for me by Pandit Hari Mohan Vidyâbhashan, who has no doubt as to the Vaishnava nature of the stones, He writes :* Plates XIV. and XIVa illustrate the Ananta-śagyå of Narayana (Vishņu), i. e., Vishga is represented in human form slambering on the serpent Sasha, and floating on the waters before the creation of the world, or during the periods of temporary annihilation of the universe, The figure at the bottom of the Plates is that of Narayana with four arms. He is floating on the waters reclining on the serpent Sesha. In Plate XIVa the hood of the serpent.is visible. Two of the most common names of Vishnu are Chatur-bhuja (four-armed) and Ananta-bayana (he who sleeps on the serpent Ananta). From the lotus of his navel spring the three gods of the Hindu triad, - Brahma, Vishyu and Maheśvara. The three stalks of the lotus are very clear in Plate XIV. The figure on the right of the triad is Brahmû with foar heads, whence his dames Chatarinana (four-faced), Nábhija (navel born), and Abja-yoni (lotas born). The figure in the middle with four arms represents Vishu, the sankha, or coach, in his hand (in Plate XIV.) being visible. The figure on the left is Mahéévara, the trisula in his hand being quite plain in Plate XIV. One of his names is Trisali.

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"Plate XIIIa represents Vishnu with four arms. With one of his left hands he is raising his gadú, or club called kaumôdaks. The figure on his left is not quite clear, but seeme to be an attendant."
It will be observed that there are the remains of an inscription on Plate XIIIa by the right arms of the large figure. I tried to make it out on the stone and failed, but from a plaster cast I had taken enough could be seen of it to determine the characters to be Burmese of the Kyaukså type.
Plate XV. fig. 2.
This plate represents the tablet found in Pegu by Mr. Taw Sein-Ko (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 385). In the Phayre Museum there are three more such tablets: one from Pegu and two from Pagàn.87 There is a number of such tablets in the British Museum and in the South Kensington Museum, brought thither from Buddha Gaya itself. They seem to be intended to memorialize in a small space the life of the Buddha, after the fashion, on a much larger scale, of the stone slabs pictured by Oldfield, Sketches from Nipal, Vol. II. p. 56, and quite lately in Part II, of the Journal of the Buddhist Text Society.
The inscription on this particular tablet, which is in medieval Northern Indian characters, proves beyond all doubt, irrespective of its general form, that it is a specimen of a distinct class of votive objects found in great numbers at Buddha Gayâ. In Plate XXIV. of his Mahabodhi, Sir A. Cunningham figures several of the tablets he found ard calls them "terracotta seals," and I think the best explanation of them is that given ante, in Vol. XXI. p. 385, footnote, viz., that there was a factory of such objects at Gaya for the pilgrims, who took them thence all over the Buddhist world of the time as keepsakes and relies, and presented them to their own places of worship on their return home. The tablet figured in the plate is almost identical with the much finer specimen figured by Cunningham as fig. E, Plate XXIV.
The only special remark I would make about it is that the serpentine objects towards the top of the tablet (see figure below) are not serpent heads, but the leaves of the bodhi tree, known to the Burmese as nyaungywet.
The institution of formal pilgrimages to Gayâ from Burma is proved by the inscriptione there, dated in the 11th century A. D., and it may be fairly argued that the presence of these tablets in Fagan and Pegu is due to the pilgrimages made from the former place in the 11th century and from the latter, under the auspices of the great revivalist king Dhammachêtî, in the 15th century. Dhammacheti is well known to have sent a large pilgrimage to Gayâ.
57 See also Crawfurd's Avd, p. 60. In Forchhammer's Report on the Kyaukku Temple at Pagan, similar tablete are shown on Plates VII. and VIII. Nos. 15, 16 and 17, but not described. Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 14 f., seem to refer to these tablets and so does Clement Williams, Through Burmah to Chind, p. 57.

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Plates XVI. and XVIa. As the figures in these two Plates have unfortunately not been numbered, it is necessary to give index numbers bere, thus:
Plate XVI.
Plate XVIa
In Plate XVI. all the figares represent terra-cotta tablets from D'ammaba and Kògurs Figures (1), (4), (5) and (8) represent the Buddha as Zabubade, and Figs. (2), (6) and (7) shew him dressed in priestly costume. Figare (7) is interesting as showing in the original bad gilding, proved by the figare being now covered with verdigris.
Figure (3) shews one of three small tablets found in the Kògun Cave. I cannot explain it further than by pointing out that it shews & king seated on a throne with a standing female figure on either side of him and three seated Buddhas, or perhaps Buddha, Sangha and Dharma, over his head.
In Plate XVI, we have Fig. (1) the Buddha as Zabûbade and in Fig. (3) Zababada him. self kneeling to the Buddha after his defeat. In Fig. (4) we see a specimen of a "Shâu Baddha," with the right sole not exposed. All these are from Kogun, Figure (2) exhibits a fine plaster head of the Buddha canopied by the grotesqued head of Ananta. This is from the Farm Cave.
In Figs. (5) and (6) are compared two images in wood, gilt, of priests or disciples praying to the Buddha. Figure (5) is one of a modern set from Prome of the eight attitudes of prayer." Figure (6) is from Kogun and is clearly ancient in form.
Plates XVIII. and XIX. The fine situations of many pagodas and religious buildings in Burma has been often romarked. The same may be said of many of the cities of the Burmese : - Rangoon, Maulmain, Prome, Pagàn, Mandalay, Sagaing, Avà, Amarapura, are all placed in exceptionally fine situations. Even flat Pegu looks well from the river. The site of the great, but abortive, pagoda at Myingan, opposite Mandalay, is most striking.
Another prominent feature in pagoda building is the habit the Burmese have, owing to the increased merit gained thereby, of erecting them in difioult situations. The greater the difficolty, the greater the merit (kúbó). This is common to all Burma, and it may be said that most difficult and naturally inaccessible hille have pagodas on the top, access to which is often only to be had by climbing rickety bamboo ladders up dangerous precipices and over deep clefts in the rock. 88
In Plate XVIII. is given & well-known specimen of one of many similar pagodas in the Shwêgyin District, i.e., in the heart of Ramaññadêsa. It is only possible to reach it by means of ladders.
# This has been noticed by Clement Williame, Through Burmah to China, p. 64. Maloom, Travels, 1889, 60.

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Plate XIX. shews the approach to the D'ammaba Cave on the Jain River. This plate exhibits all the peouliarities above mentioned. It shews the very fine situation of the village of D'ammaba, the small gilt pagoda on the summit of the hill overlooking the river, and the monastic buildings around it. The hill in the distance is that in which the great cave is situated and on its difficult summit are situated no less than three small pagodas.
The Original Photographs. I desire to record fully the origin of the Plates, which bas only been partially noted on the Plates themselves.
Mr. P. Klier of Rangoon took Plates I., VI., VII., XVII, XVIII., and XIX. Mr. F. O. Oertel took Plates Ia, III., IV., V., VIII. Fig. 1, during the journey herein described. The late Mr. B. Romanis took Plate II, many years ago. Mesars. Watts and Skeen of Rangoon took Plates VIII. Fig. 2, XV. Fig. 1, and at my special request Plates IX., X., XI., XII., XIII., XIII, XIV., XIVa, XV. Fig. 2, XVI., XVIa. Mr. W. Robinson of the Oxford Museum took Plate IXa, also at my special request.
12. - Additional Notes.
The Sculptures from Thatón. There is a passage in Anderson's Mandalay to Momien, p. 216, which is extremely valuable for the purposes of the present discussions, for it seems to settle the Northern Buddhistic nature of the remains from Thaton. "In the khyoung [monastery] which formed our residence Cat Momien), there was a figure of Puang-ku (i. e., Pan Ku] the Creator, seated on a bed of leaves resembling those of the sacred padma or lotus. This remarkable four-armed figure .was lifesize and naked, save for garlands of leaves round the neck and loins. He was seated cross-legged like Buddha, the two appermost arme stretched oat, forming each & rightangle. The right hand held a white disc and the left a red one. The two lower arms were in the attitude of carving, the right hand holding a mallet and the left a chisel."
Compare this description with Plate XIII., and there can be little donbt that the two representations are meant for the same mythological personage. As to Pan Ku, I gather from Mayer's Ohineas Reader's Handbook, pp. 173 (under Pan Ku), 201 (under Sze-ma Ts'ion), and 376 (Sung Dynasty), that this primordial being of the Chinese was unknown in 85 B. C., and is not heard of before 420 A. D. Now, according to Eitel, Buddhism, p. 22ff., Buddhietic images and ideas first became popularized in China between 62 and 75 A. D, under the Emperor Ming Ti of the Eastern Han Dynasty, and at once became allied with Tanism, which had at that time already descended to the level of the indigenous and popular aminism. Further, Pan Ku would also appear to be the counterpart, representative, or successor in art and sculpture, as well as in association, of the Buddhist Dharma as conceived by the Northern sohools.
In this connection, I may as well note here, as a proof of the survival of Tantrik notions among the modern Barmere, that I have been for some time collecting all the vernacular literature I can lay hands on about the "Thirty-seven Nåts," or chief spirits. I have amongst other documents four complete sets of drawings of the Thirty-seven Nats. The drawings do not agree in numbering or nomenclature, but they all agree in giving two of the Nate four to six arms each.
I have already had occasion to remark that it is easy to mix up Buddhist and Hinda soulpture, and to mistake the former for the latter. Writing, as I now am, in the bope of
From information procured since the pages of this article were not up. See slao Wesl, Buddhist Recorda, Vol. i. p..
Seo Eital, Op. cit., pp. 91-988. • 11 The stories of the Nata 11 purport to be historical and to state who they were in life. They seem to appronoh very closely to the "mainta" of the Indian Musalmane, to the Bhotos of Borthern India, and in some respects to the onnonised saints of Europe. Bowring show, Siam, L 291, that something very like Ndt-worship is common in Siam.

Page #399

DECEMBER, 1893.]
NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
363
rousing students in Burma to a deep examination of the splendid antiquities about them, and observing, as indeed one cannot help doir.g, the unanimity with which they hold that Burmese Buddhism has always been what it is now, and their tendency to refer everything Vaishnava or Saiva in form to & supposed pre-Buddhistic Hinduism, I would draw prominent attention to some remarks made by Brian Hodgson nearly 70 years ago. The cantion he inculcates is to my mind as important now as it was in those early days of Buddhistic research.
Writing in 1827 and 1828, he says: “It is the parpose of the following paper to furnish to those who have means and inclination to follow them out, a few bints relative to the extreme resemblance that prevails between many of the symbols of Buddhism and saivism Having myself resided some few years in a Bauddha country (Népål], I have had ample opporta. nity.of noting this resemblattce, and a perosal of the works of Crawfurd, of Raffles, and of the Bombay Literary Society, has satisfied me that this curious similitude is not peculiar to the country wherein I abide. I observe that my countrymen, to waom any degree of identity between faiths, in general so opposite to each other as Saivism and Buddhism, never seems to have occurred, have, in their examination of the monuments of India and its islands, proceeded on an assumption of the absolute incommunity between the types of the two religions, as well as between the things typified. This assumption has puzzled them not a little, so often as the evidence of their examination has forced upon them the observation of images in the closest juxtaposition, which their previons, ideas, nevertheless, obliged them to sunder as far apart as Brahmanism and Buddhism.
“When, in this country in which I reside, I observed images the most apparently Saiva placed in the precinots of Saugata (Buddhist ] temples, I was at first inclined to consider the circumstance as an incongruity, arising out of ignorant confusion of the two creeds by the people of this country. But, upon multiplying my observations, such a resolution gave me no satisfaction. These images often occupied the very penetralia of Sangata temples, and in the sequel I obtained sufficient access to the conversation and books of the Bauddhas to convince me that the cause of the difficulty lay deeper than I had supposed. The best informed of the Bauddhas contemptuously rejected the notion of the images in question being Baive, and in the books of their own faith they pointed out the Bauddha tegends, justifying and explaining their use of such, to me, doubtful symbols. Besides, my access to the Europeen works, of which I have already spoken, exhibited to me the very same apparent anomaly existing in regions the most remote from one another and from that wherein I dwell. Indeed, whencesoever Banddha monumente, sculptural or architectural, had been drawn by European curiosity, the same dubious symbols were exhibited; nor could my curiosity be at all appeased by the assumption which I found employed to explain them. I showed these monuments to a well informed old Bauddha, and asked him what he thought of them, particularly the famous Trimurti image of the Cave Temple of the west. He recognized it as a genuine Banddha image! As he did many others, declared by our writers to be Saiva!.............. The purpose of my paper is to show that very many symbols, the most apparently Saiva, are, notwithstanding, strictly and purely Bauddha; and that, therefore, in the examination of the antiquities of India and its islands, we need not vex ourselves, because on the sites of old Saugata temples we find the very gontus looi arrayed with many of the apparent attitudes of a Saiva god. Far loss need we infer, from the presence, on such sites, of seemingly Saiva images and types, the presence of actual Saivism. ............ Upon the whole, therefore, I deem it bertain, as
"On the extreme resemblance that prevails between many of the symbols of Buddhism and Seivism." Oriental Quarterly Magasins, vii. 218ff. viii. 858ff. Languages, etc., of Népdi, 13311.
N Q. Crawford, Sketches of the Hindus, 1792, or perhaps J. Crawford, History of the Indian Archipelago. In the former work, Vol. ii. p. 1178., is an scoount of the "Afterkty between the religion of Siam, China, Japan, and Thibet, and that of Hindustan," the author remarking in a tootnote to p. 117, " with the religion of Arracan and Pegu we are not much acquainted; but, as far as I had been able to learn, it is almost the same with that of Siam." In 1786, Flonest, the traveller, sent home a long hooount of the “Religions des Peguans et des Brama" (Toung Pao, ii. 7.), but it seems to have been official and to have never been published till 1891.

Page #400

364
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
well that the types of Saivism and Buddhism are very frequently the same, as that the things typified are, always more or less, and generally radically, différent."
Pegu Jars.
Anderson, English Intercourse with Siam in the Seventeenth Century, page 95, gives a reference to the Pegu jar, which is a valuable contribution on the subject, to prove the spread of the article at that time. He quotes "a memorandum of 1864 preserved in the Publie Record Office, London, and entitled, "The Trade of India as 'tis now managed by the English Company of Merchants trading in some parts of it is very invallid in comparison of what is now drove by our neighbour nation the Dutch.'” It states that "many sorts of clothing are sent into Pegu, a Port in yt Bay (Bangala) which returnes rubies and readie money, the coine or currant money of the place, allsoe Martanans Jarres."
Yule gives the quotation from Pyrard de Laval, already referred to, from the French edition of 1679 (i. 179), thus:--"Des iarres les plus belles, les mieux vernis et les mieux faconnées que j'aye veu ailleurs. Il y en a qui tiennent autant qu'vne pippe et plus. Elles se font au Royaume de Martabane, d'ou on les apporte, et d'ou elles prennent leur nom par toute l'Inde." Commenting on this passage in his edition of Pyrard (i. 259), Gray remarks, 6 "Mr. Bell (Report on the Maldives, 1880) saw some large earthenware jars at Málé, some about two feet high, called rumba, and others large and barrel shaped, called mátabán. The name seems to survive also on the Madras coast; e..., we find in Mr. P. Brown's Zillah Dictionary, 1852, Martaban, name of a place in Pegu: a black.jar 'in which rice is imported from (sic) thence.!."
In Brown's Dictionary of the Mixed Dialects and Foreign Words used in Telugu, 1854, I find, page 88: "Martaban, a black Pega jar; so called because imported from Martaban,"
Perhaps the neatest unconscious reference of all to the Pegu jar is in Hunter's Account of Pegu, 1785, which tells us (page 65) that "a foreigner may marry one of the natives, on which occasion he pays a stipulated som to her parents; but, if he leaves the country, he is not permitted to carry his wife along with him. So strict is the law in this particular, and so impossible it is to obtain a dispensation from it, that some men, who have had a great affection for their wives, have been obliged, on their departure, to carry them away secretly in jars, which were supposed to be filled with water."
I may as well summarize here, in tabular form, the history and wanderings of the Pega Jar from the evidence alluded to above and ante, page 340f., including the statements made in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Martaban,
Date.
Place.
Name.
Author.
.
c. 748 c. 832
1350 c. 1450
1516 1598 1609 1610 1615
Burma ... Burma ... India .. France Pegu ... ...
Do. .. ." Philippines and Japan Maldives Portugal ... ...
Martaben ... Martabani Martaban Martauana. Tibor ...
Martabane ... Martabanis.
Parker. Parker. Ibn Batata. "1,001 Jours." Barbosa. Linschoten. De Morga.
Pyrard de Laval. ... Du Jarric.
... ...
16 Pyrard was wrecked in the Maldive Islands on the 2nd July 1602, and was a captive there till February 1607, and it was during his captivity that be remarked on the Martaban jars, which he saw in the shipe from Mogor ( the coast of Sindh and Gujarat), Arabia, and Perais.

Page #401

December, 1993.
NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN RAMANNADESA.
365
Date.
Place
Name.
Author.
1661673 1673 1688 1690 1711 1726 1727 1740 1820 1833 1850 1851 1852 1880
England France ... Western India.. India ... Moluccas .. Pegu India ... Pegu ... India ... .. .. Arabia and Persia Pegu ... ** Borneo ... ... Calcutta and Maulmain North Madrae ... .. Maldives
Martanan... Merdebani Mortivan ... Montaban... Martavana Mortivan ... Martavaan Martavan... Pegu. Jar... Martaban ... Pegu Jar ... Gusih ... Pegu Jar ... Martabån... .... Måtaban (Rumba)
Anderson. Galland. Fryer. Dampier. Rumphius. Lockyer. Valentijn. Alex. Hamilton. Wheeler. Fraser. Low. Boyle. Exhibition Catalogue, 1851. Brown. Bell.
Some Forgotten Ancient Sites. The whole of Eastern Ramaññadosa, now comprised in the Manlmein, or Amberat [Kyaikk'ami), District of Burma, having for centuriee been the battle ground between Barman, Talaing, Shan, Karen, Taang, Siamese, and Cambodian, - the cockpit, in fact, of, Lower Burma, - is alive with historic memories and full of old historic sites, which, perhaps patience and careful study, both of the surface of the country, and of the old MS. chronicles and records preserved in many parts of it, may yet recover to the student.
Many of these places are now practically unknown even to the local residents, and curtainly so to the world of orientalists in general. Bat, in one of the wildest pamphlets about Barma that it has been my lot to peruse, Coryton's Letter to the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce on the prospects of a direct Trade Route to China through Moulmein, 1870,at page 12, is preserved a paragraph from a Forest Report of 1848, which has a notice, worth following up, of some ruined sites along the Daungjin river, forming part of the boundary between Burma and Siam :
Before the occupation of these Provinces by the Burmese, the valley of the Thoungyeen was divided into four counties or jurisdictions, extending from Donaw to the Toungnyo range, and supported a considerable Talien Talaing] population. The chief cities, the ruins of which may still be traced, were Meerawadie, Doungouey (now Wiengaw), Donnggryyeen (now Ekalaik), and Dong Thoungyeen. These were all situated on the now British bank of the Thoungyeen, whilst their rice cultivation lay on the other side of the river, now possessed by the Shans subject to Siam." "For these town names rend Myawadi, Dongnwo, Wins), Dongiyine Dóngbaungjin. All appear to be unknown to any fame, except Myàwadi, which is mentioned in the British Burma Gazetteer, II. 797, and again at page 428. This time without any kind of mention as to its being a place of ancient historical interest Mason, Natural Productions of Burma, page iii. of the 1850 Ed., gives a story of another site of similar name, Dongyin, under the name Döngyang. in his own pecnliar romantic style; and this story is partly repeated in the British Burma Gazetteer, IĮ. 141, 8.0. Doonreng: so difficult is it in the present state of
The author was Recorder of Maulmin; and for astonishing discursiveness and, to the Anglo-Barman, for Amusing comments on onrrent local polítion, I recommend this production. One gathers that he lived in per petual hot water with the Government, and one does not wonder.

Page #402

366
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1893.
Burmese transliteration to identify place names. Dôngyin appears to be a Karen name according to Mason, who takes the opportunity, 28 usual, to record the local folk-etymology thereof as the true one!
The Kògun Cave. The American Missionary, Malcom, travelled about the rivers which oentre at Moulmein in 1835 with Judson, and gives an account, somewhat confused in its outlines, of the caves visited by myself. He says that he went to the three most remarkable - one on the Dah Gyieng and two on the Salween." I gather from his description that these were respectively the D'ammabá on the Jain and the P agat and Kogun on the Salween. Of the last he gives an account in his Travels, Vol. II. p. 61f., which is sufficiently graphic to be worth repeating. “The entrance is at the bottom of a perpendicular, but uneven, face of the mountain, inclosed in a strong brick wall, which forms a large vestibule. The entrance to this enclosure is by & path, winding along the foot of the mountain, and nothing remarkable strikes the eye, till one passes the gate, where the attention is at once powerfully arrested. Not only is the space within the wall filled with images of Gaudama of every size, but the whole face of the mountain, to the height of 80 or 90 (P 50) feet, is covered with them. On every jutting crag stands some marble image covered with gold, and spreading its uncouth proportions to the setting ( rising) sun. Every recess is converted into shrines for others. The smooth surfaces are covered by small flat images of burnt clay and set in stacco. Of these last there are literally thousands. In some places they have fallen off with the plaster in which they were set, and left spots of naked rock, against which bees have built their hives undisturbed. Nowhere in the country have I seen such & display of wealth, ingenuity, and industry. Bnt imposing as is this spectacle, it shrinks to insignificance, compared to the scene which opens on entering the cavern itself. It is of vast size, chiefly in one apartment, which needs po human art to render it sublime. The eye is confused, and the heart appalled, at the prodigious exhibition of infatuation and folly (scil., religions zeal of a different kind to the writer's). Everywhere on the floor, overhead, in the jutting points, and on the stalactite festoops on the roof, are crowded together images of Gaudama, the offerings of successive ages. Some are perfectly gilded, others incrusted with calcareous matter, some fallen, yet sound, others monldered, others just erected. Some of these are of stupendous size, some not larger than one's finger, and some of all the intermediate sizes; marble, stone, wood, brick, and clay. Some, even of marble, are so time-worn, though sheltered of course from changes of temperature, that the face and fingers are obliterated. In some dark recesses, bats were heard, and seemed numerous, but could not be seen. Here and there are models of temples, kyoungs, &c., some not larger than half > bashel, and some 10 or 15 feet square, absolutely filled with small idols, heaped promiscuously one on the other. As we followed the paths which wound among the group of figures and models, every new aspeot of the cave presented new multitudes of images. A ship of 500 tons could not carry away the half of them."

Page #403


Page #404

SZA*
TROUVY TOUT
aki
12
F.O. Oertel, Photo.
Ia.- Images and Objects in the Kògun Cave.

Page #405

Fig. 1. Bhinji Cave-Entrance.
II.-Fig. 2. Bhinji Cave-Interior.

Page #406

12
SIR
III.-General View of Entrance Hall, Kogun Cave.

Page #407

ann SEMEST
SLEY
11
3:
ARASI
IV. Mural Ornamentation, Entrance Hall, Kogun Cave.

Page #408

An
1
F.O.Oertel, Photo.
V.-Kogun Cave, looking towards Entrance of Main Hall.

Page #409


Page #410

Klinr. 1o.
VII. - The Great Stalagmite, Kögun Cave.

Page #411

Fig. 1. Grotesque Figures from Pegu and Syriam.
OB
VIII.-Bas-reliefs on Glazed Terra-cotta Bricks. Fig. 2. Image of Buddha, with glazed terra-cotta bricks in situ, near the Kyaikpun Pagoda, Pegu.

Page #412

Watts of Skeen, Photo.
IX.-Bas-relief on Glazed Terra-cotta Brick. Inscribed Tablet from Pegu.

Page #413

II. Robow, Orford Museum. Photo.
IXa.- Bas-relief on Glazed Terra-cotta Brick. Inscribed Tablet from Pegu.

Page #414

1. 3. Watts f Skeen, Photo." X-Bas-reliefs on Glazed Terra-cotta Bricks from Pegu.
Scale 17.

Page #415

Watts & Skeen, Photo.
XI.—Bas-reliefs on Glazed Terra-cotta Bricks from Pegu.
Senle .17.

Page #416

ON
10
Watts f Skeen, Photo.
12. XII.-Bas-reliefs on Glazed Terra-cotta Bricks from Pegu.
Scale .17.

Page #417

11
NepilPh
.
XIII.-Bas-relief on Glazed Terra cotta Bricks from Pegu.
Scale 26.

Page #418

Watts & Skeen, Photo.
XIIIa. Bas-relief on Stone from Thâton. Scale about 15.

Page #419

立
XIV. Bas-relief on Stone from Thaton.
Scale.26.

Page #420

Watts & Skeen, Photo.
XIVa.-Bas-relief on
Stone from Thâton.

Page #421

.
.
772
Watts Skeen, Photo XV.-Fig. 1. Specimen of a Cambodian Tower-The kyaikpun Pagoda near Pegu.
Fig. 2. Votive Tablet from Buddha Gayà found in Pegu.

Page #422

XVI.-- Figures and Votive Tablets from the Caves of the Amherst District.

Page #423

XVIa.-Figures and Votive Tablets from the Caves of the Amherst District.

Page #424

XVII - The Shwithayaung, or Great Recumbent Buddha at Pegu.

Page #425

28
XVIII.-The Kyaiktiyo Pagoda near Shwêgyin.

Page #426

XIX. The Approach
to the Dhammatha Cave.

Page #427

INDEX
....
173
....
.
...........
......
.... Jo
..... 173
173
.
.............
176
..... 174
Abhayagirivihara, foundation of the, in Aparantya, a people ......... Ceylon ...........
........... 39 Araldshwar in the Dharwâr District, the dates Abhfra, or Abhira, a people .................... 172 of some inscriptions at ......................296, 297 Abhisára, a people................................
172 Arava, a people Abhukta-mula children................................. 265 Arbuda, Mount AbQ................ abhyanga,' smearing the body with oil'...... 251 Arimadanapura = Pagùn ........................ Acharya Chandrakirthi, High Priest of Arimoda, a people .................................. Suvarnadvipa ...............
Åriyavansathêra ... Achyutappa Nayaka of Tajávar ................ 116 Arjuna, his connection with the Pandyus ... Adagaiman Elini ................................. 66 Arjunayana, a people ......... A darba, a country ................................... 172 | Arya, a people ...........
173 Adigwiman = Adigan = (?) Adiyap........... 66 Aryaka, a people .........
173 Aditya-Karikåla Chola king, his fights with Arylivarta, the inhabitants of Northern Tira-Pandya ...................
***...... 60
India .................... Adiyan, a certain king, 68; his personality Asika, a people ....................................... 17 discussed ..........
66 Asmaka, a country ............ Agnidhra, or Aynidhra, a people ............... 172 Asoka, a date for him 15: he refers to the Agnitya, a people ................
172 Pandyas, 57: his conversion by NigrûdhaAhiri country, the extent of the ............ 29+ simandra, 15: his Sahasram, Räpnath and Ahiri-piprf, an old home of the Suntals ...... 294 Bairat Edicta edited ...........................29901. Ajar , paintings at, explanation of ............ eff. Asükadhammaraja, title of Asoka ............... 88 Akara, a place............................................ 172 Asokarama monastery, the ........................... 16 Alaka, apparently a city ......
172 astagiri, the mountuin of sunset ................. 176 Ålavi, district of............
4
asramukha, ' horse-faced people ............... 174 Alphabets used in South Indian inscriptions Asvattha, a people............
discussed, 57f.; in edited inscriptions, old asvavadana, horse-faced people............... 174 Grantha, 57; Chera-Pandya, 57; Vattelut. At'aràn River, Buddhist Caves on the.........327ff. tu, 57; Tamil ..............
............. 58 Atisa, his visit to Thatôn...........................358f. amazons, the kingdom of the ...................... 172 Atri, the hermitage of ................................ 174 Ambara, a people ............
Audia, Odra, a country........................... 174 Ambashtha, a people..... ...
172 Audumbara, a people............... .................. 174 Amherst District, ancient sites in ............ 365f. Augustus the Emperor, his supposed connecAnandathêra .............. .......
29 tion with the Pandyas ...... Ananta, the serpent, in Buddhism ................ 349 Aujjayanika, the people of Ujjayani........... 174 Anarta, a country ................................... 173 Ausinara, a king of the Usinaras' ........... Andhra, or Andhra, a country, and the people Ava, names for ............................. of it ...................
................... 173
Avagâņa, or Åvagåņa, a people or country ... 176 Anga, a country ....................
.... 173
Avalokita, as the defender from the eight animals, grateful, note on variants, 77: birds, dreads ...................
............ 9. 216, 276; cows, 76; a fish, 215; a horse, Avanta,& king or other iahabitant of
215; snakes, 76; -variant, a tree............ 214 Avanti' ...... ........... .................... 174 Anjana, a mountain ................................... 173 Avantaka, the inhabitants of Avanti........... 174 Andratha = Anuruddha, 17; his robbery of Avantika, 'a king or other inhabitant of the Library at Thatôn ...... ............. 17 Avanti'................
174 Antardvipa, or Antardvipiņ, a country......... 173 Avanti, or Avanti, the city Ujjain.......... 171, 174 Antargiri, a mountain region ...................... 173
173 avippavasasimd ... Antarvêdi, a country..................................
À yiravéli, battle of .... ...................... Anuradhapura Ceylon......... ...............
42 Ayirur, battle of....................................... Anuruddha of Pagan............................... 17 Ayodhyaka, the inhabitants of Ayodhya ...... Anuviúva, a people................
A yuthis = Yödayà ............................ Aparentaka, or A parintika, a people............ 173 | Ayuttaya, district of ............................... 4
172 Andi
65
174

Page #428

868
INDEX.
.
.
..................
174
.
... 174
...... 252
***......
20 20
Badara, a people......
Bone Queen, story of the........................... 22 Bahlika, or B&hlika, a country and the brab, old Anglo-Indian for the toddy-palm... 249f. people of it ..............
Brahmadêva of Råyapura, inscription of, Buhugiri, a mountainous country .............. 174 noted .................. ..
........... 83 Baijnath on karma
............ 229ff.
Brahmajdlasutta referred to in the Kalyani Bairât Edict edited..........
299 Inscriptions......................................... Baladêvapattana, a city ............................. 174. Brahmapura, a city ..................................... 175 Bangkok = Dvårávati .......... ..................... 4 bride, capture of, in folktales ...................... 78 bao, derivation of ..................................... 165 | Brihat-Savihitú, the, of Varahamihira; its Barawai Rumayan of Tulsi Dâs, an account topographical list ....................... 169 to 195 of the..........
201 Buddha, image of, in a cave at Negapatam, 45: Barawé, see Barawai Rumayan .................. 201 serpent canopy of, 339, 349, 353:- and the Barbara, a people .........................................
1741
mole, the tale of, 160:- Gautama, figures bark, the island of, 171, 174;-wearers of of, explained, 319ff; old and modern, bark ................
............. 174 1 dressing of figures of, 539; huge recumbus reliefs, Buddhist, described ................339ff. bent figures of, instances of ................... 347 Basseen, a variant of Bassein .........
Buddhaghúsa, bis mission to thatón doubtBussein, the naine explained, 1&ff.;=Kuthên. fol, 14 ; not mentioned in the Kalyani In. Bassien = Bassein .............
.......... 20 s criptions .............................................. 14 Bassim = Passein ............
Buddhism, Brian Hodgon's opinions on Battiam =(P) Bussein ...............
Northern, 363:- Northern, in Burma, Bauddha =a Buddhist ...... .................363f. 358ff., 362ff.; the Northern or Mahayana Bean-stalk, Jack and the, Lushai variant of... 79 School came first to Burma, 165 :- Tantrik, bed, hero in folktale carried away by a tiger in Burma, 358ff. :-the present Southern or on bis, 75; bed and banyan tree, notes on
Hinayana School of Burmese, is a reforVariants of the folktale incident ............... 77 mation, 165:- a short history of, in the Belgaum District, an inscription in the, Kalyani Inscriptions ......... noticed ......................................
Buddhist sects in Ceylon, the three, 39; in beryl-mines ............
Pagàn, 31; the six at Muttimanagara, 33 :Besynga = Bassein doubtfully ...............
schisms, early, 15ff. :-priests in Ceylon, Bhadra, a people ............
list of celebrated, 44; in Pegu, list of, 48; Bhadrava, a people ............
in Burma, number of, about 1450 A.D., 87; Bhalla, or Bhilla, a people
in Burma, titles granted to celebrated, Bharata, a people ..........
44:- figures in Burma described, 319ff.:Bharutuvarsha, one of the ancient names of sites in Burma ...................................... 361f.
175 bulls, the island of.................................... 175 Bharukachchha, the moderu. Brouch............ Burma, notes on the name, 8:- ancient, Bhásápura (?), apparently a town
emigration from India into..................... Bhilla; Bee Bhalla .......
Burmese, Sanskrit words in, 162ff. ;-- double Bhimaratha, the river Bhima ..................... 175 words in, one half Påļi, one half San. Bbögnprustha, apparently a people ............ 175 skļiu in origin, 164:-- palæography, notes Bhoga vardhana, upparently a city or country. 175 on .................. Bhringi(), apparently a people.................. Bhuminátha, a title given to frogs in Nepal... 294 Cambodia is not Kampoja ............ bhàtapuril, the city of spirits' ................... 175 Cambodian architecture in Burma, 349, date Bhuvanaikavira, title of Samarakoláhala Pân. of ..................
.................353ff. ly1..................................................... 61 cannibale ......................... ................ 175 Bluvun kabahu of Ceylon, Ramadhipati's castes referred to in the Brihat-Samhita ...... 175
letter to, on a tablet of gold ................... 41 Cuvee, Buddhist, about Maulmain described, Binay Pittrikei of Tulsi Dås, an account of, 257f. 3278.- ves,listof,in the Amherst district, B'inji Caves described ........................ 327, 339 327£.; on the Ataràn and Dündami Rivers, Birbal, connected with a folktale, 321: his 327:- Kögun a note on the, 366;- Pågåt, a Sun quoted in a folktale ns "young Birbal." 321
note on the, 366:- Buddhist, at Negapatam, bird, cayle, suve's heroine in folktales .......... 100 45:- in Cochin China, 329:-- in the Laos blood, power of, to turn snake-bero into a States, 399:- in Sinm, 329:-artificial lightsrike ................................................... 102
ing of Buddhist, cases of, 339 and note :Bodhisattvas, the Nine................................ 10. femule figures in Burmese Buddhist, rare... 339
India .............
............
175

Page #429

***********
.... 175
Chaidya, the people of Chêdi Chalukya-Vikrama-kala, the era of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI.; examination of some dates in it...296, 297, 298 Chalukyas, a conquest of the..... 59 Champa, Seniya, king of, legendary account of his sons Champâ, a town or country................ 175 Champâ Bhagalpur 295 Champûka; see Chañchûka..... ......................... 175 Chamundarâja Paramâra, inscription of, and
*****.....................
21.
.......................................
*********** ***************
80
his pedigree Chauchaka, a people 175 Chandan Pari...................................................................... 318 Chandapa Paramâra Chandi Pari
80 324 817
Chandra (fem.), the Moon in a folktale Chandraohaga river
************
........................................
176 Chandrapura, a city 170 Chandrapura, the inhabitants of Chandrapura. 176. charmadeipa, the island of bark' ............ 176 Charmaranga, a people........ 176 charms string again the evil eye......... 56 Chârudêvi, apparently a town or country 176 Chêdi country.... ........... 171, 176
***********...
176
**************
*************************
..............................********........................
******
*********************
*******......
************
Chêdika, the people of Chêdi Chêra country........... 171 Cheras, their connection with the Pandyas... 59 Cherya, the people of the Chêra country 176 Chhai, a pargana in Bengal 295 Chhapata, a village in Kusimaraṭṭha 29 Chhapaṭamahâthôra, 29 ff.: visits Ceylon. 29 China, a people 176 China Bhamo...... Chinadosa Bhamo and neighbourhood, 41:the Maharaja of, constructs a Buddhist
cave at Negapatam Chinaraṭṭhe, district of ehipiṭanasika, flat-nosed people' chiranivasana, wearers of bark'
*********....
Chitraduta, Râmâdhipati's emissary Ceylon Chitrakata, the modern Chitrakôt or Chatarkot...................................................... 176 Chôla country............................................. ...... Cholas, a MS. genealogy of the, 141 ff. a
176
.....
list of their vassals, 143: their connection with the Pandyas, 59: an account of their wars.......... ........................................................... 148ff. Cinderella, variant of 306ff. cocoa-nuts, the island of 176 coins, of the Pandyas, 61: copper, of Raja
************** ..
raja, 60: Danish, at Tranquebar .........117ff. conch-shells, the places for obtaining ......... 176 Convocation, the First Buddhist, alluded to,
16: the Second Buddhist, alluded to, 16: the Third Buddhist, alluded to...............
......
*********
......
**********.......................................
*****************
INDEX.
*****************
..............................*****
to
45
4 176 176
41
16
869
***************
corpse-light in folktales Cosmin = Bassein co-wives, mutual relations of, as exhibited in Indian folktales.......
............. 218 curing heroine to marry her in folktales...... 78f.
................................................. 291
18
Dådhiya, king of the Damilas (90 B. C.)...... Dagon, changes of the word, 19 n.:= dúgaba, 27: see Shwedagon.......... Dagong = Dagôn
*********** ***************
39
Dagoon Dagon Dakkhina-vihåra of Ceylon, the dakshinapatha, a name for Southern India... 176 Dala mentioned in the Kalyani Inscriptions. 32 Dalanagara Dala
****************
32 ......................................... 176 80 ......327ff., 331ff.
176
Dâmara, or Dâmara, a people Dambarasimha Paramâra D'ammatha Caves, described Dandaka, a country or people.... Dandakavana forest............................ 176 Dandapingalaka, a people ...................................... 176 Dângyidaung Hill, opposite Prome, legend of
M.........................................
***************
..........................................
************...
39
160 116. ......... 176
176 176
176
27
27
27
*****************
***************** ..............................** *************** *********
************
Dansborg Fort at Tranquebar....... Danturaka, a people Darada, a people.......... Dardura, a mountain. Dârva, a people Dâsamêya, a people 176 Dasapura, the modern Mandasor 176 Daśârna, or Dâsârna, a people .................. 176 Dasêraka, or Dâśêraka, a people.176, 177 date: of establishment of Buddhism in Burma, 17:- Burmese Era, instances of, in inscriptions, 2, 5-importance of the, in the Kalyani Inscriptions, 11: South Indian, discussed, 136 f.: some that do not work satisfactorily............... ...... 110f. dates calculated...80, 81, 90ff., 94, 95f., 107, 219f. Daulatâbâd is not Hiuen Tsiang's unnamed capital of Maharashtra........ Days of the week mentioned in recorded. dates:
**************
113
Sunday....... ......42, 43, 97 Monday...5, 42, 46, 52, 137, 138 Tuesday..... 46, 90, 138, 219 Wednesday...5, 43, 44 (thrice), 45, 46,
137, 138, 219 Thursday ....., 46, 94, 95, 136 Friday ................................................. 44, 46, 116n. Saturday....... 2, 5, 4, 49, 138, 219, 220 Days of the week, names of them as used in recorded dates:
*********
Guru (Thursday)
..82, 108 109
Ravi (Sunday).................................... Soma (Monday) *****............................................. 109 Sukra (Friday)... ...................... ..80, 81, 83, 108

Page #430

370
INDEX.
.
.. 300f.
stb....
......
.....
.
.
1:38
day, civil, of the fortnight, or month, denoted Dévånan Piye of the new edicts identified
by budi and badi, mentioned in recorded with Piyadasi............ dates:
Dêvika, a river ............
177 " former half” :
Dhammachốti (of Pegu), some account of 1st....
..
................... 137 him, 13:- described as king of Ramman. 5th.................
137 siadêgs .............................. 7th ....................... ................ 136, 138
Dhammásokaraja = Asuka .............
137 Dhammavilksathêra = Sariputta 13th
137 Dhantshmat, a mountain............................. "latter half":
Dharmapattana, a city ............................... 7th........
Dharmáranya, & forest regiot..................... 12th ...................
136 Dharwâr District, inscriptions in the first fortnignt :
noticed
................ 296, 297, 293 5th. ........
219 diamonds; the ancient places where they second fortnight:
were found ............................................ 177 1st............ ..................................
219
Digôn = Dagôn .......................................... 27 3rd.....................
220 Digone = Dagôn ................................... 27 13th ..................... ................... 219 Digumpacheti is a Palicized form of Dagün, dark fortnight:
27; = Shwedagon Pagoda .. ... . ....... 7 1st ........... ............. 2, 5, 43
Dipankara Srijana, see Atisa .... 2nd ............................... 2, 5, 42, 14, 109 alrghagriva, people with long necks'........... 177 Sth................................................ 81 dirghaktía, 'long-haired people' ............... 177 7th................................................ 5 dfrghdsya, long-faced people' .......... 8th .............................. 5, 42, 46. 107 I divishtha. the inhabitants of benvenor 11th.................... ................ 42, 43, 46 dwellers in the sky.... 12th.
........... 42, 44, 46 dog-faced people............. 13th.............. ...
........... 44, 109, 137 Dogon = Dogonne = Dagôn ...................... bright fortnight:
Djhabalt, of Tul's Das, an account of the, 1st...........
............ 46, 108 225: identification of the dóhds...............123ff. 2nd.......
Domba, the Gipsies 3rd ......
Dôngjiyin, an ancient site in Burma............ 385 4th ..............
Dongnwê, an ancient site in Burma ........... 365 5th (in MS.) ...................................... Döngthaungjin, an ancient site in Burma ... 365 7th........................................ 49, 80, Dôngyin, an ancient site in Burma ............ 365 8th ...................... 5, 46, 50, 82, 83 Dougon = Dagin .............
......... 5, 62, 90, 94 Dravida country 10th (in MS.) ................
97 Drårida, 'of or belonging to Dravida'......... 13th ... .. .... ..
.... . dreams in folktales ..................................
Duttabaung son Mahâbanbawa and Boday, fortnight not specified :
king of Prome, 159: legend about him...... 161 full moon ................
............... 2, 5, 46 Dvârâvati = Bangkok ...... dates, lunar, i, e., tithi, mentioned in recorded
..... 177 ....... 177
....... 177
9th ..............
dates ......
****
.
......
80
138 138 116
.........
5
day, solar, mentioned in recorded dates :
cars; people with cars like a winnowing fan. 177 3rd ................
eclipse of the moon mentioned in a recorded 6th ......................................................
inscription 20th . ............ ...... .. ........
łkacharana, 'one-footed people'.................. 177 21st ......................
138 Ekalaik, an ancient site in Burma................ 26th ........... ****
107 Akapada, 'one-footed people'................... 29th ................................................ 107 Skavilochana, 'one-eyed people' ............... 177 30th .................................................... 116n.
elephants, the glen of ............. dead, the kingdom of the......
S S .... 177 Ellora, mentioned in the Brihat-Sanhita as demon guardian of a fairy, 318, 324; of Yellora ................... ................ 182, 193
heroine ............................................ 248 era, the Jinachakka explained, 7:-Lakshmademons, with elf-locks .............................. 1771 nasena, proof that it commenced 1119 A.D., deris ex machind in folktales ..................... 196 1 107: 7th year of current reign, 137: 18th DôvApampiyatissa, king of Ceylon ........... 38 year of current reign quoted, 89:- 124th
........ 177

Page #431

INDEX.
371
Hindustan .................. 21ff., 79ff., 289ff., 321 Lusuais........................
........... 78ff. Salsette ..................53f., 2438., 276ff., 306ff. Santali, noted .............. .............. 95 Among the Sgaw-Karens ......................284ff.
Western India ........................... 213ff., 315ff. forests, various, of ancient India ................ 177 fortune, seeking, by a journey in folktales ... 53 foundling, out of the sea, in folktales ......... 216 frogs, worship of, among the Newars of Nepal,
292ff.:- given the title of paramidvara in Népůl, 294:- called Bhuminátha in Nepal.. 294
*******..........
82
SAka.....
year from the introduction of the (Buddhist) Religion into Pugama quoted, 30;— 147&nd year from the establishment of the Reli.
gion in Lankadipa quoted ....................... 89 eras used in recorded dates :Anno Buddha (Jinachakka)...2, 5. 17, 33,
38, 39 Chedi ........... Chalukya Vikrama..........
.......... 109 Kaliyuga .........
................ 116 noto Lakshmanasena ............... ............... 107
................. 107, 136, 137, 220 Sakkäraj ... 2, 5, 17, 30, 32, 34, 42, 45, 46, 87 Simha ...........
.................108ff. Vikrama Samvat...80, 81, 82, 83, 94, 98, 103ff. fras used in MSS.:Jaya ................
................ 95 Vikrama ............
.............. ...90, 97 era, names of Jovian years used in recorded dates: - Ananda..........
.............. 137 Akshaya (Kshaya) .......... Kilaka ...... Prabhava.... Pramåthin ...... Sådhårana ................................. Saumya .......................................... 136 Sôbbakrit ................ Sukla.............
136 Visva vasu.........
Yuva Etymology of place-names in Burina ........ 19: evil eye in Burma ............
50 “yes; one-eyed people, 171, 177;-three-ered
people ..........
.
........
178
137
116n.
178
138 137
........ 177
Gajahvaya, apparently the modern Dehli ... 179 Gajapura, the modern Dehli ..................... 178 Gambhirik& river ..................................... 178 Ganapati of Nalapura, his genealogy, 81; -
inscription of, noted ............................... 81 Ghinapati I., Kakatiya, his date discussed ... 396 Ganpati II, Kakatiya, his date discussed ... 326 Ganarijya, a kingdom ............
...... 178 Gandhåra country and people.... Gandharva, the choristers of heaven........... Ganga, the river Ganges .............................. Ganivi of Valligama, his rebellion against the
king of Ceylon .................... Garuha; see Guruba ................................. 178 Gaudaka, i people ..................................... Gadragriva, a people..................
173 Gavya, a people .............
123 geographical notes the divisions of India,
and the countries, tribes, &c., &c., accord. ing to the Brihuat-Samhita of Varihami.
hira......................... ................169 to 195 Ghosha, a people ............ ghosts of European type in an Indian folktale ............
........... 313 Girinagara, a city .........
*** .............. 173 Girivraja, a people.................................... 179 glazed tablets and bricks in Burma explained,
353,"nf., inscribed tablet from Wunthô
described .................... ............... 947 glazing, in old art in Burma ..................340fr. Gobbur in the Nizim's Dominions, the date of an inscription at
............ 293 'God' uniong the Karens, 284 and note :
as the father of the Karens ............... 28.1ff. Gödüvari river.......................................... 178 Güla, a foreign people in ancient Burma ...... lof. Gülamuattikanagara = Ayetbema ............... 16 Gólangúla, apparently a mountain.................. 175 gold, the regions of ................................. 179 Gümanta, a mountain ............................... Gomati, a river ......................................
175 Gónarda, a people .......................................... 178 Göpichala = Gwalior .............. .............
.... 178
fuces; dog-faced, horse-faced, long-faced,
and tiger-faced people ............................. 177 fairies: famons, 518ff.:- names of ............ 32 Farin" caves described, 327 ff., 329ff., Farru
= Parum, name of a Buddhist cave, Jis cussed ................................................329f. fate, written, 279, 245:-- heroine destined to
gire birth to the Sun and Moon, 315 ff.:
overruled by Paramesar ......................... 292 fexther (see hair) magic ........................... 276. feet; one-footed people.............................. 177 flesh, eaters of raw ............. figures, Buddhist, from Burma explained..... 351 finger of a devotee of the Sun feeds children
when sucked .................. .................. 317 fute, magie, in folktales, charms animals, 76;
has no power over cow3,76!- magic, notes
on variants, 76f.:- references to varianta... 78 Folktales : Arakan ..........
............... 986f. Borma... ...........***********
................ 159ff.
........ 177
178

Page #432

372
INDEX
116
179
34
.
44
179
Güpådri = Gwalior ............................ 81 Inscriptions edited, 85ff., 299ff., 3341., 3434.:Guda, a people ............... .................... 178 Kalyani of Dhammachêti, 118.; Pali and Gubila, geneaology of the, 81:-family of Burmese, 29ff.; P8808daung of S'inbyuyin,
Médapaļa, an inscription of the, noted ...... 80f. Iff. :--Sanskrit and Tamil, 67ff.; & Guruha, a river ...............................
Vatteluttu, 67f. :- Six Unpublished -
account of, 80ff.:- in the D'ammath&Caves, Haihaya, & people .................... Ya,
... people .
.....
179 ...........
334: - Kanchipura of Sumarako flAhala hair, golden, of heroine, in folktales, 196 :- Pandya, noted, 61:- Buddhist, at Kogun,
notes on variants, 17:- of hero (golden) noted, 351 :- Sanskrit, at Tagaung, 7:floats down to heroine, 78; -and skin) of on the sculptured stones from Thaton,
hero, colour in folktales - gold................ 76 360: at Tranquebar ................. hair, people with various kinds of............ 179 Iravati, a river ...............
179 Hala, a people............................................ 179 islands, various, of ancient India ............ Hamsavatimandala = Pegu Province of old
Talaing kingdom.................... Hamasvatinagara = Pegu .....................34,
jackal-eaters ..................***..............***. 179 Hamsavatipura = Pegu ...
Jain, possible Digambara figure found in Hârahanra, & people ....................................
Thaton, 315; - literature, Weber's CataHaribhutija = Laos ....................................
logue of, in the Berlin Library ............... 112 Haripuūcba ( = Haribhusija), district of ...... 4 Jambudipa= Burma ..............................44 Hazara, perhaps = the ancient Abhishra Jambupati, Burmese legend about ............ 339 country
................ 172
Janaki-mangal, of Tulsi Dâs, an account of head-dresses, importance of, in Buddhist
the ..........**********
.................. 203 figures ......................
.............. 354, 357 jaţadhara, 'people with thick matted hair'... 179 Hêmagiri, a mountain ........
179 jatdsura, 'demons with matted hair or elf. Hémakundya, a place ............................... 179 locks ................................................ 179 Hématala, a people.............
................ 179
Jathara, or perhaps Jathara-Anga, #people.. 179 hermitages ..............
179 Jatilavarman, Pandya, son of Maravarman. heroine, birth of, from & splinter run into the
65, 68 hand, 78:- comes out of mango, 291; found Jayavaddhananagara in Ceylon .................. 42 in box, 290:-drops lotuses when she Jetavana sect in Ceylon, the .................... 39
speaks, 248:- drowning of, in folktales ... 100 Jótavana vibara, foundation of, in Ceylon (266 Himavat, the Himalaya mountains ............. 179 A. D.) ........................
............... 39 Hiuen Triang: the capital of Maharashtra, Jêyavaddhana = the Toungoo District of mentioned by him without naming it, is Burma ...............
... . ....... 4,7 Nåsik, 115;- the capital of Kong-kin-na- Jinachakka era, mode of notation used in,
pu-lo is very probably Karşul ............. 115 explained .......................... Hodgson Briän - his opinions on Northern Jotinagara, district of ...................... Buddhism............ ... 969 Jpinga, a people ................
........ 179 horse-faced people...............
........ 179
judgment," a, Salsette version of the idea, HQli in the Belgaum District, the date of an
in folktates ............ inscription at ...................................... 252 Jupiter in Makara quoted in an inscription... 138f. Hons, & people............................................ 179 JyêshthA, the goddess of misfortune............ 68 Hunagund in the Dharwâr District, the date of an inscription at ........ .............. 298
k and p, interchange of initial, in Burmese identification - by pictures....................... 324 place-names................... Ikshumati, a river ....................................... 179 Kabtr, to a disciple of Ramanand ............. 227 Ikshvâku, apparently a people ................. 179
. 179 | Kabittdball, see Kabitta Ramdyan ........... 253 images, description of Buddhist in the D'am- Kabitta Ramdyan of Tulsi Dhe, an account
mathé Caves, 332f.; in the Farm Caves, of the, 253f.: date of discussed............... 331; the large deposit of, at the Kògun Kachchara, a people ...............................
Cave, 337; at Thatôn, notes on ...............345f. Kaobchha, the modern Cutch country ......... impossible task, variant of the ................... 318. Kaikaya, A people .................. ...... ... Indir, ancient; the divisions, countries, Kailasa, the sacred mountain.....................
tribes, &o., &c., according to the Brihat. KailAvata, a people................. Samhita of Vardhamihira.............. 169 to 195 Kairalaka, the people of Kerala..................... 180
.
..
...
.
.
7
**
***
Pwo
m
e
.
**
***
....
.
.........
326
180

Page #433

INDEX
373
the
............
............
.
..
180
***
181
181
181
.
.
....
4
K &katiya Dynasty, note on the chronology of Karnal is very probably the capital of the
................................... 325f. Kong-kin-na-pu-lo country mentioned by Kalachuri family, genealogy of the .............. 82 Hiuen Tsiung ........................................... 11 Kaljina, a people or place ......................... 180 Karvata, a people ..................................... 181 Kalaka, a people..........
. ......... 180 Kashmir: notice of Kalhana's Chronicle ... 1398. Kalakoti, a fortress or city .................. Kisi, the modern Benares ....................... 181 Kalambu = Colombo ...............................
42 Kasmira, and Kasmiraka, the people of KAlañana, perhaps for Kalasijara.............. 180 Kasmir....................*..****
............... 181 Kalhana, notice of the codes archetypus, 140: Kasmira country ...........
174 - date of codex ..............
Kathuvatthu, allusion to the, in the Kalyani Kalinga country ............................
180 Inscriptions ............. Kalinga Haihayas .........
Kabem wêyin = Manipur ......................... Kalinga, the people of the Kalinga country... 180 Kaulinda, a people.............. ............... 181 Kalmåsha, a people ............... ................ 180 Kaulata, the people of Kulata..................... 181 Kalyani is not Hiuen Triang's unnamed Kauninda, a people ....................................
capital of Maharashtra............................ 113 Kaunkana, the people of the Konkaņa......... 181 Kalyani, simá at Pegu, origin of the name, Kaurava, a people ............
............ 181 50 :- derivation of the name, 18:- its Kausala, and Kausalaka, the people of situation, 13:- object of founding it, 13:
Kösala ............ date of, 13:- Inscriptions, their present Kausambi, the modern Küsam .................... 181 condition, 274f.; their contents, 14f.; are the Kausiki, a river .........................................
181 ruling authority on consecration ceremo. Kå rêri river ....... nies, 12; method of reproducing the text, K'ayón, Burmese corruption of P'érum =
13:- some details of the stones............... 13 Farm; name of a Buddhist Cave ............ 329 Kalyaạitissamahathêra, title of Suvanna- K'ayon-S'addòn, name of a Buddhist Cave... 328 sôbhanathêra ......
Klâsabbapabbatachotiya, near Bilin ......... 16 Kamboja country and people ...............171, 180 Kerala country ............
................ 171, 181 Kamboja is (P) the Shan States ................... késadhara, long-haired or thick-haired Kambojasanghapakkha sect of Buddhists
people'.................................................. 181 (Dala), rise of, explained ............ 39 | Kôsadhấtucletiya = the Shwedagôn Pagoda. 46 Kamkadêva Paramára .......
80 khachara, 'the inhabitants of the sky' ...... kammavdcha, a Buddhist sacred text
Khanda, () the dwarfs................ Kam pôja, district of, 4: is not Cambodia ...... Khasa, a people .......................................... kanaka, the region of gold ....................... 180 Khastha, dwellers in the sky' ................ Kånápur in the Kölhåpur territory, an Khêmávåra, district of ....................... inscription at, noticed ..........
298 Kinchipura = Conjevcram ....................... Kafcbf, the modern Conjeveram ............... 180 Kira, a people............. Kanda-Gõpåladêra, his date
Kirata, a people .................. KABjivayappôrur = KAñchivayal Kanchi... 67f. Kirna, a people .......................................... Kanka, a people .......................................... 180 Kishkindha, a mountain ................ Kankála-Chola, a list of his successors ... ... 141ff. Kistna District, an inscription in the, noticed. 297 Kankața, a people............
**********... 180
Kogun Caves described, 327ff. and 385 ff. :Kantakasthala, a place ........ .... 180 a note on the ..........
... 366 Kanthadh&na, a people.............................. 180 Kohala, & people.......... Kantipura, a city ..................................... 180 Kökarék, Buddhist Caves near .....
328 Kapila, a people ......................................... 180
Ko-kkilli, Chòla king, defeated by the Påndyas. 62 K&pishthala, a people or locality .......... .. 180 Kolhapur territorry, an inscription in the, Kappunganagara = Kabaing ................
noticed ..................................... .. ... 298 Karavandapuram mentioned in an inscription. 67 Kollagiri, probably the modern Kolhapur ... 182 Karens, their nationality discussed, 130 1.:- Komalapattana, a port of the East Coast of folk-origin of the .............. .............. 284f.
India
...............45, learma, doctrine of, examined, 229 ff.:-Tulsi Kô-maral-Jadaiyan Påndya king ..............
Das's doctrine of .................................. 126f. Kôngbang= Shwebố....................................... 28 Karmanêya, the modern Kamrej ............... 171 Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, & country mentioned by Karmaņeyaka, the people of Kårmanøya....... 180 Hiuen Tsiang; Karnal is very probably Karnaprávèya, a people .......
.. ...... 180 its capital..................
**....... ... 115 Karnata, the Kanarese country.................. 181 Konkaņa country .......... ............. 182
...
.
.............
..........
18 date
,
................
**.....
219
... 182

Page #434

374
INDEX.
60
62
Laha, a various reading for Hala, q. ........... 183 Lahada, a country ............ ............... 189 lakshana year of the Jains, the ................ 17 Lakshinoshwar, the date of an inscription
at ........... Lanka, - Ceylon, or its capital city ............ Lankêśvara, Pandya King ........................ Laos = Lavarattha.................. Låta country ......................................... Lauhitya, the river Brahmaputra ............ Lavarattha, district of .................................. Legaing = Vagijjagama ................. life index-a pigeon, 324; a milk-white dove. 318 life, restoration to, by spells ...................... 290 lions; the forest of the man-lions............... 183 liquors, intoxicating, folk-origin of, among
the Karens.............................................35f1. Lot's wife, variant of .............................. 289 luck, the sleeping: a folktale......................2138.
Kó-Raja Kesarivarman = Rajaraja = Raja
dhirajadêva ........................................... Korai, once the Påndyan capital ............... Kosala country .................................170, 182 Kotivarsha, apparently a conntry ................ 182 Krauicha, a mountain ..........
... ......... 162 Krauschadvipa, a country ............................
182 kravycisin, eaters of raw flesh'................. 182 Krishna, the river Kistna'......................... 182 Krishna Gitábali of Tulisi Das, an account of
257 Kroklataung =(?) Pagat .......................... 335 Kshatriya, the warrior caste ....................... 182 Khemadhorta, a people ...............................
182 Khudraminn, a people.......... ............. 182 Kshurarpana, a mountain ............ .......... 182 Kuuvanj, the god of the Lushais ............... 79ff. Kucbika, a people ..................................... 182 KAdal = Madura ...................................... 62 Kudüs, nationality discussed, 129f.:- their
congeners, 130:- vocabulary of the ...... 129ff. Kuk'an = Puk'an = Pak'an ...................... 19 Kukura, a people ........................................ 182 K asegaranpattinam = Tranquebar ........ 116 Kulašêkbaradêra Pandya = Ko-Måravar
man ................ ķalaśék bara Pandya mentioned in inscription ......................
................ 61
.... Kulottunga-Chola conquers the Pandyas, 60:MS. account of ...............
............. 141 Kulottunga-Chola XI.=Parakësarivarman... 60 Kulata country
182 Kulataka, the people of Kulata .................. 182 K natha, a people ...................
182 kwijaradarí, 'the cave of glen of elephants.' 182 Kuntala country, 182:- this seems to be
really the country which by Hiuen Tsiang is called Maharashtra .......
............. 115 huntiblöja, a people............. .................. 182 Kurtaköti, in the Dharwâr District, the
lates of inscriptions at ..................... 297, 298 Kuru, n people ....................................... 182 Kusimamandala = Bassein Province of the old
Talaing kingdom .............. .................... 34 Kusimanagara................... ........17, 19, 29, Kusimarattha = Bassein............. Kusuma, a mountain.................................... Kuthen = Bassein............. Kuthêng = Puthêng = Bassein.............. K vaikk'ami, vernacular name for the Amherst
district of Burma ................................. 328 Kyaikp'i Kyaikp'un Pagoda described ......... 353 Kyaikp'un Pagoda, see Kyaikp'i ........ 46n., 353 Kysanur in the Dharwâr District, the date
of an inscription at ......... ................. 298 Kyauktalon Hill near Maulmain contains Buddhist Cazes ......
............. 329
Madhurîutaka, a title of Parintaka I., 60;
a title of Rajendra-Clúladeva ................ 60 Madhyadéša, the central division of ancient
dia ............................................ 169, 170, 183 amika, a people .............
............ cra, a people ...................................... Adraka, a people........... Madura, capital of the Pandyas.................. Magadha country ..................................... Magadbika, the people of Magadha ........... magic wand in folktales, 100; comb which
destroys and grants life, 319;- stick that produces a golden tank and a palace of gold, 323; stove, stick and rope in folktales, 317:- sympathetic, burning a shed skin to injure snake-hero, 100; making heroine ill by destroying an impression of her
foot-print........................................... 78 Mahâbuddharðpa = Kyaikp'un Pagoda ...... Mabûdêva Kakatiya, his date discussed ....... maligriva, 'great-necked people' ............... Mabâkálathêra ............ Mahâkassapathêra of Udumbaragiri, head of
the Mahůvihara.................................. 16, 39 Mahamahindathera, apostle to Ceylon ......... 16 Mahanadi river .................... .............. 133 Malapunna founds the Monastery at Lè. gaivg (Vånijjagâma)............
............. 160 Mahârůshtra country, 184; - the capital of
it, mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, is Nasik... 115 maharnava, the great ocean' .................. 184 Mahasena, King of Ceylon, founds the Jetava
navihara (266 A. D.) ......................................... 39 Mohäsivalithêra heads a mission to Ceylon... 41 mahatavi, the great forest' ...................... 184 Mahatissathéra, founder of the Abhayagiri sect in Ceylor .......
........... 39

Page #435

INDEX.
375
184
........
99
24
....
184
.........
..............
Mab&vihara, in Ceylon, foundation of the, Bêruka, a people, country, or mountain ...... 185
38:-sect in Ceylon prevails, 39f.: estab- metamorphosis, hero into a fly, 248; into a
lished in Ramalladésa............................ 40f. crow, 290; into a cat and back, 290; into a Maha yasatbêta ........................................ 16 bug, 424:- old man into a young one and Mahendra mountain ................................ 18+ back ....................... ................ 276f. Mahi river .......................
metempsychosis, Buddhist belief in, illusMahimparakaya, a merchant of Návutapat
trated tana, trading to Pegu .....
45 Mewa, a folk derivation of the name ........... 195 Mahinsakı, district of ........
Miazza Pra is S'inbyQyin.......................... Mahinda, the Buddhist Apostle to Ceylon, milky ocean, the................
apostolic succession from, in Burma.......... 13 mines, the mines; an ancient place, 185; Mahisha, a country ..................
184 mines of beryl-stone...... Mahishaka, the people of Mahisha.............. 184 Minlwin, name of a Buddhist Cave ............ Majjhantikathêrs ........
Mithila country ............... M&kara, 6 people .......
184 Mi-yatma, a hobgoblin in Burma ............... Malava country and people, in the northern Mléchchhas.................... ............... 185
division of India ..................................... Möggalinathêra, head of Råmidhipati's depuMalaya mountain .................................... 184 tation to Ceylon .............................. 40f. M&lindya, a mountain ................................. Möggaliputtatissathêra reforms Buddhism in Malla, a people ........................................
A söka's day............... ..................16, 18 Mályavat, a mountain ............................... months, names of Hindu lunar, mentioned in Mammudi Choli
recorded dates :Mânâbharana, Pandya king
Asalba ...........
................... 46 Manahals, a people ........
first of the two Asalha .................. Mandakini, the Ganges .......
second Asalha ............................ 43, Mandanadêva Paramara..
AshAdha ...............................81, 108, 109 Mándavya, a people ..............
Assayuja ............................................ 46 Manimat, a mountain
Asvina ...... ***
*******************... 109 Manipur, names for .........
Bhadda Manipura, district of............
Bhidrapada............ ....
.................. 107 Mannaikudi, battle of ........
Chaitra ............. ................. ...82, Manoharf, a Talaing king, 17; his date ...... 17 Chitra .................................... ...... Marammadêsa = Burma Proper ...............
Jettha .................................... .... Marang Buru = the Parasnâth Hill........... 295 Kartika................ ...................******* Maravarman Påndya destroys the Pallavas..65, 68 Kattika - ....... ..****...*************** mariners ....... ............. 184 Magha
. .. marriage custom, Brahman girl married to
Margga........................
................ Kshatriya Raja in folktale ......................
Migasira ..................................... 49, marshes, or swamps ..............................
M ithuna ........................................ 219 Marttikävata, a people ..........
Phaggura............... Maru, the modern Mârwad ..........
Phalguna........
................80, 83 Maruchipattana, a city .......... .............
Rishabha ............ ................ 131, 919 Maruk uchcha, a people.............................
Simha ........
................. 220 Martabán = Muttam ................................
Visakh&.................. ................2, 45 martaban = a Pegu Jar.................... 346, 364f. months, names of Hindu solar, mentioned in Matanga, apparently a place where diamonds recorded dates : were found ............................................. 185 Avaņi ...............
..................1]6n. Mabondayê, described, 358:- Vasundhara,
Karttigai ............... .................. 339:- figures of, described .................. 249 Mina .............
138 Mathuri, the modern Muttra' .............170, 185 Phâlguna ........
.... 107 Mathuraka, the people of Mathura ............ 185 months, names of Hindu luni-solar, men, Matrishika, a doubtful name of a people....... 185 tioned in recorded dates:Matsya, a people ........
185 Dhanus .............. ............... ... 137 Maulika, a people
Karkataka ......................................... 137f. Méghavat, a mountain .....
Khumbha ...............
**********............... 136 Mêkala, a mountain ...................................
Makara .........
137 Méru mountain .........................................
185 Mêsba ...........
.............. 186
.
.*
..*.*
44
*.444...........
**********.......
59
.......................
.
..
.
2
..........
185
40
116
D D
.
.....

Page #436

376
INDEX
316 296
.....
.
...
Panguņi (Phålguni) .......
138 nalikéradvipa, the island of cocoanuts'...... 186 Simha
Narapatijayasura (Narabadisithu), king of months, bames of Burmese lunar, mentioned
Pagàn ...............................******
.............. 30 ia recorded dates:
Narasůra, a minister of Dhammachêti ......... 47 Kason ..................
Naregal in the Hångal T&lukå (Dharwår), Tabaung ..........
the dates of inscriptions at, 297, 298;- the Tabôdwè ........... ....... ..
date of an inscription at another place, of Tagů ........
the same name, in the Ron Tóluka months, names of Hindu, mentioned in
(Dharwår) ...............
.............. 298 MSS:
narimukha, 'people with the faces of women.' 186 lunar) Chaitra .................................. 90 | Narmada river ..............
.............................. 186 Jyaishtha...........
97 nashtarajya, 'the kingdom of the dead' ...... 136 (lunar) Phålguna ........
95 Násik is the capital, mentioned by Hiuen Sravana .........
Tsiang, of the Maharashtra country......... 115 (lunar) Vaisakha.......
94 Nasikya, the modern Nasik ........................ 136 Moon is female in Indian folktales........... Nats, the Thirty-seven, alluded to...... ..... 362 Moroko, the god of the Santals ............... Návutapottana, a port on the East Coast of mountains of sunrise and sunset ...............
India ........................
............... 45 Houtshobo = Shwebo, 28; = Möksûbû......... 28 necks, people with various kinds of ............. 186 Mrauma = Burma.........
...... 160
Nediyon, a Pandya king ........................... 65 MSS. in Buddhist Caves about Maulmain, 328: Nedumaran, a Pandya king ................. 63,
- supposed to be in the Buddhist Cares Neduñjadaiyan, Pandya ........................ 65 about Maulmain, 327:- Talaing, in the Nedujeliyan, a Pandya king = Tennan=
D'ammatha Caves ............. .................. 333 Vanavan Sembyan .......................... 64, 65 Mudhavamahîchètiya in Pegu .................. 47 Nelvéli, battle of (=P Tinnevelly)............. 63 Mulêk Pagoda at Thatûn ............................. 3-10 Nepál, a derivation of the word ................ 2926. Mulika, a people........................................ 186 Nêpåla country and people .......................... 185 Muõja, or Punja, a mountain ..................... 186 Nêwars, notes on the................................... 2921. Murukucheba; sec Marukuchcha .............. 186 Ngà, name of a Buddhist Cave .................... 328 • Musselwoman' discussed ......................... 112 *Nidón Quarries, Buddhist Caves near the ... 327 Muttimamandaln=Martaban Province of the Nigródhasamanera converts Asoka .............. old Talaing kingdom ................
Nipa, a people..............
.... .......... 186 M'ittimanagara = Murtaban ........ .......4, 33 Nirvindhya, a river ................................. 138 Mweyin as a p..ce-name ............................ 7 Nishida, a people ..................
136 Myawadi, an ancient site in Burma ........... 365 Nizam's Dominions, an inscription in the,
noticed .......
293 Nádendla, in the Kistna District, the date nomads................
.............. 19; of an inscription at ............
noses; flat-nosed people
133 Nágilrada, capital of Medapata............... nrisivihavana, the forest of the man-lions ... 13 Nagapattant = Megapatam ..........................
Nuptial songs of the Parsis .....................1024. Nágarisi = Negrais ................................
Nyandòmyind Pagoda, the, near Promo ..... Naimisha, a people.............. .................. 186 kshatros, names vf the, mentioned in
oath, form of Buddhist, 160 :- ordeal by...... recorded dates:
occans, the, of ancient India ...................... Anuradha ........
................... 138
Ora, or Audru, country ............................. Anusham (Anuradha) ......................... 138 one-eyed people ......................................... Punar visu ................................ 136. 219 one-footed people ......................................... Pushya .....................
................... 81, 82
82' ordeal by oath.......... Révati
ordination of Peguan priests by the cereRóliņi................................. 137, 138, 219 mony in vogue in Ceylon, 52ff. :-of BudTer (Rohini).........................................
138 dhist Burmese priests in Ceylon at Kalyani, Tiruvonan (Sravana)........................ 137 43f.:- upasumpuda, 245; priests ordained Uttra-Bhadrapada ............................. at the first, in Pegu ...... Uttarishath ..............
220 Uttirilâm = (Uttarashadha) ................ 136 2, change of initial, to k, in Burmese words... 19
Uttiritadi (Uttarabhadrapada) ............ 137 Pabàñun, name of a Buddhist Cave ............ Naapura = Narwar ........
Pabaung, Buddhist Caves at ...................... 327
297
46
188
323

Page #437

INDEX
877
****...........
P'Abók, name of a Buddhist Cave .............. 328 Pacchaliya, a merchant of Návutapattana, trading to Pegu ...............
45 Pacchima sect of Buddhists (Pagàn)............ 31 Padippajêyya near Rangoon...................... 32 Padma, a mountain ........... ................. 186 Pagàn school of Buddhist priests, 29ff. :schisms at ............
................ 29ff. Pagat, Buddhist Caves at, described...327ff., 335ff. Pago = Pegu ........................ pagodas, remarks on Burinese, 346f.: Sinhalese
type of, at Thatôn and elsewhere in Burma, 340, 346: -- the so-called "enamelled,' at Thatôn and Martaban discussed, 346:cautions as to estimating the age of, in Burma, 346:-old, in Burma, dug into by treasure-seekers .........
**** ..*. 333 Pahlava, a people ...
............ 186 Paithan is not Hiuen Tsiang's unnamed
capital of Maharashtra ..................... 113, 114 Pak'an ...................... .................... 19 palæography, Burmese, notes on.................... 2 Palaing, a folk derivation of the name ......... 195 Pallavas, the, their conquest of the Påodyas.. 59 palola, the marshes or swamps .................. 186 Pan Ku, the Creator (Chinese Buddhist),
explained .............................................. 362 Patchåla, a people................................... 186 Panchanada, the Pañjab .............................. 187 Pūchanada, a king or other inhabitant of the Pañjab
........ 187 Pandu, 2 people..............
............. 187 Pandwi = Taungdwingyî in Upper Burma ... 160 Pandya, a lunar race, 65, 72:- as tributaries
of the Cholas, 148;- History of the, notes on, 59:- Greek notices of the, 59:- kiny.
dom of the, its boundaries ..................... 62 Paadya country and people .......
......... 187 Pandyavâţu, a place or country .................. 187 Panini, his date, 222f.:-- his place in Sansksit
literature, 222: his language was not the
general spoken language of India ..........223f. Pari, a river ........................................... 187 Parakosivarman= Kulüttunga-Chôda II. ... 60 Purukkamabahu of Ceylon ........................ 40 Paråkrama Pândya mentioned in inscriptions.. 61 Paralóka, an ancient place .......................... 187 Paramara chiefs, inscription of the ............ Parameśvara, a title given to frogs in Nepal... 294 Purantaka I., the Chula ...... Parašava country and people ..................... 187 Parata, a people.................... ................. 187 Pirbati-mangal, of Tulsi Dås, an account of
the, 202: date of, discussed .................. 95ff. Pâriyâtra, or Påripátra, a mountain ........... 187 Pariyatrika, the people of the Pâriyâtra
mountain ................................................ 187
parrot and maina, new version of the tale of the ..................
..............53ff. Parvatiya, a people ........... ............ padupala, 'nomads' ..................................... Pathêng = Bassein ............ Paundra, the people of Pundra .................. Paurava, a people ................ Paushaḥ samvatsarah, distinguishing on the
term .......................... ................. Pawâ:08daung = Pogu daung ..................... 5 Payoshni, a river ......... pearls; the places where they were found ... 187 Pegu, an account of glazed terra cotta Bud.
dhist tablets from, 343 ff.:- = Pago ....... 4 Pegu Jar, some account of the history of the,
340f.: their history and antiquity ............ 3648. Pékband marries Duttabaung, king of Prome,
160: her origin ............ .............. 160 Persnim=Bassein .............................18, 20 Phalguluka, a river ............................ Phanikara, a people .................................... Phênagiri, a mountain .............*** * Phultam ba;' see Puntâmbé ... Pipri as a name in Bihar ............. Pisika, a people ............. Pôpå Volcano, some account of .................. Podaung Hill is near Prome, 1; - =
Paw::daung, 5, 6:-- a note on................ Prabhasa, a tirtha ..................................... Prachyâdhipa, the kings of the eastern
country.......... . ...********** Pragisa, the kings of the eastern country ... Prågjyütisha, a people ........... Pranadassimaháthêra ........... Prasasta, a mountain ............ Prasthala, a people .............
..... 187 Prayaga ................
187 prayer, the eight Buddhist attitudes of......... 361 Princcas Fireflower, a folktale ................... 289f. Prithivi Dêri, see Maböndayê .............. 359 Prodariya Kakatiya, his date discussed ...... 326 Prola, see Prudaraja ........... Prome, some account of ............... Puangku, see Pan Ku............................... Puyaliyor, battle of ....................... Pugal-Süla, a Chola king ......................... Pagama = Pagan .................................... Puk'an = Pak'an .............. Pulikesin, the Western Chilukya, his con.
quest of the Pandyas.......... Pulinda, a people Pundra country............. Puntambô is not Hiuen Tsiang's unnamed
capital of Maharashtra ............................ Purika, a people ......................................... Purima sects of Buddhists (Pagàn) ............ purushåda. cannibals' ...........................
187
.
..
....
80
.......
60

Page #438

378
INDEX.
19
19
...
DAT ..............
Pushkalâvata, and Pushkalavataka, the people Ram Sat'oaf of Tulisi Das, date of, discussed... 94ff. of Pushkalavati .......................
Rashtrakata, their conquests of the Pandyas. 59 Pushkalavati, an ancient place ............171, 188 Ratanapunna = Mandalay .......................... 28 Pushkara, a place .............
***... . ...... 188
Ratanapura = Avà ............. ................ 8, 28 Pusim = Bassein ..................................... 19 Ratanasingha = Shw&bô............................ 28 Puthông = Pathăng • • •
Rathähva, a river ..................................... 188 Pyimyo = Prome ............ ........................
Ratnadeva IlI. of Ratnapura ..................... 2
Rêvî, the river Nerbudda' .................. 188 Quirini, his life of Percoto, note on ............ 21 riddles in folktales, 321 :- as a form deriva.
tion
................323 note R&hulathëra, a native of Ceylon, 29 :-- estab- Rishabha, a people........................................ 188
lishes Buddhism in Malayadipa ............ 80 Rishika, a people ..................................... 188 Raivataka, a mountain................................. 188 Rishyamika, a mountain ................................ 188 Rajadhirijadêra = Rajarajadêva = Rajarê - Romaka, a people or place ........................... 183
ja= Kô-Rajakesarirarman = Vira-Rajên. Rudra I. Kakatiya, his date dicussed............ 326 dradeva I.............
***............. 60 Rudra II. Kakatiya, his date discussed ...... 326 Tijanya, = Kshatriyas................................. 188
............... 188 Räpnath Edict edited .........................295 . Rajaraja, his copper coins ........................ 60 Rájardjadêva, Chula king, his wars with the
Påndyas ................................. ................ 60s in Anglo-Burmese words .................... Rajasimha-Pandya conquered by Parantaka SA, name of a Buddhist Cave ................ 323 ... ......... 60 Sabara, a people............
198 Råma, means 'the Lord,'God'......227 and note Sadanganpadi = Tranquebar
116 Ráma-charita-manasa of Tulsi Das, an ac. S'addin, names of a Buddhist Cave ............ 328
count of the, 259ff.:-date of its commence- Súêt Sikar = the Parasnáth Hill ............... 295 ment ..................................................... 260 Sahasram Ediet edited ...........................299ff. Ramadhipati = Dhammachti of Pegu, 15; Sahya or Sahyadri mountains.................. 188
his titles, 34: - resolves on religious Saindhava, the people of the Sindhu country. 189 reform, 34ff.: - sends a deputation of saints can grant sons by prayer.............. 243 priests to Ceylon ...............................
Sairindha, a people .......... ............... 189 RamadhipatirajA - see Ramadhipati :- Saiva, supposed - sculptures from Burma,
= Dhaminachêti of Pegu, 50; his mes- 357 ff.:-images in Buddhist shrines ......363f. sage to the priests of Ramaliñadees to Saka, a peaple............................................. 189 reform their ordination practices, 85 ff.; saka, in Vikrama dates means ' year'.......... 1114.
= Dhammachêti of Pegu... ............ .......46 n. SÅkêta, the modern Oude' ..................... 189 Ramadata, Ramadhipati's emissary to Ceylon 41 Sakkaru = Sakra = Indra = a Buddhist Råmdgyd of Tulsi Das, date of, discussed ... 967, fairy ............................. .............. 18 Ramanand, founder of the Râmâwat sect..... 227 SAks, their nationality discussed, 190:-their Ramaliña, district of ..................................
relationship to the Kudos............... Ramaitindêsa = Talaing Country=kingdom
Salva, SÅlva, or Salva, a people ................. of Pegu, 13, 30:- extent of, 34:- the Ta. samanasamvásakasimd ......... laing Country of Burma, notes on antiqui. Samarak öldhala Pandya ..........
ties in ......................................................327ff. Samatata, Lower Bengal............................... Ramaññamandala =- Rama ifadesa .............. 86 Samkhyata, a people .................................. 189 Ramanuja, his system of philosophy ............ 127 Sandòshin Cheti, a name for the Shwedagon Ramatha, a country and people .................. 188 Pagoda ........................ Råmatha, the people of Ramacha ............... 188 Sangermano, value of his work for AngloRumdyana, scenes from the possibly repre- Burmese etymology, 20 f.: his transliterasented on the Pegu Tablets ...................... 345
tion of b .................... . ............... 199.
... Ramayan of Tulsi Dâs, its date discussed ... 89ff. Sanskrit words in Burmese discussed, 24 ff., Ramdin Singh, his researches into the history
162 ff.:-form came into Burmese before of Tulsi Das ......................................... 274 Pali forms, 164 :- the extent to which it Ram Gulam Dyivedi, his statement as to the was a living speech, 128:- inscription at
number of Tulsi Das's works .................. 123 Tagaung ..................... ............... 7 Ram Lala Nahachha of Tul's Das, an ac- Santals, the migration of the.................... 2948.
count of the......................................... 197 Santika, 4 people ................................ 189 Ram Sagundball, see Sri Ramajña.
Saont as a place name ....................... 295

Page #439

INDEX
379
90, 189
.
.
.
....
......
......
..............
.... 80
....363€. .......... 189
.............
289
****
*......
360 60
Saontåp = Santál ..............
294 Sinbydyin, king of Burma, his inscription at Saradhana, a people ............
Posadaung, Iff.; places the t'l on the Shwe. Sarasvata, a people.................................... 189 dagón Pagoda ........................................ 1
Sindhu; either the river Indus, or the Sindh Saray, a river ............ ................ 189 country.................................................. 189 Saripatta, a monk of Padippajêyya ........... 32 Sindhurija defeated by Chamundaraja ParaSassata heresy, the .......... 15f. mara
80 Satadru, a river ..........
Sindhu-Sauvira, a people ............................ Satan among the Karens .............................. 286 Sipra, a river ............ Sat'sal of Tal'si Dås, an account of the, 225: Sirikhettari = Tharekhôttari................
- its authenticity discussed, 123ff.; denied Sirikbêttarama, district of ................ by modern Pandits .........
............... 127f.
Sirimasóka, king of Savannabhomi ............ Satyaraja Paramâra ..
Sirisanghabodhi -- Parakkamabahu of Cey. Saugata = Buddhist...........
lon... Saulika, a people ...............
sita, white people' ................................. Saurashtra, the modern Kathiawad ............. 189 Sitaka, a people ...................................... Saurashtraka, the people of Saurashtra ...... 189 Sivalathêra ...................... ................. Sauri, a people ..................................... 189 sky, dwellers in the ............ ................. Saurparaka, of or belonging to Surpåra ... sleep, extraordinary, in folktales, 21:- for Sauvira, and Sauviraka, a people .............. 189 twelve years in folktales ..... schisms in ancient Burma were caused by sleeping beauty, variant, 323f. :- sleeping
disputes as to consecration ceremonies ... 331. luck, a variant of the sleeping beauty ...... 214 Sciam = Shân............. ...................... 21 Smasrudhara, a people .............. .................. 190 sculptures from Thatôn described .............357ff. smell of human beings peculiar to demons ... 248 seals, terra-cotta, Buddhist, from Gava, es. snake-hero in folktales ..................................... 99ff. plained ...........
son, only, in folktales, 53:- granted by a Seliya = Pandya
saint through prayer, 2-3 ;-through Seliyakkudi, battle of
65 eating fruit ............... Sêmbiyan = Nedunjeliyan Påndya, 65:- a Sõna and Uttara, Buddhist apostles to Chola title .......... 65 Burma ....... ....
13 Sên, district of Chinarattha.................... 4 Sóna, a river .............................................
190 Senganar, a Chola king.........
SönA Pari ..................
................. 324 Seraman Peruma!, the Chêra king, 63; joins Sõnuttara, explanation of the name ............ the Påndyas...............
Southern Buddhism, date of establishment in Sesh Datt Sarma, his statement as to Tulisi Pagàn, 1181 A. D..... Das's works ...........
............ 123 spirits, the city of (bhútapura) .................. 190 ships, folk-origin of, among the Karens ...... 287f. frdhe, a word, occurring in dates, which Shwebo, names for..................................... 28 requires explanation (for an instance in Shwedagòn, notes on the name, 27f.:-origin eastern India, see Jour. Beng. As. Soc. of the word, 7:- Pagoda = Kesadhâtu
Vol. LXII. p. 89)
............... 222 chêtiya, 46; date of S'inbyQyin's t'l ......... 37 Sriparvata, a mountain Shwethayaung, a huge recumbent image of Sri-Purambiya, battle of .............
Buddha at Pegu...................................... 347 | Sri Råmagya, see Sri Ramdñi .................... 204 Siamese architecture in Burma, date of ...... 355 Sri Ramajid of Tul'si Das, an account of the. 204 Sibi, a people .............
189 Srughna, a town or country ..................... 190 Sibika, a people ....................................... 189 step-mother, traditional ill-treatment by, in Sibira, a mountain.................................... 189 folktales ...............
......... 307 Sihala sect of Buddhists (Pagan) .............. stone, a sculptured, at Ayetbema, mentioned Sihaladipa=Ceylon...........
in the Kalyani Inscriptions .................... 17 Silla, Straits of, "between Sihaladipa and strfrdjya, the kingdom of the amazons .......... 190
Jambudipa".......................................... 45 substituted persons - in folktales, sister for Sima, a hall of ordination, the word explained, wife, 100; maid for her mistress, the heroine,
11 :- various kinds of, 12; conditions for a 290; heroine by her step-sister, 313; log of spot to be chosen fora, 47 ff.; mode of con. wood and a broom for heroine's children ... 316
secrating........... ............. 11ff., 49 Sudbêkara Dvivėdi Pandit, his aid in calculatSimhala, Ceylon ......... ................... 189 ing dates of Tulisi Dås, 98:-his researches Simhapuraka, a people ......... ................. 189 into the history of Tulsi Das .................. 274
***
...
60
.
..
*****..
190
38

Page #440

380
INDEX.
...
...
....
..
.
.
...............
.....
*****....
.........
190
Sudhammanagara = Thatôn ..
17 Sudhammapura = Thaton .........................
17 Sudra caste ...............
190 Suhma, a people ....................................... 190 Sukti, a place or people........
190 Salabånbawi, king of Prôme
159 Salika, a people ............... sun is male in an Indian folktale, 316:- sun
and moon, heroine gives birth to the ......31587. Sunâparanta is the Minba district of Burma,
4, 6, 160 Sundaramarti-Nafanâr the Saiva devotee ... 63 Sundara Pandya, 60:- mentioned in inscrip
tions.......... ..................................... 61 Sundara-Pandyadêva=Sundura-Pandya-Jatavarman..............
.................. 219 Sundarn. Pandya-Jatavarman, his date dis
cussed................................................219ff. Sundara-Pandya-Mâravarman...................... 221 sunrise, the mountain of ........................... 190 sunset, the mountain of ........................... 190 supernatural people and places ...............
190 Súrasena, and Sarasênaka, a people ........... 190 Surashtra, the modern Kåthiếwad................. Sariyakumara = Manohari ....................... Sürpa, a mountain ...................................... 190 Suvanyabhumi, 13:= Ramaffiadosa............ 16 Suvannasõbhana, an important Buddhist
priest of Pegu......................................... 501. suvarnabhu, the region of gold' ............... Suvarnadripa = Thaton ..........
359 Suvastu, a place or country ..................... 191 Suvfra, a people
191 svamukha, dog-faced people.............. 191 kvéta, white people'................................. 191 swamps or marshes ....................................... 191 sayanvara, reminiscence of, in folktales ... 78 Syamáka, a people....
.... 191
190 17
Tambapannidipa = Ceylon .................... 38 Tamil Historical Texts ......
**.................1 11ff. Tampadipa, district of ............................... 4 Tâmraparni...............
................. 191 Tangana, a people .......... Tankana, a country ................................. Tapi, the river Tapti ............................... Tarakshiti, apparently a country ............... Tarangampadi Tranquebar ...... task, impossible, variants of, in folktales ...... Taungbàlwè, name of a Buddhist Cave......... 328 Taunggalô, name of a Buddhist Cave ......... 328 tears fetch the fairy godmother in folktales... 309 temporary death: ghost of deceased beroine
comes to life .................. ................,314f. Tennan = Neduñjeliyan Påndya ............... 63 Thadê River, a folk derivation of the name... 193 Thajáp'aya = the Mulêk Pagoda at Thatôn... 340 Tharêkhôttard = Sirikhêttara, 6; Prome... 160 Thaton, some account of, 3398.-=Suvar.
nadvipa, 359:- Buddhist Caves about, 329; - sculptures from, described, 357ff.; images and enamelled pagodas at, 345,an account of the glazed terra cotta tablets (Buddhirt), at, 342f.:- in the 10th century
A.D., reference to ............................. 359 three-eyed people
................. 177 throat; high-throated people ..................... tiger, hero becomes a................. Tigumpanagara = Rangoon, 44, 46 :- =
Dagôn ..................... Tikumbhachốti Shwedagon Pagoda ......7, 27 timingildiana, whale-eating people' ......... Tiru lánasambandar converts the Pandya king
to Saivism ................................ Tissathêra, first abbot of the Jētavana vihara. 39 Toodegon=Shwôdagón Tôka is not Hiuen Tsiang's unnamed capital
of Maharashtra ................ Tooth-king, the, in folktales ..................... totems in Santal folktales ......... Traigarta, the people of Trigarta ............... 191 Tranquebar, Danish Colony at, 116f.:-inscriptions at.....
.............. 116 treasure-seekers, damage done by, to Bur.
mese Buddhist remains........................ 333 Tribhavanamalla-Pandyadêva, his kingdom and connections .......
61€. Trigarta, a country ............ trinétra, 'three-eyed people' ..................... Tripura, and Tripurt, a city.................... Tukhêra, a people ........... Tullet Dae, his date discussed, 89ff.; date of
his birth, 2647. :- his birthplace, 265:-was an abhakta-mdla child, 265:- his caste, 284:- belonged to the R&mawat sect, 227: - date of his deed of arbitration, 97f.:-date
....
63
.
............
tablets, glazed terra-cotta, bas reliefs, Bud
dhiat, on, described ............................... 339ff. tailabhyanga, 'smearing the body with oil'... 251 Takata = Tagadtr...........
..-... 66 Takshasia, the Tazila of Greek writers...171, 191 Takun = Dagin ......................***** Tala, a people .............................................. 191 Talai-Alunganam, battle of........................ talapay =talapoin = a Buddhist monk ...... 326 talapoin, a Buddhist monk, the term discussed ..........
.......................... 826 Talikata, a place ....................................
191 talking animal: variant laughing fish ......... Tamalindathêra, son of the Raja of Kamboja... 29 Tamalipti, a city............**..... 170, 191 T&malitthf is (3) Tamluk..... Tambapaņņi = Ceylon ........
.

Page #441

INDEX.
881
..... 193
.
192
.
..........
.................
.
6
2
193 193
192 192 141 319 192
of his death, 98:-origin of his name, 265:- vanaugha, 'the collection of forests' .......... 193 was a popular exponent of philosophy, 227; Vågavag, a Chêra title, 65:--Nedufijeliyan his system of philosophy was Vedantic, 126;
Pandya ................................. . ......... 65 point in his teaching, 2584.;. on karma, Vanavasi, the modern Banawasi................ 192 226ff. :- his twelve great works, 123; a list Vanga, and Vanga, a country, and the people of his works, 122; list of his canonical of it ............ works, 129:- Legends and Traditions about Vånijjagâma=Lègaing in the Minbu District him, 264ff.:- his predecessors ............... 265 of Burma ........
............... 6, 160 Tumbavana, a forest ...........
192 Varaguņa - Pandya, his victory over the turagdnana, horse-faced people' .............. Chôļas ...........
Vardhamihira; the topographical list of his
Brihat-Sanhita..............................169 to 196 udayagiri, 'the mountain of sunrise' ......
Vardhamana, a city or country .................. 193 Uddehika, a people ..............................
Vas&ti, a place ............... Udétarit = Shwêdaung .........
vassa, day of commencing the, quoted .......
Vasudhårá, see Vasundhari.......................... 358 Uatchya, the people of the north ........... Udra, the modern Orissa ............
Vasumat, a mountain ................................. 193 Udumbara country and people ........... 170,
Vasundhari, see Mabondaye ..................... 358 Ujjayani, Ujjain ...........
vasuvana, 'the forest of Vasus or spirits' ... Ujjihana, a people ...............
Vaţadhana, a people .........
............ ala, a Tamil metrical history ......
Vatsa, a people ..........
193 Unchhatri Part ....
Vattagamaņi-Abbaya, king of Ceylon ....... Upajyotisha, a people ..........
Vedasmriti, a river ...................................... 193 wpasampadd ordination discussed, 88:-cere.
Vellor, battle of ........................................ mony of, 13; importance of .....................50ff.
Velldra, the modern Ellors ......... ......182, 193 Upavanga, a country.................................. 192
Vên Vilinam-Vilinjam in Travancore ...... upusatha, ceremony of, 13;- in Pegu, the
Venâ, a river ...............
************............. 193 first orthodox, 85; an ancient break in the
Vênumati, a river ....................................... 193 performance............
Vetravati, a river ...................................... 193 ardhvakantha, 'high-throated people' .........
Vidâganamahâthêra, a Sinhalese priest (Bud. Usinara, a people ................... ...............
dhist) ....................... Utkala, a people ......................................
Vidarbha, a country ................................... 193 Uttara-Kuru country ............................. 171
Vidêha, a country .......
193 Uttara, see Sona............................................
13 Vidiśå, a town or river ........... Uttarajivamahathêra, Preceptor of Andra
Vidyadhara, a class of supernatural beings... 193 tha, 17; visits Ceylon .......
Vijayabahu of Ceylon ............................ 40 uttardpatha, a name for Northern India ...... 192
Vijayanagara kings conquer the Påndyas ... 16 Vikramabâhu of Ceylon, his wars with the Påndyas ............
****.. 60
Vikrama-Chola, manuscript account of ......... 141 Vadavamukha, a place .......... ........... 192 Vikramaditya VI. (Western Chalukya); some Vaddavara, the name of a week-day, probably dates in his era ........................... 296, 297, 298
Saturday ........................................ 251, 252 Vikrama-kala ; see Chalukya-Vikrama-kala... 296 Vählika, and Vahlika, a country
192 | Vikrama-Pandya= Lankėśvara.................. 60 Vaidarbha, the people of Vidarbha ....... 192 | Vikrama-Pandya, vassal of Kulottunga. Vaideha, the people of Vidêha .................. 192 Chôda 60:- mentioned in inscriptions...... vaidúrya, 'the beryl-mines' ........... 192 Vindhya mountains Vairisimha Paramira = Vairisimha II. ...... 80 Vinnam, battle of ............ Vaishnava, supposed, sculptures from Burma, Vipâśá, a river .......................................
337ff., 359f. Vira-Kerala, Pandya king ......................... Vaisya caste ............
.............. 192 Vira-Kesarin, son of Srivallabha, contempoVajrakAlika, see Mabondayê ..................... 358 rary of Rajadhirajadêva ........................... Vajravärahi, see Ma bôndayê ..................... 358 Vira-Pandya, vassal of Kulottunga-Choda, Valligama in Ceylon .............................. 42, 44
60 :- his contests with Aditya-KarikalaVallúra; see Velldra................................. 193
Chola, 60:- mentioned in inscriptions...... 61 Vandgya-Sandfpani, of Tul's Das, an ac. Vira-Rajendradeva I. =K0-Raju Kesari.
count of the .............................................197ff. vaman ........
.
.......
193
29

Page #442
382 INDEX. * 194 ... ... ... 250 CO ... 194 Vira-Rejendradeva II.=Parakesarivaman = women, wiles of, new folktale version of the...588. Rajendra-Choladova = Kulottunga-Choda writing, folk-origin of, among the Karens ...2891. II. .................. 60 Virata, a country .......... Yamaydna = Admdyana ........ 345 Vitaka, a people........... 194 Iamazdt = Ramdyana ..... 345 Vitasta, the river Jhelam................... 194 Yamuna, the river Jamni ............ 170, 172, 194 Vokkana, a people ..... 194 Yamuna, the people living near the Yamung. 194 vow of twelve years in folktales .. Yasovati, a city ....... ..... 194 Vsishabhadhvaja, a mountain......... 194 Yabe-Mont'i, name of a Buddhist Cave ...... 328 vrishadvipa, 'the island of bulls' 194 Yabebyan, name of a Buddhist Cave ......... 328 vyaghramukha, 'tiger-faced people' ............ 294 Yaudheya, and Yaudheyaka, a people ......... 194 vyalagriva, 'people with serpents' necks'....... 194 | Yaungmya = Myaungmya ........................ 4 Vyamuktesuravanojjvala, lord of Takata...... Yavana, a people ... years, Jovian, quoted in inscriptions .........109f. Yetbe, a folk derivation of the name ......... 195 Yodaya = Ayuthid ...... waif, water-borne, in folktale - heroine's yoga mentioned in a recorded date, children set afloat in a box in the sea ...... 316 Ayushmat ..... Webyan, game of a Buddhist Cave ............ 328 Yoga River = Pegu River ..................... 42, 44 whale's belly, variant of Jonah in the ......... 245f. Yugamdhara, & people .............................. 134 whales, eaters of......... Ywa, 'God' among the Karens ...... 284 and note Winbon, name of a Buddhist Cave Winsd, an ancient site in Burma 365 Zabubad8, explained, 361: -= Jambupati, white people ............ legend about him, 339:- figures of, exwishing stones in Burma, 165:- things in plained ............ folktales - stone, stick and rope ............ 317 Zamarrad Pari women; people with women's faces, 194; Zodiac, signs of the, used in dating inscripthe kingdom of the amazons ......... tions ........ ... 136 194 329 ... 194 **.............. 349 ..... 324 ...... 194 ........ 136 ERRATA IN VOL. XXII. p. 171 a, line 10, for ando f, read and of. , b, line 7, for Revataka), read Raivataka. ,, b, line 6 from the bottom, for diivsion, read division, p. 1736, line 33, for Aryavarta, twice, read Aryavarta. I p. 186a, last line, for .Narmada,' read Narmada.'