Indian Antiquary Vol 17

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032509/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOUBNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E.,
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
CAPTAIN, BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XVII.-1888.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE
205
PAGE NILCAWAL BASAK :
A note on the Epoch and Reckoning of the Baka Origin of the name Calcutta ... ... ... ... 329
Era ... ... ...
A note on the Lôkakala Reckoning ... ... Pror. G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E., Vienna -
Calculations of Hindu Dates :GURJAKA INSCRIPTIONS, No. 3. A NEW GRANT
No. 7... OF DADDA II. OB PRABANTARAGA ... ... ...
No. 8... Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji ... ... ... ... 202 No. 9... ... S. J. A. CHURCHILL, TEHRAN :
No. 10...
No. 11... A note on Judeo-Persian Literature... .. .
No. 12... Persian Literature under the QAjárs; Rastom-ul
No. 13... HukemA .. ...
No. 14... A List of works printed in Persin in the Armeni
No. 15... Language ... ..
No. 16... A notice of the Chehør Maqaleh ... ...
No. 17.... ... The Book of the Faloon ..
No. 18... ... ... Hakim Qian ... .... .
No. 19... ... .. Tebaeret-ul-AvAm ...
No. 20... ... ... . .. An origin for the Biblical name Rhages ... ... Makhazan-ul-Adviyeh... ... ...
THE Rev. T. FOULKES :*
TRE VICIABITUDIES OF THE BUDDHIST LITERAWILLIAM CROOKE, B.C.S.:
TURE OF CEYLON ... ... ... ... 100, 122 NOTES ON THE GIPBY TRIBES OF THE NORTH
G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S:WEST PROVINCES AND OUDH ... ... ... 68
T# INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADABI, TRANSLATED Sw. B. DIKSHIT :
FROM THE FRENCH OP M. E. SENART ... ... THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER ... ... 1, 812 Curiosities of Indian Literature - A table for the Abdapa, Tithi-Buddhi, and Tithi.
Some quaint blessings ... ....... 60, Kendra... .. ... .. . .. ... ... 268
Progress of European Scholarship :GEO. F. D'PENHA:
No. 9. Half a year of the Revue Critique d' FOLKLORJ IN SALSETTE :
Histoire et de Littérature ... ... ... 24 No. 2. The poor boy who went in search of
No. 10. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen Ivara...
landischen Gesellschaft . No. 8. RájAcha Masthi ... ... ... 50, 104 Notice of Prof. Weber's Edition of the Parasi.
prakala DR. EDKINS, PEKIN :
Prof. Weber on Ahalya and Axudeus ... ... 302 CONFUCIUS AND HIS MISSION ... ... ... 817
DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE: J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.., M.R.A.S., C.L.E.:
THE BAKSHALI MANUSCRIPT... ... ... SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS:
H. H. HOWORTH, M.P., F.S.A. :No. 172. Kalas-Badrakh Plates of Bhillama
CAINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS .. III.-Baka Samvat 949 ... ... ... ... 117!
The Yavanas of Orissa ALBERUNI'S STATEMENT REGARDING THE GUPTA ERA ...
Dr. E. HULTZSCH:...
.. .. 243 THE US ON THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF The Probable age of some Pallava Remains ... 30 JUPITER IN RECORDS OF THE EARLY GUPTA
PROF. H. JACOBI, PH.D. :-- PERIOD ... ... ... ... ... ... 381 SUMMARY OY BEBULTS REGARDING THE EPOCH METHODS AND TABLES FOR VERIFYING HINDU
AND ORIGIN OF THE GUPTA ERA ................... 350 DATES, TITHIA, ECLIPSES, NAKSHATRA, &o. ... 145

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
E. REHATSEK :
A NOTICE OF THE ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHAYYA LAL ... ... ... 18, 54, 81, 98
CHAS. J. RODGERS, M.R.A.S.
THE RUPEES OF THE SURI DYNASTY
...
... 64
PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.:FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA :No. 25. Chandralekha and the eight robbers ...
202, 236 No. 26. The Conquest of Fate ... .... ... 259 No. 27. The Reign of Lakshmi ...
... ... 346 SOME SPECIMENS OF SOUTH INDIAN POPULAR
EROTIC POETRY .. .
PAGE Pror. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GOTTINGEN :CHAMBA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SOMA
VARMADEVA AND ASATADEVA ... ... ... 7 A BUDDHIST STONE INSCRIPTION FROM SRA
VASTI, OP [VIKRAXA)-SAXVAT 1276 ... ... 61 RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGAPALA OP
THE KULACHURI YEAR 896 ... ... ... 135 Two INSCRIPTIONS FROM TÊRAHI, (VIERAXA) SAIVAT V60
.. ... .. ... .. 201 FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION :
Copper-plate Grant of the Maharanaka Kirti
varman. The (Chedi] year 926 ... ... 224 Copper-plate Grant of the Maharanaka Lala
khapavarmadeva. The (Vikrama) year 1253 227 Copper-plate Grant of the Mahar paka Kuma.
rapaladeva. The (Vikrama) year 1297 ... 230 Copper-plate Grant of the Maharanaka Hari
råjadêve. The (Vikrama) year 1298 ... 234 A BUDDHIST STONE INSCRIPTION FROM GHOBRAWA 307 TAE EPOCH OF THE KALACHURI OR CHEDI
ERA .. . ... ... ... ... ... 315 TAE EPOCH OF THE NEWAR ERA... ... ... 246 Vikrams dates in a Manuscript of the
Mahabhishya... .... .. . COL. W. KINCAID, B.S.C. -
Rambles among Ruins in Central India... MAJOR J. S. KING, BO.N.C. - SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE :
No. 3. Colloquial Sentences THE STORY OF THE MURDER OF 'ALI 'ADIL
SHAR, YITH KING or BIJAPUR, AB TOLD BY
CONTEMPORARY HISTORLANS .. ... 221 An origin for the word Gipsy ... ... Whale and Al-Uwil ... ...
... 267 Arabio origin of bosh... ... ... ... W. E. MAXWELL, SINGAPORE :
Superstition as to circumcision amongst the Malays ... ...
... ... .. 330 Note on the Derivation of Gatta Peroha . 869 W. R. MORFILL, OXFORD :
Progress of European Scholarship No. 11. Transactions of the Eastern Section of
the Russian Archeological Society. Vol. II. Parts 1 and 2 ... ... ... ... ... ... 852
E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT:THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADAGI :
Chapter II. The Columnar Edicta ... ... 303 GENL. A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER, TEHRAN :
Pamer Bolor-Oxue ... ... ... ...
The Acacia of Persia and Arabia ... ... ... 145 DR. H. W. SMYTH, BALTIMORE :SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINA, TRANSLATED
FROM THE GERMAN OP Pror. WWBER ... 279, 339 DR. AUREL STEIN, PH.D., M.R.A.S. :ZOROASTRIAN DEITIES ON INDO-SCYTHIAN
COINS ... . . .. ... .. ... 89 CAPTAIN R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.,
F.R.G.S., etc. - Note on the origin of bosh ... ... ... ...
... 999
PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :
No. 11. The two brothers ... ... ... ... 75 No. 13. The Artist's Stratagem, or the
Princess who was resolved never to marry ... 128
PROF. E. WEBER, BERLIN :
THE SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS ... 279, 389
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. Calonlations of Hindu Dates Nos. 7 to 20, by J. F. 1 A list of Works printed in Persia in the Armenian
Fleet ... ... ... 28, 141, 210, 239, 264, 297 language, by S. J. A. Churchill........................ 116 Progress of European Scholarship, by G. A. The Acacia of Persia and Arabia, by A. Houtam
Grierson, Nos. 9 and 10 ... ... ...24, 821 Schindler ... ... ... ... ... ... ... The Probable Age of some Pallava Remains, by A notice of the Chehar Maqaleh, by 8. J. A.
Dr. E. Hultzsch ... ... ... ... ... ... 30 Churchill ... ... ... ... ... ... ... The Yavanas of Orissa, by H. H. Howorth ... ... 60
The Book of the Falcon, by S. J. A. Churchill ... Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson. 60,88 A note on the Epoch and Reckoning of the Baka Era, Pamer-Bolor-Oxus, by A. Houtum-Schindler . 114 by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ....... A note on Judeo-Persian Literature, by S. J. A.
A note on Lókaklla Reckoning, by J. F. Fleet Churchill ... ... .. .. ... .. ... 115 An origin for the word Gipsy, by J. S. King... Persian Literature under the QAjars, by S. J. A. Hakim Quant, by S. J. A. Churchill .. ...
Churchill .. ... . .. .. .. .. 115 Catalogue of the Coins of Southern India ...

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CONTENTS.
PAGE Whale and al. Uwal, by J. S. King ... ..
...267 Tabaeret-ul-Avâm, by S. J. A. Churchill ...
... 267 A Table for the Abdapa, Tithi-Buddhi and Tithi.
Kendra, by SH. B. Dikshit ... ... ... ... 268 Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, by G. Bühler ... ... 292 Arabio origin of bosh, by J. S. King, with note by
R. O. Templo ... ... ... ... ... ... 301 Vikrams Dates in a Manuscript of the Mahabh lahy,
by F. Kielhorn .. .. .. .. ... .. 828 An origin for the Biblical name Rhages ... ... 329
PAGE The origin of the name Calcutta, by Nilcawal Basak ... ... ..
...
... ... 329 Makhzan-ul-Adviyeh, by S. J. A. Churchill... ... 329 Superstition as to Circumcision amongst the
Malays, by W. E. Maxwell ... ... ... .. Kambles among Ruins in Central India, by W.
Kincaid ... ... ... ... ... Progress of European Scholarship, by W. K.
Morfill, No. 11 ... Note on the derivation of Gutta-Percha, by W. E. Maxwell ... . .
... .
BOOK NOTICES. Inaoriptions Sanskrites du Cambodges, par M.A. Über der Paraprakla den Krishnadles, von A.
Barth ... ... .. .. ... ... . 81 Weber. By G. A. Grierson ... ... ... ... 273 Contes Tjames, par A. Landes ... ... ...
Ahalya, Axudeus, und Verwandten, von A. Weber. Contes et Legendes Annamites, par A. Landes
By G. A. Grierson ... ... ... ... ... 302
General Index to the Reports of the Archaeological Asistio Researches, Caloutta Reprint ... ... 144
Survey of India, by V. A. Smith ... ... ... 330 First Anniversary Report of the Madras Girls' A Rural and Agricultural Glossary for the North
Music Schools, 1887 ... ... ... ... ... 242' West Provinces and Oudh, by William Crooke ... 369
ILLUSTRATIONS. The BakshAt MS.
... 46, 276, 277 Réwah Plate of the Maharanaka SalakhaṇavarmaRupees of the Sart Dynasty ... ... ... 66, 67 dôva ; the year 1253 ... ... ... ... .. 228 Coins of the Turushka Kings ...
... ... 90
Ghôarkwa Buddhist Inscription... Kalas-Budrakh Platos of Bhillama III. Saka-Sam
... .. .. 310 vat 948... ... ...
...
Portrait of Confucius ... 190, 121 ...
.
of Confucius ...
... ..
... ..
... 818
.. Bagumra Plates of Dadda II. ; Baka-Samvat 415 ... 200
Scenes in the life of Confucius ... ... .. . 320 Rewah Plate of the Maharanaka Kirttivarman ; the The bed of the Ancient Lake of King Bhoja, near year 926 ... ...
". .
... 226 Bhopal... ... ... ... ... ... ... 348

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XVII.-1888.
THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER. BY SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT; BOMBAY EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT. M HE names of the saihvatsaras, or years, of to understand, not the daily rising of Jupiter,
1 the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, are but his heliacal rising. Jupiter becomes indetermined in accordance with the following visible for some days before and after his conrole in the Brihat-Sarihitá of Varahamihira, | junction with the sun. The sun's daily motion adhyâya viii. verse 1;
is faster than that of Jupiter. So, when the Nakshatrêņa sah=8dayam
sun in his course comes near Jupiter, the latter apagachchhati yêna dévapati-mantri' becomes invisible, on the west side of the tat-samjñam vaktavya
horizon; and he is then said to set. He varsham mása-kramèņwaiva 11
remains from twenty-five to thirty-one days "With whatever nakshatra (Jupiter) the in this state of invisibility. And, when he is counsellor of (Indra) the lord of the gods left behind by the sun, he again becomes attains (his) rising, the year is to be spoken visible, in the east; and then he is said to rise. of (as) having the appellation of that (naksha. Generally, in India, when the interval between tra), in accordance with the order of the the daily settings or risings of the sun and months."
Jupiter amounts to forty-four minutes (of Here, by the word udaya, 'rising,' we have time), then the so-called setting or rising of
ho ronding But the connakshatr with
whattains
1 The reading that I give is from an old manuscript in my possession. But the commentator, Utpala, explains the verse with the reading nakshatrina sah-odavam astam va yêna yati Bura-mantri," with whatever nakshatra (Jupiter) the counsellor of the gods attains Chia) rising or Betting. It is curious that the text. in my manuscript copy, stands as given above. The oopyists, however far they might go wrong in ordinary transoribing, could not, unless intentionally, turn the letters H a a r, if they were original at all, into ya Tegra 1991. And Utpala himself gives the note-Riahiputr.ddibhiḥudaya-nakshatra-mdaa. sarjña-kramina varshan jñataryam ity-uktam," it is said by Rishiputra and others, that the year is to be known according to the order of the name of the month of the nakshatra of the rising (of Jupiter).". Also, of the other authorities to be mentioned and treated fully in a continuation of this article, amounting to not less than ten, which I find giving the rule of naming the years of the cycle according to the risings of Jupiter. all, except the serya-Siddhanta, make each year take ita name from only the rising of the planet; not from
its setting. In the Surya-Siddhanta, riv. 17, the text in -Kárttik-adini varshini Guror ast-6dayat tath—"80 the years Karttika and the others (that follow), (are to be named) from the setting or rising of Jupiter." But there also, the commentator, Ranganatha, remarksidinim udaya-varsha-vyavahari gana kair ganyaté, -"at the present time, the practice of (naming) the year by the rising, is taken into account by astronomers." - The reading in the text above, is the one adopted by Kern, in bis edition of the Brihat-Samhita, p. 47. His translation (Jour. R. 48. Soc. N. 8. Vol. V. p. 45) is "each year (during which Jupiter completes & twelfth part of his revolution) has to bear the name of the lunar mansion in which he rimos: the years follow each other in the game order ak the lunar months. Both in his " Various Readings," p. 6, and in the note to his translation, he notioes the reading sah=0dayam astash va yena ati sura-mantri. But he points out that "the comparison of the MSS. leaves little doubt that this reading is a correction, suggested by the remark of Utpala, that, in ose the planet should set in one and rise in another nakshatra, only that name must be taken which agrees with the order of the month.-J. F. F.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
Jupiter, i.e. his heliacal setting or rising, takes about twelve years; and, in twelve years, there place.
are twelve revolutions of the sun (that is of To such a system, as is taught in this verse the earth). So that, in this period of about of Varahamihara, and by several other twelve years, there are only eleven conjuncauthorities, of determining the commencement tions of the sun and Jupiter. Therefore, in of a sarivatsara of the Twelve-year cycle and twelve years there are only eleven heliacal of naming it, from Jupiter's heliacal rising, risings of Jupiter. The interval between two I would give the name of the heliacal risings is generally 399 days. And thus, as rising-system, in order to distinguish it from the sarhvatsaras of the Twelve-Year Cycle begin the other system in which the duration and with the heliacal risings of Jupiter, there name of a sashvatsara of the twelve year cycle are only eleven samvatsaras in twelve are determined from the particular sign of the years; the duration of each being about zodiac in which Jupiter stands with reference 400 days, and one sarvatsara being altogether to his mean longitude, and which latter system, omitted, to be treated more fully in a continuation The names of the lunar months are used of this article, I would name the mean-sign- as the names of the sasivatsaras of the Twelvesystem.'
Year Cycle of Jupiter. And the names of these Now, the years of the Sixty-Year Cycle months are given to the sasivatsaras, in accordof Jupiter, and of the Twelve-Year Cycle ance with the particular nakshatra in which according to the mean-sign system are Jupiter's heliacal rising takes place. Of the determined by his mean longitude, which twenty-seven nakshatras, two are assigned to sometimes differs from his apparent longitade each of nine of the twelve months; and three by as much as fifteen degrees. But, as the to each of the remaining three months. The disappearance or reappearance of Jupiter is rule for this is given in the Brihat-Sarhitá, no imaginary thing, it is evident that it can viii. 2:be calenlated, and is to be calculated, only | VarshApi Karttik-Adinyaccording to Jupiter's actual place, that is his ågnêyad bha-dvay-Annyogini apparent longitude (or right ascension), and kramasas tri-bhar ta pañchamam not from his mean longitude. And, conse- upantyam antyam cha yad varsham II quently, the beginning of each sauvatsara of “The years Kárttika, and others (that follow), the Twelve-Year Cycle depends on Jupiter's combine two nakshatras, from the nakshatra) apparent longitude at the time of his heliacal belonging to Agni (as the starting-point),* in rising.
regular succession ; but that year which is the Three systems of determining the nakshatra
fifth, (or) the last but one, or the last, has with which the heliacal rising of Jupiter takes three nakshatras." And, from this and similar place, will be explained below. And, in authorities, we obtain the results exhibited in connection with all three systems, an im- Table I., on the upper part of page 3 below, portant point may be noticed here. One revo- for the naming of the sasivatsaras from the lution of Jupiter, in the zodiac, is completed in nakshatras.
"I shall discuss it in full on another occasion. It does not apply to the Gupta inscriptions, with special reference to which this paper has been written. The anh vatsarae in those inscriptions are proved only by the beliacal-rising system now given by mo; and there is not the least doubt of its being in use, and of its having been applied in those reoorde.
The mean longitude of heavenly body is the longitude of an imaginary body, of the same name, conceived to move uniformly with the mean motion of the real body.
• i.e. from Krittika. Agni is the regent of the nakshatra Krittik &, which w , at one time, the first in order of the lunar mansions.
. (Kern's toxt is the samo. His translation is-"the years Korttiks and following comprehend two lunar mansions beginning with Krittika, and so on, in regular succession, oxcept the fifth, eleventh, and twelfth years,
to each of which appertain three asterisms."-J. F.F.l
I should state, however, that there is a little difference of opinion on this point. Utpala, the com. mentator on the Brihat-Sanhhita, has discussed it at length; and arrived at the conclusion which is exhibited in Table I. In the ancient and modern works that I have referred to. I find ten authorities, and such ancient names as those of Vriddha-Garga and Kasyapa among them, giving the rule regulating the names of the sarhvat saras of the Twelve-Year Cycle by the nakshatrat, Out of these ten, Garga (not Vriddha-Garga), and Parfsara, as quoted by Utpala, but these two only, hold that the tenth and eleventh months, Sravana and Bhadrapada, have three nakshatras each ; vix. Sravana, Dhanishtha and Satatdraka, are assigned to Srivapa; and Phrva-Bhadrapada, Uttarl-Bhadrapada, and Revati, to Bhadrapada; and, consequently, Åsvins has only Ašvini and Bharani.

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JANUARY, 1888.]
THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
TABLE I. Regulation of the Names of the Samvatsaras from the Nakshatras.
Names and Grouping of the Nakshatras.
Names of the Months to be allotted to the
Samvatsaras.
Krittik; Rshiņi ... ... ... ... ... ... *** ****** Mpiga; Ardra ... ... ... ... ... ... ** ". Punarvasu; Pushya ...... Asleshå; Maghê ... ... ... ... Parva-Phalgunf ; Uttard-Phalgunt; Hasta ... Chitra; Svati... ........ .. .. .. .. Visakha; Anuradha ... ... ... ... ... ... Jyêghth; Mala ... ... ... ... ... ... Parvá-Ash&dhe; Uttart-AshadhA; (Abhijit) (Abhijit); Sravana ; Dhanishth ... ... Satatárakd; Parva-Bhådrapada; Uttara-Bhadrapada...... Rêvatt; Asvini; Bharani ............. ..... ...
Karttika. Margaśirsha. Pausha. Mågha. PhAlguna. Chaitra. Vaisakha. Jyosh tha. Åsh&dha. Grävana. Bhadrapada. Åsvina.
TABLE II. Longitudes of the Ending-points of the Nakshatras.
Order of the Nakshatras.
System of Equal
Spaces.
Deg. Min. Sec.
...
26 400 40 00
Systems of Unequal Spacos. Garga System.
Brahma-Siddhanta
System, Deg. Min. Sec. Deg. Min. Sec. 13° 20' 0" 13° 10350 2000 19 45 52
56 274 53
32 66 40 0 65 73 20 0
12) 93
92
33
32
***. 66
42
108
40
0
113
105 111
126
140
32) 74 0
17
35
Asvint ... .. ... Bharan ...... Krittik& ... Röhiņt ... Mriga ... Ardr ... Punarvasu Pushya - Aglêsbl ... .* Maghê ... ... Parve-Phalgant Uttard-Phalgani Hasta ... ... Chitra ... .. Svati ... ... ... Vibákh& ... ... Anuradha...... Jyêahth& ... ... Mala... ... ... Parve-Ash&dhA Uttara-Ash&dhA (Abhijit) ...... Sravana ... ... ... Dbanishtha ... .. Satatárak ... ... Pârva-BhAdrapada... Uttard-Bhadrapada Rêvatt ........
120 133 146 160 173 186 200 213 226 240
28
10
3
277 20
160 173 186 193 213 226 233 246 260 280
49 59
125 138 158 171 183 191 210 223 230 243 256 276 280 29+ 307 313
55
20
35 45
253
124 471 225 15
(Balanco)
30
293
20
20
0
333 846
327
306 313 326 346 40 0 36000
40
346 3600
...
0

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
Now the 27th part of the ecliptic circle is Uttara-Phalguni, Uttara-Ashâdha, and Uttaricalled a nakshatra. And 360 degrees, divided Bhadrapada), and Aditya (Panarvasu), Visakha, by 27, gives 13 degrees, 20 minutes (of arc). and also Rohin;' these six (are) of one-andTherefore, there is this much distance from the a-half times (the average) longitude. (The beginning of one nakshatra to the beginning of nakshatras) of which the names are Paushņa the next following. And, when the longitude (Rêvati), sva (Asvini), Kittika, Soma (Mriga), of a heavenly-body exceeds nil, but does not Tishya (Pushya), Pitrya (Magha), and Bhaga exceed 13 degrees 20 minutes, it is said to be (Purva-Phalguni), (and also) Såvitra (Hasta), in Asvini;' and so on. The longitudes of the Chitra, Anûrådha, Mola, Toya (Purvå-Ashaending points of all the nakshatras, on this dha), and Vaishṇava (Sravaņa), (and) Dhasystem of equal spaces, are given in the last nighthâ, and also Ajaikapâd (Porv&-Bhadracolumn but two in Table II., on the lower part pada) ; (this class of nakeshatras) is called the of page 3 above. And generally, whenever we equal class ;' these fifteen (are) of equal(average) meet with a nakshatra with reference to the longitude. (The nakshatras) which have place of a heavenly body, that nakshatra is to the appellations of Yamya (Bharani), Aindra be taken in the above sense.
(Jyêshtha), Raudra (Ardra), Vâyavya (Svâti), There is, however, a second method of nam- Sarpa (Aslėghá), and Varuna (Satataraka);' ing the nakshatras with reference to the places these six (are) of half (the average) longitude." of heavenly bodies. And, though it has now In this system, which I would name the gone almost out of use, yet it was undoubtedly Garga system of unequal spaces, the numprevalent to a great extent in early times, and ber of the nakshatras is twenty-seven, as usual. was much made use of, on important religious The average space of a nakshatra, therefore, is occasions at least. The chief feature of it is, 13 degrees, 20 minutes; a one-and-a half space that the space on the ecliptic allotted to each is 20 degrees; and a half space is 6 degrees, 40 nakshatra is not equal. Fifteen nakshatras are minutes. The longitudes of the ending points held to be of an equal average space; but six, of of all the nalshatras, according to this system, one and a half times the average ; and six are given in the last column but one in Table II., others, of only half the average.
on the lower part of page 3 above; and the entries A system of unequal spaces, according to of and 14 in the sub-column, mark the spaces this method, is referred to in some of the verses which differ from the average space. N Arada from the Garga-Sanhita, which are quoted and Vasishtha give this system in the same way by Utpala in his commentary on the Brihat- as Garga. It seems to have originated in the Sanhita. The commentary, with the passages fact that the distances between the chief stars, quoted in it, runs
called yoga-tárá, of the different nakshatras, are Tatha cha Gargah
not equal. The distance is naturally expected Uttaras cha tath-Adityam Visakhân chraiva to be 13 degrees, 20 minutes. But, in some Rôhiņi
cases it is less than 7 degrees; while in others êtâni shad adhyardha-bhôgani |
it is more than 20 degrees. However, be the Paushn-Âśvi-Krittika - Sôma - Tishya - Pitrya- reason of the system what it may, there is no Bhag-ahvayah
doubt that it was extensively in use in ancient Såvitra-Chitr-Ankradha Malam Tôgam cha times. And, that either it, or the very similar Vaishnavam
system of the Brahma-Siddhanta, explained Dhanishth=Ajaikapach-ch-aiva sama-vargah below, was still in use, at least on important prakîrtitah
occasions, up to A.D. 862, is proved by the étâni pañchadasa sama-bhôgâni 11
Déôgadh inscription of Bhöjadeva of Kanauj; Yâmy-Aindra-Raudra-Váyavya-Sarpa- Våruna- the results for which, calculated by me, have samjitah
been exhibited by Mr. Fleet at page 23 below. êtâni shad ardha-bhôgêni 11
Another system of unequal spaces is given "And so Garga says), the Uttarâs i.e. in the Brahma-Siddhanta, chapter xiv. verses
"KrittikA, which is now the birth, was, in the sixth century A.D., the third in the order of the nakshatras if reckoned from the vernal equinos.
By this name, is to be understood, throughout this paper, the Siddhanta by Brahmagupta.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1888.]
THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
45 to 53. In its leading feature, it is the same with their ghasis and palas) which has been with Garga's system; but it differs a little made (in the preceding verses), (is) clumsy, from Garga's, in introducing Abhijit, in addi- (and is only) for the practical purposes of tion to the twenty-seven nakshatras. The astrologers. Now I will explain the accurate moon's daily mean motion, -13 degrees, 10 (method) taught by (Paliśa, Vasishtha, Garga, minutes, 35 seconds,-is taken as the average and other) sager, for the purpose of securing space of a nakshatra. And, as the total of the (good) results in the case of a marriage, A spaces thus allotted to the usual twenty-seven journey, &c. On this point, those who are nakshatras, on a similar arrangement of un- versed in that (branch of the science) say, that equal spaces, amounts to only 335 degrees, 45 six (nakshatras) have (each) a space which is minutes, 45 seconds, the remainder, -4 degrees, one-and-a-half times of the average space); 14 minutes, 15 seconds,-is allotted to Abhijit, (viz.) Visakha, Aditibha (Punarvası), and the as an addititional nakshatra, placed between dhruvas (Rohiņi, Uttara-Phalgani, UttardUttara-Ashadhi and Sravana. This system, Ashâdha, and Uttara-BhadrapadA). And six which I would name the Brahma-Siddhanta have a half space (each); (viz.) those the system of unequal spaces, is best explained lords of which are Bhôgin, Radra, Vata, by Bhaskaracharya," in his Siddhanta-Siromani, Antaka, and Indra, and Varuwa [Asleshii Part iii. chapter 2 (Grahagaạitaspashtadhikâra), Ardrâ, Svati, Bharaņi, Jyêshthâ, and Satabhishaj verses 71 to 74. His text, and his own com- (Satatáraka)]. The remaining fifteen (rakshamentary on it, are as followe:
tras) have one space (each). The average) Sthulam kritam bh-anayanam yad etaj
space of a nakshatra is declared to be the (daily) jyotirvidam samvyavabára-hôtô111 71 mean motion of the moon [790 35"(=13° 10' Sakshmam pravakshyê=tha muni-pranita 35")]. [A one-and-a-half space (in) 1185' 521 vivaha-yâtr-adi-phala-prasiddhyai
(=19° 45' 521) A half space (ix) 395/ 17" adhyardha-bhôgåni shad atra taj-jñaḥ
(=6° 35' 17")]. The space of the nakshatra prôchur Visakh-Aditibha-dhruvâņi | 72 Abhijit (which comes) next after Vaisva Shad 'ardha-bhôgâni cha Bhôgi-Rudra
(Uttara-Ashadha) is (the remainder, 254' 15" Vât-Antak-Endr-adhipa-Vâruņini
(=4° 14' 15"), of] the minutes of the whole śêshậny=ataḥ pañchadas=aika-bhogany
circle, diminished by the spaces of all the uktô bha-bhôgah sasi-madhya-bhaktiḥ 11 73 (other) nakshatras." Sarv-arksha-bhôg-ônita-chakra-liptâ
The longitudes of the ending points of all the Vaisv-âgratah syâd Abhijid-bha-bhôgah | 74 nakshatras according to this system, are given Commentary. - Iha yan nakshatr-Anayanan in the last column of Table II. on the lower part kritam tat sthậlam loka-vyavahâr-artha-ma- of page 3 above. And, as before, the entries tram kțitam | Atha Palića-Vasishtha-Garg- of and is in the previous sub-column, mark adibhir yad vivAha-yatr-adau samyak-phala- the spaces which differ from the average space. siddhy-artham kathitam tat sukshmam idanim Now, the additional nakshatra Abhijit, pravakshyê H Tatra shad adhyard ha-bhôgâni introduced in this system, is not taken into Visakha Punarvasu Rohiny-Uttara-trayam account among the nakshatras from which the atha shad ardha-bhôgáni | Aslesh-Ardrá Svati names of the months are derived. The quesBharaņi Jyêshtha Satabhishak 1 ébhyah tion, therefore, arises, -what name is to be śêshåņi pañchadas-aika-bhôgâni || Bhôga- given to the samvatsara, when Jupiter rises in pramiņam ta sasi-madhya-bhuktil 790 35 A bhijit ? It can be solved thus. Abhijit is adhyardha-bhôgah 1185 52 I ardha-bhôgah considered to be composed of the last quarter of 395 1711 Sarv-arksha-bhôgair ûnitânam Uttari-Ashadhi, and the first fifteenth part of chakra-kalận yach chênhan sô=Bhijid- Sravaņa. This is stated in the following verse khôgah 254 15 1.
of Vasishtha, as quoted in the commentary, Translation.-" This bringing out of nak- called Piyushadhárd, on the Muhúrta-Chintashatras (i.e. the method of finding nakshatras, mani;--Abhijid-bha-bhôgam atad Visvedev.
The system explained by BhAskarAcharya, now given, is just the same as that in the Brahma-Siddhanta. It 1 seems unnecessary, therefore, to give the verses from the
Brahma-Siddhanta itself.
0 Soe the verso varshani Kárttik-edini, &c., at page 2 above.

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
Antya-pâdam akhilar tat adya-chatasrð nádyclusive; with Jupiter's apparent longitudes at Haribhasya,"this is the longitude of Abhi- the time, and his nakshatras determined from jit; the whole last quarter of Visvedeva those longitudes. The dates of the risings of (Uttara-AshAdha), (and) the first four gharis Jupiter are taken from ordinary Panchange (i.e. the fifteenth part) of Haribha (Sravaņa)." in my possession, printed in different Presses And other later authorities give the same role. at various places. The lanar months in which A quarter of a nakshatra is 3 degrees, 20 the risings took place, are all given by the minutes; and a fifteenth part is 53 minutes, Amanta southern reckoning. The longitude 20 seconds; and the sum of the two amounts of Jupiter at each rising, is calculated from his to 4 degrees, 13 minutes, 20 seconds. In other longitude, given in the Panchångs, at some words, Abhijit consists of nineteen parts; of stated interval; for instance, of seven or fifteen which the first fifteen come from, and properly days. In naming the nakshatras, the Brahmabelong to, Uttara-AshAdhâ; and the last four Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, in the come from, and properly belong to, Sravana. last column of Table II. on the lower part And the name of the sasivatsara is to be deter- of page 3 above, is the one that has been mined as AshAdha or Sråvaņa, according to the resorted to. In the last column, the months, particular part of Abhijit in which Jupiter rises. that is the names of the earAvatsaras which
As a practical illustration of the working then began, are given. It will be seen, that of the rules, I give, in Table III., immediately MArgasirsba is omitted in each of these two below, & list, in which the dates of the cycles. Other samvatsaras also may be omitted, heliacal risings of Jupiter are shewn for twenty in the same way, according to the circumfour years, from Saka-Samvat 1780 to 1803 instances of the particular cycle.
TABLE III. Details of two Twelve-year Cyoles of Jupiter.
..
Saka-Samvat, expired.
English Date.
Longi. tude of Japiter.
Nakshatra
Month and Name of the Samvatsars
Deg. Min. 1780 Adhika-Jyoshtha sukla 10...7th June, 1858 ... 41° 47' Rähini ..., 1781 Ashadha sukla 14...... 13th July, 1859 ... 77 2 Panarvasu ... ... Pausha. 1782 Sravaņa krishna 13 ... ... 15th August, 1860 ... 110 20 Ablêsha ...... ... MAgha. 1783 Bhadrapada sukla 13 ... ... 16th September, 1861/141 38 Uttari-Phalguni ... PhAlguna. 1784 Åsvina krishna 9 ... ... ... 17th October, 1862... 171 55 Chitra
Chaitra. 1785 Karttika bukla 6 ... ... 16th November, 1868201 32 Visakh ... ... ... Vaisakha. 1786 Märgabfrsha krishna 3 ... 16th December, 1864 232 3 Mala ... ... ... ... Jyêshtha. 1787 Magha sukla 2 ... .. ...
18th January, 1866... 263 48 Uttarl-AshAdhi ... Åshedha. 1788 Mágha krishna 4 ... ... ... 22nd February, 1867 298 o Dhanishthi ... ... Sravana 1790 Chaitra sukla 5 ... ... 29th March, 1868 ... 334 3 Uttara-Bhadrapada.. Bhadrapada. 1791 Adhika-Vaisakha krishna 106th May, 1869-..... 10 27 Agvini .. .
Åsvina. 1792 Jyôshtha sukla 14......
12th June, 1870 ... 46 39 Bohiņł ... .... Karttika. 1793 Sravana sukla 1 ...... 18th July, 1871 ... 81 47 Punarvasu ... ... Pausha. 1794 Śrávana krishna 1 ...... 19th August, 1872 ... 11445 Magha ......... 1793 Bhadrapada krishna 14 20th September, 1873 145 53 Uttard-Phalguni PhAlguna. 1798 Asvina sukla 11 ... ... 21st October, 1874 ... 175 Chitra ...... Chaitra. 1797 Kärttika krishna 8 ... 20th November, 1875205 36 Visakha ... .. ... Vaisakha. 1798 Pausha sukla 1 ...... 16th December, 1876 285 21 Mala ... ... ... ... Jyêshtha. 1799 Pausha sukla 15 ... ... 18th January, 1878... 267 22 Uttard-Ash&dha ... Åsh&dha. 1800 Phálguna sukla 6 ... 27th February, 1879.. 46 Dhanishtha ... ... Sravana 1801 Phálguna krishọa 10 ... ... 4th April, 1880... ... 0 Uttari-Bhadrapad.. Bhadrapada.
... 15 1803) Vaišākha sukla 12... ... ... 11th May, 1881
30 Bharani .........
. .. ... Åsvins.
Magha.

Page #13

JANUARY, 1888.) GRANT OF SOMAVARMADEVA AND ASATADEVA.
From this Tablo III. it will be seen that of two and a half nakshatras ench; that is, about from one rising of Jupiter to another, the 33 degrees; and will but rarely be omitted. motion of the planet amounts to from 30 to 36 And Phâlguna and Bhadrapada, containing not degrees. By the systems of unequal spaces, less than 40 degrees each, will never be omitted. some months, and the saivatsaras which so also, by the system of equal spaces, the are named from them, have the average nine months that contain two nakshatras each space of one and a half nakshatras ; that is, (excluding Abhijit), are sometimes likely to be about 20 degrees only; they are Mârgasîrsha, omitted. But the remaining three, vir. PhålMagha, Chaitra, and Jyêshtha; and these guna, Bhadrapada, and Âśvina, containing are the samvatsaras that are most apt to three nakshatras each, will never be omitted. be omitted. For example, in Saka-Samvat On the other hand, sometimes it is possible 1780 expired, when Jupiter rose, he was in that & samvatsara may be repeated. By Rôhiņt. The following rising took place in either system of unequal spaces, this may happen Punarvasu ; that is, from the first rising, he in respect of Kärttika, Pausha, Phålguna, Vaisa. passed entirely through Mriga and Ardrå, kha, Ashâdha, Bhadrapada, and Aśvina ; but, before the next rising occurred. And, there- | by the system of equal spaces, only in respect fore, Mârgasîrsha was omitted. Again, by of Phålgana, Bhadrapada, and Âbvina. And, these two systems, Sråvaņa contains the average whenever a sarivatsara is repeated, then two space of two nakshatras ; that is, about 26 sasivatsaras will be omitted in the same cycle; degrees, 40 minutes; and, therefore, it also is one, ander ordinary circumstances; and one, liable to be omitted. Karttika, Pausha, Vaisakha, on account of the repetition. Åshidha, and Abvini contain the average space
(To be continued.)
CHAMBA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SOMAVARMADEVA AND
ASATADEVA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I edit this inscription from two rubbings. The inscription consists of 32 lines. Of supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, to whom they these, lines 1-28 are full lines, covering the were made over by General Sir A. Cunning- whole breadth of the plate. Line 29 is written ham. According to the information furnished regularly below line 28, but fills only about twoto me, the original inscription was discovered thirds of the breadth of the plate, beginning in the State of Chambe, or Champa,' in the below the word likhitam of line 28. Line 30 Pañjáb, but I am unable to ascertain where it is written in continuation of line 29 up the prois at present. The two rubbings just suffice for per left margin of the plate, line 31 on the topediting, but they are, I regret to say, useless margin above line 1, and the short line 32 down for photographing.
the rather broad right margin, which also The plate is a single one, inscribed on one side contains, in somewhat large letters, the names only, measuring about 17 broad by 12' high. of the two sovereigns by whom the grants To judge from the rabbing, a small piece of the recorded in the plate were made. upper proper left corner of the plate is broken The average size of the letters is between away, causing the loss of about five aksharas at it' and '.-The characters belong to the the end of line 30, and of about three aksharas northern class of alphabets and bear (with the at the beginning of line 31 ; otherwise the plate exception perhaps of the signs for ja, bha, ra, appears to be well preserved ; and, with the va, and the initial d) in every respect a most exception of a few aksharas which are indis remarkable resemblance to the characters of th tinct in the impressions, the inscription is Så rada alphabet, as written, e.g., in the Bhûrjalegible with certainty. There is no indication pattra MS. of the Kásikd-Vritti, which was in the rubbing that the plate contains a hole brought by Dr. Bühler from Kasmir, and is now for a ring with a seal on it.
in the Deccan College." The sign for the Jihvd
See Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XIV. p. 109. • So for as I can judge, it would be impossible to
determine the age of the inscription, even' approxi. mately, from the characters in which it is written.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
maliya, which occurs in devah kusali, line 13, the illustrious A.Baţadeva; and it records that and yal ka-, line 24, and that for the Upadh- the devout worshipper of Brahman, the paramaniya, which occurs in vivah Pur drih, line mabhattáraka mahárájádhiraja paramésvara, 2, -prakritih prativasi-, line 15, and dharmah the illustrious Somavarmadova (evidently the palanát, line 25, show exactly the same forms immediate predecessor of Åsatadôva), from his as in the Śårada alphabet. The numerals residence at the glorious Chanpaka, made 1, 2, and 5 are denoted by the ordinary numeri- grants of land, etc., to certain temples of the cal figures resembling closely the figures used gods Vishņu and Siva, as will be shown below. in Särada MS$. ; but the numeral for 4 is The dúta or messenger for these grants was throughout, both when used by itself and as the mahdkshapatalika or 'great keeper of rethe latter portion of 14, denoted by a symbol cords,' the illustrious Kahuka (line 28); and resembling the symbol for 4 employed in Jaina this portion of the inscription as well as the palm-leaf MSS.-The language is Sanskrit, concluding one was written by the karanaand, excepting two verses in honour of the káyusthas or writers of legal documents' Siva gods Brahman, Vishna, Siva, his consort Bha- and Pamanna (lines 28 and 52). vânt, and Ganesa, at the beginning, one verse | In lines 3-13, Sómavarmadeva, the grantor, giving the names of the deities to whom the is described as meditating on the feet of the pagreater part of the grant was made, in lines 23 ramabhattaraka mahdrájádhiraja paraméivara, and 24, and four of the customary benedictive the illustrious Salavahanadáva, and as the son and imprecatory verses, in lines 24-27, the in- of the paramabhattariká, the maharajñi, the scription is in prose. From a grammatical illustrious Rardhadovi; and it is recorded point of view I may draw attention to the em- of him that he was born in the spotless family ployment of the Instrumental case Sukra. of the illustrious Sahilladeva, the great jewel váre na, in line 27, instead of the Locative to.adorn the Paushaņa vanéa or solar race, Sukraváre, and to the position of the numeral who had acqnired for himself such names as in Bhúmashaka-chaturnám, line 29, and in deva. SAhasanka, Nissankamalla, and Matamatadvayoh, line 30, which is not uncommon in simgha; "who was a new cloud to extinguish in Sanskrit inscriptions of the middle-ages. The a moment the mighty blazing fire of the Kira Sanskrit of the genealogical part of the inscrip- forces, fanned, as by the wind, by the Durgara tion, up to line 13, is unobjectionable.-In res. lord assisted by the Saumatika ... ; whose pect of orthography I would notice the occa- alliance was humbly sought by the ruler of sional employment of the Jihvám úliya and Trigarta, subdued by force; who was asked Upadhmániya in the passages mentioned above; the favour of bestowing royalty, in return for the use of the dental for the palatal sibilant in services rendered or to be rendered, by his Kuláté svara and sákhinah, line 5, Sivi, line 8, kinsman the lord of Kulata, anxious to render asésha-sástrartha, line 11, paramésvara, line 12, him homage; who by the weight of battle had and dandapásika, line 15; the employment of broken, like a wide-spreading tree, the large the guttural nasal instead of the anusvára in force of the Turushkas, on whom wounds had vanie, line 24; and the fact that ba is every been inflicted;" and who, by destroying in where denoted by the sign for va.
Kurukshetra the array of the elephants of The inscription may be divided into two his enemies, had acquired for himself the name parts, the first of which extends from line 1 of Karivarsha. . up to the words iti śubham in lino 28, while I may state here at once that the mention of the second comprises the short remaining por- Salavahana, the predecessor of Somavarmation up to the end.
dêva, and of Asatadêva, his successor, enables The first portion is dated, in line 27, on us to fix with certainty the approximate date Sukravara or Friday, the second lunar day of of the grant. According to the Rájatarangini, the light half of Vaisakha, in the first year in vii. 218, the Kaśmiri king Ananta uprooted the angmenting auspicious reign of victory of the king sala of Champ; and according to
• Compare e. g. hala-dasa, dróna-edrdhreapta, and satnika in the plate of Madanavarmadeva of VikramalSamvat 1190, ante, page 207. Similarly, in the Basahi
plate of Govindachandra of [Vikrama)-Samvat 1161, ante, Vol. XIV. page 103, line 8, we must clearly alter sahasaikd to sahasraiki.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1888.)
GRANT OF SOMAVARMADEVA AND ASATADEVA.
vii. 589 of the same work, Åsata, the Chàm- the districts concerned. The number of offipêya, was one of a number of tributary chiefs cials mentioned is anusually large, and reminds who presented themselves at the court of the one of the lists of officials given in the Âmgichhi king Kalaba of Kasmir. As the first-men- and Bhagalpur plates." The individual tioned event is placed by Sir A. Cunningham functions of every official named are by no between A. D. 1028 and 1031, and the second means clear, and I would point out that I have in A.D. 1087, and as Sala and  sata are clearly not found the office of viray dtriks, line 14, the two princes Salaváhana and Åsata of our mentioned in any other grant which I have grant, the grant must have been made between studied. those two dates, or about the middle of the 11th The objects granted are in lines 16-21 stated century. The traditional list of the Chambåto be 15 bhúmi or bhá of land, and a yearly Rajas given in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. gift of one lhári of grain from the granary at XIV.pp. 114 and 115, identifies Sala with Sôïla Bhadravarma, the said 15 bhúmi of land being or Sahila, the Sahilladeva who in our grant is
hilladeva who in our grant is made up as follows: described rather as the founder of the family; 1. In the Panthila mandala, and it has between Sala and Asața no less than (a) 4 bhrimi belonging to Kuloți, described five princes, none of whom is called Sômavar
as being in the enjoyment of the madêva.--Some of the peoples mentioned in the
maháráni Rardhà (the mother of the grant in connection with Sâhilladeva can be
grantor); readily identified. Trigarta, according to Sir (6) in Murgala, 2 bhúmi, situated in SupaA. Cunningham, is the name of the country
kara-surambhata ; between Kangra and Jalandhar, to the south of (c) in Vata, 2 bhúmi, situated in Chhônnê. Chamba ; and Kulata, the district of Kulla,
raka-gôshthika. to the south-east of Chambh. The Kiras hate 2. In the Tavasaka mandala, by some been identified with the Kasmiris, (a) in Bhadravarma, 1 bha, situated in but in the Brihatsarhitá, xiv. 29 they are
bhadrâvakasiya-Vijjaala; separately enumerated, as a people inhabiting (6) in Sarahula, 1 bhumi, situated in the north-east, together with the Kaśmiras.
Bhattavasanta ; About the Durgara lord and the Saumatika, (c) in Dhalyaka, 2 bhumi in Lartaka, bewith whom the Kiras would appear to have
longing to Dennasuta; and 2 bhú been allied, I have not been able to collect
in Jaudhaka, belonging to Råmajjeany information, but it does not seem impos
yasuta; sible that Durgara may be identical with Dogra, 3. In the Parakamata mandala, which by Sir A. Cunningham is given as a in Mangala, in Dhaulleka, 2 bhúmashaka name of the country including "Jammu and
belonging to Lutthukasuta, and 2 the other petty States between the Jehlam and
bhúmashaka belonging to Hurtakathe Ravi." The allusion to Sâhilladôva's vic
suta, these 4 bhúmáshaka being equal tory over the Turushkas or Muhammadang,
to 1 bhi. probably has reference to the repulse of one of Or, in figures, 4 bhú in Kuloti, 2 bhi in Mun. Sultan Mahmud's invasions at the beginning of gala, 2 bhi in Vata, 1 bhú in Bhadravarma, the 11th century.10
1 bhú in Sarahula, 4 bhu in Dhalyaka, and Bomavarmadeva, being about to make a | 1 bhú in Mangala ;-total 15 bhu. grant, in lines 13-15 of the inscription addresses There are several things in the passage of himself in the usual manner to the various offi- which the above is an abstract, which I am cials of his dominions and to the inhabitants of unable to explain satisfactorily; others, about
• Ancient Geogriphy of India, Vol. I. page 141. The doubts expressed by Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. page 1051, regarding the existence of a king named Sala, are by our grant shown to be groundless.
. Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XIV. p. 106. • Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. page 136. + ib. page 142.
• See Hall, in Journal Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. page 128.
Ancient Géography of India, Vol. I. page 130. 10 In the genealogical part of the grant I am unable fully to explain the epithet applied to Såhilladeva in line 9, According to which he had his extraordinary expanded sparkling might proclaimed by the venerable holy god Sadrakaevamin.' I suspect that Sodrakasvamin is a local name of the god Vishnu, in honour of whom S&hilladeva may have founded a temple.
11 ante, Vol. XIV. page 167, and Vol. XV. Page 806.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1888.
which I am doubtful. The term bhúmi or bhú varman to be another name of Salavahana, I take to be a measure of superficial area, and the husband of Rardhâ and father of Somafrom line 19 it is clear that the bhumi or bhú varmadêva. The temple to which this chief was sub-divided into four máshaka. Bat I do part of the grant was made, I would suggest not see the exact force of the term sit prefixed to be the temple of Lakshmi Narayana, to Vhumi and bhi in lines 16, 17, and 18; and, "referred to the time of Raja Sala Varmma," similarly, I cannot explain the term ashtapra. which is mentioned in Archæol. Survey of harika which occurs twice in line 18, and again India, Vol. XIV., pages 113 and 114, and below in line 31 ; nor the phrase sakhilari which, to judge from the legend mentioned pakhilam in line 20.--As regards the territorial by Sir A. Canningham, appears to have namos, it appears that the realm of Sômavar- been devoted to the worship of Vishnu and maddva was divided into mandalas, and that Siva. the names Kuloți, Mangala, Vata, Bhadra. The second portion of the inscription, from varma, Sarihala, Dhalyaka, and Maigala, denote Atra punar api likhyatê in line 28 up to the certain sub-divisions of the three mandalas end, is dated ten years later than the preceding Panthila, Tâvasaka, and Parakamata mention portion, i.e. in the 11th year of the reign of ed. The remaining terms Supakira-suram. Asatadáva, on the 12th of the light half (?) bhata, Chhônnðraka-goshthika, etc., I would of Bhadrapada, and it records various minor rogard, judging merely from the wording alterations of the previously recorded grant, of the text, as names of villages. But the main import of which appears to be that, on the very imperfect maps at my disposal I instead of the four bhimashaka in Mangala, have not been able to identify any of the in the Parakamata mandala mentioned before, places or districts enumerated, with the excep- four other bhumashaka were given to the temtion of Bhadravarma, which would seem to be ple of the two gods Vishnu and Sive, and that the Bhadrwar of the mape, to the north-west one bhi of land in Ghalahana, in the Panthila of Chambi.-Finally, as regards this portion mandala, was given to the before-mentioned of the inscription, I would draw attention to the fact that the owners of the land concerned, | The whole grant bears the subscription : where they are mentioned at all, are not called "the own hand of the illustrious somavarby their own proper names, but described as madeve; the own hand of the illustrious the sons of their respective fathers-Denna-sata, Åsatadáva."
the son of Dånna,' Ramajjèya-sata 'the son of I may add here that, together with the Ramajjèya,' etc. The same practice is observed above inscription, Mr. Fleet has sent to me two in the concluding portion of the inscription, impressions of another Chamba copper-plate lines 29 and 31.
inscription, also received from Sir A. CunningOf the 15 bhími of land described, two ham, which will be referred to in notes 31 Thamashaka or half a bhumi, according to lines and 32 below. This inscription also is on a 21-24, were granted by the king, as an agrahara, single plate, measuring 10" by 74". It consists to a temple of Vishnu erected in honour of (?) of 16 full lines and one short line, engraved on the maharajaputra, the illustrious Asata (P); the proper right margin, and containing the and the remaining land, as well as the subscription of the grantor. Its characters yearly contribution of grain, was given, as an are virtually the same as those of the grant agrahára, jointly to the gods Vishņu and Siva, here edited. It is throughout in prose, and it who must have been worshipped in one temple, records, in Sanskpit which is not always corthe former in honour of the illustrious Lak- rect, that the devont worshipper of Brabman, shmanavarman, and the latter, an image of the mahdrája, the illustrious Bhotavarmadeva, whom had been set up by the queen Rardha, who meditated on the feet of the parama. in honour of the illustrious Salakaravarman. bhattaraka, the maharajddhiraja, the illustrious The first line of the verse (line 23) in Manikyavarman, and who was the son of the which the two gods are mentioned, is not paramabhatárika, the maharajri, the illustriquite clear to me; as regards the remain ous Ju[raP]radevi, from his residence at ing portion of the verse, I take Salkkara- Chanpaka, granted certain lands belonging to

Page #17

WADEYA. JANUARY, 1888.) GRANT OF SOMAVARMADEVA AND ASATADEVA.
11
the village Jumgurára, in Koshtagrahara, in varmadêva are evidently No. 44 and No. 45 of the Chaturaha mandala, to an individual of the genealogical list of the Chamba Rajas, the Kaśyapa gôtra. So far as I can make out, 1 placed by Sir A. Cunningham (Archæol. Survey this grant contains no date of any kind. of India, Vol. XIV. page 115) in A.D. 1400 The princes Manikyavarman and Bhôța- and 1425.
TEXT." 1 On" namas=Śivâya 1 (11) Jayati" bhuvana-karanam Svayambhurajayati Purandara
nandano Murârih [1] jayati Girisutâ-niruddha-dêhô durita-bhay-ậpaharð Hara2 s=cha devah | Jayati janam-anishtâd=addharanti Bhavani jayati nija-vibhůti
vyâpta-visvah-Purârih [*] jayati cha Gajavaktrassô=tra yasya prasadade
uparamati 3 samastê vighna-varg-pasargah Sri-Chanpakao-viisakatæparama-vra (bra)hmanyo
laláta - tata-ghaçita - vikata - bhrâkuti-prakata-kuttita-kataka-[S]aumatika-krita-sana
thya-Durgarébvara-samfra-sandhukshita-Kira-va(ba)la-va(ba)lavad-dav-asusukshani-kshana kshapana
[na]va-jaladharasya 1" dand-panata-Trigartadhip-anunaya-prarthita-sandhånasya 1
sêvê-vidhi-vyagra5 svakalya-Kulatesva(sva)ra-karma-vyatihâra-prarthyamâna-rajyâtpa(rpa)ņa-prasadasya 1
samara-bhara-bhagn-ârugpârashka-Turushka-vipula-va(ba)la-viśåla-sâ (så)khina[h] !
Kurukshetre Rah-para6 ga-samaya-samarthita-mada-gandha - luvdha(bdha)-madhukara-kul-Akula-kapola-phalaka
kari-ghața-dara-priti-prasanna-manasa-bhagavad-Bhaskar - Abhinandita-nij - anvaya -
prasūti. 7 parampara-sara-Karivarsh-Abhidhân-abhyudayasya tatkala-milita-nikhila-mahîpåla-mukha
masi-karchika-kirti-surabhita-sapta-bhuvan-Abhognsya niratisa8 ya-saury-audary -âgadhagambhîrya-maryâdâ-daya - dakshinya-vailakshanya -jarjarita- Jama
dagnya-Si(Si)vi-Karna-Yudhishthir-adi-pravarn-prasiddhoh darinna-snphalita-109 ka-lôchana-manorama-mû[rtêh]bhagavach-chhri-Sûdrakasvâmi-dêya-prakhyapsa[mâ]n
ânanyasâmânya-sphära-sphurad-uru-mahimnah samara-sahasra-samvidhana-kop-arjita10 Bahasanka-Nisankamalla-Matamatasimgh-ady-ậpara-paryayasya | Paushana-vö(var) -2:
sa-bhúshana-mahamaneh srimat-sahilladévasya | nirmalê kulê tila11 ka-bhůtalniravadya-vidya-vinoda-rasa-rasika[h] asé (58)sha-sâ (6)strartha-parimal
Adhiväsita-mânasah vivêk-aika-sarô-râjahansah agaạita-vimala-guna-gan-a[la] oiksi. 12 ta-mûrtih tribhuvana-bhavana-visch*]chharita-kirtih paramabhattaraka-maharajídbirâja
paramêsva(sva)ra-śrîmat-Salavahanadeva-på dânudhyâtaḥ paramabhattarika-maha
râjõi-sri-Rardhe. 13 dévi-kukshi-kshîranîranidhi-gudhâdidhitih paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhirfijn-parameśvara
srimat-Somavarmadevah-kušali | sarvan=êva niyogasthân raja-raji naka-raj[^*. 14 mâtya-raja(ja)putra-parikara-sanniyuktaka-viniyuktaka-dậta-gamagamika-bhitvaraminya."?
khasa-kulika-saulkika-gaulmika - khadgaraksha - " tarapati-**virayatrika-chanrô
11 From the rabbing. 12 Expressed by a symbol. 2 Metre, Pushpit&gra. 16 Metre, M&lini.
10 Chanpaka, instead of champaka, according to Professor Pischel, is the ordinary spelling of Sirada MSS. Bee Solf, Kasmir Recension der Paricha ka, page 29.
11 Here and in other places below, which it is unneces. sary to point out separately, tho sign of punctuation is superfluous.
19 At first sight this akshara looks like rti, and this was no doubt originally engraved; but a careful examination shows that rti has been altered to rtéh.
*This akshara, which originally was omitted, is written below the line.
10 The akshara té appears to have been altered already in the original, but I cannot recognizo in the rubbing what is written above re. Below, line 24. variša is writton rasist.
1 This akshare, which originally was omitted, i4 written above the line.
29 I do not venturo to nlter this or any of the other termy, which are perfectly plain in tho rubbing. The Å mgâchhi and Bhagalpur plates, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 207, line 30, and Vol. XV, p. 306, lino 35, havo gamigamika abhitvaramdna 1.
* The Amgachht plate has, line 29, angaraksha, an! the Bhagalpur plate, line 34, khanaraksha instead.'
** The two plates mentioned beforo hare tarika, linch 30 and 36.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1888.
-
15 ddharaạika-[A]adika-danda[p]åsí(si)ka-vrå(brâ)hmaņa-[kshatriya)-"vit-chhüdr-adi-[g]áshta
daśa-prakritih-prativasi-janapadâmg=cha samajĐApayaty-astu vas samviditam
yathi eva-såsyamâna-sha (chchha P)"tra16 bhôgê Panthile-mandala-prativa(ba)ddha-mahârâjni-sri-Rardha-dêvya" bhuchya(jya)mana
Kuloti-satka-bhumayas-chatasrah tatha Mungale Süpakara-surambhata-sthiti
sit bhůmi-dvayam | tatha 17 Vatayarh Chhôn nôraka-gôshtbika-sthitå sît bhůmi-dvaya tath TAVasaka-mandala
prativa(ba)ddha-Bhadravarme bhadrâvakasiya-Vijjaula-sthità sit bhûrek 1
tatha Sarahule 18 Bhattavasanta-sthitå sid-bhůmir=8kå tatha Dhalyake=shtaprahậrika-Dennaguta-satka
Lartuko bhůmi-dvayam tath=&tr=aiva dvitiy-ashtaprahîrika-Râmajjêyasuta
satka-Jan[dha]kê bhû-dvayam tathả PA[ra]" 19 kamata-mandala-prativa(ba)ddha-Mangale Dhaullēkayan Latthukasuta-satka-bhů mashaka
dvayam tathi Hurtâ]kasuta-satka-bhúmashaka-dvayam=ubhau sambuddha).*
bhûr=ék=an katah Kuloti bhứ 4 Mungalê bhu 2 Vatayam 20 bhû 2 Bhadravarme bhū 1 Sarahule bha 1 Dhályako bha 4 Mangald
bhů i évam bhû 15 évaṁ purvaprasiddha-bhukti-pramåņēna svasimi-triņa
gồyûthî-'gôchara-paryanta sakhila[m]* pakhilam sa-nirgama-pravèsar 21 sa-vanaspaty-udakam gpiha-sâ kavâţika-vrikshårâma-viárâm-ôpôtam tatha Bhadravarma
kôshthågåråt=prativarsham dhânya-khåryrek=ankataḥ dhânya-khá 1 ato
madhyât=Parakamata Mangala-mârgâl-Lutthukasu. 22 tiga-bhamishaka-dvayam=atr=aiva mahârâja-patra-[éri-Â ]*satasy=8ddećena pratishthâpita
bhagavad-Vishnavê agraharatv iti pratipaditam pånya" bhů 14 må 2 (?)
dhanya-khả 1 A-chandr-ärkamana23 chchhôdyamwaharyam=anu padravam agraharatayê tôya-chuluk-apura-purvakam | Srimal-35
Lakshmanavarn anas=subhavada-pråskhyê] vibhurayh Haris-ýri-Salakar
varmaņa cha siva-ksid=vân-architô ya. 24 =śivah (1) dêvy=ismin=parabhakti-bhavita-dhiya sri-Rardhaya sthapitas-tábhyam
dattam-idamn-maya nanu janais-sarvair=anujõảyatâm 11 Tatha cha Vyåsa
bhashitam (.1*] Asmin="vansé(mśê) su-vistirņê yal=ka25 échinenripatir-bhavêt [*] tasy-khari hasta-lagn0=smi sisanam ma vyatikramêḥ 11
Palanât-paramo dharmah-pålanåt=parama tapah [1] palanåt=param-aibvaryam
gariyasetêna pålanam || Anyáyêna 26 hrita bhůmir-anyayêna tu hâriti harantô" hârayantasmcha dahaty-A-saptaman
kulam | Tadikani[m]" sahasrêņa aśvamedha-saténa chal gavam koti-pradânêna
bhůmi-harta 27 na suddhsy*] ati | Pravardhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rajyê brimad-Åsaţadeviye samvat
saro prathamê Vaisakha-sita-[dvi]"tiyayam S ukravarêņa patakam-idasampadi
26 This word, which originally was omitted, is written below the line.
18 Inm alunost certain that the original akshara sha has been struck ont, and that chchha has been engraved below it. With chhatrabh iga the expanse of the royal umbrella,' we may compare such expressions as chhatra. bhanga, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 214, 1.7, translated by interregnum.'
#1 This should properly be-dévi-bhajyamana-. 1. Originally Part. *° Originally Hunts. 10 Originally saiddhan. * The ordinary spelling of the last portion of this
1 word is wati but this inscription and the unpublished Chamba grant of Bhitavarmadeva have distinctly thi.
31 Thi Anus Are is somewhat indistinct ; but the unpublished grant mentioned in the last note has clearly sakhilnin palhilal. I have not mot with the expression anywhere else and am unable to explain it.
33 I am very doubtfal, especially about the second aksharau in brackets. So far as I can judge from the rubbing the original reading would seem to be fripd: but the second of these two akaharus has been altered. and the i of Sri also may have been struck out. It is not impossible that the right reading may be fry-Asatasy.
5. This word is plain in the rubbing, but Ioannot explain it, of course, it is easy to say that it may be a mistake for anya oranye. The following bhd 14 md 2 I take to mean 14 bhimi and 2 mdaha ka'; but the figure 2 is indistinct in the impressions. 36 Metre, S&rdúlavikridita.
36 Metro, Sloka (Anushubh): and in the following three verses.
9 Read harató harayntai-che.
» So this word is spelt e.g. also ante, Vol. XIII. p. 78. line 24. * Tho akshara in brackets looks like tri, altered to dvi.

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JANUARY, 1888.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
13
28 tam (11) Důto-tra mahkshapatalika-sri-Kâbukaḥ || Likhitam-idam karana-kayastha
Siva-Pamannabhyâm !! Iti śubham [l*] Atra panar=api likhyatê []
Yathopari: 29 likhita-Parakamata Mangale bhůmåshaka-da(cha)turņam parivartð tatr-aiva
Savarmikasutân satka-bhůmåpra(sha)kas-chatváralı 30 a katah bhů má 4 agraharatvê vibhagê deva-dvayoh pa[ra P]-samvat 11 Bhadra
pada- [subhr P] 12 [sa P] ..... 40 31 ... 41 varê datta Panthila-mandala-prativa(ba)ddha-Ghalabane Mahêndraka
pô(pau)tra-Mantrika-suta-satka-bhúr=ék=ankatô bhd 1 ashtaprah[A]rika-sarva[-P]tr[ai P]vá [de]va-gļih pratip[A]dità I prâu(g)-le(li)khita-kram[e]ņa pâlani.
(yam ] 32 [Li*]khitar Siva-Pamannabhyâm=iva (11)
Srimat-86mavarmadeva-svahastaḥ || Srimad-Åsatadeva-svahastah (.1*]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE,
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 2.-The poor boy who went in search of him tell him it is now twice twelve years Isvara.
since I have stood here, but so far I have not There once lived an old woman with her borne a single frait." only son, whose occupation was to take out The boy promised to give the message; and other people's cattle to graze, for which he the better to remember it he tied a knot on a maceived A very meagre remuneration; and rope which he had with him, and started on this was their only source of maintenance. his errand. Poverty stared them in the face. Very He walked another whole day, and night hard indeed was their lot; hard to such an coming on he partook of his bájrí cakes and extent that they had very often to be content rested himself under & mango tree. In the with only one meal a day. Things continued morning he arose and as he was going away in this state for some time till at last it be- the tree asked him where he was going, and came unbearable, and the boy determined to on being told it exclaimed:seek out Isvara, and ask him why of all "Tell távara for me that for twice twelve mankind he alone had to endure such misery. years I have been standing here, bent down
Accordingly he one day told his mother with the burden of my fruit, but not one of his intention and asked her to make him living creature will touch, much less eat, any enongh bread to serve him for several days. of it." The old woman, as ignorant as himself, pre- | The boy said he would do it, tied another pared some bájrí cakes, and giving them to knot on the rope, and pursued his journey. him, bid him a loving adieu, wishing him He walked with rapid strides for another every success.
whole day and by dusk entered a city and Taking the cakes and an axe, the boy started there passed the night after eating some of his in search of Isvara. He walked on and on till cakes. At day-break he saw a big tank under night overtook him, and he sat under a jack construction. It was being built by the king fruit tree, and partaking of his coarse fare of that place for the benefit of his subjects, went to sleep. At dawn, when he was leav- but to his great grief it could not be completed, ing the place, the tree detained him and asked for no sooner was one side built and the other him where he was going. The boy told the commenced than the first would break down, tree the object of his journey. Whereupon and by the time it was rebuilt the other would the tree said:
give way; and so had it continued for twenty“Well, if you are in search of Isvara do me four years. The boy seeing the king very sad, a favour. If you should happen to meet with asked him the reason and the king told him,
" Hore about five aksharas are missing.
Here two or three aksharas are missing.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and in turn asked where he was going. He told him everything, whereupon the king said:"Do take my message, too, to lávara. Tell him I have been twice twelve years building a tank for the good of my subjects, but it has not been completed. Ask him the reason why, and what I should do."
The boy said he was at His Majesty's service and would do everything the king told him. And he again started; but before he left he made a third knot on the rope lest he should forget.
For a fourth day our hero walked on and on till late in the evening, by which time he had reached a certain shore. Being very weary and hungry he ate what little remained of his bajri cakes and slept soundly till break of day.
When he woke up the next day he saw at a little distance an enormously big manghalmású (fish) stretched on the dry land. On approaching him he questioned the boy as to where he was going, and he told him that he was in search of Isvara. Thereupon the
whale said:
"If you happen to meet with Îsvara, do not forget me. Tell him it is twice twelve years since I was thrown on this shore, and since then not a single tide has come within my reach to enable me to get into the sea again."
The boy made a promise to the whale to mention him to fśvara, and made a fourth knot on the rope. He then rushed into the sea, little recking the roaring of the waves, when lo! a passage opened out for him and he was enabled to proceed on his way. He walked a long while and came to a house, at the entrance of which, on the sixth step, was seated an ascetic, in whom the boy did not recognize the object of his search, for he was isvara himself, who pitied the boy and had come to aid him. Îsvara questioned the boy as to who he was and what he wanted in that place. The boy said :--
"O holy saint, tell me, if you can, where I can find Isvara."
"What do you want from Isvara? Tell me all, and I will try and help you."
Upon this the boy related his story, and how he had journeyed for several days to seek Isvara, and beg of him to better his condition!
[JANUARY, 1888.
Îsvara bade him go home and said he would now live in a better position. Hearing this the boy went down from the fifth to the fourth step, when Îévara detained him and asked him if he had anything else to say. Just then the boy remembered his promise to the whale, and told isvara how for twice twelve years he had been lying on dry land and how he was longing for a tide to come and take him back to his mother, the ocean.
On this fśvara told the boy to tell the whale that he had in his belly a box containing very precious gems, and that if he would throw up that box and give it to the first passer-by, the tide would come and carry him back into the sea.
The boy heard these words and went down to the third step when lévara again detained him and asked him if he had nothing else to say; whereupon he remembered the king who was building the tank, and said:
"There is a certain king who says he has spent twice twelve years in constructing a tank for the benefit of his subjects; but to his sorrow as soon as one side is built and the other commenced, the first side breaks down, and by the time it is rebuilt the other side gives way, and so it has continued for twice twelve years. He wants to know what he should do to complete the tank."
Upon this isvara said:"Tell the king that if he has the welfare of his subjects at heart, he he must risk half his kingdom by bestowing it on the first passer-by, and also give him his daughter in marriage, and then only will the tank be completed."
The boy then stepped on to the second step when lévara asked him for the third time whether he had to give him any other message, and this time he was put in mind of the mangotree, and said :—
"In a certain forest stands a mango-tree bent down with the load of its fruit, and it complains that it has been in that position for twice twelve years, but no living creature eats of its fruit."
The boy was ordered to tell the tree that at its foot was buried a box containing great treasure, which box the first passer-by should be allowed to dig out and take away, and then its fruit would be eaten.

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JANUARY, 1888.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
15
He came down to the first step and he was laden with costly articles. In this way he soon again stopped by iśvara and asked if he had came upon the mango-tree and delivered the no more to say, and he thought of the jack- message of Isvara to the effect that a great fruit tree. He said :
treasure was lying buried at its foot, and that "At a great distance from here grows a jack- the tree should allow the first passer-by to fruit tree which has been in existence for twice unearth it and take it away, when its fruit twelve years, but unfortunately has borne no would be eaten to the very last. fruit through all this long period."
On hearing this the tree said to the boy :Upon this Isvara said :-" In the trunk of "I have been standing here for twice twelve the tree is hidden an immense quantity of gold, years and have seen no human being besides which if the tree gives up to the first passer- yourself; therefore the treasure is yours, take by, it will produce fruit abundantly, such as it and enjoy it." its kind has never borne."
The boy got the treasure dug out, and no Hearing this the boy left. He was asked sooner had he taken possession of it, than all over and over again if anything more was to the retinue climbed up the tree, and ate each be said, but he replied in the negative, and and every mango that was on it. took leave of the supposed holy man.
They soon left the place, and after a long When he had passed the sea, which closed up time came to the jack-fruit tree, which was after him, he came on the whale to whom he waiting impatiently to hear from the boy, told what Isvara had said, upon which the whether he had met with fóvara and what whale replied:
news he had brought concerning itself. The "For twice twelve years have I been lying boy replied: here and have seen no other human being | "Isvara has ordered me to tell you that in besides yourself; and as you have been the your trunk is hidden an immense quantity instrument of my delivery I will give the box of gold which should be given to the first containing the precious gems to you, take it passer-by, and then only you will blossom and and be happy."
bear fruit." Thus saying the whale threw up a box, The jack-fruit tree, when it heard the comwhich the boy took up, thanking the whale; mand of Isvara at once burst open its trunk and behold! the waves of the sea came up from which fell out heaps upon heaps of gold, foaming furiouely, and rising higher and higher all of which was left at the disposal of the encircled the whale and drew him again into boy; and lo! the tree, the same moment, bloshis mother, the ocean.
somed and bore fruit such as its kind never Taking the box the boy came to the city the bore before, and in such quantity that it was king of which was building the tank, and nigh breaking with the weight. delivered the message of fśvara to the king. Leaving this place, the boy, with all his retinue The king, whose greatest ambition was the and the treasures he had got from the tre welfare of his subjects, willingly risked half his took the road to his native place, where his kingdom. It also happened that this boy was mother was still living in a wretched hut. He the only foreigner who had ever passed through therefore went in advance, hired a splendid the dominions of this king, and consequently abode, and prepared his mother for the recephe was selected as the fortunate recipient of tion of his royal bride. half the kingdom and the king's daughter in A little while after the retinue arrived. The marriage. The gift and the marriage were boy and his mother came out to receive them, therefore offered to the boy, who readily and and conveyed the bride to their new residence. with great pleasure gave his assent; and this Being now well settled and having large brought about the completion of the tank. resources of wealth at their disposal, the boy
In due time the wedding was celebrated with lived with his royal wife to a good old age, great pomp, and our hero, as & prince and the occasionally paying and receiving visits from son-in-law of a great Rija, proceeded on his his royal father-in-law. He also did many journey homewards, accompanied by a retinue charitable deeds and was loved and respected of many soldiers, horses, elephants and camels, by all around him.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888
EK GARIB BOKRA ZO GELA ISVARACHE SUDILA. Aurâ mânza nirap sangh Isvarâlâ. Bari
Ek hôthi dôkert áni tionå sôkrå giâchů ani bîra chauvis varsan zhailin gað mim thalam dhandå hôthÅ 10khachim dhôram châråvå neva-bindhithain the mange råithch3 kartham, chi. Thiêcham pagår hôthan murad thaaram, pûn eka thavar bandhūnsim big thavir bânâni bizá kains upal nôthâ. M8thâ dûbalchår, dhům laglúin ka paili bazů khôgalth, ani thi aurethức gud murad vakhát êkê gevnasim khusidharûs karthaṁ bigi bûza khôsalth, áni thêm hôth. Murad thep aissaṁ sallam ani sevtis thô thalam kain pära hõi nahin. Khabar kar sôkrå bêzîrld âni vichår kêlå guê zâvam fávara. Isvarâparaissan kam, ani minzan ka karavan." chế sadila Ấni vichirayam guệ girễ dâniamani Thố BỐkri kabal zhaila, thieri gầnth mari thisla éklitlå kam thêvilam garib.
dôrâlâ âni châltha zhaila. Aigså vichår karūnsim thiazûn Aislâ sangath. Chantha dhis challå ani ponchlå 8kbandhrala rðtia bhůzivå sangathi nêvala. Dôkrizun lâ. Thailm êtham râth zhaili, rôti rélthi thi bazrichià rôthia bhûjilia âni diliâ sangathi. khali ani ninzla. Sakalchâ athlá thë ek môthâ
Thiả sôkriâzan thiâ rôtiâ ani dk kuråd ge- manghalmasa nadhrin parla sûkhs zaminivar. vůnsiṁ gèla Isvarache sudila. Ohål Châl gelê Thô ga la mlr), thavam thiâ manghalmisiazan murid lâmb. Thavam råth zhaili bharim. Baislithiâpar khabar klam kain zâth hôthê thà. êkê phansi buram, thauri rôti khali Âni ninzla. Sôkriázun sångathlam gu fśvarůch3 sadila. Sakalchê ûthûnsim záum láglâ, thavam thia Thavam thô manghalmasa bôthlâ: phansazûn pêkhvilan ani khabar kelan gaê "Zhar tala távar bhàtil thar månzi nirap kailm zâtês. Sokriázán sângathlar gué týva- dh.s, guð bara ini birà chauvis vársaṁ zhailim riche sadila, thavan thô phan88 bột lá :- minam sukhd zaminivar parlaam th, pua aura
"Baram, zar tala Isvar bhetlas thar aura tipan ok thari pheas aili nahin mânûm dhariamanzi nirap dhes. Sing Islarala guê bara | mani zhávala." Ani bârå chauvis varsa zhailin mâna i pân SökrA kabal zhaila, chauthi gânth mårli måvar ek phal Azun silam nhin."
Ani dharifmani dhaan mårli. Thavam baghå SökrA kabal zhaila, sangåthi dôr hôthA kA zhailan, ek rasthÅ zhaila, Ani skrå sakhe thiAvar ek gånth marli nahin visråvå kartam, pain chålàm låghla. Murad lamb chAlliavar âni chaltâ zhaila.
ok ghar ailam, thiâ gharache save pairivar Biza ek dhis challa. Rathchi båzrichi roti baislatha Isvar, pûn thià sôkriazûn ölkhilan khali, Ani êkê âmbia khalim niozla. Sakålchå nåhin. zatham thiê Ambiazûn khabar klar thiâ 88-1 fávarázůn khabar kelam thiâpar: “Thum kriâpôr gal kailin zithês. Sokrizan sângath- kôn bais Ani kâ paige talAP" Thavan nôkriflam gné záthaim fśvarache sudila. Thavam zân zavab kela"Mim ailaan Isvarâchê sûdila. Âmbị bôlâm lậgla :
Sing mila tala khabar aišel the, Isvar kaian “Zar tala Isvar bhetlîs thar aurk manzamill thê." Isvarazûn bộthlan: “Thâlâ ka nirap dhês, gaê bira ani bârå chauvis var. paige Lávarachð mêrê máli sångh ani mim tala saṁ zhailiṁ mânam pûn aarê thêpin minge Adhir dhên," phalala koni sivlau nahin." "Baran," bôthla The Vam thia sổkrizân sầngathlam thô kôn thô BỘkr, Ani dhasri ginth mirli dorila, Âni | hôthi thể ăni kai88À Bilk love ráchỉ sadila. chilta zhaila Zitham zatham ponchli êkê Isvarázûn singathlam thi lá ghará závala ani giàyila. Thi giá chỉ rizi khenith hôthả ek / bột lá gai thì dàies in thô hoil kháân piận thalar thichê raitêchê kartar, pân thêrn hûnsar. thalam kain pûra h5th notham. Ekè thavar Aaram aikûnsim thô sôkrâ deula chauthê bin länsion biga thavár bindum laglim ka paili pairivar. fávarizun hô lhirila ini khabar baza khô:althase, ani thi bazů dhûrûs karthak 'la bizan kain sâng ivachan aisel the. dhûsri bizů khôsalthas). Aissam karthaṁ bara Thiê vakth in thilli viadh parli manghalmaini bîrii chauvis vargach bharlim. Rajala khan- siachi Ani sângathlâm tóvarila guê ek manthi dekhô nóim thi sôkriizûn thiali vicharilam ghalmáså parlai sakhê zaminivar, ani bârâ ani guè aissan kam Rajazůn sangathlam, ani bárå ohauvis varsam zhailin thiAIA pan aurê mangháim thiâzân sôkriaparkhabarklam kaiậm tå pån Ok bi phê as nåhin aili thiâlâ dhariamani zith both the Thiazûn bôthlam: "Zathaim nêvå sårki. Lávarúchu sadila." Thavan Rajûzûn bothlam :- Isvar båthla : "Sångh thi& manghalmäsiala

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JANUARY, 1888.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
17
gu thiâché pôtâ mani hai ek pêtti hiriam mo. zûn bothlatham thêm sangathlań. Thavam thianchi. Zar thi pêtti thô vôkil áni paild thô manghalmasa bộthla: "Bari Ani bârâ vậtsarialâ dhel thar ek phêrs ail ani thialachauvis varsamh zhailim mim parlaum thê pûn nail dhariamani."
tûge sivai bizam kônim êi zai nahin, thar Auran aikûnsim thô sôkrå deulâ thisrs thaos gê thi pêtti ani khüsal hê." Aissam pairivar, thavam távarázůn dhüsrûn pêkhvila bôlûnsim thi petti vôkilà âni thiâs vakthân zâr ani khabar kelam: “Bizam kain sângâvîcham aila ani thiâ manghalmisiala dharian nelam. hai ?" Thavaṁ sôkrialâ viâdh parli rajachi Ani Thi pêtti gê ûnsin; thô sôkra gelê thiâ gan. thô bôtha: “êkê giúvåmani ek růza hai, thi vâlâ zaim kâ raza thalam bandhith hôthi ani zûn êk thalam bindath ghấthlaim, pun bârâ âpi iśvarâchâ nirap sangathlá thiâ rajala. Thô raza, bârâ chauvis varsaṁ zhailin thari thêm thulam giacham dhian mian 'hôtham thiâche raithêche kain param hoi nähin. Ekê bûzû bandhûnsim barê panavar kabůl zhailâ ardham raz ani bige bízû bîndhů lághthân kê paili bazú thiấchi sókri davali ekê vậtsariala. khôsalthô Ani thi dhûrûs kartham bigi bâzâ Atham aissam zhailam gué hia sôkria sivai khôsalthế, Thiậthô thiazùm sángathlaim bizâ mânûs koni thia gânvansim passar zhaila vichárâvâ gu thiazûń kâ karávam."
nộtha, thithô rajâzân thialas thimcha ardham Isvarazûn bôthlaṁ : “Singh thiâ râjâlâ guê raz ani sôkri dhili. Thaurê dhissin varid thische manamani aišel thiíchê raithêcham zhailam. Thavam thjå thaliacha bândkan barêpan thar thiûzûn âplans ardham riz ani sampuclam. Atham thô sốkrả ek Tủịchế sôkri dhiavi pailê vậtsariâlâ, thavam them zavaim parman g'li gharî, thiach sangathi thalam param hoil."
paltani, ghôr, hathi Âni hûttam, ani murid | Thavan thô Bôkrả tharla dhùar pairiver dhan Ani mal. Zatham zitham aild this Ani Isvarazûn thisrûn khabar kilam: “Bizam îmbiach, mr, ani thiala Isvarachâ nirap dhila. kain sânghâvâcham bai?" Thavam thiâlâ Thavan thô Âmbi bô thli: “Bậra áni bara viậdh aili ambiachi ini thô bốt là:
chauvis varsam zhailiń mânam pun aurè varsin Đk ranmani hai ck âmua. Thố sángthai | tûgê khiris bizam koni avârsim êi zai nahin, guð bara ini bârâ chauvis varsam zailin thiala thar thuis kûrau ini thôm dhan n?." thailm ûpazlai the, půn aurê varsån bilkul kôni
Thiâ sökriizûm hukum keli thń dhan kur. thiacham phal khai nahin."
vûn kâriva, ani kûrvithûs sârim mânsan charliria Isvarazân Bảngathlam this Âmbiala sân- åpi phalan phal khalam. gâvâ gul thiâchý bûnd hasim hai ek pêtti Ansim g'lâ ani zátham zâthan bhetla phanmộtha dhanachi. Zar thi pêtti dhêl paile sala Ani thiâlâ sangathlam: "Isvarazûn sânvatsariala th) många thiacham phalân phal gatlaim gað tagbûndhamani hai murad dhan. khithin.
Zar th. dhan dh sil rail vậtsariale the Emaikûnsim deulâ pail) pairivar, pûn Isvara- thô var phủlam ani phalam ithin." zûn thikla hôdhârilam âni magari vichârilam Auram thin phansåzün aikûnsin thiâcham kain Banga vấcham giớel thô. Thiflá phansi- bûndh ngrilar, îni raśisim sonam parlar ani chi viadh parli ấni thô bothlâ: “Muradh thim dhilam thià sôkriali, ani thiâs vakthân lâmb ansim k phanis hai. Thỏ bôlth gu thiivar phủlam ani phalam ailim aurethûk gud thiAla bara âni bara chauvis varsam zhailim pên
thiậnch: bharrasin thô phanis môrthotha. adhiap thiâvar phal ailam na hin."
Anbim niugali Ani thiâche gharcha rastha Isvar bóthlâ : "SÂng thiâ phansali gus dhêlî. Thô gêla puram thiâchaisla khabar thiâch bhündamani hai murad dhan. Zar dh'vala. Thi adhiap r thaś eks zhompriâ mani. th'm dhan dhel paile våtsariala thar thô pha- Thô gêla ani ok môtham ghar gethlam bharialânsin bharél."
sim. Thaurê vakthasim thiáchi paltan biltan Auran aikannsim thô deulâ Ani chAltha zhaila. ponchlim. Thô sokra ani thichi ais ningalim Isvarâzûn pêkhvilam ani hedhun hêdhun bh'tava ani rajâche sûkrila nêlam thiânch) navə khabar kelar bizam kain sânghả vâcham aisel gharan. the. Thiảzun bothlam nahin áni châlthâ Atham thiâch m'ri murad dhanmål zhailam zhailâ.
ani thô sokra rola thiảch baikôšim khûsalin. Dharia russar keliavar rastha bandh zhaila, Thiazûn thari murid dharam kelâ âni sarim áni manghalmasa bhatia, aui thinlâ gêra fávara- | minsam thiâlâ baram châlin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
A NOTICE OF THE ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHAYYA LAL.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Continued from p. 312.) 26. His desire of subjugiting Kashmir bim the advice to retreat with his forces to having again become dominant, the Maharaja Labôr, which he was ultimately compelled to determined to attack Muhammad Azim, the adopt. They also suggested that in Lâbôr Afghan governor of it, and went against him preparations might be made for renewing the in St. 1871 (A.D. 1814] with numerous campaign if necessary, but that meanwhile the Rajas of the mountains, accompanied by their Mahârâjâ ought to send to the Afghán goverforces. He remained for some time at Sialkot, nor of Kashmir a conciliatory letter, mixed nottill he was joined by his allies, and then marched withstanding with threats, counselling him to into the mountains where also. Az Khân, the abandon the siege of Hirapûr, and to allow chief of Rajauri came to meet him, paid him the Sikh garrison to depart. This Ranjit homage, and tribute. Then Ranjit Singh Singh did, and was in a short time joined went on to Dêra Bahrim," where he encoun- by the garrison of Hîråpur, which had capitatered a force of the enemy but routed it, where- lated, and brought a friendly reply frota on it took refuge in the fort, which was besieged Muhammad Azim. The march back to Lâbôr and surrendered. Then he continued his pro- now began immediately, but the Diwan gress to Panchh, where he halted several Mohkam Chand, who had already, fallen sick days and sent an envoy to Muhammad 'Azim, in Kashmir, expired on arriving in the capital requiring him to submit, and the latter replied of the Pañjab. His loss was much deplored that he was not subject to the Maharaja, by Ranjit Singh, who appointed his two sons but to the Shah of Kábul, who had entrusted Ramdial and Motiram to succeed him as him with the government of Kashmir, which DiwÅng, and put them in charge of various he was prepared to defend, Ranjit Singh military expeditions. Disturbances were now now determined immediately to attack him, raised by the Khatak tribe of AfghÂns and by and crossing the Pir Panjal Range marched other malcontents in the districts round to Hirapur, where he found numerous Makhadoo and they besieged the small Sikh Afghan and Kashmiri forces collected, and garrison left in the fort of that name. This gave them battle. During the fight, so violent information having reached Atak, troops a fall of rain took place that it caused an marched forthwith from that place to relieve inundation, and, the cold being very intense, the garrison, but were totally defeated by the disheartened the Panjabis so much, that they Afgháns, whereon Ranjit Singh came in person were defeated; three of their high officers with his forces, dispersed the rebellious zaminbeing killed, namely, Gurú Singh, Mahesh dárs to the four winds, relieved the distressed Singh, and Dasd Singh. Whilst the battle garrison of Makhad, and conquered the district was yet raging, the treacherous 'Az Khan, again. A portion of the vanquished rebels havwho had joined the forces of Ranjit Singh ing been slain and the remnant made prisoners, only on compulsion, informed him that most the troops departed. of the troops left by him at Hirapûr had been 27. Having for a long time entertained the slain or captured. This news was false, but design of subjugating the Nawab of Multan, was believed by the Sikhs to be true, and and becoming master of the whole Paõjab, Ranjit forth with retreated in great haste to Ranjit Singh despatched an army under the Bhimbar on the frontier of Kashmir, but on command of Diwan Bhawanidas to Multán, ascertaining that 'Az Khân had made a men- who, on his arrival, pitched his camp near the dacious statement, he desired immediately city, but found the gates of it locked. The to return and subdue Muhammad Azim. The Nawab, by name Muzaffar Khan, had paid his xarılars of his Court, however, made strong tribute and nazarána regularly during several representations to the contrary, boldly giving years, but had at last fallen into poverty, and 1.6. Bahramgald, near the Pir Panjal Pass.
0 Makhad is a fort 50 miles S. of Peshawar on the left bank of the Indus.

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ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH.
19
now possessed only an exhausted treasury; 80 position, and firing continued till breaches he determined to resist further demands with could be opened, and then scaling ladders were an armed force, which he had collected from applied in various places, and the first man the surrounding Muslim population, calling to climb over the rampart was Sadha Singh, upon it to fight for its religion. After waiting who was followed by thousands of others. for some time, the Diwan at last opened fire on When the Nawab beheld the Sikhs thus the fort, which was however most energetically rushing into the fort, he resolved to die sword returned from the ramparts, and a desultory in hand; and courting martyrdom in green warfare ensued, in consequence of which the habiliments, sallied forth with his Muslims, who Diwan Bhawânicband asked for reinforce- were slain in the contest as well as three of ments, which were granted, and consisted of an his sons, and when the fourth was captured, army of ten thousand men. When these troops, the Nawab became more furious than ever who had made forced marches, arrived, and fought till he was cut down. When all siege batteries were immediately erected, and resistance had ceased, the Sikhs plundered a breach in the fort-wall was made, giving every street, búzár and house, getting so excited admittance to a storming party; whereon the and indulging so long in this occupation, that Nawab, who now perceived the great danger of the Diwan, whose orders to cease plundering his position, promised to give to Bhawanids were disobeyed, succeeded only after many all the money at his disposal, or in more plain efforts in quelling the tumult. He collected language, offered him a very large bribe, which on behalf of his government all the wealth of the Diwan accepted. He immediately ceased the Nawab and despatched it to Lahôr, where his hostilities and indited a mendacions letter to the Maharaja ordered the whole population to Ranjit Singh, informing him that the Nawab make preparations for rejoicing, as soon as a was too powerful to be subdued at present and courier with the news of the victory arrived. that, such being the case, the Sikh forces were When the booty, which consisted of gold, only being wasted, but that in a future cam- silver, precious stones, shawls, silk cloth, paign with fresh troops they would certainly be and every kind of valuable article arrived, successful. After despatching this letter, Bha- Ranjit Singh was engaged in banqueting, and wânidas returned to LÅhôr. The Maharaja, on meeting the Diwan, bestowed on him n disgusted with the results of this campaign, re- rich dress of honour, not forgetting however proached Bhawânidås with being a traitor, his own son Kbarak Singh, whose position ho bribed by the enemy after, he had almost likewise exalted. He even tried to console obtained possession of the fort ; accordingly Sarfaraz Khan, the captured son of the late he put him in chains and, casting him into Nawab, by presenting him with the qasla of prison, confiscated all his property, but never- Sharaqpůr as a jágir, and when the unfortunato theless again liberated him after the lapse youth recounted to the Maharaja the fearful of a few months.
atrocities committed by the Sikhs whilst plunThe desire of conquering Multan having dering the town, the Diwan excused himself by again become uppermost in his mind, Ranjit stating that he had, on the said occasion, lost all Singh made great preparations for a new com- control over the troops, who refused to obey paign and appointed his own son, Prince Kharak him. Bat Ranjit Singh ordered, on pain Singh to command it, with instructions to de- of his sore displeasure, every soldier to disgorge prive the Nawab of the district and all the the booty he had brought from Multân, which wealth he possessed. The Mahârâjâ also having been done, he removed the bulk of it to ordered the Diwan Devichand to collect a his own treasury, and distributed the rest number of siege guns and to second all the among the poor. efforts of the prince to the best of his 28. Information having arrived from Kabul ability. The gates of the fort having been that Fath Khan, the wazir of Mahmud found closed when the army arrived, the siege Shah, had fallen into disgrace and been debegan as soon as the guns could be put in prived of sight by the Shahzada Kamran,
- Called Bhawanidás a few lines previously.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Governor of Hirât," and that a civil war was raging in Afghanístân, the Mahârâjâ considered this a good opportunity for conquering both Peshawar and Kashmir, the more so as the latter province was now governed by Jabbar Khan, whom Muhammad Azim had left as his náib, or lieutenant, when he retreated to Afghanistan. Ranjit Singh accordingly marched in the direction of Pêshawar, and in a short time crossed the Râvî, the Chinâb, and the Jhêlam, but when he reached the banks of the Indus, he found no boats, and crossing it without any, in an almost miraculous manner, on horseback, with his army, safely reached the opposite bank, conquered the fort of Khairabad and then the fort of Jahangir, whereon Firaz Khan, the chief of the Khatak tribe of Afghans humbly came to pay him homage. When Yar Muḥammad, the governor of Peshawar heard of the approach of Ranjit Singh, he forthwith retired to the Yûsufzai mountains, and the Mahârâja took possession of the fort, appointed Jahandar Khan commandant of it, and departed again after a sojourn of only three days. Whilst encamped near Atak, Ranjit Singh received the offer of a nazarána of a lákh of rupees from Yâr Muhammad, who also promised annually to pay a similar sum on condition of being reinstalled governor of Peshawar, and the Maharajâ consented. Meanwhile news arrived that Yar Muḥammad had by the aid of Dost Muḥammad nevertheless attacked Jahåndâr Khân, and expelled him from Pêshawar, of which they took possession. The Mahârâjâ at once despatched his son, Kharak Singh, with ten thousand men to reduce the two invaders, but the blow aimed at them was avoided by the arrival of the promised and long delayed nazarana, and a profession of allegiance on the part of Yar Muḥammad. Having terminated this affair to his satisfaction, the Maharaja returned with the money he had obtained to Lâhôr, but as his heart was bent on the conquest of Kashmir he could not rest long.
The army having been got ready in St. 1876 [A D. 1819] it happened at the same time that
[JANUARY, 1888.
Jabbar Khan, who was at that time Governor of Kashmir, had not only dismissed but also disgraced and reduced to penury his Diwân, Pandit Birbar by name, on which the latter hastened to Lâhôr, breathing vengeance, and urged Ranjit Singh to subjugate Kashmir. The Mahârâjà consented to the proposal but apprehended that he would be disappointed in the enterprise, as on a former occasion, unless he could obtain the certainty of being supported by all the chiefs of the country. Accordingly the said Diwan sent letters to the Rajâs, inviting them to make professions of loyalty to Ranjit Singh, and in a short time received satisfactory replies from many; and even 'Az Khan of Bhimbar, who had been an adversary, now promised to support Ranjit Singh, as well as the chief of Rajauri and the commandant of Punchh:-wherefore the army at once began its march. Dêvichand received orders to hasten to the town of Rajauri and there to await the arrival of the Maharaja; and Prince Kharak Singh was instructed to march with his portion of the army to Jammun, and to await the arrival of the Mahârâjâ at the foot of the Himalayas, but meanwhile to carry on intercourse with the mountain chiefs, and to make sure of their allegiance. Ranjit Singh went from Lâhôr first to Amritsar, where he performed his devotions in the temple of Râmdâs, distributed abundant alms among the holy men of that locality, and then quickly marched to Kashmir, where he met with a friendly reception, because he was accompanied by the fugitive Dîwân. He nevertheless thought it convenient not to advance further after reaching Bhimbar. Having for some time remained in that pleasant town and concentrated his forces, he ordered Prince Kharak Singh, with Devichand for his lieutenant, to advance, and they marched with friendly chieftains till they reached the Pir Panjal Range of the Himalayas, where they encountered the enemy, and an action of several days' duration ensued in which the Sikhs were victorious. Having thus defeated the united Afghan and Kashmir forces they continued their journey with the
13 According to the Torikh Sulfont p. r. the Shihzida Kamran told his father Mahmûd Shah, who was at that time sovereign of Afghanistan, whilst encamped near Hirit, that whilst their watir remained in power, they could be rulers of the country in name only; and when the next day the wazir Fath Khan paid them a
visit, he pretended that the latter had taken the Shahzada Malik Qasim, son of Hiji Firâzu'ddin, and had entered their harem. So the king put out the wastr's eyes as a punishment. In the Zafarnama the name of the sovereign of Afghanistan is erroneously lithographed Muhammad instead of Mahmad.

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JANUARY, 1888.]
ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH.
21
intention of conquering Srinagar likewise. battle to the army, and being routed, abanBamad Khan and Mihardil Khan, the two doned to it all his wealth. Then Ranjit Singh principal Afghan officers of Jabbar Khân, the again marched back to Mankêrå, but the Governor of Kashmir, anxious to impede the Nawab bolted its gates, and the Maharaja was further progress of the Sikhs, attacked them, under the necessity of laying siege to it for but were again routed, and Mihardil was some time, although it surrendered at last. slain. Jabbar Khân now took refuge in the fort The Maharajâ received kindly the repentant of Shòrgadh, whereon Ranjit Singh, meeting Nawab in audience, and bestowed upon him with no further opposition, at once entered the town of Dêra Isma'il Khan with the the city of Srinagar, accompanied by all the district for a jáger. Hari Singh then entered the chiefs of the surrounding localities, who paid fort and laid all the wealth of it at the feet him homage. After having regulated the of Ranjit Singh, whereon he was rewarded administration the Mahârâjâ intended to attack with a gift of landed estates, and other Jabbir Khân, who had shut himself up in the officers received money. The Maharaja then fort of Shërgadh, and fonnd that he had uva- crossed the Biyâs, marched to Amritsar where cuated it, but left all his wealth behind, which he held a darbár, and distributed largesse. He pleased Ranjit Singh greatly. Having thus next again went to Multan, on approaching conquered Kashinir, the Maharaja appointed which, his boats were met at a distance the Diwan Davichand to be Governor of it, of a couple of miles by a deputation of spent a couple of weeks at Rajauri, then took welcome on the part of the city, which he the fort of Azimgadh with its Kashmiri forth with entered, and received numerous garrison by a single assault and marched back chiefs, who desired to pay him homage. The to Amritsar, where he made large presents to Holi festival having just begun, he celebrated the temple of Ramdas, and distributed alms. it with much pomp, gave a royal banquet, Lastly the Mahârâjâ returned to Lâhôr, where and liberally distributed gifts. After the he bestowed robes of honour and other termination of the festivities the Sardars rewards upon his officers and troops, ordered Haridas and Buddha Singh were despatched general rejoicings to celebrate the victory, and in the company of the prince Kharak Singh, dispensed hospitalities in royal fashion.
with sufficient forces to Bahawalpar to compel 29. After the termination of the festivities the Nawab to pay tribute, which he had the Mahârâjâ sent orders to Davichand to failed to send for several years. First the Sikhs march with all his forces to Mankera" to conquered the fort of Kot Shujậta, expelling its realise by force the tribute which the Nawab garrison, and then plundered the district in of that district had failed to pay. The orders every direction, although the Maharaja had were however countermanded by Ranjit Singh not given them permission, and in doing so on being informed that the Nawab had made they allowed themselves such terrible license very extensive preparations for resistance, and that the Nawab immediately sent all the money he marched in person to see what could be done. demanded to Ranjit Singh, who thereon praised He crossed the Råvi, and on arriving in the him, sent out a robe of honour, and at once digtrict of the Nawab the army plundered it recalled his troops. right and left, -the Sardar Hari Singh dis- Information having arrived that throughout tinguishing himself especially in his raids the whole Hazira country in the neighbourapon Mathâ and Tiwan. Then Ranjit Singh hood of Mount Darband and Tarbila, the went to Bhakar" but found that the garrison Muslim population had rebelled against the of the fort had evacuated it. He then sent Dal Sikh government, and that the inhabitants Singh to reduce the Derajat and successfully were ready to sacrifice their lives for their captured several chiefs, båt one Nanak by name, religion, Ranjit Singh ordered Fath Singh who governed Dera Isma'll Khan on behalf the chief of Kapurthala with his troops, and of the Nawab, closed the gates of the fort, gave Ilahi Bakhsh, the commandant of artillery
The town of Mankera is situated about midway between the Indus and the confluence of the Chinab with the Jhêlam.
3Bhakar is on maps spelt Bakkar, and situated seven miles from the Indus, or about 30 miles N. W. from Månkera.

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with his guns, in the company of the prince Mahârâjâ he was much vexed, but his relaSher Singh, to march to the rebellions district, tions with the lady being of so delicate a nature, whilst the Dewan Ramdial was to proceed in he said nothing of any intention to punish her. the same direction with the forces of the govern- Meanwhile several months elapsed. The Rani ment. When the Sikhs arrived in the Hazara Sada Kanwar threw to the winds her loyalty country they met with great opposition, but and assumed a hostile attitude, besides placing as soon as their artillery begun to play upon herself under the protection of the English by the enemy they gave way and disappeared, surrendering to them her ansestral qasba whereon the Sikhs unmercifolly plundered the Badhani, where she herself intended to take up district. As soon as the high officials had begun her residence after crossing the Satluj. At this to regulate the administration, Sada Kanwar, news the Maharaja immediately summoned the mother of Sher Singh, also arrived with the lady to his presence, and reproached her her forces, and, being a lady of great re- for being in her old age yet attached to the sources and much tact (for she was respected world, and for having injured the interests of as if she had been a man), proposed that her son, who was also his own, by offering her posthe people of Rahtia, a tribe on Mount sessions to the English, and threatened to abase Darband, shonld be attacked, and hostilities her to the dust if she refused to give a share renewed for the purpose of subduing them, of everything she possessed to Sher Singh. because in her opinion they would otherwise At these words Sadâ Kanwar heaved a dee sigh, again canse disturbances. Accordingly the shed a flood of tears, and said never & word, Prince Shør Singh marched to annihilate bat determined, in order to save her honour, them with sword and gun, but they resisted secretly to depart to the English. She executed most valiantly, and being very numerous, her design, but, being overtaken by troops sent surrounded the Sikhs, who were relieved in pursuit, she was captured, brought back, and only after the Diwan Ramdial had come to put in chains. Moreover, foroes were sent to their rescue, and after putting the rebels her district to take possession of all her movto flight pursued them to their strongholdable property, money and jewellery, to expel of Rahtia. But whilst on the march, some her officials from every locality, and to take of the brigands rushed from an ambush to forcible possession of her favourite residence, attack him, and although the Diwan fought the fort of Mukért. The forces reached the bravely, prostrating a number of his assail- said fort, but were received with a shower of ants, they slew him at last. When the Prince bullets, and, having no siege artillery at their Sher Singh was informed of what had befallen disposal, were unable to take it, whereon the the Diwan, he swore to avenge him by exter- Maharaja sent reinforcements and a sufficient minating every one of the rebels, and in number of guns in command of Davichand, doing so he burnt all their habitations likewise. whom the Maharani Sada Kanwar was comWhen this information reached the Mahârâjâ pelled to accompany, and to order to devastate he was so pleased with the exploit of his son, the country. At Vatala, the first locality that he wrote to Sadâ Kanwar to be proud of of note which this commander reached, he her boy, and to surrender to Shør Singh caused rivers of blood to flow, but afterwards all her estates, appointing him her successor. endeavoured to console the inhabitants by The lady, incensed at the proposal, sent back establisliing a regular administration. Then & message to the effect that she was amazed he made raids on all sides and devastated at Ranjit Singh's greed after wealth, as she everything till he reached the Biyâs, which he had given him everything she was possessed of : crossed, and hastened to Mukôrî, commencing that when she took LÂhôr with an army from forthwith to distress it by his artillery ; but a foe, she had surrendered it to him, protected its defenders, faithful to the last, averred him, raised him to the throne, and even made they would rather sacrifice their lives than him her husband; and that having now become surrender the fort without a written command decrepit and old, she was by no means willing to that effect from Sada Kanwar, whom alone to part with her wealth and means of subsist- they obeyed. Accordingly Devichand requested ence. When these words were repeated to the the lady to give the needful orders, but she

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replied that war was a fair game in which no Mountain, but that their commander-in-chief, necessity whatever demanded interference on Muhammad Azim, was still at Naushahra, her part, and that if Dévichand felt himself and that they would march as soon as he joined strong enough to conquer the fort he was them. The Maharaja conceived that it would welcome to do so. The Diwan, being naturally be best to surprise the enemy, and, immediately displeased with such an evasive answer, deter- crossing the Indus in boats, ordered two of mined to starve her, and, accordingly, with held his French officers, the Generals Ventura and all supplies of food and drink. Having thus Allard, to march to Naushahra and attack been reduced to the utmost misery, Sada Muhammad Azim, whilst Colonel Satgur Kanwar at last indited the letter required to Sabai, the commander of the Akalis, with the the commandant of the fort, and he thereon Sardar Mahan Singh, received orders to attack opened the gates and admitted the Sikhs, the mountain. The two last-named officers were who at once began plundering remorselessly. at once met by the Afghans, who killed the first Devichand sent & portion of the booty to of them together with 200 Sikhs, and wounded Lahôr, where the Mahârâjà forth with cele- the second, whereon the rest began to retreat, brated the victory by a royal banquet. When but after being reinforced by the Najibs and the troops returned, Ranjit Singh overwhelmed the Bharmaris" they pat the Afgháns to flight, the Diwan with favours, and invested him The Afghan troops who fought in that action with a robe of honoar, presenting to Shêr were 3,200, and the Sikhs 2,500 in number. Singh the district of Vatála. Sada Kanwar, On entering Peshawar the Mahârâjâ was humbly having been deprived of all she possessed was received by Yar Muhammad, who had again again thrown into prison, in which she expired supplanted Jahîndâr Khan as governor of a few months afterwards of a broken heart. I that locality. And Ranjit Singh
that locality, and Ranjit Singh now confirmed Information now arrived that Muhammad him in his post. On returning with the army, Asim had become wasir in Kabul, attained to the Maharaja celebrated his victory with public great authority, and intended to reconquer rejoicings and largesses to the population 48 Kashmir, which had been wrested from him well as to the temples and mosques. Then by the Sikhs. The Maharajá accordingly he went to Amritsar, where he held a darbdr, made great preparations to resist the invasion ordered the town to be illuminated, distributed by calling on all his vassals to aid him with alms, and made arrangements for building their troops, and marched in person, crossing a masonry wall round the town, which was the Råvi, the Chinab, and the Jhêlam, but totally unprotected, expressing his desire that encamping on the banks of the Indus which every one of the notables of the town should was much swollen. There being no boats at assist in this undertaking. He also rebuilt the hand, a good swimmer was sent across the river to temple of Ramdas of stone, adorning it with bring news about the enemy, and he returned gold and precious gems, enlarging and emwith the information that great numbers of bellishing, at the same time, the famous sacred Afghans had taken up a position on the Tebritank of Amritsar."
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. sion; lines 6ff., 10) runs - Samvat 919 Asvalsva)No. 7.
yuja-suklapaksha-chaturddasyên Vrihaspati. In the inscription of king Bhojadeva of Kanaus! dinôna Uttar[A]-Bhadrapad[4]-nakshattrê idam at Dodgadh, about sixty miles to the south stambham samâptam=iti ........... west of Jhansi' in Scindia's Dominions in Sakakal-Abda-sapta-batâni chatur-abity-adhikani Central India, published by Gen. Cunningham 784,"the year 919; on the fourteenth tithi in in the Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 101 and the bright fortnight of Afvayuja; on the day of Plate xxxiii. No. 2, the date (from an ink-impres. Vțihaspati; under the Uttara-Bhadrapadů nak.
15 According to # marginal note there were four from the Muslim myth of Alexander, who had gone in paltan of each. Some Hindustant Muslims among the search of that famous beverage which conferred immorNajtba. The Bharmáris had long markets.
tality upon him who could find and drink of it; but the The meaning of "water of life," attributed to the interpretation of "nectar pool" would be more correct. word Amritsar in a marginal note by the author, is taken [Amritsar is simply the " lake of amrita."-ED.)

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shatra, this pillar was finished .....
this instance. (2) its giring, as an incidental seven centuries of years, increased by eighty-four, detail, the corresponding year of the Saka era of the Saka era; (or in figures) 784."
and thus furnishing an early epigraphical in. This gives us, for calculation, Vikrama-Sarvat etance of the equation of the two eras, and of a 919 and Saka-Samvat 784, both current, accord. Saka year quoted with full details for calculation. ing to the literal meaning of the text; the The Malava or Vikrama year quoted, is, of course, month Asvayuja (September October); the day of the northern year. Apart from the locality of Vrihaspati or Jupiter, i.e. Thursday; and the the inscription, this is shewn by the Saka equivaUttara-Bhadrapada nakshatra. The date, of lent; for the month Asvayuja of the southern course, is a northern date; but, as the given Vikrama-Sauvat 919 would fall in Saka-Samvat tithi--the fourteenth, is in a bright fortnight, this 785 expired, not 784; and Thursday, the 10th point is immaterial.
September A.D. 862, if applied to the southern Taking the given Saka year 784 as an expired Vikrama year, represents Asvayuja sukla 14 of the year, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has obtained as the English preceding year. Vikrama-Sarhvat 918. And 121 equivalent, by both Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables its quoting as current, according to the literal and the Súrya-Siddhanta, Thursday, the loth translation, a Saka year which, for the actual September, A. D. 862. The tithi ended 56 ghatis computation of the details, has to be taken as an 37 palas, or 22 hours, 34 min. 36 sec., after sun- expired year. rise on that day. By the equal-space system of
J. F. FLEET. the nakshatras," the moon was in the Parva-Bhar drapada nakshatra up to 53 ghatis, 31 palas, or PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. 21 hours, 24 min., 24 sec., after sunrise on the
No. IX. Thursday; and she then entered the Uttara-Bh. Half a year of the Revue Critique d'histoire et de drapada nakshatra; i.e., assuming sunrise at
littérature. 6 a.m., only 2 hours, 35 min., 36 sec., before
(a) Nov. 22nd.-This contains & review of M, sunrise on the Friday. This, however, is a highly Sylvain Lévi's paper on the Brihatkathamani. improbable hour for the completion, as stated in jart of Kshêmêndra in the Journal Asiatique, the record, of the pillar on which the inscription which has already been noticed in these pages, is engraved. But, by the unequal-space systems of ante, Vol. XVI. p. 111. The notice from the pen of the nakshatras, the Parva-Bhidrapada nakshatra M. V. Henry is very favourable. ended at 23 ghatis, 40 palas, or 9 hours, 28 min.,
(6) Dec. 6th. There is an article by M. Sylvain after sunrise on the Thursday, and the moon then Lévi himself on Dr. W. Solf's essay on the entered the Uttard-Bhadrapada nakshatra ; Kasmir recension of the Panchasika. This i.e. roughly about half past three in the after
also has been previously referred to by me, ante, noon, leaving ample time, in ordinary working. Vol. XVI. p. 282. M. Lévi's opinion is that so hours, for the completion of the pillar before numerous are the points in dispute, that the labour sunset
of Dr. Solf has rendered a service to the cause of This inscription, therefore, is of considerable science. He directs attention to an interesting interest, as indicating very plainly that one or critical problem, and if he has not definitely solved other, if not both, of the more ancient unequal. the question, he has, at least, clearly defined the space systems of the nakshatras,one or other points in issue." of which has to be applied in determining the (c) Jan. 3rd, 1887.-The second edition of the samvatsaras of the Twelve-Year cycle of Jupiter Principien der Sprachgeschichte (Principles of mentioned in some of the Early Gupta records, the History of Speech) by Professor Hermann continued in use, in what had forined a part of the Paul of Freiburg, one of the neo-grammatical Gupta territory, down to at least - the last half of school of philologists, is dealt with by M. V. the ninth century A.D.
Henry. According to the reviewer Professor Paul Other points of interest in this inscription are has been able to form a theory, and what is (1) its giving, as the leading record of the date, better, to abstain from following it to its ultimate a year of the era which, dating from the tribal consequences with rigorous inflexibility. He has constitution of the Malavas, came afterwards to written a book which is already, and which will, be called the Vikrama era, but is not called so in let us hope, become still more not only a breviary
This result is also given by Gen. Cunningham, in Archæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. p. 103. But by his own and Mr. C. Patell's Tables and process, the tithi would fall on Saturday, the 12th September.
* See Table II. on page 3, ante.
The time, all through, is for Ujjain : as I have not the exact longitude of Déogadh. Taking it, approximately, as 78° 15' E., the time, in each case, will be a little less than ten minutes later.

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for philologists, but an indispensable auxiliary to of the National League and of boycotting has the researches of other students.
spread even to Old Irish MSS. In the present (d) Jan. toth, Professor Rockhill's Life of paper M. H. D'Arbois de Jubainville demolish Buddha forms the text of a short but favourable Dr. Zimmer's Glossarium Hibernicarum e review by M. Feer. The same number contains codicibus Wireiburgensi Carolisruhensibus aliis an article by M. F. Geo. Möhl, dealing with the editarum supplementum. Dr. Zimmer is roundly Etymologisches Wörterbuch der slavischen Spra. accused of plagiarizing from Dr. Stokes without chen, by the great Slavonic scholar, Professor
Slavonic scholar, Professor acknowledgment. Franz Miklosich, who is already well-known to 6) April 25th.-An important article by M. A. the readers of the Indian Antiquary for his Com- Barth in this number deserves a longer notice parative Grammar of the Gipsy dialects. The here than the above. It is a review of Dr. present Etymological Dictionary of the Slav Gustave Le Bon's Les Civilisations de l'Inde. Tongues is an epoch in the history of Slav Dr. Le Bon was despatched two or three years philology; for, while it is a concise résumé of the ago by the French Minister of Public Instruction progress hitherto aooomplished in this direction, on an archæological mission to India, the formal it at the same time opens out a vista of new result of which took the shape of a report in researches, showing clearly what remains to be | 5 volumes folio, with more than 400 plates and done, and marking down the points which are photographs. The present work is an abstr doubtful or obscure. As for the purely lexico. placed at the disposal of the general public, but graphical portion of the work, it is developed in an abstract free from dryasdust details, a recital the most complete and thorough manner. The animated, often brilliant, and frequently discussvocabularies of fifteen Blav Languages have ing general questions in a manner always been abstracted and arranged, and every word interesting, though sometimes with doubtful compared and analyzed in the most minute detail. justice. Derivatives and compounds are arranged under In these days profusely and handsomely illuroots, with a system and clearness which render strated books about India are by no means rare. easy the reading of the longest articles. Omis- In France alone, it is sufficient to mention the sions are rare and of small importance.
travels of MM. Grandidier and Rousselet, pub. (6) Feb. 7th. - Another member of the neo- lished by Hachette, of which the artistic portion grammatical sohool is dealt with in this number is irreproachable. But none of these books come by M. V. Henry, in a review of Professor K. near the perfection attained in Dr. Le Bon's Brugmann's Grundriss der vergleichenden Gram
volume, either in the number and systematio matik der Indogermanischen Sprachen. This choice of the plates or in their admirable execuimportant Comparative Grammar of the tion. It is to be regretted that these beautiful Indo-Germanio Languages has attracted so illustrations are not accompanied by a real text, much attention, and been so widely and favour. and it is tantalizing, as one looks through them, ably reviewed throughout the civilized world, that to catch glimpses of the work which it would a very brief notice of M. Henry's verdict will
have been so easy for the author to write, if he suffice here. He concludes his article as fol.
had chosen to narrate and desoribe more a work lows :-"It will be seen that this work, which has charming, instructive and useful to all, to the already become a classio, marks a halting place specialist and to the general reader, and readily in the Science of Language, of equal importanoe saleable withal, for every one would find therein with the Grammar of Bopp and the Compen- something interesting. But, adds M. Barth, wo dium of Schleicher. Its place is allotted in are not dealing with the book which Dr. Le Bon all philological libraries next these venerable monu. could have and ought to have written, but with mente, to which we owe every respect, but which that which he has written. It is well described no longer fulfil our requirements.”
by its title. It is an attempt to realize the dif. The same number contains a contribution to the ferent civilizations which have succeeded each dispute between Dr. Zimmer on the one side and other in India from the earliest times to the Dr.Whitley Stokes and others contra. Surely the present day. What could have induced him to irritabile genus of scholars seems to flourish more attempt so great a voyage, furnished as he was, it Atrongly amongst Celtic philologists than in any ! must be confessed, with rather scanty baggage ? other branch of linguistic study. The contagion Perhaps the lightness of the baggage is itself
* Les Civilisations de l'Inde, par le Dr. Gustave Le Bon, chargé par le Ministère de l'Instruction publique d'une mission archéologique dans l'Inde. Ilustrated with 7 chromolithographs 2 maps and 350 engravings
and heliographs after photographs, water colours, and papers of the author. Paris, Firmin Didot and Co., 1887, vii. 743 pp. 4to.

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one of the reasons. But I see two others. One, - founded the Rajpat clan with the Rajpat State, all to the honour of India and Dr. Le Bon, that two things altogether different, even in RajasIndia has evidently made a vivid and profound thân. He has besides estimated below their value impression upon the author. In the presence of the importance and number of existing inscripthis infinite diversity of men and things, of this tions, and he exaggerates the poverty of India medley of institutions and beliefs, of customs in historical books; but he has had a clear and separated amongst us by centuries, but which live salutary idea of the deceitful mirages which are there side by side, he has had, so to speak, a vision presented by the written tradition of the Hindus, of the past. The genius of history has come to and has not allowed himself to be seduced by the speak to him amongst the ruins, and he has felt history drawn from it, which is still current in himself endued with the mission of declaring a some publications. revelation. Here we touch on the second reason. Coming to the ethnographical portion of the work It is that he believes many things to be newer | M. Barth remarks that the author has deeply than they really are. Indianists, he tells us, have studied the question of races. He has devoted written a great deal about all this, but, as they a special work to it, and has also dealt with it have not seen India, they have misunderstood in his Civilisation des Arabes. According to him much' ... But it is exactly because I value races correspond to species in natural history. at least as highly as he does the merits of direct They classify themselves not by nationality, nor observation, that I regret the present work, and by religion, nor by tongue, nor even by anatomi. wish I could have found a few more personal cal characteristics. Their one criterion is an Teminiscences in the place of what he has been ensemble of attributes, intellectual and moral, able to collect hastily from books on his return. confirmed by heredity, certain mental state At the same time material errors of omission and constituting the race-genius, which is indelible. commission are comparatively rare, and one As regards India it must be observed that these admires the good fortune, or to be more just, conclusions do not tally well with the picture the tact and true historic feeling, with which he which he presents to us of the races of that counhas been able to avoid snares, and to pass along try. They form an abstract theory without the edges of quagmires without falling into them. the counterproof of reality, sort of programme, He has not succeeded in avoiding being morassed but without the piece. He enumerates many a little with regard to the Veda. He describes the races in India, but he shows us only one. When Vedic Aryans as kriowing neither family nor race. he talks of a mental state, it is only of the mental No intermediary group of tribe, class, or govern- state of Hindus in globo; and he could not ment separated them. Neither rich nor poor, all do otherwise, for these races are, before all, equal. Religion itself was only the cult of race linguistic entities. Aryans, Dravidians, Kolarians, and family. Gods were confounded with ancestors, Tibeto-Burmans, etc., differ continually both in and the sacrifices to their ancestors, the funeral their traits, and especially in their degrees of banquets, were the centre of this cult. All this civilisation, but their classification is the work picture is pure fantasy. He has also nearly gone of linguists working on grammars and voca. astray in his dealings with the epic legends. At bularies, and generally caring little for the first he has followed Wheeler in fixing the conquest race-genius. Where the criterion of language of Ceylon by Råma at fifteen hundred years before fails, there remains sometimes a tradition, rarely Christ, though he subsequently follows better true historic testimony, and where these fail there authorities. He is wrong, too, in denying the opens before us the plain of hypothesis pure and existence of the foudal system in India,' but simple. To Dr. Le Bon, the Kalis of Gujarat are his description of the clan, borrowed from the Kolarians, and the Bhils Dravidians. In reality, admirable Studies of Sir Alfred Lyall, is excellent. I nothing is known about it, because these people It would have been still better if he had not con. no longer speak their own language. As for
Non cuiris homini contingit adire Corinthum, alas, Yes! But does Dr. Le Bon not know that at least four. fifths of these Indianista have not only visited India, but have lived there, many of thom for more years than he has passed months in that country. There is, however, foundation of truth in the reproach. Sanskrit profeAROTA have now and then made for us singular history of India, and some chapters of that history have come, de ricochet en ricochet, and lodged themselves in the very volume of Dr. Le Bon. It is true, too, that many Old Indiana' have been even less discriminating than he has been.
* It developed in a different way from that in which
it did with us. The fief did not spring from the free Lold, but it exists almost to the present day, and in its Eold, but it existe most characteristic forms, e.g. in regard to immunities.
"He speaks of some inscriptions for an epoch of which the number of those that are catalogued and are of historical value, alone amounts to thousands. In connection with this, I am bound to way that Dr. Le Bon has not been fast to the efforts of the English Government and to the Archæological Survey.... That he has been able to date approximately the greater part of his monuments, is due to the researches of that Survey
L'homme et les sociétés : Leurs origines et leur histoire, 1881, 2 vols. 8vo. 1884, 1 vol. 4to.

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27
Turanians our author divides them into Turani- idols, and sometimes with the same idols as Proto-Drividians, Turani-Dravidians, Turanians those in Brahmaņic temples. The first Buddhism come by the Turanian Gate (i.e. the Asâm Valley), known in Europe was exactly that gross and and Turanians come by the Aryan Gate (i.e. the idolatrous religion which Dr. Le Bon has refound. valley of Kabul). But positive ethnography has Later on, when it was possible to study the nothing to do with all this, for, so employed, the system in its texts, and at the source, it was name is a mere word.' One point, however, very declared to be philosophically atheistic. It is clearly seen by Dr. Le Bon, and at which he possible that, owing to reaction against the ancient appears to have arrived independently, although he opinions, the latter were subsequently left a has not been the first to establish it, deserves notice little too much in the shade, and, now, subse. here. It is that the Aryans of India are only quently, by the same progress of inquiries, brothers of those of the West by language, and they are again rediscovered. It is perhaps the that they are deeply mixed with people of an fault of scholars; but a scholar's opinion is altogether different descent. Whence came these? always more or less polemic, and to value it And who were they? Drividians, Aborigines, or aright, it is necessary to know the preceding MalaysP We shall perhaps never know, but surely opinion to which it forms a sequence. But, in they were not Turanians, as Dr. Le Bon would affirming that Buddhism, considered as a philo. have us believe, and it is scarcely more probable sophico-religious sect (and for long it was that they should have come from the north-east only that, and in no way a cult) was atheistic, by the Turanian gate, for they have the skin scholars did not dream of denying that it had brown or black, the hair curly, the cheek-bones inherited the Brahmaņic pantheon, and that, slightly elevated, and the eyes well apart and not further, it had fashioned out of it a pantheon, for placed obliquely.
its own use. The texts known as the Nepalese, M. Barth is astonished that the author, who so far as they are published, belong to the class praises Hindu art so highly, should not be more of these writings most penetrated with mythology, indulgent to its literature. Each is sister of the and yet they have been unhesitatingly accepted other. They have the same qualities and the same as valuable authorities for the Buddhism of India, defects, the same minute finish in detail and work and not as peculiar to that of Nepal. Those manship, and the same weakness in the ensemble, rock-hewn temples of Ellora and Nepal, which for forming which they know hardly any method taught so much to our author, have not been other than mere piling up. To M. Barth, the only lately recognised as Buddhistic, -nay, the Ramdyana is the exact counterpart of Kailasa. very grounds of their recognition were the images India can dazzle us; it cannot, under any con- they contained, and it is not only to-day that we ditions contribute to our education. Whatever are in possession of a religious iconography of people may say, before the arrival of the Mugal. what is conveniently but not quite correctly mans, it had not the art of building. Its own called the Buddhism of the Mahayana. As architecture essentially fails in proportion, because regards the violent extermination of Buddhism, it fails in age. It has remained infantine and it has long been considered as legendary in cyclopian, although, on the surface, the stone works of authority, and there is now hardly sometimes assumes the appearance of lace.
any one except General Cunningham left to Dr. Le Bon's theories about Buddhism sharply defend it. Can we explain this gradual disdiffer from that found in many books. He shows appearance of Buddhism, or as Dr. Le Bon puts that it was not a religion without divinities, it, its absorption into Brahmanism, by supposing and that it was not violently extirpated from that the two religions approached each other India by the fanaticism of the priestly caste. He gradually till they were confounded P M. Barth appears to have landed in India believing that thinks not. The facts known to us point to Buddhism was an atheistic religion, absolutely nothing of the sort, not even in Nepal, and it distinct from other Hindu cults, and he must have is not thus that Hindu sects, provided with been astonished to find its sanctuaries filled with clergy, ordinarily are extinguished. They change
7 Turanians have been introduced into Indian ethnography under two claims, (1) as ancestors of the Dravidian nations, on account of certain alleged linguistic affinities between the Dråvidian Languages and those spoken by the nomads of Central Asia. These affinities have yet to be proved. The few, which appear to be well established, refer us to the North-West, i.e. to the Brahuis of Afghanistan. Dravidians are almost black, while the Turanians are fair, or slightly yellow. It can, in fact, only be a question of linguistic parentage. (2) As the
residue of the hordes who have dominated for several conturies in the north-west of India, hordes without doubt greatly mixed, but of which the nucleus appears to have been formed by Tatar tribes. These invaders were certainly very numerous, and probably founded settlements in the country. Resemblances of proper names have caused search to be made for their survivors among several nations of the Panjab and of Hindustan, especially amongst the Játs, but as yet we have nothing positive on the subject.

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28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
much in their essential attributes; but they die the Babu. In endeavouring to inculcate our because they no longer gain recruits, and it is ideas into brains which are not made for them, probable that such also was the end of Buddhism. she is producing mischievous beings to whom it If it has survived in Nôpal, it is, says Dr. Le Bon, will be necessary, sooner or later, to yield a porthat that country is to-day in the same phase of tion, greater or less of the power of Government. evolution as that in which India was in the 10th That will be the commencement of the ruin. century. M. Barth doubts this. Peculiar history | That the Babů is too often an impertinent and must be explained by peculiar causes. What insupportable being, and that the question of peculiar causes have been at work in Nepal he public education in India is peculiarly complidoes not know, but he suggests one cause which cated, and even full of perils, no one can doubt. may have exercised some influence, viz., that But all this passage, in which according to M. there are scarcely any true Brahmans in Nepal Barth) one seems to hear the passionate polemics and it is permissible to suppose that it has been raised in the English and Anglo-Hindu press by thus for long.
the measures of Lord Ripon, is marked with an The work concludes with considerations on the evident exaggeration. For the last 50 years, and India of to-day, and its future. Dr. Le Bon more, the question of education has been under renders homage to the greatness of the work consideration in India; it has been faced on all accomplished by England, but M. Barth considers sides, and many systems have been essayed. this homage grudgingly given. The author draws What would that of Dr. Le Bon be P Would he back with one hand, with interest, what he has have England build a wall of China round her just given with the other. In fact, he is unjust. colony P Could she do soP If she oould, should He admits the grand qualities of honesty, firm- she, that she may conform to the anthropological ness, and dignity in the bulk of British officials, laws, which are not perhaps sufficiently ascer England, better advised than other nations, tained, given us by the author P The B&bů is sending there her picked men, and yet he known in other places besides India. He can be appears to attribute their ascendanoy only to their found here, in Europe, if wanted; but every haughtiness (morgue)! He dares to say that
native who has received an English education is "till the Mutiny the Government of India was not like him. .. The law of races does not the exploitation pure and simple of 200 millions perhaps prevent our knowledge being communi. of men by a company of merchants, protected by oated to them, their being taught to apply it, and bands of mercenaries," while he plainly avers their being taught gradually the details of public that the substitution of the crown for the com- business. Already, in India, there are municipal pany was, in reality, only the official conseoration committees composed of natives, more free in of a state of things long since established in faot. their sphere than town councils in France, and it He goes further. This régime of exploitation is does not appear that they have turned out badly. still to continue'; for among the five general Let us hope then, with many well-informed rules which, according to him, direot the oolonial English, that the sons of the Babû will be worth policy of England, the 3rd is "that a colony more than their fathers, and that England will should be considered as a property which it is not have some day to defend her work against necessary to exploit entirely for the profit of another very different enemy. At present she is the mother-country." If he means by this to not seriously threatened from without : but if, as say simply that England does not deal in a consequenoe of events similar to those which sentimental politics, that she does not aot have made Austria an Eastern power, Russia hag knowingly against her own interests, it is a to resign herself to becoming an Asiatic one, truism. No nation would knowingly act so. from that day the empire of England in India If, on the contrary, he means that the conduct of will be in a critical condition. England is coldly selfish and without compassion, (g). May 2nd.-This number contains a review M. Barth says that it is false, and he regrets, written by M. R. Duval of Mr. Budge's Edition for the sake of Dr. Le Bon, that he has traversed of the Book of the Bee. This work was written India without perceiving it.
in the 13th century by Salomon, Metropolitan of As regards the future, the author poses as a Basrå, who in the preface explains that just as the pessimist. According to him England is under- bee manufactures its honey from the nectar of mining her own work by the education which she flowers, so he has extracted from the Paradise of gives to the natives. That work will perish by holy books, and of the works of the Fathers and
The Book of the Bee, Syriac text, and English translation by Ernest Wallis Budge. Anecdota Oxoniensia, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1886.

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JANUARY, 1888.)
MISCELLANEA.
29
the Doctors, the materials of his work, which commences with the creation of the world, and ends with the Apostles. The book is really a collection of legends founded on the narratives of the Old and New Testament. It is a specimen of the apocryphal literature popular amongst the Jews in the early part of the Christian era, like the Cavern of Treasures brought lately to notice by Dr. Bezold. The Book of the Bee contains nothing original, and this, in the eyes of scholars, is its chief merit. It is a compilation from early apocryphal works, notably the Cavern of Treasures just mentioned. Where it deals with the times of the Patriarchs, Jewish sources are still visible. It contains traditions which were current in the Jewish schools of Palestine and Mesopotamia, and of which the Talmuds, Targums and Midrasim have preserved only a portion. Of course Salomon did not know the Jewish originals, but the Syriac texts on which he founded his compilation, contained the traces. As a specimen of the legends which he preserves may be mentioned the Adventures of the thirty pieces of silver of Torah, the father of Abraham, which finally came into the hands of Judas Iscariot. Mr. Budge is said to have given a very correct tert with a faithful translation, illustrated with judicious notes and references. A useful glossary of words not found in Castel. Michaeli's dictionary or which are insufficiently explained therein, is also added.
(h). May 30th.-M. A. Barth contributes an important review on Prof. Peterson's edition of the Subhashitavall. The work has been already noticed in this journal, Vol. XV. p. 240 ff., and an account of the contents of the article is un necessary; but it is worth reading for the many acute and scholarly explanations of doubtful passages.
(). June 6th.-Dr. Pischel's edition of the Spin. gåratilaka of Rudrata and of Ruyyaka's Sahridayalila forms the text of a favourable review by M. Sylvain Lévi.20 The introduction of the work is chiefly devoted to a discussion as to whether Rudrata was author of the numerous erotio verses scattered through his well-known work on Rhetoric. The reviewer considers these twenty-five pages the richest chapter which has yet been written on the history of Indian rhetoric. Dr. Piachel does not content himself with col. lecting all the information available regarding Rudrata, his family, and his literary career; but, with the help of unpublished texts he fixes the most modern date to which we can assign
him, and throws unexpected light on the relative chronology of the oldest rhetoricians known; BhAmaha, Udbhata, and Vamana. Rudrata could not have lived before the middle of the 9th century; while Udbhata and Vamana belong to the 8th. These bases once fixed, Dr. Pischel essays to prove that all the illustrative verses are the work of Rudrata ; but his arguments are insufficient to carry conviction to the mind of M. Lévi.
The Sahridayalkid, published in the same volume is a simple formulary in five pages. Each of the four short chapters is only a list of words. The first, attributes and conditions of beauty; the second, adornments; the third, youth; the fourth, devices for enhancing beauty, The work is perhaps of the 10th century, and is a curious example of its class. The review speaks highly of the execution of the work, and con. siders that the publication of the text puts us in the possession of a charming poetic anthology while the preliminary essay of Dr. Pischel, whatever be the value of his conclusions, will henceforth be a document indispensable to Indian scholars.
6). 20th June.-This number contains a review by Prof. James Darmesteter of M. A. Barthélemy's edition of the Gujastak Abalish, or account of a theological conference presided over by the Khalifa Mamún (Pahlavi text published for the first time with translation, notes and glossary : Paris, Vieweg, 1887). This is the first work of the author. It is an account of a polemic controversy between Abolish, an apostate from Pärsiism, and Atar Farnbaq, son of Farrukhzât, Highpriest of the Parsis at Fårs. The text is interesting and well edited, and the translation concise and clear.
This is followed by a long review by M. Salomon Reinach on Dr. Penka's new work, Die Herkunft der Arier," the descent of the Aryans. The work is a continuation of the same author's Origines Ariace published in 1887, in which he first suggested the Scandinavian origin of the Åryan family. The favour with which it has been received obliges the reviewer to analyze it in some detail. The author's ethnological arguments are handled with some severity, and the article concludes M. Penka has been encouraged by enthusiastic criticisms which have saluted his book as "the definite solution of the Aryan Problem :" he will allow us, while rendering every homage to his talent, not to associate ourselves with his errors.'
G. A. GRIERSON.
• V. Bezola, Die Schatzhühle, Leipzic, 1888. 10 Rudrata' Sringaratilaka and Kuyyaka's Sahridaya.
with an introduction and notes, edited by Dr. R.
Pischel; Kiel, Hösler, 1886, pp. xxxi. and 103, 8vo. (Sce also ante, Vol. XV. p. 287 f.)
11 Vienna. 1880.
U

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1888.
THE PROBABLE AGE OF SOME PALLAVA his son Mahendravarman II. in Nos. I. and II. REMAINS.
This is done under the supposition that the names THE history of the Pallavas, one of the of Rajasimha's father, as given in No. III., are mightiest royal families of the South, is still only birudas, and that his real name was Mahônwrapped in obscurity, chiefly because none of dravarman I., as recorded in No. I. Thus much their inscriptions are dated in the Saka or any granted, we may try to identify Pulikêái, the other well-known era. Besides, the identification | enemy of Narasimhavarman I. in No. II., and of the names of kings which are mentioned in Ranarasika, the enemy of Mahendravarman I. various inscriptions is very difficult and unsafe, (alias Agradanda or Lökâditya) in No. III. There as the Pallavas used to bear numerous birudas, were two Chalukya kings of the name Pulikesi, or surnames, which were interchangeable with the first & son of Ranarâga, and the second a son their real names. Thus the inscriptions in the of Kirttivarman 1. As Ranaråga and Ranarasika first and second storeys of the Dharmaraja Ratha are synonyms and mean both "fond of war," we at the Seven Pagodas consist of a string of words may identify the Raņarasika of No. III. with the in the nominative case, which were hitherto Chalukya Ranaråga, and consequently the Pali. considered as names of deities, but which are in kési of No. II. with the Châlukya Pulikesi I. fact birudas of a Pallava king Narasimha ; and the The Pallava Nandivarman mentioned in No. I. inscriptions of the Kailasanatha Temple at Con. may be the same as Nandipôtavarman, the enemy jeveram (Kanchipuram) mention several hundred of the Chalukya Vikramaditya II. in No. IV.; as birudas of king Rajasirha of Kanchi. The date of No. I. gives four generations between Narasimhathe king who founded the Kailasanatha Temple can varman I. and Nandivarman, while there were perhaps be fixed by comparing the following facts. five generations between Pulikesi I. and Vikra
I. A Pallava inscription which was published måditya II. As the first Pulikesi's second son by the Rev. T. Foulkes' gives the following suc. Mangalisa reigned from A.D. 567 to 610, we may cession of princes, --Simhavishņu; Mahendravar. place the Chalukya Pulikasi I. and his Pallava man I. : Narasimhavarman I.; Mahendravarman antagonist Narasimhavarman I. or Rajasith ha, II.; Paramsvaravarman I.; Narasimhavarman who founded the Kailasanatha or RajasinII.; Paramêsvaravarman II.; Nandivarman. håóvara Temple at Conjeveram, about A.D. 550.
II. An unpublished copper-plate inscription To the same period we may assign the Pallava king mentions the three kings,--Narasimhavarman I., Atyantakama; as the alphabet of his inscriptions Mahôndravarman II., and Paramôśvaravarman at Mamallapuram is closely related to the I.; and calls Narasimhavarman I. the conqueror alphabet of Rajastha's and Mahôndravarman's of Pulikesi.
inscriptions at Conjeveram. Atyan takama was III. The inscriptions of the Kailasanatha the founder of the so-called Ganesa Temple, Temple itself mention three kings,-1, Agradaņda Dharmaraja Mandapa, and Ramanuja Mandapa or LokAditya, who destroyed the army and the at Mamallapuram; another inscription of his is town of Ranarasika; 2, his son Rajasimha, who found in the third storey of the Dharmaraja Ratha. built the principal part of the Kailasanatha Temple, The characters of Atiranachanda's inscription which he called Rajasimhêsvara ; and 3, his son on the southern wall of the Saluvankuppam Mahôndravarman, who constructed an additional Cave somewhat differ from those of Atyantabuilding.
kâma's inscriptions. As in a verse, which is IV. An inscription published by Mr. Rice common to the inscriptions of both kings, Atrecords that the Châlukya king Vikramaditya II. yantakâma's inscription contains an erroneous made an expedition into the Tandakavishaya or reading, while Atiranachanda's has the correct one, Tondaimaņdala, defeated the Pallava king Nandi. I should place Atiranachanda before Atyantapõtavarman, and entered Conjeveram, where "he kama. The inscriptions of the Dharmarija Ratha gave heaps of gold to the stone temple called at Mamallapuram, which, as stated above, Rajasinhêsvara, which had been built by Nara- belong to a Pallava king Narasimha, have been simhapötavarman, and to other temples."
assigned by Dr. Burnell to about the fifth century From a comparison of Nos. III and IV. it A.D. for palmographical reasons. Some Pallava follows that the founder of the Kailâsanátha, or coins, which the Rev. E. Loventhal, of Vellore, Rajasimh&svara Temple at Conjeveram, bore the has collected at the Seven Pagodas, bear legends two names Narasimhapôtavarman and Rajasimba in still more archaic characters; three of the This king and his son Mahôndravarman might be legends consist of birudas which are also found in further identified with Narasith havarman I. and the inscriptions of the Dharmaraja Ratha. It only From the Madras Mail, 3rd September, 1887.
? ante, Vol. VIII. p. 23ff. • ante, Vol. VIII. p. 278ff.
• South Indian Pulæography, p. 37.

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JANUARY, 1883.)
BOOK NOTICES.
31
remains for me to remark that, according to one of the three Tamil inscriptions at the so-called Shore Temple at Mamallapuram, this temple
seems to have been founded by a Pallava king Kshatriyasinha, about whose age nothing is known.
E. HULTZSCH.
BOOK NOTICES. INSCRIPTIONS SANSKRITES DU CAMBODGE; Par M. A. 1 time when manuscript history begins. How BARTH. Extrait des Notices et Extraits des Mann
happy would the Indian epigraphiste be, if they scrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, tome xxvii. lre partie. 180 pp. in 4to. Paris, Imprimerio Nation- had the same good luck with any part of their ale, 1885. Atlas, dix-sept planches in folio.
vast domain! It was decided that those valuable The first fac-similes of inscriptions from monuments should be published under the Cambodia were published in 1873, by Francis
auspices of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Garnier, the well-known traveller, in his Voyage Lettres, and thrown into scientific circulation as d'exploration en Indo-Chine (Paris, 1873). Un. soon as possible. The materials sent by Captain fortunately they escaped the notice of Indian Aymonier, were divided between the three memscholars. Other fac-similes, however, published bers of the Committee. M. Barth has been the in Paris, in 1879 and 1880, by Dr. Harmand, in first to fulfil his task; and he has done it in the the Annales de l'Extrême Orient, attracted the sound and thorough way which was to be expected attention of Dr. Kern in Leiden, who deciphered from so accomplished a scholar. them with the help of the Indian and Javanese M. Barth has presented us with the text, transalphabets, recognised that the language of several lation, and commentary of nineteen inscriptions. of the inscriptions was Sanskrit, and gave an The text is given in Roman transcription; but interpretation of them. And, just about the same the accompanying book of Plates gives magnifitime, Lieutenant (now Captain) Aymonier, cent photogravures of the squeezes, after the French Resident in Cambodia, being well acquain- procédé Dujardin; so that the student has the ted with the modern writing and language of that monument itself in his hands. These inscripcountry, was able to decipher similar inscriptions, tions belong to the oldest epigraphy of Cambodia with the help of the Khmôr alphabet, and to at present known; though further discoveries, interpret some of them, written in the vernacular which may always be looked for, as M. Aymonier dialect (Excursions et Reconnaisances, fascicule is still in the field, may bring to light materials IV. 1880). He also extracted from the inscriptions older still. in the vernacular, chronological data for the age The time has not yet come to draw any general of the bilingual ones. Captain Aymonier profited conclusions from the documents thus published. by his stay at Phnom Penh, to collect inscriptions As M. Barth Observes, -"Comme il arrive in the capital, and in Central Cambodia; and in souvent en pareille matière, la préface ne pourra 1882 he sent to the Société Asiatique de Paris venir ici qu'à la fin du livre. C'est seulement more than twenty inscriptions, making a total of lorsque la série entière des documents accessibles more than 1,500 stanzas, which were examined by aura été publiée, que l'un de nous pourra essayer & Committee, appointed by the Society, and d'en retracer l'ensemble; de résumer l'histoire, composed of MM. Barth, Bergaigne, and Senart. hier inconnue, qu'ils nous révèlent; d'en coordonThe report of the Committee was drawn up by ner les données parfois si instructives par le jour M. Bergaigne (Journal Asiatique, 1882, II. 139- qu'elles jettent sur le développement social, reli930). With the materials in his hands, M. gieux et littéraire, non-seulement de ces contrées Bergaigne was enabled to make out a list of lointaines, mais anssi de l'Inde propre : d'appréthe kings of Cambodia, from the end of the sixth cier enfin l'étendue et la force de pénétration de century to the beginning of the twelfth. The cette vieille culture hind
cette vieille culture hindoue que, naguère encore, French Institute, alive to the historical, epigra- on soupçonnait à peine, et qui, pourtant, était phical, and philological interest of those monu- ancienne déjà à l'époque de nos premières in. ments, applied to the French Government, inscriptions, puisan'on nent en enivra la te
scriptions, puisqu'on peut en suivre la trace jusque order that Captain Aymonier should be entrusted chez Ptolemée." with an official mission to search for all remains But a few special points in them may be noticed. of Cambodian epigraphy; and in 1883 Captain The Indian inscriptions in Cambodia are as full Aymonier sent to Paris 304 squeezes, of which of rhetoric, and canarallas daunia . Aiman 143 bear Sansksit inscriptions, many of them precise information, as those in India proper. containing more than one hundred stanzas. They are most of them written to commemorate Thoge documents extend over six cemturies and the erection of a temple, or of a linga or some allow us to follow the series of the Carabodian religious donation, and expatiate on the greatness kings, without any interruption, nearly to the of Siva, or on the virtues of the king or his

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1888.
ministers. They at least show us that, as earlygraphy is bilingual, like Cambodia's. And, as as the seventh century, the whole religious and the old vernacular of Cambodia is represented to philosophical system of classical India, and all this day by the modern Khmer, so the old vernaits rhetoric and literary habits were naturalised cular of Champå is represented by the so-called in Cambodia. They show also that Saivas, Cham dialect, spoken by a few thousands, the Vaishpavas, and Buddhists lived then side by last remnants of the Champå people. The vernaside, and in some sort of promiscuity; though cular epigraphy of Cambodia has not yet attracted Buddhism has now superseded its two Brahma- as many workmen as it ought; and Captain nical counterparts in Cambodia, as it has been Aymonier, whose services to science it is impossuperseded by them in India. Here and there we sible to overvalue, is left alone. However, he find some particular and precise detail, which has already been able to explain a few old throws an unexpected ray of light on literature inscriptions through the modern Khmer. He or history. Everybody, for instance, knows how has now gone back as French resident in Binh difficult it has been to find any testimony of Thuan, the very core of the old Champå king. undoubted antiquity about the Ramayana and dom; and though the political circumstances the Mahabharata. But here we have (p. 30) a of the country are not likely to leave him much fragment of an inscription of the beginning time to pursue his scientific researches, we may of the seventh century, which informs us that, be sure that the epigraphical survey of Champa, as early as that time, both epics were considered which was one of the points on his programme, sacred on the border of distant Laos; and records will be done in the same thorough way in which that king Sómasarman presented a temple with he has treated Cambodia and Laos. copies of the Rimdyana, of the Puranas, and the Bhdrata complete, and had them recited every day. Here is an authentic and well-dated counterpart CONTES TJAMES : par A. LANDES, Saigon, Collage dos to the mention, in the Kadambari, of the public Interprètes, 1886; Pp. 17, xi. 356, 67, 238 in 8 vo. recitation of the Mahabharata in temples (ed.
The Mohabharata in temple (ed. The Chams are the old inhabitants of Champa. Peterson, p. 61): "qui peut prévoir les surprises Their primitive name, as found out by M. Ber. de ce genre que nous réserve encore l'avenir, gaigne in the old Sanskrit inscriptions from quand le sol qui recouvre cette vieille culture aura Champå, was Chama, which the Hindu invaders, été mieux fouillé, non-seulement là où en fut le in their usual way, Sansksitized into Champå, a centre, mais aux extrémités, dans toutes les con- familiar name in their own geographical nomentrhan où l'est répandu l'Hindouisme. et qui en ont clature. The few existing remnants of this parfois, mieux que la mère patrie, conservé les people are chiefly to be found in the province of vestiges."
Binh Thuan. It is high time to study their Historical inscriptions, also, are not quite want- dialect, as it is rapidly dying out before the proing. A long inscription at Prea Ngouk (p. 140 ff.) gressing march of the Cambodian and the Annarecites the victories of the Sandpati Samgråma mite. M. Landes, the director of the Collège des during the Saka years 973-988, in his wars against Interprètes at Saigon, a thorough Annamite Aravindahrada, Kanvan, and Slvat,--the first of scholar and one of the best contributors to that whom appears to have been the king of Champå. valuable magazine for Indo-Chinese knowledge, The account of those wars is given in a thoroughly the Excursions et Reconnaissances, is to be deeply epic style, which makes the passage quite unique
thanked for this volume, the first Cham text in Sanskpit epigraphy.
published to this day. It is a collection of eleven The mention of that mysterious kingdom of
Cham tales in the original character, with a Champa, which was hitherto known only from transcription of the first tale in Roman characters, Chinese records and the writings of Marco Polo, and a vocabulary to the whole. M. Landes had occurs frequently in these inscriptions; and lately those tales from the lips of a few Chams, whom M. Bergaigne has found in one of them a mention Captain Aymonier had brought back with him to of the very king who reigned in the time of the Saigon from his epigraphic mission to Laos and Venetian traveller Sri-Jaya-Sirishavarma Diva ; Binh Thuan. The translation will be published in called in the Chinese Annals Che-li-T'se-ya-Sinho. the Excursions. On the grammar of the Cham pa-la-ma-hd-thi-noa ; :(Comptes rendus, 1885, page Language, the only information available, to this 357.
day, is to be found in a short sketch given by Champå, as well as Cambodia, fell into the Captain Aymonier in 1881, in the Excursions (IV. circle of Indian influence, and should also yield a 167-186); we understand that he is going to resume rich harvest of Sanskrit inscriptions. Her epi. it in an étude d'ensemble on the Cham dialecta.
* Sittings of the Académie des Inscriptions et Bellos Lettros, 1st July 1887.

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FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
33
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. THE Bakhshali manusoript was found, as usually exhibit the numbering of the leaves
I probably the readers of this Journal (ante, are broken off. It is thus impossible even to Vol. XII. p. 89 f.) will recollect, in May 1881, guess what the original number of the leaves near a village called Bakhshåli, lying in the may have been. Yusufzaf Subdivision of the Peshawar District: The leaves of the manuscript, when received at the extreme North-Western frontier of by me, were found to be in great confusion. India. It was dug out by a peasant in a Considering that of each leaf the top and ruined enclosure, where it lay between stones. bottom (nearly two-thirds of the whole leaf) After the find it was at once forwarded to the are lost, thus destroying their connection with Lieutenant-Governor of the Pajab who trans- one another, it may be imagined that it was mitted it to me for examination and eventual no easy task to read the fragments and arrange publication.
them in order. After much trouble I have read The manuscript is written in Sarada charao. and transcribed the whole, and have even ters of a rather ancient type, and on leaves of succeeded in arranging in consecutive order a birch-bark which from age have become dry not inconsiderable portion of the leaves conlike tinder and extremely fragile. Unfortu- taining eighteen sútras. The latter portion I nately, probably through the careless handling have also translated into English. of the finder, it is now in an excessively muti- The beginning and end of the manuscript lated condition, both with regard to the size being lost, both the name of the work and of and the number of the leaves. Their present its author are unknown. The subject of the size (see Plate) is about 6 by 31 inches; work, however, is arithmetic. It contains a their original size, however, must have been great variety of problems relating to daily life. about 7 by 84 inches. This might have been The following are examples :-"In a carriage, presumed from the well-known fact that the instead of 10 horses, there are yoked 5; the disold birch-bark manuscripts were always written tance traversed by the former was one hundred, on leaves of a squarish size. But I was enabled how much will the other horses be able to to determine the point by a curious fact. accomplish P" The following is more comThe mutilated leaf which contains a portion plicated :-"A certain person travels 5 vôjanas of the twenty-seventh sútra shows at top and on the first day, and 3 more on each succeeding bottom the remainders of two large square day; another who travels 7 vijanas on each day, figures, such as are used in writing arithmetical has a start of 5 days; in what time will they notations. These, when completed, prove that meet ?" The following is still more compli. the leaf in its original state must have mea- cated :-"Of 3 merchants the first possesses sured approximately 7 by 8 inches. The 7 horses, the second 9 ponies, the third 10 number of the existing leaves is seventy. This camels ; each of them gives away 3 animals to can only be a small portion of the whole be equally distributed among themselves, the manuscript. For neither beginning nor end is result is that the value of their respective preserved ; nor are some leaves forthcoming properties becomes equal; how much was the which are specifically referred to in the existing value of each merchant's original property, fragments." From all appearances, it must and what was the value of each animal P" The have been a large work, perhaps divided into method prescribed in the rales for the solution chapters or sections. The existing leaves in of these problems is extremely mechanical, and clude only the middle portion of the work or reduces the labour of thinking to a minimum. of a division of it. The earliest sútra that I For example, the last mentioned problem is have found is the ninth; the latest is the solved thus :- * Subtract the gift (3) severally fifty-seventh. The lateral margins which from the original quantities (7, 9, 10). Multiply
See Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1892, p. 108.
. A transcript and explanation of this plate will be found in note 6, on p. 47, at the end of this article.
* Thus at the end of the 10th altra, instead of the usual explanation, there is the following noto: Tvar satrandvitfya-patré vivaritásti. The second leaf here referred to is not preserved.

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34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
the remainders (4, 6, 7) among themselves all. The sign now used is a dot placed over (168, 168, 168). Divide each of these the number to which it refers. Here, thereproducts by the corresponding remainder fore, there appears to be a mark of great (188, 188, 18). The results (42, 28, 24) are | antiquity. As to its origin I am unable to the values of the 3 classes of animals. Being suggest any satisfactory explanation. I have multiplied with the numbers of the animals
been informed by Dr. Thibaut of Benares, that originally possessed by the merchants (42 X 7;
Diophantos in his Greek arithmetic uses the 28 X 9, 24 X 10), we obtain the values of their
letter (short for denyus) reversed (thus ) original properties (294, 252, 240). The value
to indicate the negative quantity. There is of the property of each merchant after the gift
undoubtedly a slight resemblance between the is equal (262, 262, 262)." The rules are ex
two signs; but considering that the Hindus pressed in very concise language, but are fully
did not get their elements of the arithmetical explained by means of examples. Generally
science from the Greeks, a native Indian origin there are two examples to each rule (or satra),
of the negative sign seems more probable. but sometimes there are many; the twenty-fifth
It is not uncommon in Indian arithmetic sútra has no less than fifteen examples. The
to indicate a particular factum by the initial rules and examples are written in verse; the
syllable of a word of that import subjoined to explanations, solutions, and all the rest are in
the terms which compose it. Thus addition may proge. The metre used is the slóka.
be indicated by yu (short for yuta), e.g., i l yu The subject matter is divided in sitras. n means 5 + 7 (i. e. 12). In the case of subeach sutra the matter is arranged as follows: straction or the negative quantity, rino would First comes the rule, and then the example be the indicatory word and ri the indicatory introduced by the word udáharana.. Next, syllable. The difficulty is to explain the conthe example is repeated in the form of a nota-nection between the letter ri () and the tion in figures, which is called sthápana. This symbol + The latter very closely resembles is followed by the solution which is called the letter l (*) in its ancient shape (+) karana. Finally comes the proof, called pratyaya. as used in the Asoka alphabet. The only This arrangement and terminology differ some plausible suggestion I can make is, that it what from those used in the arithmetic of is the abbreviation (ka) of the word kanita Brahmagupta and Bhaskara. Instead of simply diminished, from the root kanaya, with sitra, the latter use the term karana-sútra. which the well-known words kaniyas, 'younger The example they call uddésala or uddharana. Icanishtha 'youngest,' kanya 'maiden,'kana or For sthapana they say nyása. As a rule they give kana' & small piece,' etc., are connected. It is po full solution or proof, but the mere answer true the occurrence of the participle kanita. as to the problem. Occasionally a solution is far as I am aware, is not authenticated in the given, but it is not called karana.
existing Sanskpit literature. But it would The system of notation used in the Bakhshali be a regular formation, and might have been arithmetic is much the same as that employed in use in the old North-Western Pråkpit of the in the arithmetical works of Brahmagupta and Buddhists or Jains (see below). Another Bhaskara. There is, however, a very impor- suggestion is, that the sign represents the tant exception. The sign for the negative syllable nu (Prakrit for nyú), an abbreviation quantity is a cross (+). It looks exactly like of nyúna, diminished. The akshara for nú (or our modern sign for the positive quantity, but nu) in the A.boka characters would very closely l is placed after the number which it qualifies. resemble a cross (+). The difficulty about ihus 1 7+ means 12 - 7 (. e. 5). This is these and similar suggestions is to account for a sign which I have not met with in any other the retention of an obsolete graphic symbol in Indian arithmetio; nor, so far as I have been the case of the negative sign only. If the sign able to ascertain, is it now known in India at is really the old symbol for ka, its retention
. This word is almost uniformly abbreviated ud. Owing to the graphio symbols for 1 and ta being indis. tinguinhable. I at Art took tho word to be complete and zosd it tadá. But quite latoly I found on a fragment,
which had hitherto escaped my notice, the word written in full udlharana.
See Colebrooke's Dissertation on the Algebra of the Hindus, in his Essays, Vol. II. pp. 397 ff.

Page #41

FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
35
bhd 32
8
+
8
+
8
+
might perhaps be explained by the fact that, in its transfer to the Saradå alphabet, the
phalam 108 letter ka has snffered less change of form than many others of the old Aśôka characters.
means * X 32 = 108, and may be thus erHowever, for the present, the question must plained, "a certain number is found by dividbe left an open one.
ing with and multiplying with 32; that A whole number, when it occurs in an arithmetical operation, as may be seen from the
number is 108." above given examples, is indicated by placing
The dot is also used for another purpose, the number ander it. This, however, is a
namely as one of the ten fundamental figures practice which is still occasionally observed
of the decimal system of notation, or the
sero (0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9). It is still so used in in India. It may be worth noting that the number 1 is always designated by the word
India for both purposes, to indicate the un
known quantity as well as the naught. With rúpa ; thus sarúpa or rúpadhika 'adding one,' rúpõna deducting one. The only other in
us the dot, or rather its substitate the circle stance of the use of a symbolic numeral word
(O), has only retained the latter of its two is the word rasa for six,' which occurs once
intents, being simply the zero figure, or the in an example in the fifty-third sútra.
mark of position' in the decimal system. The following statement, from the first
The Indian usage, however, seems to show example of the twenty-fifth stra, affords a
how the zero arose, and that it arose in India. good example of the system of notation em
The Indian dot, unlike our modern zero, is not ployed in the Bakhshali arithmetic :
properly a numerical figure at all. It is simply
a sign to indicate an empty place or a hiatus. i bhá 32 phalan 108 This is clearly shown by its name súnya 8 + 9 + 3+
"empty.' The empty place in an arithmetical
statement might or might not be capable of Here the initial dot is used very much in the
being filled up, according to circumstances. same way as we use the letter to denote the
Occurring in a row of figures arranged deciunknown quantity the value of which is sought.
mally or according to the value of position, The number 1 under the dot is the sign of the
the empty place could not be filled up, and the whole (in this case, unknown) number. A
dot therefore signified naught,' or stood in the fraction is denoted by placing one number
place of the zero. Thus the two figures 3 and under the other without any line of separation;
7, placed in juxtaposition (37) mean thirtythus, is , i. e. one-third. A mixed number is
seven,' but with an empty space' interposed shown by placing the three numbers under
between them (
3 7), they mean 'three hundred one another ; thus is 1 + for 1}, i. e. one and seven.' To prevent misunderstanding
the presence of the empty space' was indiand one-third. Hence i means 1-$ (i. e. f). cated by a dot (
37); or by what is now the Multiplication is usually indicated by placing
zero (307). On the other hand, occurring in the numbers side by side ; thus
the statement of a problem, the empty place i phalani 20,
could be filled up, and here the det which
marked its presence, signified a something means X 32 = 20. Similarly in
which was to be discovered and to be put in means x x or ()', i.e. Bhd is an
the empty place. In the course of time, and
ont of India, the latter signification of the abbreviation of bhiga, part,' and means that
dot was discarded ; and the dot thus becamo the number preceding it is to be treated as
simply the sign for 'nanght' or the zeru, and a denominator. Hence thú means assumed the value of a proper figure of the
decimal system of notation, being the mark 1: or. The whole statement, therefore of position.' In its double signification, which
3
+
+
3+
• This word was at first read by me tipa. The rending ripa was suggested to me by Professor A. Weber
of Berlin, and it is. I have now no doubt, the correct one

Page #42

36
still survives in India, we can still discern an indication of that country as its birthplace.
Generally speaking, the terms of an operation are set down side by side; and the particular operation intended is indicated by the initial syllable of a word of that import, subjoined to the terms which compose it. The operation of multiplication alone is not indicated by any special sign. Addition is indicated by yu (for yuta), subtraction by + (ka for kanita ?) and division by bhá (for bhága). The whole operation is commonly enclosed between lines (or sometimes double lines), and the result is set down outside, introduced by pha (for phala). Occasionally the indicatory word is written in full. Vertical lines are usually interposed between the terms of a proportion or a progression. Thus :means 5+ 7 = 12 12 - 7 = 5 X 32 = 20
ypha 12 pha 1
5 20
bhá 32 pha 108,, (1) X 32
13 7+
533 | pha
8
1 1 1 3+3+3+
12 1
18 مام |||||
22
""
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
95
108
10 30 4: 12
Regarding the age of the manuscript, I am unable to offer a very definite opinion. The composition of a Hindu work on arithmetic, such as that contained in the Bakhshâli MS., seems necessarily to presuppose a country and a period in which Hindu civilisation and Brâhmanical learning flourished. Now the country in which Bakhshâli lies and which formed part of the Hindu kingdom of Kâbul, was early lost to Hindu civilisation through the conquests of the Muhammadan rulers of Ghazni, and especially through the celebrated expeditions of Mahmûd, towards the end of the 10th and the beginning of the 11th centuries A. D. In those troublous times it was a common practice for the learned Hindus to bury their manuscript treasures. Possibly the Bakhshalt MS. may be one of these. In any case it cannot well be placed much later than the 10th century A. D. It is quite possible that it may be somewhat older. The Sarada characters used in it, exhibit in several respects a rather archaic type, and afford some ground for thinking that the manuscript may perhaps go back to the 8th or
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
9th century. But in the present state of our epigraphical knowledge, arguments of this kind are always somewhat hazardous. The usual form in which the numeral figures occur in the manuscript are the following:
or
1
34 $
no3 3o.
or
or
2
3
adRxQ.
5 6 7 8 9 0 Quite distinct from the question of the age of the manuscript, is that of the age of the work contained in it. There is every reason to believe that the Bakhshâlî arithmetic is of a very considerably earlier date than the manuscript in which it has come down to us. I am disposed to believe that the composition of the former must be referred to the earliest centuries of our era, and that it may date from the 3rd or 4th century A.D. The arguments making for this conclusion are briefly the following:
In the first place, it appears that the earliest mathematical works of the Hindus were written in the sloka measure ;') but from about the end of the 5th century A.D. it became the fashion to use the dryá measure. Aryabhata c. 500 A.D., Varâhamihira c. 550, Brahmagupta c. 630, all wrote in the latter measure. Not only were new works written in it, but also álóka-works were revised and recast in it. Now the Bakhshall arithmetic is written in the sloka measure; and this circumstance carries its composition back to a time anterior to that change of literary fashion in the 5th century A. D.
In the second place the Bakhshâlî arithmetic is written in that peculiar language which used to be called the Gatha dialect, but which is rather the literary form of the ancient North-Western Prâkrit (or Pâli). It exhibits a strange mixture of what we should now call Sanskrit and Prakrit forms. As shown by the inscriptions (e.g. of the Indo-Scythian kings in Mathura) of that period, it appears to have been in general use, in North-Western India, for literary purposes till about the end of the
* See Professor Kern's Introduction to the Brihat Samhita of Varahamihira.

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FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
37
3rd century A. D., when the proper Sanskrit, how much is spent in one day P" Here it is hitherto the language of the Brahmanic schools, explained that the lower denomination (adhagradually came into general use also for secular ch-chheda) is 360 days, and the result (plula) compositions. The older literary language may
1807 : 2168400727 have lingered on some time longer among the Brent 240 * 727 800 360 Buddhists and Jains, but this would only have In connection with this question of the age been so in the case of religions, not of secular, of the Bakhshali work, I may note a circumcompositions. Its use, therefore, in the Bakh- stance which appears to point to a peculiar shali arithmetic points to a date not later than connection of it with the Brahma-Siddhanta the 3rd or 4th century A. D. for the composition of Brahmagupta. There is a curious resemof that work.
blance between the fiftieth sútra of the Bakh. In the third place, in several examples, the shali arithmetic, or rather with the algebraical two words dinára and dramma occur as deno- example occurring in that sútra, and the fortyminations of money. These words are the ninth sútra of the chapter on algebra in the Indian forms of the Latin denarius and the Brahma-Siddhánta. In that sitra, BrahmaGreek drakhme. The former, as current in gupta first quotes a rule in prose, and then adds India, was a gold coin, the latter a silver coin. another version of it in the aryú measure. Golden denarii were first coined at Rome in Unfortunately the rule is not preserved in the B. C. 207. The Indian gold pieces, corres- Bakhshali MS., but, as in the case of all other ponding in weight to the Roman gold denarius, rules, it would have been in the form of a were those coined by the Indo-Scythian kings, slöka and in the North-Western Prakrit (or whose line, beginning with Kadphises, about Gåthå dialect). Brahmagapta in quoting it, the middle of the 1st century B. C., probably would naturally put it in what he considered extended to abont the end of the 3rd century correct Sanskrit prose, and would then give A.D. Roman gold denarii themselves, as shown his own version of it in his favourite dryk by the numerous finds, were by no means measure. I believe it is generally admitted uncommon in India, in the earliest centuries that Iudian arithmetic and algebra, at least, of our era. The gold dináras most numerously
are of entirely native origin, While Siddhantafound are those of the Indo-Scythian kings
writers, like Brahmagupta and his predecessor Kanishka and Huvishka, and of the Roman
Aryabhaga, might have borrowed their astroemperors Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius,
nomical elements from the Groeks or from all of whom reigned in the 2nd century
books founded themselves on Greek science, A.D. The way in which the two terms are
they took their arithmetic from native Indian used in the Bakhshalt arithmetic seems to
sonroes. Of the Jains it is well known that indicate that the gold dinara and the silver
they possess astronomical books of a very dramma formed the ordinary currency of the
ancient type, showing no traces of western or day. This circumstance again points to some
Greek influence. In India arithmetic and time within the three first centuries of the
algebra are usually treated as portions of works Christian era as the date of its composition,
on astronomy. In any case it is impossible A fourth point, also indicative of antiquity,
that the Jains should not have possessed their which I have already adverted to, is the
own treatises on arithmetic, when they pos. peculiar use of the cross (+) as the sign of
sessed sucb on astronomy. The early Buddhists, the negative quantity.
too, are known to have been proficients in There is another point which may be worth
mathematics. The prevalence of Buddhism mentioning, though I do not know whether it
in North-Western India, in the early centuries may help in determining the probable date of
of our era, is a wellknown fact. That in the work. The year is reckoned in the Bakh
those early times there were also large Jain shali arithmetic as consisting of 360 days.
communities in those regions, is testified by Thus in one place the following calculation is
the remnants of Jain sculptare found near given :-“If in of a year, 2982 193 is spent, Mathura and elsewhere. From the fact of
• Seo poto 4 at the end of this article, also note 5.

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38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1888.
the general use of the North-Western Präksit the application of the latter principle to num(or the Gathî dialect') for literary purposes bers, in ordinary writing, would have been among the early Buddhists it may reasonably nearly impossible without the employment of be concluded that its use prevailed also among some kind of mark of position,' or some mark the Jains, between whom and the Buddhists to indicate the "empty place' (stnya). Thus there was so much similarity of manners and the figure 7 may mean either seven' or customs. There is also a diffusedness in the seventy' or 'seven hundred,' according as it mode of composition of the BakhshAli work be or be not supposed to be preceded by one which reminds one of the similar characteristic (7 or 70) or two (7..or 700) empty observed in Buddhist and Jain literature. places. Unless the presence of these empty All these circumstances put together seem to places' or the position of the figure 7 be render it probable that in the Bakhshall MS. indicated, it would be impossible to read there has been preserved to us a fragment of an its value' correctly. Now what the Indians early Buddhist or Jain work on arithmetic (per- did, and indeed still do, was simply to use haps a portion of a larger work on astronomy), for this purpose the sign which they were which may have been one of the sources from in the habit of using for the purpose of indicatwhich the later Indian astronomers took their ing any empty place or omission whatsoever arithmetical information. These earlier sources, in & written composition; that is the dot. It as we know, were written in the slóka measure, seems obvious from the exigencies of writing and when they belonged to the Buddhist or that the use of the well-known dot as the Jain literature, must have been composed in mark of an empty place must have suggested the ancient North-Western Prakrit. Both these itself to the Indians as soon as they began to points are characteristics of the Bakhshali employ their discovery of the principle of the work. I may add that one of the reasons why value of position' in ordinary writing. In India the earlier works were, as we are told by the use of the dot as a substitute for the zero tradition, revised and re-written in the arya must have long preceded the discovery of the measure by later writers such as Brahmagyuta, proper zero, and must have been contempomay have been that in their time the literary raneous with the discovery of the principle form (Gåthå dialect) of the North-Western of the value of position. There is nothing in Prakrit had come to be looked upon as a bar. the Bakhshali arithmetic to show that the dot barous and ungrammatical jargon as compared is used as a proper zero, and that it is anything with their own classical Sanskrit. In any more than the ordinary mark of an empty case the Buddhist or Jain character of the place. The employment, therefore, of the Bakhsbáli arithmetic would be a further mark decimal system of notation such as it is, in the of its high antiquity.
Bakhsbali arithmetic, is quite consistent with Throughout the Bakhshali arithmetic the the suggested antiquity of it. decimal system of notation is employed. I have already stated that the Bakhshali This system rests on the principle of the value arithmetic is written in the so-called catha of position of the numbers. It is certain dialect or in that literary form of the Norththat this principle was known in India as Western Prakrit which preceded the employ. early as A D. 500. There is no good reason ment, in secular composition, of the classical why it should not have been discovered there Sanskrit. Its literary form consisted in what considerably earlier. In fact, if the antiquity of may be called (from the Sanskrit point of view), the Bakhshali arithmetic be admitted on other an imperfect sansksitisation of the vernacular grounds, it affords evidence of an earlier date of Prakrit. Hence it exhibits at every turn the the discovery of that principle. As regards the peculiar characteristics of the underlying zero, in its modern sense of a 'mark of position' vernacular. The following are some specimens and one of the ten fundamental figures of of orthographical peculiarities :the decimal system (0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9), its dis- Insertion of euphonic consonants : of m, in covery, or rather its elaboration, is undoubtedly éka-1-ékatvara, bhritakó-m-ékapanditah; of , much later than the discovery of the value of in tri-r-asiti, labhaté-r-ashtou. position. It is quite certain, however that Ineertion of s; in vibhaktara-s-uttaré, kshiyaté.

Page #45

FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
39
s-traya. This is a peculiarity not known to for ékó (s. 15); loc. for instr., prathamé datta me elsewhere, either in Prakrit or in PAli. for prathamóna (n. 53), or mánavé grihitari for
Doubling of consonants : in compounds, mánavena (s. 57); gen. for dat., dvitiyasya prathama-d-dhanté, éka-8-saviikhyá; in sentences dattá for dvitiyaya (s. 53). yadi-sh-shadbhi, été-s-samadhaná.
Abnormal concord : incongruent cases, ayaris Peculiar spellings : trinsá or tinsa for trinkat. prashţe for asmin (s. 52); incongruent numbers, The spelling with the guttural nasal before 1 ésa lábhdh for lábhah (8.54), rájaputró kéchi for occurs only in this word ; not otherwise, e.g. rájaputrah (s. 53); incongruent genders, sú chatválinsa 40. Again pi for ri in tridiné, kalan for tat kalah (s. 52), višesha kartavyan ksiyaté, vimisritan, krinati; and ri for si in for kartavyah (s. 51), sd rásiḥ for sa (s. 50), rina, drishtah. Again katthyatán for kathya- karya sthitah for sthitas (8. 14). tása. Again the jihvámúliya and the upa- Peculiar forms: nivarita for niosita, rája dhmániya are always used before gutturals and for arjana, divaddha 'one and one-half,' chatvapalatals respectively.
linéa 40, parnchasama 50th, chaupanchasama Irregular sandhi : Icó 88 rd for kah sa rá,
54th, chaturdbiti 84, tri-r-dbiti 83, pinyasa dvayo ké chi for doayah k', dvayo cha for dvayas (v. 1. vinyasé) for apinyasét, bhájayéta let it be cha, dvibhi kr for duibhih kri, ddyð vi for
divided' for bhdjyéta (8. 27). ádyôr vi, vivaritásti for vivaritam asti.
Peculiar meanings : yadsichchhd, or kamikan Confusion of the sibilants : 5 for sh, in for the number one,' when representing the sashti 60, mabakó; sh for á, in dasárnsha, visho- unknown quantity of which the value is sought dhayet, she shann ; for s, in sdsyan, sdiyatda; s The following extracts may serve as specifor sh, in ésa 'this.
mens of the text :Confusion of and n : utpanna for utpanna;
TEXT kshayếna for kshayena (s. 27); vinyastash for
18th Satra. vinyastan.
Adyðr viseshadviguņam chayasuddhivibháj-- Elision of a final consonant: bhájayé, kéohi,
tam for bhájayết, kéchit.
Rapadhikash tathá kálaṁ gatisásyam tada Interpolation of r: hrinash for hinani.
bhavêt 11 The following are specimens of etymological USA and syntactical peculiarities :
Dvayâditrichayas chaiva dvichayatryddikotAbsence of inflection : nom. sing. masc.,
tarah éja sd rási for rasih (s. 50), gaván visésha kar
Dvayê cha bhavats pamtha kêna kaléna tavy ani for viséshah (s. 51); nom. plur., sévya
sâsyatâm 11 santi for sévy áh (s. 53); acc. plur., dindra
sthậpanań kriyatê í éshán | i | i| pa 111 dattavan for dindran (8. 53).
Peculiar inflection : gen. sing., gatisya for dvi | A llu ili pail karanam || Adyôr visesha gaté (s. 15); parasm. for atm., vikrinti for vikrimite "he sells' (s. 54), atm. for parasm., árjayaté for arjayati he earns' (s. 53).
........... ta dvi 2mm Change of gender: masc. for dent., múlá for múláni (s. 55); neut. for masc., vargarn for vargal (s. 50); neut. for fem., yutúh cha
Udal1 kartryd for yutis (s. 50).
Exchange of numbers : plur. for sing., (bhavét) lábháh for ldbhah (s. 54). Exchange of cases: acc. for nom., dvitiyan
pa i dha i karanam adyôr viseárjayaté budhah for dvitiyah (s. 53), aoo. for
sham Adi 5110 instr., kshayari sanngunya for kshayána (8.27);
n pk i dha il visésha 5 chayasudacc. for loc., kish kalasi for kasmin kale
dhi chayam 61 8 saddhi 3 Adisasha 5 dviguņa (s. 52); instr. for loc., anena kalóna for ammin kálé (s. 53); instr. for nom., prathaména| 10 uttaravissha 3 vibhaktam 3 sarapan 3 dattaván for prathamó (s. 53), or ékena yüti lesba padam anêna kAléna samadhaná bhavanti ||

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40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
pha
wwwvwwvvw
10 | 163 3
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pratyayam || rûpôņakaraņena phalam Ashthadaśamasútram 18 11 + 1
160 ipha 300 27th satra. Idân în sävarnakshayam vakshyami yasyedari sátran 1
Uda 11 Kshayam sargunya kanakas tadyutir-b
bhâjayét tatah 1 Samyutair êva kanakair êkaikasya kshayo
............ śruņuśva me 11 hi sah1
Kramêna dvaya másbádi uttare ekabînatam Uda II
Savarnam mê tu sammiérya katthyatâm Ekadvitrichatussankhyasnvarņå måshakai ri
ganakottama 11 nail
sthậpana +16+8+18+18+18+2+3+3+1 Ekadvitrichatussamkhyai rabita samabhagatám 11
ksbayam samgunya jatam 20 30 42 , 561
72 90 1 2 1 61") @sha yuti 330 kanakan til sthậpanaṁ kļiyatë i fshâti |1+13+13+13+1
yuti 45 | anena bhaktva labd ham panchakaranam | kshayam samguạya kanakådibhi
dasabhaga-s-cbhoda kriyatë 1 phala kshayêna samganya jatam | 149 | 16 tad
7 be s
esa ékaikamasakakshayam yutilesha yuti 30 kanaka yuti 10 anena
pratyaya trairdbhakty& labdham wwwwwwwwwwwwwwww bikêna *1830 | 1 phalań | évam sarvê
shâm pratyayê kartavya lima Olipha másé
pha másé i Saptavinsatimasútran 27 11 + 1 OTI pha másé :
50th Satra. 101 301 i | pha mas) 12 Yutahinari cha-m-@katvann. Uda 11
........ hine yutín cha kartavyás Ekadvitsichatussarikhy asuvarna prôjjhitâ
Udå 11 imel
K0 rasi paṁchayutâ maladaḥ så rašis saptaMisaki dvitrit chaiva chatuh panchaka
hina malada råmsakan" kim kshayam ||
Kở sô rásir iti prashtahl 14 karanaṁ | kshayam sanganya li ya mů i så i imů i karanaṁ |
41 kanak& @sha sthapyate 3 6 yutahînaṁ cha-m-êkatvam 12 taddala | 6! -s-tadyatir-b-bhâjay :ta tataḥ harasåsyd dvihriņam 4 dalam 2 vargam 4 | hind kritê yataṁ 100 samyutaih kanakair bhaktvå
air hhaltua yatim cha kartavyå hinum 7+ anena yuti
163
||11| esa sâ råsi Il asya pratyanayanaṁ kriyatê tada kanaka 10 anena bhaktam jâtam 600
| 1 yumu il 17+ mů il Pañcháśaesa ékaikaguvarṇasya kshayam || pratyayanh trairásikena kartavya ||
masútran 1
• The two first letters (rah) are uncertain, owing to defect in the texture of the leaf.
10 Read chatuhparcharharz kim kshayarls, metri CAUL.
LS1 Read bhdjvěta. ! Here 12 is omitted in the MS., by mistake.
15 These fragments of the autre have been restored from what appear to be quotations in the solution.
1. There seems to be some oonfusion about this example. The first line as it stands does not soen; moreover instead of kordsi, it should be yo rafi. The second half
line does scan; but the words iti prashtah seem out of place, as a portion of the verse. Now if we omit iti prashtab from the verse, the remainder, with a few slight alterations, reads as a correct verse of one line and a half, though in utter disregard of all cerura. Tha--- Yo rasi panchayuta müladal s rdsi saptabt - 1
na mülada ko 80 r&sir i iti prashtah Perhaps that disregard accounts for the confusion made by the scribe of the MS.

Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1888.)
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
$]
51st Sutra.
dviguņam dvitiyasya prathama .....!! Gavam višêsha kartavya dhanam chaiva Prathama chaturganam chaiva chaturth puna ..!
chaiva dattavan Cha....... satam ékař dvaya
nugam 11 53rd sutra.
Vadasva prathamê dattam kim prapranam Ahadravyaharâšau ta') tad visésban vibhája-L.
..sya cha 11 yét!
lii| |1|| d’ishya 200 | sünyam êkayutań Yallabdham dvigaşam kalan dattå sama- kritvå 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 praksh payaktyå phalam dhanå prati 11
|| 20 40 60 80 évaṁ 200 || @sha pratyaya Udá 11 Tridinê årjaya pamcha bħritak8-m-êkapandi.
A 20 30 pa il rûpôņakaraņêna phalań taḥ 1
2001 Dvitiyaṁ pamchadivasê rasam Arjayate
sutra. budhah 11
Yadpichchhå pinyas) sûạyê tada vargam tu Prathamèna dvitiyasya sapta dattâni.. tahi kárayét! Datva samadhanê játâ kêna kálåna katth.
yatám 11 rall rúkarana ahadravyaviséshani | Uadu haramsau tat tadvikasham
Tad& cha třigunaan dattan........!!
........ prathamasya tu kim bhavêt !! anena kalêna samadhani bhavanti il pratyaya litada i tada tadá dattaris 192 trairabike kriyatê 15 20 pha 50 | prathame dvitiyasya
8-sapta
karaņash yadşichchhå vinyasa súạyd | tatredatta 1 7 sêghamilii pha 36
chchhål i tad vargam tu karayét 43 43.&tè samadhana jâtâ 11
liiliii il prakshipê gusitan H1 | 2 Udå
1624 | prakshiptam 33 || dộishyam vibhajet Rájapatró dvayo kêchi nsipati-s-sêvya santi
1993 vartyam jätań lilésha prathaména vaiḥ 1 M-kasyêhna dvaya-sh-shadbhaga'') dvitiya
dattaṁ || atô nyåsah || 4 | 8 | 24 | 96 dattam sya divarddhakam 11
132 esha vargakramagaạitam Il atha yutivarPrathamina dvitiyasya dasa dinara dattavan
gam dva-trinnsadhikasatan 11 Kena kalena samatan ganayitvå vadAsu mê li
Kamikam súnyavinyastam tadå chaiva kramo dattam 1 karaṇam | ahadravyavissha cha tatram
Udá 11 www.pratyayan trairásikens
..... kļitvå chatartha.....1 i 18 30 pha 65 pratham na dvitiyasya 10 dattâ játâ 55 55 11
......... prathamasya kim bhavêt 11 | | | | pha 45 1.
201 samadhanê játA I SAtram sthapanarh lilililii || dpi 800 || kami. tripamchåsamaḥ sūtram 53 11 11
kam súnyapingastaṁ kámikam 1 || sha nyarSutra.
tam prathamarasau tada chaiva kramena guņitam 12 9 | 48 Eshậm yuti prakshe.
pamo anêna drishyam bhájitam 60 800 Ud4 11
jâta 5 ésha prathamasya dhanam || anêna
gunam
* Read "hardhsan tat.
* Rond Skaryahnd dvinhadbhagd. The error.appears to have been noticed by the scribe of the manuscript.

Page #48

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBBUABY, 1888.
Annan
kshêparh ganayê | 5 | 10 | 45 | 240 êvan 300 .. ņam parochábayatam prathama .. ésha yutivargagapital Uda 11 Prathamasya na janámi katham datta cha
| karanam || édnyê rûpam datva : yutam játan vai dhanam Sa cha dvyardhayutam dattam ..... . prathamå dviguņamh pashchårdharahitas 1
iesham || prathamâ třitîyaṁ tļigupan saptár
dharahitann séshan prathama chaturtha Udá 11
chaturgaņam navårdharshitam besham ........ dattam chaiva chatar
ésha nyása” | ||1|||| dri po | pra: gapain 11 ...... sate chataschatvališáddhi- kshềpayaktih vibhaktań játam kan!
111 anena guņitam tadeva êvam riņarasi Kim prathamasya dhana .........!! bhavanti | triprakaran samaptam | Saạye
sthånd repam dat å tadanayuktari gupita ..
øyêía yatar chaiva gugan tatah i yu
TRANSLATION. tar chaiva gañaś kpitvå kåray& gaṇakraman
18th Satra.
Twice the difference of the two initial terms, tadgaya i apart aparan adhé adham gu
divided by the difference of the two) incronaye 10 sårdhadvayayatan 14| tritfyardáya ments, and further angmented by one, shall
be the time that determines the progression. gunanam | sård hais saptabhi trlại sardha
First Example. trayayata chaturtharabi gunayê-sh- A person has an initial (speed) of two and
an increment of three, another has an increshaợviñśatibhi 1 játa 1 908 | sârdhachatvariyu.
mont of two and an initial (speed) of three. tah | 212 prakshếpayuti | 250 | évas dţibya | Let it now be determined in what time the Barvam tadêva jätam Il
two persons will meet in their journey.
The statement is as follows:
No. 1, init. term 2, increment 3, period Udd ||
No. 2,
3,
2, 3
Solution :-"the difference of the two initial ........ triguņam tpigårdhaya terms" (2 and 3 is 1; the difference of the two tam |
increments 3 and 2 is 1; twice the difference Chaturgunam chaturthêna navårdhayatam
of the initial terms 1 is 2, and this, divided by dattam" ........ dvišatá dvåvimśAdhika |
the difference of the increments 1, is and Kim atra prathamasya dattásit ?
augmented by 1, is; this is the period. In iilil l1 : katra dattaṁ 222 || this time [3] they meet in their journey
which is 15). ágya sthine rupam dntvå || 1 | yutagupita
Second Example. yatakramêņa jätan || sthapanan : * 187| (The problem in words is wanting; it would da drishya 222 prakshêpêna jäta
be something to this effect :- A earns 5 on the 222 ||
first and 6 more on every following dayi B dattah dộiśyah 222 || jätan
earns 10 on the first and 3 more on every folUdd |
lowing day when will both have earned an Prathamarina janimi divardbayutan ...1 equal amount ?) * This line is short by one syllable, and otherwise not Read prathamnya metri casi, as in one of the regular in somnato. The tal question appears to be preceding examples. in prose

Page #49

FEBRUABY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
43
Statement :
Second Example. No. 1, init. term 5, increment 6, period 2, There are suvarnas numbering one, two possession a.
three, four. There are thrown out the followNo. 2, init. term 10, increment 3, period , ing mashakas; one-half, one-third, one-fourth, possession 2.
one-fifth. What is the average) wastage in Solution :-"Twice the difference of the two the whole mass of gold)? initial terms," etc.; the initial terms are 5 and Statement:10, their difference is 5. “By the difference of quantities of gold, 1, 2, 3, 4 suvarpa. the (two) increments;" the increments are 6 wastage
, , , $ mashaka. and 3; their difference is 3. The difference of Solution :-"Having multiplied severally the the initial terms 5, being doubled, is 10, and parts of gold with the wastage," the products divided by the difference of the increments 3, may thus be stated, -, , , “Let the 10 and augmented by one is 13. This i.e. total wastage be divided ;" the division being
directed to be made, the total wastage is or 4$) is the period; in that time the two persons become possessed of the same amount
; dividing" by the sum of the parts of of wealth.
gold;" here the sum of the parts of gold is 10 : Proof :--by the rúpôra method the sum of being divided by this, the result is a This is either progression is found to be 65 (i.e. each the wastage of each part of the whole mass of of the two persons earns 65 in 4 days). gold.
Proof may be made by the rule of three :27th satra.
as the sum of the parts of gold 10 is to the Now I shall discass the wastage (in the total wastage of 60 mashaka, so the sum of working) of gold, the rule about which is as
gold 4 is to the wastage of 16 mashaka, etc. follows:--
Third Example. Having multiplied severally the parts of
(The problem in words is only partially gold with the wastage, let the total wastage be divided by the sum of the parts of gold.
preserved, but from its statement in figures The result is the wastage of each part of the
and the subsequent explanation, its purport
may be thus restored) :whole mass) of gold.
Of gold mashakas numbering respectively First Example.
five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, quantities Suvarnas numbering respectively one, two, three, four, are subject to a wastage of masha
numbering respectively four, five, six, seven, kas numbering respectively one, two, three,
eight, nine, are wasted. Of another metal
numbering in order two mashakas, etc. (ie., four, Irrespective of such wastage they suffer
two, three, four) also quantities numbering in an equal distribution of wastage. (What is
order one, etc. (i.e., one, two, three), are wasted. the latter?)
Mixing the gold with the alloy, 0 best of The statement is as follows:
arithmeticians ! tell me what is the average Wastage - 1, -2, -3, - 4 mashaka.
wastage of the whole mass of mixed gold) ? Gold 1, 2, 3, 4 suvarna.
Statement :Solution :-" Having multiplied severally
wastage: -4,-5,4-6, -7,-8,-9;-1,-2,-3. the parts of gold with the wastage," etc. ; by
gold : 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10; 2, 3, 4. multiplying with the wastage, the products 1, 4, 9, 16 are obtained ; "let the total wastage,"
(Solution) :-"Having multiplied severally
the parts of gold with the wastage," the proits sum is 30; the sum of the parts of gold is
ducts are 20, 30, 42, 56, 72, 90, 2, 6, 12; their sum 10; dividing with it, we obtain 3. (This is
is 330; the sum of the parts of gold is 45 : the wastage of each part, or the average wastage, of the whole mass of gold.)
dividing by this we obtain ; this is reduced (Proof by the rule of three is the follow by 15 (i.e.); the result is 7 leaving $ (i.e. ing) :-as the sum of gold 10 is to the total 7}); that is the wastage of each mashaka (of wastage of 30 mashakas, so the sum of gold 4 mixed gold). is to the wastage of 12 mashakas, etc.
Proof :-by the rule of three the total

Page #50

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1888.
gold 45 is to the total wastage 330, 801 Solution : "The difference of the daily earn. mashaka of gold is to parts of wastage. In inge; the two fractions; their difference ;" the same way the proof of all the other) items (here the daily earnings are and their is to be made (i... 45 : 330 = 5: 10; 45: 330 difference is ; the gift is 7; divided by the =6: 44 ; 45: 330 = 7: 1:45: 330 = 8; difference of the daily earnings in the result 170; 45: 330 = 9: 66; 45 : 330 = 10:17). is 15; being doubled, it is 30; this is the time)
in which their possessions become equal. 50th sutra.
Proof may be made by the rule of three : (The sútra is lost, but can be partially 3:5 = 30 : 50, and 5 : 6 = 30 : 36; "the restored from the solution, and may be thus first gives seven to the second " 7, remainder translated :-"The sum of the additive and | 43; hence 43 and 43 are their equal possessions. subtractive numbers is divided by an assumed
Second Example. number; the quotient, lesgened by the same
Two Rajputs are the servants of a king. number and halved, is squared and added to The wages of one (of them) per day are two and the subtractive number.")
one-sixth, of the other one and one-half. The Example.
first gives to the second ten dínáras. Calculate Which number added to five is a square,
and tell me quickly, in what time there will that (same) number lessened by seven is a be equality in their possessions)? square. Which number is that? This is the Statement :-daily wages and ; gift 10. question.
Solution :-"and difference of the daily earnStatement :- +5= ', and -7='. inge;" here (the daily earnings are and; Solution :-“The sum of the additive and
their difference is }; the gift is 10; divided by subtractive numbers" is 12; the half of it is 6;
the difference of the daily earnings , the lessened by two is 4 ; its half is 2; its square
result is 15; being doubled, it is 30. This is is 4. "And is added to the subtractive
the time, in which their possessions become number;" the subtractive number is 7; added
equal). to it, it becomes 11 (i. e. 4 + 7). This is that (required) number.
Proof by the rule of three:-1: * = 30 : Its proof is this: 11+ 5 = square of 4 65; and 1: = 30 : 45. The first gives 10 (i. e. 16); and 11-7-square of 2 (i. e. 4). to the second; hence 55 and 55 are their
(The next sútra is only a fragment, and I equal possessions. omit it).
(The following examples form a connected 58rd Satra.
set. The sutras to which they belong are very (Having found) the two fractions (indicative)
imperfectly preserved, nor is there any indicaof the daily earnings, divide by their difference
tion left, how they were numbered. The what is given towards (producing) equal posses
examples also exist in a too fragmentary state sions. The quotient, being doubled, is the time
to allow of any translation ; but it is possible to (in which their possessions become equal).""
restore their purport from what is left of the First Example.
solution. Let one hired Pandit earn five in three days; The sútra belonging to the following examanother learned man earns six in five days.
ple is lost. The example itself may be recon
nle is lost. The aramnle itself mar The first gives seven to the second from his
structed thus :-) earnings. Say, in what time, after having
The second gives twice as much as the first, given it, their possessions become equal ?
the third three times as much as the first, the Statement :-No, I, f = earnings of 1 day ; | fourth four times as much as the first. The No. II, ;= earnings of 1 day; gift 7. total gift of the four persons is two hundred.
* The above is undoubtedly the meaning of the role, to divide, so that tat-yat) the quotient, being doubled, though the exact construction of the text is not quite is the time, that which is given towards equal ponses clear to me. Literally the words appear to be: "Thesions." Tadvislahath and data are the two AGDatives two fractions of the daily earninga; on use their difference governed by the causal verb vibhdjayet.

Page #51

FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
45
Tell me now, how much was given by the first, Solution :-"the desired quantity is put in the and what is the amount of each gift.
empty place;" the desired quantity is l; this Statement:-A gives æ, B2, C3, D 4. Total is placed as the first number; then the succes200.
sive multiplications are made, 1, 2, 9, 48. Solution :-Having filled up the empty place Their addition gives the sum of the rates 60; (oro) with one, (we obtain) 1, 2, 3, 4 (as the with this the given total is divided, thus i several rates); by the application of the sum
the result is 5, and this is the possession of A. of the rates we obtain 20, 40, 60, 80, and thence
With this by multiplication the several rates the total 200.
are obtained, thus 5, 10, 45, 240. Thence the This is the statement of the proof :
total of the items is calculated to be 300. Init. term 20, increment 20, period 4.
(Next follows the fragment of a third examBy the rúpõna method the total is found to
ple which I omit. After this must have be 200.
followed a third modification of the same Sutra.
sútra, which is lost; but the first portion of (Only the first portion of this sútra is pre
it, as quoted in the examples, must have run served ; viz. "put into the empty place the
thus:number 1 representing the desired quantity,
The
Súnyastháné rúpan and then make up the series of items."
datvá, yutan chaina
gunan tataḥ purport of this rule will be understood from
1.e., "having put the number one in the empty the following examples). First Example.
place, the (needful) additions and multiplica
tions are then made.") (Its purport is:-B gives 2 times as much as
Fourth Example. A, C gives 3 times as much as B, D gives 4
(Its purport is :--A possesses something and times as much as C. Their total gift is 132.
1 in addition; B has 2 times as much as A What is the gift of AP)
and 2) in addition ; C has 3 times as much as Statement :- A gives t, B2, C3, D 4.
B and 3) in addition ; D has 4 times as much Total 132.
as C and 45 in addition. Their total possesSolution :-"Put 1 in the place of 2; then
sions are one hundred and forty-four and one form the series of items" 1, 2, 3 X 2, 4 X 6,
half. What is the possession of A?). multiplying these several rates, 1, 2, 6, 24,
Statement :-A has + 1}, B 2 + 25, their total is 33 ; with it divide the given
C 3+ 3, D + 41. Total 144. total, thus 18; the resulting item is 4, and
Solution :-"Having put one in the empty this is the gift of A. Hence the series of
the series of place," thus 1+1:"the several additions gifts is as follows :-4, 8, 24, 96, and the total and multiplications are then made:" in making gift is 132. This is calculated from the series
the additions and multiplications, let the proper of items, and hence the total of the items is order of calculation be observed, (hence by one hundred and thirty-two.
addition) ; next comes multiplication; (here) (Here follows what appears to be intended
multiply numerator with numerator and denoas a modification of the same sútra, since it is not specialised as a separate sútra. What
minator with denominator, i.e. i X); two remains of it, runs thus :-“the number 1 is put and one half are now added, thus : now comes into the empty place, and then (the items) are the multiplication with the third number, or successively multiplied." The purport of the three(is multiplied) with seven and one half (i.e. rule will be again understood from the example.)
15 = 7), thus ; three and one half are Second Example. (Its purport is :-B possesses 2 times as much now added, thus ; now multiply the number as A; C bas 3 times as much as A and B four with twenty-six (i.e. -26); the result together; D has 4 times as much as A, B and
is 20$; four and one half are now added, thus C together. Their total possessions are 300. What is the possession of A?)
317. The total of these rates is which is Statement :-A has a, B2, C3 X 3, D the given total of the possessions. All the rest 4 X 12. Total 300.
remains the same; (i.e. dividing the given

Page #52

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
total by the sum of the rates *90 we obtain the manuscript, the number of the dots cor
responding to the number of missing syllables. 1 as the value of a, hence the possessions of
The serpentine lines indicate the fact of lines A, B, C, D are respectively, and ,
being lost at the top and bottom of the leaves of the same as the rates mentioned above).
the manuscript. In the translation the bracketed Fifth Example.
portions supply lost portions of the manuscript. (Its purport is :- A gives plus & certain The latter can, to a great extent, be restored amount; B gives plus 2 times as mnch as A; by a comparison of the several examples. C gives plus 3 times as much as A and B;
Occasionally words are added in brackets to
facilitate the understanding of the passage, D gives plus 4 times as much as A, B and C 2. Satra 18. Problems on progression. The total of their gifts is 222. What was the Two persons advance from the same point. At gift of A ?).
starting B has the advantage over A; but Statement :- A gives + B2 + C 3 afterwards A advances at a quicker rate than + ,D4+; the joint gift is 222.
B. Question :-when will they have made an Solution :-"Having put the number one in
equal distance ? In other words, that period of the empty place," 1 (form), the additions
the two progressions is to be found where and multiplications are made in their proper
their sums coincide. The first example is order. The result is the following series of
taken from the case of two persons travelling.
B makes 3 miles on the first day against 2 rates: 7,5%; the given total is 222.
miles of A; but A makes 3 miles more on each The addition of the rates yields 222, which is
succeeding day against B's 2 miles. The result the same as the given total 222. This practi
is that at the end of the third day they meet, cally finishes the solution.
after each has travelled 15 miles. For A tra(Next follows the fragment of the sixth
vels 2 + (2 + 3) + (2 + 3 + 3) = 15 miles, example, which I again omit).
and B 3+(3+2)+(3+2+2) = 15 miles. Seventh Example.
The second example is taken from the case of (Its purport is :-A has 1} plus a certain
two traders. At starting B has the advantage amount; B has 2 less than 2 times A; C has
of possessing 10 dináras against the 5 of A ; but 3 less than 3 times A; D has 4 less than
in the sequel A gains 6 diráras more on each 4 times A. Their total possessions are day against the 3 of B. The result is that What is the possession of A ?)
after 44 days, they possess an equal amount of (The statement is wanting).
dinaras, viz. 65. Solution :-"Having put the number one in 3. Satra 27. Problems on averages (samathe empty place," the addition is made; bhagata). Certain quantities of gold suffer loss twice the rate of A less five halves is three at different rates. Question :--what is the times the rate of A, less seven halves, is ;
average loss of the whole ? The first problem
is very concisely expressed; the question is four times the rate of A, less nine halves, is
understood; some words, like luto gatá, must The series of these rates is as follows: be supplied to samabháyatdit. The reading
4. The given total is . The sum of the rahita, however, is not certain. rates is 7. Dividing the one by the other,
4. Brahmagupta's version of the forty203 we obtain 1. Multiplying by this, the
ninth satra, referred to above,(MS., No.1, B, 6,
Library, As. Soc. Beng., p. 85) is as follows:same amount is obtained as the gift of A ; viz.
Idânim *). The same is the case with the negative
Yð rašir ishtôno vargô bhavati, sô ch'anyequantities, (ie. BIX [(2 x ) - ] = ishtay tô varga êva bhavati | similarly C D ).
Tat-karana-sútram NOTES
Yair ûnê yais cha yuto rûpair vargas tad1. In the text, the italicised words are con- aikyam ishta-hritam jecturally restored portions. The dots signify Ishtona tad-dala-kritir ûnabhyadhika bhathe syllabies (akshara) which are wanting in! vati raših :

Page #53

FACSIMILE OF A LEAF OF THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT. Containing a portion of Sutra 25.
Plate I.
1 ττττττττττττττττττττΤ Τ ΤΤ: 2 ΤΙΙΙτ ττττττττττττττττττ 3 5ττττττττττττττττττττττ 4 ΤττΙΙΙ ΤΙΙΙΙΙΤ,
Ιττττττττ 5 ττττη το 1955 ησαι την 6 αυγαστηΒε8τιτττ18εάοι 1 Agrafals/moyστατεστάwra 8 (επαν) πατάς τη σηήοίο 9 fν κα 3η grasshoς αφορά στη 10 Τραγατστσξησ πηδιτσασε 1 TV5351 330 ηξα σφάξη(. 12 σττηgglyfos qση α/SIElsfΥΤΙτ 13 ΤΙτττττττττττττττττττττττττ 14 ΤΤΤΤΙΤΤΙτττττττττττττττττ 15 ΤΣΙΙττττττττττττττττττττττ 16 ττττττττττττττττττττττ
Size 8%" by 7".
Obverse restored.
Indian Antiquary.
Jaffé & Albert, Vienna,

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Page #55

FEBRUARY, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
47
The karana-sitra is translated by Colebrooke as follows:-"The period less one, multiplied (Indian Algebra, p. 371) thus :-"the sum of by the common difference, being added to the the numbers, the addition and subtraction of first term, is the amount of the last. Half the which makes the quantity a square, being sum of the last and first terms is the mean divided by an arbitrarily assumed number amount : which multiplied by the period, is (ishfa), has that assumed number taken from the sum of the whole." Applying this rule to the quotient: the square of half the remainder, the present example we have :-the period 4 with the subtractive number added to it, is less 1 is 3; multiplied by the increment 20, it the quantity (sought)." The sstra is followed is 60; added to the initial term 20, it is 80. by a commentary and an example, which the som of 80 and 20 is 100; half that differs entirely from that given in the Bakh- sum is 50; and this multiplied by the period shalt MS. It will also be noticed, that 4, yields the total 200. In the original SansBrahmagapta's sútra is in the dryd measure, krit (MS., No. I, B, 6, Library, As. Soc. while the fragments of the sidra in the Bakh- Beng., p. 86) of Brahmagapta, the rule runs shali MS., as restored from the solution, are in thas: the slók a measure.
Padâm ekshinam uttaragupita samyuktam 5. Unnumbered satras. Problems on &dinantyadharaம் | distribution or partition. It may be noted that | Adiyutântyadhanardham madhyadhanam pathese examples afford an illustration of what dagaạitam phalan 11 has been before remarked regarding the nature It will be noticed that this is in the drya and use of the dot. It will be noticed that measure, and that it is quite differently worded the dot is called súnya or the empty place;' from the same rule in the BakhshAlt M8., which and as the first step of the process of solution commences with the word ripona, and which the direction is given to fill up the empty must have been in the blbka measure. This place with the number 1,' the latter being confirms a remark previously made regard arbitrarily assumed to represent the unknown ing the relation of the BakhshAli MS. to quantity of which the value is sought (the Brahmagupta.-In the fifth example of the ichchha or kámika).-The meaning of the ex- second sutra the rates are obtained thus: A ample of the first sutra is :-if A gives 1, B gives gives 1+ ; B2x +-;3X 2 X 1-2, C 3 X 1 - 3, D 4X 1-4. The sum
+ + ; D 4 + " + of the rates is 1+ 2+ 3+ 4 = 10; dividing
+ - the given total 200 by 10, we obtain 20, as the
The sum of the rates is 222 ; dividing with gift of A. Hence the gifts of B, C, D are 40,
this the given total 222, we obtain l as the 60, 80 respectively. The rule of the rupóna
value of ; which practically finishes the method is not preserved in the Bakhshall MS. problem ; for multiplying each rate with 1, we It is given, however, by Brahmagupts in obtain the same amounts
for the the section of his Arithmetic on Progression. several gifts of A, B, C and D. In Colebrooke's translation of Brahmagupta's 6. The page figured on the accompanying work it is numbered 17 (on p. 290), and runs plate reads as follows:
1. .... uda || ajñâta-r-ambhalohasya tại-chatuh-panchaka kshayê sapta = 2. vimsati piņdasya tridhậnta-séshya dsishyatë 1 kin sarvam vada tatvajña kshayam cha 3. ma katthyatâia | še 27 karaṇam 1 ksitva rûpa-kshayaṁ pârtha 38
guņita jậta | rûpa-kshayam a nêna śêsham bhaktań sêshaṁ 27 bha = 5. [ktarin) játam 45 asya saptâviisa pâtya śêsha 18 | dta kshayam # udâ 1 6. (pa]rikshinasya lôhasya tạidhântâm pamchamashakam na jñkyatê [ta]t-pravrittiká 7. [na sé]aha pradpisyaté prassitti-sêsbam yo piņdam kêvalam. vimsati sthitam & - 8. [dansyat]ân pravritti spa kia vì đênhan vada va mê | 11 | 2 | kritva_rupa =]

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48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
The lithographed plate, unfortunately, is get 18 as the loss." Proof: the total is 45; at not quite perfect. The cranscript has been the first time of cutting, or 15 is got as cut made from the original. Ambha-lóha I take stones; hence the loss (or what is cut away) is to be the Sanskrit abhra-róha lapis lazuli' (cf. 30; the latter is cut once more, and or 71 is Pali ambhó 'a pebble'). For parchamásakani got as cut stones, the loss being 22 ; this is read pasichamánnsakan. The purport of the first cut a third time, and ; or 4 is now got as cat example is : "of an unknown quantity (pinda) stones, the final loss being 18. The produce of lapis lazuli, on deducting the loss (in cut- of the three instalments of cutting, accordting), there remain 3, 4, $ in three instalments ingly, is 15 + 7 + 4 or 27.--The second (tridha-anta); the sum of the remainders of example is similar; only that here, besides the the three instalments is 27. What was the original (pravritti) total (50), the total prototal, and what is the loss P" Solution: "Sub-dace (isha or what remains after deducting tracting from 1 severally }, }, }, we get the several losses) is to be found (30), instead 1,$, ; these multiplied with one another are of the final remainder (pravritti-sésha) which
; subtracting this from 1, we get the total is given as 20. The solution and proof) may remainder 27, being divided by this, we get 45: be made exactly as in the case of the first deducting from this the total remainder 27, we example.
would as minő
ها و انا ليه
wrist was so
18.—How old are
11
?you
|
مغالدان بن بدن ملیکی produced
in
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE.
No. III.
BY CAPTAIN J. S. KING, Bo.S.C. COLLOQUIAL SENTENCES.
30.-Is this knife English Somali
yours ? 31.-Yes: this is
mine. 18.-How old are
32.-Is much coffee you?
your country? 19.-Will you sell
33.-What is the this?
charge for a 20.-Yes: I will sell
camel-load? it. 21.-Will you buy
water procu. this?
rable here? 22.—I will buy it.
35.-How far is the
town from the 23.-I shall beat you.
shore ?
د امساد جرتی ، و ابنی
som
34. Is
any
fresh which can be sure that
7.
: ابنى
u
-1
1
مغالد
in the bazar.
-.36 مانت سوگکي بان و أرقی Isaw you to-day میش مهان گسمینیسی What were yon-37 ، هان ارتو إبنى was buying .38
doing there?
24.-Hold my horse. 25.-I will hold it. 26.- What have you
brought ? 27.-Bring me a good
spear. 28.-I want a mat. 29.-Do you know
what he says ? Erratum in No. II. Somáli. The last sentence in the left-hand column on page 285, Vol. XVI., should be written as follows:-"By this method the student is ved the trouble of wading through grammati.
مهاد كيئتی وزن وناقن إيكين درمان دونی
و نییهی متف
some food. 39.-I shall come to
your house to
day. 40.-I want some
bread and salt. w! Bowl wi comisi
دونی
cal rules (which, without practice in their use, would probably not convey much information to his mind), and his attention is drawn only to those points of grammar which arise in the sentences."

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FEBRUARY, 1888.]
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE
49
41.- I wish to buy
some ghi and rice.
ايبسدریان دونی
42.-Bring me some
milk. 43.-Do you drink
milk? 44-Yes: I do drink
milk.
45.—Do you drink
be
sol
coffee? 46.-No: I drink
water.
tion, meang force, jerk. So-difo means force open, and ka-difo, take by force.
24. Faras-kaigi kabo. Faras (Ar.) s. m. horse. Ķabo, v. 4. imperative, hold, catch.
25. WA kabanalya.--1st pers. sing. present with a future signification.
26. Mahad kêntai P Kéntai, 2nd pers. sing. perf. of v. kén, bring, fetch. .
27. Waran wanaksan 1-kên. Waran s. m. spear. Wanáksan, adj. good.
28. Dirman donaiye.- Dirmo. 8. f., mat. (Vide sentence 9).
29. Waha 10hyahai ma takan P Wahu, contr. for wah, some, and yú, he (I. p. 14). Lehyahai, from the adjective root aléh, literally meaning possessed of, but here used idiomatically. Probably the word kadal, meaning speech, talk, story, conversation, &c., is understood.
30. Mindida ma tadi ba? Mindi, 8. f. knife; mindida, the knife; a, the def. art. implying that the thing is actually present. The article is here assisted by the consonant d, because mindi is fem. and ends in a vowel. (H. gs. 21-22). Tddi, possess. pron. 2nd pers.
47.–Do you smoko
óseo se su
tobacco ? 48.--Have you ever
been to India ?
مشاهرهم
امس
دی
49.-What paydo
you require P
van het go slpó contem. (H, 6. 55).
دونیس
کومینی
50.--I will give you yo
31. HA! waha an-aleh, ten dollars & *
32. MaghAladada bunn badan ma lode month.
hai P Maghdlo, 8. f. country, city. Dada, possess. pron. your. The possessive pronoun
follows the same rules as the article in regard to Vocabulary and Grammatical Analysis, with
the election of a consonant to complete it. The Notes and transliteration.
remarks under mindida (sentence 30), apply also 18. Adiga immisa jir ba tahai or, Adiga to maghála-dada. Bunn, (Arabic) s. m. coffee. imsad jirtai P Immisa or imsa, how much ? Badan, ady. of quant., much, past part, of v. adv. of quantity. (H. p. 40.) jir, v. of exis- badi, increase. Lédahai, from the root áléh tence. Imsád, vide sentence 7.
(vide sentence 29). 19. Adiga waha ma ibinaisa P Waha, this; 33. Awrka kad kist we immisa P Awr, compounded of wah, some, and the def. art. | 8. m. camel ; aurka, the camel. kad, s. m. burIbinaisa, 2nd pers. sing. pres, of it, v. 3, sell. den. Kisi, possess. pron. 3rd pers. sing, masc.
20. HA: wa ibinaiya.-Hú, interj., yes, his (H. s. 55). just so !
34. Mesha biyo m'en ma ledahai P Mel, s. 21. Adiga wana maibsanaisa.-Ibsanaisa, f. place. Mésha = mel, with the def. art, affixed 2nd pers. sing. Pres. of ibso, v. 8, buy. [Note 1 being changed into sh for the sake of enthe difference between ibi, v. 3, sell, and ibso, phony. (H. s, 23). The change of these letters v. 8, bay.)
has already been noticed in the Introduction, 22. WA: ibsanaiya
M'an, adj., sweet. 23. Aniga wa ku gu-dufan. Ku, pers. 35. MaghAlada håbta immisa jirta P H66, pron, 2, dative. Gu-ku, a prep. used with the s. f. shore ; hábta, the shore. (H. 8. 23). verb difo, Dito, v. 4, always preceded by 36. Manta sogki yan ka arkai. Manta, ku, when meaning to fall upon and beat with adv. to-day-man, day, with the def. art, affixed. something. N. B.-Difo, withont any preposi- Arkai, 1st pers. sing, perf. of arak or arag, v. see.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
37. Mêsha mahad ka samainaisai ? Ka is here a verbal particle joined to the verb. Samainaisai, 2nd pers. sing. imperf. of samai v. 5, make, construct, do.
38. Wah han annû yan ikeanaiyai. Wah, 8 m, some. Han, pers. pron. 1, aided by the letter h, because the previous word terminates in that letter. (H. s. 22 and pp. 13-14). Unni, s. f. food, dinner; derived from, in v. eat. 39. Manta aghalkagi yan imanaiya. Imanaiya, 1st pers. sing. pres. of imo, v. 4 irreg.,
come.
40. Kibis iyo osbüh yan donaiya. Kibis (Ar. khubs), s. f. bread. Iyo, conjunc., and ôsbüh, s. f. salt.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
8. m. coffee (the beverage) Fud, v. drink (coffee; or smoke tobacco).
46. Maya: bi yan wa aba. Maya, adv. no. aba, 1st pers. sing. pres. habit, of ab, v. drink (water.) [From this and the preceding sentences, it will be observed that the English verb 'to drink' is expressed in Somâli by three different verbs, according to the liquid drunk; and these verbs cannot be used indiscriminately.]
47. Adiga buri ma-fůdta? Búri, s. m. tobacco.
48. Adiga wali ardhu-l-Hindi ma-tagtai ? Wali, s. m. (used as an adverb), ever, hitherto, yet, (H. s. 267). Ardh, (Ar.) s. country, land, region.
41. Subag iyo baris inan ibsido yan donaiya. Subag, s. m. ghi, clarified butter. Barís, s. m. rice Inan in, that, with the 1st pers. pron. added; that I.
49. Adiga immisa mushahara donaisa P or Bishi mahad donaisa? Mushahara, (Ar.) 8. m. monthly wages, (from Ar. shahar, a month). Bil, s. f. month. Bishi bil, with the def. art. affixed. (Vide sentence 34).
42. Ano i-ken. Ano, s. m. plur. milk. 43. Adiga ano ma damta ? Damta, 2nd pers. sing. pres. habitual of dan, drink (milk). 44. Wa yahai: aniga (or anigo) ano wa dama. Wa yahai, it is so; yes.
50. Aniga tóban karshi mushahara kû sinaiya. Tôban, s. f. num., Ten. Karsh, s. (Ar.) a dollar. Sinaiya, 1st pers. sing. pres.
45. Adiga kahwa ma-füdta. Kahwa (Ar.) (with a future signification) of si, v. 3, give.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA..
No. 3.-Rájáchá Masthia. In a distant land once lived a great Râja who ruled over a vast kingdom. He had large armies at his command. The nobles and chieftains were all at his service, and he had everything that one could desire; but a misfortune marred his happiness, for he had no heir to succeed him after his death. So the Raja on this account was very sad, and gave large alms, and other things in charity in the hope that the receivers thereof would pray to God to give him an heir. At last his long cherished desire was fulfilled in his old age, when a son was born to him. The boy grew up very rapidly and was the joy of all his father's house, and of his subjects as well.
Now it happened that about two years afterwards a daughter was also born to the Raja, on whom everyone bestowed all care and attention, neglecting the prince, who was not so much as even looked upon,-a fact which he at once observed and felt deeply.
For several years matters continued in this state, and the prince, who had by this time
attained the age of discretion, became disgusted. Early in the morning he would rise, take his sword and go out into the jungles, and there ask of the herdsmen (gaunhlás) who tended the cows to give him milk, and on this alone he lived. At first he would drink only about a sér or so, but by degrees he began consuming it by mans. Drinking milk in such quantities made him so strong, that on his way home he would uproot trees and destroy anything, even houses that came in his way. So he became known throughout the State by the name of Rajacha Masthia. As soon as he came home he would take to his room and never allow any one to enter. The servants would now and again come and tell him to take his meals, but he would tell them to go about their business. Now the princess often saw him coming home from his daily visits to the gaunhlás, but did not know that he was her brother. She also saw how he uprooted trees and did other feats of strength.
When the princess became of a marriageable age, the Râjâ, her father, asked her to mention

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FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
51
any person that she would like to take for her wedding day was fixed apon. Great preparahusband. And as the princess did not know tions were made throughout the kingdom to that RajâchMasthiâ was her brother, she said : celebrate such a happy occasion with a fitting
"I will marry only him, who is so pomp, and nothing was spared that could lend strong as to be able to take up an iron ball beauty and grandeur to the ceremony. twice twelve mans in weight, and throw it at As to Rajâchủ Masthiâ, he was mad with a distance of twice twelve kôs."
rage when he heard what was going to take The Rajâ agreed, and accordingly sent no place, and he would not agree to it. So a few tices to various Râjâs and pardhans, to the days before the day appointed for the wedding effect that any one, who could lift up an iron he took his sword and was sharpening it when ball twice twelve mans in weight and throw one of the Raja's servants passed him and it to a distance of twice twelve kos, should greeting him said: "Pardhân Sahib, all the have his daughter in marriage.
palace is in a bustle prepaing for a wedding, Accordingly on an appointed day, an iron ball and yet you seem to be taking it easy !" twice twelve mans in weight was made ready, "For whose wedding ?” he asked, "are and a great many Rájás and pardhans, who had they preparing P" received the notice, came to try if they could The servant replied: "Why, are you so ignolift it up and throw it to a distance of twice rant as that? It is your own wedding with twelve kos, and so get the beautiful princess. your sister !"
All that had come tried their strength but! But Rajâchå Masthiâ in an angry tone told in vain. Some of them could lift up the ball, him to leave his presence at once, “or," said but to throw it such a distance was impossible. he, "I will tear you into a thousand pieces." They tried over and over again till late in the The poor servant, who knew the temper evening, and all despaired of success. Just and strength of Râjâchá Masthiî only too well, then Râjâch Masthiâ was coming home from left the place without another word. his usual oxcursion, and it happened that the Soon after this another servant was passing iron ball of twice twelve mans in weight lay by, and said: "What are you doing, Pardhân in his way. Not knowing the object of it, and Sahib? Where are you going that you are not even paying any attention to all the Rajis sharpening your sword, while all the palace is and pardháns that were assembled there, with busy preparing for a wedding?" sccustomed ease he took up the ball and threw it "Whose wedding ?" asked Râjâchá Masthia. uta distance of twice twelve kðs and even more. "Why ? can I believe that you are ignorant
The princess was watching from one of the of it, when the wedding is your own with palace windows, and as soon as she saw Raja- your sister ?" replied the servant. cha Masthia fulfil the condition she had im- But he was also told to leave his presence posed upon the successful suitor for her hand by Râjâchi Masthiâ, who threatened to tear she at once ran to the Raja, her father, and him into a thousand pieces, and dreading his told him that Râjâchå Masthiâ was her choice. wrath the man went about his basiness without All the strange Rajâs and pardhans were as- uttering another word. tounded at the strength of Rajachi Masthiên; While he was yet sharpening his sword, a but at the same time they could not become third servant came up to him and asked what reconciled to the idea of & sister marry. he was doing while all the palace was making ing her brother. Her father and his guests grand preparations for the coming great event, all tried to persuade her of her folly, but namely his wedding with his sister. Rajáchâ she was not to be put off, and she said: "I Masthia was furious and flew at bim sword in must either marry him, even if he be my hand, telling him to go away, or," said he, brother, and him alone, or die."
"I will tear you into a thousand pieces." Like All were at a loss to know what to do the other two servants this servant, too, feared Nothing could dissuade her from the foolish to provoke him further and quietly went away.
to provoke him further and anie love. However, they saw no alternative, and Now Rajâch Masthia's sword was of such said they would make this case an exception, a nature, that if it rasted he would fall sick, and everything was agreed upon and an early and if it broke he would die. His life lay

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FEBRUARY, 1888.
in the sword, and consequently he could not Rajâchâ Masthiâ said: "I am that Rajachá dispenge with it. So taking his sword and his Masthiâ, who lifted that iron ball twice twelve horse, RAjâchá Masthiâ left his honge, without mans in weight and threw it at a distance of informing his father or any one else. They all twice twelve kon." saw him going away, but they thought that he On this the carpenter said: "Well, then, I was only going on his daily excursion, and will go with you wherever you go. Even to that he would return as was his wont, little death will I follow you." suspecting that he was going for good.
Now these three, Rajachâ Masthia, the So away he rode, through jungles and forests, bunter and the carpenter, all travelled togeand had travelled some distance when he met ther. After many days they came to a city late a hunter who was carrying a gun on his shoal- in the evening, but they were surprised to find der. Rajâchê Masthill called out to him: "Hallo that it was deserted, and not a single soul to hunter, what is the weight of your gun p" be seon. All the houses and shops were open. "Fifteen mans," the hunter replied.
Rajáchå Masthià said: "What can be the "You must be a very strong man to carry a cause of this? We will remain here for some gun fifteen mans in weight, continually on your days and find out what it all means." shoulder !” said Rajâchâ Masthia.
So they pat up in a large house. They went "Oh, no!" replied the hanter. "Rajáchå to one of the shops, and took what was necessary, Masthia is the only strong man, who lifted an laying the proper money on the counter. They iron ball twice twelve mans in weight, and then cooked their food, ate it and went to sleep. threw it a distance of twelve kós."
Next day Rajáchå Masthiâ said to the car"I am he," Rajáchâ Masthiâ replied. penter: "The hunter and myself are going
On this the hunter said ! "Then I must round the village; you stay at home and prefollow you. I will go with you wherever you pare the dinner to-day." go. I will live and die with Rajáchê Masthia." The carpenter agreed and set about his work,
Rájachi Masthiâ now pursued his way fol-while Râjâchâ Masthiâ and the hunter went to lowed by his new friend, the hunter ; Rajáchå inspect the village. In due time the rice was Masthiâ riding his horse, while the hunter fol. ready and the carpenter poured it out on a lowed on foot. They travelled in this way for a pathravel, when lo! a rankhes, three palmyras long time when it struck Rijâch& Masthis that in height, made his appearance and asked for it was unbecoming that he, though a prince, the rice or he said he would swallow the car. should ride a horse, while his friend, the hunter, penter. The poor carpenter was at a loss to walked. So he let his horse loose to go where he know what to do; but seeing that if he did not liked, and both made their way on foot. When give up the rice his life was at stake, he gave it they had travelled for several days they came on up. The rankhas having done justice to the rice a carpenter who was carrying his saw on his disappeared, The carpenter net about cooking shoulder, and other tools in a bag swang on
rice again, but before it was done Rajâchâ his back. Rajachâ Masthiâ called out to him: Masthià and the hunter came in and asked if "Hallo carpenter! what is the weight of
the dinnor was ready. The carpenter did not your saw and the other tools ?"
like to incur the displeasure of R&jach Mas. The carpenter replied: "The weight of my thiâ, nor did he wish him to know that a gaw is ten mans and that of the other tools is rankhas had come and swallowed the rice he five mans, in all fifteen mans."
had previously cooked, for fear of being called Râjâchå Masthid said: “Indeed, you are coward, and so he made some excuse for very strong man, to carry tools fifteen man in the delay in making the dinner ready. All weight continnally about you."
three set about it and when it was prepared "Oh no!" said the carpenter. "My strength they all had their fill and rested. is nothing compared to that of Rajáchâ On the following day Râjâcba Masthiâ told Masthi, who lifted up an iron ball twice the hanter that it was his turn that day to stay twelve mans in weight, and threw it at dis at home and prepare dinner, while the carpentance of twice twelve kos. He is really strong." ter and himself went out. Thus saying they
A plato made of leaves.

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FEBRUARY, 1888.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
53
both went out, and the hunter having taken other necessaries, put down the proper price what was necessary from the shops, laid the on the counter, and set about preparing the money on the counters, and set about cooking. dinner. When the rice was boiled he poured it on a In a short time the rice was boiled and pathrável, when tbe ránkhas made his appear- Râjâchâ Masthiâ poured it over & pathrável, ance again and demanded the rice of the when lo ! the ránkhas spenting the fine savour hunter. The hunter was a little reluctant at of the dinner came to claim his share. first, but the rankhas said: “Give up the rice “Who are you P" asked Rajâchå Masthiâ, at once or I will make a meal of you instead." "and what do you want here P" The hunter was terror-stricken at these words, The ránkhas replied: "Do not trouble yourand without any resistance handed the pathra- self as to who I am, give up the rice in an vél with the rice to the rankhás, who ate it instant, or you are my victim. I will swallow and disappeared.
both the rice and you." Now the hunter hastened to boil some more But our hero was not to be deterred by such rice, but Rajach Mastbiâ and the carpenter threats. “Wait a few moments," he said, and came in and asked for dinner. The carpenter I will give you the rice." Saying this he went who had had his experience the day before, and fetched his sword, and with one stroke he at once conjectured that the hunter must have stretched the ránkhas on the ground, where he met with the same fate as he had, and under- lay like a great mountain. Having killed him stood the cause of the delay. The hunter, too, he proceeded to examine this great monster more guessed that the carpenter must have also had closely, when his attention was attracted by & visit from the ránlchas but of course he would something very bright at the rankhas' waist. not tell Rajáchå Masthia what had occurred, Approaching the body Rajâchỉ Masthill took and made some excuse to account for the delay. it and found it was a diamond of great size. All hands were now busy in preparing dinner, Now near where the ránkhas lay dead was a and when it was ready they satisfied the crav. tank. As soon as the diamond was reflected in ings of hunger.
the tank, behold! there a passage opened. When they rose on the third day Rajâcb& Râjâcha Masthiâ descended by a ladder that Masthis said: “To-day it is my turn to cook. he saw, and he came to a splendid palace. You two go about the village." But the hun. Entering it he saw a damsel of rare beauty, ter and the carpenter would not allow it. Şaid and chatted with her a long while, and they: “It is not becoming that yon, a pardhan, then finding that it was time for the hunter should cook and give us to eat. We two will and the carpenter to return for dinner, he make it our duty to cook every alternate day." left her, thongh she was very reluctant to They said this, not because they really had any let him go. He, however, took good care to feelings of respect towards Râjâchâ Masthiâ take the diamond with him. He came home as a pardhán, but because they feared that he just a little before the hunter and the carpenter would come to learn of their encounters with returned, and when they came he pretended the ránkhas, and they would thereby be dis- that nothing had happened. After they had graced. Râjâchê Masthiâ, however, was not to their dinner, Râjâcha Masthià asked first the be persuaded, but said: "You had your torns carpenter and next the hunter, to tell him the and you did your duty. To-day it is my turn, and true cause of the delay in preparing dinner on I must do my duty. I am a pardhán it is the previous days. They confessed their faults true, but here I do not insist on my dignity. and begged forgiveness. Rajáchâ Masthis, We are equals."
who was as kind-hearted as he was strong, The hunter and the carpenter saw no alterna- knew their weakness and forgave them, warntive but to submit. So they went about the ing them, at the same time, not to tell lies village, fully believing that at their return they again. He then took them and showed where would be reprimanded for their cowardly. con- the mountain of a monster lay dead. duct on the previous days. As soon as the hunter The next thing Rajách& Masthia did was and the carpenter were gone Râjâchå Masthill to put up on a lofty post a large flag with the went to one of the shops, took rice, ghi, and inscription : "All who are of this city need

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fear nothing. The monster their enemy is no more. Rajacha Masthis has killed him and is now king." The citizens who had migrated into neighbouring places read the inscription with great joy, and once more came and took possession of their shops and houses. All saw with admiration how their enemy lay dead, and blessed their deliverer, Râjáchâ Masthiâ."
They continued to live in that city for a time, during which Râjâchâ Masthiâ introduced his friend the carpenter to the fair lady in the subterraneous palace. They were so fascinated with each other, that Râjâchâ Masthiâ had pity on the poor carpenter, and so arranged for their wedding. In due time everything for the marriage was ready, and it was celebrated with great pomp; all the citizens were invited, and the rejoicings lasted for several days.
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
or in danger; if it should die, know that I am also dead." Thus saying Rajâchâ Masthiâ left with his friend, the hunter-the carpenter, his bride, and all the citizens shed tears, thinking that they should never see him again.
After living in this city for a year or two Rajacha Masthiâ thought of visiting other countries, and so, making over the charge of the city to the carpenter, he took his leave of him and his fair bride. The citizens did not like to part with him, but they could not keep him back; and before leaving Rajâchâ Masthia gave strict orders that all were to obey his friend, the carpenter, whom he gave them as king in his stead. He also gave the carpenter the diamond that he had taken from the rankhas' waist, as it was necessary for him to go in and out of the subterraneous palace. The carpenter could not bear the idea of parting with his friend, but after much argument he was persuaded to remain. However he said: "My dear pardhan and friend, to part with you is almost death to me, bat as it is your desire that I should remain here and be king in your stead, I agree if only to please you. Bat should anything occur to you how am I to know, so that I can come to see you? Give me some sort of sign by which I could know that you are ill or in danger." Râjâchâ Masthia gave him a plant and told him to plant it near the palace door. He said: "If this plant should fade, know that I am sick
Rajacha Masthiâ and the hunter now both travelled for several days and came to another beautiful city. They went to an old woman's house and begged for lodging The old woman willingly agreed. It so happened that she had seven fair daughters. The youngest and the fairest was, however, next to dead. She was afflicted by a big snake, and if any persons slept near her the snake used to come out of her and kill them. On this account the old woman was very down-hearted. Rajâchâ Masthiâ inquired of her the cause of her sorrow, and being informed what it was told the old lady to calm herself. He said he would make short work
seven
of the snake, if only she followed his instructions. He told her to buy him mans of wheat flour, seven mans of sugar, and seven mans of ghi. The old woman readily brought it, and Rajachâ Masthiâ made a figure of a man out of them, and in the night he placed it by the side of the youngest daughter, and told the old woman on no account to put her hand, much less come close to the girl. Having done this Râjâcha Masthia with a naked sword in his hand hid himself close by, waiting for the snake to come out. He had not to wait long before it came out and bit at the figure, and finding it taste sweet, it came out altogether, coiled itself on the wheaten figure, and set to eating it. Râjâchâ Masthiâ now thought it his opportunity, and with one stroke the snake dropped dead, cut into several pieces. From that moment the girl was cured of her malady, and went about as healthy and fair as the rest of her sisters. The old woman was very pleased and ran to take up one of the pieces of the snake, but Râjâchâ Masthia chopped off her hand, and taking it up left the house.
(To be continued.)
A NOTICE OF THE ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHAYYA LAL. BY E. REHATSEK. (Continued from p. 340.)
30. In the Samvat year 1883 [A.D. 1826] | Laili by name, the like of which, in beauty it was reported to the Mahârâjâ that Yar and in speed, had never been owned by any Muhammad was in the possession of a mare, sovereign. Accordingly he demanded it from

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Yar Muhammad Khân, who sent back the with a robe of honour, but left the troops messenger with an evasive answer; whereon which had marched there under other comRanjit Singh ordered the Sardar Buddha manders at Atak. Meanwhile the information Singh forth with to march with troops and arrived that Laili was not dead, but that Yår artillery to Peshawar and to take the animal Muhammad, who feared to be deprived of by force. At that time there was a free-booter, the horse, had only removed it to another Sayyid Ahmad by name, in the vicinity of place of concealment. The Mahârâjâ therefore Pèshậwar, who had many Hindustani Muslim ordered the prince Kharak Singh to depart followers, and pretended that he would some immediately to Pêshã war, and to offer to day conquer the Panjab. Meanwhile, however, Yâr Muhammad any amount of money for he contented himself with besieging a small the horse, but to remove him from his post Sikh garrison which held the fort of Haidrů, of governor if he refused to part with it; and on hearing of this, when approaching with and also to purchase at any price from Sher his troops, the Sardár Buddha Singh determined Muhammad another celebrated horse known to liberate the said garrison, Sayyid Ahmad, by the name of Shirin. The prince not only however, learnt that the Sikh troops were far himself obeyed, but took the precaution of inferior to the number of his own followers, and marching with all the forces left in Atak to therefore, surrounding them at some distance, Pêsbêwar, where he encamped. Yår Muhamcut off all supplies. The Sardar, who had, with mad, however, immediately fled, leaving him his Sikhs, been thus compelled to fast during in the possession of the town, where he made a several days, sent a courier to demand rein. sojourn of eight months; and purchased from forcements. Accordingly the Maharaja issued Shêr Muhammad the horse Shirin, paying instructions to the Raja Suchet Singh, and to him a lump sum of money for it, and giving the Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammud and him a landed estate the annual revenge of which Kashmir, to proceed with their armies by forced amounted to 10,000 rupees." He appointed marches at once to Peshawar, in order to Sultan Khan to be governor of Peshwar, liberate the Sardar Buddha Singh, whom the imposing upon him the obligation of sending Afghans had encompassed. The prince Shêr annually the required tribute money to Lähôr. Singh received similar orders, as well as the Then the prince marched with the army Generals Ventura and Allard, but when they as far as Atak, and it remained encamped reached Atak the news arrived that the there whilst he hastened to Làhôr; whereon Sardar Baddha Singh, driven to despair by Yar Muhammad, as soon as he learnt that the hunger, had broken the cordon which sur troops had gone to Atak, immediately expelled rounded him with his troops, and had, after a Sultan Khi from Pêshậwar. Ventura, who hot contest, pat Sayyid Ahmad to flight. was at that time in Atak, forth with sent a
When Yâr Muhammad became aware of what courier to the Maharaja, asking for permission had befallen the freebooter in whose aid he to deprive Yar Muhammad of the fort. To trusted, he humbly excused himself to the Sardâr this Ranjit Singh replied that he desired nothing Baddha Singh, and sent him a nazarána with more from the latter than the horse Laili and rich presents, declaring however that the famous his annual tribute as a loyal vassal; and the steed Laili had died. The Prince Shôr Singh General was therefore to give him any price he reported all this in a letter to the Maharajâ, who might ask for the animal, but was to wage war thereon replied approving of the valour displayed against him if he refused to comply. Ventura by the Sardar Buddha Singh, and instructed accordingly despatched a friendly letter to Yår him to levy tribute from Yár Mohammad, and Muhammad asking him to sell the horse, and to re-instal him as governor of Peshawar, but threatening him with hostilities if he demarred. that in case it should be ascertained that he 1 Whilst Yar Muhammad was preparing to had falsely reported the death of the horse, to give Laili to her Majnûn" the report arrived take it from him by force. The Sardar from Påshawar that the freebooter Sayyid then returned to Lâhôr and was invested Ahmad had again raised disturbances and was
This is scarcely credible. The above is an allasion to the loven of Leill and
Majnon:ung by many authors, and sometimes compared by European writers to those of Romeo and Juliet.

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plundering, with the intention of conquering the whole of the Panjab. Accordingly Yâr Muḥammad advanced at once and attacked him, but being in want of the needful ammunition, he bad to struggle with great disadvantages, fought valiantly, and was slain. Ventura immediately afterwards dispersed the freebooters, took possession of Pêshawar, and wrote to the Maharajâ for instructions, which soon arrived, and were to the effect that if Sultân Khân promised to pay the annual tribute, to remain loyal, and to part with Laili, he should be appointed governor of Pêshâwar and enjoy the favour of the Mahârâja: in case, however, of the refusal of Sultan Khân to accept these proposals, Ventura himself was to govern the district of Peshawar on behalf of Ranjit Singh. The wishes of the Maharaja having been Communicated to Sulțân Khân, he promised implicitly to obey them, and at once produced the mare Laili, offered a nazarána and received a robe of honour in return for it. The arrival of Ventura in Lâhôr with Laill which he presented to the Mahârâja, was a signal for great rejoicings and the showering of favours upon the General, who however, was not long there before the news came that, as soon as he had departed from Peshawar, Sayyid Ahmad had arrived there, and that Sulțân Khân, being a coward, had paid him allegiance, so he had left him in his post of governor and continued his depredations, which, if conducted on a more extensive scale, would eventually spread to the Pañjab unless checked. Accordingly the Mahåråjå forthwith despatched the prince Sher Singh with troops to punish the robbers, and after the latter reached the Hazara country he issued proclamations to the inhabitants that they ought not to flee and had nothing to fear from the Sikh troops. Then he attacked the enemy, thousands of whom were slain in a single engagement, Sayyid Ahmad himself with his relative and Wazir Maulavi Isma'il being among the number. When tranquillity had been completely restored, and the rebels utterly exterminated, the prince again installed Sulțân Khân as governor of Pêshawar, and returned with the troops to Lâhôr, when the Mahârâjâ received him with great honours.
31. Ranjit Singh, who entertained great affection for the king of England, desired to manifest it by sending him the following pre
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
sents:-Very fine garments of wool and silk; priceless gems, such as diamonds, rubies, and turquoises; a beautiful carpet of Kashmir-wool interwoven with gold; a great tent of woollen cloth, the like of which had never been seen; and various other rarities. The bearer was the great Amir Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, whom the Governor-General received in darbár at Simla, and graciously thanked after he had delivered his message. The presents arrived safely in London, and were highly approved of by the king, who, in his turn, sent various gifts to the Maharajâ, and among them a vehicle called a phaeton with four noble and swift-footed mares, and a beautiful Arab steed. The envoy, Mr. Burnes, who had brought these gifts from England, was received by the Mahârâjâ with great honours in a darbár at Lâhôr, and Mr. Wade, the Agent of the English Government, who usually resided at Lôdiânâ, having arrived, was likewise present. After the termination of the darbar the Mahârâjâ gave a brilliant state dinner. Then the Sardar Hari Singh with Faqir 'Azizu'ddin and Moti Ram, who was also a high dignitary at the court of the Pañjâb, departed to Simla with presents of fine garments and precious stones for the GovernorGeneral, with the request that the Mahârâjâ, desirous of strengthening the bonds of friendship between the English Government and himself, wished to have a personal interview with His Excellency, whom he begged to point out a convenient and pleasant locality for the meeting. The Governor-General graciously received the three envoys, and, assuring them that the king of England entertained the sincerest friendship for their sovereign, mentioned Rupar as the place most convenient for the interview. When the three envoys returned with this information, preparations were immediately begun, and all the troops who were to escort the Mahârâjà obtained brand new uniforms; the courtiers and high amírs also received notice to make arrangements for appearing in the best manner they could on that solemn occasion; and, all being ready, the Maharaja started with 10,000 cavlary, 6,000 infantry and ten pieces of artillery, but first proceeded with all these troops to Amritsar, where he spent two weeks, celebrating the Dasahrâ festival and carousing. He then he marched straight to Kâtgadh and encamped.

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The Governor-General, having been in- was his well-wisher, und only observe the formed of the Maharaja's arrival,likewise started precaution to take with him two apples, one with his officials and troops, taking up his of which he must at the time of meeting quarters at Rupar, whence he despatched a high present to the Governor-General, and immeofficer, Ramsay by name, to welcome Ranjit diately consume the other himself, Singh, who, in his turn, made a complimentary 32. The Mahârâjâ having issued orders to reply. When the said English officer departed, the cavalry to get ready, and to his amirs to the Maharaja sent his own son and heir- dress in silver and gold attire, and to bring apparent, Kharak Singh, at the head of a de- out their elephants and gilded haudás, their patation, which consisted of a number of amirs, horses and silver saddles, mounted his handú, and amoug them 8rt MahArdja Gulab Singh, while the artillery fired a salute, the bands the Governor of Jammun and Kashmir, Sardâr played, as the drums resounded, as the MaHari Singh, Raja Sangat Singh, 'Atar Singh, hårâjâ started, flanked by cavalry, and accom. and Sham Singh, to wait upon the Governor panied by his amírs on elephants. When the General for the purpose of inquiring after his cortège arrived at the bank of the river, the health. After the prince had crossed the river Mahârâjâ ordered a balt, and desired only 700 and approached the Governor-General's tent, cavalry and 200 infantry to accompany him to His Excellency came out with a number of the other side. They all marched across the English gentlemen and took the deputation bridge followed by Ranjit Singh, who then into the darbdr-tent, where, after the exchange passed on to the road, one side of which lined by of compliments and presente, the amirs were gigantic Parbiâs and the other by European invested with robes of honour, and returning troops, all drawn up in military order. On informed the Mahârâjâ of the polite reception this salutes of artillery and musketry were they had met with. He was highly pleased with fired and military bands played. Then a high their report, but was disquieted by the sugges- English officer came to meet and accompany the tions of some malevolent persons, who averred | Mahârâjâ, and when the procession had reached that it would have been more safe to have the the Governor-General's tent His Excellency interview in his own dominions, at Amritsar, came out, lifted his hat, warmly shook hands where he would have been in perfect security, with the Maharaja, and seated him on an ele. whereas in this place the English might during vated place in the tent, with the English gentlethe interview easily surround him and make men, whose heads were uncovered, on his right, him prisoner. The apprehensions of the and his own anirs on his left side, all sitting Mahârâjá having somehow been brought to the in great dignity with golden turbans but naked notice of the Governor-General, he immediately feet. After the Governor-General had uttered despatched his Secretary to Ranjit Singh to a few sweet words of welcome to the Maharaja, assure him that the English were an upright he ordered the band to play, and whilst the nation, incapable of treachery, and that nothing audience was being enchanted with delightful but closer relations of amity would result from music, the presente intended for the Maharaja the meeting. Although the fears of the were brought forth, laid out on fifty golden Maharaja had been almost totally dissipated trays, displaying turquoises, rubies, dishes by the declarations of the Secretary, he never- fall of gold, and wonderful clocks. The theless considered it proper to consult his Governor-General also presented the Maharaja astrologers on the subject, and summoned to with an enormous elephant and a golden hauda, his presence all who possessed a subtle know- two fleet horses with costly trappings, and a ledge of the stars, as well as all the Brahmans dinner-service, the plates of which were of who had studied the Vedas. They contemplated silver and gold; and lastly accompanied him to the rotations of the spheres and calculated the the place of leave-taking. motions of the stars, deeply meditated on the 33. On the same day the Mahârâjâ ordered results yielded by their calculations, and at his son Prince Sher Singh likewise to pay a laat declared, that fortune being propitious, visit to the Governor-General, and to request and the Creator helpful, the Maharaja ought him to condescend on the next day to refearlessly to meet the Governor-General, who view the Sikh troops. The invitation having

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graciously been accepted, the Maharaja had a splendid tent pitched with red and gold carpeting, an elevated seat and 30,000 [!] chairs around it. A number of other tents with silver poles and silken ropes surrounded the large one, all guarded by gold-turbaned servants, who had silver bátons in their hands. All the troops having been drawn out, and the line through which His Excellency was to pass arranged, the two princes Sher Singh and Kharak Singh were sent to inform Lord [William] Bentinck that everything had been got ready; whereon the Governor-General at once proceeded to the bank of the river, whilst the Mahirája approached it on the other side to meet him, and the Maharajâ's artillery having fired a salute, they proceeded together to the tent where they took their seats, surrounded by English officers and Sikh Amirs. The nazarána having been presented, the Governor-General touched it with his hand according to the usual custom, and then a hundred ornamented trays representing boats were brought in, loaded with costly garments, rabies, corals, pearls, diamonds, silver, gold, and various curiosities from Kashmir and Multân, as well as other presents, such as every kind of silk and gold embroidered cloth, heaps of woollen stuffs, necklaces of jewellery, swords, muskets, bows and arrows, pistols, carbines, battle axes and lances. The Maharaja presented to the Governor-General in addition to the above, four fleet horses with golden saddles, and two mountain-like elephants, for which he expressed his best
thanks and then took leave.
34. The Maharaja having after these two interviews determined to give an entertain. ment to the Governor-General on the third day, ordered all the preparations to be made, and these consisted in furnishing a splendid tent with elegant carpets. Musicians, singers and dancers of both sexes were ready to enliven the feast, and thousands of chandeliers with crystal pendants were hung up to illuminate it. Food and drink of every variety, with fruits and confectionery, having all been provided in the greatest abundance, and the countless chandeliers, lamps, candles and flambeaux lighted in the evening, the scene presented a magical and fairy-like aspect. Ranjit Singh despatched the Maharaja Gulab Singh to apprize the Governor-General that all was ready, who then
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
entered his carriage with his retinue and started immediately. He was met half way by Ranjit Singh, who then conveyed him to the improvised banqueting hall, where the English guests sat on chairs, and the amirs in their usual manner. Then the musical entertainment began with dancing and singing, in which the blooming beauties of the Panjab naturally played the chief part. Refreshments were partaken of, and potations indulged in to such a degree that the effect of the latter began to manifest itself at last in an uproar, to drown which the Mahârâja immediately gave orders for the bands to strike up, and when the tremendous noise made by the united kettle-drums, bugles, fifes, trumpets and clarionets ceased, the Maharaja added to the abovementioned gifts for the GovernorGeneral one more elephant with a golden hauda, with two beautiful horses, and presented to all the English guests shawls, golden turbans, and robes of honour, after which they took their leave and departed.
35. On the evening of the fourth day the Secretary of the Governor-General made his appearance on horseback in the camp of the Maharaja, and invited him to an entertain. ment, whereon he left his camp with the amirs of his darbár, and was met on the road by the Governor-General, who took him to a brilliantly illuminated tent in which beautiful English ladies were sitting on one side, and gentlemen on the other. A band played, refreshments were served, and the Governor-General presented the Maharaja with horses having golden saddles, with Indian and Chinese curiosities, wonderful garments, beautiful turbans, necklaces of diamonds and of other precious stones. Lastly the Mahârâja took his departure.
36. The Maharaja having, through the Sardar Hari Singh, conveyed to the GovernorGeneral his desire to witness the military exercises of British troops, the latter invited him to be present. Accordingly all the European and Indian troops, cavalry and infantry, were drawn out, and after performing some manoeuvres they exhibited some target practice with muskets and artillery. After which the Mahârajah first ordered the Raja Dhyan Singh, who had some knowledge of the matter, as well as a number of his bodyguard, to show their skill, and they were successful in hitting the target.

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Lastly the Maharaja himself showed his reached Sakhar (Sukkur) where he likewise horsemanship and agility by galloping towards collected from the Amirs all the tribute he was a brass vessel set up on a lance for a target able to extort, and returned victoriously to and cutting it in two with his sword whilst Lâhôr to his father, who congratulated him on passing. Then he departed to his camp.
what he had accomplished. 37. The next morning Ranjit Singh ordered A courier now suddenly arrived from Bahaall his troops to parade, and sent three of his walpar with the news that the Nawab had Sardars to invite the Governor-General to thrown off his allegiance, and had placed behold the spectacle. When His Excellency himself under the protection of the English, arrived, the troops saluted according to the whose vassal he had become; Mr. Wade having English fashion, and salvoes of artillery thun- accepted his submission and given him a sanad dered; after this a sham fight was executed, which to that effect: moreover the Governor-General elicited the applause of the Governor-General, had sent the Indian army to conquer sind. who then returned to his quarters. The next The Mahârâjâ was enraged on the reception day, being the last of the Mahârâjâ's sojourn of this news, but, as he desired to remain on he mounted an elephant and paid a visit to good terms with the British Government, he the Governor-General for the purpose of taking took no further notice of the matter, and wrote leave. On this occasion he was presented no letter of remonstrance to the Governorwith two brass cannon and ten Arab horses. After this visit he returned to his own camp Meanwhile the Sardar Hari Singh had punto spend a few days more in hunting, because ished the Yûsufzâis, but had been waiting four the locality pleased him greatly, and then he months near Peshawar hoping that Sultan went to Amritsar and paid his devotions at the Khan would at last pay his tribute. The latter's temple of Råmdas, and after distributing a forces, however, being twice as numerous as great deal of money in alms, he marched to those of Hari Singh, he was in no haste to Lahôr.
comply, so the Sardar complained to Ranjit 38. After the Maharaja had thus strength. Singh, who consulted his darbar on this subject, ened the bonds of friendship between his own the members of which arrived at the conclusion, and the English Government, certain disloyal that there being no doubt of Sultan Khan's vassals again refused to pay the customary disloyalty, and of his sympathy for the Kabul tribute. Accordingly he determined first to Government, he ought to be attacked and send to Dera Ghazi Khân his heir apparent, with Peshawar conquered. The Maharajâ accordthe brave Frenchman Ventura, instructing ingly ordered the Prince Naunihal with them to regulate affairs there and then to Ventura, and another officer named Court, attack the Nawab of Bahawalpur, who, if he as well as Têj Singh, forthwith to march with paid tribute, was to be confirmed in his post, numerous troops to Peshawar. When they otherwise he was to be removed therefrom. reached the vicinity of that fort, Sultân Khâu, The heir apparent was then ordered to trembling with fear, sent an envoy to meet the march also to Sind to realise tribute from the prince and to express his amazement at the intenAmirs of that province; whilst the Sardar tion of attacking one who was so loyal to the Hart Singh was to go to Peshwar to exact Maharajâ as himself, and not only ready to the same from the proud Sultan Khan, and, pay tribute, but prepared to sacrifice his life for the Yusufz&is of that region being a stiff-necked him. The prince, however, sent the reply that race, he was told to deal with them severely. he was merely the servant of the Maharaja
Accordingly Kharak Singh and Ventura whose orders he had come to execute, and advanced with their troops first to Dera that if Sultan Khâu was willing peaceably Ghazi Khan, subjugated the rebels and obtained to surrender Peshawar, his life would be spared, the tribute. When they arrived in the province but not if he refused to do so. Irresolute whether of Bahawalpur, which was likewise in a state of to yield or to resist, the perplexed Governor of rebellion, the Nawab became so frightened that Peshawar asked in a letter assistance from he immediately paid the required sum of money. Dost Muhammad, but Kabul being at that time Then the heir-apparent marched to Sind and in a great state of disturbance, it could not be

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given; so he surrendered his treasury, and ceded his post to the prince, who then treated him kindly and himself assumed the Government, carrying on the administration with such
CORRESPONDENCE.
THE YAVANAS OF ORISSA.
To the Editors of the Indian Antiquary.
SIRS, Sir W. W. Hunter in his work on Orissa refers to the attacks continually made upon the shoras of Bengal during the 7th, 8th and 9th centuries by Pirates called Yavanas. Who were these Yavanas? They can have had nothing to do with the Yavanas of the Epics,-the Greeks and their descendants in Bactria, who were not a maritime people, and lived too far away back in space
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. A QUAINT BLESSING.
The following blessings were collected by me in Mithila. They are much admired by the Pandits:
MISCELLANEA.
I.
राजोत्पले हरिभुजामिह के शवस्य
यस्योरसन्दुरदनं हि जटाकलापे । शंखाम्बरो हि पवनाइरिनाथसूनुः कान्तागशो ऽगतनया विपुलं ददातू ।। May he-who sleeps on a mountain (3--i.e. Siva), whose (44) beloved is the Daughter of the
[FEBRUARY, 1888.
leniency towards the Afghâns, that the whole province became loyal to the Maharajâ, who for this bestowed a costly robe of honour upon the prince. (To be continued.)
CONTES ET LEGENDES ANNAMITES, par A. LANDES, Saigon, Imprimerie Coloniale, 1886, pp. viii. 392 in
8vo.
and time to have troubled Orissa at this period. May I suggest that they were Malays from Java ? Java we now know from the Camboja inscriptions was subject to the Cambojan kingdom in the 7th century; and as far as the evidence points, and it accumulates rapidly, it received its Hinduism at that very time, not from India but from Camboja; and it would seem to have been a very active period of Malay energy.
Yours etc.,
This collection of Annamite tales and legends, published first in the Excursions et Reconnaissances (Nos 20-23, 25, 26) will be welcome to all students of Folklore, and more especially to those interested in Annamite ideas and manners. Popular tales are the same everywhere; and what is special to the Annamite Folklore is that it is essentially local; every rock, every pagoda has its own legend. M. Landes thinks that the Indo-Chinese popular literature has come from abroad. And several of the tales he has gathered do look more like a summary analysis of a foreign tale picked up by chance, than a national creation. But their strict locali. sation makes them valuable for a knowledge of the Annamite history and customs.
BOOK NOTICE.
HENRY H. HOWORTH.
Mountain (4-i.e. Pârvati), whose garment is the ethereal void (), whose son is the lord (i.e. Kumara) of the enemy (i.e. the peacock) of the eaters of air (i.e. serpents), on whose breast (a) is the king (i.e. Vasuki) of the eaters of frogs (y-i.e. snakes), whose repast (34) is on the fleshless (3) head () of a corpse, and on the top-knot of whose matted hair (जटाकलापे) is the moon (इन्दुः ) – give thee abundant prosperity.'
G. A. GRIERSON.
In this connection, we may aptly notice here the Index des caractères Chinois contenus dans le Dictionnaire Chinois-Anglais de Williams, avec le prononciation Mandarine Annamite par M. Phan-duc-hoa, Saigon. Collège des Interprètes, 1886, pp. 449-193 in 4to.
This index, done by a lettré of the Collège des Interprètes at the suggestion of M. Landes, will be of great practical utility, as it gives for each Chinese character its Chinese Mandarin pronunciation, both according to Williams and the Shanghai Jesuit pronunciation, and its Cantonese pronunciation, as well as the Annamite Mandarin. It will be not less useful for comparative philology, as it will help us to establish the laws of permutation between the Chinese and the Sinico-Annamite, and, by recognising thus better what in the Annamite is of Chinese origin, to sift out the specially Aunamite element.

Page #69

MARCH, 1898.) A BUDDHIST STONE-INSCRIPTION FROM SRAVASTI.
61
A BUDDHIST STONE-INSCRIPTION FROM SRAVASTI,
OF [VIKRAMA]-SAMVAT 1276.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. T EDIT this inscription from two good rub- in northern India in the first half of the 1 bings supplied by Mr. W. Hoey, B.C.S., 13th century A.D. For it records that it and forwarded to me by Mr. Fleet. The stone certain Vidyadhara, son of Janaka, and grandwhich holds the inscription was found by son of Bilvasiva, of the Vastavya family, estah. Mr. Hoey at Set-Mahot,' the ancient Sravasti ; lished a convent for Buddhist ascetics at the
in the Jētavana mound, in the ruins of an town where the inscription was originally put essentially Buddhist building with monastic up. Janaka, the father of Vidyadhara, is cells; in a stratum which indicated that it had described (line 8) as the counsellor of Gopala, been placed in a restored building."
ruler of Gadhipura or Kânyakubja; and VidyaThe inscription consists of 17 full lines, and dhara appears to have held a similar position one short line containing merely the date. "The under the prince Madana (line 13), probably a writing covers a space of about 2 8' broad successor of Gopala. The town where the conby 1' 2high, and is throughout well pre- vent was established, is called Javrisha for served. The size of the letters is from to possibly Ajávộisha); it is said to have been 3.-The characters are Dêvanîgarî, and there built by Mandhata, of the solar race, and is nothing remarkable about them except that to have had " its protection entrusted to the anusvára, instead of being written above Karkota." the akshara after which it is pronounced, is 11 We know that Jayachchandra of Kanuuj times written after it, with the sign of viráma was defeated and Kanauj taken by the Mubambelow the anusvara.-The language is Sans- madans in A. D. 1193; and it is therefore krit, and except for the introductory blessing interesting that our inscription, like another and the date at the end, the inscription is in inscription pointed out by Sir A. Cunningham, verse. The name of the composer of the verses Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XI. page 128, is Udayin (line 17). From a grammatical point should speak “ of the Hindu kingdom of of view I may draw attention to the wrong Kanauj as if it were still in existence." form avamanya, line 1; to the wrong com- The place Javrisha (or Ajávpisha) menpound tatparnchamah, line 10; and to the
tioned in the inscription, I am unable to identify unusual derivatives janina, line 7, and udaran- at present. In my opinion, there is just * bharfna, line 14.-In respect of orthography I
possibility that it may be Jaunpur or some would note the employment of the dental for place close to it. According to Sir A. Cunningthe palatal sibilant in sasivara, line 1, sákya, ham, loc. cit. pp. 163 and 104, Jaunpur bad line 1, vanisé, line 3, atiskys, line 3, sakuni, line an older name which is as yet unknown; there 4, varisa line 5, subhrair, line 5, panchasara, is near it a fort overhanging the river which line 10, vahusô, line 15, and prasastim, line 17; was called Kar&rkot; and “four miles to the and the fact that ba is throughout denoted by south-east of Kararkət, on the site of the prethe sign for va.
sent Zafarabad, stood the palace of the later The inscription is dated in the year (of kings of Kananj, with whom this was a favourthe Vikrama era) 1276, corresponding to ite residence." But my difficulty is that JaunA.D. 1219-20, and is of some interest as show. pur is about 130 miles distant from the place ing that Buddhism had not become extinct where the inscription was actually found.
1 Ordinarily written Saat-Mahét; see e... Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. I. page 393; Beal, Si-yu ki, Vol. II. page 1; Leggo, Pa-hien, page 55. The above spelling I owo to Mr. Hoey, who writon as follows: "Our carliest settlement inquiries found the Jetavana mound named 8h, and the city mound Maher Z. Thiu too is the spelling adopted by local Pandite, and by Patwaris who write Hiudi, Thy form Suht. Mahit
(ATZ FZ) is a corruption for the sake of the rhyme. It is curious that some Nepalese who visited the ruins while I was excuvating, called the place MIMS (2 )." On the map of the ruins of Srivasti, Archaeol..Survey of India, Vol. I., Plate L, Mahét is given the name of the Jetavana Monastery ound, and sing as the cu of the town.

Page #70

62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1 Ôm namo Vitarâgâya Mârân'-ashta niyamya dikshv-adhipatîn-âyôjya sat[t*]vôdayê durllamghyâny (ny)-avamanya Sa(sa)mva(mba)ra-ripôr-âjn-âksharany-âdritaḥ addharttum yatatê sma yah karupaya śri-SA(SA)2 kya-simho jagad=vô(bộ)dhim prâpya cha Vu(bu)ddhatâm abhigatal sa tvâm paritriyatâm II Samsar-âmbhôdhi-târâya Târâm=uttâra-lichanam 1 girvvâna-vâninâm Bharatîm=adhidêvatâm II
vande
3 Mâmdhat-akhyah satru-jich-Chhakra-tulyo vamsê(sê) Bhânôr-bhânu-têjô-tisk(s)yît nityânandi sâdhu bhôkta trilokim rajñâm âdyaś-chakravartti va(ba)bhuva I Svêchchham' bhramyan-kadachit-sara
4 siruha-rajô-raji-chitrikrit-âmbhaḥ samyag-drishtvå sard-ntar-madakala-sa(sa)kuni-vrâtarâv-Abhiramyam karttum kirttêr-vitânam sucharita-muditô mridbhir âpûrya yatnât-Karkkot-ádhina-ra
5 ksham sva-puram-idam-athô nirmamê Javrish-Akhyam | Tasminn-abhuvan-dhanino= tidhanyâh śri-pûrvva-Vastavya-kula-pradipâh ady-âpi yad-vamsa(sa)-bhavair yasôbhir-jjaganti su(su)bhrair dhavali
6 kriyantê Têsham'-abhûd-abhijane jaladhâv-iv-endur-imdu-dyntiḥ prathita-Vi(Bi)Ivasiv-Abhidhanaḥ | yasya Smarâri-charanamvu(mbu)ja-vatsalasya lakshmirdvijati-sujan-Arthijan-pablo
7 gya Saujany10-amvu(mba)nidhêr-udara-charita-pratyasyamân-ainasaḥ sadhûnâm-udayaika-dhama janani-sthanam śriyah sat[t]va-bhub tasy=âsij-Janako janinahridayah putraḥ satâm-a
TEXT.'
8 granir-mânyo Gadhipur-Adhipasya sachivo Gopala-namnaḥ sudhiḥ Tên="ôchchakairabhijan-âmvu(mba)nidhêḥ prasûtâ Lakshmir-iv-achyuta-vibhushana-kanta-mûrttiḥ ânanda-kanda-ja
9 nani janani-kulânâm Jijj-êti sambhrita-kulasthitin-opayê mê 11 Tâbhyâm"-abhuvams= tanayah shad-eva shadbhir-mukhair-êka-tanur-ya kaḥ jyâyân-sutaḥ Pippatanâmadhê
11 nama | Rasadhikamabhivyapi
10 yo dhîmân-iv-Agni-prabhavaḥ Śivabhyam | Tat1-pamchamaḥ Pâṁchasa(sa)r-ânukârî tayôs-tanajo-tana-kirtti-kandaḥ vidy-âvavô(bô)dhâd- anukirttyaté yô Vidya. dharo nama yathartha
[MARCH, 1888.
Girisa-charan-âśritam hams-iva mânasam yasya jahâti sma na Bharati Madhuryam madhunô mudha himaruchêr-ânandamêdhâvità mi
12 thy-aiv-âmvu(mbu)nidhêr=ggabhirima-ganas-tumgatvam-adrer alam yasy=aikaika-gunAdhirôhana-girêḥ saujanya-sâmdr-ôl[1]asat-piyush-aika-nidhèr-ggunêna gupinaḥ sarvvê-py-adhas-chakrirê i Yasmail
13 gaj-agama-rahasya-vidê gajânâm-Anandanim kalayatê dhuram-uddhuraya
bhûpâla
vicharya va(ba)husd(66)
From the rubbing. Read avamatya.
mauli-tilako Madanaḥ pradâna-mân-âdibhiḥ kshitipatiḥ spriyahâm-va(ba)bhuva Dôva
14 layaiḥ prathayati nija-kirttim-uchchail pushya[d]-dvija-vrajam ndêtum-alam=va(ba)bhuva | yên-ârjjitam draviņam-arttajan-6pakari jivâtu-sambhṛita-mudâm=adarambharinam | Sat[t]va"-sartha-pa
15 ritraṇa-krita-kâyaparigrahaḥ abhûd-a-bhûtapûrvô-yam Vô(bo)dhisat[t]va iv=âparaḥ | Atmajñata(na)-kritôday [o]na
vigalad-ragadi-dosh-âśraya-prôdgachchhan-manasâ
* Metre, Salint.
Metre, Upajati.
10 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita. Motre, Vasantatilaka.
3 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita. 5 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh). "Metre, Sragdhard. Metre, Vasantatilaká.
1 Metre, Indravajrå.
1 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh). Sardalavikridita.
15 Metre,
10 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and in the next verse.
17 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh). Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.
13 Metre, Upajati.

Page #71

MARCH, 1888.) A BUDDHIST STONE-INSCRIPTION FROM SRAVASTI.
63
16 madhyasthatâm Sangatói tên-ArAdhita-satpathôns yaminam-Ananda-mål-alayo nirmm[AO]
py=ôtsassij& vihara-vidhin karttêr-iv-aik-israyah | Sadvo(db)dha"-vandya
chari17 tasya nay-aika-dhämnas-chamdr-avadta-hridayah sumatiḥ kalâvân! aya priydshu
niratah subhagambhavi[sh]puh samva(mba)ndha-va(bandhur-Udaytvidadhe prasa(sa)stim 11
Samvat 1276[11] TRANSLATION.
Javrisha," the protection of which was enOm !
trusted to Karkota. Adoration to him
(L. 5).-In it there were wealthy (and) very who is free from passions !
fortunate (people), lights of the illustrious" May the illustrions Sakya lion protect you ! Vastavys family, by the splendid fame of - he who, having at the rising of trath (first) whose race the worlds are rendered white even restrained the eight Maras, (and then) attracted now. to himself the lords over the regions," having As the moon (is born) from the ocean, so in treated with contempt the difficult-to-be-trang- their family there was a personage), shining greased words of command of the enemy Sam. like the moon, whose name Bilvasivs was bara, fall of zeal through compassion exerted famons; devoted as he was to the lotus-feet himself to deliver the world; and who, having of (Siva) the enemy of the god of love, his wealth reached the Bodhi-tree, attained the status of a was an object of enjoyment to the twice-born, Buddha !
to virtuous people, and supplicants. To cross the ocean of worldly existence, I (L. 7).-He, an ocean of benevolence, who adore the saving Bharati, whose eyes have was counteracting sin by his noble conduct, had protruding pupils," the goddess presiding over a son Janaka, a unique home of the elevation the utterances of the gods.
of the good, a birthplace of fortune, a site of (L. 3).-In the race of the Sun there was, goodness, with a heart kind to people," the surpassing the splendour of the sun, the univer- foremost of the good, the honoured wise counsal sovereign, the first of kings, named Mån- sellor of the ruler of Gadhipura," named dhâta," conquering the enemies, equal to In- Gopala. dra, ever gladdening, well protecting the three He, who well maintained the prosperity
of his family, married the daughter of a Once upon a time roaming about at his plea noble race, named Jijja, who was canging joy" sure, he saw a pleasant lake whose waters were to her mother's family, and who), inasmuch variegated with lines of the pollen of lotases, as her lovely body possessed imperishable orna(and which was) charming with the cries of mente, was like Lakshmi, born from the ocean, flocks of sweetly singing birds in it; and having whose lovely body beautifies Achyuta (Vishņu). strenuously filled it with earth, he, who de- (L. 9).-From these two there were born no lighted in good conduct, to make a canopy for less than six sons, just as the intelligent prohis fame, then built this town of his, named geny of fire called Pippata, who one, with one
worldg.
1 Metre, VasantatilakA. 0 Compare Kern, Buddhisme, German Ed. Vol. I.
88. 8. It is difficult to say why the author of the vorne should speak of eight Maras; the number eight would be more appropriate for the guardians of the four regions and the four intermediate regions.
* The original contains a play on the word tdra; and there is clearly an allusion to the Turda, or wives (aktis), of the Dhyani-Buddhaa, one of whom is onlled Loohan. See Kern, ib. Vol. II. pp. 215 and 916; and e.g., ante, Vol. X. p. 187.
* Mandhata, of course, is the Nom. one of Mandha. the word, in Mindháta-pura.
In the original, the name may be either Jaupisha or Ajdvrisha.
** Srt-parva. I take in the sense of srt-yuta, or simply
Srl. A trl-Vastavya-mahdvania we find .g. in the Malioba inscription, of Sarvat 1240, Arch. Surusy of India, Vol. XXI. Plate XXII. line 12. and in another Mahoba inaoription, ib. Plate XXIII. line 12; and Vaatavya-vaihia in line 27 of an unedited Malha in. scription of Chedi) Samvat 919.
Jamni-athana I take to be wed in the sense of utpatti-sthana.
The word jantna I cannot find anywhere else; it ia formed from jana, a vitvajantna (1.., vifuajandbhyo hitam) is from vifvajana. Bee Papini V.19.
91 GAdhipura is Kanyakubje. Soe anto, Vol. xv. Pp. 8, 41, eto.
One of the two words kanda-janant is superfluous, JijjA may be called Ananda-kanda) (100 ..g. ante, p. 208, line 1), or Ananda-jananl.

Page #72

64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1888.
body, is endowed with six faces, (was born), as (L. 13). --The wealth acquired by him, who the elder son, from Siva and his consort." spread his fame aloft by (building) temples,
Their fifth son of those® (six), resembling (wealth) which gave relief to people in distress, the five-arrowed (Kama). (and) the root of no (and) filled the bellies of those filled with joy slight fame, who is celebrated for his know at the receipt of food,was sufficient to exceed ledge of wisdom, is named, with an appropriate the multitude of the twice-born supported by name, Vidyadhara, the holder of wisdom.' it).
(L. 11.)-Whose comprehensive mind, full of He was as it were another Bodhisattva, such taste (and) attached to the feet of Siva, Bharatias had never existed before, having assumed a (the goddess of eloquence) never abandoned, human body for the protection of the multitude just as the swan never leaves the extensive of living beings. Manasa lake, full of water (and) situated at the (L. 15). -Elevated by the knowledge of the foot of the lord of mountains (Himalaya). soul, (and) with a mind rising above the attach
Vain is the sweetness of honey (and) the proment to passion and other sins of which he was ficiency in creating) joy of the cool-rayed getting rid, having again and again pondered (moon); a sham indeed is the quality of depth on the indifference towards the doctrine of of the ocean (and) the height of the mountain ; Sugata, he, having resorted to the good path, --(but) enough! by the excellent qualities of caused to be built and granted to the ascetics, this mountain for the ascent of every single after the manner of convents, a dwelling causing excellency, of this unique receptacle of the joy, a unique home as it were of his oron) abundant sparkling nectar of benevolence, fame. everything whatever that is endowed with Taking delight in whatever is dear to him, excellent qualities has been surpassed!
the unique home of prudence, whose conduct Him, who knew the secret doctrine regarding is an object of adoration for people of true elephants, (and) who, unrestraited, bore the knowledge, Udayin, (his) kinsman by associaburden of elephants that was causing pleasure tion, whose heart is pure like the moon (and (to him), the head-ornament of princes, the who is) wise (and) accomplished (and) becoming lord of the earth, Madans, sought to attach to prosperous, has composed (this) eulogy. himself by gifts, honours, and so forth.
The year 1276.
THE RUPEES OF THE SURI DYNASTY.
BY CHAS. J. RODGERS, M.E.A.8., &c. Marsden in the Numismata Orientalia Illus- None of these coins were my own; but the trata gives figures of six Sart rupees, and rupees in the accompanying plates were all col. Thomas in the text and plates of his Chronicles lected by me in the básárs of the Panjab, of the Pathán Kings of Dehli gives figures of though they, too, are no longer in my own cabiseven. So, when some years ago I came across net, but in that of the Government Central my first Sûri rapee, I determined to collect a Museum, Egmore, Madras. However, Dr. Bidie, complete set from the first year of Shor Shah who was Curator of that Institution when I to the return of Humayan, i.e., from 946 A.H. parted with them, kindly allowed his artist to 962 A.H., and in my Supplements to the to draw them for me. And, as few collectors in Chronicles above mentioned, I have already India possess so complete a set, perhaps the published a rupee of Sikandar Sar dated 962 readers of this Journal will be glad to see A.H., Lahore mint, and an eight anna piece of these Plater, in order that they may observe Ibrahim Sur. I have also published a full the variety and beauty of the rupees issued rupee of Humayan struck shortly after his by the Súris during the absence of Homayún return at the end of 962 A.H.
from India, and thus obtain an idea of From this verse it appears that Pippata is another his wife, Siva's generative energy being cast into the name of Skanda or Karttik'ya. The writer, though he makea Kârttikeya the son of Siva and Parvati, at the Tat-palichama is an irregular compound. same time alludes to the legend wecording to which Udarambharina, which is not found in the dioKürttikbya Was Won of Sive without the intervontion of tionaries, in used in the sense of udaraw.bhari.
fire.

Page #73

MARCH, 1888.1
THE RUPEES OF THE SURI DYNASTY.
the improvements made by these inter- scarce, and are seldom met with in any bázár lopers.
of the Pañjab. Lately, during a tour of six A good history of the Sûri Dynasty has yet to months, I obtained but two of Sher Shah and be written. In Akbar's time they were not only two of Islam Shah. But, by way of compenneglected, but were written against, though sation, I obtained four rare copper coins of most of the improvements in coinage fathered Ibrahim Sar and two of Sikandar Sur, both on Akbar may with greater truth claim a Sûrî of which are extremely rare. paternity. Without discussing this question The British Museum has rupees of every now, I would simply state that for many years year of these kings, and possesses one of before the advent of Babar rupees had not Sikandar, a treasure I was never able to obtain. been coined in Indian mints. The Lodi | I believe the Madras Maseum is the only one Family coined neither silver nor gold, but in India which possesses a complete set as far mixed silver and copper, weighing about 140 as Muhammad Sur. No rupee of Ibrahîm grains; some of their coins having as much as 32 has as yet been found and no gold coin of grains of silver in them, while others had only either Muhammad or Ibrahim or Sikandar has a little more than one. How business with yet been seen. Indeed only one is known of such a coinage was ever transacted, I cannot Islam Shah, and that I found at Amritsar some imagine. And, wheri Babar came, he went years ago. It is square, and I parted with it on striking in India the silver tankahs of to my old friend, Sir Alexander Cunningham. Tarkistân,' each of which weighed about 60 There is no proper account of the coins of grains. His son Humayun followed his example the Sûri Dynasty, though their copper coins before he was expelled the country, and not are of great variety and beauty. They were until his return did he strike rupees;-only two, struck all over the south of the Panjab and however, of which are now known, one of 962 Hindustan proper, and were imitated by Akbar, A.H. and one of 963. Akbar again at the com- Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Their numbers mencement of his reign struck the old silver were so vast that the revenue of the country tankahs introduced by his grandfather. One was estimated in them under the name of Jams. of them is given by Mr. Thomas, p. 383 of the I hope some day to give a complete descripChronicles of the Pathán Kings, and I have a tion of these copper coins, as my own cabinet faller one, which gives the place of mintage as is particularly rich in them, and, as, amongst Lâhôr. These are the only two known. But the 400 coins I lately obtained for Government he must have soon reverted to the custom of during my tour, are some very rare specithe surts, as I have full rupees of every year of mens. his reign beginning with 963 A.H., and ending Before sending the rupoes now illustrated with his 50th Ilahî year. Thus we see that the to Madras, I veglected to weigh them. The rupees reintroduced by Sher Shah, became the weights of them given by Mr. Thomas vary standard of the Mughal Empire, and also of that from 163 to 176 grs., and the weights of those I of the British Indian Rule.
obtained on tour were about 170 grs. each. • The rupees depicted in the places attached The inscriptions on the rupees as far as they to this paper have now become exceedingly can now be deciphered are as follows:
ضرب گوالیار
(a). SAER SHAH. No. 1. Obverse : Square area. per aslo dulala ulale Le for TV
Margin: Reverse: Square area. The Kalimah.
Margin : Probably names and titles of the four Companions of Muhammad. No. 2. Obverse: Square area. Same as in No. I but year ev we are
Margin: Illegible.
Reverso : The Kalimah and
السلطان العادل
Margin: Illegible.

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66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1888
ailbo, added.
No. 3. Obverse: Square area. Same as No. 2 but with
Margin: Illegible, wft + are Reverse: Same as No. 2. Margin: Illegible.
No. 4. Obseyse: Square area ,and name in Hindi شیر شاه سلطان خلد الله ملکه ۹۴۸
: Margin السلطان العادل ابوالمظفر فريد الدنيا والدین ضرب ا گره
Reverse : Square area. The Kalimah. Margin: Names and titles of the Four Companions of Muhammad.
No. 5.
:Obverse in Hindi. A ft II عمر شیر شاہ سلطان خلدالله ملکه و ساطانه ۹۴۰
: Margin فريد الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفرچهای.پناه
Reverse : Kalimah and السلطان العادل و عثمان , علي , ابوبکر و عمر
:Margin ابوالمظفر فریدالدنيا والدين ... ضرب دهلي
No. 6.
Margin: Obverse : Same as No. 4.
Reverse: Kalimah.
: Margin
ابو بكر الصديق , عمر الفاروق , عثمان العفان و علي المرتضی
No. 7. Obverse: Same as No. 4 in double aquare.
Margin: Reverse : Kalimah in double square.
فریدالدنيا والدين ابوالمظفر ضرب شیر گره ۹۴۸
Margin: Same عثمان ذي النورين bnt 6 كه
< ft * HI
No. 8,
Obverse : In circle. Same as in No. 5.
Margin: ۹۴۹
r s t
فریدالدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر
Reverse: In circle. Kalimah.
:Margin
علي السلطان العادل
ابابکر عمر عثمان
No. 9. Obverse: In circle. Same as in No. 5.
Margin: Same as in 8 but with one word additional. Reverse : In circle. Kalimah.
Margin : Namnon of the Four Companions and
and السلطان العادل
ضرب اجين
No. 10. Obverse : In circle. Same as No. 5. 9169
Margin : wft
e afra
فریدالدنيا والدین ابو المظفر جهان پناه
و
Reverse: In circle. Kalimah.
Margin: Same as No. 8. No. 11. Obverse: In circle. Same as No. 5, but no date.
Margin: ۹۰۰
mi c sl پ
ضربه ستیا نو فرید الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر
Reverse: In circle. Kalimah.
Margin: Same as in No. 8. No. 12. Obverse: In circle. Same es in No. 5, but date in margin.
Margin: Same as in No. 11. Reverse: In circle. Kalimah.
Margin : same as in No. 8. No. 13. Obverse: In square. Same as No. 1 but date 401 name in Hindi.
Margin: Mint obliterated
السلطان العادل ابوالمظفر
Reverse: Kalimah, in square.
Margin: Names and titles of Four Companions of Muhammad. No. 14. Obverse: In square. Same as No. 1 and year 94 name in Hindi.
:Margin فریدالدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر
Ideverse : In square. Kalimah
. السلطان العادل
:Hargin ابوبکر و عمر و عثمان و علي

Page #75

Rupees of the Sûri Dynasty
Plate 1.
Indian Antiquary
ات
بولسا
عزالي
ملالی) انه لا نية
ملالي
#
}91
P
RIBIA
( 3 )
هاه
ارایه
مولائي
(4)
عال لول الا
ان السا
ا ان این که
سلطا یت
و
لایر
F
اکسل
۱IT
ال/
رلز
قال اا
)
ایل
اه
هااا
2018
یا
ع
Ali
10Y
ہا
اما
8
خرما
م لالا
جد
S
:
:
ولاك
(2)
*
و سس
اله
دونه
ماما
IIII
YGHUR
احكام
م
नमिता
الكاران
ده
را
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH
c. J. RODGERS.

Page #76

سالها
و ابن
ت کا المان
Set wi HOME HO
(21)
الا اله الله
ان
السروال
HRIEHIS
لاالاالله
لالالا
این این
م السلام
IISHH
73
لاق
سال
الم١٩٤
03280.14
اسوان لطان
ن الله
(30)
Ho
نان
(20)
(23)
(2)
(28)
الالالله
Plate 2.
(18)
الالالالا مرشود الله ١٩٤٣
الات اوران لاد
الاالاالله
لال
لم لا؟
GLO
له الله .
1947
قلاده
HIFHMHCH
(29)
(16)
(19)
(22)
(24)
(27)
ا والله
الالالااات کار
Wil
الله
ااااااس السواس متر
۱۳۰
C. J. RODGERS.

Page #77

MARCH, 1888.]
THE RUPEES OF THE SURI DYNASTY.
فرید الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر
اسلام شاه ابن شیر شاه سلطان خلدالله ملکه و سلطانه
No. 15. Obrerse and margin: Same as No. 12 but with year 961
Reverse and margin: Exactly the same as No. 12. These two rupees, Nos. 12 and 15, are 1.32 inches in diameter. They are much larger
than any in the British Museum. It is a pity they have no mint on them. No. 16. Obverse: In circle (double). le guin asko alla sul la
Margin: u trg 9.0! Reverse : In double. Kalimah.
Margin : Same as No. 8. No. 17. Obverse : In square. Same as No. I but year for
Margin: Same as No. 1; mint Goalidr i ge No. 18. Obverse : Same as in No. 1.
Reverse : Kalimah. There are no margins to this coin. I have a strong suspicion that it is of modern manufacture. The square coin in the British Museum is an impudent forgery. There are many gold mohars of Sher Shah in the market, but they are all forgeries.
(6). ISLÂM Srir. No. 19. Obverse : In square
श्री इसलाम शाह Margin: w kiwwyo bowl, WJIJI Reverse : In square. Kalimah. For and
Margin: Names and titles of four Companions of Muhammad. No. 20. Obverse and margin: Same as in 19; same mint, Satganv.
Reverse and margin: Same as in 19 but year 90p and sign omitted. Nos. 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28 are all of the same type but of years 9010, 400, 48V, 40A, 401, and
44- respectively. Obverse: In square year, and she all als
w
i n wl XL All Margin: In no case legible. But it all reads from the outside. What seems to be
uvis I am persuaded not figures, but words, which are followed by a six-rayed star. Reverse: In square. Kalimah.
Margin: Names and titles of the Four Companions of Muhammad. No. 23. Obverse: In square. 404 dsle allala well ! L ue!
Margins: Obscure, not like Nog. 21, 22, &o, Reverse : Kalimah, in square.
Margins: Only portions visible. No. 27. Obverse: Same as No. 23, but year 404 in different style of figures. .
Margin: Gives
ضرب گوا ليار
Reverse: In square. Kalimah.
Margins : Very much cut. No. 29. Obverse: same as in No. 23.
:Margin
,partly visible ضرب نارنول
Reverse: In square. Kalimah. Margin: Same as in No. 27..
(6) MUHAMMAD SAE. No. 30. Obverse: In square. 941 asko all als Jole willen
Margin: Obscure, but portions of Ju g ue visible. Reverse : Kalimah, in square. «T UTE Margin : illegible.
door

Page #78

68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
From a careful perusal of the above coins it will be seen that all conform to one type. The name of the king is in the square or circle of the obverse, and is repeated in Nagari letters, so that conquerors and conquered might read it. The square coin about whose genuineness I have doubts is the only one without margins, and the rupee of Sikandar has not the name in Nâgari.
Any one taking up a rupee of the Sûrî dynasty should at once recognize its type; and it is the study of typical coins and inscriptions which enables us at once to assign a coin approximately. I write this because in Major Raverty's translation of the Tabaqát-i-Násiri I
NOTES ON THE GIPSY TRIBES OF THE NORTH-WEST PROVINCES
AND OUDH.
BY WILLIAM CROOKE, B.C.S.
The following notes, in which an attempt will be made to bring together a considerable portion of the scattered information we possess as to the Criminal and Wandering Tribes of the North-West Provinces and Oudh (Avadh), will probably prove of interest to the readers of the Indian Antiquary in connection with Mr. Grierson's laudable efforts to elucidate the vexed question of Gipsy Ethnology.
The first object is to get a workable classification of the more important tribes, and this has been attempted in Captain Dennehy's report contained in the General Report of the Inspector-General of Police, North-West Provinces, for 1868. Captain Dennehy divides them into :
[MARCH, 1888.
find he has been imposed upon by some ignorant native author, who has invented a series of coins of the later Kings of Ghazni and of the early Pathan Sultans of Dehlî, but who, being ignorant of the types of the coins of these kings, has foisted on the learned translator a number of mongrel inscriptions made up of parts of inscriptions on the coins of Aurangzeb and his successors, and a series of titles made up from his own inner consciousness. Strange to say Major Raverty prefers this work to that of the late learned Mr. Thomas! Had he studied the types given by Mr. Thomas he would have escaped being imposed on.
First. Those who seldom or never devote themselves to agricultural labour. Under this head come the Sansiyâs of Saharanpur, Muzaffarnagar and Bijnôr:-the Dôms or Dômṛâs of Gorakhpur, Basti and Benares: the Hûbûrês, Kanjars, and Bhêriyâs of the Upper and Central Gangetic Dûâb.
Second. Those who generally live by robbery and theft, but sometimes practise husbandry, such as the Mêuns or Mainâs, or Mainâ Mêuns, or Mêwâtis, of Rajpûtânâ and some of the Western Districts of the NorthWest Provinces: the Bauriyâs of Mêrath, Saharanpur and Muzaffarnagar: the Baddhaks of several districts: the Jôgis, generally distributed through the Provinces: the Ahâriyâs
of 'Aligarh, Êtâ, Mainpuri and some of the Rohilkhand Districts: the Bahiliyâs of the Central and Lower Dûâb: the Sahriyâs of Bundelkhand: the Chirimârs of Oudh: the Pâsis of Allahâbâd, Fatehpur, Oudh and the Eastern Districts generally: the Gaddis or Gadelas of the Upper Dûâb: the Bhars of Gorakhpur and Basti; the Dôsâdhs of the Benares Division: the Gajars of the Upper Dûab and Rohilkhand: the Rangars of Sabâranpur: the Bilûchîs of Muzaffarnagar; the Sauvriyâs of the Bundelkhand Districts of Lalitpur, Hamirpur and the Native States of Tehri and Dattiâ; the Avadhiyâs of Oudh, Allahabad, Jaunpur, Fatehpur and Hamirpur : the Pardesis of 'Aligarh and Gorakhpur.
This classification, however, is far from complete and leaves out a number of tribes; but we are as yet very insufficiently acquainted with the connection between the different tribes, and many names are no doubt only local. The Inspector-General of Police in his Report for 1867 (page 61) gave as his opinion that "half the thefts in the Provinces are committed by wandering predatory tribes such as Bauṛiyâs, Baheliyâs, Hâbârâs, Kanjars, Naths, Ghôsis, Uthaigiràs, Sâivriyâs, Barwars and others." The distances to which some of these people extend their depredations is extraordinary, and they have probably increased in recent years, owing to the facilities afforded by the Railways. For instance, in the Reports we find cases of Pindaris from Barûdâ committing a

Page #79

MARCH, 1888.)
NOTES ON INDIAN GIPSY TRIBES.
69
mail robbery in Agrå ;' Mêwaris committing five vinces. In the Central Dåb most of them hold dacoities in Ajmêr;Sånvriyâs disposing of land as a means for concealing bad livelihood. their plunder in Bengal. Bilûchis from the They very seldom commit offences near home, Muzaffarnagar District were traced to the but absent themselves for months at a time on Bombay Presidency, while individual Jôgis plundering expeditions, and visit for that pur. can be traced from 'Aligarh to Mirzapur. pose the Pañjab and even go as far as Bengal. Pardėsis of Gorakhpur and Dhôlérâs of Bareli | They are expert burglars, and occasionally form wander all over India;' and Pardêsîs from below dacoit gangs. In former times horse-stealing Dânápur thieve in Mathura.' Avadhiyas and was one of their specialties, but this has been Kapúriyâs of Fatehpur wander all over the practically suppressed.10 Provinces ;' and a gang of Hirati vagabonds Ahirg-(Sanskrit Abhîra, a cowherd). The appeared in Ajmer during the famine. These Ahîrs according to the last Census number instances might be almost indefinitely increased. 3,584, 185, and are generally distributed all over
Captain Dennehy remarks in the Report the North-West Provinces. Their numbers by above referred to that the Mînås, Bausiyâs, revenue divisions are Mérath (46,983), Agrå Baddhaks, Jõgis, Abâriyâs, Bahêliyâs, Sahêriyâs, (430, 933), Rohilkhand (91,460), Allahâbâd Chirimârs, Pasis, Arukhs, Kanjars, Gudelâs, (589,120), Banâras (1,176,593), Jhansi (61,470), Bbars and Dosads, "commit habitually Lakhnau (271,251), Sitapur (229,150), Faizaevery kind of dacoity, robbery and theft, bâd (353,730), Rae-Bareli (331,381). They are which opportunity may throw in their way. divided into three great tribes-Nandbans, To these tribes and frequently, too, to the Jadbans (Yadů bans) and Gwalbans. In the castes of Ahirs and Thâkurs belong nearly Western Districts they follow the custom of the all the gangs of dacoits organised in differ- Jâţs and GQjars as regards the re-marriage of ent localities in the North-West Provinces. elder brothers' widows, but this is not the case The ranks of the professional poisoners are in the Central Dakb. "In the Dehli territory principally recruited from among the Pâsîs, the Ahirs eat, drink, and smoke in common not Nais, Jarriya Lodhîs, Ahîrs and Ahâriyâs. only with Játs and Gajars, but also under a The GOjars and Rangars, though they occa- few restrictions with Rajputs. In other places sionally commit dacoities, are ordinarily cattle Rajpûts would indignantly repudiate all conthieves. The Bilûchis are practised thieves, nection with Ahîrs."1 Their special occupation and commit offences in the guise of men. is cattle-breeding and dairy-farming, and their dicants (fagirs) or medicine-men (hakims). distinctive crime is cattle-stealing, but as a The Sâņvriyâs and Avadhiyas never join in whole the caste has a bad reputation. They crimes of violence." The last North-West are not nomadic in their habits, and do not Provinces Census figures are not satisfactory seem to wander far from home for purposes of for this class of the population, as will appear crime. The Ahirs of Gôrakhpur are always from subsequent notes.
ready to join in crimes of violence," and are Ahariyas-these are a leading criminal class noted cattle-thieves in the Taras." The Ghazi. in the Central Jamni-Gangetie Doab and the
pur Abirs make cattle-lifting excursions into adjoining Rohilkhand Districts. They do not Mirzapur," and the old Nizamat 'Adalat Reports appear separately in the Census returns, and abound with references to their doings -e.g., are probably included in the Abars, who number a professional poisoner described himself as 257,670 souls, as compared with only 104,159 an Ahir of Farrukhabad (Bhawani, 19th June shown in the previous enumeration. They are 1852.) A band of Mainpuri Ahîrs disputed found principally in 'Aligarh(13,014, Eta (2,225) | about cattle-theft, killed one man and wounded Muradabad (37,306), Budäda (133,085), Bareli another with swords (Khuman Singh, 2nd (47,366), Pilibhit (13,250), Tarûi (2,393), but are December 1852.) A number of Mêrath Abîrs practically non-existent in the rest of the Pro- attacked a party of Gajars who had tracked
1. Inspector General's Report, p. 20. op. cit. p. 54.
op. cit. p. 96. • op. cit. 1868. p. 6.
• op. cit. loc. cit. • op. cit. loc. cit.
op. cit. 28. • op. cit. p. 42.
op. cit. 1869, p. 54.
10 Police Report, 1867, p. 29. 11 Sir H. M. Elliot, Glossary, 8.V. 13 Inspector General Police, 1868, p. 106. 13 op. cit. 1871, p. 96. * op. cit. 1870, p. 83 B.

Page #80

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1888.
stolen cattle to their village and wished to herds of oxen which they sell on credit to search (Mehrú, 31st December 1852.) An Abîr cultivators. They take no bonds and hardly widow of Farrukhabad murdered her illegiti- ever go into the courts, but their appearance. mate child (Musamat Surji, 30th June 1852.) and manner are so rough and awe-inspiring
A party of Ahirs of Ghazipur killed the that they collect their debts by personally seducer of one of their relations (Hansraj, 27 visiting their creditors, and are generally paid Oct. 1852.) An Ahîrin kidnapped a Brahman's punctually. The women do a curious kind of daughter (Musamat Shevk urí, 17th Dec. 1852.) embroidery in coloured wools mixed up with An Ahir was guilty of a cold blooded murder cowries. On the whole they are a violent people, deliberately planned and deliberately executed, and are specially complained of in the Etawa probably through intrigue (Shevdin, 23rd May | District." A case is reported in which a number 1853.)
of kidnapped children were found in one of Baddhiks. Baddhaks-(Skr. Vyâdha, one their camps in Etawa." Similarly some of them who strikes) also known as Siyâr-marwås or kidnapped a girl in Ajmer for sale to some jackal-killers. They bore an evil reputation 4 | wealthy banker. In the old Nixámat 'Adálat ?'hags and dacoits in Oudh and the adjoining Reports a Banjara kidnapped a boy aged 10, districts of the North-West Provinces, and a the son of another Banjârâ (Bhágú, 2nd number of them were colonized some years November 1852.) A Banjárå murdered his broago near Gorakhpur, but without much success. ther because he reproved him for idleness Their specialty is disguising themselves as (Mohrá, 20th September 1852). Some BanjaBrâhmans and Bairagis and associating with râs' cattle got mixed with those of some vilpilgrims coming from the Ganges. They lagers, and they attacked the herdsmen, killing perform the arti ceremony and mix dhatúrd one of them (Hémráj, 18th August 1853). in the sacred food (parshád), and have been In Görakhpur Banjârâs are commonly known to pat up a shrine as faqirs and in known as Naiks, which is properly the name stract disciples (chélas)." They have a slang for the leader of one of their gangs (Skr. nayaor argot like the Dômrås. The Gorakhpurka, a leader.) Sir H. M. Elliot gives a detail of Baddhaks still not infrequently absent them- the sub-divisions of the tribe in his Glossary. selves from the settlement, and a few years Major Gunthorpe in his Notes on Criminal ago their specialty used to be illicit distilling. Tribes in Berár remarks that the Matturiyâ and
Banjaras-(Skr. Vaņijakâra, trader). Lubhânâ division of the tribe confine themThey pervade the North-West Provinces, and selves to cattle-lifting and kidnapping. The used to be the great grain-carriers of the country, Matturiyâs wear the janed or sacred thread, but this trade has almost disappeared since the and the women a blue sárf or sheet. The marintroduction of railways. They have their chief ried women wear their hair tied up in a habitat in the districts along the Nepal border. peculiar knot on the top of the head and fixed In Görahkpur some of the Bhars are known as there by a button. This is also the case with Banjárás. They are said in some places to the women in the North-West Provinces, but worship a famous bandit, who was killed in they usually wear a sort of small stick stuck some notorious way, but of this there is no perpendicularly into the hair on the crown of distinct information. The Banjârâs of the the head. The sheet (sári) is . draped over Central Ganges Jamnâ Duab are a wild class, this, and gives them a very remarkable appearwear their hair long, use bright-coloured ance. Major Gunthorpe says the differences clothes and look something like Kabulis, and between the Lubhânâ and Charan sub-divisions are apparently non-Aryan in origin. They are of the tribe is that the women of the former wear fond of a peculiar kind of gold-earring and the sheet (sárt) and those of the latter the have a great taste for wearing jewellery gene- petticoat (lahngd). He gives an elaborate rally. Their chief business is cattle-dealing, and and interesting account of the various means they drive round about harvest-time large by which they commit dacoities and robberies,
* See Capt. Dennehy's Report of 1869, p. 121-132.
* Capt. Dennehy's Report in the Police Reports of 1967, p. 112
" Inspector-General of Police, N.W.P., 1868, p. 34.
Police Report, 1871, p. 47 A. 19 Ibid. 1870, p. 99 B.

Page #81

MARCH, 1888.]
NOTES ON INDIAN GIPSY TRIBES.
but none of his remarks appear to apply to their doings. For instance, we have a case of the tribe in the northern part of India.
an organised burglary planned by certain chauBawariyas or Bauriyas.-These are one of kidárs of the Bausiyâ caste and worked out by the most notorious predatory tribes in the others, who concealed their knowledge of the North-West provinces. Mr. Ibbetson "derives offenders and received a share of the proceeds their name from the bawar or noose with which (Maina and others, 12th January 1852). A they catch animals. They would thus be gang of fifteen Bauriyâs were convicted at analogous to the Pasis who take their name Mérath of wandering about the country disfrom the nooge (Skr. pasa) which they use in guised as Bairagis and committing theft (Gulclimbing toddy trees (tar). The true habitat zárí and others 26th September 1851). Reof the Bausiyâs is in the western part of the cently a gang went from Muzaffarnagar to North-West Provinces and the eastern dis- Barðdâ and carried off an immense quantity of tricts of the Pañjab, but they wander immense jewellery belonging to one of the Gaikwâr's distances on predatory incursions. An unsuc- ladies; and quite lately a gang robbed a Népâlese cessful attempt to colonise them has been made General, who came down from the hills, of a in the Muzuffarnagar District. In their raids large sum in cash and notes. The Gidhiyas they very commonly assume the garb of faqirs. of the Bijnor District, another gang with a very I was present at the search of a camp in evil reputation, are said to be closely connected Muzaffarnagar, when with them were found with them, but this is probably incorrect, as the complete apparatus of a faqir: small the Gidhiyâs are more likely to be an offshoot brass images, fire tongs, mud-coloured clothes, of the great Kanjar tribe of the Upper Gangesetc., such as are worn by the common jögis. Jamna Dakb. The best way of detecting them when disguised Boriyas or Bhöriyas are a tribe of nomads is by & neoklace of peculiar shaped wooden found in the Central and Lower Gangetic beads which they all wear, as well as gold pins Dakb. They live in gangs in rude grass or which they have fixed in their front teeth. thatched huts. They are very closely connected Should this fail their mouths should be in manners, character, and physique with the examined, for under their tongues a hollow is main Habora tribe, of which they are possibly formed by constant pressure from their younger only an offshoot. They profess to live by begdays, in which they can secure from fifteen ging and the prostitution of their women, who to twenty silver four-and or two-áná pieces. are taught to dance and sing in a rude way. They are so accustomed to this that they often They really subsist by petty thefts, principally evade search for money when admitted into of grain at barvest-time, but they sometimes, jail, and the coins thus concealed do not when hard pressed, commit more violent crime. interfere much with their power of speech. Cariously enough many of their gangs are Captain Dennehy says" that they do not under the leadership of women. Their great worship any deities of the Hindu pantheon, meeting place is on the mounds which mark but in Muzaffarnagar they certainly employ the site of an extensive ruined city at Brahmaņ family-priests at marriages, etc. Nôhkhêra, in Pargana Jalisar of the Êta They are very troublesome in the Fatehpur District. They assemble there in great num. District, where they are said to be all thieves." bers in the rains and hold panchayats, at which A case is there quoted of a gang of Bauriyas all caste business, marriages, etc., are managed. in the service of some Th&kurs committing a What historical connection they have with dacoity in Ajmr. Seven of them were arrested. the place, is & curious question, which In the course of the enquiry sixteen other I have been unable to investigate satisfactorily. cases of robbery, burglary and theft came out, Like all these tribes they have a regular argot, and the stolen property was recovered. The which they are very careful in concealing. Thákurs of Mirwar are said to keep Bauțiyas The women particularly have a very nonin their pay and share in the spoil." The Aryan look. They have the small, black, Nisamat Adálat Reports swarm with records of bright eye and the restless expression which is
Panjab Ethnography, Sec. 575. n Report 1868, p. 112.
19 op. cit. 1868, p. 66.
Police Report, 1869, p. &
op. cit. p. 66.

Page #82

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1888.
so characteristic of the aboriginal races. The apparently mixed up with the Bhars, whom Reports do not notice them much, as they have they greatly resemble. probably been confounded with the Habúrás. Dholeras.--This tribe infests the Bardi
Bilachis or Rinds.-Major Davis in the District. They do not appear in the Censas, as Police Report of 1867" thus speaks of these they are probably included among the fisherpeople-"So far as they have come under the men and boatmen (Mallah). The Police Report surveillance of the police they are residents of for 1868" says that "the Pardėsis of Gorakhthe Muzaffarnagar District. They are by pur and Dhôl râs of Barêli District are swin. caste Muhammadans and, numbering about dlers of a like kind to the Jogis of Aligarh sixty men, inhabit some seven towns or villages and their wanderings would seem to extend in that district. They originally emigrted over the whole of India. A good account of from the Paõjab. That they are professional them is given by Mr. Knyvett in the Repori thieves of a dangerous character is now well for 1869." He describes them as traditionally established. They depart on their predatory immigrants from the Dakhan. They seem to tours assuming the character of faqirs, physi- have settled in what is now the Barili Discians of medicine, and teachers of the Qurán, trict more than 100 years ago. They are of and carry on their depredations at great dis- the Mallah class, but consider themselves a tances, as far southward as Ajmôr and west-degree above the rest of their brethren, and ward as Lähôr. Some few in the Muzaffar- never wash the dishes of their employers like nagar District have acquired landed property, the Kahar Mallâhs. They are said to be but the rest may be said to have no ostensible called Dholéras, Dulérås or Dalbras because means of livelihood, and to be habitual absen- they make tamarisk (had) baskets (daliyd). tees. Their mode of robbery is not by violence, They steal by day and never by night, like the but by picking locks by means of needles. A Uthaigiras or pickpocket' class. They go house is generally selected, the owner of which oat in parties (suhbal) and encamp each is absent. One thief makes an entry, receiving party being under a muqaddam or headman. two-thirds of the property as his share, while They remain separately encamped till the omens his confederate, who sits outside to watch, (shagun) are auspicious; a good omen being receives one-third." Mr. Ibbetson' calls them to see a single jackal in the e
to see a single jackal in the evening, but if two Biləchi, and says :-" They give their tribal are seen together it signifies ill-luck, and they names as Rind, Låshåri, Jațvi and Korái." break up their camp and come home. When They are found chiefly in Ambalâ and Karnal. the omen is propitious a goat is offered to their "They are described as coarse men, of a dark god Gumiya Dami (P) and then each party, colour, living in a separate quarter and with informing the others of the District which it nothing to distinguish them from the scaven- has chosen for thieving, moves off. Formerly ger-class except a profusion of stolen ornaments they used to infest Oudh, but now they confine and similar property. They say that their themselves to the North-West Provinces. Very ancestors once lived beyond Kasar in the Lahôr few are ever convicted. They generally go to District and were driven out on account of a fair, and the men dress themselves as Brihtheir predatory habits. The men still keep mang or Thakurs. Their custom is to keep camels, and caltivate a little land as their an owner of property engaged, while a boy ostensible occupation, but during a great part steals, and if the lad is caught he never gives of the year they leave the women, who are his correct name or address. The thief gets strictly secluded, at home, and wander about a double share of the stolen property, but most disguised as faqirs or as butchers in search of of their gains are spent in drink. If a boy is sheep for sale, extending their excursions tocanght, the well-dressed Dulérks of the party great distances and apparently to almost all intercede for him and try to get him off. They parts of India."
often get up a quarrel in a bázár to give a boy Binds.-These are a tribe mainly found in a chance of robbing something. The Police Gorakhpur. In the Census returns they are Report of 1870* records the conviction of 79 of pp. 94-96.
* Pp. 196, 137 * Parijab Ethnography, sect. 684.
p. 16 B.
31 p. 16.

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73
the caste in Bareli for belonging to a gang of to recite genealogies. Moreover there are thieves,
grades even among the Mirasis. The outDoms or pompas.--This is a very curious cast tribes have their Mirâsis, who, though apparently aboriginal caste and will require they do not eat with their clients and merely some space. The Censas figures give the dis- render them professional service, are considered tribution of the castes as follows, by Commis- impure by the Mirasis of the higher castes. sioner's Divisions :- Mérath 99, Agra 120, Rohil- The Mirasi is generally an hereditary servant khand 44, Allahâbâd 53, Benares 11,814, Jhansi like the Bhat, and is notorious for his exacnil, Kumkun 157,042, Lakhnau 2,504, Sitapur tions, which he makes under the threat of nil, Faizabad 1,060, Râe Bareli 3,879; Total lampooning the ancestors of him from whom 176,615. The districts which record more than he demands fees." "These four were not born 1,000 of them are Azamgarh (1349) Benares on giving day--the Mullah, the Bhát, the (1217) Ghazipur (1873) Gorakhpur (5951) | Brahman, and the Dům." "The Mîrasi is Almôrå (104,936) Garhwal (52060) Barábanki almost always a Mussalman." (2367) Rae Bareli (3879). They thus fall into Passing on to the Eastern Dôms,-they have, two great divisions :-the Eastern Poms found like many of these servile castes, a tradition of in Gôrakhpur and the neighbouring districts of Rajpût descent. W. Buchanan" says of them the Benares Division; and the Western or -"The Domras who work in bamboos have Hill Doms who are enormously in excess of disgraced themselves not only by their inordinate their eastern brethren.
appetite (!), for they will eat food prepared by They are in fact apparently two distinct anyone except a washerman, but by removing tribes. The Eastern Doms have a very evil dead carcasses and by being public executioners, reputation, while the Hill Dôms though me. while their women do not scraple to confess nials, are apparently, as a rule, respectable that they drink spirituous liquors. They are people. It has been suggested with mach | very few in number (76 families). Many probability that the word Dom or Domra is allege that they were once lords of the country radically the same as the Romani of Europe, and that the Domkatar tribe of military d and being interchangeable. If this be Brahmans are not in reality different, but true they would be the main basis of the abandoned their impurity when raised to the Gipsies of Europe. Mr. G. A. Grierson's military rank by Mahậnanda." At any rate, as analysis of their argot seems to tend towards Sir H. M. Elliot remarks it is curious that the the same result. What is possibly a third names of many old forts such as Domdiha and subdivision of the caste is the Dam or Dom Domangarh testify to their former importance." Mirasts, who are professional musicians. Mr. He also remarks that there are several Dôme Ibbetson says the Dům and Mirasi must or Dômás scattered over the western districts be carefully distinguished "from the Dôm or of the North-West Provinces and in Bnndel. Domri, the executioner and corpse-burner of khand and Sågar, who are engaged in the Hindustan, and the type of all uncleanliness menial occupations of making ropes, fans, mats, to a Hindu; as also from the Dům of the Hill and such-like articles. In Oudh the term Dóm States, whom I have classed as pamna and is applied to sweepers, as Bhangi and Chůhra not as Mirasi, as I understand that the word are elsewhere." In the North-West Provinces Dům is there applied to workers in bamboo. Gazetteer, Basti District, I gave a tolerably The class is distributed throughout the North- full account of the tribe, with a vocabulary West Provinces, but is most numerous in the of their argot, which those interested in Amritsar, Lâhôr, Råwal Piņdi and Multan such matters can consult. Socially the most divisions of the Pañjab, and in Bahậwalpar curious point about the Gorakhpur Dôms is that, and the other States which march with them. though a regular jungle tribe, they have no ...... Their social position, as of all the aptitude for sport of any kiud, and do minstrel castes, is exceedingly low, but they not seem to use the flesh of wild animals at attend at weddings and on similar occasions all. All these Eastern Doms are collectively
* Glossary, 1.0. * See also ante, Vol. XI. p. 98. 3 p. 626.

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classed as Manghaiya or residents of the In the extreme west we find them on the right ancient Magadha kingdom. There are also bank of the Indus, living in villages apart many sub-divisions of them, but many of from the people, and filling the same servile these are by a process of fission rising to occupations. In Yisin, Nagar, and Chilas, they the dignity of new castes, because of course are very numerous, and are of a very dark no one when he arrives at any degree of complexion, coarse features and inferior phyrespectability cares to be called a Dôm. sique. They are found again in the same Such are the Kaliwalas, who are the most position among the Aryans of Kaśmir and respectable of all. Their special business is among the Dôgrâs of Jammun. Here again setting light to funeral pyres, and many bave they are noticed for their dark complexion, thereby realised much wealth. They are which unmistakably marks them out from supposed to have been deputed for that par- the light-complexioned Aryans. They are pose from Kasiji (Benares); hence their smaller in limb, stout, square-built, and less name. The men of this sub-division think it a bearded, and altogether exhibit a much disgrace to set fire to brick kilns. Next come lower type of face which centuries of serfdom the Banwads, who are makers of rope from the and oppression have not tended to modify, bon fibre. And the Holas, most of whom are The Dhiyars or ore-smelters of Jammún, corMuhammadans and do regular sweepers' work. responding to the Agaris of these bills and The Bansphors or "bamboo breakers" use a the Batals of the Kasmir Valley who are particular kind of knife called bánk or jhallá, curriers and musicians and correspond to the and make thatches ļike the Gharamis of other Harkiyas of Kumâ , should be assigned to parts. Bansbinwas or "bamboo weavers " the same class. The Bēms of Ladakh occupy make bamboo baskets. The Dharkars make a similar position, and are blacksmiths and musifly-nets (chiq), stools (môrhá), &c.; they act cians. In Kundnr and KnQ we have them as musicians at weddings, where they blow again following the same trades, classed with a long horns called singhá. The Pattaris make tribe of similar occupations called Kohlis by the leaf dishes (pattari or dauna) used at mar- the people of the lower bills, Chamars about riages and by poor people. The HalAlkhors or Rámpur on the Satlaj and by themselves and "foul eaters," are executioners and scavengers. the Kunkuris Chamangs. The same remark
Of the Hill Doms the best account I am is made about them here, that they are darker acquainted with is contained in Mr. E T. than the Kunsts round them. The smiths Atkinson's Himalayan Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. are called pomang in Kunâuri and the car. 370. He says, "they are correctly enough penters are termed Oras, and both equally supposed to be remnants of the original in with the Kohlis considered of impure caste. habitants. They are of exceedingly dark In Nepal these helot craftsmen are represented complexion as a rule, but not more so than by the Nowars. Sufficient has been said to the tribe of the same name in the plains and show that these Dôms in the Hills are not a many Chamars. They have for ages been the local race peculiar to Kuman, but the remains slaves of the Khasiyas, and been thought less of an aboriginal tribe conquered and enslaved of than the cattle, and with them changed hands by the immigrant Khasiyas." from master to master. It was death for a The specific crimes of the Eastern Doms Dôm to infringe the restrictions of caste laid are dacoity, robbery, theft, and illicit distilladown by the Hindu laws, such as knowingly tion of spirits. The Hill Doms appear to be making use of a huqqa, or any other utensil greatly addicted to kidnapping children." belonging to a Rajpût or Brahman. Even the Dosad or Dusad. They do not find a place wild Raji considered the presence of the Dôm in the Census. Their habitat is the Eastern a source of defilement. The Dôms are divided Districts of the North-West Provinces, partiinto a number of classes; chiefly according to cularly Ghazipur, where they are said to number occupation like the Chamârs of the plains. more than 20,000.36 They seem to be an off
> Sce Report of the Inspertor-General of Police, 1870, p. 13 B, and the case of Kaunchiye, Nisamat Adalat!
Report, 9th October 1852.
Report of Inspector-General of Police, 1870, p. 86 B.

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shoot of the Chamârs, and act as grooms in Ghosis are akin to the Ahirs. They are the Paõjàb Military Cantonments. They are literally the "shouting caste" (Skr. ghosha) the ordinary labouring classes in Bihar, and because their occupation is driving cattle. They are almost invariably chaukidárs or village are generally Muhammadans: while the term watchmen, although notorious for their own gwâla is usually confined to Hindu cowherds. criminal propensities. They are a very useful Ibbetson" says that Hindus do not object to buy caste, as they do any kind of work. Many are milk from them unless it is watered, as they cantable-servants, cooks, bearers and grass-cutters not take water from their hands. The Ghosis of to Europeans."Dr. Buchanan Hamilton thinks Bhadwas and Mahrord of the Età District had they are the same as the Chandals of Lower a bad reputation for horse stealing, which has Bengal
been now put down."
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. XI.-The Two Brothers.
come to them so long. The queen felt much. There was once a great Raja, who lived very for the little ones, and used to scatter seeds happily with his wife and two sons. The from her window to enable the poor stricken two boys were very dutiful and lovable little cock-sparrow to pick them up for his mothercreatures, and their parents were extremely less brood. fond of them. But unfortunately it happen- And thus it was for some time, till one day ed that when they were scarcely seven or another hen-sparrow appeared upon the scene eight years old, the queen, their mother, began and began to build another nest hard by; and to show symptoms of a fatal malady. The then commenced a trying time for the nest. Râjâ did all in his power to restore her to lings, for this hen, who seemed to have taken health, but in vain. So at last he was advised the place of their mother, grew so jealous of by his physicians to remove her to a summer the love the cock-sparrow lavished upon them, palace belonging to him, which was situated in that she would not so much as allow him to a remote part of his dominions and enjoyed a procure them their food, and took every congenial and salubrious climate.
opportunity to peck at them with her benk Now the windows of the queen's apartment and to hustle them about. By degrees the in that palace looked into the garden, and each cock-sparrow, too, learned to regard them with day as she lay in her bed she observed a pair disfavour, and joined his new mate in illof sparrows chirping and twittering amongst treating them in various ways. On one the leaves of a tree in which they had their occasion the hen-sparrow's jealousy rose to nest, and carrying grains of corn for their such a pitch that both she and the cock pulled little ones in it. It made the poor invalid out the feathers of the poor motherless birds, happy to see the wee little things being and finally threw them out of the nest down taken so much care of, for it took her on to the ground. The queen, who had been thoughts to her own dear little boys whom she watching all this with the keenest interest made so much of; but sorrow filled her heart and the greatest grief, burst into tears at the the next instant when it struck her that one thought that her own boys would one day day she herself might be taken from them share the same fate as the little birds, should and they might be left without the loving care death remove her from them, as from the and comforting hand of their mother.
nature of her malady she knew it soon must. This went on for some time, till one day The king, who happened to be near at the the queen was deeply moved to see the hen- time, inquired into the cause of her grief, sparrow grow sick and die in a neighbouring whereupon she told him the whole history of bush, leaving the poor cock in the wildest grief the feathered family, and added that she feared and the little ones wondering why she did not her own dear boys would meet with a similar » Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, sec. 605..
0 Report of the Inspector-General of Police, N. W. P. > Hanter, Statistical Account of Bengal, xi. 262. 1867, p. 29.
pare. 479.

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fate after her death. The king soothed her to the best of his power, and expressed a hope that she would long be spared to her children; but the Rânî was inconsolable, and wanted the king to give her a solemn promise that if ever he married a second wife after her death he would not allow her to ill-treat his sons. In vain the king assured her that he was determined not to marry a second wife and give the boys a step-mother, but the queen would not believe him, saying that she knew better, and that his position in life required that he must have some one to share the throne with him. She entreated him, therefore, to select a good-tempered and kind-hearted woman for his second wife, and to keep her sons as independent of her as possible. The king promised to do all that she desired, and soothed her by kind words and soft entreaties to take heart, and hope for a speedy recovery.
After this the queen's illness took a turn for the worse, and in a short time she closed her eyes for ever with her dear little boys weeping on her breast.
The Raja was sorely grieved at this, and sought by every means in his power both to comfort his motherless sons and to promote their happiness. He kept them constantly by his side, and spared no pains to make them contented with their lot and forget their mother's loss.
This happy state of things, however, did not last long; for in a couple of years' time the courtiers began to impress upon the king's mind the advisability of a second marriage, so that he was at last persuaded to listen to them and marry the daughter of a neighbouring Raja.
As soon as the new queen was installed into the palace she began to look with displeasure at the hold the young Princes had on the king's heart, and her displeasure soon ripened into jealousy. She objected so strongly to the boys being constantly in his company that the king had to ask them to avoid being seen with him so often. The boys, who were wise beyond their years, soon saw the awkward position in which their father was placed, and did their best to keep themselves as much out of their step-mother's way as possible. But still the wicked woman went on finding fault with them in one way or other, and kept
[MARCH 1888.
bothering the king with a thousand complaints about them, so that he became tired of them and it struck him that perhaps he himself had been spoiling the boys with over-indulgence, and with this idea he too began to ill-treat the poor little princes.
One day it happened that the queen was out in the garden by herself enjoying the fresh air and the charming scenery, when suddenly a ball studded all over with diamonds and pearls came rolling up to her feet. She guessed at once that the ball could belong to nobody save her own step-sons, for they alone could afford such costly play-things, and was going to pick it up, when the eldest of the two boys jumped over the wall into the garden and running up to where the queen was sitting took up the ball and ran away with it at full speed. But as soon as he turned his back on her the queen gave a loud scream, and began to weep bitterly, to tear her hair, and to rend her clothes, so that the attendants went running up to her to learn the cause of her grief, and, in reply to their enquiries, she told them that she had been grossly insulted by her eldest step-son. They soon took her into the palace and there she told the king such a black story against his eldest son that in his wrath he began to rave like a madman, and swore that he would never look upon both the boys' faces as long as he lived, and gave orders that they should that very instant be driven out of the palace. But the queen would not be pacified even with this, and threatened to poison herself if the king did not that very moment pass sentence of death upon both his sons. The king thereupon issued orders to his chief executioner to take the two boys away to some dense forest and, after putting out their eyes, to leave them there to be devoured by wild beasts; and further commanded at the queen's suggestion that their eyes be brought before him as a proof that the oruel sentence had been put
into execution.
The executioner, who was an old man, took the poor boys into his custody and set out with them towards a dense forest. But all the way there the young princes entreated him to have pity on them and not deprive them of their eyes; and they pleaded so sweetly for mercy that even the hard heart of the executioner

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melted, and he promised that he would not "No, I shan't," returned the chakvi, and hurt a single hair of their heads.
the chakva resumed, -" The man who eats At this the boys fell at the old man's feet my head will the next day be crowned king, and thanked him for his kindness with hearts whereas he who eats my liver will have twelve full of gratitude. The executioner, however, years of weary travelling and wandering about was at a loss to think where he could procure for his pains, but will attain immense happitwo pairs of eyes to lay before the queen in ness at the end of that period." place of theirs, for he dared not return with- The bird had hardly spoken these words out them; so the three hit upon & plan by when up went an arrow from the bow of the which to deceive the wicked queen.
young prince lying underneath and down fell They took their bows and arrows and killed the poor chakrá gasping for breath! 8 couple of wild fawns, and plucking out "So much for your boasting!” cried the their eyes tied them op, dripping with blood, in chakvi in distress and flew away. The young a handkerchief. The executioner then bade prince soon pulled ont the poor bird's feathers. the princes be of good cheer and went back and gathering & few sticks together, lighted a towards the palace with the bandle containing brisk fire and roasted the little bird over it, the eyes in his hand. As soon as he was gone meaning to share it with his brother on his the two brothers, overcome with grief and return. Being hungry, however, he did not fatigue, went to sleep under a large tree. wait for his brother to come up, but dividing When they awoke the next morning they felt the bird into two parte, he put aside the forevery thirsty and looked about them for water, part with the head for his brother and ate the but there was none to be had on the spot. So rest, liver and all, bimself; for he thought that the eldest boy said :
if ever the bird's words came trae, he would "Sit here & while, my brother, under this much rather have his eldest brother to be king tree, while I go to some other part of the forest than himself. and get you some water to drink, and, if pos- Shortly after the eldest prince returned with sible, some wild fruits or roots for food, for as some water, having failed to procure anything we have been fasting so long, you must be for food. So his brother gave him the head and feeling very hungry."
shoulders of the bird to eat, and told him the The little boy agreed to this, and sat down whole story of the chakvá and the chakvi, and under the tree. He waited there for a very the two brothers laughed and jested over it for long time, but his brother did not turn up, and some time and then fell fast asleep. at last he began to fear that his dear brother The next morning when they awoke they had been devoured by some wild beast, when felt very hungry, the youngest especially all at once he distinctly heard voices over his feeling so weak for want of food as not to be head. He looked up and saw that a chakvaable to rise from the ground on which he was and a chakvi,' who were perched upon one of lying. Upon this the elder brother said the branches of the tree, were talking to each "I shall go and make another attempt to other like human beings.
find food. I have plenty of gold in my "You may pride yourself as much as you pocket, only I do not know where to buy food please, Chakvi," the chakrá was saying, "upon with it." So saying he set out at fall speed the medicinal properties of your feathers; and went straight on till he came within sight but you could show nothing to equal certain of a large city. He made towards it with all properties I possess."
haste, but found that as it was very early in "Oh, indeed!” replied the chakvi, "pray the morning the gates of the city had not been what is it that is so marvellous about you ? opened. So tired and hungry he sat upon a Would you not tell me po
stone and waited. At sunrise the gates were “Well," said the chakvá, “I would never opened, and he at once walked in through have spoken of it, but I break silence for this them; but what was his surprise and consteronce, Chakvi, since you are so eager to know nation to find himself surrounded by armed of it, but pray don't tell any one about it." men, who took him rather grafly by the arms
Soe ante, Vol. X. p. 82, footnote.

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and said, “Come along, young man, since it has This partially restored his strength, and he been your lot to be the first to enter these walked on till he came upon an old potter gates this morning we must take you to the digging for clay near a clay-pit. queen and see what follows." And so they "Shall I help you in digging clay, sir?" gave him a horse to ride and escorted him said the lad to the potter. "I am in search of with great haste towards the queen's palace. some employment and would do anything for
Now the reason of this mysterious beha- you if you would only give me some bread to viour on the part of the guards was that the eat." king of the country had recently died without The potter had pity on him and said: "Yes, an heir, and the court astrologers had pre- if you are really willing to work you may dig dicted that the heir to the throne would be clay for me while I work at the wheel, and in the first to enter the gates of the city the day the evening I shall give you a good dinner in after the king's death, and that the sacred return." court elephant would of its own accord throw So the prinee at once set about his task and a garland of flowers round his neck. The worked away with such a will that before queen had therefore posted the guards at the evening the potter took a liking to him, and gates of the city that morning with orders to taking him home treated him to a hearty dinner. bring to her the first man that entered them. By degrees the young prince learned the
When the guards dismounted at the palace art of making pots, and he so improved apon with the handsome young prince in their charge, the old potter's method that in a short time he the queen ordered all the nobles of the court was able to turn out the finest and most artisto assemble in the court-yard. Sbe then gave tically designed pots ever seen, till at last' the orders for the sacred elephant to be brought old potter became famous for the beautiful round and put a garland of flowers on its trunk workmanship of his wares and grew quite saying, "Throw this round the neck of him rich in a short time. who is destined by Iśvara to occupy my husband's Now the potter had no children, so he and vacant throne." The elephant looked around his wife adopted the good prince as their son, for some time and then made towards the place and treated him with the greatest kindness where the young prince was standing and and affection. dexterously threw the garland round his After remaining with them for some time, neck. At this there arose a loud shout of joy the young prince one day asked the potter's from the assembled multitude, and the newly and his wife's permission to go on a journey, elected king was taken into the palace and saying that though they loved him as their installed on the throne by the chief gurú of own son and made him want for nothing, he the court. Next day there were great rejoicings felt very anxious about his brother, and was throughout the kingdom, and the young prince therefore determined to find out what had bewas proclaimed king with great pomp. The come of him since they parted. poor lad, however, was not happy at this sudden The old people felt grieved at the idea of change in his fortunes, for he thought of his parting with him, but seeing that he was brother whom he had left half-dead from want determined, gave him their permission with of food in the forest, and who, he feared, had the greatest reluctance, and once more the perhaps died of starvation. He nevertheless young prince set off in search of his brother. despatched messengers in search of him and for several years he wandered about from waited anxiously for their return.
one country to another without finding any Meanwhile the younger brother, after trace of his lost brother, till at last one evening waiting for a few hours for his brother, put he sat down weary and dejected on the doorall his strength together and went in search step of a poor old woman's cottage, and being of food and water. He wandered about for very hungry, looked wistfully at some wheaten some time till chance led his footsteps towards bread she was baking. The poor woman, when a small stream, and there he refreshed himself she saw the weary traveller, took pity on him with its delicious fresh water and the wild and invited him to enter the cottage and par. fruit that he found growing on its banks. take of some bread.

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The youth went in, but was surprised to see and smacking his lips in anticipation of the woman weeping and sighing bitterly as she his favourite meal, when the brave prince made her bread.
dexterously hurled a number of cakes at " What ails you, good mother P" cried he in his feet and as he stooped to eat them he a kind voice. Tell me the canse of your grief, crept unperceived under his body and planged and I shall do my best to help you."
his sharp bright knife right into his Upon this the old woman said—“A fierce heart! The monster fell back with a groan, ogre has long infested this part of the country, and the prince, stepping aside, plunged his and of late he had been spreading his ravages knife again and again into his body before far and wide, and our king being unable to cope he had time to recover from his consternation, with bim was obliged to enter into an agree- and after a sharp encounter succeeded in ment to supply him with a cart-load of sweet | putting him to death. He then opened wheaten cakes, a couple of goats, and a young the ogre's large month, and cutting off his man every day, in consideration of which the tongue and severing his tail from his body ogre leaves the rest of the inhabitants un- he tied them up in a bundle, made full speed molested. Now the king finds the cakes and towards tho old woman's house, and feeling the goats himself, but calls upon the inhabi- very tired, soon fell fast asleep in her verandah. tants to supply the young men, and so each The next morning, when the cart-men went family has to give one every day. To-night it back with their bullocks to fetch the carts as is my turn, and I must send my dear son to be was their wont. they were surprised to s devoured by this monster.” So saying the old the goats unhurt, the man missing, and the ogre creature barst into a flood of tears.
lying dead at some distance. - Don't weep, my good woman," said the Now the king of the country had issued prince kindly, “but listen to what I say; let a proclamation some time previously to the me go to the ogre to-night in place of your effect that he would give half his kingdom son, and by the help of Isvara I shall kill the and his daughter in marriage to any one who monster."
would kill the ogre, so the cart-men thought But the old woman's son, who was also a that, as chance had thrown this opportunity of brave fellow, would not bear of a stranger enriching themselves in their way, they should sacrificing himself, as he thought, to save his make the most of it, and determined, therefore, life, so an altercation took place between them, to go and tell the king that they had killed which lasted till midnight, when the king's the ogre and claim the promised reward. guards came up to the door and demanded So they put a hundred pairs of ballocks toher son of the old woman.
gether and dragged the huge monster towards The young prince, however, shut him up in a the king's palace, and loudly proclaimed before room, and opening the door rushed out and the assembled court that they had killed him joined the guards. They soon mounted him by the sheer force of arms. upon one of the carts they had brought with The king, however, disbelieved their story them full of provisions, and binding him hand and asked them to produce the weapons with and foot drove away.
which they had fought the ogre and deprived When they arrived at the spot where they him of his life. nsually left the ogre's meal they stopped, and The poor swains were non-plussed at this, and unyoking the oxen went away with them, leav- for a time they could say nothing. At last one of ing the young man there with the goats and
man there with the goats and them mustered up courage to say “I wounded the cakes in the carts.
him with my knife, Maharaj, while my They had hardly gone a few yards when the friend here thrashed him with his elab and clever youth managed to extricate one of his between us two we managed to despatch him." arms from the cords with which they were tied, | “And will you show me the wonderful and pulling out a sharp knife from his pocket knife with which you killed such a monster ?" cut all the cords and set himself free. He then said the king. got out of the cart and hid himself under it. The cart-man thereupon drew out of his Presently the ogre came foaming at the mouth girdle & rusty old blade and showed it to the

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[MARCH, 1888.
king amidst the great merriment of the cour interest to the day on which this Râjâ was tiers, while our young hero, who had been inexpected to arrive. court all the while watching the proceedings, The day came round at last, and the young could not help bursting out into a loud laugh. prince's heart leapt within him for joy when
At this the king ordered him to be brought be recognized in the royal visitor his longbefore him and asked him what it was that lost brother. The two brothers greeted each had made him laugh so loud.
other very affectionately and told each other of Then the young man related to the Râjâ ali all that had happened since they had parted, about his adventures with the ogre in such a and so much was the elder affected with the plain straightforward way that the king was narration of his younger brother's sufferings quite convinced of the truth of his narration, that he fell upon his neck and the two big men His Majesty, however, ordered him to produce wept like little children. the weapon he had used in the encounter, and! This unexpected meeting of the brothers the prince at once drew out his sharp bright lent greater hilarity to the joyful proceedings, knife and flashed it before the eyes of the and the two spent several happy days in each assembled multitude.
other's company. The cart-men, as might be supposed, made a When the wedding festivities were over show of disbelieving the youth's story, and they resolved to go and pay a visit to their loudly protested against being robbed of their old father. So they got ready a large army and just reward by a stripling like him. Upon marched with it towards their native country. this the prince begged of the king to ask the After several days' weary marching they cartmen what had become of the ogre's tongue reached the place and pitched their camp on and tail.
the outskirts of their father's capital. The “Oh, perhaps he never had any !" cried the old man, being duly informed of this, trembled men simultaneously, "for when we killed him to think that some foreign Rajas, more power. we found him without them."
ful than himself, had come to deprive him of " Then wait till I show them to you," cried his throne. It was then that he thought of his the prince, and opening a bundle and taking sons, and regretted very much that they were out the tongue and the tail, he placed them not living to help him in his old age, having before the king as a convincing proof that it been condemned to an early death owing to the was he who had killed the ogre.
evil influence exercised upon him by his wife, The king at once ordered the cart-men to be who, be it mentioned, had long revealed herself ignominiously driven away, and embracing the to him in her true colours. So he thought it young prince, hailed him as the deliverer of best to conciliate the invaders and make peace his country. He then, as promised in the with them on easy terms, and accordingly sent proclamation, transferred the sovereignty his prime minister to them with rich presents of half his kingdom to him and made pre- and offers of more, if they would let him remain parations for his marriage.
in undisturbed possession of his kingdom. The astrologers having fixed upon the day The two Rajas in their turn sent back word on which to celebrate the auspicious event there that they had not come to his country with any were great rejoicings in the city and the old hostile intent, but only meant to pay him a king sent out numerous invitations to all the friendly visit. So the old king went out himself neighbouring Rájás to join in the festivities. to meet them and implored them with clasped Among those who accepted them was one hands to have mercy on him in his old age and young Râjâ who was said to have been elected not to shed the blood of his innocent subjects since to the throne by a court elephant and who was his two brave sons lived no longer to protect them. held in high esteem by his subjects. So our At this both the brothers fell at their father's hero was naturally very eager to see him, for feet and begged him to receive back to his he thought that if ever the chakva's words heart his long-lost sons, telling him how the had come true it must have been his brother good executioner had sured their eye-sight who had been made king in this singular and how they had come to be in the state in fashion. So he looked forward with great which he found them.

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The old king could not believe his eyes, so The wicked woman, however, felt so ashamed strange it seemed to him, that the sons whom he of herself that she fell at the young men's feet had mourned as dead should be standing before and confessed her guilt. him.
The king, who had long seen his mistake, at The brothers then caused their step-mother once ordered her to be driven out of the kingto be brought before them in order to question dom, and the father and his two sons then her in the king's presence as to the foul charge entered the city with great pomp and lived very she had laid at their door.
happily ever afterwards.
A NOTICE OF THE ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHAYYA LAL.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Continued from p. 60.) When six months after the occapation of already been there for some time received Peshawar bad elapsed, a courier arrived from him with great demonstrations of joy. Sultan Kabul with two letters from Dost Muḥam. Khân also desired to pay his respects, but the mad, one addressed to the Mahârâjâ and the Mahârâjâ wrathfully turned away from him.
ther to the prince. He complimented Ranjit Sultân Khân thereon offered his excuses, and Singh on the great power he had attained, but succeeded so well, that the Maharaja presented requested him to restore the Governorship of him with a jágir valued at three lákhs in the Peshawar to Sultan Khan, who had always Kohật district, and sent Faqir 'Azizu'ddin as paid his tribute regalarly, and had been an envoy to Kabul for the purpose of making tardy only the last year. He moreover pro- friendly overtures to Dôst Muhammad, and remised to march with his own troops against proaching him with having assumed a hostile Sultân Khan and to punish him if he should attitude towards himself. The envoy had afterwards at any time be remiss in sending commenced to hope that he would induce Dôst the tribute. The Maharaja, highly displeased Muhammad to pay a visit to Ranjit Singh, but with the presumption of Dost Muhammad, some of his advisers succeeded in arousing his said that he had conquered the Pañjab, and suspicions, and he granted no more interviews being able to defend the district of Peshawar to the ambassador, who was kept under surveillikewise, he challenged Dost Muhammad to lance till the army of Dôst Muhammad had invade it. Then he despatched Gulab Singh reached the Khaibar Pass, where it encamped, [of Jammûn and Kashmir) with a body of and he was then permitted to depart. Hereon troops to Peshawar, and shortly afterwards the Maharaja despatched Hari Singh, with also followed in person himself; but when GulAb Singh, Mahârâjâ of Jammui and Kashhe arrived at Rohtas the news came that mir, to attack the Afgháng, but the latter had Dost Muhammad had already reached the already disappeared and retired to their own Khaibar Pass and would soon attack Pesha- country when the Sikhs arrived. Accordingly war, and that, although the Prince Nau Nihal, Ranjit Singh left a garrison to guard the fronHari Singh and Ventura were on the spot and tier and marched back to Lähôr, whence he proready to defend the province, the Maharaja's ceeded to Amritsar, where he ordered the presence would ensure a speedy victory. Ranjit wedding of Prince Neu Nihal to be celebrated, Singh therefore now went forward with greater to which also the commander of the English speed, and his progress was not interrupted forces at Firozpûr, and the Agent, Mr. Wade, till within a day's journey from Pêshawar, who resided at Lôdiana, were invited, as well when the enemy gathered in force and attempted as the Rajâs of note. After the festivities, during to block the way. The Mahârâjâ ordered which large sums were disbursed, the guests Sukhraj to disperse the rebels who, how received costly presents of silk dresses and ever, stood their ground and were put to flight jewellery and then took leave. Before, however, only after a contest of several hours. Ranjit the ladies, who had accompanied the English Singh entered Peshwar the next day, when the commander, departed, they requested permission Prince Nan Nihal with the officers who had from the Maharajá to pay a visit to his ladies.

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They were accordingly received with much a hanting expedition on a large scale, and politeness by the Maharani Nakayin, the departed with his army to Dêra Nanak, where mother of Prince Kharak Singh, who showed he performed devotions, distributed alms, and them all the fair ones sitting, in beautiful attire, ordered the capola of the temple to be rebuilt on one side, whilst they were placed on the of stone, gilded, and adorned in every way. other; and after they had conversed for a while, Then he departed to Adinanagar, and the the Maharani presented each of them with some locality being very pleasant, he determined to jewellery, and they departed. To give due remain there a few weeks. During his stay two honour to the English commandant, the Maha- envoys, Mr. Macnaghten and Mr. Burnos, raja Gulab Singh was instructed to accompany sent by the Governor-General arrived, to inform him to the banks of the Satluj.
the Maharaja that the English Government News arrived that Dost Muhammad had was on the point of invading Afghanistan for again sent an army, commanded by one the purpose of replacing the exiled king Shah HAJI KAkar, from the Khaibar in the direc. Shujaa upon the throne, and removing Dôst tion of Peshawar, and that the Sikh gar Muhammad therefrom. Being an ally, the rison of Jamrüd, having been besieged by Maharaja was invited to send his own forces the Afghåns, had been liberated by Sardar with the English army, and to allow the latter Hari Singh, who had marched from Pêshûwar to march through his dominions to Afghánisand beaten the Afghans, but that nevertheless tân, by way of Peshawar, and as the British more reinforcements would be welcome. Troops troops were also in Sind as far as Shikârpúr, to were accordingly despatched the same day, permit them to pass also through that portion of but they had not gone further than Gujrat bis territories as well. When Ranjit Singh when a courier met them with the information heard the proposals, and considered that he that the Afgháns had again advanced from the had conquered Sind by main force, hu felt unKhaibar Pass and occupied Jamrud, but that willing to consent, but as he desired to remain Sardar Hari Singh had expelled them after slay- on good terms with the English, he agreed to ing 500 and pursued them towards the Khai- all they wanted, and promised to send alao an bar. When he had reached 'Alimardân they had auxiliary force of his own, making only one again gathered in force and offered battle, in condition, that after his restoration, Shah which the Sikhs defeated the Afghans; but Shuja'a should pledge himself to cast off all while engaged in plundering, they had left their rancour towards the Maharajà, become his commander Harî Singh ansupported, and he friend, and renounce all claims opon the poshad been assailed by some of the enemy and session of Peshawar, Kashmir, Multân, and killed, whereon the troops marched back to the Pêrajât. On this occasion & treaty Peshawar. Mahan Singh, the commander of was drawn up between the English and the the fort of Jamrud had kept the death of Maharaja, who thereon accompanied the two Harl Singh secret, and requested the Maha- envoys to LA bôr, where he entertained them râjâ to send troops quickly. Ranjit Singh hospitably, giving them presents, till they de. was greatly affected by this sad news, de parted. Then the Governor-General, having plored the loss of his brave general, and brought his army to Firozpûr, then on the consulted his amirs, who were of opinion that frontier of the Pañjab, despatched Mr. Wade if Dost Muhammad heard of Hari Singh's to the Maharaja with the request to favour him death, he would at once march to Peshawar | with an interview. Accordingly Ranjit Singh and conquer it forthwith, and that to forestall came up with his army, and on arriving near the him, the Maharajà ought to take the field in Satluj, opposite to the English camp, despatched person. Ranjit Singh accordingly at once the prince Kharak Singh to inquire after hastened to Peshawar, put to the sword all the the Governor-General's health, and he was opponents he met, restored order, left sufficient received with much politeness. After Mr. Mactroops for the defence of the district, and naghten had paid a visit to the Maharaja, the returned to LÅhôr.
latter went with his courtiers and escort to meet 39. After his victorious campaign in Pesha- the Governor-General, but he had scarcely war, the Mahârâjà determined to undertake crossed the bridge, when the latter advanced

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towards him, and the artillery fired a salute. other medical men from the Pañjab, from The interview took place with the usual Multan and from Kaśmír, but all to no solemnity, and at the end of it the Gover- purpose; and when a celebrated English doctor, nor-General offered presents to the Maharaja, whom the Governor-General had sent, arrived, the principal of which were & beautiful the Mahârâjâ absolutely refused to be treated portrait of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, by him. He continued, however, to swallow which was much admired and saluted by the the medicines of his own physicians, who rising and bowing of the whole assembly, administered to him oranges, which augmented whereon the artillery boomed a grand salute, his jaundice, sandal, which increased his and the Maharaja took his departare. The headache, and almonds, which intensified bis next day the Governor-General returned the thirst, whilst musk and ambergris produced visit, and the day afterwards the Maharaja fainting, exhilarant drugs made the heart gave a grand banquet to the Governor-General, palpitate, and strengthening potions caused a and they dined together. On the third day the restless liver! Seeing his end close at hand, latter returned the same hospitality to the the Mahârâjâ now summoned his heir appsMahârâjâ, and at the last interview at Firozpur, ront to his bedside, and, appointing him his which took place on the fourth day, the Maha- successor, surrendered the government to him, råjå invited His Excellency to accompany and made Dhyan Singh his wazir. After that, him to Amritsar and to Lahôr. The invitation great numbers of courtiers and servants were having been accepted, they both marched with admitted, to whom alms were distributed, which their armies, first to the sacred city and then were, however, bestowed uot only upon persons to the capital, but wbilst sleeping one night connected with the service of the court, but in the latter, the Maharaja was suddenly included also the poor of the town, and even
thanked hva fit of the disease called laqwa. of one place where Nának had first seen the The Governor-General manifested for him the light of day, and of another where the remains greatest sympathy whilst in Lahor, and the of the founders of the Sikh religion had found Maharaja, recovered sufficiently. to make ar- their last resting place." After having thus rangements for the departure of six thousand | given away twenty five lakhs of rupees in troops, one-half consisting of cavalry and the alms, Ranjit Singh desired to crown his beneother of infantry, with six pieces of artillery, fioence by bestowing the priceless diamond and commanded by Ventura, to Pêshâwar. Koh-i-Nur as a gift upon the temple of RÂm This force was accompanied by Mr. Wade, who Dås, but his heir apparent absolutely refused had some two hundred men, and four pieces to permit such prodigality. The condition of English artillery with ammunition. When of the Maharajâ now became even worse, his the Governor-General, who, as already stated, mind began to wander, his fainting fits was much affected by the calamity of the Maha- became more frequent, his breathing more rája, had been these arrangements executed, he difficult, and he sometimes closed his eyes and left LÅhôr, and returned to Firozpur.
sometimes wept bitterly. 40. The disease, which lasted several months, When the heir-apparent saw that the last had now so enfeebled Ranjit Singh, that only moment had approached, he spread out a a spark of life remained in his body. His com- carpet of Indian khinkhab (or goldcloth) plexion was changed to yellow, his tongue had and of Chinese brocade with ten lúkhs of become mute, his once powerful strength had rupees for alms, and made other arrangements 80 vanished that he was unable to turn from necessary for the impending death-scene. Restone side to the other : he had no appetite, ing upon this carpet the Mahârâjâ expired, his body was emaciated, the laqwa afflicted whereon the whole of the Pañjîb went into him with intense pain, and paralysis de- mourning, and lamentations resounded in the prived him of motion. His court physicians, palace. Some persons wept aloud, some si* Inayat Shah, Nuru'ddin, and Aziza'uddin lently, others struck their breasts, and Dhyan tried their best to cure him, as well as Singh, the wazir of the deceased Maharaja, + Distortion of the mouth and convulsions.
"The two places are Gurdwara-Nankind and Naakt. I Dêra.

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desired to be immolated on the funeral pyre sardar whom the new Maharajá henceforth with the body of his master, but was dissuaded consulted on all occasions, although he by the other courtiers. The ladies Harvi and possessed no experience in the administration. Rajvi," with other handmaids of Ranjit Singh The amirs of the darbár were so displeased with also prepared for the last journey, and ex. Kharak Singh's choice that they waited upon pressed willingness to be immolated. The his son Nau Nihal Singh, who was accordsuccessor caused immediately a golden bier to ing to our text a very intelligent and sweetbe prepared in the form of a litter upon which spoken young prince, and represented the the corpse was placed amidst wailings, and car- matter to him. Accordingly he went to his ried from the fort by the army and the popula- father and informed him, but Kharak Singh tion, to which last the nobles distributed money. who was a good-natured man and void of all When the funeral procession reached the burn- ambition to govern, paid not the least attention ing ground, the corpse having been placed to the warnings of his son, who thereon took his upon a pyre of sandalwood, the faithfal place on the throne with the approbation of the Ranis were allowed to stand beside it, and the darbár, and as Chait Singh, his father's wazir, heir-apparent approaching, set fire to it with still desired to monopolise authority, he slew his own hands. When the flames shot upwards him with his own bands. The murder of his to the sky, a general shout of lamentation shook wazir greatly affected Kharak Singh who had the earth, and shortly afterwards an abundant already given up the administration and now shower of rain fell, whereon the ashes were altogether retired, but when he heard that collected, the remaining ceremonies performed, Nan Nihal Singh had been formally installed and all was over. Thus Ranjit Singh died in by the darbár on the throne, he fell sick and St. 1896 [A.D. 1839] after a reign of forty shortly afterwards died. His funeral was years. His burnt bones were by order of the solemnized with great pomp. Alms were heir-apparent conveyed to the banks of the largely distributed, the corpse was borne to the Ganges, and he ordered a grand mausoleum to river bank on the shoulders of Nau Nihal and be built over them, but did not live to see it some amirs, and on its being committed to completed. The Mahârâjâ Sher Singh endea the flames, two Ránis, widows of Kharak voured to do so, but it was not finished when Singh, were likewise burnt on the pyre, with he died, and disturbances having arisen in the nine of his handmaids. Pañjab, the building was altogether neglected. After the cremation Nau Nihal Singh perThe British Government, however, annexed formed his ablutions in the river, and afterthe country and finished the edifice, which wards returned with the crowd of amirs to then remained in good condition during a num- the fort, but on entering the first gate, & ber of years. At last, however, the eight columns stone detaching itself from the top of it fell on which had to support a heavy capola, began to his head, and suddenly extinguished the lamp give way and to break, whereon the author of of his life. Now the wazir who is, by the this work added, by order of the Government, author, stated to have been both a politician eight columns more, making the total number and a warrior, desired to place the prince Shér sixteen, and strengthened them with iron-hoops, Singh upon the throne, but was opposed by the so as so insure their stability for a long time Rani Chand Kanwar the mother of Nau Nihal to come.
Singh, who being supported by the Sardârs 41. After the demise of Ranjit Singh, his Ajit Singh, Atar Singh, and Lahn Singh, successor Kharak Singh ascended the throne all of whom were of the family of Sindhanand assumed the reins of government as soon wali, assumed the reins of government. as his season of mourning had expired. Dhyan After the lady had been placed upon the Singh, who had been wazir during the previous throne, the wazir abstained from appearing in government remained in his former position, the darbár, and, departing from Láhôr, rebat was after a short time neglected in favour tired to Jammin, his ancestral home. In of Chait Singh, an ambitious and intriguing his absence the Râni enjoyed her power a few
"According to a marginal note Harvl and Råvji were wives of Ranjit Singh, and daughters Sanear Chand Katoch of Kangrå.

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months undisputed, but the military party was Sher Singh, was slain in a dastardly manner dissatisfied, and believed that a woman could by the Sardar Lahna Singh, Sindhanwalia. not possess the valour, the knowledge, and the The turbulent faction then marched into tact required for governing, although a solitary LÂ hôr, and Raja Dhyan Singh the waxir, was example in which these qualities are united, is slain in the fort by the abovenamed Ajit Singh, existing in the world, in Queen Victoria, who who fired at him, whilst defending himself is, however, guided by the wise counsels of her on horseback against the invading crowd. ministry! Shor Singh, having accordingly When the conspirators had gained supremacy, been invited to assume the reins of Govern- they indulged for several days in revelling, and ment, marched with his forces from Vatâlâ, the population, dreading worse consequences, but on arriving at the gates of Lâhôr, found trembled with fear. The Raja Hira Singh, them closed. He then occupied the town and who was at that time with the army, and had laid siege to the garrison, which he attacked heard what had taken place, appealed to the and compelled to surrender three days after Khalsas troops to aid him to avenge the wards, chiefly through the instrumentality of murder of his father Dhyan Singh, as well as that the Maharaja Gulab Singh, who had returned of the Mahârâjâ Shêr Singh, and to place upon just in time from Jammun, and brought the the throne Dallp Singh, a son of the Maharaja negotiations to a satisfactory issue.
Ranjit Singh. This appeal having been eagerly 42. When Sher Singh attained the supreme responded to, the troops marched to the fort power, the opposing Sindhanwalia faction and opened a cannonade opon it which lasted was dismayed, and its chiefs forthwith sought the whole day, and the enemies having no refuge in the British territory. Meanwhile the ammunition began to evacuate the fort during new sovereign was endeavouring by the aid of the night, but it was surrounded by the troops, his faithful wazir Dhyan Singh, to restore who succeeded in capturing, among others, security, to regulate the administration, and to three of the chief miscreants, namely, Ajît promote the welfare of his subjects, and trying Singh, who had killed the Maharaja, Lahna also, by dispensing justice and by a liberal dis- Singh who had murdered the son of the latter, tribution of presents, to gain their affections. and Misr Ghasita, a close ally of the Sindhán. After two years bad elapsed in this manner a wâliâ Sardárs. These three men were at serious estrangement arose between Shêr Singh once executed, their bodies dragged by ropes and his wasîr, the breach being widened by through the bázárs and streets of the city, and malevolent persons who suggested new causes then left to be devoured by beasts and birds. for disagreement to both. The chief cause 43. When the Raja Hira Singh had wreaked appears to have been the anxiety of the Maha- vengeance upon his foes, by making free use rájå for reconciliation with the Sindhâti waliâs of the sword, the prince Dalip Singh was which the wazir disapproved of, and as placed upon the throne. Hîra Singh went to the will appear further on, rightly so, because it | darbár, and was considered worthy to remain cost both of them their lives. Nevertheless wazir, but his counsellor the Pandit Jalla, an the Maharajâ invited many of the said faction honest intelligent Brahman and a good administo return to the Pañjâb, appointed them to trator, made use of severity in the execution of high stations, bestowed upon them jágirs, and his duties, in which he pressed so hard upon songht to please them in every way. Out- the amirs by extorting money from them, wardly they were thankful and friendly, but that he exasperated them. Moreover Jawahir that all this loyalty was feigned, appeared Singh, one of their number, who relied upon plainly when the Sardar Ajit Singh, Sindhan. his position as maternal uncle of the Maharaja wali, took aim at Sher Singh as he sat in Dalip Singh, and was the first to rebel against darbár, at Shahdara near Labor, and shot him the haughty counsellor, was thrown into prison dead. On the same occasion also Kanwar by the waxir. Incensed at the presumption of his Partab Singh, the little son of the Maharaja thus summarily dealing with her brother, the
* Literally meaning "puro, seloot," because those troops consisted only of Sikhs. The word is of Arabic origin but is used in all the Muhammadan languages.
[If the above abstract correctly represents the tort this is a new version of these well-known eventu-Eul

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Maharani Chandan, unknown to the dominant faction, despatched a message with great secrecy to the Raja Suchet Singh, brother of the late Dhyan Singh, informing him that the whole government had fallen into disorder, that as the sovereign was a child and his wazir young, Jallâ had usurped the supreme power and extorted untold sums of money, and that therefore she invited the Râjâ to introduce order into the administration by once more accepting the post of plenipotentiary wasir, and becoming the lientenant of the Mahârâjâ. Suchêt Singh immediately started with his troops from Jammûn in compliance with the invitation, and hastily advanced towards Lâhôr till he reached the banks of the Ravi, where he left his troops and crossed the river with an escort of only a hundred men, marching till he reached the tomb of Shekh Kallan at a distance of three miles from Lâhôr, where he encamped, and hoped his nephew Hira Singh together with Pandit Jalla would meet and welcome him. His expectations, however, proved futile, because Hirâ Singh, now fully aware for what purpose his uncle had so quickly arrived from Jammún, was determined to repel him, and, on being informed of his approach, forthwith harangued the Sikh Khålså troops, promising a gold batkiss to every man who would follow him to attack his uncle. Suchêt Singh had been encamped only one day when the Khâlsâ troops arrived, surrounded the tomb, and at once not only destroyed it and the adjoining buildings and their tenants the faqirs with their artillery, but exterminated to a man the whole escort of Suchêt Singh, as well as himself.
After this action Hira Singh manifested grief for the loss of his uncle, but afterwards honestly paid the golden batki he had promised to each soldier, although the sum was so large that the government treasury suffered very considerably. When a month had elapsed after this affair, one of the Sindhânwâliâ chiefs and malcontents, 'Atar Singh by name, who had not been slain with the others-when the Khâlså troops avenged upon them the murder of Shêr Singh, and placed Dalip Singh on the throne,-but had escaped to the British territory, being determined to wrest from Raja Hira Singh the power he enjoyed, and to take vengeance, had
Shekh Isma'il, known as Mian Kallan 3 Name of a gold coin five rupees in value.
[MARCH, 1888.
4
recourse for this purpose to Bir Singh faqir who dwelt on the Satluj, and enjoyed great reputation for sanctity as a guru, as well as considerable influence with the army; and induced him to address it, in order to obtain its aid to overthrow the government of the Rájah. When Hîrâ Singh was informed of these machinations, he summoned a panch (panchayat) of petty officers commanding a company of soldiers, to his presence-because they were able to influence the privates much more than the higher officers could, whom they also greatly exceeded in numbers-distributed money among them, and thereby so alienated them from the guru, that they attacked his domicile with musketry. He was killed by a stray bullet and Atar Singh was also routed with his adherents. Some months afterwards, the uncle of the Maharajâ, Jawahir Singh, whose imprisonment does not appear to have been very strict, found opportunity to bribe a number of the officers of the army, by promising to each of them a necklace of jewellery, and holding forth to each trooper the reward of a nám, to win them over to his cause. He succeeded so well that the officers despatched a memorandum to Hira Singh, promising to remain loyal to him if he agreed to deprive his counsellor Jalla of power, who had by his tyranny incurred universal reprobation, but threatening him with death in the contrary case. When Hira Singh became aware of his danger, he swore that he would never betray his friend, and would remain faithful to him even at the risk of his own life, but when he perceived that it was actually in peril, he mounted an elephant, and fled from Lâhôr with a few trusty followers intending to take refuge in Jammûn. The news of his flight spread quickly, and he had just reached the Ravi when he was overtaken by thousands of Sikhs, who at once attacked him; whereon he alighted from his elephant, and defending himself with his handful of trusty mountaineers, fell sword in hand. On the same occasion also Jallâ was slain with Sohan, the young son of the Mahârâjá Gulab Singh of Jammûn, whereon the Sikhs returned victorious to Lâhôr.
44. Jawahir Singh, the maternal uncle of Dalip Singh, now assumed the reins of
3 The nám is, according to a marginal note, a gold jewel and ornament, called also jangú.

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government, and faithfully kept his promise of had any to make. The amirs of the court presenting the Sikh troops with golden neck. trembled with fear, and arrived themselves, laces, but after one lakh of them had been after consultation, at the conclusion that they distributed the treasury was empty; whereon would confront the danger with Jawahir the troopers plundered all the government Singh, the Mahârâni, and the Maharaja Dalip property they could get hold of. Jawahir Singh Singh, which last was to plead for the life then despatched a force to invade Jamman, but of his uncle, uniting his request to the prayer only one encounter took place, in which the of his mother. When the exalted party arrived Sikh Sardar Fath Singh lost his life. Then in the camp, and the troops perceived Dalip Gulab Singh held out bribes to the troops and Singh, they unanimously saluted him, took marched with them to LÅhôr, where he ful- him down from the elephant, but forthwith cut filled his promise. The prince Peshaura Singh to pieces JawAhir Singh who had remained in a son of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, who the haudd. On beholding this scene, Dalip likewise entertained the ambition of becoming Singh wept bitterly, and the Maharani broke master of the Pañjáb, marched with his out in loud wailings, but took charge of her adherents to Atak, and took possession of the brother's corpse, which was conveyed to the fort; whereon Jawahir Singh despatched troops fort, and afterwards received the honours of 4 in command of Chhatar Singh Atariwala | funeral. The army now became so demoralised with other forces from Dörâ Isma'il Khân, that no one any longer kept authority, and and they besieged the prince, who then repre- much disorder ensued. The panch of petty sented to them, that being a son of Ranjit officers, apprehending no coercion, began to Singh equally with Dalip Singh, he ought not plunder in all directions, mulcting the rich and to be treated as a rebel, but should be received frightening the poor. No trace of subordina. into favour after promising to be loyal to the tion and discipline remained, and every common existing government. After this declaration soldier fancied himself an officer, and obeyed had been communicated to Jawahir Singh, he only his own inclination. This state of affairs
rnt that the troops sent against the pretender having become unbearable to the nobles of the were favourable to his claims, and accordingly court, they were most anxious to put an end to devised the stratagem of presenting him with it at any price, and at last arrived at the cona jágír of a lákh of rupees, on condition of his clusion that the only way to rid themselves of surrendering the fort. The prince Péshaura the excesses of the army would be to goad it Singh then opened the gates, and Jawâbir on to wage war against the English, who would Singh having been apprized that he had fallen be sure to vanquish it, though there was no into the trap, at once indited a letter to his other power in existence strong enough to do faithful partizan Fath Khan, who commanded so. Accordingly the ringleaders of the army a portion of the forces, to slay the prince, for were requested to come to the palace, and when fear he might again lay claim to the throne. the crowd of disorderly pańches arrived, the This order no sooner arrived than it was RAJA LAl Singh harangued them, praised executed, and Fath Khan, besides obtaining them as lion-hearted valiant Khalsas—the a large sum of money, was rewarded also epithet most flattering to them-and told them by being appointed governor of the Hazard that the English had taken possession of the district. When it became generally known that qasba of Murân on the banks of the Satluj, the prince had been killed at the instigation of and would, unless checked, be sure to encroach Jawahir Singh, not only his adherents, but upon this side likewise. It was therefore the whole army manifested such exasperation, their duty boldly to wage war against the that the mother of the Mahârâjâ Dalip Singh English, and afterwards it would be their was frightened, and made efforts to propitiate pleasure to enjoy supreme power over the it, but in vain. The general reply was that country, there being no forces in existence he who had encompassed the murder of Ranjit able to cope with the Sikhs. The vanity and Singh's son had thereby forfeited his own life, ambition of the troops having thus been and Jawahir Singh was summoned to present brought into play, and raised to the highest himself before the troops to offer excuses, if he pitch, the proposal was accepted with acclama.

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[MARCH, 1888.
tion; the general impression being that the event emboldened the Sikhs. Nevertheless English, who were only Franks and could not Lal Singh began to retreat, and the Sikhs perprevail against the Khålsås, would be con- ceiving this, followed his example, whereon the quered, unmercifully destroyed, and thus English were not slow in pursuing them, taking deprived of Hindustan.
also possession of their artillery. The next 45. After having made some preparations action took place at Firozpur where ten for a campaign the turbulent army marched to regiments and the full paltans of the Sikhs the Satluj, whilst all the Pürbiâs and white fought, and having also 100 pieces of artillery soldiers advanced towards them from the other at their disposal, they boldly advanced to side, led by their Commander-in-Chief and by open the battle. The English had two noble the Governor-General himself, who sent first officers, one Hardinge, the valiant amir and a memorandum to the Sikh army to the effect Governor who was a lion of war, and the that the British Goverument had always been Commander Gough celebrated for his couron friendly terms with Ranjit Singh, and age. They ordered the troops to make a that there being no occasion for hostilities, the simultaneous onslaught, one side of the plain troops ought to return to their homes. This being occupied by the white soldiers who rained advice remaining unheeded the contest began, cannon balls upon the Sikhs, whilst from the and the first action took place at Mudki, in other Hindustânî troops attacked them. When which 30,000 Sikhs took part with 32 pieces of the fight was at its hottest, and the ground had artillery, the Commander-in-Chief being LAI become a tulip-field of blood, Raja Tēj Singh, Singh, who was outwardly a friend to the the commander of the Sikhs, found it unsuitSikhs, but inwardly their worst enemy. The able to hold his ground any longer, and Sikhs who made the attack fought valiantly and retreated; whereon the whole Sikh army fled, caused rivers of blood to flow. The English and on this occasion the treasure with all the advanced and the noble (political) agent ammunition and 72 pieces of artillery fell into Broad foot was with them till the evening, the hands of the English. when he was slain on the battle-field, which
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. off the first syllable of all the above epithets SOME QUAINT BLESSINGS.
as follows:The following blessings were collected by me in | May the Supreme Lord without beginning Mithild. They are much admired by the Pandite :- (or found by omitting the beginning of the above II.
epitheta) (Krishna),—who is mounted on the lord
of birds ( + गवीशपत्रो नगजातिहारी
T i.e. a peacock), the destroyer of
the pains of the elephant (Taufriert), the father of कुमारतातः शशिखण्डधारी।
Mára (Hara:), who is decorated with a peacock's लड़ेशसम्पूजितपादपाः
tail (raugurt), and the lotuses of whose feet are पायादनादिः परमेश्वरो वः॥
worshipped by Kosa, -protect you. This is capable of either of two interpretations as follows: May the Supreme Lord without beginning
विराजराजपुत्रार्यन्नाम चतुरक्षरम् । (Śiva) - who is mounted (997) on the lord of cows, पूर्वार्ध तव शत्रूणां परार्धे तव वेश्मनि ॥ (i.e. a bull), who is the destroyer of the pains of
"May the first half (Tri i.e. death) of the four the Daughter of the Mountain (Pårvati), who is
syllabled name (t r ) of the enemy of Prathe father of Kumára, who bears the crescent of
dyumna, be in the house of thy enemies, and the the moon and the lotuses of whose feet were worshipped by the Lord of Lanka (Ravana),--pro.
second half (74 i.e. victory) in thine. tect you.'
Here fa = a bird. A = Garuda. The other interpretation is obtained by cutting Topi Krishna. TUT = Pradyumna.
* (Really at Perdshahr or Ferozeshah, eight miles from Firôzpůr on the Lodi Road.-ED.)

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89
ZOROASTRIAN DEITIES ON INDO-SCYTHIAN COINS.
BY M. AUREL STEIN, PH.D., M.R.A.S. ALTHOUGH the latest in that long series of with a clearer view of the issue, the fresh a numismatic relics, which form our main evidence of the coins. We shall attempt here documents for the history of the Greek and to collect in a condensed form the information Scythic rulers of Bactria and India, the coins which that remarkable coinage affords on the of the Turushka kings, are perhaps the most state of Iranian religion and speech in the important for the student of Aryan antiquities. centuries preceding the Sassanian epoch. Their extremely varied reverses exhibit in For the historical facts connected with the well-executed designs and clearly legible role of the Yueh-chi or Kushans in India we characters the figures and names of numerous can refer our readers on the present occasion deities, many among which, as already re- to the above-named publications of von Sallet cognized by the first observers, bear an unmis- and Prof. Gardner, and to the excellent actakably Zoroastrian character. These repre- count contained in the late Prof. von sentations are, in fact, almost our only contem- Gutschmid's article on Persia in the 9th Ed. porary documents for that most obscure period of the Encyclopædia Britannica. They afford, in the history of Zoroastrian worship which however, but little material for the solution of intervened between the fall of the Ancient the question that mainly interests the Iranian Persian Empire and the Sassanian revival. scholar-vie., how and where these tribes of The identification of the types represented evidently non-Aryan descent became so deeply must therefore be considered a task of the penetrated with Zoroastrian influences. But first importance for the student of the Iranian from Chinese annals we are able to fix the date Religion. On the other hand, Historical Gram- of the invasion, which brought the Yueh-chi mar can attach scarcely less importance to the under King Kadphises south of the Hinduelucidation of the legends, considering that Kôsh, at about B.C. 25, and a century later they are clearly written phonetic specimens of we meet with distinct traces of Zoroastrianism the language, which can be dated, with some among them. King Kanishka (on the coins thing like chronological exactness, since the KANHPKI), whom Buddhists in their tradilate Mr. Fergusson's ingenious discovery has tions claim as the great patron of their church, revealed the identity of the Saka era (starting and with whom the Saka era originated (A.D. from A.D. 78) with the era employed by the 78), is the first known to employ Iranian types Turushka kings of our coins in their Indian and “Scythic" legends on his reverses. His inscriptions.
successor was OOHPKI (Huvishka), whose The philological enquiry into the types inscriptions range from the year 33 to 51 of the and legends of the Indo-Scythic coinage has Saka era (A.D. 111-129): and his very numerous made but comparatively slow progress since coinage, from which Greek legends have now the days of Prinsep and Lassen ; but perhaps definitely disappeared, adds some new types of it may now be resumed with some chance of Iranian deities to the already large pantheon success, since Dr. von Sallet's exhaustive mono- of Kanishka. The issues of Huvishka are the graph, based on true historial criticism, and last of the Indo-Scythic coinage with which we more recently Prof. Percy Gardner's excellent are concerned on the present occasion, as the catalogue of the rich collection under his care, much inferior coins of a later king, who bears have placed us in full possession of the numis- the name of BAZOAHO (VAsudeva in the matio facts. At the same time, the great inscriptions), are restricted in their types to advance made in our knowledge of Zoroas- the more or less barbarous representations of a trianism, through the more extensive study of few non-Zoroastrian deities. its sacred literature, enables us to utilize, In the Plate which accompanies our remarks
1 Adapted with additions from the Oriental and Babylonian Record, August, 1887.
. On the saka, Samvat and Gupta' Eras, J. R. A. S. 1880. p. 259, sqq.
Die Nachfolger Alexander des Grossen in Bactrien und Indien, Berlin, 1879.
The Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India, in the British Museum, London, 1886.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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on the various types are represented well-pre- vowel of Zend and Old Persian words was lost served specimens of Indo-Scythian coins in in their transition into the phonetic state of the British Museum, for the casts of which we Middle Persian or Pahlavi; but as the latter are indebted to the kindness of Prof. Gardner. is in its main characteristics reflected by the This obviates the necessity of noticing in detail legends of the Indo-Scythic coinage, this closing the characteristic designs of the types and the cannot well be considered a representative not less pecaliar writing of the legends. The of the old thematic vowels. We may, however, highly original treatment which the Greek look for some connexion between this O and characters have received at the hands of the the sign which is added to so many Pahlavi Indo-Scythic die-cutters deserve special investi- words with consonantal ending, and is generally gation from epigraphists; but for our present transcribed by ő. object it may suffice to call attention to the Besides the above forms, we meet with general clearness and fluency which distin- numerous variants of the same name, via. guishes very favourably this apparently barba- MEIPO, MIYPO, MYIPO, on Kanishka rous writing on the gold coins of Kanishka and coins, and MIY.PO, MYPO, MIPO, Huvishka from the cramped and ill-shaped MIPPO, MIIOPO, MOPO, on those of legends of their Scythic predecessors.
Huvistika. Some of these forms may be In the large assembly of Zoroastrian deities, viewed as individual attempts to give a phonewhich the coins of their Scythic worshipperstical equivalent for the difficult aspiration; bring before us, Mithra, the God of Heavenly others, like MIPPO, MOPO are scarcely Light, may well claim precedence, from the more than mere blunders of the die-cutters.important position he occupies in Avestic From this list of forms the supposed MIOPO mythology as well as in Eastern colt gene- has been justly eliminated by von Sallet, rally.
as this archaic form can nowhere be read The Iranian Mithra has been long ago with any clearness, and would, in fact, not recognized in the very characteristic type well agree with the general phonetic character of the Sun-god, that on the rare Greek of the names represented. coins of Kanishka bears the name of HAIOC. It is of considerable interest to compare with Not less varied than the representations of the Scythic name of Mithra the various forms in the god himself are the forms in which which the name of the Iranian month Mihr his Iranian name appears. MIOPO and appears in the list of Cappadocian months. This MIIPO (figs. i. and ii.) are the most frequent list has been preserved for us in & chronoreadings, and represent but slightly varied logical table, which compares the calendars of pronunciations of the same form Mihr, which different localities, found in numerous Greek the Avestic name must have assumed at a MSS. of Ptolemy's Canones. It has been carecomparatively early date through the regular fully examined by Benfey, and proved to conphonetic change of th into h. MIIPO corre- tain the names of the months in the Zoroastrian sponds to the Indianized form mihira (mihir), calendar, as still in use in Cappadocia under the with the well-known interposition of a secondary Roman rule. Now Iranian months are desigvowel before r; MIOPO represents mihr, and nated by the names of their respective tutelary gives us a clear instance of the phonetic rendering deities, and as some of the latter are repreof 1 by O (as in OOHPKI-Huvishka), to which sented on the Scythic coinage, the Greek we shall have to refer in the farther course of transcriptions of their names thereon (which our enquiry. The closing O, which recurs at are found, too, in a much later form in the lists the end of almost all Iranian names of the coins, of Persian months given by Isaacus Monachus cannot as yet be accounted for with any cer- and other Byzantine chronologists) will give tainty. The historical study of the Iranian us much valuable help for the identification language leads us to believe that the final of the Scythic forms.
• See Prof. Gardner's Cat. pp. 131, 134; and von 1836, p. 76, sqq.--Irogret that I have not yet been ablo Sallot, Nachfolger, p. 197.
to consult an article by Prof. De Lagarde on this subSee Cat. pp. 141-143, 156, 157; von Sallet, p. 202, ject, in his Abhandlungen, to which Prof. Hoffmann
of Kiel has kindly drawn my attention since my arrival Ueber die Monatenamen einiger alter Völker, Berlin, in India.]

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Page #102

Ex. Coll. Brit. Mus.
Indian Antiquary.
I. (Huv. 4).
II. (Hur. 67)
III. (Huv. 30).
iv. (Kan. 14).
VI. (Kan. 11).
VII. (Huv. 116).
V. (Kan. 63).
VIII. (Kan. 20).
IX. (Huv. 95).
X. (Hav. 71).
XIV.
XIII.
XII. (Huv. 106).
XI. (Huv. 108).
xv. (Kan. 13).
XVI. (Huv. 6).
XVII. (Huv. 4).
XVIII. (Vas. 1).
XIX. (Huv. 26). COINS OF THE TURUSHKA KINGS.

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91
The MSS. of the Hemerologium, in which Sallet and Prof. Gardner," the substantial are contained the Cappadocian names, are identity of the word with Zend Aurvat-aspa, divided into two classes. One of these pre- first proposed by Windischmann, can scarcely sents us with the forms Minpáv, Mwap, Muou, be doubted. The A vestic word, which literally Mvap, which all correspond with more or less means “swift-horsed," is the common epithet accuracy to the original Mihr, the MIIPO, of both the sun (harekhshafta) and the god MIOPO of our coins; the other gives the older Apām-napat, “the Son of the Waters," form Miepi, which may have been taken from whose original character as an old Aryan po an earlier compilation. The later lists of sonification of the Fire, born in the clouds, i.e., Byzantine origin represent the Persian miler the Lightning," can still be traced in Avestic by Mexup or Mexep.'
passages. But having already observed that The representation of the god makes it the Sun-god became merged with Mithra into sufficiently evident that the Avestic Mithra, the single type of MIOPO, we may safely already closely connected with the Sun, had conclude that the APOOAC No of Kanishka by that time become completely identified with is "the High Lord Apam-napat, the swiftit. None, however, of those numerous symbols, horsed" of the Avesta. The puzzling initial A proper to the Western DEO INVICTO SOLI MITH. of the Scythic legend may be explained with RAE, are to be found on the types of MIOPO. Prof. Hoffmann" as the first trace of the
The type of MIIPO appears also in conjunc- phonetic process, by which Aurvat-aspa, the tion with the not less characteristic represen
name of King Vishtaspa's father, was turned tation of his heavenly brother the Moon-god, into Lóharásp, Luhrásp, in Pahlavi and Persian. MAO, on a coin of the British Museum." This process, itself, however, is by no means The types of the latter resemble in all im- clear, especially as we find the phonetically portant features that given in fig. ij., and correct representative of the Zend aurvat-aspa agree well with the masculine conception of still preserved in the name Arvandisp which the Avestic Moon-god, called máo (=Skr. is mentioned in some genealogical lists as más) or (with thematic stem), máonha. His that of King Vishtaspa's grandfather. If name becomes Mah in Pahlavi and modern APOOĄCNO is to be considered as the link Persian, and this is the form which is repre- between the Zend form and the modern sented by MAO of the coins : but whether Lubrisp, it must probably be read #Lrohaspo, the corresponds to h as in MIOPO, or is the second o representing the sound li, to merely the closing O discussed above, cannot which was reduced in due course by its be decided. On two coins of the British Mu- position between two vowels. seum we find the fuller transcription MAOO, The typo of the Iranian Wind-god (runwhich probably must be read máho, and on a ning bearded figure with loose hair and floating Greek coin of Kanishkathe usual male figure garment) is very frequent on the bronze coins of of the moon deity is accompanied by the Kanishka (fig. v)," and is, artistically, perhaps legend CAAHNH.
the most original conception of the whole We may here conveniently notice a com- series. In his highly characteristic figure and paratively rare type of Kanishka (fig. iv.), the legend OAAO it was not cay to mistako representing a bearded god with a trotting Vata the "strong Mazda-created Wind" of horse beside him, as, on account of the legend, the Avesta. The form OAAO is of great we have to identify this deity with another, but interest to the grammarian, as it proves most less known, inhabitant of the ethereal regions conclusively that the change of intervocal t in Avestic mythology. Although the former into e," which is ignered in the artificial reading APOOACNO had to be abandoned spelling of Pahlavi (váto), was an accomin favour of APOOACNO on the evidence of plished fact as early as the first century of the well-preserved specimens examined by von our era.
Comp. Chrysocorcits in Hyle, Religio lett. Persariin, Comp. the Apodi-wipit of Vedic Mythology, 1700, p. 191: and Roland, Dissertat. Mincelben., 1706 13 Wellen of the German Oricutul Society, (Par. il. p. 111).
Cat. Pl. xxvii. 21. Vol. VII. 3. p. 1.50. . Huvishku, Nos. 39, 40. 10 Chet. Pl. xxvi. 1.
1nee C . p. 135. 11 Comp. Kanishka, Nos. 14, 15 in Br. Mus. Cat.
15 Cf. Zond vita with Porsian bau.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The flames rising from the shoulders of the god, whose most common type is given in fig. vi., would clearly proclaim him a personification of the Fire, so important for the Zoroastrian calt, even if the legend were open to any doubt. AOPO, with the variant ΑΘΟΡΟ on a gold coin of Huvishka, 10 which represents the god in the very characteristic type of Hephaestus with hammer and tongs, is directly derived from the Zend athr, the weak form of stem átar "fire," and is, therefore, substantially identical with the Pahlavi átro and the Persian adhar "fire." The latter form has survived side by side with the more common átash (a descendant. of the ancient nominative átars), chiefly as the name of the 9th Zoroastrian month, which is transcribed by Isaacus Monachus and other Byzantine chronologists as adep. In the Cappadocian list of months, again, we find there is the older form 'Apa, which is, in fact, a close approach to AOPO of our coins. Atar, "the son of Ormazd, the most great and beneficent Deity," is, in accordance with the allimportant part which the sacred fire plays in the Zoroastrian cult, frequently addressed in the hyians and prayers of the Avestic ritual; and there is, besides, a special supplication (Nyáish V.) devoted to him. The tongs, with which AOPO is always represented, are mentioned among other instruments, required for the proper care of Ormazd's fire in a passage of the Vendidád (xiv. 7).
In a god of apparently similar character (fig. vii.), who on the gold coins, especially of Huvishka, is frequently represented as holding fire in his hand, Prof. Hoffmann has very properly recognized a representation of "the mighty kingly glory," the kavaém garenô of the Avesta. This deity's name reads APPO or APO and corresponds to the Persian farr, both forms being derived from farna, which is the phonetic equivalent of the Zend qarené in the Ancient Persian of the Achaemenidian inscriptions. The Zend vinda-garena, "winning glory," thus becomes, as a proper noun, Viñdafarna, 'Ivradépvns in Old Persian, and ΥΝΔΟΦΕΡΡΗΣ on the coins of an Indo-Parthian ruler. Similarly, the Pharnaco
16 See Cat. p. 136, and Pl. xxvii. 8. "Comp. mitro for "mithro.
Comp. Cat. pp. 150-158.
[APRIL, 1888.
tis of Pliny, (vi. 25), has been recognized by the present writer in the derivative form qarenanhaiti, found as a river name in the Avesta. The "Kingly Glory," which is a Zoroastrian personification of lawful rule over Irân, is well characterized by the sceptre in the hand of APPO on some types of Huvishka." Its great importance for Zoroastrian mythology is indicated from the length of the Yasht (xix.), devoted to its praise, and the numerous legends which have gathered around the Farr-i-kayan in later Persian tradition.
The god OPAAгNO, whom a type of Kanishka (fig. viii.) represents in the warlike attire of a Scythian, was first recognized by Benfey as Verethraghna, the Iranian wargod. The form OPɅAгNO presents us with a considerably older form of the name than the Pahlavi Varahrân (the Ouapapávns of the Greeks), which, in modern Persian, is still further reduced to Bahràm. A as a rendering of the sounds thr, or more probably hr, is of considerable interest for the history of Iranian phonetics. OP vere will prove useful evidence in favour of the explanation we have to propose for PAOPHOPO.
In the bird, which appears sitting on the god's helmet, we recognize the bird Varenjana (or Varaghna) of the Avesta, which was evidently sacred to Verethraghna, as the healing and protective power of a feather of that bird, if worn as an amulet, forms the object of special comment in the Yasht of Bahram (xiv. 34, sqq). The eagle-like appearance of the bird on our coins seems to point to a closer relationship between the bird Vâreñjana and the Simurgh (i.e. saéno mereghô "eagle bird") of the Shah-náma legend than hitherto supposed.
With Verethraghna we may connect most appropriately the winged goddess, who appears in the distinct type of a Nikê holding wreath and trophy-stand on some rare gold coins of Huvishka (fig. ix.). Her name, which, with a slight variation, is written both OANINAA and OANINAO, induces me, in conjunction with the very characteristic type, to identify her with the female genius, whose name, Vanainti uparatat, "victorious superiority," is invariably
10 ante, Vol. XV. p. 21..
20 Comp. Cat. Pl. xxviii. 26-29. 21 Cat. p. 147.

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coupled in all formulas and invocations of we shall scarcely be blamed for not surrenderthe Apesta with that of Verethraghna." Weing at once on this particular point even to so prefer this explanation all the more to the great an authority. Taking the combined hitherto accepted theory, which identified characters El, which are indeed perfectly OANINA A with the star Vanant (a male clear, for granted, and viewing the preceding deity!), as it disposes effectually of the two strokes as a single independent character, we difficulties involved by the latter. Both the have no difficulty in recognizing the letter T. female representation of OANINAA and the Its rounded shape is in perfect keeping with iota of the name are now easily accounted for; the general character of Scythic epigraphy, and the former by the feminine gender of vanainti the explanation of its having so long escaped (uparatát) and the latter by the well-known discovery is contained in the fact that T is exactly phonetic influence of epenthetic i
one of those few letters which by chance have The type shown in fig. x. presents us with not yet occurred on the Turusbka coinage. unusual difficulties. It is found only on & In order to obtain the link which is unique gold coin of Havishka, now in the wanted in the chain of evidence for the identiBritish Museum," and is accompanied by a fication of the god, whose name we now read legend, which has sorely puzzled numismatists TEIPO, we have once more to recur to the by its curiously contracted characters. The list of Cappadocian months. There we find late Mr. Thomas identified the figure with an the name of Tir, the fourth Zoroastrian archaic representation of Artemis, but the month, rendered in the two best MSS. of the supposed resemblance to the type of a gold second class by Tepel, a form to which the coin of Augustus has been disputed by von variants of the other two MSS. Tipe and Ted Sallet." The bow and arrow in the hand of (for TEIP) may easily be reconciled. Whatthe deity are, however, unmistakable and may ever explanation we shall have to give in give us, perhaps, some clue to its true character. future of Tipne or Tips, the reading of the first Scanning the ranks of Zoroastrian deities, class of MSS. and probably a much older form, we cannot help being reminded of Tishtrya, it will not affect the conclusive evidence we the star Sirius, whose later name, Tir, in derive from Tepet for the substantial identity Pahlavi and Persian actually means "arrow." of TEIPO with Tir. It will be an object for That the word in this second meaning is ety- future research to determine the exact phonetic mologically derived from the Zend tighri" stage in the transition from tighri to tir, which is on the one hand certain ; on the other, there has been recorded by the cariously identical are very great grammatical objections against spelling of the Cappadocian and Scythic forms. a direct derivation of Tir, “Sirius," from the In view of the philological evidence given Avestic word Tishtrya. We are thus led to above for the identity of TEIPO with the suspect a replacement of the genuine derivative later name of Tishtrye, we need not attach of tishtrya by the more common word for much importance to the difficulty presented "arrow," which, in popular conception, was by the apparently female character of the type. evidently an attribute of the star. In a passage The latter is evidently a mere reproduction of of the Ilir Yasht (viii. 37) we find the swift the Greek Artemis, which was a type ready at Light of the star Tishtrya directly compared hand for an Indo-Scythian die-cutter wishing with that of an arrow."
to exhibit in his type the characteristic emblems The legend of our coin, to which we must now of the Deity, bow and arrow. turn, has been read ZEPO by Mr. Thomas, and,
If the god who appears in figs. xi. xii., and with greater accuracy, MEIPO by Herr von in similar types on the gold coins of Sallet. As, however, the latter's reading sup- Huvishka" has hitherto completely escaped poses a ligature between M and the follow- recognition, it was certainly not owing to ing El, which is unparellelled on Scythic coins, want of clearness in the legend or of dis
" Comp. 6.9. Yasna, i. 6; Vispered, i. 6; Yasht, * My attention was called to this passage by Prof. xiv. 0.
Darmestetor, who further suggests an etymological conCat., pp. lxi and 144. . " op. cit. p. 202.
nexion between tishtrya (*tij-tr-ya) and tigh-ri (tfr). * Comp. Eustathius ad Dionys, 994: Midou yap 11 Comp. Cat. Pl. xxviii. 17-19. Τίγριν καλούσι το τόξευμα.

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tinctive character in the type. The latter rule of P representing sh, which is so evident in presents us in all its variations with the well- the case of the Scythian words KANHPKI, modelled figure of a warrior in full Greek ar-OOHPKI, KOPANO, applied as well to the mour, with helmet, spear and shield; which last, corresponding sound sh in the Iranian ele. on a single specimen in the British Museum," ments of the legends, we shall have no further is replaced by a weapon resembling a hook, The difficulty in identifying PAOPHOPO with legend reads on all well preserved specimens" the third amesha-spenta or archangel of the with uncommon clearness PAOPHOPO Zoroastrian creed, whose Avestic name, Khsha(see fig. xi.), with the exception of Huvishkathra-vairya, "perfect rule," becomes by ordi106 (fig. xii.), where we find the variant nary phonetic changes Shahrdvar in Pahlavi PAOPHOAP. No attempt has yet been made and Persian. Of this latter form of the name to interpret this remarkable name either with PAOPHOPO is an exact transliteration. For the help of Iranian or Indian philology; but the first representing h we can adduce the evithe application of a phonetic law, long ago re-dence of MIOPO (and perhaps APOOACNO), cognized in other instances, will enable us to and for the second Ora we have that of identify PAOPHOPO with the well-known OPAANO and the still more convincing name of a Zoroastrian deity.
proof of the variant PAOPHOAP (see fig. xii.), In our opening remarks we had already which actually presents us with the fuller occasion to mention KANHPKI and OOHPKI spelling of the last syllable var. as the Scythic equivalents on the coins for the Shahrê var appears already in the Avesta, names Kanishka and Huvishka of the inscrip- what he is par excellence in later Zoroastrian tions and later texts. A comparison between tradition, the genius of metals; and the reprethese double sets of forms shows at a glancesentation of PAOPHOPO, in full metal that Scythic P represents necessarily the same armour, with Greek helmet and shield, is thereletter as the sh of the Indian forms. That this fore in signal agreement with the cosmologic Scythic sound, which in the Greek writing of character of the Zoroastrian deity. the Scythic coins was rendered by P, really The MSS. of the Hemerologiumo give the bore the phonetic character of sh, can be name of the 6th Cappadocian month (corresconclusively proved in the case of a third ponding to the Pârsi Shahrêvar) in various doublet, KOPANO - Kushan, which was forms, avonpi (4 MSS.), Zavoupl, Xav@popn, Eap, first identified by General Sir Alexander etc., all of which show a much closer approach to Cunningham as the name of the ruling Indo- the original Khshathra (Xav@p, Zave)-vairys Scythian tribe. KOPANO, on the obverses (opi i.e., Frpi, vpi), than Shahr@var = of the Turushka coins, follows immediately PAOPHOPO. Xav@puópn is of peculiar interest upon the name of the king, and corresponds as marking the transition from the Zend form, in this position to XOPAN of the legends of which it still keeps the and 8, to of Kadaphes (one of Kanishka's Scythic pre- Shahrdvar=PAOPHOPO. It may, however, decessors), which in the Ariano-Pali of the be doubted whether the apparently more reverses is actually translated by Kushanasa." antique character of these Cappadocian forms is That the latter form represents the genuine not merely due to learned archaicism, as in the native pronunciation of the name cannot be case of the form shat(r)-vairo, which is used in doubted, since we have, as to the sh, the in- Pahlavi texts indifferently with the genuine dependent testimony of the Chinese transcript shahrerar. in the annals of the second Han Dynasty, which Late Greek transcripts of Shahrêvar are tell us that all the peoples under the Yueh-chi Saxproüp of Isaacus Monachus and Sapeßap. (Indo-Scythian) rule, when speaking of their PAOPHOPO, however, is not the only sovereign, call him the King of the Kuei-shuang puzzle of the Indo-Scythic legends that finds -i.e. Kushans."
its simple solution by the assumption that the If we suppose that the phonetic or graphic character P may also represent the sound sh.
» Pl. xxviii. 19.
** For a wholly barbarons reproduction, see Br. Mus. Cat. Huvishka 104.
30 Comp. Cat. p. 128.
1 Op. Journal Asiatique, 1883, t. ii. 325. * Soe above, p. 90. " See Hyde, op. cit. p. 191.

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For although it is actually on the obverses of Kanishka and Huvishka that we meet with the most convincing examples of P-sh (KANHPKI
Kanishka, OOHPKI-Huvishka, KOPANO Kushan), nobody seems to have yet thought of utilizing their evidence for the enigma in the rest of the legend!
The full legends on the obverses of the Turushka coins vary merely in the name of the king. They are found on the gold coins of Kanishka: PAONANO PAO KANHPKI KOPANO (fig. xiii.) and on those of his successor Huvishka: PAONANO PAO OOHPKI KOPANO (fig. xiv.)
The only variants of any importance occur in the spelling of KANHPKI (once with the ending KO) and OOHPKI (written sometimes OOHPKO, OOHPKE, OYOHPKI), and can easily be ascertained from the catalogue of Prof. Gardner. The bronze coins of Kanishka bear the short inscription PAO KANHPKI, but those of Huvishka bear a legend, which is materially identical with that of the gold coins, but, being written in a rather barbarous fashion, was formerly misread into PAONANO PAO OOHP KENOPANO." The corresponding legend of the rare Greek coins of Kanishka BACIAEYC BACIAEWN KANHPKOY leaves no doubt as to the meaning of PAONANO PAO. It has been considered an established fact since the days of Prinsep that Scythic PAO represents "King" and PAONANO the plural of the same word, but no satisfactory etymology of these forms has yet been offered. The proposed identification of PAO with the Indian rúja does not require a detailed refutation. We can neither suppose that the Scythians, so careful in their transcripts, should have persisted in ignoring the palatal j, nor that the quite modern Indian form ráo should have appeared at that date in the Pâli vernacular, which in the inscriptions of the very same Turushka kings still exhibits the full forms mahárája rájádirája.
As the simple PAO evidently expresses BACIAEYC (comp. the legend PAO KANH
3 Comp. Cat. p. lii.
38 See Cat. p. 129.
Comp. Prof. Oldenberg's Note: ante, Vol. X. p. 215. Published by General Sir A. Cunningham, Archeological Survey of India, Reports, Vol. III. p. 35 and Plate xv. 18. Since the present paper has been sent to the press, M. Drouin has drawn attention (Academy, March 17, 1888) to what he calls" une éclatante confirmation de la lecture shahanáno shah." furnished by a
95
PKI of the bronze coins), we must look in PAONANO for a genitive plural, correspond. ing to BACIAEWN of the Greek legend. However, not only does Indian grammar not account for the peculiar form of this caseending, but also the construction of the phrase is distinctly un-Indian. The order of its elements (genitive plural nom. sing.) is, on the contrary, exactly that observed in the Iranian title sháhan-shah (Old Persian khshúyathiyánám ksháyathiya), of which Bartheus Barthéor is the regular representative in Greek.
36
PAO and PAONANO PAO, i.e. "shah and *shahanáno shah, are, in fact, identical with the Iranian titles Shah and Shahan-shah, which we can prove from other sources to have been the distinctive appellations of the Indo-Scythian rulers. Thus, in the Mathurâ inscription" of the (Saka) year 87 Vâsudêva, the BAZOAHO of our coins, is called Mabârâja Rajatirâja Shahi. Again, in the daivaputra shahi sháhánashahi baka, mentioned in the Allâhâbâd inscription of Samudra Gupta, General Cunningham has long ago recognized a direct reference to the Turushka kings, called devaputra, "the sons of heaven," in their inscriptions. And, lastly, we find a late, but very distinct reminiscence of these Scythic titles in the Jain legend of Kâlakâcharya, which calls the princes of the Sakas, the protectors of the saint, Sahi (Shâhi), and their sovereign Lord Sahaņusahi.
38
The form shahi (Prâkṛit sáhi) still preserves in its final i a trace of the old ending ya (in khshayathiya), which has disappeared in the modern Persian form sháh. The latter form is represented by our PAO, which, after the analogy of MAO máh, we read shah.
=
The Indian transcripts of the faller title may furnish us with valuable help for the determination of the grammatical ending in PAONANO, which evidently forms a link between the ancient khashayathiyánám and the shahan of the Persian title, and here we find the Prakrit sáhánusdhi of the Jain legend even more interesting than the shahanashahi of the
newly discovered inscription at Mathura, which is dated "in the 7th year of the Maharaja Rajâdiraja Shahi Kanishka."
3 Published by Prof. H. Jacobi, Zeitschrift of the German Oriental Soc., Vol. xxxiv. p. 255; first translated by the late Dr. Bhâu Daji, see Literary Remains of B. D., 1887, p. 121.

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Sanskrit inscription. Prof. Jacobi has already MIIPO, it cannot date back to a much earlier pointed out the striking analogy between the stage of the language than that represented on form sáhánu and the first part of the compound our coins. We are therefore fully entitled to devánuppiya, which is the Pråkpit form in the see in quo essentially the same ending as in Jain texts for the Pali devána.priya (Sansksit NANO of our legend. In both cases, the devánám priya), “dear to the gods," the well- preservation of the full ending was probably known epithet of Asoka. By this analogy, due to its being protected by the following word which proves the Prakrit-anu to be the represent- (PAO, máh, resp.), which formed, in fact, with ant of the older ending -anas of the genitive the preceding genitive a compound of the class plural, when placed in the middle of a com- called juxtaposé by French grammarians. Most pound, we are carried back from sdháme to an of the other MSS. read 'Afropuerauá, 'Atroveraná, older form, *sháhánan. This form differs and similar forms, in which the transposition substantially from PAONANO only in the of and is easily accounted for by palæoquantity of the second syllable, which in the graphic reasons. Nor does the final NO of Scythic form must be read ha not há, as for the ending (PAJON ANO, as compared with the latter we had to expect A (comp. MAA- the m of the Zend ending -anăm, offer any CHNO-Skr. maháséna). This variation, how. special difficulty, as various indications of ever, which was necessary in order to give to Zend phonetics lead us to believe that the final the Iranian word the grammatical appearancem had in reality been merged into the nasal of an Indian genitive plural, is of special sound a, to which the m of our MSS. was interest, as it gives a distinct hint as to the added only for orthographic reasons. This grammatical character of the ending in PAO sound a, the Indian á or an, is fitly repreNANO. It is, in fact, the genuine Iranian sented by ANO ending of the genitive plural of thematic 1 After the fresh evidence we have given stems, -anam in old Persian, but-anam in Zend, above for the representation of sh by P, we which we know to have been turned at a should still be unable to explain this relater stage of the language into the general markable fact if we could not supplement plaral termination -an. As this form and our philological arguments by an epigrause of the ending occurs already in the earliest phic observation. It refers to the fact Pahlavi documents, the inscriptions of Shâpar I. (nowhere noticed in numismatical accounts, (A.D. 240-270), we should feel some difficulty but easily ascertained from the coins them. about explaining the preservation of a much selves) that the character uniformly read p older form of the case-ending in PAONANO, is actually found in two different forms on our if we could not refer our readers to the simi- coins. One is the ordinary Greek P, in larly archaic forms, which the Cappadocian its minuscule form, and may be seen e.g. in list of months has preserved of Åbân, the MIIPO, APPO (figs. ii. vii.); the other bear, name of the 8th Zoroastrian month. The a slight upward stroke, and, in this shape plural form ábán (Pahlavi ápáno) designates rather resembles an Anglo-Saxon p. The the "waters," to which this month is sacred, latter form (which for brevity's sake we shall and must be derived from a thematic form designate p) seems constantly to be used for of the genitive plural in Zend, *apanām. the sh of the obverses, but appears also someBenfey's MS. II., from which we have already times in legends like OPAANO (fig. viii.) quoted av@puópn as the nearest approach to AOPO (fig. vi.), where its value as can PAOPHOPO, gives us here, too, the best scarcely be doubted, and where, therefore, the preserved form; 'Atrovepome represents un occurrence of Dash could be explained only by doubtedly "apanām máh.
the assumption of a partial confusion of two As the same list contains the compara- characters, so similar in their appearance. tively modern form Minpáv, corresponding to A minute examination of a larger number Comp. Prof. Darmesteter's Etudes Iraniennes, I.
and, as to p=pa, the variant 'Arromerame in MS. VII. 124.
with Atropevajú X. Comp. 'Amevua = dban mdh of Isaacus Monachus,
"1 Comp. Bartholomae, Handbuch der altiran. Dialecte, $79.

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of coins will, perhaps, supply us with distinct tion that the obsolete san was revived to evidence as to the origin of this remarkable denote the sh of the foreign conquerors. character p=sh. I think I have found its In future we shall have to read the names prototype in the Greek san or sampi, . This of the Indo-Scythian "Kings of Kings" as ancient sibilant, which survived in the later KANHPKI and OOH PKI and their royal Greek alphabet only as the emionov for 900, title: PAONANO PAO KOPANO.184 was, in fact, the only Greek character avail- | Both the forms P and pare distinctly able for the expression of the sound sh of represented in the legend hitherto read the Indo-Scythian legends. San, which we APAOXPO, which accompanies a female type, know from Herodotas (i. 139) to have been a holding cornucopiae, frequent on the coins of letter peculiar to the Dorians, denoted in their Kanishka and Huvishka (figs. xv. and xvi.). dialect apparently a softer pronunciation of s, And the first P appears always in the ordinary perhaps approaching that of sh." The very | Greek shape, the second always like p. We name san, evidently derived from the Semitic must, therefore, all the more regret that the shin, suggests for a phonetic value similar real name of this evidently very popular to sh (compare the correspondence between goddess has not yet been ascertained. Her name and sound in oiyua =samekh). Our iden- identification with Ashis-vandhi, the Avestic tification of the Indo-Scythian sh with the cha- | goddess of Wealth and Fortune," is strongly racter san rests, however, in the main on clear recommended by the evidence of the type, palmographic evidence. The earliest form of which closely resembles that of the Greek san is M, found in Dorian inscriptions (Thera, Tyche; but we see as yet no way to reconcile Melos, Corinth). Coins of Mesembria and an her common name in later Zoroastrian tradition, inscription of Halicarnassus present us with a Ashish vang or Ardishvang (both forms delater form of san in the shape of T. As a rived from Avestic ashis varuhi), with the numeral it appears in Greek papyri of Ptole- form APAOX PO. Nor do the occasional maic times in the form of or T, from which variants of the coins, all of them with in the oldest minuscule form of sampi, p, and the the second place, afford any clue to this reAlmost identical form of the Indo-Scythian sh markable legend. can be derived with equal ease. The latter The same p is twice met with in the legend character may be seen with special clearness APAEIX PO, which we read on a rare type on the coins represented in figs. xv., xvi., xvii. of Huvishka" representing a male deity
The Indo-Scythian coinage generally exhibits with radiating disk like MIOPO. The name, very cursive characters, which, in the absence when read with due regard to the peculiar of historical evidence (inscriptions of Kanishka character of the two Þ, might well remind and his successors date from A.D. 87-176), we us of the second Zoroastrian archangel, the should be inclined to assign to a much later personification of the "holy order” and the period. The almost perfect identity of the Indo- genius of the sacrificial fire, whose Avestic Scythian sh with the early minuscule form name, Asha-vahishta, appears in the subof san is, therefore, easily accounted for. stantially identical forms Ashavahishto In the Indo-Soythian legends we had al- and Ardavakishto (Ardibalisht) in later Zoroways ample proof of the fact that Greek astrian literature. The latter form of the writing remained in current use in Indianame is represented in the Cappadocian long after the destruction of the Greek king- list by 'Apraeori-i.. Apra[F]e[hi]oti. We doms, but the vitality of Greek writing in should, therefore, not hesitate to identhe far East was, perhaps, never brought tify APAEIX PO, i.e. *ashaeilchsho, with more forcibly before us than by the observa- ashavahishto of the Pahlavi, if any satisfactory * See Athenaeus, xi. $ 80.
[daughter of Ahura, "is nowhere met with in Zoroastrian * Compare for the latter Dr. I. Taylor's Alphabet, ii. literature. page 95. 15. This and the preceding paragraph appeared as
Ashi, originally *ereti, appears again as Ard in part of a letter to the Academy, Sept. 10, 1887.
Pahlavi : comp. Pahl. ard for Zend asha-ereta. . First suggested by Prof. Hoffmann; his explanation
See Cat. pp. 187, 138; AOX PO-Huv. 19. of APAOX PO, however, is untenable, as the sup- * Soe fig. xvii.; Cat. p. 136. posed original form of the name, Ashis ahurahe, "Ashi! "For Pahlavi rd-Zená sh see Note 45.

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evidence could be found for the phonetic amongst them is perhaps the four-armed figure change of sht into thsh, apparently involved with the legend MANAOBATO (see fig.xix.), by this explanation.
for which a satisfactory interpretation has still In the ranks of Zoroastrian deities the god to be found. More Zoroastrian in appearance dess NANA, very frequent on the coins of all are the similarly obscure and rare types of Turushka kings (see fig. xviii.), cannot fairly Huvishka with the legends ONIA? (Nos. 68-70), claim a place. Although her cult is found in OAIO (94), PIOMP (109), and WPON various localities of Irân, as over a large part of (138, 139). Western Asia, there can be little doubt as to A comparatively large number of fresh types her non-Iranian origin. She was certainly never has been found during recent years on very recognized by the Zoroastrian Church, and scarce, sometimes even on unique specimens. the few instances of her amalgamation with We are, therefore, fully entitled to hope that the Avestic Anâhitâ, in the West and in a further finds of Turushka coins, like that at syncretistic age, are by no means sufficient to Peshawar, may yet reveal to ns some new prove that her worship in Indo-Scythia was representations of Zoroastrian deities. in any way connected with the Zoroastrian cult. | The testimony of the types and legends It evidently preceded and outlasted the latter. examined above is, however, in itself sufHer name is found in the form of NANAIA ficient to establish the important fact that on the coins of an earlier king, who makes Iranian language and traditions, as well as Zorouse of the type of Eucratides, and it still astrian religion, were introduced into India by occupies a prominent place on those of VAsu- its Indo-Scythian conquerors. The eloquent deva, from which all true Zoroastrian types and most authentic evidence of the Turushka have already disappeared.
coinage thus furnishes a safe starting-point for We cannot enter here into a discussion of all future inquiries into that fascinating epoch those few types, which cannot as yet be in the history of the Aryan nations which witassigned to any of the various mythologies re- nessed the interchange of the Buddhist and the presented on our coins. The most puzzling Magian influences between India and Iran."
A NOTICE OF THE ZAFARNAMA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHAYYA LAL.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Concluded from p. 88.) The third action was fought at Aliwal, when this news reached Lahôr, the Maharaja where the Sikhs first stood firm, but being Gulab Singh was sent to meet the Governorafterwards completely routed and flying in General, who received him with much kindness. the direction of the river, had the sword A treaty of peace was concluded, to the in their rear and water in front. They effect that henceforth the territory situated attompted to cross, but thousands found between the Satluj and the Biyâs was to belong their grave in it, and all the accoutrements to the English, to whom the Maharaja (Dalip they had left on the bank were taken by the Singh) was also to pay one hundred lakhs in enemy. In the fourth battle, which took ready money, but, in case of his inability to do place at Sabhrawan (Sobraon), the celebrated So, to cede also Kashmir and the mountain warrior and commander Sham Singh fought districts adjoining it, retaining only the bravely, but was slain, on which & panic over- Pañjab, on condition of remaining friendly to came the Sikhs and they fled in dismay. The the English. Governor-General now ordered the army to The treaty of peace having been concladed, cross the water and to encamp at Kasur; and the Governor-General marched to LÅhôr, and
• Collected by Prof. Hoffmann in his exhaustive notes the more interesting as it comes from researches pursued on Nanai: Abhandlungen of the German Oriental Society, in a different direction, that Prof. Darmenteter has re. Vol. VII. part 3, p. 180 sqq.
cognised in the Mahabharata legends of clearly Iranian 10 As on the Greek coins of Huvishka.
origin, the introduction of which he traces to the Indo» Comp: von Sallet, p. 99 ; Cat, p. 118.
Soythian period. See his paper in the Journal Asiatique, as We may mention, as an independent confirmation, July August, 1887 pp. 88-75.

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meeting the Maharaja Dalip Singh on the At this time difficulties arose with Malraj, road, entered the town with him. In order the Governor of Multan, who delayed paying to make the Khalsa troops harmless they tribute to the English. Accordingly Sir were disbanded, and there being no money on Frederick Currie, the Resident at Lahôr, dehand to pay the stipulated hundred lákhs of spatched two English gentlemen, Vans Agnew rupees, Kashmir was taken possession of by and Anderson, with Kåņh Singh to collect the the British Government, but forth with again tribute ; but Mulraj, who was foolhardy bestowed upon Gulab Singh with the title of enough to meditate war against the British Maharaja. After this the Governor-General Government, had them killed three days after departed, leaving the troops in Lähôr, to their arrival. The troops of the Sikh darbár remain nine months for the maintenance of as well as of the British Government marched order; but when the said period of time had immediately, and besieged Multân. Among the expired the Maharajá Dalip Singh was still first named, however, the Sardar Sher Singh apprehensive of disturbances, and made a Atariwala proved a traitor, and intended with request to the Governor-General to allow the the forces ander his command to join Mûlraj, troops to stay several years more, till he attained who was, however, either too wary or too proud the age of majority and assumed the govern- to accept the proffered aid. Sher Singh then ment. This was granted. At that time the Baja hastened to Pésháwar to meet his father, Chhatar Lal Singh, being prime-minister, presided in Singh Atari wâlâ, and the English, not mindthe darbúr.
ing his defection, continued the siege of Multan, Gulab Singh now departed to take charge which was, however, not taken till reinforceof his newly-acquired possessions, but on his ments had arrived from Karachi." The reason Arrival the Nawab Shekh Imamu'ddin for the diversion Sher Singh Atari walâ had would not give him admittance, whereon troops taken in his departure soon appeared, because were sent against him from Lâhôr, and this, he devastated the Hazárd and the Pêshwar disbeing a convincing argument, had the desired tricts, joining with his father in extorting money effect. The Nawab immediately waited upon everywhere from the wealthy and distressing the noble Resident at Lâhôr, whom he informed the poor. Great numbers of turbulent and that he had stood his ground in Kashmir by disaffected vagabonds also swelled the army order of the darbár, producing at the same of the rebels to such a degree that they were time a letter to that effect, with the signature enabled to make prisoners of several English and seal of Lal Singh. His duplicity having officers and to besiege Colonel George thus become evident, he was removed from his Lawrence. A considerable force of Afghans post, and thrown into prison by the Resident. had also arrived from Kabul to aid Chhatar Neither did the Maharani Chandan, mother of Singh, who was near the Indus when his son Dalip Singh, fare any better, because she had joined him; and his forces having, in a short manifested displeasure at the deposition of the time, increased to double their number, embold
prime-minister, and had meddled with the ad- ened him to occupy Atak and to present a bold ministration. She was accordingly separated front to the English, but meanwhile he plundered from her son and removed to Shekhupura, where the country. The British forces encountered she determined to avenge herself for the injury Chhatar Singh at Râmnagar, where a great she had sustained, and succeeded in inducing a battle took place, in which many thousands of respectable inhabitant of that town, Ganga Ram Sikhs lost their lives : but General Cureton by name, to tamper with the khánsúman or was also killed. The second action was fought chief butler of the English mess-house, who was at Sa'du'llah and the third at ChiliAnwala, in bribed to poison all the officers through their both of which the Sikhs were defeated, and in food. The plot, however, having been revealed the fourth, which took place at Gujrat, they by a confidant of the messman before it could abandoned to the English forces 65 pieces of be executed, the Maharani was exiled to Benares, artillery, and threw away also all their muskets but her two accomplices, namely, Gaugå Ram in the flight. The rebels, having thus been and Kaph Singh, suffered capital punishment. Ivanqaished and dispersed, were no longer in a
* Multán fell in 1848 after a stout resistance.

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position to continue their depredations, and deprived him in St. 1905 (A.D. 1848) of his even their Afghan allies fled in dismay to their kingdom and his wealth. Being young and own cuantry, whilst numbers of fugitive Sikhs, friendless, the nobles of his court quickly whose lives had been spared, left the Paõjáb severed all connection with Dalip Singh, who and found a new home in British India. After was henceforth left alone. He remained a the English had thus for the second time restored few years more in India, and was afterwards at peace in the Pañjáb, the Governor-General, who his own request taken to England, where he is found it nevertheless impossible to trust the now established," enjoying wealth and dignity Sikhs with an independent government, decided by the favour of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, on dethroning Dalîp Singh, and accordingly! who is as kind to him as a mother.
THE VICISSITUDES OF THE BUDDHIST LITERATURE OF CEYLON.
BY THE REV. T. FOULKES. The great influence which the historical a work of a considerably later period. Turbooks of Ceylon have had in the formation nour erroneously regarded these two books as of the prevailing views of some portions of the identical, and was unable to throw off the idea, ancient history of India, and especially of its although he subsequently had the Dipavmisa chronology, makes it very desirable that as in his hands, and made an analysis of its much as is possible should be known of the contents. The text and an English translahistory of the literature to which they belong. tion of the Dépavasása were published in 1879 The recent rapidly accumulating additions by Professor Oldenberg; and a retranslation from other Buddhist literatures have taken the of a portion of it by Mr. Donald Ferguson books of Ceylon out of the isolation in which appeared in this journal, ante, Vol. XIII. p. they formerly stood, and help to throw light 33ff. Oldenbergo has shown that the Dipaupon the legends of the Sinhalese; and they vansa quoted by Buddhaghosha in the 5th themselves contain an incidental record of the century, A.D., differed in some details from many vicissitudes to which this particular the existing work of that name; still there is literature was exposed in the midst of the sufficient probability on the side of the supposipolitical and religious changes which mark the tion that the existing recension is at least a history of the island. The object of this paper close recast of the original work. We have is to bring together that scattered information, the Mahdvarlsa in two different recensions; and to gather from it whatever it may teach us one of them is an English translation edited of the history of'this interesting literature. by Upham in 1833, and made for Sir Alexan
The authorities here referred to are the der Johnston, a former Chief Justice of Ceylon; Dipavamsa, the Mahavamsa, the Rajaratna- and the other, published in 1837, by the Hon. kari, the Rajavali, and some other works which George Turnour, of the Ceylon Civil Service. are occasionally quoted below, but need not be Turnour's translation has the great advantage of separately named here. Of these the Rajarat.
being accompanied by the Pali text; but it nákari and the Rájávali are written in the extends only as far as the 38th chapter, bringing Sinhalese language, and are of comparatively the history down no later than A.D. 477 ; while recent date.' The Dipavasisa and the Mahá- the Upham recension contains eighty-eight out varsa are in the Pâli language, and have both of the hundred chapters of which the work been supposed to belong to the 5th century, consists, and brings the history down to A.D. A.D.' But while there is good evidence in 1319. The unpublished chapters' continue the sopport of the claim of the Dipavashsa, in its history down to the latter half of the 18th original form, to that early date, there are century. strong reasons for regarding the Mahávarhsa as The traditions to be considered in this
See Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for 1888,
i.e. when this book was written.
Upham's Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon, Introd. pp. viii. xvi. : Turnour's Mahawanso, Introd. P. ii. : Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 519.
Turnour, op. cit. Introd. p. liv., and notes on pp. xci. and 257
• Introd. p. 9.
Turnour's Synopris, Introd. p. xcii.

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paper may be conveniently grouped under the As this is the first appearance of the Pali following five periods :
language in the record, it deserves to be noted I. From the death of Buddha to the 1st that it is brought in here quite by mistake." century B.C., forming the so-called unwritten The Upham recension of the Nahávarhsa and the period.
Rájáratnákario repeat the tradition with the II. From the 1st century B.C. to the 5th addition of a few amplifying words; unless the century A.D., forming the first written period words " for want of the Pali books which conof these legends.
tained them" in the former of these two III. From the 5th century A.D. to the sub- authorities mean that these books had formerly version of Buddhism in Ceylon in the 11th existed and had been lost. By the 13th century century A.D.
this legend had acquired a still more distinct IV. From the Buddhist revival in the 11th form. “The Buddha's doctrines, being written century A.D. to the second subversion of in the Pali language, which aforetime had been Buddhism in the 13th century.
borne by heart by those great learned priests, V. From the second Buddhist revival in the bad been committed to books at the time of 13th century A.D. to the present time.
the king Walagam-abha."10 And out of this
has ultimately grown the still later tradition," Period I.
that this king Vattagâ mani was the inventor From the death of Buddha to the 1st of the art of writing. century B.C. This period is covered by the The tradition of the exclusively oral transfollowing legend of the Dipavassa belonging mission of the whole of the Buddhist canon to the time of king Abhaya Vattagamani, during the first five centuries after the death whose reign Turnour places in 104 to 76 of Buddha belongs to the legends of the B.C. "Before this time the wise Bhikkhus Southern Buddhists alone, which have their had orally handed down the text of the three ultimate source in Ceylon : and assuming the Pitakas and also the Atthakatha. At this time Dipavainsa, quoted by Buddhaghôsha, to be the Bhikkhus, who perceived the decay of substantially the same as Oldenberg's, this created beings, assembled ; and in order that tradition was prevalent in the 5th century of the religion might endure for a long time they the Christian era. Now these scriptures are recorded (the above-mentioned texts) in written about twice the size of our Bible," and contain books." The text of the Turnour recension of 1,237,000 verses of thirty-two syllables each," the Mahavainsa' is, with the exception of one occupying 78,871 lines of talipot leaf manuunimportant word, precisely the same here as script from 1 ft. 7 in, to 3 feet in length." the Dipavansa ; but Turnour's translation has The enormous memory which the retention of introduced a new element into its meaning :- this immense quantity of matter involves “The profoundly wise (inspired) priests had presents no difficulty to the Buddhists themtheretofore orally perpetuated the Pali Pitak- selves, who attribute it to the supernatural attaya and its atthakatha (commentaries). At powers possessed by their teachers during their this period," &c. His text says nothing whatever age of miracles. Amongst European critics, of the language of these scriptures; but, as is Hardy" declined to credit the statement, and, evident from his use of the capital letter P in together with Prof. Max Müller," proposed his text in the word Pálincha, he has taken the to distribute the contents of the books among temporal adverb pálim, “before this time" of many memories. Turnour himself declared Oldenberg's version, which is opposed to the that it was founded on superstitious impossimilar adverb hánim, "at this time," of the suc- ture." Professors Rhys Davids' and Oldenceeding sentence, to mean “the Pali" language. bergo accept the tradition. • Oldenberg, 211 ; Turnour, Mahawanso, Introd. p. Isi.
13 Upham, III. 30. Turnour, 207.
** Journ. As. Soc. Beng., VI. 509, 527: Turnour, Introd. • As Upham's version (i. 219) has the same forced con- (Appendix III.), p. mv.: Hardy's East. Monach. 167. struction of the word pålin it is probably to be attributed 1 Journ. 18. Soc. Beng. VI. 506. Turnour, Introd. to & native commentary.
P. IIviii., Ixix. Upham, I. 219; II. 13. The Rájdvali does not men- 10 Eastern Monachism, 185, 186, 187. tion it.
W Sacred Books of the East, X. Introd. p. II. 10 Upham, I. 822.
Upham, III. 161.
Turnour, Introd. p. lvii. 1 Prof. Rhys Davide in Encycl. Brit. IV. 488,
Sacred Books of the East, XIII. * Introd. p. IIXV.

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On the other hand, the traditions of the those of the Buddhist canon; for he saw once Northern Buddhists, including their Chinese amongst the writings of his ancestors a preoffshoot, regard their canonical scriptures as diction delivered to his grandfather, king Dêvea written literature preserved in books from nipiyatissa by the priest Mihida-mahåterunBuddha's own days downwards. Buddha him- vahanse." Again the Dipavasa" has a list self was a highly educated man according to of eminent Buddhist nuns on the continent of the manner of the princes of his times." In- India, who were well versed in the Vinaya and stances are given of his epistolary correspond- other scriptures, from the foster-mother of ence." He was, moreover, an accomplished Buddha downwards, and another similar list, Sanskrit scholar, " and learned in the philoso- headed by Sanghamitta, king Asôka's daughter, phies of the Brahmaņs. Although his teaching who came from India to Ceylon, and taught consisted largely of popular oral discourses, it the whole of the Buddhist canon in Anuradhaby no means follows that he did not commit pura, from the 3rd century of the Buddhist era anything to writing ; and there is actually one down to the days of king Abhaya in the dawn record, albeit a solitary one, of a manuscript of the Christian era. It would be extremely being found at his death which had been difficult to understand this tradition on any written with his own hand." We cannot other supposition than that the Pitakas ignore the statements which speak of written existed during the whole of this time in a books in the time of Asoka in the 3rd written form, and that these written books century B.C. and even earlier, nor set aside were in the hands of these learned female the long stream of indirect evidence which all teachers. along assumes and sometimes declares the In the presence of this amount of direct and existence of written books from the beginning. indirect evidence, which has, moreover, all The legends of the Sinhalese themselves are natural probability on its side, we may be not without some substantial evidence of a justified in regarding the improbable legend of more direct kind to the existence of this early the exclusively oral transmission of the Tripiwritten literature, though it is subversive of taka as a fable put into a form which was the general drift of their other traditions; for calculated to satisfy the faith of the friendly it is stated in one of their principal historical and to silence the taunts of the unbelieving, books that religious books formed a portion invented to account for the earliest known of the complimentary presents which Asoka traces of written books in Ceylon in the first sent to the king of Ceylon;" and the names of century B.C. We may further regard the some of these books, or of some others which books originally brought to Ceylon as having Mahinda, the converter of Ceylon, then brought been lost or destroyed at some time between with him, and the use which he made of them the death of Mahinda and this date, in the course of his teaching, are distinctly through the carelessness of the local monks, or mentioned." The same authority's also refers the hostility of the foreign rulers of the island, to the existence of a portion of the Satra-pitaka or both combined; for the legend itself admits in Ceylon in a written form in the middle of the increasing ignorance and incapacity of the the 2nd century B.C. It tells us that on a monks, and the history records the local trials certain occasion king Dutthagamaņi assumed of Buddhism during this interval. The Dipathe preaching chair and "began to read the ramsa, in which we first meet with the fable, book Mangalu-sútra," with a large assembly of was not written even in its earliest form until monks for his audience, and it also tells us that about five centuries after the times of which this prince possessed other manuscripts besides the legend speaks; and its plausibility would
1 Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 147: Rajendralála Mitra's Lalita-ristara, 905, 213 : Beal's Romantic History of Buddha, 68, 854 : Rockhill's Life of the Buddha, 19.
» Köröz' Tibetan Grammar, 164: Rockhill, 69.
* Hardy, Man. Bud., 164ff.: Max. Mullor's Hist. of Ancient Sanskrit Literiture, 261: Weber's History of Indian Literature, 291: Bigandet's Life of Gaudima, 65 : Rom. Hist. Bud., 155ff : Rockhill, 27 Mutu Coomara Swamy's Dathavamsa, 28: Fytche's Burma, II. 152.
** Kæmpfer's History of Japan, I. 245.
25 See, e.g. Journal A. Soc. Beng. VII. 282, 922: Upham 1. 43, 37, 38: Ward's Hindoos (3rd edition), II. 211 : Bigandet, 120, note, 350 note, 360 note: Sacred Books of the East, X. Introd. p. xii.
30 Ward's Hindoos, 1. c. sup.
* Upham's Mahavanissa, 1. 83: Lindlay's Fa Hian, 37, 22. ** Upham, I. 90, 92, 94.
ibid. p. 300.

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receive additional support from the well- the Turnour recension of the Mahávarsa. known circumstance that in all ages both the The former of these passages, however, neither students of the Vedas and the disciples of mentions Mahinda nor his Sinhalese comBaddhism alike received their only legitimate mentaries : on the contrary, it distinctly states teaching from the living voice of a master, even that both the text and the commentary of the when written books were abundantly accessible. Pitaka, which were then committed to
The legends regarding the translations of the writing, were in the Pâli language. The commentaries on the Tripitaka in the Sinhalese whole legend, indeed, seems clearly to belong language, and more particularly the additional to much more modern times, when Sinhalese Atthakatha of Mahinda himself, belong to books had ceased to be a novelty. It reads by this period of the history of this literature. the side of the other legends rather as an This tradition appears in the notice of Buddha- elaborated invention than an original tradition ; ghôsha in the Turnour recension of the Mahá. and with our present knowlege of the earliest varsa :30_" The Sinhalese Atthakatha are literature of Buddhism, the question of the genuine. They were composed in the Sinha- existence of these Sinhalese commentaries of lese language by the inspired and profoundly Mahinda cannot claim any serious consideration. Wise Mahindo." But the other authorities do not mention it at all. The more modern tra.
Period II. dition is thus stated by Turnour :31_“The From the 1st century B.C. to the 5th Pițakattaya, as well as the Atthakathá pro- century A.D.-This period opens with the pounded up to the period of the third convoca- restoration of the legitimate king Vattagamani, tion in India, were brought to Ceylon by Valakan-abha, or Valagamba, in B.C. 88," Mahindo, who promulgated them orally after a period of usurpation by the Tamils here-the Pițakattaya in Pâli, and the Alpha- of Southern India," following a time of civil katha in Sinhalese, together with additional and religious commotion. The loss of the Atthakatha of his own. His inspired dis- earlier literature may safely be attributed to ciples and his successors continued to pro- these disturbances; and the rise of the new pound them also orally, till the age of literature, which now replaced it, was one of the inspiration passed away, which took place in results of the royal patronage of the secerling this island (as already stated) in the reign of monks of this king's new Monastery of AbhaVattagamini, between B.C. 104 and B.C. yagiri." The origin of this new literature is 76. They were then embodied into books, the thus stated in the Dipavarisa :"_" At this text in the PAli and the commentaries in the time the Bhikkhus, who perceived the decay of Sinhalese language. The event is thus re- created things, assembled ; and in order that corded in the thirty-third chapter of the the religion might endure for a long time, they Mahawanso, p. 207 :- The profoundly wise,' recorded the three Pitakas and their commen&c. In the reign of the Raja Mahanamo, taries (atthakatha) in written books." The between A.D. 410 and 432, Buddhaghôsha text of the corresponding passage of Turnour's transposed the Sinhalese Althakatha also into Mahavasisa," as stated above, is precisely the Páli. The circumstance is narrated in detail same, with the exception of an unimportant in the 37th chapter of the Mahawanso, p. 250. particle, as the text of Oldenberg's Diparariusa : This Páli version of the Pitakattaya and the as also apparently were the equivalent texts of Althakatha is that which is now extant in Upham's Mahávanisa" and the Rajuralnákarilo Ceylon, and it is identically the same with the before the glosses were worked into them." Siamese and Burmese versions." The tradi- The language in which these books are assumed tion is thus made to rest upon two passages in to have been written in those glosses is
dir: P. lxft.
30 Journal As. Soc. Ben. VII. 932, 933 : Oldenberg, 2018. 31 Turnour, 251.
1 Introd. p. xxix. 33 See also Upham, I. 329.
3. The Rajávali (Uph. II. 224 with 226) puts his date considerably later.
35 Oldenberg's Dip. 207, 911: Upham, I. 218: II. 43, 324: Turnour, 207, and Introd. p. lxi. All the dates in this paper, unless specially mentioned, are taken, for the
sake of uniformity, from Turnour's Introduction, Appen.
* Hiuen Triang, (Beal II. 247) tells us that the monks of the Abhayagiri studied both vehicles, and widely diffused the Tripitaka. 31 Oldenberg, 211.
38 Turnour, 2017. Uph. I. 219 with 322.. "See also Upham, III. 115.

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Pâli; but this, as already pointed out," is penetrate at this time, and that others were due to a palpable error. It is, moreover, at obtained from Southern India. However this variance with the subsequent traditions that may be, we are here clearly in contact with the Ceylonese atthakatha were written in the the earliest written books of Ceylon, of which Sinhalese language, into which Mahinda had the local memory had any cognizance at the translated them. The largaage of the books of time when these legends were written in their this Abhayagiri revival cannot be determined present form. at present; though the drift of the present evi- To this period belongs the thrice-repeated dence points rather strongly towards Sanskrit, destruction of the books of the heretical Vaiand the sources from which the new recension tulyas, the first occasion being in the beginof the Pitakas and their commentaries was ning of the third century A.D." They made made must also remain over for future investi- head again during the succeeding half century, gation,
and their books were again committed to the The Rájávali has no reference whatever to flames." From the way they are spoken of, this remarkable event of Vattagamani's reign; these books seem to have been numerous; but although it relates the principal circumstances there is no clue to the language in which they of his reign much like the other authorities. were written. But, if the legend is a corrupted survival of The Rájaratnákari** states that king Mahathe same tradition, it transfers the transaction sens, A.D. 275 to 302, caused a complete copy to the reign of Vattagamani's successor, and of Buddha's sermons to be written, which converts it into the more commonplace forma- occupied 30,000 volumes; and that he deposited tion of a central library, into which he gathered these books in a chest or bookcase made a good many Buddhist religious books, which purposely to contain them. He also brought were heretofore scattered abroad. "The a learned monk from a foreign country to next king was Maha Dileyaw Tissa Rajah. Ceylon, with a retinue of thirty-five comHe entertained five hundred rahatoons, and panions or disciples, for the purpose of instructcaused the books concerning the religion of ing the monks of his own monasteries in the Buddha to be collected and deposited in one Vinaya and the Pali language. None of the place." The Dipava isa and the Mahavarisa other authorities mention this legend. This do not mention this library, and the Raja- circumstance takes something out of the weight ratnákari omits this king's reign.
of the record ; and it may possibly be only It is quite possible that some of these books an anticipation of the legend of Buddhawere recovered from the monasteries of the ghosha, placed by mistake in the reign of southern and eastern districts of the island, into Mahasena, instead of in that of Mahanama. which the power of the invaders did not
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
(Concluded from p. 54.) On the following day, disguised as a vaid, he came and after setting the hand in its place came near the old woman's house and said applied some stuff or other and the hand was aloud that he could heal any sort of wounds, again whole like before. Rajáchê Masthiâ then replace hands, and cure diseases. One of the old discovered himself to the old woman. She woman's daughters heard him and stopped him, fell at his feet in gratitude and asked him to and running to her mother told her that there name his reward. Râjâchâ Masthiâ said: "In was a vaid outside who said he could replace reward for the services I rendered you I do hands cut off. The old woman told her not ask for gold or silver, but the hand of her daughter to call in the pretended vaid, who whom I cured for my friend here," pointing ante, p. 101.
232) records the reported suppression of this sect; but * Upham, II, 294. “Upham, I. 231; II. 61, 65ff. it does not mention the books. es Ibid. I. 234; 11. 65. Turnour's recension (p. 227, Upham, II. 129.

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to the hunter who was there. The old woman gladly consented, and in due time the wedding of the hunter with the old woman's youngest daughter took place.
After living there for several months Râjâchâ Masthiâ said he must take leave of them to visit other countries. The old woman and others were loth to part with him, and more so the hunter. Nothing, however, could persuade Rajâchâ Masthiâ to change his mind. Thereupon the hunter said: "My dear pardhan and friend, if you must go, leaving me here, I agree only to please you. However, you must give me also some sort of sign, like the one you gave to our friend the carpenter, by which I can know if anything befall you and come to your aid if necessary." Râjachâ Masthiâ gave him also a plant, and told him to water and take care of it. He said: "If this plant withers know that I am ill, and if it dies know that I am also dead." Thus saying he bid a loving farewell to the hunter and his bride and everyone else that had formed his acquaintance, to their great regret.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
Thus the carpenter and the hunter were settled, and Râjâchâ Masthiâ now set out alone, his sword his only companion. He travelled for many days and then he came to another desolate city. There in the centre of the city he saw a huge kalai filled with oil boiling over a great oven. Râjâchâ Masthia thought: "I must wait and see what this means." He hid himself in a bush close by. He was not long there before he saw a tremendous big rúnkhas, seven palmyras in height, come with a large káwar on his shoulders, filled with men. When he neared the kalai of oil he threw all the men into it, and when they were all fried he ate them all one after another. When he had swallowed the last Rajâchâ Masthiâ came out of his hiding place and presented himself before the rúnkhas. As soon as he saw him the rankhas said: "Oh what a mouthful you would make. I only wish I had seen you before. However, though I have had enough, I must yet make a meal of you." On this Rajâchâ Masthia waxed wrathful, and with one stroke he stretched him on the ground where the rankhas lay like a great mountain. On close examination Râjâchâ Masthia found on this rankhas' waist a huge diamond.
105
In this city, too, there was a large tank, and suspecting that in this tank also might be a palace, Râjâchâ Masthiâ held the diamond to the water, and, lo! a passage opened. He saw a ladder, and by it he descended and found a very beautiful palace, and in it was a maiden of such beauty as never before met human eyes. Râjâchâ Masthiâ very soon formed an acquaintance with her, and they were so much taken up with each other's beauty that they resolved upon being married. The same day he left the subterraneous palace and put up on a high post a large flag with the words: "All the inhabitants of this city that have fled on account of the rankhas can now come and live in their own houses unmolested. Râjâchâ Masthiâ has killed your dreaded enemy, the monstrous rankhas." Now it must be known that the fame of Rajâchâ Masthia's prowess had reached this city long before he had left his father's house, though the citizens had never seen him before. As soon then as they saw the flag with Râjâchâ Masthia's name and the news that he had killed the rúnkhas they all leaped for joy, and once more settled in their own country and houses. The city now looked beautiful and lively.
Some time after this Râjâchâ Masthia gave out publicly his intention of marrying the fair lady in the subterraneous palace, and the whole of the citizens said that it was the most proper thing for him to do, for they knew that his marriage would make him a permanent resident, and they would not to have to fear any more rankhases, if there should be any. Grand preparations were going on for over a month, and then the wedding of Râjâchâ Masthia with the beauty of the subterraneous palace took place with all possible grandeur. All the inhabitants of the city were invited to the feast, and the rejoicings lasted for several days.
The newly married couple were next asked by the citizens to be their king and queen, which honour Rajacha Masthia and his bride gladly accepted.
They lived happily for some years, but, unfortunately for Rajâchâ Masthiâ, he was so taken up with his wife and the government of his kingdom that he forgot all about his
1 Two baskets suspended at the end of a pole, and carried on the shoulders.

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sword. It began to rust and Râjâchâ Masthiâ countries and come back with their wives. began to feel ill, and was daily losing his They therefore went, and, taking their wives, strength. The trees also he had given to his bid a parting adieu to their many friends and friends, the carpenter and the hunter, began acquaintances who regretted them very much. to fade. All the care bestowed by them had When they reached Rajâchâ Masthik's counno effect, and they made certain that some- try again they were appointed his higbest thing was wrong with Râjâchâ Masthiâ. officers in the State. And Râjâchâ Masthiâ,
The carpenter at once set out in search the hunter and the carpenter and their wives, of his friend, with the object of giving him lived together very happily for many many some help if possible. After travelling several years like brothers and sisters, and were loved days he came to the city where the hunter and respected by all the citizens, and when had married and settled. He saw him also they were no more they were long remempreparing to go on the same errand as bimself bered by them as their deliverers and and so they set out together. On the way the benefactors. hunter told the carpenter how he had come to
RAJACHA MASTHIA. settle in that country, and thus they walked Ek hôthû rûzê zê rûz karith asê êkê môthe and walked for many days, and at last reached râzasthanavar. Thiâcho mr3 hôthis murad the city in which Râjâchå Masthiâ was. But paltani, ani sâram jem ka kônâchan êuzavél : the difficulty was how to find him. So they pûn êkê vârthể kartham thồ hôthâmurad both disguised themselves, the hunter as a chaná.khanthi kam thð hôthâ niputhri, ani thiqchê kurmuriwálá, and the carpenter asa bángríálá.' mêliapätti kôni nôtham thiâcham râz châlvâlâ. In this disguise they went from house to Ia karthain râjâzûn murad dharam kela, guê house, and tried to gain some clue as to the asian thari, garib dublê razar karthin ani whereabouts of Rajâchâ Masthia. At last, Parmêsôr auladh del. Thavam murad têpasin after great trouble and much delay, the mothê mhathirpanân, râni reli pürmasini, ani carpenter (as bangriwala) got the necessary têp púrliavar ék sokra zhailâ. Thô sôkra bêgin information from an old woman. Accordingly begin vårlâ, âni râzâ ani sari thjâchi raith the carpenter and the hunter put aside their khuśklin bharlir. disguises, and, with the aid of the diamond Atham dhônak varsam jeliâvar ek skri possessed by the carpenter, they soon made zalmali, ani thiâ vakthâśim sûrim mânsar thila their way into the palace of RAjacha Masthiî, lêkhûm lâglim ûni sôkriâchi kôn dâdh kari
They reached there just in time to be of use naść, aurêthûk guê kôn thiâlâ bagith pûn to him. He had become very weak and in a nasat. Atham sôkra lâhân hôthâu khará pûn day or two he would have been no more. thiâchê manan dûbîu jêlâ, ani ia karthar thiala
Their first care on entering the subterraneous ailâ kontâlâ. Barů zântha zhailiâvar, mothê palace was to inquire of Rajâchê Masthiâ as bakalchâ uthe, ghôrikvar basó a ni zai rinin to what they could do to alleviate his sickness. zanglân, âni thaiam gauýlianche merg dudh He remembered his sword and told them to mångthase îni pithase. Pailâ thô sêrbô dâdh clean and sharpen it. They lost no time, but pithase, maghšim dhôn sêr, ani aissam kartham at once set about it, and as the rust began karthar ailâ manavar. Auram dâdh piûn piûn to disappear Rajâchê Masthis gained strength, thô zhaila mazbûth, auréthûk gue gharê zûtham and as soon as the sword was sharp and bright jêr thiâchê vattên ailam thauran thôr mor Rajâchâ Masthiâ stood up and walked about karûn chûrâ. Zharam bôlå, gharam bâlâ, phôr with his asual vigour, as if nothing was the thôr karûn bhûsâ. Ia kartham thiàcham 10khamatter with him.
zûn naum thêvilam Rajáchå Masthi Gharû The carpenter and the hunter after some ailia barabôr thiâchê kûmbrian zäunsim konala months expressed a desire to Rajacha Masthiâ eandei nase. Chükaréunsim thiâlâ sangath guê to live with him. Rajíchâ Masthia, too, could khawacharn thniâr hai, půn thô îsra jhei nass not bear the idea of parting with them again; kònâchâ ani thiêná sânge thiâncham kam sami. 80 he told them to go to their respective lâvå. Athari râjâchê sókrizûn murid vakath - Gram and parched rice hawker.
• Bangle hawker

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bagiltham Rajâchâ Masthala ghará éthan gue bainicham varad hothéi bhîvâsim. Thich gaunlinnparsim, pûn thila khabar nothi guê bû pûs ani särê bijê rûje ani pardhûn thila bolum thô thicha bhâu aissa. Thizûn thari bagiltham laglê pûn thizûn kônächi vârthâ kânâvê jêthli kaissa gharam on dharam ou zhâram, kam nấbin; thi bothli: “ Min varidin thể thissing konsan bị thiấchê vật tên Đilam thế thô phôr varâdên, zari kå manzê bhâu aslâ." Zavam bagi. thôr karûn chûrâ karthasê.
thân guế thi nâhing Bike thavam thể bênchê râyê Kain thep jêlam âni râjâchi sôkri zhaili ani pardhân bôthlê gaê “kain fikir nâhin, êm varâdâvâchi, thavam râzî, thichân bâpûs, ailâ varad nahin karûl thê sôkri dhästhi jel ani thichê mêrê sângathlar thilâ kônûcham thari marûn zail." Aissa vichar karûnsim thiânzûm nâun sangava, jâsim thi khusi hỏil varâdîvâlâ. êk dhis tharâvila varádala Murad thaiari Atbar thila khabar nothi guê Rajâchâu Masthià challi dhôn thin maine thavam êm varůd hauthicha bhân karùnóim thavan thi bộthi aples sêśim karava. bů påsla:
Rajachỉ Masthiûzûn zaissan ên aikathlam "Mim varåden asiàsim zhð kâ bûra Ani bârå thaissa vêrî zhaila, âni bilkul kabul nahin chauvia manấchà lôgdachi gôla thakil ani zhaila. Atharvaridáchê thaurê dhis puram bârâ ani bârâ chauvis kôs ùrvil thaśiasim. thiảchi tharwar jh@thli ani pâzyûm lågla. Thô
Râzî kabül zhailâ, âni chitiâ pâtviliâ bijê tharwar påzvithả astham râjâchà êk châkar gânvânchà râjânâ âni pardhânânâ aišia guê lôni thavâršim passar zhailâ ani thiâlà bôthiâ : "Kám, bari âni bars chauvis manachà lôgdichả gôla Pardhân Sahib, sârê lôkh guthliận, Varadachi thủkil âni bârâ âni bârâ chauvis kôs ûrvil thar thaiâri karthaí, ani thami aurê sûsêgadh thiala thiâchi sôkri sl.
reliâ !” Atham thiâ dhissâlâ ek lôgdachâ gólâ bârâ âni Thavam Rajâchâ Masthiazûn vichârilam : bari chauvis manấchê ôzanấch thaiấy kêlá ấni | “ Kônạchê varudala thaiari karthân?”. maidânâmani thêvila. Thiả dhissâ murid raje | This chakrûzûn zavab kêlê :"Kan, kôn pâthil Ani pardhan benchi gânvânch) aild bagâvâ zar guê tûmala khabar nahin zavam ka tûmchara thia Úchân thô lôgdachi gôla bara ăni bara | pôthaingham vard hai aples baikin.” chauvis manâche Ôzanâchâ thâkünsim bârâ ani Thavam Rajâchê Masthiâlâ råg ailâ âni bîra chauvis kôs ûrvavêl thô âni aissan karun. hiấzin Bangathlath chakrila thiấche nudhrêsim râjâchi sôkrisim varåd vēl thê.
varsi niigaya, “nahin thô” bột là, “pizân Sari rajd áni pardhân zaurà ailthê thauriâi- tânkhin." zân thaiviz khi thổ lôgdichả gôlà bầrà ấni | Thô chakar gharbarla ini chalthy zhaila tâm barà chauvis manachả thùkùnsim bârâ âni bârâ thê thikla khabar hôthi Rajâcha Masthiachê chauvis kôs ûrvâlâ, pûn sârg dhaml). Kôn sakthichi âni rågachi. Thô chakar jēliâyar konsanzûn thủkila pûn könâchân úrvavala thaurê vakthasira biza ek châkar passar zhailê nâhin. Thavam thias vakthan Rajách Masthia ani Rajach Masthiâlâ tharwår påzvitham důdh piansim aila, ani tho gola thischi vått in bagûnsim th, bộthla: "Kam, ka kartha, Par. milla; thavam thiazûn thukunsim arvill bara dhản Sahib, tharwar pâzyûnsin, zavam ka sare Âni bara chauvis kôs ûpar.
bijê lêkh thairi karthân yaradAlA ?" Râjâchê Masthiâlâ khabar nôthi thô gêlê kalê "Kēnâchê varadala thairi karthân" vihâllathê thê ini benchê rûjê ani pardhan kalâ chârilam Rajáchi Masthian. ailthê thê, ani thiâzûn thari kônâchi dadh Chakrâzün zavâb kela: "Kon pâthil guê tûmfiriadh nâhin thêvili pûn thô gôlê ûrvila ani char varåd asên aplis baiếim tùmâlâ khabar chalthî zhailâ. Sirê lokh ajebûn bharlê guê nûhin aisi P" kâ sakthi aśêl.
Rajâcha Masthiazûn iâ chakrala thari sanRajâchỉ sôkri ekê jênêlansim bagithothi, ani gathlam ek dam thiâché nadhrêvaráim zâvâlâ, zaissaro ka dekhilam gae Rajâcha Masthiazan nahin the" bôthla, "pifizûn takhin." thô lôgdacha golá bârii ani bârî chauvis manâ Thavam tharwar pazvithâ asthan thisrî châcha thakungim baril ani bari chuvis kog úrvila, kar passar zhaila ani Raicha Masthila dekhunthi dhanvath aili Rajichê mêrg ûni sangathlam sim bothl: Kar, Pardhan Sahib, saré lökhágué Rajacha Masthiasim varaden. Särê Raje chi dhim dhům challei thaiari karavå varâdâlâ, ini pardhan hairan zhaile ein aikûnsim ini Ani tůmim khûsal relia. Kaiàm zátha tharwår vichår karûri lâgle guê aiši vârthâ kasi vichel pázvůnsim P" Thavam Rajacha Masthiazan

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khabar kêlam guê kônâchê varâdâlâ thaiâri challei. Thiâ châkrân sângathlam guê varâd hai thiêcham âples bainiśim. Thavam nâktê thar wariśim thia châkrâchê angâvô jêlà âni bôthlà: "Ning mângê nadhrêvarsim êk dam, nâhin thê dharin âni piñzûn tâkhin." Bij châkranchê gathi ôh châkar thari bilâ âni châlth zhailâ
[APRIL, 1888.
tuj kârvathicham âni bijê sâmanâcham kauraṁ vazan hoil ?"
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Sûthârâzûn bôthlam: "Mângê karvathicham vazan hai dã man âni bizam sâman pânch man, saglam milûn pandhrâ man."
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Atham Rajâchâ Masthiâchi tharwâr aisi hôthi guê thi zar kitaili thở thô azari parêl, âni thi tharwâr zar môrli thar Râjâchâ Masthiâchâ jiu zail. Thiâchâ jiu hôtha thiâ tharwârin, thiâthô thiâchân thi tharwâr takvath nôthi. Thavam tharwâr jèthli, ghôriâvar baislâ âni jala ghar dhâr sôrûnsim vin sângithlia aisla ou bâpâslâ on bijê kônâlâ. Sâriânzân bagilain thô jêlâ thê pûn thiânchê manân guê dhardhis zâthê êthê thaissâ âz thari zail ail. Kônâchê manan dhubâu nothâ guê atham thô bilkul êvâchâ nâhin.
Thavam zâtham zâtham murad lâmb pônchlâ êkê rânân zanglân thavam êk pârdhi kalla: thiâchê khândhâvar hôthi êk bûndûk. Râjâcha Masthian hâik mârli thiâlâ âni vichârilam : "Arê, pârdhiâ, tuje bûadkocham vazan kauram hỏil PH
Pârdhiâzûn zavâb kêlâ: "Pandhrâ man." Thavam Rajâchâ Masthiâ bôthlâ: "Zar râth âni dhis tûm pandhrâ manâmcham vazan tûjê khândhâvar n thủy thar tâm môthả pvan
hais."
Thavam Rajâchâ Masthià bôthlâ: "Zar hâmês pandhra manâcham vazan tûm n thês thar tum môthâ baldhâr hais." Thô sûthâr bôthlâ ; “Nahin, nâhin, mânzam bal kains nâhin Rajâchâ Masthiâchê zôrâchê pûram." Râjâchâ Masthia bôthlà: "Mim hain thô Rajâchâ Masthiâ." Êh sabath aikthûs sûthâr bôthlà: "Thar mim tûj sangathi êthair, âni asin tûjê mêrê marnâpâvath.
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Thavam pardhi bôthlâ: "Nâhin, nâhin, sâriân pêlvan hai êkla Rajâchâ Masthiâ jâzân bârâ âni bârâ chauvis manâchâ lôgdâchâ gôlâ thûkilâ âni bầrâ âni bârâ chauvis kis urvila, thô kharâ pêlvan." Thavam Râjâchâ Masthia bôthlâ: "Mim hain thô Rûjûchâ Masthiâ jâzûn bârâ âni bârâ chauvis manâchâ lôgdâchâ gôlâ thûkansim arvilà bârâ âni bârâ chauvis kôs." Aissam bôlthus thỏ pârdhi bôthlà: “ Zaiâm tâm zâśil thaiâm mim tûjê sangathi ain. Mêliâ tâlim tûlâ sôrauchâ nâhin."
Atham thigaizan, Râjâchâ Masthiâ, pârdhi âni sûthâr zâu lâgle. Châl, châl murâd dhissânśim pônchlê ek gänvâlâ, pûn bagithân thê kâ: sârim gharam dharam âgrim, thaśins thari dhukânam pûn, âni êk mânûs aissâ bagâvá nâhin.
Rajâchâ Masthiâ bôthlâ: "Kâ êvâsthâ gharlei thê âpûm âiâm rêun âni bagûn." Ek môtham ghar hôtham thiâmani ôsthi kêli. Êkê dhûkanâvarśim thiênâ jêm paizath hôtham thêm jhêthlam thaiêm paisê thê vânśim, rândhilam âni khaûnśim ninzlê.
Sakâlchê ûthlê thavam Rajâchâ Masthiâ bôthlâ sûthârâlâ: "Pârdhi âni mim zâthâuȧ firâvâ, tum âz jêvan thaiâr kar."
Sûthâr kabûl zhaila, dhûkânâvarsim dhâl, thup âni bijia jinsâ jhêthliâ paiśê thêvûnsim âni rândhâvâ lâglâ. Zarak vakthâśim dhân thaiâr zhailam âni sûthârân êkê pâthrâvêlivar richvilam, thavam êk rank has thin mâr ûnch ailâ âni bôthlà guê chân chê nâhin the tulâ khẩn: Sûthâr ghâbarlâ âni dhân dhilam rânkhsâlâ. Rankhsâzûn khålam âni naipêth zhailâ. Sâthâr bizaṁ dhân râudhûm lâglâ thaurian Râjâchâ Masthiâ âni pârdhi ailê âni khabar kêlam jânthâr thaiâr zhailaim ka. Atham sûthâr bagithôthâ guê Râjâchâ Masthiâlâ khabar nahin milâvi guê êk rânkhas ailâ âni êkdâm chân rândhilam thêm khâlam thiâthô thiâzûn bizam kain nimith sângathlam. Atham thigaizan ghânsarlê âni rândhanéim khâlam âni ninzlê.
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Atham dhôgai, Râjâchâ Masthiâ âni pârdhi êkôt zâun lagle, Rajâchâ Masthía ghôriâvar âni pardhi pâim. Barò lamb jel thavam Râjâchâ Masthiala vâtlam guê aissam baram nâhin diso guê thiêzân ghôriavar baissivam ăni thiêch3 dhôsthân châlâvam. Thavam ghôrà sôrilâ âni dhôgai paim zâun lâgl3. Thavam murâd lâmb jêlê thavam êk sûthâr bhêtlâ; thiâché khândâvar hôthi ôk karvath âni pâttivar êkê pêthliân thiacham bizam sâman. Rajâchâ Masthiân hânk mârli thiâlâ âni khabar kêlam: "Arê, sûthârâ,
Bijê dhissà úthlê thavam Rajâchâ Masthia bộthlà pardhialà: “Ân tâm gharā rê ấni rânch, mim âni sûthâr zâthâun firâvâ." Aissam bôlûnsim dhôgai jêlê firâvå. Pårdhiâzûn dhûkânâvarsim jêm paizath hôtham thêm hârlam âni rândhâvâ lâglâ. Dhân sizlam âni pâthrâvêlivar richvithei thavam rankhas ailà âni dhân mângâm lâglâ. Pârdhi pailâ dhêth nôthâ pûn rånkhas bôthlâ:

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"Dêthês kam ka sângthês; dhan dhể nâhinthavan êk rastha zhailâ. Rajáchâ Masthiâ jêlâ the pailê tûlà kháin." Pardhi bila ani rânkhsalâmera ani ek nisan bagili. Thiâ nisnivarsim thô dhân dhilam. Rankhsan dhân khalam ani nai- denlâ âni pÔnchlâ ekê môthê havelin. Thiâ pêth zhaila. Atham pârdhilla samaz milli gue havélin hôthi ek môthi sabivanth sôkri. Thisim suthârâlâ thari rânkhas bhêtåvå ailasel ani muradsar vårthåkelia, thavam bagithei gue pârabi thiâthô kál kath zhailâ dhận rândhåvå. Pardhi ani suthậr (thin khavila thiớthô thô ail ôrthi.
maghini dhakanavar jela, thẩm thấp hầrlain ấni | Ghara jola ani niváth rila zaissaṁ ka kains bizam dhân rândhûn låglå thavam Rajâchâ nâhin vichlam. Thaurê vakthåśim pârdhi âni Masthiâ âni sûthâr aile âni janthậr mângâm sứthâr ailê. Khâlam pilan ani maghśim Rajalåglê. Satârân dhian pÔnchvilam guð ran- châ Masthiâzân khabar kölam pailâ sutharâ par khas êünsim dhân khâlasel, Pårdhiâzûn enjilam Âni dhusrun pârdbiâpar guð purch dhissi guð Rajáchâ Masthila sângên kâ vichlar the jânthârala vakath kám zhailâ. Thiânzûn sumar thê thiâlâ råg ail, thiâthô thiâzün bizam nimith kelå guð Rajâchâ Masthiâlâ khabar parli rankhsângathlam. Thigaizan ghansarlè ani dhân sachi thiâthô thiânzûn aplis gûnia sângathli rândhậnsim khâlan ani ninzlê.
ấni mấp mangâm là glệ. Rajicha Marthia Thisrê dhissa äthûn im Rajâchâ Masthik samazla gué sáriânchi sakhthi kain sarki nahin bothlâ : "Âz tůmiṁ dhôgai zâ firâvâ, az mânji thiâthô thiêz ûn thiânâ mâp kêlam pún sângathpáli rândhânchi." Pardhi ani sûthår bothle: lan gue dhusrun aisi labâri sångậm nako, " Pardhân Sahib, amala baram nâhin dhisê gue Maghsim thiânâ nelam ani rânkhsachâ murdhân tûmin rândhûnsim âmâlâ khâvâlâ dheÂvam; dhakrila. thiâthô âmim dhôgai pâli karûm ek dhis ar rân- Atham maghśim Rajâchê Masthiâzün ek dhâvâ." Eh aissam bôthlê kâm thiânâ khabar mothâ unch bântâ gârilâ âni thiâ bautiâvar guê Râjâchâ Masthiâ rânkh sâlâ bagil thê thiânâ livila : “Sarê lôkh jê kâ jêlian iâ gânvânsim saram hỏil; pûn Râjâchâ Masthia bộthlâ : “Mim thiânzûn b3dhâsthin iâvam ani thiânché gharanpardhân håin the khari vârthå pûn tumchi pâlimani riavam. Tômchâ dhûsmin, ránkhas, marla aili thavan tůmin tumcham kâm kêlam, az mânji Rajachå Masthiâzân áni thô atham zhail& râzâ pali hài Âni minzân randhava paijê. Aiên minh | la ganvachi.” Thanchê gấuikarianzân thể pardhân nâhin, apům thigai sârkê, thar tůmim sabath vậchithês khusi zhaild Ani &unsim aplês za firava."
gharan rêun lágle. Sârê lökházûn thð mûrPardhi âni sûthâr bagithân gue kain bizâ û pâi dhâ rânkhsâchâ bagûnsim ajêbên bharlê ani náhin thavam dhôgai jêlé firâvâ. Râjâchâ Râjâchâ Masthiâlâ súkh âni mộthi haiâth mânMasthiâ jêlå ekë dhûkânâvar, thansim dhål, gům lågle. thûp, Ani jem ka bizan päizath hotham thêm Atham thauran thép rols i ganvå mani. jệthlam âni rândhåvå lagla. Dhân sizlikvar êkê Râjâch Masthiazûn ek dhis sàthârâlâ nêlam pathrâvêlivar richvilam, Ani zaissâ kâ vâs thiâ thaliamani hậvůli hôthi thaiÂm thiâ sôkrich3 êtbus rânkhas ailâ âni dhân mângum lágle. nadrêvar. Atham thim dhôgvaṁ êkê bijiâlâ asim
Rajâchê Masthiận vichárilan : “ Kôn hâis khasi zhailim guê Rajâchâ Masthiâlâ kâklúth tam, ani kâ pâijd tala P”
vatli sdthậráchi âni thiếthô thia dôgamcham Ránkhas bäthlâ : “Mim kon hâion thê tûm varad tharâvilam. Murid dhis thavam thaiari vicharum nak půn dhân dhê ek dam, nâhin thê kêli. Saré gâu,kariânâm Aduthilam ani murad paila tâlâ khâin."
dhis thavam hous môz skriânzan kali. Půn Râjâchâ Masthiâ kain bilê nâhin, ani Iâ gånvamani dhônak varsam rêansim Rajâchů bothlá : « Thaurâ vakath pêk, maghsin talê Masthiazanêujilam guê zavam bijê gâuo bagava; mim dhân dhethain." Aissam bôlánsiṁ Rajáchâ thiâthô thiázun süthârâšim ani thiâchê baiMasthia jela, tharwar hârli ani ek fatkiâsim kôšim Adaus kôli. Thanchin minsan khusi ránkbsâche dhôn tekrê kêlê. Ek dongar zaissâ nôthim gud Rajâchê Masthiazûn zavam, půn zaminivar parla. Atham Rajâch Masthia lâglathiánchán thiAlå hôdårvath notham. thiâlâ barabôr thapasávå. Thavam thiâ ránksáchê 1 ZAvâché půram Rajâchâ Masthiâzün hakam kambravar thiâchi nadar lágli. Mérê jala the kêli guò sârê thiâ gânvânché 18kházûn sâthabagithei thi kì, k motha hiri kalla. Thố hira | rala manivan thiênchê râja parman. Thiazân jêthlê Ani zâvâsî thavam inêrsim hóthai ek thari thiê sûthirild thð hirâ dilê kam guê thalam. Thiâ hiriacha Qzir kalla thia thaliala thikla garaz hôthi thiâchi thiâ tbaliâmani ghar

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hôtham thiamani & vâ zâ vål. Såthårálá môtham ekê takrila hath gåthlâ thavam RajAcha Mas. dhûk vâtlam Rajáchå Masthiâlâ sôrâvâ. Murad thiazûn hathachd dhôn tûkrê kêlé. Athan thô thiszûn bothlar thiêla thiâche sangåthi zâvâhâth ani thiâ sarpâché tûkrð jóthld Ani jela. kartham pûn Rajâcha Masthiazûn kain kan dila Bijë dhissâ Râjâchê Masthiên bhêz jêthlâ ékê Dâhin. Zavam ka bagithei gue Rajâchå Mas- vaidáchå âni dôkrichê dhârâšim @unsim zôrasim this nihin aikê thavarh th8 bAthle thikla: bothlâ gue vâriâ potAlA vôkhan dhôn, kônáchâ "Pardhan Sahib, tûlê sôråvå mânâ zaissam kê háth bith kâplašel thê baisvin áni bijê Azar bard ek maran zbailain, pûn zavam ka tûji khusi hai karin. Dôkrichê ekê sôkrizûn aikathlam ani jeli guê mimzûn iâ gânvån riavam ani raz châlvávam ani aislâ sângathlam guê êk vaid ailai thê aissa tájé návim mim rêthain täji khusi karáva. Punaisså bolthéi. Thavam dôkrizan sangathlam kongd vakthân talA könsar vait vichel thar thiALA váråvå. RAjacha Mastbiâ ailâ, ail pail mâlâ kasi khabar milêl? Thiáthô mânâ kain lå vilam ani thiâ dôkrichâ hâth baisvild. Dôkri thari ék khûn dhá jiâvar málê tûje barê vaitachi khuái thail: ini bôthi: “Bốn tô1A kế paijê thê; khabar parél asi." Rajâchê Masthillzün eke jim mangháil thêm mim tāla dhên." Thavam zhârâchâ êk mârâ dhila ani thiâlâ sangathlam Rajâchå Masthiâzün sângathlam thô kôn hôthâ lá váli. Thiâzıàn bộthlam: "Zar konsê vakthan the ani bộthlâ : "MÂnÂm tazam sônam nanam ôh mârâ kômailê thar samaz guê mim hairan nôkô, pûn tûji sôkri jilê minzûn baram kêlâm hain; Ani zar oh mârâ mêla thar samaz guê mim thi tûzûn dhiavi paijê mânja dôsthál, if thari mêlêm." Aissam bôlûnsin Rajâchâ Masthiapardhiâlâ." Dôkri kabul zhaili ani thaarê ani thiảchâ biza dhosath, pârdhi, châlthê zhaile. dhissån pårdhiâcham varâd zhailan thiâ dôkrichê Sårê lókhâzûn ansvam galilim @uzûn gue dhaklê sôkrisim. atham maghári thiảnsiṁ ekê bijiasim bhôt Kain thêp thailm rêunsim RajAchê Masthianahin hôvâchi.
zun vichar kâlâ zâvâchân bije gånn bagåva. Râjâchâ Masthia ani pârdhi dhôgai jêle Dôkri âni bijim mânsan khanthi zhailim. murad låmb. Murid dhis chållé Ani ekê Maråd bothlam thihlá půn thiâzün kain kan gånválå pôńchle. Thaiấm êkê dôkrichê ghara nahin dhild. Thavam párdhi bothia : " Pardhân jele ani birâdh mângathlam. Dokrizûn hausêśim Sahib, tüm zâthês půn mânâ min baram nahin dhilam. Atham iâ dôkrichiâ hôthiâ sâth sôkria, vâtta, půn mim rên diâm tâji khusi karava. dignian mộthiâ sobivanth. Dakhle sökriche Mânam thari kain khûn dhê jiavar mânâm pôttân hôthê ek sarap, ani zar koni manus samjél taje barê väitâcham." Rajáchå Masniảzlai thichế riêrên thế thô Harap rất chi bộno | thiên êke zhiracha êk mara dhilẢ pardhifla ningè ani thikla khai. IA kartham thi dôkri thari ini thiâlâ sangathlan: “Zar ôh mârâ hôthi murâd khanthi. Dôkrichê mêrê Râjâchâcômêl thar samaz gus mim Azari parlânó ani Masthiâzün khabar kelam kam asi khanthi ôh mârâ mêlê thê samaz guê mim thari mêlûm." hôthi thê áni thizan sangathlid var thiâzânAissam bolûnbim Rajáchå Masthiê jêlê ; såre sångathlam guê thô sângel thaissaṁ karil thê thiâché dekhe vôlkhêchê khanthi zhaile. thô thila baram karil. Rajâcha Masthiâzür Rájachâ Masthi ningala éklá, thiâchê sangasångathlam hârávå sâth man ganvâncham pît, thâlâ thiảchi tharwâr, ani iả khiris bizam kôn sath man såkar âni sath man thûp. Dôkrizan nahin. Chal chal jêlê murâd dhis thavam âni jên sângathlarn hôthan thôm tháborthôp pô nchla bijê êkê gå ovala. Thiâ gånvån thari hårlam âni Râjâchê Masthiâpar dhilam, sârim gharam dhåraí ani dhů kanam hôthim Rajâchâ Masthiâzân êk bîuli kôli âni râth- Agrit pun êk githê jiu nâhin bagåva. Thaimm chi thiâ sökrichỉ mêrê thêvili, ani dôkrila thiâzûn bagili ek môthi kalai thêlasim bhalli @k8 sângathlam" khabardar, mêrê ênń nôko." chúlivð. Rájâchâ Masthiâzûn vichår kêlê guê AigBan Bângânóim thô kệ bà zala aba rôla niktê | thaiên pễkhôvan ấni baga van kế dhông hai tharwârisim. Bari ráth zhaili thavam thð sarap thê; ani ekë zhårimani thô likala. Thauri ningâlâ &ni tô cbâ mârlâ thiâ bâulivar. Zavam vakath nâhin jê là thavam ek môth rånkhas, ka bagithêi guê gör lågthèi thavam akhê nin, sâth mar unch, ailê ek kâvar jêthi thiâchê khân. gkla, thiả bảolivar pendlar kelaṁ ani lågla dåvår mânsâmsim bhalli ani thim mânsan khávåldthias vakthân Rajách& Masthian ekê thiảzün ghäthlim thiâ kelaimani ani ekih fatkiasim pânch sa tûkrå kil8 Ani than in magari ek saghlim khalim. Thiázán bêvtacha khinsla. Dôkrizûn bagith us dhahvath aili ânimanūs kbAlA thavan Râjâchå Masthiâ @unsim

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thiâchê samor Abardia. Thil bagithûs rân- râzasthanaché karbárasim ini tharwar pâzvâchi khas bồthlâ : “Ah! kaisa hausêså ghans zhai. | viâdh kôli nahin. Thavam thi tharwar kitailasthå, pûn kain fikir nahin, zari kâ minzün zûm lágli ani Rajâchâ Masthiâ thari låglên vậit aurin mìnsan khaliận thari tâla mia khaii.” | pasgår hôvâlâ. Thasiós thari thim zharam jim Aissam bôlthûs RÂjâchâ Masthiêlê râg aild ani kâ gûthârâlâ âni pård hiala dhilthim lâvâlâ thiń êkê fatkiasim râs ghAthli rankhgâchi êkê dongrá láglim komâvâ. Sûthårázůn ani pârdhiazûn chê gathi. Meghsin thô lậgly thisla thapasara; simpilim, khânań ghấthlain, ani murid kuidadh thavam thiâché kambrêvar thari êk mộthâ hira keli thari thim dhissân dhis lagli marâvâ. milla. Athaṁ kiâm thari hôthan êk thalan. Thavam thiânzûn sûmâr kêlê guð Rajâchâ Rajâchê Masthila vâtlan gue ia thaliân thari Masthikla, kain thari vait vichlaith ani ningale ghar akel. Thava thiazûn thô hira dbakrilê thiê thiâlâ sôdhâvâ zâvâlâ. Pailê ningâlâ sathår thaliâlâ. Thaliâvar thiâ hiriâchân êzêr parthûs âni châl chål murid dhissansim bhêtlá pârdhikla. ek rastha zhailâ, ani ek nisan hôthi thivarsim Thô thari thaiâr hôththa Rajâchê Masthiâlâ thô denle eke gharan. Thaiam thiâzûn bagili bagâvâ zâvâlâ. Atham dhôgai láglé závala. ek sarup Asthri, asi sôbivanth gue sârê dani- Vatte pandhizân sángat lam satharala kaissan mani thasi nôthi. Rajâchê Masthiasim âni Râjâchå Masthiâzûn êkê dôkrichê sókrila, jichê thisiṁ hâmsai parli ani thin ekê bijiAlâ asim pôt tân hôthâ ek sarap, thiâ baraṁ kêlam ini khusi sbailiṁ guê thiânzûn vichår kêla vara- sêvtâs thicha ani thiâcham varâd kolam. discha. This dhisai thô bê na Gily ani ek | Thavam chal chal murad dhissansim pôńchle båuth girila Ani this bauthi var livilaṁ : Rajâchi Masthichê gå ovan, pûn thð kailm " Sårê 10khâkün kon jelian iÅ gånvasiṁ rêthaśd thể thiânâ khabar kasi mil8l. Thavam thiênzân vin dh&sthisim iavam. Tùmchathiânzûn bhéz firvilâ: pardhi zhailâ chanâkurdhusmin rânkhas thila mállam Rajâchâmuriwâlâ âni sathår bângriwala. Aissam Masthiâ zûn." Atham thiâ lôkhazûn Râjâchâkarûnáim gharðghar firûm låglê ani khabar MasthiAlA baghilam nötham pûn thiAll sârd 18khjhêum lågl8 Rajâch Masthiachi. Sévtåg Alphitha8th kim thô thiậnzan aikathlathan gûthârâlâ, bângriwâliâche bhêzên, oké dokril kaissâ thiazûn bara áni bârâ chauvis manachâbângriâ bharitham, khabar milli. Thavam lôgdachi gol thakunsin bârâ &ni bârâ chauvissuthårázûn âni pârdhiázán bhéz sorûnsim jolêi kôs Urviltha thê. Thavam thiânzûn thi Ani säthârâchê mêrê hira hôtha thô dhakrila bâuthiâ var liviltham thêm vâchithûs khusi thiâ thaliâlâ âni anmani deule. zhailê Ani aile Ani Aplês gånvân vâghùm lågle. Môthê nasib Rajâchå Masthiâch8 gud thia
Kain thếp jela Âni Râjachi MagthiAzun | vôkthậvô phách lẻ kín thế thô hothí ngoài sârê raithâlâ sângathlam gaê thiâchi khusi hai marnâchê kântâvo, ani kônzânê êkê dhôn dhissân varådávà this thaliânchê bêkrisim, Ani skri mêlasthå. raith thari khusi zhaili kâṁ gaê thê samazle Thê dhôgai, Bathar ini pardhi phichlii barabốn gue Râjâch Masthia varådel thê thô gâun pailê khabar kêlam Rajâchê Masthiâ par guê Bôr ân tho kadhûn zâvâchâ nahin, ani @khadhia thiânchÂn kain Apai karvavél ka thiâchâ âzâr bikhâdhia biza rânkhas aslá thari thiênå kain bara karâvâthô. Thavam Rajâchâ Masthiâlâ dhâsthi nahin parthi kâm th8 Rajáchå Masthiâ viâdh parli thiâchồ tharwarichi Ani thiânâ thiâlâ mârthi. Atham khûb thareáim murad sangathlam pâzvâlâ. Thâbôrthbb dhôgai ghandhis thavam varadâlâ kâmvilań, thêm varâd sarle ani tharwar pâzval lagle. Zaisi thi môthê khosalin karaya. Sirô lôkhalê âuithilam tharwar sâp hôvâlâu lâgli thaissa Rajâcbâ Ani marad dbis thaspar såriânzan khålan pilam Masthiâchà rồgh halká hôval lågla, ani tharani baus môz keli.
wâr agdhi tharwar sâp hôthûs thố thari Ûthlâ Maghšim this ganvâch& 18kházûn Rajkchê Ani châlâm lâgli zaissan ka kaina nahin vichlam Masthiâpar Ani thiâchê baikôpar mångnań thiâlâ. mångathlaṁ guê thiânzün hovam râzâ ani rani Sûthår ani pârdhi thaurà mainə thaiam this ganvachi, ani thim dhôga thari kabûl rêunsim Rajachâ Masthiâlâ bôthlé gud thianchi zhailim.
khusi hai thiâchð mêrê rêvâ l. Rajâchê MasMurad thép thavam thin rélim khuśalin pânthilla thari murad bharim våttom låglên thiêná athan ka zhailam P Rajâcha Masthifcham dhiận sôrára, thithỏ thâzân sangathlar think min saghlam hôthan thiâchð baikôvar knighérá závala ani thianchê baikana jothi évala.

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The jêlê thiânche gânvald Ani thianchê baikâ pârdhi âni süthâr ani thiânchâ thigzani baika jéthi ningale, ani såre thianche dhâsath aniêkê mêrê rêlim khusülin âni zaise ka bhâu ani dhồsath murad khanthi zhaild.
baini parman våparlim thiânchi haiath thavam. Zavan kí the dhprân pộnchlê Rajáchủ | Srê lôkh thiênâ mân mantha karùm lấgiê ; Âni Masthiâchê gânvâlâ think Rajácha Masthiazûn zavani ka mêlê thavan murid thập thaspar sårê tharâvilam kârbári. Atham Râjâchâ Masthia, 18khâzân thiânchi viâdh kôli.
IVA.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
her they were cutting her off from the family. [This chapter was unfortunately lost in transmission
Orbo and Sokhatai resented her language, to India. It has been re-written and ought to be
saying she only spoke in this way because inserted between chapters IV. and V.]
Anbakhai was dead, and suggested that they I have mentioned how Yesgugoi on his death- should abandon her. bed summoned Munlik and bade him tell his The next day Tarkhutai Kiriltukh and Todobrothers and other relatives what had hap- yan Girte raised the camp and abandoned pened. That faithful servant first went to
Khoilun and her children. The old servitor, bring Temujin home, the boy having stayed
Charakh, agreed with them, but Todoyan said, behind with Dai Setzen, the father of his
| “The deep water has dried up and the precious betrothed, when her father set off home again, stone is broken. Wherefore should we cling toHe did not disclose his master's death to Dai gether?" They not only did not heed Charakh's Setzen; it might have been dangerous to do
words but they thrust a spear into his back, 80. He determined to keep silence about it
Temujin went to visit Charakh when lying until he had informed Yessagei's own relatives wounded in his house. The latter said to him : and merely said that Yessugei was very anxious
“They have carried off the people collected by about his son Temujin and had sent him to thy father, when I expostulated with them fetch him.
they wounded me." Temujin wept and then During the spring of the same year, while
withdrew. Khoilun now mounted her horse, the two widows of Hanbakhai or Anbakhai, and having put her standard at the head of a named Orbo and Sokhatai, were offering sacri
lance went in pursuit. She managed to stop fices to their ancestors, Khoilun Yessugei's half the fugitives, but this was only for a short widow arrived too late and was not presented time, for they speedily left her and went and with any of the sacrificial meats. Khoilun joined the Taijuts. complained of this, claiming that as her husband 1 Khoilun, being thus deserted, shewed zeal was dead and her children infants, she was and endurance in bringing up her children, colentitled to share in the meats and by refusing lecting fruit and digging up roots to feed Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 37.
Rashidu'd din says wounded him in the knee with an 1.8. to those of the Royal family.
arrow. • Those sacrifices were great bonds between members • Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 37. of the same family or tribe, and the meats offered at Rashidu'd-din enlls the standard used by Khoilun tug thein were sanctified by having been partaken of by the or tuk. The name is said to be derived from the Chinese spirits of their ancestors, and were duly divided among tau or tu, but it occurs in the famous old Persian work those at the feast. i.e. unable to defend them. the Venulidad in the form taka. The Chinese emperors
5 They are called Anbakhai's sons in note 85 to used such standard made of a yak's tail stained red and the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. Rashidu'd-din makes Tarkhutai fastened to spear, and they gave it as a symbol of the son of Adal Khan, son of Kadan Taishi son of An- authority when conferring the royal dignity upon the bakhai : D'Ohsson, 1-39 note. The same author explains Chiefs of the Turks and other border tribes. Among the Kiriltuk to mean covetous and enviour, while Abulghazi, Western Turks and Persians it has been regularly used who calls him Barghutai Kiriltuk, explains the latter 88 a symbol of military authority, and as the yak is not word as meaning an old man who is becoming decrepid. found there a horse's tail is generally substituted. Erdmann, p. 218, note 2. Todoyan is called Toduan Occasionally these tails are as much as 34 feet long. The Khorchin in the Huang Yuan, Todo Khurja in Hyacinthe's famous Imperial Mongol standard of later days consisted translation of the Yuan-shi and Tudan Kahurji by
letion of the Yuanachi and Tudan Kaurii by of nine white yak tails. There was also a standard of Rashidud-din. According to the latter he was the son 4 black tails called multa by Seanang Setzen: from this of Kadan Taishi and was therefore the brother of Adal Erdmann derives sultan, the name by which the Russians Khan. Erdmann, 218, 259 and note 38.
distinguieh the plumes on Russian helmets. Erdmann, • i.e. Munlik.called Jurkeh Abugan by Rashidu'd-din: Temuduchin, eto. P. 250, and noto 39. D'Ohsson, p. 1: Chalakhai in the Huang Yuan. In the previous chapter note 40. I have written his name Jarakha.

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them with. When they were grown up they all have you done? How came you to act thus had indications that they belonged to a royal when you ought to have been thinking of relineage, and, although scantily fed, grew up venging yourselves on the Taijuts P" Thus did strong and were famous wrestlers. We are Khoilun rebuke her sons." Some time after further told they made a fishing rod of thorns, this Tarkhutai Kiriltuk remarked that Temujin and also made nets with which they caught and his brothers who had been abandoned by fish for their mother in the river Onon. On himself and his people had grown up like wild one occasion when Temujin was fishing with animals, and taking some companions with him his brothers Khasar, Bektur and Belgutei, he went out to ascertain what had become of he secured a golden-coloured fish. Bektur them. Temujin and his mother on their and Belgutei took it away from him, and approach were afraid and went into the forest, Temujin and Khasar complained of this to where he made an arbour out of some branches their mother. She remonstrated" with them for a residence while he hid his two little for quarrelling thus, and remarked that beyond brothers and sister, Khachain, Temuge and their own kin they had no friends, just as a Temulun in the cleft of a rock. Khasar was horse has no lash but his own tail, adding out shooting and encountered the Taijuts, who that if they continued to quarrel they would shouted to him: "We only want your eldest not be able to revenge themselves on the brother, the others we do not want." Temujin Taijuts. Temujin and Khasar were offended overheard this and fled into the wood. The that their mother did not side with them, re- Taijuts went in pursuit as far as the hill Ter. marking that if they were to be always treated guneh. Temajin disappeared in the thick of thus, how were they to live together? Both the wood which was thereupon surrounded by brothers then threw the door-curtain violently the Taijuts. After he had passed three days aside. Bektur at this time sat on a hillock there he determined to leave it, but as he was pasturing his horse. His two offended brothers setting out the saddle fell off unexpectedly, crept up to him, one from before and the other upon which he said to himself, “Granting that from behind, and determined to shoot him. the saddle will sometimes fall off when the Bektur saw them, and asked them if in lieu of girths are tight-How can it do so when the necessity of revenging themselves on the fastened with a breastband also P” The misTaijuts they were going to treat him like you fortune made him think that heaven was would a hair in the eye or a mole on the against his trying to escape. He turned back face. He entreated them at least to spare again and stayed another three days, but just Belgutei, and then drew himself together, sit- | as he was leaving the wood again he noticed ting with his feet drawn up and awaited their that a large white stono, the size of a yurt arrows. They shot at him from before and or tent, had fallen down and closed his path. behind, until he was dead. When Khoilun This seemed another interposition of providence, heard of what they had done she remarked : so he turned again and spent another three " You, Temujin, at your birth held a clot of days. All this time he had eaten nothing. black blood in your hand; you two are like dogs Finally he determined to go out rather than biting your own ribs, like hawks falling on the die there. He accordingly took his knife with rocks, lions boiling with unconquerable hatred, which he made arrows and cut a path round the serpents swallowing your prey alive, eagles stúne which had fallen across the road, along swooping at a shadow, great fish which devour which he led his horse and descended the hill. their prey silently, mad camels biting the heels The Taijuts who were on the lookout caught of their own young, wolves seeking their him and carried him off. Tarkhutai ordered that food in snow and wind, ducks' who, unable to the Chinese wooden collar known as the cangue drive away their young ones, eat them, tigers was to be put upon him, that he was to be takon whose ferocity you cannot restrain. What round to all the various encampments, and
1
10 Yuan-chao-pi-shi, 37, 38.
11 The Altan Topchi says that on another occasion Bektur took a bullfinch which Khasar had shot.
13 Altan Topchi says he was looking after eight geld. inge.
13 Chinese ducks are the symbols of fidelity.
1. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 38-40 ; Ssanang Setzen, p. 65; 1 Altan Topchi.

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kept 24 hours in each. In this way he passed the time till the 16th day of the 14th month which was a celebrated holiday ; on that day the Taijuts made a feast on the banks of the Onon. At sunset, when they scattered to their several houses, they ordered a weak-headed lad to keep watch over Temujin. The latter seized the opportunity and struck the boy with the cangue or wooden collar, knocked him down and then ran away. Having reached a wood by the Onon he entered the river and concealed his body, keeping his face only above water. The Taijuts having learnt of his escape, commenced to search for him in the clear moonlight. Meanwhile Sorkhan Shira of the Sulduz tribe, who was one of the searching party, noticed him and said to him: "It is be
cause you show sagacity like this that the Taijuts hate you--I will not betray you." He passed on and presently as the Taijuts returned he said sarcastically to them: "You have lost a man in the daylight and now you try and find him again in the dark! Let us search new ground where we have not already been, and if we don't find him let us renew it again to-morrow. Where can a man go who is encumbered with a cangue." During this second search Sorkhan Shira again passed close to Temuijin and said to him: “ We are finishing our search for the night and shall renew it tomorrow. Take advantage of this and go, and find your mother, and if you meet any one don't say you have seen me."
(To be continued.)
CORRESPONDENCE. PAMER-BOLOR-OXUS.
Alburz, the modern form of Hara-berezaiti). Ie SIR, -Regarding the significations of the words Bolor therefore Indo-Germanic or Turanian Pamer, Bolor and Oxus given in note 737 of It seems to be generally accepted that Turanian Vol. IV. of the Indian Notes and Queries, I should appellations for localities in the Påmir regions like to make the following remarks :
cannot date before the 6th century of our era; if The word Pamir or Pamer seems to signify, therefore the names Bolor and Pamir can be at present at least, an uninhabited highland found at that time we might suppose them to be Steppe, and is perhaps a Turko-Tartaric word. The Indo-Germanic. Bam-i-dunya, roof of the world, contains several The old Persian name for the Orus was pámírs; for instance, there are the Great, the Wakh, Wakhs, Wakhsha (pronounced Ukhsho?) Little, the Yashil, the Khargüsh, the Riangkul and Wakhshab, and Wakh-Ab, actual names of triand other pamirs. If pámír be an Indo-Germanic butaries of the Oxus. Wakhsh was the name of word, it should be considered that bám, Persian a part of Badakhshân; it joined Khatlån and was for roof, was, in old Persian, bán; and regarding famous for its horses. Wakh, Wakhan, is the the word ar for mountain, old Persian ara, Zend name of a district east of Badakhshän. Oxus is hara, Pehlevi har, “it must remain doubtful the Greek transcription of the Indo-Germanic whether the Zend hara, which is only used for the Wakhsha; Polybius (10,48) writes it Oxos; Strabo, great mountain which surrounds the world is an Ptolemy, and many other writers write Oxos. Indo-Germanic or Semitic word." The Turko- Aqşu (white water) is a modern Turanian appellaTartaric word or, ur, also means high,' and its tion of a small tributary of the Osus. derivatives form height, column, hill, hump, &o. Is The Bolor Chain is the Qizil-Yart Chain of Hay. Pamir then from Indo-Germanic or T'uranian? ward, at the eastern end of the Påmirs, and runs
The word Bolor is not, as the note 737 says, meridionally from the Thian-sban on the north to "another name of the lofty plateau ;" it is the the Kuenlun on the south; it is also called Bulaitname of a mountain chain further east and the dagh, the Cloud-mountain.• Its northern part, name of a district, south or south-west of it. The the Mus-dagh (Ice-mountain), joins the Thian-shan; name however is not known to the natives, or only its southern part is called Tsungling (Onion-moun. to a few, who are Dards, and who call Baltistan tain). The district Bolor is placed by the Si-yuBolor.' It Bolor be an Indo-Germanic name it shui-tao-ki about 44° west of Pekin and in Lat. could hardly be bala + ar; bala in old Persian 37o, 12 days west of Sar-i-Kol and 20 days from was probably barda ;' in Zend it was barza : (cf. Kabul. Its southern part was Balti, the present
Spiegel, Einflus des Semitianus auf das Avesta, p. 56. * Cunningham, Ladok, 84. 3 Dormesteter, Et des Iraniennes, Vol. I. p. 97. • A. von Humboldt.
. Col. Yulo, J.R.A.S. VI. 107, calls it "the somewhat mythical Bolor."
Zeitach. ges. J. Erdkunde, Berlin, 1882, p. 409.

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APRIL, 1888.]
MISCELLANEA.
115
Baltistan.' Hiuen Tsiang in the 7th century calls LA NOTE ON JUDEO-PERSIAN LITERATURE. the Indus the Poliu (Bolor) river, and speaks of SIR, -The Jews of Persia, scattered about in the Kingdom of Pololo (Bolor) as lying south of Yezd, Kerman, Shiraz, Isfahan, Kashân &c., do all Pomilo (Pamir) valley.The T'ang history, speak. their writing and correspondence in the Persian ing of the year 747, mentions Pulu (Balti P) and language but in the Hebrew character. Pomi (Påmir P).20 Ulugh Beg in his Tables places | They have in this way preserved some Persian Bular or Buldreh in Long. 108° (from the Fortu- works not otherwise now to be met with. So far. nate Islands) and Lat.37o. The Zubdet-et-Terodrikh however, I have found little else than stories an of Haidar Razi mentions under A. H. 933, when tales in the Persian language written in the Sultân Sa'id Khân sent his son Rashid Sultan Hebrew character. The Jews have the Divdns into Käferistân, that Bulur (Bolor) was situated of Hafiz, Sa'di, the Khamseh of Nizami, and the west of Yarkand and Kashghar, south of Badakh. prose and metrical works of other popular Persian chân, east of Kábul and north of Kashmir: that authors in their own character. They also have is, it stands for the present KAforistan, or part of a Persian metrical translation of the Pentateuch, it. The Oxus is mentioned as Kwai-shui (the which they say was written by order of Nadir Wakh river) in Sze-mat'sien's Shi-ki of the Shah ; and a few other works in Persian and second century B.C."
Hebrew combined. I hope to communicate the A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER. result of further investigation in this subject. Teheran.
S. J. A. CHURCHILL.
ای کاخ جلال تو از این طارم مينا بیشک بهزاران درجه ارفع واعلا
MISCELLANEA. PERSIAN LITERATURE UNDER THE QAJARS. Some ghazels begin
RUSTEM UL HUKEMA. One of the most prolific, and yet but little known, contributors to the Literature of the early troubled dawn of the dynasty which has for over The Divin also contains qat'ahs, targfbands, a century now successfully assumed the sove and rubd'is. Following the ghazels is a prose reignity of the once mighty empire of the Persians, tract, in which the author states that in A.H, is Muhammed Hashim-ul-Musavi-us-Safavi, 1208 he was in his sixty-eighth year, which styled Rustem-ul-Hukema.
is no doubt a clerical error for twenty-eighth Few biographical details relating to this writer year. In this tract he further mentions that have been discovered. Almost all that is known he collected together his poetical effusions comof him is that which is gleanable froin his own posed prior to this period, and named the Díván literary remains, according to which we learn that in A.H. 1203, in his twenty-third year, he
Isfahan. undertook a journey to Bukhård in order to visit
Besides this work the Rustem-ul-Hukema comhis maternal uncle, Håji Baba Khan, the Divân
posed the following users, which can scarcely Begi; an undertaking which he does not appear to have carried out in its entirety. The Rustem.
be described better than in the author's own ul-Hakemå adopted Asef as his takhallus, or
words: poetical nom de plume. His father's name was Amir Muhammed Hassan, and the family originated from Sbiraz, where Asef was born.
He has a Diván containing qasidehs in honour of Karan Khan, the latter Land rulers and Fath Ali Shah, etc. It begins
The collection was made at مجموعة الفضايل
خلاصه اوامر و نواهي كتب آسماني يعني معف
جايل | و زند و پازند و توریت با برکات و انجیل و زبور پر نور وفرقان مطهر کریم مجید و خلاصه علوم خمسه يعني علم معیشت و علم طب و علم دین وعلم نجوم و علم تعبير در آن مذ کور و مندرج است بطريقه سوال و جواب
اي قادر ذوالجلال دانا
به وزیر و همنا ری مالی
I expect there is a mistake, or rather a clerical
| error, in the second hemistich, which should read
E instead of vazir.
In his fourteenth year he composed a
gran
One of his more important works فارسی الفيه
7 of the Boara: of Ptolemy, VI. 13, 3. * See Yule, J. R. A. 8. VI. 114. it. p. 117. 10 Dr. Bashell, J. R. 4. 8. XII. 530. 11 Kingsmill, J. R. A. S. X. 297, XIV. 78.
(This writer's transliteration remains as he writes it at his own request. It differs from that adopted in this journal generally.-ED.

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116
رستم التواريخ is the
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
; a history of Shah Sultan Husain Safavi, Maḥmad Shah, Ashref Shah Afghân, Shah Tahmâsp, Nâdir Shah, 'Alf Shah, Ibrahim Shah, Azad Khan Afghân, Aba'l-Fath Khân Bakhtiari, Ali Murad Khân Bakhtiari, Fath 'All Khân Afshår; the conquest of Isfahân by Muhammed Hasan Khân Qajar; reign of the Vakil, Karin Khân Land, and 'Alf Murad Khân Land; reign of Baqer Khân Dehqân Khurdskånî Isfahant-who only occupied the throne for a few days-continuation of the Land dynasty under Ja'fer Khan and Lutf 'Ali Khân to the reign of Aqâ Muhammed Khân Qajar.
Following the above are two imitations of wellknown works, viz. l in imitation of Sa'di's Bustán; and, a masnavi in imitation and in the metre of Jelâl-ud-Din ar-Rami's masnavi.
Besides the above Sayyid Hashim is the author
which is a جلوس نامه خاقان: of the following
metrical record of the victory gained by Fath ‘Ali Sh&h over Sadiq Khâu Shaq qi.
a prose relation of the march of بشارت نامه
Aqâ Muhammed Khan on Isfahan.
a mystical poem (masnaví) on Love, in imitation of Mirza Nasir Hakim Bashi's masnavi.
the name of a work purporting to مخزن الاسرار
be a prophetic forecast of events from A.H. 1212 to A.H. 2640, the year of the future Deluge.
I is the title of a collection of 1,500 despatches and letters written for Fath 'Alf Shah and the Princes.
[APRIL, 1888.
consists of astrological forecasts کنز الاحكام
A LIST OF WORKS PRINTED IN PERSIA IN THE ARMENIAN LANGUAGE.
All the following were issued from Presses which existed or exist at Julfa, the Armenian suburb of Isfahan. The dates vary from A.D. 1641
to 1887.
1641.-The Lives of Our Holy Fathers; printed
in special type, on fine paper, in the time of the Archbishop Khachatour the First.
1642.-Prayer Book (same period). 1642.-Psalter; printed by Johannes Vartabed, disciple of Archbishop Khachatour the First, from a new press, with new characters.
1647.-Calendar; written by Simeon Vartabed, printed by Johannes Vartabed. A Bible was commenced, but remained incomplete.
1687.-The Armenian Dogma, and the introduction of schismatic ideas: printed in the time of the Archbishop Stephanos.
1687. "The Book of Discussion;" an apology for the faith; by Alexander Vartabed: printed in the time of Archbishop Stephanos.
1688.-A résumé of arguments against those who believe in the dual nature of Christ; printed in the time of Stephanos.
The above is the only list I have been able to make of the earlier printed books. Since 1872 the following have been published:
Alphabet; Spelling Book; An abridged ArmeThe dib contains the author's ideas nian History; A Catechism by Mesar; Elements of of statesmanship and king-craft. Armenian Grammar; History of the Holy Books; The Duties of a Christian; Description of Ceremonies; History of New Julfa, Vols. I. and II. Biography of the late Archbishop Thaddeus, with a poem on his death; Reader for children; Prayer Book; Biography of Mary Haronteun and her husband; Book of the Mass, Book of Assemblies; Copies of the first Bulls of Macar, the true Catholicos of Armenians; (now in the press) Evidences of Christianity.
and horoscopes.
The author states that his fourteenth production was a wonderful masnavt of fifteen hundred distichs, which unfortunately had been half-eaten up by mice, and he regrets his inability to reconstruct it. Besides the above the Rustem-ulHukems is the author of sundry other productions of scarcely any literary value. His autograph Diván has passed through my hands. Its colophon bore the date A.H. 1248. In the conclusion of that work was a notice of a masnavi the author proposed writing in seven thousand
I believe the above two lists are far from perdistichs, which he intended to call prfect, but so far they are all that I have been able
to get.
and which was to be in four different metres.
S. J. A. C.
Besides the above some Annual Calendars have been published since 1872; I believe to the number of 11 or 12.
SIDNEY J. A. CHURCHILL.

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MAY, 1888.]
KALAS-BUDRUKH PLATES OF BHILLAMA III.
117
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from Vol. XVI. p. 256.) No. 172.-KALAS-BUDRUKU PLATES OF BHIL- high and with a circumference of about 5]" LAMA III.-SAKA-SAMVAT 948.
at the largest part, in the upper balf of which THIS inscription, which was first brought to there is, in relief, a small image, about 1high,
I notice by me in this Journal, Vol. XVI. apparently of Garuda, squatting full-front, p. 43ff., and is now published in full for the first with his hands joined in front of his chest. time, is from some copper-plates that came and with a bird's head and beak. The imago to my notice in 1886. I edit it from the is too much worn, to be reproduced with the original plates, which I obtained, for examina- lithograph of the plates.-The weight of the tion, though the kindness of Mr. G. Wad. three plates is 3331 tolas, and of the ring dington, Bo.C.S. They were found in a plot and image, 41% tolas; total, 375) tolas. of land belonging to Gangadhar Trimbak The average size of the letters is about a Kuļkarni,-in whose possession, I presume,
The characters are those of the Souththey now are,-at the village of Kalas-Bud.
Indian Nagari alphabet of the period. The rakh,' about three miles east by south of
decimal signs for 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, and 9, occur in Akôlêń, the chief town of the Akôlêr Taluka
the numbering of the plates, and in the date, or Sub-Division of the Ahmadnagar Distriot
in line 15.-The language is Sanskrit through. in the Bombay Presidency.
out. Except for the opening words On Ó The platos, of which the first and last are
namah Sarvajñáya, the inscription is in verse as inscribed on one side only, are three in number,
far as line 14. From there, to the end, the each measuring about 113' by 7f". The
formal part of it is in prose; with the introducedges of them were fashioned somewhat thicker
tion of some of the usual benedictive and imthan the inscribed surfaces, with corresponding
precatory verses in lines 22 to 27, 48 to 53, 55 depressions inside them, so as to serve as rims
to 59, and 60-61 ; and with a final verse in to protect the writing; and the inscription is
line 61-62, recording the name of the writer of in a state of very good preservation through
the charter.-In respect of orthography, we out. The plates are thick and substantial;
have to notice-(1) the general use of the and the letters, though fairly deep, do not
anusvára, instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in shew through on the reverse sides of them at
árngas, line 1; charnelra, line 2; disantu, line all. The engraving is fairly good; but, as
| 2-3; pashcha, line 16; mananvá, line 46; usual, the interiors of some of the letters shew
though the proper nasal occurs in samanta, marks of the working of the engraver's tool. line 10; Anandanaśchandra, line 12; asphôțayanti,
The plates are numbered; the first, just before line 24; manamvá, line 36; and other places ; the opening symbol of the inscription; the -(2) the use of v for b, throughout, e.g. in second, on the second side of it, just before the savda, line 16; pravala, line 19, and vráhmabeginning of line 31 ; and the third, half-way naih, line 39; -and (3) an occasional use down, opposite line 55. In the first plate, the of 3 for á, e.g. in saurya, line 8; sásvata, ring-hole was first made at the top; but it was line 20 ; and parásara, line 28. then filled in again, and a fresh hole was made
The insoription opens with an invocation at the bottom, according to the usual arrange- of the god Śiva under the name of ment. The plates are held together by # Sarvajña (line 1), followed by a verse in praise roughly circular ring, about thick, and of Brahman, Vishna, and Siva, under the and 2 in diameter. It had not been cut names of Hiranyagarbha (1. 2), Achyuta, and when the grant came into my hands. The Chandramauli. It then relates that, in the ends of the ring are secured in the thicker end lineage of Yadu (1.3), there was born a of a pear-shaped mass of copper, about 2 'king' named Sounachandra. His son was
Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 38. Lat. 19° 32' N.; Long. 74° 9' E.
• The 'Akola' and 'Ankola' of maps, &c.

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118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1888.
Dhadiyappa (1. 5). His son was Bhillama of Samgamika (1. 39), on the south, by the I. His son was Raja 1. 6), or perhaps village of Tamraprastara (1. 40), on the west, Sriraja. His son was Vaddiga (1. 7). And by the village of Thaha, and on the north, by his son was Bhillama II. (1. 8); whose wife the river Payodhara (1. 41). The terms and was Lakshmi (1.9), "wbo illumined the conditions of the grant are detailed in lines Yadava and Rashtrakata families." Their 41 to 45. Lines 45 to 61 contain an order son was Vesů (1. 10), "a very jewel of a that no obstacle shall be raised to the enjoySúmantu." And his son was Bhillama III. ment of the grant by Maņam va and the other (1. 12), whose capital was Sindinagara (1. 13). Brahmans; followed by the customary bene
The inscription then records (1. 48) that, in dictive and imprecatory verses and precepts. Saka.Samvat 948, the Krûdhana samvatsara, And the concluding verse, in lines 61-62, the Vahásámanta Bhillama III., who had records that the charter was written, at the attained the panchamahasabda (l. 16); who command of Bhillama III., by Harichandra, was born in the Vishnuvaṁsa or lineage of the son of Rudrapandita. Vishnu (1. 17); and who had the biruda of Of the places mentioned in this inscription, Yadava-Narayana,-bearing in mind the pre- Sindinagara, the capital of the family, is cepts (1. 18-27) of Parağara (1. 28), Daksha, evidently identical with the Sindinėra menKutsa, Ångirasa, Götama, Manu, Yajñavalkya, tioned in line 6 of the inscription of Sêunachanand other great sages,-having bathed in the dra II., of Saka-Samvat 991, ante, Vol. XII. river Devanadi (1. 32), which adorned the p. 219ff. Sindinêra has been identified by city of Sindinagara (1. 29-30) just as the Dr. Bhagwanlal Indrajiwith the modern Mandakini or heavenly Ganges adorns Amara-Sinnar, the chief town of the Sinnar Taluka vati or the city of the immortals, having or Sub-Division of the Násik District. And offered a libation to the pitsis, or manes of his this identification is fully borne oat by the deceased ancestors (1. 33); having presented record in the present inscription that Sindi. an argha-offering of water, mixed with red nagara was adorned by the river Devanadi. water-lilies, to the Sun (1. 34); having done Dév, 1.e. Dovanadı, is the name of a small worship to the god Sambhu ; and having duly river or stream which unites with the Siv, i.e. performed the rites of a hóma-sacrifice,-poured Sivanadi, close below the town of Sinnar;' water (1. 39) into the hands of the Meha- the two together, under the name of Dêvanadi, pralkána Mañamvankyaka (1. 38), the great- flow on and join the Godavari about five miles grandson of Sribhatta who came originally south-east of Nândûr-Madhmeswar, passing on from the bhatta-village of Takkarika in the the way a large village named Dévapur. Kalaba, Madhyadeba or Middle Country (1. 35) and the village granted, is the modern Kalas-Budbelonged to the Madhyamdina sálhd and the rukh, three miles east by south of Akôler, Bharadvaja gótra, and into the hands of twenty- and about twenty-one miles south by east of five other Brihmaņs (1. 39) who resembled him Sinnar. Sangamika, which bounded it on in merit, but whose names are not given, and the east, is evidently the modern Samgamner, presented to them the village of Kalaba (1. 45), -through the form Samg amanagara,--the which was bɔanded on the east by the village chief town of the Samgamner Talukâ in the
In line 9 of the Bassein grant of Saka-Samvat 991, rublished by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, ante, Vol. XII. p. 119 1., her name is given in the Prakrit form of Lasthiyavva, and she is said to be the daughter of Jbaüjha, and to belong to the Rashtrakuța lineage.
It is perhaps also mentioned, as Sindigrama in lines 30 and 328. of the same inscription. The published version gives Sinhigråma' in line 30, and, in line 329., * Simsigrima' in the text, and Sindi village in the translation.-Other instances of the corruption of the Sapskrit nagara into the Prakrit nera or nêr, are afforded by Ainnner, Jemnér, Ner, Pimpalner, and Thâlner in the Khandesh District; Pärner and Sangamner in the Ahmadnagar District; and Sivaner (a hill-fort) in the Poona District. A similar corruption of nagart into miri, is found in the name of Abjaneri in the Nasik
District. And Nonore,' in the N Asik District, about twenty-three miles west of Malégaum, seems to represent either Nôner (nava-rajara) or Nôneri (nara-nagari). sante, Vol. XII. p. 124.
• The Sinnur' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 38; Lat. 19° 50 N.; Long: 74° 3' E.-With the further corruption here of wir into rar, we may compare the name of Junnar in the Poona Dietrict.-A note in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. N Asik, p. 648, tells us that "Sinnar is almost invariably called Sindar by the peasantry."
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. Nasik, p. 648; see also p. 8.
i.e. the larger, penior, older, or original, Kalas, as opposed to Kalos-Khurd just on the north of it, on the other side of the river Pravard.

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MAY, 1888.]
KALAS-BUDRUKH PLATES OF BHILLAMA III.
119
Ahmadnagar District. The village of Tamra- the sixty-Year Cycle; and, since the English prastare, which bonnded it on the south, has equivalent of the given tithi of the Púrninow disappeared. Thuha, which bounded it mánta northern Kårttika would be about a on the west, is the modern Thagaum-Budrakh, month earlier, when there was no solar eclipse, two miles to the west by north. Payodhara, with the Amante southern arrangement of the river which bounded it on the north, must the lunar fortnights. Also, unless we choose be the old original name of the modern Pra- to assume a mistake in the number of the vard, which flows by just to the north of given year, in deliberately writing the year Kalas-Budrakh, and joins the Mahalungi or 948 instead of 947, in words as well as in MÅlungi at Sangamner.
figures, which assumption is quite unnecesThe fall details of the date, which, in line sary, since, even to the present day, in some 14f., is recorded both in words and in decimal | parts of Southern India the reckoning of the figures, are, by literal translation, -"in nine Saka era is the system of current years, 10-this centuries, inoreased by forty-eight, of the record furnishes & clear instance of the years that have gone by from the time of the quotation of a current Saka year. It is Saka king; or, in figures 948; on the occur. true that an eclipse of the sun occurred again rence of an eclipse of the sun in (the month) on Saturday, the 12th November, A. D. 1026, Karttika (October-November) of the Krodhana which answers, again in accordance with the samvatsara." The samvatsara in question is Amánta southern reckoning, to the same tithi one of the years of the Sixty-Year Cycle of of Saka-Samvat 949 current, or 948 expired. Jupiter. And, by the Southern System of this But the chief guide as to the period in which we cycle, the Krôdhana sasivatsara, current, was have to find the eclipse, is given by the name identical with Saka-Samvat 947 expired, and of the saivataara ; and, as I have said, the 948 current. With the basis of Saka-Samvat 947 Krôdhana sanhvatsara, by the Southern System," expired, and according to the Amánta southern was Saka-Samvat 947 expired, and 948 current, arrangement of the lunar fortnights, I find, from equivalent to A.D. 1025-26 current. If we Prof. K.L. Chhatre's Tables, that the given tithi, were to accept the eclipse of the 12th Novemviz. the new-moon tithi of the month Karttika ber, A.D. 1026, which would be the correct of Saka-Sauvat 948 current, ended on Tues- one for Saka-Samvat 948 as an expired year, day, the 23rd November, A.D. 1026, when we should have, either to understand that the there was an eclipse of the sun; and, as Kródhana saivatsara also is intended to be the tithi ended, approximately, at 4 ghatis, taken as expired, which would be, to say the 40 palas, or 1 hour, 52 minutes, after mean least, an absurd way of quoting it; or else Bunrise at Bombay, there would be nothing in to correct the name of the saivatsara from the time to prevent the eclipse being visible at Krodhana into Kshaya, which is in itself hardly Bombay and to the east of it. By the Northern justifiable, and is in fact wholly unnecessary, System of the cycle, the Krôdhana samvatsara because, as we have seen, a suitable eclipse of was current, according to the Tables, at the the sun did occur, on the given tith, in the commencement of Saka-Samvat 946 corrent Krodhana saivatsara. It is also true that the (A.D. 1023-24); and, from some Tables and word atita occurs in the compound Saka-uriparules drawn up by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, I kál átita-sarivatsara-satéska; and that it is not find that it commenced on Thursday, the 22nd always easy to decide whether the use of it in November, A.D. 1022, and was followed by the this and similar compounds does, or does not, Kshaya sasivatsara on Monday, the 18th Novem- qualify the exact number of the year. In some ber, A.D. 1023. But there was no eclipse of cases, indeed, unless we assume the omission of the sun, on the given tith, in this period ; nor a separate word meaning "having expired," after it, before the 23rd November, A.D. 1025. it would seem that the use of it in the comIt is evident, therefore, that in this record wepoand renlly is intended to mark the exact are concerned with the Southern System of given year as an expired year. But the word • See Indian Eras, p. 214.
"See Indian Eras, p. 171, and Patoll's Chronology, 10 Seo "Note on the Epoch of the Saks Era," which p. 133. will appear shortly in this Journal

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1888.
gatéshu sometimes occurs, as a separate word, System, Saka-Samvat 930 expired, and 931 in addition to atita in the compound; e.g. in current. In the present case, the separate the Kauthêm grant of Vikramaditya V., where word gatéshu, or any equivalent of it, does not we have (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 24, line 61f.) occur. And there is nothing to prevent our Saka-nripa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-satêsbu navagu understanding that atita, in the compound, trimsad-adhikêshu gatshu 930 pravartamâna- qnalifies only in a general way the years of the Saumya-samvatsare, &c. The Saumya sanhvat- era ; and does not give a definite meaning of sara of that record really was, by the Southern expired years to the exact year that is indicated,
TEXT."
First Plate. 10m Ôn Namaḥ Sarvvajõâya 11 Sanktan" angås=tridas-ânat-Ambrayó Hiraṇya
garbh-Achyuta2 Chamdramô(man)layah 11(1) atpatti-raksha-pralay-aika-hêtav8 niháêsha-visvasya-fivam
diśam3 tu vah || Sriman's-asti samasta-viáva-mahitah brêgån=Yador=anvayas-tasmin=Sauna4 chandra ity anupamo jataḥ pratapi nripahi tasmat=sûnur=anûna-kirttir=ajani sri5 Dhadiyapp-Ahvayo vidhvast-Ahita-sambatir=nnarapatir=jjatas-tató Bhillamaḥ (W) Tasma6 d-abhůd-bhüri-gun-ânavadyaḥ śri-Raja-nâmá naradêva-vandyah jậtas-tataḥ sûnur
arati-tu. 7 la-divinaló Vaddiga-bhumipalah | Tasmd="dugdha-mabármnavád=iva sast visvam sa8 mudbhâsayan=simâ sau(sau)rya-rasasya Bhillams-nțipaḥ sa mgrâma-Râmô=bhavat it
tasy-asij-ja9 gad-archchaniya-charita Lakshmir-mmanah-prêyasli ya ári-Yadava-Rashtrakata
kulayðræjjA10 tf samadyôtinl | Vesa"-nam-anupama-mahima tasya samanta-ratnam dharmmi
dhimân-sama11 jani sato Bhillamasy-atha tasya , tasy=&py=asid-asama-sukrito vikram nyak
krit-ari12 h putraḥ pâtram visada-yaśaso nitimân=Bhillam-akhyah # Anandanao-chandra
ivs prajârâm 13 yas-cha pratapi savit=i(8)va rojê 11(1) tasya prasid dha bhuvi råjadhani vibhất
Si[th*]dinagar-Asidhand to 11 14 0 Athal Baka-nfipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-Batéshu navasv=ashtachatvari
[*]bad-adhik[*]shv=arka15 to-pi #1 948 || Krodhana - saravatsara" - Karttika - samjat - Adityagrahand
Second Plate; First Side. 16 Samadhigatapamchamahảšavda(bda)mahasâmamt-aikakamkhadhvanivavirita "bhuvanantai
råla17 Sri Vishnuvamiaprasata - YadavaNarayan - adi - rajkvall - virajita - Sri Bhillams - rå18 jah Asâratám samskrasya | asthiratâm yauvanasya | kshanikatan vibhavasya
visha-visha19. matari vishaya-sakhasya prava(ba)la-pavana-vasa-chalita-taru-sikhara-gata-parinata-pha. From the original plates.
there stands a cirole divided into four parts by two lines 13 This om is represented by a symbol ; the repetition
crossing each other at right angles in the centre. --The of it is in ordinary writing.
same symbol, but with a matra above it, occurs in line * Metre, Slóka (Annahțubh).
62, at the end of the whole inscription, and a somewhat 15 Metre, Sardúlavikridita. 16 Metre, Indravajra.
similar one in line 61.-A symbol of the same kind, in a
Gw Alior inscription, has been reproduced, ante, Vol. XV. * Metro, Sardalavikridita.
p. 202. 1 Metro, Mandskrántá. 2 Metre, Upajati of Indravajrd and Upendra ajra.
The ta was first engraved between the tra and » Read abhidhana.
the ring-hole, and then, not being satisfactory, was
repeated. Between this mark of panctuation and the following,
5 Read badhirita.

Page #133

Kalas-Budrukh Plates of Bhillama 111. ---Saka-Samvat 948.
इजना सहा वासलातजागा जोन ताकाचा दिन पानी की ने १ पुलाला उत्पविरका पलटा काल्तावानिशंगटा विरसा (स्ट (जन
स्मा श्रीमान विना मारिन दिता गयाख्यान (दारखाना रिमाको काग +डतातुपामाजान पतापोर पानरमाल लूल बज की बिरजनिशी
जस्प्णिक (याविना हिलतहानिर्वच प निऊनिस्तता विहानहातमा दूर बिगु गाल दरासाजना माननादववाहातच तःसर मानित लहा वाजाला व विशाल आयाल निगमायुरामलाई नादितस्यता विगामी शुराधा श्रीमाला नसरा हिल मालापानमा नान्ह वातास्यासी र
कारही जीवननिमाल जीनोटा या बीयाद व ना ग कटकल या 10 मार्नु हो तिनीविनामीनप्पसम-दि.मा उस्मानामनवमातीमा
निराति मा उतरनिटणा यस्ता सामान वितमीनामा 12:घुवया व विपद व रासाला नि मानिन्नमारा शायनम्नख
या प्रतापरावितिवरेनेतरामद्वाराविना डाली विनातिबीचमामालिताना जाल मजकन, एकालातीन राजा नमुन नाम शाजना (स्यान तिकीत ।। ना (५) ४ ८ को तनत व
लाक्रानजाता(दाणे (N
लिमाटीमा मनामक नवनानि त विचितच वनानमाल श्रीविन व परवतयार बनोलाटाणा दिनाकावनी दिर कितीहिलमा उः॥मगार ताटारमानमनिरतायोवम शाह (लक नाविक वस्या विविध मता ति यसुरवरयायवल पन नवववलिनंतर (समद वगा तपशिलताका लवनिहिानयातनता जीवितसाताकलया केवलवसवला हातममणि या पानात००तिनिटातमवार्यतानवाकृतना हायान कालो दान मे त य ।। सन मिनुजानतथास्पाला विज्ञान तदासपलदिनाचबाउन्नया 37 हालवालालारा सात धनेर वनविप्लवी सीताशातः लातवटांनिनवदनाकालनगार जहीनदयावसासाराटपनि ने जोवन (नस (पतानसाहमिलामलेदातः सनःसंतान विष्णतान (मदाः। नसीब ना पवनु(गावापामसानमाया नात्र नागदावन ।। तागलपवा निदानस्यमदोहतास जिदानापणालिया लपुनरः।
गानिका पारकला (समायाममनु यादवल्का पनवमहानुनच नानिसानारावामानातावासालानगुन कलानिङवासाजवटा बासी धनरा चामरावती तिवाटयाने नावालानु कादवा व एकटसल गालन ।
30
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
SCALE •60

Page #134

मदॉवदा सिता लानने उनार कादवालाना जित विवाद नाजीव रेणु मा।। 32 जी मादितयुएण्डाधितडाला याविनसुतोटापामा किनमा निवाद व ना।
या विवस्त्राने विजयिनपोरगावक्र कामल (भर लावा निगार नाक 34 मालगायर कालिप्रारुपति (इ.सोनकायःसु ततिनियवान युरोप
तणावगुरजना मगर सानातिट कालिकासहगामवि 36HIनकासारवाडगावशारुहातवान विषवरमन प्रलीप दाना
जीसीवनात सुपायवाटाकास्त्रानयानपवनयज्ञादियोरा छान रवायाम मानाद विमानावयामपटा हसननाटा कोटा
telaमरा वादा (पःसहसमलकातामादकताप्रवाहाटासहीत 40 यामटहिसायाचनापत्रस्यामगावनमाणमतवदथानमुतजसा
Edमामी उसापा टाल इनसामसपारसजससमावर्मतसवजया 42 तास टाकावसयतकानुकाविषयावर कापील पनविकी तराग
टी काउल्सलग्न नाकारतानाषयासादसायुरोटीतसबायजानसहित नमसामनवातावरपुत्र पोवा नालापायामसाट यासर्वदा हिट योटा द्रवात व तिस पाहा तक लानामानयाम यद दा।। नाता
'मलवदिलास्तगालागायतकनी वीस तानानासो त यात्रा वा छठप कर्षसताना प्राप्त हो जातिलाना प्रति दिखता पायोना च पिता कबजायत मोनु विनिमयानी करताना माननार दीना रास्त्रमा(ग निर्मा.लाउल्लानिन तितवान का नामद वागुन सादर न। व कल सुमनुवाराज या ना(द
तिस्राधसादास मनसा तराना प्रलं सालादाननिमायाम.सामानमा पालनाविजय पानात गंवा निताना तिनाया घान्यास यामानातवानदवा नाका नोटिता कुर्नया गा काल कालवालली यान्तवाशना किलिकालसालान लतोटाईदाजापदाको तिमत्तापातायात के लियतालि सदवाररतावा (या से रेतवंसदमा (पष्ठित सत्याग दिएका डा जाना hone वी व तायामुगुष्वाकालवा (सनम हाशयाटूिडाघातजनना होसियतै ति का यकलिझम्मेत तयाम गुलनामा टाटा
मसाबायाटना जयमाया तापवमत सदरो (ए वाकाटीय रातिनाशवानका प्रदाननत नि सुनि।। तिमनि टन ना निमत्राला विसर्ने प्रतिनिहलान Vवकानातक सिलमानःपात (
तम इंसाकावा प्रवरंगजाताचप्पुरवंत मनवमी (E पालयिषा तितु मो समय तालिम दिनमामातबाम वतना लिमन पान सा मन मिति सातनं ६वत पतामाहवासा तावनति त हा ( |

Page #135

MAY, 1888.)
KALAS-BUDRUKH PLATES OF BHILLAMA III.
121
20 la-van-nischita-patanatâm jivitasya ch=âkalayya kêvalam dharmma @va sâ(sa)śvata
sarmmaņe 21 saṁpadyata iti niyatam=avadharya cha tatha Kțita-Trêta-Dvâparêbhyaḥ Kalau
dânam=éva pra22 samsanti manayah || Na" tatha sa-phalâ vidyâ na tatha - saphalam dhanam
yathả tu munayah pra23 huræddânam=êkam Kalau yugê !! Agner"-apatyam p rathamam savarņņam
bhûr-V vaishṇavi sürya-sutas-cha gåvah 24 lôka-trayam têna bhavêt=pradattam yaḥ kârchanam gâm cha mahîmi cha
dadyât 11 Âsphôţayanti pita25 rô valgamti cha pitâmahảhi bhůmi-dô=smat-kulê jâtaḥ sa naḥ samtârayishyati 11
Bhumi-da26 naṁ su-pâtrêshu su-tîrthêshu su-parvvasul agadh-âpå ra-samsara-sågar-ôttaranam
bhavêta(t) 11 27 Dhavalany-âtapatrâņi dartinas-cha mad-8ddhatahi bhumi-danasya pushpâni
phala svarggê Purandarah" ! 28 Ity-adini Parâsa(sa)ra-Daksha-Kuts-Âmg irasa-Götama-Manu-Yåjñavalkya-prabhsiti
mahamuni-vacha29 nâni samyag-aragamya mâtâpitrôr=âtmanaś=cha sakala-nija-vamśasya cha srêyasê śrî-Si2 30 ndinagar - Amaravatî - vibhúshâyâm - Airavan - ânukâri - vârana - katasthala - galita
- Second Plate; Second Side. 31 mada-gandha-vâsitâyâm narêmdra-vsindaraka-dev-archchan-ô chita-vikacha-råjiva-rêņu-ra32 jî-rajita-punya-pumjâyita-jalâyâm prathita-sutîrthâyår Manda kinyam=iva Dovanadyam 33 krita-yathavidhe(dhi)-snânô vihita-pitsi-tarppaņô rakta-kamala-miśrê na våriņå datv-argha34 m-adityâya bhakty=abhipajya Sambhum pravihita-hôma-karyah su-kritibhiḥ
pradhana-parushaiḥ pa35 rivșitô gļihîta-garujan-ânujñaḥ śri-Madhyades-antahpâti-Takkarikabhattagrâma
vinirgga36 ta-Madhyandinaśkkha-Bharadvajagtra-Sribhattabhidhana-vipravara-pranaptrê
Padmanabha37 naptré sri-Srivatsanayaka-gutaya svadhyaya-snâna-dana-panchabhůtayajň-adi
grihastha-dharmmann. 38 shthana-ratâya mahåpradhana-pada-virajitâya sri-Maņamv-abhidhana-nîyakaya tad
guņaih pa[m*]39 cha-vimsatibhiḥ su-vri(brá)hmanaih saha parama-bhaktyå hast-8dakam kritvå
pūrvvabhaga-gata-Samgamika40 grâma dakshiņabhaga-gata-Tamyra'prastara-gråmam paśchimabhaga-gata-Thaha
gråmam-attarabhaga-stha41 Payodhard-nadikam chataraghât-palakshitam -dramgam s-[6*]parikaram sa-síma
paryamtam sa-vriksha-ma42 A-kulat sa-triņa-kishthar sa-prabhsitik-anuka-vishay-asrayam, sarid-vâpi-kāpa-kupika
tadâga43 dirghika-jalasthala-khany-akara-mrid-vanaushadhi-prisada-gôpur-pêtam sarvv-Ayasthana
sahitam 44 namasyam-a-kara-vat-êttaram putra-pantr-ady-anvay-Opabhôgyam-a-châta-bhata-praveśam
pûrvvadatta-dvija45 daya-dêvadâya-varjjam vasad-bhôjya-vșittim Kalaba-namânaṁ grâmam pradadau ||
Tadeesham * Metre, Slôka (Anushţubh).
97 Read purandara. 25 Metre, Indravajra.
* These two syllables, crisi, probably owe their coarse * Metre, Sloka (Anushțubb); and in the next two and blurred shape to some latent fault in the copper.
9 Read támra.
verses.

Page #136

122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Third Plate.
46 Maṇamv-âdi-vrâ (brâ)hmaṇânâm s-ânvaya-va (ba)mdhûnâm svaya[m*]-bhujânânâm bhôja
yatâm và krisha tâm
47 karshayatâm và yath-êshtam pratidiśatâms pratidéśayatâm và kền=api paripamthang 48 na karttavya Yata uktam mahâ-munibhiḥ (1) Yan-iha dattâni purâ narêndrair-ddânâni dharmm-â
49 rtha-yasas-karâni nirmâlya-tulyani bhavamti tâni kô nâma datvâ punar-âdadita II Va(ba)
50 hubhi[r]=vvasudha bhukta ga(ra)jabhiḥ Sagar-âdibhiḥ yasya yasya yadi bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ
51 phalam | Sadyô-dânama nirâyâsam s-âyâsam tasya pâlanaṁ êvaṁ tu munayaḥ prâhur-ddânât-tat-pâla
52 nam varam | Sarvvân -tân=bhavinah parthivêmdrân=bhủyô-bhuyô yachatê Ramadêvaḥ sâmânyô-yam dharmma-sê
53 tur-nṛipâṇâm kâlê-kâlê
pâlanîyê bhavadbhiḥ | Ity-arthitô-pi Kali-kâla-vasâ (śâ)l=
lôbh-âbhi
54 bhûtô yaḥ pûrvva-dân-âpahâram karôti sa
lipyatê II
55 Sva-dattâm para-dattâm vâ yô harêta vasundharam shashti-varsha-sahasrâni vishṭhâyâm jâyatê krimiḥ || 56 Vindhy-atav ishv-atôyâsu śushka-kotara-vasinaḥ
mah-âhayo hi jayamtê bhûmi-dân
Apa
kaśchid-d harmma-samchayah | arddh
[MAY, 1889.
57 hârinah Satyam yajña-hutam ch-aiva yah âmgalêna simâyâm haranê
58 na praṇasyati (11) Asva-m[ê*]dha-sahaśrê(srê)pa vâjapêya-satêna [cha] gavam
pamcha-mahâpâtakair=upapâtakais-cha
kôti-pradânêna bhûmi-ha
59 rttâ na su(su)dhyati | Iti mani-vachanâni matvâ bhâvibhir-nṛipatibhir-ddharma35lôbha eva karttavyah | Punar-api éri
60 Bhillama-rajaḥ prarthayati | Chha | Mad-vamsa-ja vâ para-vamsa-ja và yê punyavamtô mama dharmmam-ênam | pra61 pâlayishyamti nṛipâh samagram krit-âmjaliḥ Vachanad-Bhillama-nṛipatêh sa (sa)
s-âdaram-asmi têshâm 1138 |
62 sanam-iti Rudrapandita-sutêna |
vrâ(brå)hmana-hita
hêtavê rachitam ||* ||
Harichamdra-nâma-vidushâ
Another noteworthy event of this period is the production of a medical work in the Sanskrit language by king Buddhadâsa, who reigned
THE VICISSITUDES OF THE BUDDHIST LITERATURE OF CEYLON.
BY THE REV. T. FOULKES. (Continued from p. 104).
30 This anusvára is imperfect, and looks very much like an attached to the v of vardhanath in the line above. 31 Metre, Indravajra. 33 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh); and in the next verse. 33 Metre, Śâlini.
3 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh); and in the next three
34
verses.
This rma was at first omitted, and was then inserted above the line, below the ga of gaváth in the line above, with a cross-mark over the place to which it belongs.
30 Or tha; the same sign, in these characters, represents both letters. It may stand for chhaḥ, cutting,
in the middle of the 4th century A.D., which was still extant when the Mahavamsa was written. The special significance of this book
dividing; a part, a fragment;' or for thaḥ, preserving, preservation; auspiciousness; a prayer for the welfare of another."
37 Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajra. 3 Between this mark of punctuation and the following there stands a circle divided in half by a line passing vertically through the centre.
39 Metre, Arya.
40 See note 21 above.
A.D. 339 to 368. Turnour, 245; Introd., p. lxii. The record of this work is confined to the Turnour Mahavarsa.

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MAY, 1888.]
BUDDHIST LITERATURE OF CEYLON.
123
is, that its royal author, living at a time when, work in the Sanskțit language, which had with this single exception, the existence of originally belonged to Buddha's own famous Sanskrit books in Ceylon is not mentioned by Jêtavana monastery at Sråvasti." He remained the native authorities, should have chosen this three years at this place studying the Sanskrit language for a book whose practical subject language, reading Sanskrit books, and showe that he wrote it for more or less public copying this great work and other Buddhist use. It affords reason for the conclusion that, books in the same language which he found whether known or unknown to the chroniclers, there. He subsequently spent two years at the Sanskrit language was cultivated in Ceylon Tâmralipti, copying similar books and sketching at this time, and that books written in that Buddhist images, and he then embarked for language were sufficiently well-known there in Ceylon." the 4th century A.D.
It is important to remark here that the very Both recensions of the Mahávansa attribute ancient copy of the Vinaya, which Fa-Hian to this king's reign translations of some unmen- found in the capital of the Magadha countrytioned portions of the sacred books of Bud- the supposed home of the Pali language, "the dhism into the vernacular Sinhalese language." speech of Magadha," and the alleged vernacuThe Upham recension adds that these transla- lar of Buddha's own discourses-was written tions were made from PÂli texts; but the in the Sanskrit language, as were also the Turnour recension and the Rajaratnákari** other Buddhist scriptures which he found there. do not uphold this latter statement; and, if Bud- It is equally clear that such imperfect portions dhaghosha's Pâli texts were the earliest appear of the Vinaya as had reached China before ance of books in that language in Ceylon, that Pa-Hian started on this journey were also statement cannot be accepted. The Rájávali written in that language, * and the books does not mention these translations ; but it which he subsequently copied in Tâmralipti states that this king provided books and and Ceylon were in the same language; all of preachers for the villages in his dominions. which he "edited” op his return home, with
We have now reached a very interesting epoch the assistance of the Chinese Sanskrit scholars in the history of this literature, namely, the of Nankin. All this may not be absolately visits of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim FA-Hian decisive of the question of the original lanand the famous Páli scholar Buddhaghosha. guage of the Buddhist canonical scriptures : Fa-Hian went to Ceylon in A.D. 411 by the but it has considerable importance in the insea-route, from the mouth of the Gauges, and vestigation of that question, especially as no spent two years in the island. He had come equally trustworthy evidence has yet been to India from China by the long land-route to discovered of the existence of any portion of the north of the Himalayas, in order to search the Buddhist canon in the Pali language as for an authentic copy of the Vinaya, one of the early as this period." three great divisions of the Buddhist canonical It is also worth while pausing to remark scriptures;" and although he had visited many that Fa-Hian found the teachers of the Budmonasteries in his route, he had been unsuccess- dhist monasteries of Mongolia, Afghanistan, ful in his search antil, after five years' wander- the Pañjáb, and North-Western India, as far ings, he reached Patalipatra, the modern down as Pataliputra, teaching their pupils the Påtna, the home of the great Asoka and his standard works of their religion by word of missionary son Mahinda, where he found in mouth;" although it was from these same one of its monasteries a venerable copy of that countries that the books which they so taught ** Upham, I. 238 ; Turnout, 1
of Hinen Tsiang; and also Dr. Edkins' Chinese Bud* Upham, II. 129.
Tb. II. 241.
dhism, p. 401 #f. 50 Fa-Hian's Travels, Chap. XXXII. By means of 65 Fa-Hian, chap. XL. these general references to the chapters of Fa Hian's book 56 Tho supposition that Pali books existed in China, the reader will be able to consult any one of the versions which originated in an error of Gatzlaff (Sketch of which may be most convenient to himself.
Chinese History, I. 250, and another work quoted in For Fa-Hian, chap. XXXVI.
tune's Wanderings, P. 186), may now be regarded as 19 Fa-Hian, chap. XXXVI.
exploded. [See Medhurst's China, its State and Pros53 Fa-Hian, chap. XXXVII.
pects, p. 206, and Edkins op. cit. sup. p. 409). It seems 6. For illustrations of Fa-Hian's statements on this also high time to discard the idea that the Pali of the subject, see the Rev. Samuel Beal's Introduction to his Southern Buddhists was at any time the spoken language translations of the works of this Chinese traveller and of Magadbe.
57 Fa-Hian, chap. XXXVI.

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had been brought to China during the previ- | materially from the statements of the other
ous four centuries, and copies of them were still in existence in Pataliputra, Tâmralipti and Ceylon at this very time. This circumstance affords to my mind a sufficient solution of the Sinhalese paradox of the exclusively oral transmission of these books down to the 1st century B. C. The kind of oral teaching which Fa-Hian had himself passed through in his youth in China, and which he now found in use amongst the northern Buddhists, while the books were there also, may be accepted as the practice which we still find in all indigenous Hindu schools, and which has existed in them at all times; but at no time did this kind of teaching necessarily presuppose the contemporaneous or previous non-existence of the books which were so taught.
authorities, but its elaborate details strongly suggest that it is the interpolated work of some later commentator rather than the original words of the continuator of the Mahavansa. To enter fully into these conflicting statements would occupy too much space here, but that which arises out of the spirit of the whole of the traditions regarding him is the predominating circumstance of his intimate connection with the traditions of the Pâli language.
He appears also to have been the first to present the Buddhist canonical scriptures in the Pâli dress in which they have since his time been preserved by the Southern Buddhist nations. The Turnour Mahavansa makes his work to be a translation of these scriptures into Pâli, from a version made into Sinhalese by the royal monk Mahinda in the 3rd century B.C.; but this statement does great violence to the whole current of the other more consistent traditions. We shall not be in error probably in supposing the books which he found in Ceylon to be the very same, or similar, Sanskrit books as Fa-Hian had seen there so recently before, and that Buddhaghôsha's special work, apart from his original compositions, consisted in transliterating the Tripitaka and its commentaries out of the Sanskrit language into the more amenable form of the Pâli Prâkrit, and so adapting them for popular use. The practical service which he would thus have rendered to all future generations of his co-religionists would be amply sufficient to secure for him the high position which he has ever since continued to occupy in their traditions as one of their foremost literary benefactors.
Fa-Hian made some important additions to his previous literary acquisitions during the two years which he spent in Ceylon," and he expressly states that the books which he found there were written in the Sanskrit language, and that these books were large portions of the Tripitaka. Moreover, though the argument from silence is not to be pressed beyond its value, he does not appear to have seen any books there in the Pâli or any other language but Sanskrit.
The visit of Buddhaghosha followed soon after that of Fa-Hian, according to the date which is commonly assigned to him. Various dates, however, have been given to him, ranging from B.C. 307 to A.D. 607. All the details also in the descriptions of his visit differ largely in the different authorities respecting the place from whence he came and the country to which he returned, what his connections were during his stay, and what his object and motive for going to Ceylon, whether he enriched the existing literature of the island by additions which he brought with him, or borrowed from its books to enrich the literature of his own country, or wrote original works of his own. The account which has been commonly received of him is that which is given of him in Turnour's recension of the Mahavansa. This account, however, not only stands alone and unsupported, and differs
He was able to recite the Saranga Satra from memory on the spot where Buddha had delivered it (Fa-Hian, chap. XXIX.) before he learnt Sanskrit
Period III.
From the 5th to the 11th Century A.D.-Very little remains on record on the constructive side of the literature during this period. Soon after Buddhaghosha's visit a succession of twelve irruptions of the Tamils of the opposite continent of India commences, which form the special subject of the Rajavali, resulting, notwithstanding some alternating revivals, in the overthrow of the ancient monuments and monasteries of the island, and the
systematically at Pitaliputra. Fa-Hian, chap XL. eo See ante, p. 103.

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repeated suppression of Buddhism, and culminating in the dispersion of its monks and the complete destruction of its ancient literature.
After one of these catastrophes king Dhatusena, A.D. 459 to 477, inaugurated a restoration of the old religion by convening a council, after the example of Asôka, to settle anew the text of the canonical books. He also caused the Dipavamsa to be publicly read on the site of Mahinda's funeral pyre," in order to stimulate the religious zeal of his people.
Towards the middle of the sixth century, the books of the heretical Vaitulyas were publicly burnt for the third time. And then a long barren period succeeds down to the middle of the 9th century, which is only broken by the appearance of the Lankavistariyaye, a Sinhalese work which Sir Emerson Tennent attributes to the 7th century, and by the despatch of a Brahman priest, in A D. 746, by the king of Ceylon, on an embassy to the emperor of China, bearing, together with other royal presents, a copy of the great Prajña-sutra.5
BUDDHIST LITERATURE OF CEYLON.
The poet-king Mutwale-Sena, A.D. 838 to 858, explained the Sútra-pitaka in public,"" according to the legend of the Upham Mahávansa. The Rajaratnákari, however, from the traditions of a different school, states that this king, under the influence of a heterodox monk from India, was turned away from the orthodox creed, and "rejected and laid aside the precepts taught by the books and sermons of Baddha, and adopted the maxims of other systems of religion."""
His successor, Kasyapa IV. or MadisênSena, A.D. 858 to 891, did his best to counteract this evil. He "encouraged the priests of Buddha to re-establish their religion and to oppose the false religion throughout all his dominions, caused the coasts of the island to be diligently watched to prevent the approach of Buddha's enemies, and reigned as a good king; but, notwithstanding all this precaution, it was only like enclosing a field of corn after driving oxen into the same to eat it up, for a
61 Upham, I. 241; II. 75: Turnour, 256.
6 Turnour, 257.
es Upham, I. 242: II. 61, 65, 77.
Tennent's Ceylon, I. 494.
es ibid. I. 621, note 2.
es ibid. p. 249.
es Upham, II. 251.
67 Upham, II. 81, 82. "Upham, I. 253.
125
number of unbelievers were already in the island." 1168
1169
The end was not far off now. The Mahávaisa states that at the close of this period the "religion" "was overthrown by the Mala. bars during the term of eighty-six years.' The Rajaratnákari' similarly states that during the nineteen reigns which preceded that of Mahalu-Vijayabahu, in A.D. 1071, "the Malabars kept up a continual war with the Ceylonese, and had filled by this time every city and village in the whole island," and that these Malabars, "as far as they did prevail, abolished the laws and religion of Budha."""1 So also the Rájávali" states that they "vanquished Ceylon and subverted the religion of Budha."
Soon afterwards, in the reign of Udaya II., A.D. 926 to 937, the open wickedness of this immoral sect attracted the attention of the king, who, after an examination of their books, "shut them all together in a house, with their books, and, setting fire to the same, burnt the whole to ashes."""
In the latter half of the 10th century the rich and learned king Kasyapa VI., A.D. 954 to 964, caused the Abhidharma-pitaka to be engraved on golden plates and adorned it with precious stones."*
Period IV.
From the 11th to the 13th century A.D.: king Mahalu-Vijayabahu, A.D. 1071 to 1126, vanquished these Malabars, and "united the three kingdoms of Ceylon under the same banner; "75 and he then set about the restoration of Buddhism. At this time" there were not five monks left" in Ceylon, or, as the Rájávali more emphatically says, "the Malabars had completely extirpated the priests of Buddha, so that a yellow robe was no more to be found."""
He therefore sent large presents to the king of Aramana," on the coast of Coromandel, and obtained from him a mission of twenty or twenty-nine monks, to confer ordina
10 Upham, II. 85. "Upham, II. 251. "Upham, I. 248.
15 Upham, I. 252; II. 85, 252.
1 Upham, II. 252.
"Upham, I. 253; II. 85, 86, 252: Davy's Ceylon.
301.
"Upham, II. 84.
13 Upham, II. 83.

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tion on the ministry of the revived church; Daxhdvarisa. This work is mentioned in the and these foreign monks brought with them Turnour recension of the Mahávarhsa ;" and, their books to form the nucleus of its new that being so, the date of this recension of the literature.
Mahávansa has to be brought down to some Sir Emerson Tennent guesses that this king- time later than the reign of queen Lilavati in dom of Aramana may be a part of the Indo- the 12th and 13th centuries, instead of standChinese Peninsula, probably between Arracan ing in the 5th century A.D. as its commentator and Siam;" and Turnour"' had already, without tried to persuade his readers. A commentary giving any authority, fixed it in Arracan ; on the Sanskțit grammar of Chandragâmi but the passages in the Rajaratnákari, the glosses on the Samanta-púeddika commentary Rájáralı" and the Mahávarsa," in which it is on the Vinaya and on a commentary on the mentioned, clearly locate it on the Coromandel Anguttara, the Vinaya-sangaha, and other coast; and, as it is not Påndya nor Chôla, works in the PAli and Sinhalese languages, the only part of that coast which remains is were written in her reign,” which was a period that which lies between Chôļa and Kalinga, of unusual literary activity, her På dyan namely, the old dominions of the Pallavas. friends probably contributing their share of
It is possible that the following passage in materials for it. General Fytche's Burma's may in some way be Pandit Vijayachakka, A.D. 1186, was a connected with this Ceylonese legend :-"In learned prince and a Páli scholar, and he com1080 A.D. (which falls in the reign of Mahala posed poems in that language." Hardy Vijayabahu) the Talaings were conquered doubtfully supposes this king to be the author by Anaurata, the Burmese king of Pagan, of a commentary on Buddhaghosha's Visuddhi. who burnt and sacked Thatûn, and took away márga, but his short reign precludes the with him to Pagan the Buddhist scriptures supposition that he could have written a work brought by Buddhaghosha, as also the most of that magnitude while he occupied the learned of the priesthood;" since, besides the throne. Perhaps it belongs to the reign of one coincidence of time, the name of this Burmese of the other Vijayachakkas. king corresponds with that of the foreign The new life which had thus been given to king," Anoorudda,' the friend of Vijaya- Ceylonese Buddhism was not destined to last båhu, as given in the Mahavarisa version of much longer; a series of weak reigns, with a the tradition."
fresh series of invasions from the continent of His son Parakramabahu, A.D. 1153 to 1186, India, followed rapidly upon each other from maintained this revival on the orthodox basis A.D. 1196 to 1255; and these invaders began of the Tripitaka," even in the midst of the to destroy both the country and religion;" the excitement of rebellions, invasions and counter- monks were “hanted from place to place and invasions," he provided two libraries in the had lost all their books by the Malabars;" and, palace which he erected for the head of the to crown the destruction, the last of these in. Mahavira monastery," and restored a hundred vaders made the reigning king prisoner, put and twenty-eight libraries elsewhere. The out his eyes, "and extirpated the established Abhidhanappadipika, a Páli dictionary, was religion." The recently resuscitated literature compiled in his reign."
of the island naturally fell in for its share of His queen, Lilavati, was a Pandyan prin- these calamities : and at length "all the books cess and a patroness of learning; and during which had been written [from the time of her triple reign, A.D. 1197, 1209 and 1211, Valagam Abhaya] had been from time to she specially patronized the author of the time destroyed by the Malabars," so that on 1. Introd. p. xv. Ceylon, I. 406, note.
* Upham, I. 271, 298 : II. 86, 252. 50 Upham, II. 86, 87 1 ib. II. 147, 252, 254.
* Upham, I. 280, 287, 292, 296, 298; II. 87, 253. ** Upham, I. 293. 3 Vol. II. 170. 87 Upham, I. 300.
" Upham, L. 312. ** Upham, I. 253. The intermediate reign of Vikrama- * Turnour, Introd. p. xxxvii. bihu, A.D. 1127, is passed over lightly in the legends. - Journal, As. Soc. Beng. VI. 258. Muta Coomart His daughter is the heroine of the Rainúvali (Wilson, Swamy's Dathayuhaa, 24. Iurnour (loc. cit.) sometimes Hindy Theatre, II. 814.) [Phayre, History of Burma, confounds the PAli Dathavare with the Sinhalese p. 37, dates that Anauraths is said to have communicated Daladivarissa.
" Turtour, 241. with Ceylon direct, and that be invaded Arracan " Dathavamsa, Introd. p. xix. 80. (pp. 37, 46).-ED).
1 Uphaw, J. 313.
** Man. Bud., 512.

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127
their recall "the priests for want of books to nama down to the present reign, 109 and I do remind them of their duty had forgotten to not see any reason to suppose that he did not, know good from evil."
at the same time, at least recast the earlier
portions of that work, Period v.
Bhuvanekabahu I., A.D. 1303 to 1314, From the 13th century A.D. to the made the contents of the Tripitaka still more present time.-Kalinga Vijayachakka, widely known by multiplying copies of it and A.D. 1235 to 1266, succeeded in rescuing Cey- distributing them to all the monasteries of his lon from these usurpers, and he made great kingdom, 18 and another legend 10 states that the efforts to revise its old theology and to restore copies which he so multiplied were of two only its lost literature. He caused copies of the of the three Pitakas, while a third legendos Tripitaka to be made at great expense, and confines them to the Sútrapitaka alone. placed one of them in every village throughout Upon his death the old clouds began the island; he employed the more learned to again to roll up darkly over the island ; & teach the younger and more ignorant of his Pandyan army landed upon its shores, "and monks, and he sent to India for ten monks to began to lay waste the country and extirconfer ordination in his new church." Thus pate the religion of Budha."196 This time, a complete re-establishment of Buddhism was however, the troubles lasted but a short time, effected in his dominions after its complete and the new king, Parakramabahu IV., A.D. extirpation in the preceding reigns. This new 1314 to 1319, succeeded in making peace with order was once more built upon a foreign basis, the enemy.107 This prince's tutor taught him and its new literature, which may be regarded to be interested in the Jatakas, or legends of as the nucleus of all the present literature of Buddha's numerous incarnations: he had them the island, was in the first instance obtained translated into the Sinhalese language, and, from the Cholas of Southern India, who had by after the translation had been revised by this time annexed the Pallava and Eastern competent scholars, he distributed copies of Châlukya provinces on the coast to their ori- these legends throughout his dominions, placing ginal dominions in the basin of the Kâvêri. the original in the custody of h
the original in the custody of his chief priest." His valiant son, Parakramabahu III., A.D. For nearly a century after the close of this 1266 to 1301, maintained and greatly extended king's reign the Ceylonese legends are barren his father's work; he procured learned monks of all literary notices, with the single exception from the Chôļa country to teach the Tripitaka of the appearance of the Nik&ya-sangraha, to his people; he obtained books also from one of the minor historical authorities in the Southern India, and he settled a new local Sinhalese language, which is assigned to canon of the Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, the reign of Bhuvanêkabâhu IV., A.D. 1347 he himself taught his brother the orthodox doc- to 1361. trines of his religion, and caused him to teach 1 In the 15th century Parakramabahu VII., them to the monks in his monasteries, and he A.D. 1410 to 1462, caused new commentaries still further popularized the revival by causing to be written upon the Buddhist scriptures, several portions of the scriptures to be trang- apparently in the Sinhalese language, and he lated into (apparently) the vernacular Sinha- rewarded the authors of these expositions with lese.100 The Pajavaliya, one of the Sinhalese grants of land and promoted them to higher historical authorities, was written in his reign, ou orders.110 Possibly these may be the Sinhaso also was the continuation of the Mahavarisa lese commentaries on Buddhaghôsha's Visudfrom the reign either of Mahasena or of Maha- dhi-marga : if, as is probable, they were
• Upham, I. 318, 319, 322, 323 ; II. 93, 95, 97, 98, 256, 257, 259.
Upham, I. 319; II. 94, 257. " Upham, I. 329; II. 97ff, 258.
5 Upham, I. 324: II. 99, 100, 257, 259. * Upham, I. 330, 331 ; II. 106,261. 100 Upham, I. 341. 101 Turnour, Introd. p. ii.; Hardy's Man. Bud., 518. 101 Turnour, Introd., p. ii.
103 Upham, I. 354; III. 351. 20. Upham, II. 107. 105 Uphum, II. 259. 10. Upham, I. 355 ; II. 108, 263. 107 Upham, I. 355 ; IL 108.
104 Uphum, I. 356: Upham's History of Buddhism, 32.
10Turnour, Introd. p. ii. 110 Upham, II. 113.
1

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written at this time. The Saddharmalan- characters of their new homes. Professor kara also belongs to this king's reign.11: Oldenberg has informed us??? that all the
There are no indications in these books that manuscript copies of the Dipavansa which he Ceylon derived any of its literature from India used for his work bear marks of having been at a later date than this; the last embers of derived from one and the same Burmese oriBuddhism were then fast expiring there. Theginal; and the first discovered copy of that more recent sources of this literature were the work was written in the Burmese character, Buddhist countries to the east of the Bay of and was found by Mr. Turnour amongst some Bengal, which had originally obtained their reli- manuscripts which had been brought to Cevlon gious books from Ceylon,118 There was a constant from Siam." It was also from that collection commercial intercourse with these countries of Siamese manuscripts that he obtained a relifrom early times, frequent interchanges able copy of the commentary on the Mahdvansa of complimentary and religious embassies which he used for his translation of that work. also took place between their sovereigns," The Colonial Library of Ceylon contains mandand their canonical scriptures are identical scripts which were presented by the king of with those of Ceylon, 110 The monasteries of Burma,"1' and the monastery-libraries of the the maritime districts of the island enriched island possess manuscripts which were "bronght their libraries from time to time by fresh from the Camboja country," written in the additions of manuscripts brought to them character which is used there. The Mutaliyar, by ship; and it is still in these seaside George Nadoris, brought back to Ceylon & monasteries alone that the Tripitaka is to be valuable collection of Pali books on his return found complete.16 Some of these contribu- from Siam in A.D. 1812,191 Previous to this tions were probably enough a restoration of time an embassy of Buddhist priests from some of the lost books of Ceylon, which had Siam arrived in Ceylon in A.D. 1758, bringbeen carried to those countries by the Cey-ing presents of books with them, and similar lonese monks when fleeing from their persecu- earlier religious missions from that country tions at home, and others were copies of brought similar complimentary presents with the older manuscripts transliterated in the them. 1983
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. XII.-The Artist's Stratagem; or the waited for a time and then climbed up a tree
Princess who was resolved never to marry. to try if she could see some signs of them
Once upon a time there lived a great Raja, in the far distance or find some way out of the who had an only daughter. She was very forest; but on gaining the topmost branch beautiful and highly accomplished, and num. she was appalled to see a great fire in the bered amongst her other favourite pursuits distance,-evidently a part of the forest in that of hunting. She frequently went long flames. distances on hunting excursions with a number! The poor princess was, as it were, nailed to of attendants, and penetrated the deepest the spot at this awe-inspiring sight, and stood recesses of the forest in search of sport. there watching for hours the fork-tongued
One day, as she was galloping after a fine monster wrapping trees and shrubs, as well as buck, she all of a sudden found herself in a the haunts and homes of numberless birds and denge forest, and saw that she had ridden con- beasts in his fiery embrace, and destroying siderably ahead of her followers. So she everything that came in its way. She could
111 Hardy, Man. Bud. 512. 111 ibid. 518.
115 Turnour, Introd. p. XXX: Hardy, E. Monach. 365. Bigandet, Introd. p. ix. : Tennent's Ceylon, i. 416.
. Tendent's Ceylon, I. 416, 607 ff. 1 Journal As. Soc. Beng. vi. 503: Turnour, Introd. p. 1 XII. Hardy's E. Monach., 330.
116 Tarnour, Introd. p. XIX.
111 Dipavamsa, Introd. p. 11. 118 Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vi. 790; vii, 922. 110 Oldenberg's Dipavarhsa, Introd. p. 10. 150 Upham, III, 171, 185.
in Journal As. Soc. Beng., vi. 790: Turnour, Introd. P. IIXI : Hardy, E. Monach., 328.
11 Turnour, Introd. p. ii.

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see whole herds of deer and cattle running grave look, shunned the society of all her male about in a mad frenzy at their inability to friends, and declared to her parents her firm find their way out of what seemed to them to determination never to enter the bonds of be certain death, and birds of strange and matrimony. This caused the old people great varied plumage, suffocated by the thick smoke grief, and they implored her to tell them what and unable to fly in the heavy atmosphere, had made her form so unwise a resolution. charged with flying embers from the great fires But the princess remained silent and would around, uttering piercing screams of anguish give them no explanation, so at last everybody before yielding to their inevitable doom. came to believe that the king's daughter was
In the midst of all this scene of woe the good not for marriage, and the number of suitors princess was deeply moved to see a pair of for her hand consequently fell off. wild geese straining every nerve to save One day it happened that a great and their young ones from the clutches of the renowned artist paid a visit to the great Raja's fire. Their difficulty was enhanced by the court, and by His Majesty's command executed facts that the poor little creatures had as yet some very rare paintings for the royal palace, no wings, and were therefore totally unable to and when the time came for his departure he take care of themselves, and that it was beyond begged of the beautiful Princess to give him a the old birds' strength to carry them in their few sittings, to which she agreed after great beaks, as they tried hard to do, away from the hesitation, and allowed him to draw upon closely pressing flames. So they flew about canvas a faithful likeness of her fairy face distractedly here and there, not knowing what and figure. In a few days the picture was to do, till the fire came too near to leave them finished, but the artist, instead of handing it any hopes of saving either themselves or their over to the princess, quietly went out of the young ones. Just, however, as the flames were city with it. about to catch the nest, the old male bird, not Now, the artist knew of an old Rajâ, who was wishing to sacrifice his own life, since he was a great connoisseur of paintings, so he went unable to save those of his family, made a last straight up to him with the princess's pordesperate attempt, and with one effort found trait, and sold it to him for a large sum of himself safe out of the reach of danger; money. The pictare was daly hung up in the while at the self-same moment the poor great ball of audience, where it soon became mother goose, as if resenting his selfish the cynosure of all eyes and the topic of conduct, threw herself like a canopy over her universal admiration, and all who looked upon unfortunate brood, and, with a wild scream of it were struck with the enchanting beauty of anguish, suffered herself to be burnt in the the fair subject, and wondered very much who flames that just then closed over her and her the original could be. innocent offspring.
A few days after this it happened that the The princess, who had watched all this with king's only son and the heir to his throne, growing interest, was deeply touched at the who was away hunting when the picture was sight. "Ah," said she to herself," how selfish purchased, returned to the capital, and as soon and false these males are ! I am sure they are as he saw the picture fell heels over head the same all the world over, whether they be in love with the lovely image on the canvas, birds, beasts or men! I shall therefore neither without even taking the trouble of inquiring have anything to do with them, nor trust who the original was. He gave up all enjoythem; nay I shall continue single all my life ment, shunned all pleasure, and moped away in rather than marry one of them."
silence in a corner of the palace, to the great Hardly had the princess formed this rather grief of his aged father, who, when he learned rash resolve when she perceived her attendants the cause of his son's sorrow, felt very anxious coming towards her. They had come there to about his health, and sent messengers in search look for her, and when she got down and of the artist, with a view to find out who joined them they were highly delighted, for was the subject of his picture. But all search they had given her up for lost.
proved fruitless, for the artist had long left tho But from this day forth our heroine wore a country and gone away, nobody knew where.

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This vexed the young prince still more, ter began to prepare for her journey. At first and told so very badly upon his health and his she set to work and drew a faithful copy of temper that he grew highly capricious and the great artist's picture, and then, dressing headstrong, and regarded everyone with the herself in male attire, set out on her travels as greatest disfavour. One day the prime minis. an artist bound to some distant country. She ter, an old and trusted servant of the State, had an arduous task before her no doubt, for happened to arouse him by mistake from a she hardly knew which way to go and where to reverie into which he had fallen, and he lost his inquire about the princess, but filial affection temper to such an extent as to sentence the lent her courage, and she firmly resolved poor old man to death there and then. Now, either to find out the princess or perish in the in the old Raja's palace the young prince's attempt. word being law, the old man saw nothing So she travelled on and on for many months, for it but to submit to his doom. As and showed the picture wherever she halted, he was, however, being led away to execution and to all she met, in the hope that it would the old Rájá heard of it, and summoning his son be identified, but all to no purpose. At last, into his presence, prevailed upon him to grant after more than a year's weary wandering, she the old man & remission of his sentence for a arrived at a very distant and, to her, a very few days, so that during that period he might strange country, and there, to her great joy, make over charge of his public and private everyone who saw the picture pronounced it duties to other hands. To this the prince, to be a true and speaking likeness of the after some difficulty, consented, and the old daughter of the Raja of the country : "she," prime minister was allowed to go home to bis they said, “who is determined never to family for the time.
marry." He was resolved not to distress his family "Never to marry !" said the fair artist in by telling them of the doom that awaited him, surprise," and what has made her form such but they soon suspected from his pale and a strange resolve P" careworn look that something was wrong with "Nobody can tell," was the reply, "even him. They dared not question him, however, her parents do not know it." for some time, till his youngest daughter, This news somewhat damped the ardour of who was a great favourite, at last put together the prime minister's daughter, for it was quite all her courage, and, by her winning and per- an unforeseen emergency, and she was at a suasive ways, succeeded in learning from him logs to know how her mission could be successthe cause of his sorrow.
ful with one who was thus determined never Now this young lady was very clever and to enter the bonds of matrimony. full of resource, so she soon found a way of Nevertheless, she took heart, and, hiring a getting her father out of the difficulty. She house in close proximity to the Raja's Palace, went in person to the young prince, and, having opened her studio there. Each day she sat succeeded in getting an audience, begged very there near a window which commanded a hard of him to spare her old father's life till view of the palace, and worked away with her such time as she herself could go abroad and paints and brushes, till at last the Raja's make an effort to find out who the original attention was drawn towards her. So one of that wonderful painting was, and in what day the Raja summoned her into his presence, part of the world she lived.
and, after closely examining all her pictures This pleased the prince very much, for in and other works of art, extolled them highly the scheme which the young lady unfolded to and honoured her with a commission to execute him he saw some prospect of realizing what some paintings for a palace which he was then was to him at the best a dream. He there building for the especial use of his favourite and fore readily withdrew his terrible mandate, and only daughter. The fair artist willingly obeyed the good old prime minister was once more the king's command, having in the meanwelcomed by the Râjâ, who gladly restored him while seen the princess several times with her to his former high position.
own eyes, and made sure that she was no other Soon after this the prime minister's daugh- than the original of the picture which had

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driven her prince well-nigh out of his senses. Accordingly, when the palace was ready, she went there and set to work painting the most artistic and lovely designs she could imagine on the walls, under the arches, and in every likely place. The Raja and all the nobles and even the ladies of the court paid occasional visits to the palace, and they all, with one voice, admired both the workmanship of the artist and his choice of subjects. Each picture seemed to be a study in itself, and each had a history of its own which the artist related in a most interesting and winning manner. This latter fact drew a number of other female visitors to the palace, amongst whom were the ladies in immediate attendance on the princess, and these the artist thought were the persons most likely to know and tell her the reason why the princess shunned the society of men, and why she was determined never to enter into wedlock.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
So she soon set to work and won them over to her with her persuasive arts and delightful ways, and succeeded in learning from one of them, to whom the princess had confided her secret, the true story of her adventure in the forest and her consequent determination.
This was all the artist desired, and directly afterwards she drew on one of the walls of the drawing-room a picture just the reverse of what the princess had seen in the forest a picture representing the infidelity of the female and the devotion of the male. For the geese she substituted a pair of antelopes, while in place of the princess she made to stand a very handsome young prince, so young, so brave, and so handsome, as to win the heart of any woman.
When this picture was ready our artist persuaded all the lady friends of the princess to request her to come and have a look at it, and at last one day, to her great joy, the princess honoured her with a visit, and going from picture to picture highly admired the artist's skill. When, however, she at last came to the picture of the antelopes and the prince she seemed greatly surprised and stood for a while lost in thought. Then, turning to the artist, she said:
"What is the history of this picture, my good friend ?"
131
daughter of the prime minister, "this picture represents an adventure the prince of our country had some time ago in a forest-perhaps it might not interest you much, madam, though it concerns us, loyal subjects of his father, very nearly, as this very episode in our prince's life has brought a change over his whole existence, for since that time he has shunned all thoughts of marriage, as he believes that the fair sex are all false and faithless and that it is of no use to trust them. This determination of his son and heir causes our good old Râjâ great grief, and has thrown a gloom over his whole court."
"How strange!" cried the princess, interrupting the artist, "can males then be faithful and females false ? I, for one, always believed it was the males who were false and faithless
everywhere on earth; but now I see that there are two sides even to this question. I have as yet observed but one instance, and have since then been labouring under a false impression, but I shall not judge men so harshly hereafter."
"O! I am so glad to hear you say so, good princess," cried the artist in delight; "how I wish our good prince too would see his mistake as you do yours."
"Some one should point it out to him, I think," said the princess, "and perhaps, like me, he too might change his mind. As I have benefited by an episode in his life so he might profit by one in mine, and therefore you are at full liberty to relate my case to him and see what effect it has on him."
"Surely I shall, with the greatest pleasure, when I get home," replied the artist, her little heart fluttering with joy at this unexpected success in her undertaking.
Now, from this day it became known all throughout the Rajâ's dominions that the fair princess had conquered her aversion to matrimony, and was once more open to offers of marriage, and there was again a crowd of eager aspirants to her hand. But the princess studiously discarded all their attentions, and seemed to derive no pleasure from their company. Her chief delight was in looking at the pictures the artist had painted in the new palace, and talking to her solely about the young prince, in whom she felt greatly in
"O! fair princess!" replied the disguised terested.

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The fair artist, thereupon, to secure the in- minister, her father, and the gallant young terests of her Raja's son, fanned the flame by prince when our fair artist returned home telling her strange and vividly-coloured stories after a long absence, and related to them the of his manliness, valour and virtues, till at successful termination of her mission. The last she inspired her with such a love for him old man hailed her as the saviour of his life, that one day, being unable to contain herself, and the young prince loaded her with honours the princess expressed an earnest desire to and precious gifts. see him. This was the very thing the clever Immediately afterwards the prince set out young lady desired, and she readily promised with a grand cavalcade and a magnificent train to go back to her country and do all in her of followers for the court of our fair heroine's power to bring her prince to the feet of the father, and, needless to say, he was soon accepted fair princess by telling him her story and as a worthy suitor for the fair princess's hand, thereby creating in him a desire to see her. I and in the course of a few days their union was
Great was the joy both of the old prime I celebrated with due éclat and rejoicings.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS..
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(Continued from p. 114.) When the Taijuts had withdrawn, Temujin On the third day the Taijuts said to one said to himself: “Lately, when I was taken another: "Has not some one hid Temujin ? Let round from one encampment to another, while I us search our camp.” They accordingly began a stayed in the house of Sorkhan Shira, his sons, search, and they looked over Sorkhan's yurt, his Chinbo and Chilaoun, 15 shewed me sympathy. kibitka and under his couch. They then went At night they removed the wooden collar and to the cart loaded with wool and commenced to allowed me to rest at ease. To-day Sorkhan throw the wool out. When there remained himself has concealed my whereabouts from his only the back part to be searched, Sorkhan said: companions and has done so more than once. I "Could a man in such a hot season exist under will go to him. Assuredly he will protect me." this wool P” They then left off their search and He accordingly went along the Onon looking left. When they were some distance off Sorfor Sorkhan's yurt, which could be recognised khan said to Temujin : "You have nearly been from afar from the noise made by the machine my destruction ; you have nearly blown the fire for making kumiz (the Altan Topchi says the out of the ashes." Go now and search ont your noise made in mixing the milk for making arrak) mother and your brothers." He thereupon which went on from morning till evening. gave Temujin a mare which had never foaled,
Guided by this noise Temajin found the which had a yellow body and a white face, yurt, and when he entered it Sorkhan said to and unfastened its strap, as is customary still him: "I told you to go and seek out your among the Mongols when presenting a horse. mother and brothers, why have you come here?” He also gave him a fat roasted lamb which had His sons, Chinbo and Chilaoun, said: "When a been fed with the milk of two ewes, some small bird is chased by a hawk it hides itself in mare's milk in a skin, and a bow with two arrows, the grass. If we do not offer shelter to a man but not an instrument for making fire." who flies to us we shall be behaving more This quaint saga is reported at length in the ungraciously than the grass." They then re- Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi and also in the Altan Topchi moved the cangue and buried and hid him and by Ssanang Setzen. The two latter authoin a load of sheep's wool which was standing at rities call the Sulduz who helped Temujin the back of the yurt, and told their sister Torghan Shara. I have, in one or two difficult Khadaan''to look after him, and to say nothing passages, where the Chinese Editor of the Yuanabout it. The Altan Topchi says they told ch'ao-pi-shi seems to bave misunderstood his her to lie down beside him.
author, used the version in the Altan Topchi. 16 Called Chimbai and Chilaghon by Sranang Setzen. 15 The Altan Topchi says a two years old kid. # Called Shilughakhan Khatakhan by Ssanang Setzen 1 19 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 43 and 44. ar i.e. destroyed him.

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The story is also told with very slight varia- leather milking gear in the grass and said to tion by Rashido'd-dîn in his account of the Temujin: "You are quite tired with your journey; Sulduz tribe, and also by El Benaketi, Rashidu'd. I will be your companion and help you to dîn also tells us that while Temujin was a recover the horses. The troubles of young prisoner and encumbered with the heavy wooden men ought to be shared. My father is called collar an old woman named Taija Igjeh," who Nakhu-boyan; I am his only son, my name is had married a Merkit, treated him with kind- Burchu." The two rode together for three ness, combed his hair and put a piece of soft days along the track made by the horses' feet. felt over a sore which had been caused on his At length they reached an enclosure inside neck by the rabbing of the collar."
which were the eight horses. The Altan TopTemujin now set off to find his family, he chi says a number of Taijuts who were on passed the site of his recent adventures, and | guard around had fallen asleep. Temujin then went along the Onon. Having reached wished to enter the enclosure alone, but Burchu the river Kimurkha or Tsimurki, which we are insisted on accompanying him in his dangerous told falls into the Onon on the west, he noticed work. They succeeded in driving away the some footmarks on its banks. He went up horses. The kidnappers now gave chase, one of this small river. Near it we read there is a hill them, seated on a white horse, held a lasso in called Beter, opposite which is another small his hand and had almost overtaken them, when hill called Khorchukui. Here he found his Temujin tarned to shoot at him, whereupon he mother and his brothers, with whom he moved | fell back, and as it was getting evening the to the mountain Burkhan." There is there, robbers drew away. says the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, a mountain called The two boys now made for the residence of Gulialgu, whence flows the river Sangur (doubt- Nakho-boyan. Temujin then said to Burchu: less the Sungher, an affluent of the Kerulon). “Without you I could not have recovered the Near this river is the small mountain called horses; let us divide them; which will you Kharachiruge and a green lake. Further on the have P" Burchu replied that he had accompasame author calls it Kukunar, and the Chinese nied him because he saw he was weary, and he commentator Si-Sun suggests that it may refer did not see why he should ask for what was to lake Kukusher, if this is not too far off. not his. "I am the only son of my father, and
Here Temajin built himself a yurt, and caught there is enough wealth for me, I don't want moles and steppe mice, on which he fed himself. yours. If I were to demand anything from
Some time after this some thieves" stole you how should I be your comrade ?" eight of Temujin's horses. They left him a When they entered the yurt of Nakhulight yellow one, on which Belgutei had ridden boyan they found him in tears for the loss of off to catch these animals. On his return with his son, and on seeing him again be scolded him. a number of moles he had caught Temujin told | Burchu explained the cause of his absence, and him what had happened. Belgutei and Khasar then rode off to fetch the leather skins and apboth volunteered to go in pursuit of the rob- paratus with the milk which he had hidden. bers, but Temujin said he would go himself. He He killed a fat lamb which had been fed on the accordingly went off, and in three days came milk of two ewes, filled a leathern skin with upon a drove of mares, among which was a mare's milk, and gave them all to Temujin for boy milking, whom he asked if he had seen the his journey. Nakhu-boyan said to them: “You stolen horses. He replied that before sunrise are both young. Mind you remain friends, and they had been driven past there and offered to in the future do not forsake each other." show him the direction. He allowed Temujin Temujin now set off home again, and in three to fasten his horse, and also allowed him days reached the banks of the Sangur, where to change it for a white horse with a black his mother and his brothers were delighted band on its back." He then bid the skin and to see him again." According to the Yuan
29 So called because she was a Taijut. # Erdmann, Temujin, 210-211. * i.e. to the Kentei. * The Altan Topchi says they were Taijute.
* The Altan Topchi and Ssenang Setzen says marmota.
* The Altan Topchi calls the horse the swift shorteared piebald.
se Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 45-47.

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chuan, or biographical part of the Yuan-shi, how weak and worn out he was, and that he had Burchu belonged to the tribe Arlat or Arulat." no flesh on his thighs, sighed aloud and said to The Altan Topchi calls him Kuluk Borgachi, Baraghul Noyan : "Be not sorrowful and disson of Lakhu-boyan. Ssanang Setzen calls ponding; I will take good care your legs are him Külük Boghorji, son of Nagho Boyan again covered with flesh,"38 of the tribe Aralad. Gaubil calls him Temujin was always faithful to his friends, Porgi. Rashidu'd-dîn calls him Bughurjin and Bughurjin became eventually commander of or Burguji, and also tells us be belonged to the right wing of the Mongol army and the first the tribe Arlat or Arulat."
subject of the Empire. Baghural was succesHe also reports another occasion on which sively promoted to the post of bukaul, i.e., he befriended Temujin in his young days. A chief cook; bavarchi, i.e., a kind of chamberlain ; party of a dozen Taijuts having suddenly centurion of the body-guard ; millenarian, chief appeared Temujin found himself with only of a tuman, i.e., of 10,000 men; and, lastly, Bughurjin and Buraghul or Burgal Noyan second to Baghurjin in command of the right of the tribe Hushin, " called Baghoral of the wing. He was killed in a fight with the tribe Ugushin by Seanang Setzen. He advanced Tumeds." bravely to meet the enemy. They shot twelve To return to Temajin. As we have seen, he arrows together at him, and he was struck in had left his betrothed in her father's house on the neck and the mouth and fainted through his return home at the time of his own father's pain. There was much snow about, and Burs- death. We are told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi ghul warmed a stone with which he melted some that he now set off with his brother Belgutei to of the snow and held his mouth over the steam fetch her home. He rode down the Kerulon which arose, so as to soften the clotted blood in until he reached the valley between the mounhis throat to enable him to breathe more freely. tains Chekcher and Chikbarkhu, where the As the snow fell thickly Baghurjin took off his father of his bride, Dai Setzen, lived. He was own mantle and held it over his friend to keep pleased to see him, and said he feared he might the snow off, and continued doing so till the not see him again, since the Taijuts had taken snow reached up to his own girdle. He even- such a dislike to him that it might have gone tually took him to his house. In the Yuan- badly with him. He now gave his daughter ch'ao-pi-shi this incident is also referred to, Barté to him for his wife, and he and his wife Burchu alone being mentioned. It is said that Sotan accompanied them on their way home he held his felt cloak over Temujin until dawn, again as far as Urakhchuel on the Kerulon. At only once changing from one foot to the other. that point he turned back, but his wife Sotan The locality where it happened is there said to went with the young couple right to their very have been Talannemurgesi, near the Tatar home and then returned. This was in accord. country. In the Yuan-shi the incident is ance with the Mongol custom, which prescribes attributed to Borchu and Mokhuli. A third that the relatives, except the father, shall acsaga of a similar kind is reported by Rashidu'd- company a bride to her new home. Temujin din. He says that once, when Temujin was now wished to have Burcha as a companion far from his people and pressed by the enemy, and he sent Belgutei for him. Without telling Baghurjin and Buraghul sought in mountain his father he set off at once on his hump-backed and plain for food for him but found none. tawny horse and wearing his black furskin, and They had a fishhook with them, with which thenceforward he was Temajin's constant com. they fished in the river and caught a great fish. panion. The latter now struck his tent on the Baghurjin Noyan wished to draw it out, but river Sangar and moved to the upper valley of failed on account of his terrible hunger and the Kerulon and planted himself at the foot of faintness and fell down. Temujin noticing the Bargi."
'id. note 117. * Erdmann, Temujin, p. 205.
» id. 209, D'Ohrson, p. 1, note 157. * Erdmann, pp. 205-206, D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 43 " op. cit. page 116.
» Vide id. note 446.
» Erdmann, p. 206.
** Vide infra, D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 157, note 1; Erdmann, p. 209.
5 i.e. the Birgadaba, a branch of the Kentei, southeast of the source of the Keralon.
and 41

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RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGAPALA OF THE KULACHURI YEAR 896.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription, which I edit from two punar=nnavé, line 12. Kshya we have for fairly good rubbings supplied by Sir Alexander khya in vikskyátů, line 5; gha for ha in Cunningham, and sent to me by Mr. Fleet singhéna, line 8; jya for dya in Dharéjyasya was first brought to public notice in 1825, (for Whaved-yasya), line 2, bhaydjyasya (for when Mr. (afterwards Sir) Richard Jenkins Thayádayasya), line 7, and in prdimukhdjyasya presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal a (for prámukhád=yasya), line 8. A superfluous copy of it, together with a translation prepared and altogether wrong visarga we find in with the assistance of the Pandits, from Sáhilla-namál, line 2, sahah, line 4, ratáh, which Prof. H. H. Wilson published a Déva- line 6, saruvarláh, line 14, námah, line 15, and nagari transcript and a kind of translation, in even in the midst of compounds, in kshatriyahthe Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV., page 512 ff. kula, line 8, Ratnailé vah-nripa, line 9. and It has last been referred to by Sir A. Cun- sõbhah-sakásárthana, line 14. On the other ningham, in the Archeol. Survey of India, hand, the sign for the visarga has been omitted Vol. XVII. page 18.
after pattanai, line 4, mandalesvará, line 7, The inscription is on a wall of the temple and gaja, line 8. In other places which it is of Ramachandra at Rajim, a town in the unnecessary to point out separately, we have Reypur District of the Central Provinces, on visarga, where by the rules of euphony it the right bank of the Mahanadi river, about | ought to have been either dropped or changed twenty-four miles to the south-east of Ray- tor, or where final aḥ ought to have become pur. It consists of 19 lines. The writing o. And elsewhere again, as e.g. in anuji putró, covers a space of about 2' 3" broad by 1' 1" line 5, Kaunté yo satyair, line 12, final ah bas high, and appears to be well preserved through-|
be well preserved through. been changed to 6, where that change ought out. The size of the letters is from " to ". not to have taken place. The characters are Devanagari.--The lan. To set the grammar right in every partiguage is Sanskrit, and, excepting the first and calar, it would be necessary to rewrite nearly about half of the second line, a portion of line the whole inscription, or to append more re15, and lines 17-19, containing the names of
marks to it than the inscription deserves. But the composer and of the engraver, and the to give an idea of the author's want of prodate, the inscription is in verse. It was com- ficiency, I may point out some of his errors. posed by the Thakkura Jasananda, son of the The Potential mood he employs for the ImperThakkura Jasodhara, of the Ayodhyâpuriya fect tense in adhipatya bhavėjyasya (for adhifamily; written, as well as engraved, by the patyam-abhavad=yasya), line 2; tasy-únnjówlhaartizan Ratnapala.
véd=(for 'bhavad-) bhrúta, line 3; Bhayilan cha In respect of orthography, the observance bhavét-putrail (for Bhaiyilasech-ábhavat=putof the rules of euphony, and of grammar
rah), line 3 ; and nihanyét (for nyahun), line 7. generally, the inscription is full of mistakes Neuter or Accusative forms he most frequently of every description. As regards orthography, uses instead of masculine or Nominative forms. the dental is frequently put for the palatal
Thus we find grámasi, désasi, putras, vikramasi, sibilant, and ba is denoted by the sign for
viral and many others used as Nominative va everywhere except in mahásabda, line 1. cases, for grámuh, désah etc.; prásácan káritan= Besides, the dental is put for the guttural i imani, in line 14, as a Nominative, to expres in alankesita, line 1; for the palatal i in anu- the meaning this temple was caused to be ranjaka, lines 2 and 17, pancha, line 5, satyan= built'; sddhitán-cha vasunulharam, in line 16, cha, line 10, and sádhitán=cha, line 16; and for sádlitá cha vasundhark. For the word for anusvára in Pascha[hansa, line 2, vinsa, dhanvin our author uses dhanvina, of which he line 5, and vansé, line 13. On the other hand, forms the Nominative Sing. either dhanvino, the lingual n has taken the place of the dental line 7, or dhanvinant, line 16. The Nominative a in nihanyét, lines 7 and 8, and even in Sing. of mahabáhu is maháváho, line 6; that
See Grant, Gasetteer of the Central Provincer, pago 125.

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of bhagavat, bhagavantaḥ, line 15. In line 3 we have ripavaḥ kshaya-kárinam, for ripúnám kshaya-kári or ripúnám kahaya-káranam; in the same line the Genit. téshámh for the Instr. taiḥ; in line 4 navasataḥ grámáḥ for navaéatam grámáḥ; in line 6 ébhiḥ putro, probably for anayoh putro; in line 18 mahatkavi for mahdkavi, etc. Where an author has so imperfect a command of the language, it is sometimes difficult to guess what he really means to say; and, in the present case, this difficulty is occasionally increased by the loose way in which the several sentences or portions of sentences are connected with each other, or by the actual omission of important statements. Thus, to mention only one instance, we are obliged to guess that the lady Udaya, who is introduced to us in line 5, was married to one of the chiefs mentioned in the preceding lines; and it is not at all clear whose wife she was, and who therefore was the father of the chief Jagapâla, for whose glorification the whole eulogy was composed.
The inscription is dated, in lines 18 and 19, on Budhadina or Wednesday, the eighth lunar day, called rathashtami, in the bright half of the month Mâgha, in the Kulachuri (or Kalachuri) year 896. And it records (line 14) that a personage named Jagapala, also called Jagasimha (line 10), in honour of Râma, had established "this temple" (presided over at the time by the venerable, the illustrious Muktâtman, line 15), evidently the temple of Ramachandra, where the inscription still is, and had assigned, for the naivedya or offerings of eatables to the idol, the village of Salmaliya."
I have elsewhere tried to show that the right equation by which to ascertain the corresponding English date for a date recorded in the Chêdi or Kulachuri era, is A.D. 24849-0, or A.D. 249-50-Chêdi-samvat 1; and applying this equation in the present case,
In the present inscription the spelling Kulachuri appears to me to be certain; in an unpublished inscription of the year 926 the word is spelt Kalachuri; and it is written in both ways in the Kumbht copperplate of Gosaladevi, published in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. page 116.
3 See Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. page 501,-"The Pandehs say that there was formerly a village of that name not far from Raju, which was appropriated to the temple, but that the village has been since deserted, and in lieu of it a village called Rohna, erected not far from the ancient site of the former, was subsequently granted, and is still held by them."
[MAY, 1888.
I have found by Professor Jacobi's tables that the 8th lunar day of the bright half of Mâgha, 896, corresponds to the 3rd of January 1145 A.D., which was a Wednesday, as required. On that day, at sunrise, the 8th Tithi of the bright half was current, and it ended 10h 59m after mean sunrise. By way of confirmation, I may be allowed to add that, as there was a solar eclipse about noon on December 26th, 1144, the following 3rd of January, under ordinary circumstances, would have been the 8th day of a bright fortnight. Why this 8th of the bright half of Magha should here be described as rathashtami, I have no means of ascertaining. In the works at my disposal, as, e.g., in the Dharmasindhu, the 8th of the bright half of Magha is styled Bhishmashtams, and it is the 7th of the bright half of the same month, that is called rathasaptami.
By far the greater portion of our inscription is taken up with the genealogy of Jagapala, and with a recital of his own military exploits, as well as those of his ancestors; and, apart from the manner in which it is dated, the inscription is valuable as furnishing a comparatively large number of names of places and districts, most of which still await identification, and because of the references which it contains, to the reigns of the princes Jajalladeva, Ratnadeva and Prithvidêva, known to us also from other inscriptions.
As regards the genealogical and historical portion, the inscription opens by describing (lines 1 and 2) the Thakkura, the illustrious Sahilla, the spotless ornament of the illustrious Rajamala race, which gave delight to the Pañcha[ha]msa race, as having gone forth from the Vadahara country, and as having been gladdened by the attainment of the pañcha mahúsabda, and furnished with a banner the flag of which had the lustrous appearance presented by a firefly sitting on a golden jar(?).
See Nachrichten der Ges. d. Wissenschaften, Göttingen, 1888, pp. 31-41.
So also the rathasaptami of the month Magha is mentioned in the SamAngad grant of Dantidurga, of Saka-Samvat 675 (ante, Vol. XI. p. 112, line 31). As regards the modern practice, Kero Lakshman Chhatre, Ganpat Krishnaji, Bapu Deva Shastri, the ChanduPanchang (Jodhpur), and Pandit Umacharan Mahatmin, all give Magha sukla 7 as rathasaptamt and Magha 6ukla 8 as Bhishmashtami. But the Sayana-Panchang, and another Indor almanac, while agreeing with the above in giving Magha éukla 7, as rathasaptami, allot the Bhishmashtami to the amânta Magha or purnimanta Phalguna krishna 8.-J.F.F.]

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RAJIM INSCRIPTION OF JAGAPALA.
137
This Sahilla, who made valorous chiefs tremble and districts mentioned (some of which are and became lord of the land which he acquired mentioned also in other inscriptions) must on the battle-field, had a younger brother | undoubtedly be looked for in the eastern pornamed Vasudeva, and three sons, Bhayila, tion of the Central Provinces, but I have not Dosala, and Svamin, who conquered the Bhat- succeeded in identifying more than one or two tavila (or Bhattavala) and Vihara countries, on the maps at my disposal. Kakayara has by Svimin had two sons, of whom the elder one, Sir A. Cunningham been shown to be the named Jayadeva, acquired the district of modern Kanker, which in the Gazetteer of the Dandora, while Dévasimha, the younger son, Central Provinces is described as a chiefship took the Komo mandala. In line 5, the situated to the south of the Râypur district; and inscription goes on to mention a noble lady it is possible that the concluding portion of the the Thakkurájñi Udaye who, to judge from name which I read Kandas@[hvajra, may be the way in which she is introduced, must have identical with Selwa or Sihoa, situated to been the wife of one of the two last-named the east of Kankêr. Saraharagadha I take chiefs, and the mother of Jagapala, whose to be the modern Sarangarh, to the east of exploits are described in lines 6-11. Afraid | Râypur; and, if this identification be right, of him, the valorous Mayurikas and the the name Bhramaravadra would appear to Savantas, who are called lords of mandalas, have survived in Bamra, the name of a feudabetook themselves to the mountains. More- tory state attached to the Sambalpur district, over, during the reign of the illustrious lord to the east of Sarangarh. The tribal name Jajallad 3va, Jagapâla conquered a country the Rajamala of Jagapala has by Sir A. CunningDame of which I am unable to make out; and, ham been adduced to explain the origin of the during the reign of the illustrious prince Rat- name of the town Rajim, where the inscripnadova, he acquired the Talahari country tion is, and where Jagapala or his ancestors and another district, about the name of which may be supposed to have resided. I likewise am doubtful. Bat Jagapala's chief Of the fairly numerous inscriptions of the exploits appear to fall within the reign of the Chedi rulers of Ratnapur, a memorandum prince Prithvideva, when he not only took of which was furnished by Sir R. Jenkins' the forts Saraharagadha and Mavakasiha- as early as 1825, only a single one (besides the (va), and conquered thro Bhramaravadra one here re-edited) has been hitherto published, country, but also took Kantara, Kusuma- by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, in the Journal Beng. bhoga, Kandas@[hva]ra, and the district of As. Soc. Vol. XXXII. pp. 280-287; but Kakayara. Jagapala would seem to have the contents of several of them have been founded or rebuilt the town Jagapalapura, referred to in the volumes of the Archæological which is mentioned in line 12, in a verse which Survey of India. To show the genealogy of I am unable to explain properly. From lines the earlier rulers of Ratnapur, and what 15 and 16 we learn that he had two younger place must be assigned in it to the three brothers, Gajala and Jayatsimha; and, if I princes Jajalladeva, Ratnadeva,and Prithviunderstand the words rightly, we are finally dova, mentioned in the present inscription, I told that, during the reigns of the three princes shall give here the necessary data also from mentioned above, the post of prime-minister three other inscriptions, the text of which I was held by Devaraja, together with whom shall publish elsewhere from rubbings supplied the three brothers Jagapala, Gâjala, and Jayat- by Dr. Burgess. simha subdued the earth.
1.-A. Ratnapur inscription of JajallaFrom this brief abstract it will appear that, deva, dated Samvat 866, Marga su. di. 9, as was seen already by Sir A. Cunningham, Ravaa, =Sunday, 8th November, 1114, A.D., Jaga pala and his ancestors were petty chiefs, contains the following genealogy :-The Moon, generals or fendatories of the Ratnapur branch Kartavirya, Haihaya, the Haihaya princes,of the Chedi rulers, whom they helped to Kokalla, ruler of Chodi, had eighteen sons, extend their territory. Most of the places of whom the eldest was ruler of Tripurl, while
. Archaol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. page 19. + Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. page 505 and 506. Some
of the inscriptions mentioned by Sir R. Jenkins have sinoe then suffered in the most deplorable manner.

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the others became lords of mandalas. In the Sir A. Cunningham has placed the inscription line of one of these younger sons was born- before the Malhar inscription of Jâjalladôva,
(1.) Kalingaraja, who conquered DA- and has identified the three princes mentioned kshinakóbala, and made Tummana his in it with the princes (5), (6), and (7) of the capital. His son was
above list. But, in the first place, it is by no (2.) Kamalaraja, who begat
means certain that the figures on the stone (3.) Ratnaraja (Ratnēša), the founder of (scratched on it rather than properly engraved, Ratnapura. He married Nonalla, the daugh- and perhaps added some time after the inscripter of Vajjuka, chief of the Komo mandala, tion itself was engraved') are really 1207; on who bore to him
the contrary, on the rubbing before me the (4.) Prithvisa (Prithvidêva). This prince figures decidedly look more like 1247 than 1207. married Rajalla, from whom he had a son - And secondly, it is perfectly certain that the
(5.) JAjalla (Jâjalladêva). (Samvat 866 = inscription, which was written and engraved A.D. 1114).
by the very persons, Kumarapala and Sampula, 2.-The present Rajim insoription, dated who wrote and engraved the Malhar inscripKulachuri-samvatsarê 896 = A.D. 1145, men. tion, was composed by the son, Dêvagana, of tions in the order here shown:
the man Ratnasimha, who composed the (5.) JAjalladevs [Samvat 866 = A.D. Malhar inscription, and that this Dêvagana had 1114).
his father's composition before him, when he (8.) Ratnadeva.
composed his own inscription. Taking further (7.) Prithvideva (Kalachuri-samvat 896 = into consideration that the inscription eulogises A.D, 1145].
five of the grandchildren of Ratnasimha, the 3.-A Malhar inscription of Jajalledova, composer of the Malhar inscription, and that dated Samvat 919 = A.D. 1167-68, contains moreover we have for a prince Ratnadêva the the following genealogy: The Moon
date Chedi-samvat 933 = A.D. 1181-82, which (8.) Ratnadeva.
cannot possibly refer to the Ratnadeva (6) of (7.) Prithvideva [Kulachuri-samvat 896 the Rajim and Malhar inscriptions, but must = A.D. 1145; and (according to Archæol. refer to a prince of that name who came after Survey of India, Vol. XVII. Plate XX.) Jâjalladeva (8), I feel convinced that the inscripKalachuri-samvatsara 910 = A.D. 1158-59). tion has certainly been composed after Chêdi.
(8.) JAjalladeva, described as ruler of the samvat 933= A.D. 1181-82 = Vikrama-samvat country Tummana, (Samvat 919 A.D. 1167- 1238, and I think it probable that the figures 68].
at the end of it are really Vikrama-samvat 4.-A Ratnapur inscription of Prithvi- 1247 = A.D. 1190-91, and that these figures, deva, dated [Vikrama-] Samvat 1247 (P) = by whom and whensoever added, furnish a true A.D. 1190-91 (P), contains the following date for the last Prithvidêva in the above list. genealogy : The Moon
As regards the three rulers mentioned in (8.) Jajalladeva (Saṁvat 919= A.D. 1167- the inscription here published, Nos. (5), (6), 68].
and (7) of the above list, nothing of any his(9.) Ratnadeva [according to Archeol. torical importance is mentioned of Ratnadeva Survey of India, Vol. XVII. page 43, line 4 and Prithvîdêva, in other inscriptions known from the bottom, and plate XX., Chedi-samvat to me. Regarding Jajalladeva, we are told 933 = A.D. 1181-82).
in the Ratnapur inscription of Samvat 866, (10.) Prithvideva (Vikrama-] Samvat that he was allied (?) with the ruler of Chodi, 1247(*)= A.D. 1190-91 ).
and on friendly terms with the rulers of This last inscription is the one edited by Kanyakubja and of Jejabhuktika; that he Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, according to whose captured in battle (but subsequently released P] account it is dated in (Vikrama-]Samvat 1207= one somebvara; and that the chiefs of the A.D. 1150-51. Accepting that date as correct, mandalas... [Dakshi]pakbala, Andhra, Khi
Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. page 76, the word satrat, which precedes the figures 1247 (R), . A careful examination of the stone may possibly looks certainly as if it had been put in the place of the show that the inscription originally Was dated in a year figure 9, or as if the figure 9 had been altered so as to of the Chedi ern: for in the rubbing the first syllable of lassume the form of sans.

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miḍi [or Andhra-Khimiḍi], Vairagara, Lanjika, Bhaṇara, Talahari, Daṇḍakapura, Nandavali and Kukkuta annually paid tribute to him. The ruler of Chêdi here spoken of may have been either Yasaḥkarna or Gayakarna
RAJIM INSCRIPTION OF RAJAPALA.
7. ranh
1. Ôm namô Narayanaya I Svasti | Vaḍahara-dêsâ (så)d-vinirgata-samadhigatapamcha - mahasa (sa) bd - âbhinandita-suvarnṇa-kalasopar-indragôpaka-samkâsa (sa)
chchha[nna]-nêtra-chivar-âlankṛita-pataka-chihna-samyukta[b]
of Tripurî; the ruler of Kanyakubja probably was Govindachandra,10 and the ruler of Jêjabhuktika the Chandella Kirtivarmadeva.11 Regarding Sômêsvara," I am unable at present to offer any conjecture. TEXT.13
2. Pamcha[ha]'nsa-kul-ânuranjaka-śrî-[Ra]jamala-kul-âmala- tilaka- thakkura - śri-Sahillavai trinita [b][(60)]rāl bhumipili mahâ-ranê | Adhipatyam bhavêjyasya" vivarabhumi[ru]pâ-15
nâmâḥ II Yêna 10
3. rjjitê 1 Tasy-ânujô bhavêd-bhrâtâ Vasude[vo] tath=âpi vâ | Bhayilam cha bhavêt-putram Desalam ch-ari-marddanam | 2 | Tritiyaḥ Svaminâmâ cha ripavaḥ kshaya-kârinam têshâm Bhattavilam" dê
4. sa (sa)m nitam vai pattanai[h] sahaḥ" 3 | Punar=nnavasa(sa) tah grâmâḥ shatpamchasa(sa) [chchha ?]tâni cha I upârjjitam Vihara-[de]sa (sa)m paurushair bhuja-vikramaiḥ || 4 | Svami-putrô mahâ-virô Jayadevo-pi nama[ta]b[1] pa
5. [ncha]vinsa (msa)sa (sa) taiḥ grâmaiḥ Dandoram samupârjjitam | 5 || Tatha cha annjô"putro Devasimham-anupamaṁ | sarddha-saptasa (sa) tâ yêna Komo nitam cha mamḍalam 1 6 11 Vikshyâta Udaya dêvi thakku[r]jî ma6. hô[da]yêu I satya-dharmma-ratâḥ" sâ (sa)ntâ svakul-ânanda-varddhani || 7 || Ebhiḥ putrô mahâ-vâ(bâ) bô Jagapalo-pi namataḥ[*] samgrâm-âbhimukhâ vimukhâh kshatriyâ[h?] kritâḥ 1 8 11 Mayurika mahâ-[sû (śû)]Savantaḥ mandal-éva(va)rk[b] bhaykjyasya"pra[chandi ?]rê[b][pa]rvva[t Arayapa gatâḥ || 9 || Dhanvino-pi yathâ Ramo kshatriyah-kulamarddanam tath=âyam (a)ra-singhâtaiḥ nihanyêd-ripn-vähint[] 10 Asva(śvâ)ruhô=
yêna
139
1 Probably for kalasoparindragôpaka-.
15 This akshara might possibly be read tri.
8. pi samgrâmê varana nara-vajina" gatâs-tê pranmukhâ[jya]"sya simghên=êva Nong Pillair(P) vvatha" (P)charmmabhyaṁ khadganihanyêt-Sa (sa)kra-saṁghâtam vira nêtri(?)]yatha
yatha gajâ[*]|| 11 || på[pan"]r=mmah-âhavê | ranê | 12 |
Jagapâla-nâmâ
9. Si Jajalladôva"-prabhu-râjyn-kkrył ripu-gandhahastî upârjji[tâyêna(?)]suvira-[vri]tyai[h(?) sa]râthamsatêramamtamanâla(?)-desam (sam) || 13 || Śri-Ratnadêvah-nripa-rajya-kalê [si]ndûramâ[h] as-Talahari-bhu
22 This may have been altered to anujaḥ. 23 i.e. vikhyata.
2 This sign for visarga may have been struck out already in the original.
10 ante, Vol. XV. page 6. ante, Vol. XVI. page 202. 12 Someévara, the father of the Châhumana Prithviraja who according to Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. page 174, conquered Jejakabhukti in A.D. 1172, appears to have died in A.D. 1169 (Jour. Beng. A. Soc. Vol. LV. Part I. page 15) and could therefore hardly have been defeated by Jajalladêva before A.D. 1114. 13 From the rubbing.
18 Metre, Ślôka (Anushṭubh), here and below, except where otherwise specified.
17 i.e. bhaved-yasya; the sign for jya is quite distinct, and it is the same as in rajya, line 9, and rojyé, line 10.
18 There are many marks or scratches above and below vivarabhú, so that some of these aksharas may have been altered; the akshara given as ru may possibly be u, for below, lines 4. 9 and 10, the u of upArijita is denoted by the same or a very similar sign. I would suggest vaira-bhimy-up/rjité, though this would offend against the metre. 19 Possibly altered to val. 30 Possibly altered to Bhaṭṭavalam.. This sign for visarga may have been struck out already in the original.
25 i.e. bhayad-yasya; see note 17 above.
28 Probably intended for nara-vojinaḥ. 37 i.e. pramukhad-yasya.
These aksharas are quite clear in the impressions possibly vvátha may be a mistake for ddhanva. But I do not understand the beginning of the verse, nor the end of it.
The akshara in brackets has perhaps been altered
to ni.
30 This Sri is perhaps preceded by a symbol for om. 31 Metre, Upajti; and of the following verse.
32 Or, perhaps;- upâriitam; the following yêna is doubtful.
33 All these aksharas are perfectly clear in the rubbing, but I cannot make out the name intended.
out.
This sign for visarga appears to have been struck 35 Perhaps altered to sa.
30 This may possibly be ng; I cannot make out the name intended.

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10. mau [*] upůrijitau yena savira-vșityaiḥ satyan=cha satyam Jagasimha-namamo
11 14 11 Prithvidēva-narendrasya rájyê c h=aiv=adhikam kritari dargame[sha) nahá-durgam nîtam Sarabaragadha[m] || 15 || Tath"=ipi
Mavakasiha[va] cha durga punaḥ u grihitam Bhramaravadra-desam (sam) l eva-vá(ba)hunk vikraman yêna sîdhitam
Jagapala-nama ripu-gandhahasti il 16 11 Kantaram Kusumabhogam Kandase[hva(?)]ram=eva chal dêsaṁ (sam) Kakayaram v-api nitam yene
A[tha) lilaya | 17 || Paróksha12. Rámadóvasya Rama-sô (66)bhô=pi udvasam"[1]Jagapalapuramh játam krité
désé(68) punar-navo 11 18 11 Kalau dharmmêshu Kauntêyo satyair Jjimậtavahanam' vikramêņa yatha Râmô dânê Bhanusut-Ôpama" || 19 11
Kshatrajño sa13. tya-vakta cha dvija-dôv-agni-pujakah[l*]purân-agama-sâ(6)stranam śrota vai bharat
adibhiḥ 11 20 | Rîmâyaņa-makhiḥ sarvvé va[kt]a jiva (dha]rô=picha
manishi Brahma-vansê tu Bharati varadô=pivå 11 21 11 f(dri][śa*?]14. [s=cha ?] bhavêt-pums Jagapalo-pi sundara[h(?)] 1 Råma-so ()bhah-sa[m]kasa(s)
[rtham(?) prasadam kâritamrimams 22 Salmalisya]mh nama grâmam naivedyaya niveditar | [y] cha bhậpå bhavishyanti pålayishyanti
sarvvadah || 231 15. S[th]Ana-pati[r(P)]=yama-niyama-svådhyâya-dhyân-anushthana-rataḥ bhagavantah
śrf-Mutkatma-namah tha* 11 Jagapal-anajo bhrata Gajalo-pi dhanarddharam | vikrami dushta-hantâ cha Sa(sa)kra-samgha-bhaya(nika]ram 11 24 11
Tastra(?)] 16. prishth-anujó ja[ta]h Jaya[t?]sim ho-pi namata) [1] Vibhatsasy="pamam
vi[ra] dhanvinam ripu-nasa(sa)nam || 25 || Pradhanan trishu" ra iy léshuo Devarajo-pinâmatah[io] bhis-tu paksha-samyôgaih sâdhitân=cha
vasundharam || 26 17. Iti Ayodhyâpuriy-Anvayê mahâmîhêsva(sva)ra-paramavaishnavya-mahậpamajita
thakkura-sri-Jasodhara-putrêņa dvija-dêva-guru-gu(su)śrush-Abhiratêna manishiņa
bhakti-bha[rtr]ânuranjakena" mahe18. t-kavi-kimkirêņa" lakshaņêna vina "thakkura-sri-Jasanandêna kțitâ prasa(sa sti[b][*]
Likhita sch=elyan rå pakira-sri-Ratnapalēna utkirnnapi vå| K[u]lachuri
samvatsar[6] 896 Maghe masi su(su)kla19. pakshe rath-Ashtamyam [V]u(bu)dha-dino likhita iti 11 5 11
» This sign for anusvira may have been struck out. 38 Metre, Upendravajra.
* These three akaharas are quite plain; I should have expected some much word as udvahat.
* Perhaps altered to "vahanan. *1 i.e. upamal.
Instead of this, I should have expected kritajah. 45 This is intended for, and seems to have been altered to, küritam=iman.
4. i.e. Muktat má td ma.
• The same sign for tha occurs occasionally at the end of chapters or whole works in Devanagari MSS., in place of the more common sign resembling chha. Both may originally have been intended as symbols for m. See the symbol for ôm used similarly e.g. in lines 72 and 73 of the Kauthem plates of Vikramaditya V., ante, Vol. XVI., page 23.
16 i.e. Bibhatrasya of Arjuna.' * i.e. trishu. # This may be ráshtrishu. . ie either bhartri-bhakténa, or bhartr-anurañjakna. 50 i.e. mahikarri-kirkaréna.
The words_lakshandna vind are perfectly plain in the rubbings; I am unable to explain them.
3 Between these stops there is a small drawing, the nature of which may be seen from the lithograph on Plate XX. of Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. Its middle portion may originally have been intended as a symbol for rim, but the whole appears to be merely an ornamental full stop. A somewhat similar drawing we find at the end of the unpublished Jabalpur Chêdi inscription of the year 926 ; and in lines 14 and 36 (exactly where we should expect to find full stope), and at the end of the inscription of Albanadevi, of the year 907 = A.D. 1155, & photolithograph of which is published in Archwol. Survey of Western India, No. X. page 107. And that this sign is not confined to Chedi inscriptions, is shown by the fact that it occurs also e.g. at the end of the Yadava inscription of Saka-Sarnvat 1063 = A.D. 1141, a photolithograph of which is published ante, Vol. XII. page 126, and the writing of which also in other respects shows a very remarkable resemblance to that of Albanadèvi's inscription.

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MISCELLANEA.
141
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
Purnimanta northern arrangement of the lunar No. 8.
fortnights. This question must be settled when In this Journal, Vol. XVI. p. 109 ff., I have we can determine for certain whether invisible already referred to the date in the Haidarabad eclipses were, or were not, to be occasions of copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya ceremonies and public acts. king Pulikesin II, in which the details for cal. But the point to which I have now to draw culation are-Saka-Samvat 534 expired, the month attention, is, that, whichever of these two eclipses Bhadrapada (ordinarily August-September), the we select as the one intended, this record proves new-moon tithi, and an eclipse of the sun. And that, up to A.D. 618 or 613, and even in a on that occasion I arrived at the conclusion particular part of Southern India, very far that the solar eclipse in question is that of south of the river Narmada, the Parnimanta the 83rd July, A.D. 813.
northern arrangement of the lunar fortnights This result, however, was in consequence of a was used in connection with the years of the mistake as to the English equivalent of the in- Baka ere. dicated current Saka year, due to the manner in
No. 9. which the Tables are arranged for expired years
In a copper-plate grant of the Rashtrakata without any distinct intimation to that effect, and king Govinda III., from the Kanarese Counby no means confined to myself. As regards the
try, the date (ante, Vol. XI. p. 126, line lff, and record in question, Saka-Samvat 534 expired, and Plate) is--Saka-npipa-kal -&tita -samvatsarangal 535 current, is really equivalent to A.D. 612-613. el-napirpatt-êranêyê Subhanu enuba varshada In this period, there was an eclipse of the sun Vaisakha-masa - kşishņa-paksha-panchami. Bri. on the 2nd August, A.D. 612 ; which was the haspativaram agi,"when it is Thursday, the new-moon tithi of Bhådrapada according to the
fifth tithi of the dark fortnight of the month Párnimanta northern arrangement of the lunar Vaisakha (ordinarily April-May) of the year fortnights.
called Subhanu, which is the seven hundred Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds, however, by the Sarya- and twenty-sixth (of the years that have gone Siddhanta, that the given tithi ended at 35 by from the time of the Saka king." ahalle 46 nalar, after mean aunrise. i.e. about whether by the literal meaning of the text the 2 hours, 18 minutes, after mean sunset, at I given year, Saka.Samvat 726, is indicated as Badami,--the locality to which the record refers current, or as expired, is not quite certain. But itself; and, consequently, that this eclipse, oc- correct results can be obtained only by taking it curring in the night, was not visible in India. as an expired year.
Accordingly, it is doubtful whether the record Thus, by the Southern System of the Sixtyreally refers to the eclipse of the 2nd August,
the eclipse of the 2nd August. Year Cycle of Jupiter, the Subhanu samA.D. 612; or whether we have here a genuine
vatsara coincided with Saka-Sarnvat 726 current. instance of a mistake in the year that is quoted, But, with the basis of Saka-Sativat 725 expired, and the eclipse that is really intended is that I find, from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, that which occurred, fully visibly at Bådâmi under Vaisakha krishna 5 of Saka-Sarnvat 726 current. very impressive circumstances, on the 23rd July, ended, by the Aminta southern arrangement of A.D. 613, which date again, as shewn by me on the lunar fortnights, on Saturday, the 15th April. the previous occasion, answers to the new-moon A. D. 803, at about 58 ghatis, 38 prias, after tithi of the natural Bhadrapada according to the mean sunrise at Bombay; and, by the Párnimania
e.g. those of Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Indian Eras, being at the March equinox: if the Saka atile" (i.e. ex. and Mr. Cowasjee Patell's Chronology.-It is, under any pired) " year be mentioned, the equation is + 79:"-But circumstances, quite illogical to speak of, for instance,
the true epoch or year of the Suka era is A.D. 17.78; " Chaitra kukla 1 of, in, or belonging to, Saka-Samvat and A.D. 78-78, was its commencement or first current 500," when the Saks year is intended as an expired year (Hea" Note on the Epoch and Reckoning of the Saka year. And it is particularly necessary to use the current Era, which will appear shortly in this Journal.) We Hindu years, when the object is to compare them with
have to add only 77-79, to convert current Paks. years into years of the Christian era, of which the current years are always quoted, leaving it to any one who has to
current Christian years; and, by aliling 78-79. what we calculate a date by Hindu Tables, to take the preceding
obtain is the current Christian year equivalent to a given expired year as the basis of the calculation. Owing to
expired Saka year. the customary arrangement of the Tables, there has been
Seo Indian Erar, p. 210. a general understanding that the epoch of tho Saka era is
* See the Table, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 113. A.D. 78.79. And Dr. Burnell even went so far as to
• See the details given on the provious ooraviou. write explicitly (South Indian Palmography, p. 72, note) See my remarks at page 117 above, on the use of " the rough equation for converting this era into the atita in the compound Saku-aripa kii. 1-san cat. Christian date is + 784. The beginning of the year sarangal.
500," when this particularly 500. And it inhen the object of which there who hadi
is to compararrent years
Iwf the Christ the objecticessary to use expired
obtain is the carry

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(
As, 1888.
sun."
northern arrangement, on Friday, the 17th March, Vyaya is current, which is the seven hunat about 28 ghatís, 2 palas.
dred and eighty-eighth of the years that have With the basis, however, of Saka-Samvat 726 gone by from the time of the Saka king; (and) expired, the given tithi, Vaisakha krishna 5 of while there is current, with perpetual increase of Saka-Samvat 727 current, ended, by the Amanta sovereignty, the augmenting year fifty-two of the southern arrangement, on Friany, the 3rd May, victorious reign of him who is marked with the A. D. 804, at about 49 ghatis, 37 palas; but, by glorious name of Amoghavarsha-Nripatunga, the Purnimenta northern arrangement, on Thurs- ............ when it is the new-moon tithi, day, the 4th April, A.D. 804, at about 15 and Sunday, of the month Jyêshtha (ordinarily ghatis, 45 palas.
May-June); at the time of an eclipse of the And this result is in perfect agreement with the name of the given samvatsara, Su- Here again, whether by the literal meaning of bhånu. For, though by the Southern System the text the given year, Saka-Samvat 788, is of the Cycle, if it had really been started at | quoted as current, or as expired, is not quite cer. that time, the Subhanu sancatsara had expired tain. But correct results can be obtained only by before the resulting English date, yet, from taking it as an expired year. Thus, in Saka. Bome Tables drawn up by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, Samvat 788 current (A.D. 865-66), there was no I find that according to the so-called Northern eclipse of the sun, on the given tithi. Also by the System, and the only really astronomical system, Southern System of the Cycle, the Vyaya sam of the Cycle, the Subhanu samvatsara com. vatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 789 current menced on the 17th June, A.D. 803, which is (A.D. 866-67). And, by the Northern System, it in due accordance with the result from Varaha- commenced in Saka-Samvat 788 current, on the mihira's rule in the Brihat-Samhita, viii. 20, 21, 23rd September, A.D. 865, and was followed by that this samvatsara was current at the end of the Sarvajit samvatsara in Saka-Samvat 789 carSaka-Samvat 726 expired, i.e. at the commence- rent, on the 20th September, A. D. 866; and thus, ment of 727 current; and was followed by the as will be seen, by either system it was curTirana samvatsara on the 12th June, A.D. 804. rent on the given date, the English equivalent Therefore, the Subhanu samvatsara was cur- of which is the 16th June, A.D. 866. rent on the given date, as recorded.
With the basis of Saka-Samvat 788 expired, Accordingly, this record proves-(1) that, the given tithi, Jyêshtha krishna 15,1 belong. at any rate up to A.D. 804, even as far down ing to Saka-Samvat 789 current, ended, by the in Southern India as the banks of the river Párnimanta northern arrangement of the lunar Tungabhadra, to which locality the record fortnights, at about 1 ghati, 49 palas, on Saturrefers itself, the Parpimanta northern arrange- day, the 18th May, A. D. 866, when there was no ment of the lunar fortnights was still eclipse of the sun; but, by the Amdnta southern used in connection with the years of the Baka arrangement, at about 20 gh. 5p. on Sunday, the era ; and (2) that, up to the same date, and 18th June, A. D. 886, when there was an in the same part of the country, it is the eclipse of the sun,' which, as the tithi ended at Northern System of the Sixty-Year Cycle of about 2-2 P.M. (for Bombay), might be visible in Jupiter that was in use, at any rate, in con- India nection with the years of the Saka era.
Accordingly this record proves that, by A.D. No. 10.
886, the Amanta southern arrangement of the In the Sirur stone inscription of the Rash- lunar fortnights had been applied to the years trakuta king Amoghavarsha I., from the of the Saka era, in Southern India, or at any Dharwad District, the date (ante, Vol. XII. rate in the particular part of the country to p. 219, line 15ff.) is-Saka-npipa-kål-&tita-saliivat- which this inscription belonge. And & comsaranga! el-nur=enbhatt-entaneya Vyayam emba parison of the results for the grant of Sakasamvatsaram pravartise śrimad- Amoghavarsha- Samvat 727 current, No. 9 above, shews that this Nripatunga-nâm-ankitanå vijaya-rajya-pravardha- change in the calendar was made between mana-samvatsarangal ayvatt-eradum uttar-Ottarath A. D. 804 and 886. rájy-Abhivriddhi salutt-ire ........ Jyê. As the Subhanu saihvatsara was current on the slatha-masad=amaseyum Adityaváram age surya- given tithi according to both the Northern and grahaņad=andu,-"when the samvatsara named the Southern Systems of the Cycle, this record
. From the use of Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables, I find Sukla 1; though the latter is the initial day that is that, for the purposes of such rules as that of Varaha- required for the notation of tithis. mihira, the Saka years have to be treated as commencing See Indian Eras, p. 212. with the Media-Sakrinti, and not with Chaitra

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MAY, 1898.]
MISCELLANEA.
143
furnishes no evidence in that direction. But my impression is that further inquiries will ghew that the Southern System of the Cycle is always coupled with the Amánta arrangement of the lunar fortnights; and the Northern System, with the Purnimanta arrangement.
J. F. FLEET.
Şant, also called sumt, the shittah of Scripture, originally santah, from Egyptian shonte or shonti (Gesenius), old spina ægyptiaca, mimosa or acacia nilotica, acacia vera, giving the gum arabic; it abounde in Egypt, Arabia and Syria. Its wood is very hard and almost imperishable and gets black, like ebony, with age; its fruit is the arabic qars, hence Bildd-al-qara, the qarz country, Arabia Felix, from the number of trees growing there, tbe Persian keret. Other Acacias yielding gum arabic are acacia serissa of Egypt and acacia veyal of Egypt and Sinai.
A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER. Tehran.
THE ACACIA OF PERSIA AND ARABIA. Referring to note 797, Vol. IV. Indian Notes and Queries, regarding the magical properties of the Acacia :-when travelling in Southern Persin (between Kerman and Bender 'Abbas) in 1879, I frequently had occasion to hear that the keret, a kind of acacia with dark leaves, was an unlucky tree. People who go to sleep under it are said to fall ill, or, according to some, will never wake up again. Another acacia with lighter coloured foliage and growing in the same neighbourhood, is called kahúr, and considered healthy and lucky.
The medical dictionary Makhzan-al-adriyeh, 9. v. gare (Arabic), keret (Persian) says: “It is a fruit like that of the umm-i-gheildn, whose juice is called aqaqia, and is the gum arabic of com- merce; the tree yielding the qarz is a thorn and some say that its leaves are the salam and its fruit the şant, its wood is hard, and when old gets black like ebony, with whitish marks. The people of India and Bengal use it for joinery. Its geed is like that of tamarinds, but smaller and green, getting red when ripe. Its flowers are white or yellow and sweet-scented. Its leaves and seed are used for tanning leather and are called jelúd-al-qarz (bark of qarz)." The Burhan. i-qata' describes the qarz as a fruit resembling the Syrian khartat (a large kind of mulberry), but whiter and more insipid.
Aqaqia, from the Greek 'akakta, is according to the Makhzan, the juice of the qarz, the fruit of the sant tree, and the gum arabic of commerce. The aqaqid collected from the unripe fruit is red before drying and greenish after drying; that which is collected from the ripe fruit is blackish green and better than the other, also harder and heavier. The best way to obtain the gun is to collect the pods when ripe and to pound them into a mass, which is to be put over a gentle fire till coagulation sets in, when it is to be poured into forms and dried. Many people mix the juice of the leaves with that of the fruit and prefer to let the mass coagulate by the heat of the sun.'
Umm-1-gheilan, generally mugheilan in Persian, is the name of the tree which yields the gum arabic, it is the old spina ægyptiaca, a kind of acacia, probably the same as the sant. 1 cf. Pliny, xiii. 19.
cf. Pliny, xxiv. 67.
A NOTICE OF THE CHEHAR MAQALEH. The Chehar Maqaleh (alle, e) of Ahmed bin 'Umer bin 'Ali u'd-Nizami ul'Ardzi us-Samarqandt has just been published in lithograph at Tehrân; the colophon bearing A.H. 1305 as the date of publication. This work owes its title to its division into four maqdlehs, or chapters. Four classes of men : munshss (dabir), poets, astrologers and physicians being indispensable to the wellbeing of a state, Nizami-ul'Arůzt wrote the present work, containing anecdotes of the most famous in each class, who preceded him, or who were contemporary with him. This work is much quoted by biographers of the early poets and philosophers. In it is the story of 'Umer Khayyam, in which he foretells that flowers shall be strewn over his last resting-place. Nizami-ul'Ardzi met Khayyam in A.H. 506 at Balkh, and there heard him say that his tomb would be in a place where annually two falls of flowers would lie strewn on his grave. In A.H. 530 Nizami-ul. 'Arazi passed through Nish&par and asked to be shown the resting place of the great rubd'i writer, whom he looked on as his master; and he was shown a place in the grave-yard by a wall, over which, from a neighbouring garden, a couple of fruit trees shed their blossoms, completely hiding the poet's last abode. Nizâmi-ul'Aruzi mentions A.H. 547, after this passage, as a year already past.
One of the carliest notices of this author and poet will be found in the very rare Lubab'ul. Albáb of Muhammed 'Arifi, and therein is he placed amongst the poets of Mavera-un-nehr who panegyrised the Seljaqs. He was a panegyrist of the Guri Amirs, of whom he mentions more particularly 'Ald-ud-Din Aba 'Ali ul-Husain Bul. Husain, in whose service and in that of his predecessors he had spent forty-five years. He is said to have travelled much, and to have been well
*Sprenger, Oude Catalogue, p. 4, No. 56.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1888
skilled both in Astrology and Medicine. In poetry English readers as one of those concerned in the he was the disciple of Amir Mu'izzi. Dolet attempt to place his father, Husain 'Ali Mirza, Shah, in his Tazkereh mentions the Chehar Magd. Firman Firms, on the throne of Persia in sucoesleh; and adds that the poet also composed a metri. sion to Fath 'Alt Shah. The attempt proving cal version of the romance of Vais u Ramin. | unsuccessful, Timor Mirza and his five brothers Hamdu'llah Mustoft in his Tarikh Engideh fled from Fars to Baghdad, and subsequently (apparently copied in the Habib-us-Siyar, Vol. went on to Europe and England. One of the II Juz. 4) mentions a Majma'un-Nevdder as Princes, Najef Qull Mirza, wrote an interesting also by him. In the Haft Iqlim in the description
account of the events which followed the death of of Samarqand, it is stated that he composed two their grandfather, Fath 'Ali Shah, and of their prose works: the present work and the Majma'un. adventures in consequence. This work was Nevdder. Haji Khalifeh (Vol. II. p. 656) men- translated into English, and printed in London tions the Chehar Maqaleh, and in Vol. V. p. 405 by W. Tyler (undated), for private circulation also mentions the Majma'un-Neudder. In this only, in 2 volumes, under the Title: "Journal second notice he calls the anthor Nizam.n'a. Din'l of a Residence in England of their Royal Aba'lHasan Ahmed bin 'Umer bin 'Alt ul-Mekki | Highnéases Reeza Koolee Meerza, Najat Koolee ul.'Arūzi 18-Samarqandi. The Sham'Anjuman Meerza, of Persia ; to which are prefixed some (p. 451) mentions both works. In the preface particulars respecting modern Persia to the Majma'ul-Fusehd of Rezê Quli Khan, the
death of the late Shah." Majma'un-Nevdder is mentioned as one of the
Timar Mirza, after thirty years' exile at Baghdad, sources of that work. A notice of the poet will
returned to Persia. Being a great sporteman he be found in the Majma' ul-Fusehá, Vol. I. p. 635.
was in constant attendance at the shooting excur. The Atash-kedeh also contains a notice of the
sions of Nâsir-u'd-Din Shah, the present ruler of author of the Chehár Maqaleh.
Persia. No one knew better than he how to train S. J. A. C.
and keep the different varieties of hawks used by
the Persians in their hunting expeditions. The THE BOOK OF THE FALCON.
present treatise was written in A.H. 1285, and
has been lithographed at Tehran undated. Its Timur Mirza, the author of the work called author died on the 18th Rabi II, A.H. 1291. the -li; Baz Nameh, is better known to
S. J. A. C.
BOOK NOTICE. ASIATIC RESEARCHES.- Popular Edition, Vol. II. Re- the reduced scale of the reprint would have preprinted by BROJENDRO LALL Doss, Calcutta, 1885-7,
sented no difficulty of any sort, they have been Royal 8vo., pp. 398.
reproduced in the same size as in the original; We noticed the first volume of this convenient the result is cumbersome and unwieldy, and tho reprint ante, Vol. XV. p. 216, and expressed a hope, l entire volume is disfigured. The volume begins which we are sorry has not been fulfilled, that the with the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Anniversary numbers would be issued more frequently. Volume Discourses delivered by the President in February II., of which the first number was issued in 1787, 1788 and 1789; and includes papers read September 1885, was only completed in January before and communications made to the Asiatic 1888. At this slow rate of progress the reprint is Society in Bengal, the earliest of which is dated not likely to be of much use, nor will subsequent 3rd March 1784, and the latest February 1790. volumes find many subscribers. We trust the The article numbered V. (pp. 62-85), in which the publishers will be able to expedite the issue of President, Sir William Jones, describes his visit the rest of this reprint of a valuable and rather (on his way to India in 1783) to the Island of rare series of volumes. In the present handy and Hinzuan or Johanna," one of the Comoro islands, cheap form the work ought to be welcome to is not a little curious. Davis's article, dated 15th many persons, but its value is seriously injured February 1789,"On the Astronomical computaby delays which will spread the reprint over a tion of the Hindus” (pp. 175 to 226), is still, quarter of a century. The letterpress of Vol. II. we believe, worthy of study. An article of appears equal to that of the first volume, and general interest is No. XVII., "an account of faithful in every respect. The Tables which form the Kingdom of Nepal," written by the Capuchin Pp. 157 and 158 in the original edition, have, Father Joseph, Prefect of the Catholic Mission however, been treated in a very clumsy manner. in that country, in which he resided several years Although their reduction from the original size to about the middle of the last century.

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JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
145
METHODS AND TABLES FOR VERIFYING HINDU DATES,
TITHIS, ECLIPSES, NAKSHATRAS, ETC. BY HERMANN JACOBI, PH.D.; PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF KIEL. THE Tables which are now placed before the relative distance by twelve degrees of the
publie, are intended for the use of those zodiac. The names of the tithis are the who wish to verify dates of Indian docu- Sansksit ordinals,-prathamd, dvitiya, etc. ments, inscriptions, manuscripts, etc., The first tithi of either paksha is also called chronicled according to the intricate Luni-Solar pratipad or pratipadá; the last tithi of the Calendar of the Hindus. The working of these bright fortnight is also called purnima, as Tables will be found easy, requiring only the it ends with the moment of full-moon; and computation of a few figures; and the operation the last titki of the dark fortnight, amávásyú, to be gone through is almost mechanical, and as it ends with the moment of new-moon. will yield correct results, if the rules, to be The tithis furnish the names of the civil days, explained in the sequel, be strictly adhered to. inasmuch as the civil day (being accounted to Nevertheless, to render more intelligible the begin with true sunrise) is named after the process of calealation, it will be well to place tithi that ends in it. Thus, Mâghê ba di 9 is before the reader the frame and outlines of the the usual abbreviation equivalent to the civil Luni-Solar Calendar.
day in which ended the 9th lithi of the dark
fortnight of the lanar month Magha." PART I.-ON THE LUNI-SOLAR
On Mean and True Lunar Months and Tithis. CALENDAR.
The sun and the moon do not move with an On the Lunar Months, Pakshas, and
even motion ; i.e. they do not always move in Tithis in general.
the same time through the same space of the A lunar month is the time of one lunation. firmament. Yet, for the sake of calculation, It consists of two pakshas, or fortnights,
it has been found convenient by astronomers the bright (sukla, suddha) fortnight, or the to assume that the motion of all the heavenly time of the waxing moon; and the dark bodies is proportional to time. This motion is (krishna, bahula) fortnight, or the time called the mean motion, to distinguish it froma of the waning moon. In the North, the the true motion, dark fortnight precedes the bright fort- The place in which the sun or moon would night; in the South, it follows it. But the be, if they had the mean motion, is called bright fortnight is always the same, both in their mean place. In the same way, mean the South and the North of India. The lunar lunations and mean tithis are spoken of. But, month takes the name of that solar month, in in the Hindu Calendar, only true lunations and whieh occurs the true new-moon forming the true tithis are used ; i.e. true, not as would be commencement of the bright fortnight of the found by actual observation, but as calculated lunar month under consideration. The new- according to the astronomical theory of the moon (the first if there are two) in solar Siddhantas. A. mean lunation, or lunar month, Chaitra, (or Karttika for some eras) forms the is about 29 days, 13 hours; while the true lunar beginning of the luni-solar year. Each paksha month varies in length between 29 daye, 40 is divided into 15 tithis. Atithi is the time minutes, and 30 days, 1 hour, 15 minutes. The required by the combined motions of the sun duration of a mean tithi is about 23 hours, 37 and moon to increase in the bright fortnight)minates; that of a true tithi varies between or to diminish (in the dark fortnight) their about 20 and 26 hours. It is very easy to
Tables 5 to 11 are constructed on the plan of those of according to the elements and theory of the Sarya. Largeteau, first published in the "Connaissance des Siddhanta as will be explained at the end of this paper. temps" for 18-16. By the Tables of Largeteau, the true I have to thank Dr. Peters, Professor of Astronomy in place of the moon in relation to the sun can be found Kiel, now in Königsberg, with whose kind assistance with high degree of accuracy according to the lunar
I have come to a thorough understanding of the conand solar theories of modern astronomy. In order to
struction of Largeteau's Tables. make the Tables of Largeteau serve our purpose, Apart | Compare the scheme, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 143. only of them could be used. The rest had to be altered

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[JUNE, 1888.
calculate a mean date; but it is of course more (adhika). For instance, if the 12th tithi began difficult to find the true one.
on one day and ended on the next but one, the
corresponding days will be numbered I1, 12, On Intercalary and Expunged Months. adlika 12, 13. It sometimes happens that two new-moons
It will be obvious that we eannot speak occur in one solar month; all solar months being
of repeated and expunged tithis, unless we
understand by tithi the civil day corresponding longer than 29 days, 40 minutes; some by more
to a tithi. Nor of repeated and expunged days, than one or two days; some by a fraction of a day only. In that case there will be, accord
unless we mean by it the number given to the ingly, two lunar months of the same name;
day by the tithi. Intercalation or expunction of these two months the first is considered as
does not affect the week-days, which run on the intercalated (adhika) month of that name,
continuously uninterrupted. the second as the proper one (nija); or, in
On Solar Months, Northern India, the adhika month is inserted between the two pakshas of the nija month.
From the preceding definitions, it will be On the contrary, occasionally there occurs no
evident that, in order to convert a luni-solar new-moon within one solar month; in that case,
date into one of the English calendar, we must
ascertain - the lunar month, synonymous with the solar
(1) The space of time corresponding to the month in question, is altogether omitted (kshaya); or else, according to Warren, the
eponym solar month ;
(2) The day on which the new-moon name of that month is compounded with that
occurred within that space of time; of the following one.
(3) The day on which ended that tithi after Ewample.--If new-moon occurs on, or be
which the day given in the Hindu date is tween the limits of, the first and last days of
named. the solar Karttikay there will be two lunar
The last two questions can be accurately months Kürttiks; the first of which is adhika Karttika, the second nija. On the contrary, if
answered with the help of Tables 5 to 11;
the first approximately only. But, in most no new-moon occurs in the solar Pausha, there will be no lunar Pausha in that year; Pausha
cases, an approximate answer to the two first
questions will be sufficient. Only where it is being in that case an expunged or kshaya month.
doubtful whether there was an intercalary
month,-i.e. when the new-moon falls on the On Repeated and Expunged Tithis.
approximate initial day of the solar month inIf two tithis end on the same civil day, that dicated by our lunar Tables,--the exact limits tithi which both begins and ends on that sanse of that solar month should be ascertained by day, is accounted to be expunged (kshaya); Tables 1 to 4. To ascertain the exact time of that is to say, though in the strict lunar reckon the solar months, four Yables are wanted, one for ing the kshaya tithi is extant, yet in the civil each of the four years of our intercalary cycle: veckoning, which is the only one need for which Table applies, is shown by the superdating, it is neglected. For instance, if, of the scription of those Tables. They give, under the tithis 11, 12, 13, the 12th ends on the same name of each solar month, the year A.D. in day with the llth, that day is called the 11th which the initial date of that month advanaccording to the usual rule ; bat the following ced by one day. The corresponding English day is called the 13th ; the 12th tithi being date will be found by adding, to the date expunged, and there being no day to take written immediately below the name of the the number of it. If, on the other hand, solar month, the number of days found in the a tithi begins on one day, runs over the next, first (or last)column on the same horizontal line and ends on the next but one, that day on with the year in question. Thus, we find, e.g., which no tithi ends, takes the same number by Table 2, that in A.D. 574 the solar Vaisakha as the preceding day, which is thus repeated' began on the 20th March (Old Style). The 20th
* These Tables give the same result as Warren's Tables I. III, and V. They are based on the drya-Siddhanta.

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JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
147
March continued to be the initial day of Vaisa- period during which the sun is moving from kha till A.D. 690, for all years which, divided by north to south. four, leave as a remainder 2. The day thus
PART II.-USE OF THE TABLES. found is, however, the civil beginning of the solar month, the day on which the astronomi. Description and Explanation of the Tables. cal beginning of the month, i.e. the Sankránti, In Tables 5 to 8, the value of four quanor entrance of the sun into a zodiacal sign, is tities, a. b. c. d., for different periods is given ; nsually celebrated. The true instant of the e.g. in Table 5 we find that in A D. 1801 (on beginning of a solar month occurred, in any the 1st January) a = 5138, b=566, c=6, year entered in the Table, at or shortly after d=479. For calculating tithis, however, only
nset of the day preceding the civil begin- a. b. c. are wanted ; and we shall therefore, ning of the solar month of that year; every for the present, speak of a. b. c. only. four years it advances by 50 minutes. For The quantity a. (plus the constant quantity example, the solar Vaisakha in A.D. 574 began 200)* gives the mean lunations expressed in astronomically on the 19th March at sunset in 10,000th parts of the unit; or the difference Lauka, or 12 hours Labkå time; and in A.D. of the mean longitudes of the sun and the 622, which year is separated from 574 by 48 moon expressed in 10,000th parts of the circle. (i.e. 12 X 4 years), 12 X 50 minutes = 10 hours And the value a=5138 denotes that, at the later, i.e. on the 19th March, 22 hours, Lanka moment in question, 0-5338 of the current mean time. The moment thus found is some minutes lanation was gone. later than the true one, but this degree of acou- b and c. give, in thousandth parts of the unit, racy will be found sufficient. The astrono- two other quantities on which depends the mical limits of the solar month are wanted for difference of the true longitudes of the sun and determining the name of the lunar months moon, which we shall denote by A. With b. and c. in cases where the true new-moon occurs turn to Tables 9 and 10; there, for the value near those limits. The initial days of the of b. and o. As arguments, is given the equation solar months are also the days of sankránti ; which, added to an gives 4.; e.g. for b. 566, we 1st Vaiśê kha, that of Mêsha ; Ist Jyaishtha, that find by Table 9, as equation, 84; for c. 6 we of Vrishabha; and so on (see at the foot of find, by Table 10, as equation, 58. Adding 84
Table 7). The Ist Magha is the first day of the and 58 to a= 5138, we get A= 5280. The uttarayana, or the period daring which the san value of A. shows whieh tithi was carrent at is moving from south to north; and the Ist the moment under consideration, as presented Śråvaņa, that of the dakshinayana, or the in the following table :Sukla-paksha.
Krishna-paksha. 1 Tithi; 4. is between 1 & 333
1 Tithi ; A. is between 5001 & 5333 334 , 666
5334 5666 667 1 1000
5667
6000 1001 , 1333
6001 > 6333 1334 1666
6334 , 6666 1667 2000
6667 7000 2001 » 2333
7001 2334 , 2866
7334 7666 2667 , 3000
8000 3001, 3333
8001 8333 3334 , 3666
8334 8666 8667 4000
8667 9000 4001, 4333
9001 9333 4334, 4666
9334 9666 4667 5000
9667 , 10000 or 0 Full-moon; 4. = 5000
New-moon; 4. = 0 or 10000 • 200-5 has been subtracted from the exact value of the mean lunation, in order that all corrections to be applied I ob. is the mean anomaly of the moon; and c. the meaa to it for finding the value of the true lunation shall be anomaly of the sun. additive quantities, and not additive in one case, and
7333
7667
»

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A. 5280 denotes, therefore, that, at the moment in question, the first tithi of the dark fortnight was current.
In Tables 5 to 7, the column superscribed w. contains the figures 0 to 7, which serve to find the day of the week, as will be shown below.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Table 5 gives the values of a. b. c. d. for all the years of the 19th century. If the year in question is not contained in the 19th century, the corresponding year of the 19th century has to be taken; i.e. the year of the 19th century which is separated from the given year by complete centuries. To find the corresponding year, add the last two figures of the given year to A.D. 1800; e.g. the corresponding year of A.D. 484 is A.D. 1884.
Table 6 gives the values of a. b. c. d. for the centuries intervening between the given year and the corresponding one of the 19th century. To find them, subtract the given year from the corresponding year of the 19th century; e.g. A.D. 1884-484 14 centuries.
Table 7 gives the value of a. b. c. d. for the hour 0 or sunrise at Lanka, of all days of the English year, and the three first months of the next year. The days of the month are entered in two columns. In the first twelve sub
divisions of Table 7, for January to December, the first column applies to common In years, and the second to leap-years. the continuation of this Table for the following year, the arrangement is different. In January and February, the first column applies if the English year, preceding that to which these months belong, was a common year; the second, if it was a leap-year In March, the second column applies if the English year, in which that month occurred, was a leap-year, or followed after a leap-year. The first column applies to the remaining These last years of our intercalary cycle. three Tables are to be used for the last part of the Hindu year; viz. for that part of the Hindu year which falls in the English year following that in which the beginning of the Hindu year fell. Table 8 gives the values of a. b. c. d. for hours and minutes.
[JUNE, 1888. moment in question, which is to be interpreted according to the tithi Table.
An example will set this in a clearer light. Let it be asked, what tithi was current on the 21st June, A.D. 484. We have
All the quantities taken from Tables 5 to 8, are to be summed up in due order; then the equation of the sum of b. and that of the sam of c. (Tables 9 and 10), are to be added to the sum of a. The result will be the A. for the
Table 5 Table 6 Table 7
w
a
b
c
A.D. 1884 (3) 765 746 2 67 14 cent.... (5) 4626 21 June... (4) 8245 Leap year.
734 242 471
(12) 3636 722 540 Table 9 arg. b. 722, eq. = Table 10 arg. c. 540 eq.
3 76
=
A. 3715
As A. is between 3667 and 4000, it follows from the titki Table that the 12th tithi of the bright fortnight was current.
The Week-Day can be found from the sum of w. 12 (put in brackets). Rule:-If w. is smaller than, or equal to 7, the number indicates the week-day, counting from Sunday as 1. If w. is larger than 7, retrench 7; if larger than 14, retrench 14. The remainder, in both cases, indicates the week-day, counting from Sunday as 1. In our example w. 12; subtract 7; remainder, 5 = Thursday.
If it be required to know when the 12th tithi ended, subtract 3715 from 4000; the remainder is 285. With this remainder, 285, apply to Table 11, in order to find approximately the difference in time between the time when A. was = 3715 and when it was 4000. We find 200 14 hours, 10 minutes; 85
6 hours, 1 minute; so, 28520 hours, 11
minutes; therefore the 12th tithi ended about 20 hours, 11 minutes, after sunrise in Lanka.
If this approximation should not be considered sufficient, we add to the above found
sums of a. b. c., the value of a. b. c. for 20 hours, 11 minutes, from Table 8. We have found :a b c 3636 722 540 282 30 2 3 0 0 3921 752 542 0 76
21st June AD. 484 20 hours (Table 8) 11 min.
arg. b. 752 arg. c. 542
...
*******.
A. 3997
=

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JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOF HINDU DATES.
149
The difference between 4000 and 3997 being as the remainder, 8609. Therefore, by adding 3, shows (by Table 11) that the end of the 8609 to the a. of the beginning of A.D. 484, tithi occurred 13 minutes after 20 hours, 11 we get 4000; and all days, whose a. is 8609 minutes; or at 20 hours, 24 minutes, after or the next lower figure, are approximate dates sunrise at Lanka. Therefore, as the 12th for each su di 12, the whole year round. tithi ended on the 21st June, A.D. 484, that day | In the same way, by subtracting the a. for was su di 12.
the beginning of A.D. 484, vis. 5391, from If we want to know the name of the month 10000, i.e. the equivalent of the new-moon, the of which the 21st Jane, A.D. 484, was the su di remainder, in our example 4609, indicates 12, we count 12 days back from the 21st June; approximately all the new-moon days of the day obtained, the 10th June, was the A.D. 484. beginning of the month; and, accordingly, the Now, with 4609, we turn to Table 7. Finding preceding day, the 9th June, was the day of Ashidha at the foot of May, we select the days new-moon, always supposing that there was in May and Jane, whose a. is nearest to 4609. no kshaya or adhika titki between new-moon A.D. 484 being a leap-year, we find the 11th and su di 12. Now, turning to Table 4, we May and 10th June. We must now ascertain find that the 9th June, A.D. 484, falls in the which of these two dates determines the middle of the time assigned for the solar beginning of the lunar Åshậdha Sukla paksha. Åshadba (20th May to 20th Jane). Therefore, as This can be done with the help of Tables 1 to 4, the new-moon of the same month to which the as explained above; or, without using those éu di 12 under consideration belonged, fell Tables, the beginning and end of the solar months within the solar Ashadha, we conclude that the can be found in the following way :- At the 21st June, A.D. 484, was su di 12 of the lunar foot of the Table we find that, on Ist solar month Ashâdha.
Ashadha, c. is about (i.e. one smaller or
larger than) 450. The c. of the beginning On the Verification of Luni-Solar Dates. of A.D. 484 is 69. Adding 69 to the c. of Having shown how the Tables are worked, I
the 11th May, 359 + 69 = 428. This (428) shall now explain how, by their help, the most
being lower than the c. for 1st solar Ashidha, usual problem, that of converting a luni-solar
we conclude that the new-moon, occurring on dato into one of our Calendar, can be solved.'
the 11th May, fell in the solar Jyaishtha, and Let us suppose we had to verify the date
belonged, therefore, to the lunar month JyaishA.D. 484, Ashadha é di 12, Thursday. We
tha. Trying the 10th June, we find its e. to first compute the a. b. c. for the beginning of
amount to 444 +69=513. As this is between A.D. 484, viz. :
the c. for 1st Ashâdha, viz. 450, and the c. for
1st Sråvaņa, viz. 536, we conclude that the newa. b. c. 1884 ... (3) 765 746 2 Table 5.
moon occurring on the 10th June, or thereabouts, 14 cent. (5) 4626 734 67 Table 6.
belongs to the lunar month Ashâdha. Hence
Aghadha su di 12 must be later, by about 12 A.D. 484 (8) 5391 480 69
days, than the 10th June.
We have seen that, at the end of the 12th On the day cu di 12, A. must be near, tithi, a. is equal to, or something less than, but something less than, 4000 (such being the 8609. The 22nd June having for a., 8583, equivalent for the end of the 12th tithi). which is nearest to 8609, the end of the 22nd Subtracting 5391 from 4000, or, as this would tithi must have occurred either before or after leave a negative quantity, from 14000, we have, the beginning of the 22nd June. To find the end
• Mr. Sh. B. Dikahit (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 120) ha. cal. culated the same moment according to the modern Tables of Chhatre, the Súrya-Siddhanta, and the Siddhinti. siromani. He found. ---Chhatre, 49 ghatis 12 palas; Sürya-8.51 gh. 11 p., Siddh-Sir. 53 gh. 21 p. Converting 20 hours, 24 minutes, into ghatikis and palas we get as the equivalent amount 51 gh. Our result, therefore, agrees nearly with that calculated by Mr. Dikshit on the basis of the Sarya-Siddh inta.
. As, by our Tables, only those Hindu dates can be
converted into English ones, of which the concurrent English year is knoren, we are here concerned with the verification of the day only. However, in practice, the year will often be doubtful. In such cases, all years which come in question must be tried till that one is found in which the day fits in all particulars. Instead of calculating the date for all possible years, it will savo time if we try the years according to the approximative method (Perpetual Lunar Calendar) which will be er. plained below.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1888.
of the tithi, we must add the a. b. c. of the 22nd of Table 16. That Table shows how many June to the a. 1. c. of the beginning of A.D. minutes before or after sunrise at Lanka (0 484.
hour of my tables) the day began at places
a. 6. c. situated on the meridian of Lauka or Ujjain at A.D. 481 (see above) (8) 5391 480 69 & Northern latitude of 5 to 30 degrees, on - 2 nd Jung ............ (5) 8583 278 474 the days entered in the first and last columns
of the Table. For places and days not entered (18) 3974 758 543
in the Table, the amount may be calculated by
a proportion. But it must be stated that the arg. 6. 758 .........
date may be wrong by one or two days. arg. c. 543 ................. 76
The process by which we have obtained the
result may be reduced to the following rules :A. = 4050
I. Find the a. b. c. of the given year, by
summing up the quantities for the .4. being larger than 4000, the end of the
corresponding year and the interve12th tithi must have occurred before the
ning centuries. beginning of Friday, the 22nd June. Table 11
Find the Index of the new-moon days shows that our surplus, 50, is equal to 3 hours,
by subtracting from 10000 the a. of the 33 minutes. Hence the 12th tithi ended on the
given year. 21st June (at about 20h. 27m.); and accordingly 3. Find the Index of the given tithi, by A.D. 484, Ashadha su di 12, was the 21st June.
adding its equation (from the tithi It should be borne in mind that the time of
Table) to the Index of new-moon. any particular instant is reckoned from the
Find the new-moon falling in the given mean sunrise at Laukå. For any other place
solar Hindu month, by adding to the in India, two corrections are necessary :
c. of the given year, the c. of the new(1) The difference in time between the place
moon days in the English months corin question and the meridian of La úků (on which
responding to the given solar Hindu lies Ujjain, 5 b. 3 m. 27 s. east of Greenwich), is
month. The footnote of Table 7 to be added to or snbstracted from the result
shows which new-moon day is to be found by my Tables, according as that place
selected. In doubtfal cases determine lies vast or west of the said meridian. Table 15
the limits of the solar month, from serves for converting Lanka time into local time,
Tables 1 to 4. for the principal places in India as explained
Try the day indicated by the Index in the note to that Table. For instance :-if
of the tithi. If A. comes out larger a tithi ended at Lauki at 10 h. 54 m., it ended in
than the equivalent of the proposed Calcutta at 11 h. 44 m., in Multân at 10h. 37 m.
tithi (see tithi Table), it ended hefore If the place under consideration is not contained
sunrise; if smaller, after sunrise. in my List, take the most important one that 6. Apply the corrections due to the is nearest to it."
geographical site of the place, if e) The time at which the sun, at that place
necessary. and on tbat day, rose before or after the com- 2nd Example.-In order to give a sample of pleted sixth hour after mean midnight of that the calculation, we shall convert into the corplace
responding English date, A.D. 1261, Jyaishtha 1 he amount of this correction, for any given ba di 4, Gurau. I give the calculation without place and time, can be calculated with the help farther remark:
This Table was suggested by Mr. Fleet, on the grounds thut, in the majority of instances, the details of later should be worked out, not for the actual place to which a record refers itself, but for the principal town in the neighbourhood: i.e. for the town at which ti lanac from which the details were taken, was probably actually prepared. I have substituted the
re in time for the longitudos given by him, which were token from Thornton's Gazetteer of India.
The difference in time" is obtained by multiplying
the degrees of the difference of the longitudes of Ujjain and the different places by four. However, the amount thus found may differ in many cases from that assumed by the Hindus. The latter might easily be ascertained
if someone would collect from different places in India, | old native almanacs or Paichange. But they must refer
to an epoch not yet influenced by modern geographical science. By these means it would be easy to draw a MAP of India as it appeared to the Hindu themselves.
a

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• June, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES
151
a. b. c. A.D. 1861... (3) 6257 896 4 . a=10000-9133=867. 6 Cent ...... (4) 2876 135 47 | 4th Tithi krishņa paksha (1) 6333-9133 or 6333 + 807=7200 A.D. 1261... (7) 9133 31 51 Jyaishtha about 1st May a=636: c= 329 +51 = 339
>364. 20th May ... (6) 7070 45 381 4th Tithi a 7200 about 20th May : a = 7070.
76 432
(13) 6264 arg. b. 76 204 arg. c. 432 3 5
A.=6503-6333= +170 (or 100=7h.5 m., 70=4 h.58 m.) 12 h. 3 m. before 20th Jay.
The 4th tithi of the krishna paksha ended on The year commenced in A.D. 1231 ; but the the 19th May, which was a Thursday, about month Phâlguna fell in 1232. We can make 11h. 57m.
either year the basis of our calculation, as will 3rd Example.--I select the following dato be seen in the sequel. because its calculation offers matter for some 1st method; by starting from the English consideration :
year in which the Hindu year began : Vikrama-Saivat 1288, Phalguna su di 10, viz. 1231. We proceed as in the above Wednesday.
examples :A.D. 1831 .. (7) 5528 213 4 1596. én eli 10 (1596 +3333) = 49:29. 6 Cent....... (4) 2876 135 47
A.D. 1231... (11) 8404 348 51 The new-moons which come in question are In order to fix with more definiteness the to be looked for in January and February. But beginning of Chaitra, we must have recourse there are two Januaries and two Februaries to Table 4 (for the date in question falls in in our Table 7. In this case, the Tables for the the leap-year, A.D. 1232). January and February at the end of Tablo 7 We find that the solar Phâlguna ran from the apply; those at the beginning of Table 7 ap- 25th January to the 23rd February, astronomiplying to the same months of the preceding cally from 24th January 13 h. 40 m. to 23rd Christian year, i.e. to that part of A.D. 1231 February 8 h. 50 m. As will be remembered, which precedes the Hindu year. It will be we have only approximately determined the seen that new-moon fell on the 24th January dates of new-moon; we must now calculate and 23rd February (or the preceding day), as the them accurately a. of these days is nearest to, but smaller than,
A.D. 1231 8404 348 51 1596 (the index of new-moon). On the 24th
24th Jan. 1389 81 62 January, the c. is 62 + 51 = 113, which is
13 hours. 183 201 near the c. required for Phalguna, vir. 114.
40 min.
91 0 It is therefore doubtful whether the lunar month, determined by the new-moon of the 24th Feruary. is Magha, or Phålgana. Turn
9985 450 114 ing to the 23rd February, we find a = 195;
arg. 450 184 i.. it is near the ci l'equired for 1st solar
arg. 114
20 Chai ra (196) Hence t is likewise vioubtful whether a new-moon on the 23rd Ibruary inaug rated the mouth Phålguna Chaitra.
189=13 hours, 23 minutes.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Accordingly new-moon occurred 13 h. 23 m. Subtract 3333; the remainder 51=31.37m. before solar Phålgana, and belonged therefore Hence the 10th tithi ended 3 h. 37 m. before to Mágha. We calculate 0 Chaitra :
sunrise at Lanka, on the 3rd March, which A.D. 1231... 8104 348 51
was a Wednesday, as required. The end of the 23rd Feb. ... 1548 169 144
10th tithi being near the beginning of the 8 hours ....... 127 14 1
day, we must now consider whether the result 50 min. ...... 12 1 0
may be influenced by the geographical position
of the locality to which the record belongs; 91 532 196
viz., Girnar being about 21 minutes (of time)
west of the meridian of Lanká (or Ujjain), arg. 532......... 112
the day begins there about 21 minutes later than arg. 196......... 2
on the meridian of Ujjain. Hence the 10th
tithi ended about 3 h. 58 m. before the end of 205 = 14 hours, 31 minutes. the 3rd March. Again, the sun rises, before the
21st March, later on the circle of latitude of Accordingly, new-moon occurred 14 h. 31 m.
Girnar, than on the equator, on which Lanka before 0 solar Chaitra, and belonged therefore
is supposed to be situated. The difference still to Phålguna. In order to find éu di 10, we
more removes the end of the 10th tithi from proceed, as tsual, by adding, to the a. b. c.
the end of the 3rd March, as compared with of A.D. 1231, the a. . c. of that day after the
the same moment at Lanka. The date, as we 22nd February, the a. of which is next below
have found it, stands, therefore, proof against 4929 (or the index for su di 10).
all doubts which can be raised against it. As A. D. 1231 ... (11) 8404 348 51
regards the week day, the (11) shows that 3rd March. ... (0) 4596 496 169
it was the fourth day or Wednesday 28
required. (11) 3000 844 220
2nd method. In calculating the date, we arg. 6 844, eq.............24
can also start from A.D. 1232, the Christian arg. c 220, eq.............1
year in which the date fell. But, in that case,
we must make use of the first part of Table 7. A. = 3025 = 1 h. 46 m.
We shall sum up the figures for the 3rd March
A.D. 1232:As A. for bu di 10 is between 3000 and 3333, A.D. 1832 ... (1) 9128460 3 we see that the 10th tithi was running at the 6 Cent .......... (4) 2876 beginning of the 3rd March. That it ended
3 March ....... (6) 995 250 170 in the same day, is evident from the fact that the a, of the 4th March, vis. 4935, is, by itself,
(11) 2999 845 220 larger than the index for su di 10, which we have found to be 4929, and will become still | Comparing this result with that found above, more so by adding the equations of b. and c. we see that a. is smaller, b. larger, by one, Let us calcnlate also the 4th March
than found above. This difference is caused A.D. 1231... 8404 348 51
by our neglecting fractions below, and count4th March... 4935 532 171
ing them as 1 if larger than
4th Example.-An intercalary month. As a 3339 880 222
month in intercalated when two new-moons
occur within one solar month-one soon after arg. 6. 880, eq....44
the beginning, and the other shortly before the
end, of the solar month,--all that is required arg. c. 222, eq. ... 1
to decide any case, is, to calculate the phase of - A. 3384
the moon on the beginning and the end of the solar month. If the moon was waning at the
135
47
* The last method must be followed in cases in which the Hindu year begins in Karttika (Sept.- Oct.), and the
date in question is later than March of the succeeding English year.

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June, 1888.)
JACOBIS TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
153
beginning, and waxing at the end, of the solar Lankâ time 12 hours; accordingly in 1207, i.e. month, a month was intercalated.
2 X 4 years afterwards, 2 X 50 minutes=1 In the yenr 958 of the Chêdi era, which has hour 40 minutes later, or on the 26th May, 13 h. been identified with A.D. 1207 (the Academy, 40 m. Again, in A.D. 1231 solar Sråvana 14th January, 1888) there was an intercalary began (or Ashadha ended) on the 26th June, Ashâdha. We must first ascertain the astro-at 12 hours; accordingly in 1307, i.e. 19 X 4 noinical limits of solar Åshidha from Table 3. years afterwards, 19 X 50 min. = 15 h. 50 m In A.D. 1199 Åshadha began on the 26th May, later, or on the 27th June, at 3 h. 50 m.
We calculate A. for both instants :A.D. 1807.. 7080 814 6 Cent...... 2876 135 47
51
A.D. 1207... 9956 216 26th May ... 9102262397 13 hours ... 183 40 min. ... 9
0
A.D. 1207. 9956 27th June... 9938 3 hours ...... 42 50 min. ...... 12
216 424 5 1
51 485 0 0
9250
499
449 =
9948
536
arg. 499 ...... 140 arg. 449 ...... 41
arg. 646 ...... arg. 536 ......
28 74
4.=9431
A. =
50
This calculation shows that the beginning of Accordingly the 25th December was a solar Asha ha occurred before, and the end Saturday, its w. being 7; and, the second after, new-moon (A.= 0 or 10000), i.e. two new tithi ending in it, it was Pausha su di 2, as moons fell within solar Ashâdha. Accordingly required. there was an intercalated lunar Åshadha as Before leaving this part of our subject, I will required
add a few remarks that may prove useful. It is 5th Example.-A Sankranti :
obvious that every lunar date can be converted Saka 1126 (A.D. 1204) Pausha én di 2, into the corresponding English one ; but such Saturday, at the uttardyana.
lunar dates only can be verified, i.e. shewn to be The uttarayana begins with the solar Magha. correct notations of real and particular mo. That month began, according to Table 4, in ments of time, which are coupled with some A.D. 1204, on the 25th December. Our cal- other chronological item not purely or chiefly culation stands thus :
derived from the position of the moon. In A.D. 1804 (1) 5940 306 4
most cases the concurring notation will be the 6 cent. ... (4) 2876 135 47
week-day. As the verification of the week-day 25 Dec. ... (2) 1569 29 983
is a much simpler process than, and can be
done simultaneously with, Agcertaining the (7) 385 470 34
date of the tithi, it will save time to calculate
at once the correct week-day. Let us do so with arg. 470
our first example. We have found (8), 5391, arg. 34
480, 69, as the (w.) a. b. c. of the 1st Jannary, A.D, 484. As the figure (8) of the week-day is above 7, subtract 7, and put (1) instead of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1888.
(8). The 22nd Jane has been found to be the approximate day of Asbadba bu di 12. But the w. of the 22nd June is (5), which added to (1) from above makes (6) or Friday, instead of Thursday as required in the inscription. We therefore calculate the 21st Jane as the probable date of bu di 12. The result proves that we have guessed rightly. But if the tithi does not come out as required, we can, without further calculation, say that the date is wrong; provided we have singled out the correct month and paksha and overlooked no adhika month. For, say that, instead of the 12th tithi, the 11th would be found running at sunrise of the corresponding week-day, in that case the next day would be the 12th (or, if the 12th tithi was kshaya, the 13th), but the weekday would be wrong. In the assumed case, the date would be wrong, either because the inscription was a forgery, or because the scribe committed a blunder.
On Mean Intercalations. It is highly probable that in ancient times mean intercalations were used, i.e. a month was intercalated when two mean lanations fell within one mean solar month. As the mean lanation is smaller than the mean solar months, there could be no expunged months while mean intercalations were used. My Tables give the moment of mean new-moon with great accuracy. Mean new-moon happens when the sum of a.
+ 200 =0 or 10000. Bat the beginning of a mean solar month is less accurately defined by c., which remains unchanged for many hours. The increase of c. in a mean lanar month being 80-89, and in a mean solar month 83.33, it follows that a mean intercalation is due when, at the time of mean new-moon, o. is equal to, or larger by one or two than, the c. required for the beginning of the given mean solar month, as shown in the following Table :
Vais....... Jyai.......
Correction due to the Moon's Latitude.
Probably common almanac-makers neglected this correction, which influences the result only when the end of a tithi occurs within a quarter of an hour off the beginning of the day. Rule:-Add to the tenth part of a., 20 + the half part of d. If the sum is above 500, Bubtract 500; the remainder is the Index for the following Table. If it is below 500, the remainder itself is the Index. The equation is according to its sign, to be added to or subtraoted from A.
48h. ....
Patish.... 952 Mágh.... 30 Phålg.... 119 Chaitr... 202
Aúvi. ... 702 Kartt. ... 786 Mårg. ... 869
Sráv.......
However, the calculation gives not absolutely reliable resolts; for it is just possible that, instead of the month that is actually obtained, the preceding or the next one was intercalated.
Index.
Equation.
Indoz.
from 0 to 10 or 1 , 240, 250 $ , 20, 30 or 1+1
220 ,, 230
40, 70 or ? , 180, 210 S , 80,, 170 -3 +3
from 250 to 260 or R , 490, 500 S , 270, 280 or 470, 480
320 or
On Eclipses. The d. of my Tables gives the equivalent for the distance of the sun from the nodes of the moon's orbit. The amount of d., therefore, shows whether, on the days of new-moon and fall-moon, a solar or lunar eclipse was likely to occur. For any other days but those of new-moon or foll-moon, d. is of interest for chronological purposes only when the correction for the moon's latitude is to be adbibited as explained under the Correction due to the Moon's Latitude.
130, 460
330., 420

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JUXE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
155
The occurrence of an eclipse is ascertained by the following rules :At new-moon certain if d. is between 924 and 1000, or 0 and 76. . solar 3 doubtful
894 924, or 76 → 106. eclipse is (impossible » »
, 106 » 894. At full-moon certain if d
950 and 1000, or 0 and 50. & lunar doubtful
930 950, or 50
70. eclipse is impossible , ,
70
930. Example.-Was there a lunar eclipse in Śråvaņa, A.D. 1144 ?
a. 6. C. d. A.D. 1844 3352 526 3 97 a= 10000 - 7698=2302. 2nd July (554) new moon Srávaņa 7 cent...... 4345 585 50 822 md=2302 + 5000 = 7302.
A.D. 1144 7697 111 53 919 17 July, l.y. 7049 186 542 142
-- - -- 4746 297 595 61
eq. b. eq. c.
274 95
4. = 5115
Full-moon occurred about 8h.13 m. before the , new-moon or fall-moon, and whether at that beginning of the 17th July; or on the 16th July, time a solar or lunar eclipse has happened or not. about 15 h. 47 m. The increase of d. in eight The disadvantage consists in leaving some cases hours being 2,2 must be retrenched from 61. | doubtful. The latter is especially the case with The remainder is 59. Therefore, as 59 falls solar eclipses. For, oar calculation does not within the limits of a doubtful lunar eclipse, show whether an eclipse of the sun was visible it is likely that there was a small lunar in India, even if the sun was, at the time of eclipse; as will be found to be the fact by 1 the eolipae, above the horison." But an eclipse referring to the "Canon of Eclipses," the great of the moon is visible wherever the moon work of Oppolzer (Denkschriften der Kaiserl. is above the horison of the observer ; i.e. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 1887, wherever the eclipse of the moon oooors at which has superseded the “L'art de vérifier les night. To conclude,- if one of the abovedates, from which is extracted Canningham's named works on eclipses is available, they List of Eclipses in his Indian Bras.) The should be used in preference to the approxiexample just given shows at once the advantage mate calculation. But, if no other means are and the disadvantage of my method. The at band, this calonlation, which is an ingenious advantage consists in this, -that by the same device of M. Largetean, will be found calculation we come to know the moment of
useful."
" Por caloulating such or any other particulars gonnected with solar soli paes, the reader is referred to Sahram's Tables (Denkschriften d. K. A. d. W. Wien 1890) which are supplementary to the Canon of Eclipses." With the help of these two works all problems referring to eclipses can now be solved by an easy calculation.
13 It must be remarked, that colipa, especially solar ones, instanced in historical documente, were, in many
ANG, not notually, observed walipoon, but onlonlated onge. Yor the smaller solar colipsed, not onlonlated beforehand, would pass unobeervedsino. even the larger ones (y up to 7 degrees) are noen only under
favorable ciroumatanoen, as when the sun is setting or rising, or is seen through tog or thin cloud. Therefore eclipses mentioned in insoriptions are generally to be interpreted as walonlated, not as actually observed. As the resulty of a oslaulation of an eclipse varies with the different siddhantas, and as it is correct only for a period within a few centuries of the composition of the Siddhants wed, it will be safest to identify the coll peet mentioned in incorptions with ruch notarily oocurred, bat keeping in mind the eventuality that within and near tho limits of powible walipua, the Hindu may have predicted no wollpe won Dome did ooour, or vice vered

Page #170

156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1898.
eq. ..
280-7
san, calculated according to the above rule; On Karanas.
the sum indicates as Index the yôga, current " Half the portion of a tithi is established as
at the moment in question, by the same that of the karanas," (Súrya-Siddhanta, ii. 69).
Table. There are, therefore, 60 karcras in one lunar
Example. Find the nakshatra and yoga month. Their names and numbers are given for sunrise on the 11th May, A.D. 1824 :in the following table :
A.D. 1824 9646 416 3 Kimstughna... 1
11 May ... 4361 754 359 Bava ......... 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, 37, 44, 51, Bâlava ......... 3, 10, 17, 24, 31, 38, 45, 52,
4007 | 170 362 + 279-4 Kaulava ...... 4, 11, 18, 25, 32, 39, 46, 53,
I'eq. c. 1.3 Taitila 5, 12, 19, 26, 33, 40, 47, 54, Gara ......... 6, 13, 20, 27, 34, 41, 48, 55,
eq. c. Baņij ......... 7, 14, 21, 28, 35, 42, 49, 56, Vishti ........ 8, 15, 22, 29, 36, 48, 50, 57, A. = 4283 - 280.7 Sakuni......... 58, Naga............ 59,
Long. of O 81.3 Chatashpada.. 60.
As we know how to calculate & tithi, we 428+ 81, 509, Index of nakshatra, viu. Chitra shall have no difficulty in verifying a karana. 509 + 81,= 590, Index of yoga, viz. Siddhi. For instance, suppose it be stated in a docu- And in the Ravi-Panchangam (Warren's Kalament,-su di 5, in the karana Bâlava. Bâlava, Sankalita, p. 317) we find that, on the 11th May, the tenth karana, ended at the same moment A.D. 1824, the moon was in the nakshatra with the 5th tithi; being in fact the latter half Chitra, and that the yóga Siddhi continued for of it. We therefore calculate, as explained 5 ghafla after sunrise. above, the end of the 5th tithi. The karana If it is required to know more accurately in question was the time of about 11 to 12 the beginning of a nakshatra or yoga, the hours preceding the moment found by our Table for Differences must be applied. For calculation for the end of the 5th tithi. instance, we found 590 as Index of the yoga.
Subtracting 590 from 594 (the beginning of On Nakshatras and Yogas.
Vyatîpêta), we get as the remainder 4. The
Table for Differences shows that the A4 is The nakshatra, in which the moon is at any equal to about 2 h. 27 m. Accordingly, the given moment, can, by the help of my Tables, yôga Vyatîpåta began about 2 h. 27 m. about be found with sufficient accuracy. The yoga, 6 ghati, after sunrise at Lanka. an astrological element, will be found by the This calculation is not very accurate, as an same operation required for the nakshatras. error of one unit in the Index makes a dif. We treat, therefore, of the nakshatras and ference of above half an hour. But, for chronoyógas at the same time.
logical purposes, this degree of accuracy will be Rule for finding the Nakshatra.-From the all that is wanted. c. of the date in question subtract 279 4 ang. There is also another method of reckoning mented by the tenth part of the equation of c. yógas in use, for the particulars of which the If c. is smaller than the sum to be subtracted, reader is referred to Colebrooke, Miscellaneous add 1000 to e. (This is the true longitude of Essays, Vol. II. p. 363 (new edition, p. 319). the sun expressed in thousandth parts of the In some inscriptions (e.g. ante, Vol. XII. circle). Add to this, the tenth part of A. for pp. 18, 254,) the nakshatra is mentioned tothe date in question. The result, taken as gether with the date. But, on calculating the Index, shows, by Table 17, the nakshatra in date, I have found that the nakshatra in which, which the moon is at the given moment. by my method, the moon must have been
Rule for finding the Yoga.-Add to the at that time, does not agree with the nakshatra result, just found, the true longitude of the given in the inscription. Nor does the week.

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JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
157
day come out right. It is therefore doubtful the day of new-moon, the initial day of all whether the dates of those inscriptions are cor- lunar months will be fonnd by adding one to rect. But I find that the date in Vol. XII. the Epact of the new-moon day of the year p. 258, is correct when calculated for the time under consideration. As Cunningham's Table of full-moon.
XVII. gives the initial day of the luni-solar
years, the date taken out from that Table serves PART III.-THE PERPETUAL LUNAR
to find the beginning of all lunar months. But CALENDAR
Canningham's dates are, in many cases, apt to
mislead; for they are calculated for mean midMany chronological questions can be more
night of Ujjain; whereas, in civil reckonings readily solved if the whole lunar year, together the days are accounted to begin with sunrise. with the corresponding English year, is ex- Therefore, if the mean new-moon falls between posed to our view. However, this cannot be midnight and sunrise, Cunningham couples it done without a sacrifice of accuracy ; i.e. we with the following day, whereas, actually, it must rest satisfied with approximate results. belonged to the preceding one. Hence a fourth Where no more than such an approximation is part of Cunningham's dates is a day too late. wanted, the Perpetual Lunar Calendar, exhi- To find with perfect accaracy the date of mean bited in Table 12, will be found useful. In new-moon, my Tables may be used thus, - Table 12, every day is entered with a Roman
Add 200 to the a. of the corresponding year, cypher, the Epact, and one of the seven letters then add the a. for the intervening centuries. a. to g., the Dominical Letter. To begin with Subtract the a. thus found from 10000. The the latter, the Dominical Letters serve to show
remainder is the a. on which the mean newon what day of the week fell any given date of moon occurred throughout the whole year. For any year, in which the week-day of one date is instance, in A.D. 1468 we have 10000—(1800+ known. For instance, let us suppose that, 200 + 9936) = 10000—1936 = 8064. Hence, in a certain year, the 5th March was a Wed
mean now-moon occurred, e.g., late on the 23rd nesday. As the 5th March has the Dominical March, as that day has the next lower a (7768), Letter a., we know at once that all days and Chaitra bu di 1 fell, i.e. ended, on the having the same Dominical Letter a., were 24th March. For the reasons stated above, Wednesdays. What were the week-days of Cunningham gives the 25th March for the the remaining Dominical Letters, will be found beginning of the luni-solar year. by the subsidiary Table 12, which needs no ex. However, without reference to the Tables, the planation. If no week-day is known from day of new.mon in March can be found for any other sources, the week day of the 1st March, given year, and, at the same time, for a good
the value of the Dominical Letter d., many years preceding and following it, by can easily be found by help of Table 14, which Table 13. gives the value of the Dominical Letter d. from The second Part of this Table gives the date A.D. 0 to 2000, Old Style. The Epacts are in March on which new-moon occurred in the arranged in such a way, that the same phase of years A.D. 304 (0) to 379 (75); the fraction gives the moon approximately occurred throughout the complete quarters of the day, after which one English year and the first four months of the conjunction took place. The same dates, in the next, on all days having the same Epact. the same order, are valid for the next 76 years ; For instance, if of some given year the 10th but a quarter of a day must be subtracted from March, having the Epact X., was the day of a each; after 152 years two quarters must be new-moon, a new-moon occurred on all days subtracted; after 228 years, three quarters, having the Epact X., throughout the year, i.e. and after 304 years in A.D. 608 etc.) a on the 9th April, 8th May, etc. As the initial complete day must be retrenched from the date date of the lunar month immediately follows found."
13 The correctness of these rules can easily be demon- 339 = 85. In 304 years it amounts to 335 instead of strated by the above Tables. The difference of the 339, which would be the increase of t. for one completo relative positions of the sun and the moon after 76 years, day. Our error, therefore, is about 20 minutes in 304 is found by subtracting the a. of A.D. 1801 (5188) from years; and even in the 19th century the error is only 1 h. that of A.D. 1876 (5222). The remainder 84 is nearly 25 m., which may be neglected without any practical equal to the fourth part of the increase of a. for one day I consequences.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Therefore, to find the date of new-moon in in the later part of which (below the hori. March for any year, e.g. A.D. 1468, subtract zontal stroke) the solar Hindu month comfrom it the next lower figure under I. in Part menced. For instance, the solar Śrâvana the first (1216), and put down apart the sub- begins in June and ends in July. The initial tractive quantity in parenthesis (-3; see Table date of the solar month is marked by a num13, example). From the remainder (252) sub- ber (4 to 19) placed between the Epact and tract, if it is greater than 76, the next lower the Dominical Letter. These numbers indicate figare ander II. of Part the First (228) and put the century A.D. in which, approximately, the apart the subtractive quantity. The second solar month commenced on the day marked by remainder (24) is to be looked out in Part the the number of the century; thus Sravana, in Second in the colamn y. From the date thus A.D. 600 to 700, began on the 23rd June, that found (271), subtract the sum of the subtractive day being marked by 6. quantities (34) set apart; the result will be the It will be noticed that January and February date of mean new-moon in March for the year in the large Table, and March and April in in question. By adding or subtracting 144 the Continuation-Table, have two columns; one we get the day of mean full-moon. Augment is to be used for common years, and the other the date of new or full moon by one, to find the for leap-years, as indicated by the headings of Epact of the beginning of the sukla or krishna the column. paksha. If the Epact turns out to be above An example will set the application of my 30, deduct 30 from it, to find the correct Epact. Table in a clear light. On what day, in A.D. Knowing the beginning of the month, it will 807, fell Pausha su di IP Cunningham's be easy to verify, approximately, any day of Table XVII. gives as the initial date of the it, by counting onwards, making the bukla Hindu year, Sunday, the 14th March. This paksha consist of 15 days, and the krishna day is marked XIVc. in my Table. The paksha of 14 days and 15 days alternately, Epact XIV. occurs in December, on the 5th ; as done by Cunningham. The result, thus this day is Pausha éa di 1, because it fell in arrived at, is the same as that arrived at the solar Paush a which in A.D. 700 to 800 ran by Canningham's method, if the initial day from the 23rd November to the 22nd December, of the year falls in March. If it falls in as indicated by the number 7 placed after the February, there is sometimes a difference. Epact of those days. The 5th December has For, if the date to be verified falls in & the Dominical Letter c., just as the 14th March, series of 30 Epacts, my date will be one day which was a Sunday. Therefore, in A.D. 807, earlier than Cunningham's date ; but if the Pausha bu di I fell on Sunday, the 5th date falls in a series of 29 Epacts, Cunning. December. ham's method and mine yield the same An additional advantage of my method, as result."
will have been remarked, is, that no regard is It remains to ascertain the names of the taken of intercalary or expunged months Indian months, the initial days of which are intervening between the initial day of the indicated by the Epact as explained above. Hindu year and the date to be verified. The name of the lunar month depending on I conclude with a practical hint. If a list the solar month in which new-moon occurred, of eclipses is at hand, some new and full all that is required, is, to know on which days moons of every year may be taken from it. the solar months commenced. This informa- For the day of a lunar eclipse is, of course, a tion is furnished by the following arrangement fall-moon day, and a solar eclipse coincides of my Table 12. The names of the solar months with new-moon. Taking the Epact of the are placed above those of the English months date of an eclipse, may serve to check & result in such a way that the first part of the Sans- arrived at by starting from the initial day of křit name is written above the latter part of the Hindu year. 88 given in Cunningham's the English name of that English month Table XVII.
" If Cunningham's date differs from mine, both are equally good; for both are approximations only.
15 In the more recent centuries preceding our time the beginning of the solar month has shifted to the first part of the next Christian month.

Page #173

June, 1888.]
JACOBIS TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
159
Instead of starting from this epoch and add. PART IV.-THE CONSTRUOTION OF
ing the increase of these quantities for the time TABLES 5 to 11.
elapsed between the epoch and the given date, As stated above, my Tables are those of M.
as would be more in accordance with the practice Largetean, adapted to the doctrines and elements
of the Hindus, we start from the 1st January of Hindu astronomy, especially those of the
of the corresponding year of the 19th century, Súrya-Siddhanta. The inaccuracy of the
for the hundred years of which the value of elements of Hindu astronomy becomes percep
a. b. c. had to be calculated. Suppose the cortible in calculations for long intervals of
rect value of a. b. c, for the corresponding year time; but, if the interval of time is only a
to be known, the same for the given year can be few years, the result of the Hindu calculation
found, by subtracting the increase of a. b. c. for may be considered correct for all practical
the complete elapsed centuries. But to conpurposes. Therefore Table 7, which gives the
vert the subtractive increase into an additive increase of a. b. c. for the 366 days of the year,
quantity, we subtract the increase from 1, and could be adopted from the original Tables,
add the remaind er. This remainder is entered
in Table 6 as a. b. c. In the way thus explained, without any change beyond omitting two
the a. b. c. for the 1st January of any year columns not wanted, and adding one, w., for
can be found. finding the weekday. But Tables 5 and 6 had
For any other date, we
add to the a. b. c. for the 1st January the to be entirely recalculated. I shall explain how this was effected, in order to show that my
increase up to the given day as registered in
Table 7. Tables must yield correct results.
According to the rules just laid down, we The epoch of Hindu astronomy is the begin.
will now calculate the a. b. c. for the beginning ning of the Kaliyuga ; according to the Súrya
of the Kaliyuge, the amount of which quanSiddhanta, at midnight, at Lanka, of the 17th.
tities has been specified above according to the 18th February, Old Style, B.C. 3102. As the
Súrya-Siddhanta. civil day is usually reckoned to begin with
The corresponding year of B.C. 3102 (besunrise at Lanka, the beginning of the Kali
ginning of the Kaliyaga) is A.D. 1899, the yuga according to the Súrya-Siddhanta may be
interval being 5000 years. Adding to the a.of stated as B.C. 3102, 17th February, Old Style,
Kaliyuga 0, the increase of a. in 5000 Julian 18 hours, Lanka time. (According to the Arya
years, we get the a. for A.D. 1899, 17th Febru. Siddhanta, the Yoga began 6 hours later, or on
ary, 18 hours, Old Style, or 1st March, 18 the 18th February, 0 hour, Lanka time.) At that
hours, New Style. Our Tables serve, howepoch, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, the
ever, for the inverse problem; thus, we start mean moon and sun were in the initial point of
from a. for A.D. 1899, and add to this, a. for the Hindu zodiac; the longitude of the moon's
5000 years, and a. for the 1st March, and a. for perigee was 9 signs; and the sun's perigee was
18 hours. The two last positions are equal to practically at the same place as at present, i.e.
the increase of a. for 59.75 days. Now we 257° 17' of the initial point of the Hindu zodiac.
have the proportion :--As the synodical revoAccordingly a. or the difference of the mean
lution of the moon in a Yuga is to the increase longitudes of the sun and the moon, was nil.
of 4, in 5000 years, so the days in a Yuga are But we must subtract the constant quantity
to the days in 5000 years; vis.200-5 by which the difference of the longitude
58408438 61842-65629 of the sun and the moon is diminished, in BOTO&BO OT
1 677917828 order that the equations of b. and c. may be in 5000 Julian years. always additive, and not additive in some Hence, increase in 1000 years is 12368-58126, cases, and subtractive in others.
and increase in 100 years is 1236.853126. In Hence, a. was 10000 - 200-5=9799.5. the same way the increase of a. in 59.75 days
b. or the moon's mean anomaly, was 90° will be found to be 2.023326. 0-250 of the circle, or in my notation 250.
Now rejecting complete revolutions, and subc. or the sun's mean anomaly, was 102° 52', tracting the fraction from 1, the remainder is or in my notation 285-8.
to be used as a. for 5000 years, viz. 3437.2 ; a.
increase of a = 1826250 * 58493338

Page #174

160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1888.
for 1000 years, viz. 4687-4; a, for 100 years, The remaining operations are the same as viz. 1468-7.
with a." Our calculation will be as follows:
For determining c. we say :-As the anomaA.D. 1899 ... 6129
listic revolutions of the sun in the Kalpa is to
the increase of c. in 5000 years, so the days in 5000 years ...3437-2
the Kalpa are to the days in 5000 years; viz.59.75 days.....233.26
increase of c. in 5000 Julian years =
18262500 x 4319990613_4999-8796. Kaliyuga 0... 9799.45
1577917828000 The difference from 9799.5 being smaller
Hence the increase in 1000 years is 999.9759; than can be expressed in my Tables, the cal- in 100 years, 99.9976 ; in 59-75 days, 0.1636 culation has proved that the a. for A.D. 1899 is and c. for 5000 years is 1204 ; for 1000 years, correctly given.
21:1; and for 100 years, 2-4. From the a. of A.D. 1899 the a. for the re- Therefore, as above :- C. maining years of the 19th century was found
A.D. 1899 ........ 18 by subtracting the increase of a. for the interval between A.D. 1899 and the particular years,
5000 years ......... 120-4 rejecting the fraction, or counting it as 1,
59.75 days ......... 1636 according as it was less or greater than a half. The a. in Table 6 was found as stated above.
Kaliyuga 0 285-8 But, for 3 and more centuries, the increase of a. for 12 complete days, 4064, is to be added on Accordingly c. for A.D. 1899, viz. 2, is too account of the difference between the Old and large by only 0.2. the New Style : e.g. 10 cent. = 4687 + 4064 Tables 9 and 10 are calculated according to = 8751.16
the rules of the Surya-Siddhanta, on which we In an analogous manner was found the b. of need not enter here. Tables 5 and 6. The proportion holds :As the anomalistic months in the Yuga are to the increase of b. in 5000 years, so the days in
Possible Error. the Yuga are to the days in 5000 years; vis. 1826250 x 3726513366277-5056
As in the Tables fractions are neglected or increase of b. = 1 increase o . 1577917828
counted as 1, according as they are less ot in 5000 Julian years.
larger than , the absolute error in every Hence the increase in 1000 years is 13255.5011; quantity may amount to # 0-5. Usually the in 100 years, 1325-5501; and in 59.75 days, plus and the minus of the different figures will 2.1684. And b. for 5000 years is 494.4; for compensate for each other; but in extreme 1000 years, 498:9; and for 100 years, 449.9. cases the neglected fractions may sum up to Therefore, as above :
+ 2.5 or 3.5, according as five or seven A.D. 1899 ......... 5872
figures are summed up to find A., and the
error in time will be 10 or 14 minutes respec. 5000 years ......... 494 4
tively. In the same way, the error in the sums 59-79 days ......... 168-4
of b. and c. may mount up to + 1.5 or + 2.5,
according as three or five figures are summed Kaliyuga 0 250.0
up. Bat the effect of these errors on the
equations of b. and c., and through them on A., Accordingly b. for A.D. 1899 is 587-2. But, as
is not the same, but can be ascertained, in the fraction is smaller than $, we roject it.
every case; generally, it is very small.
b.
** In the way indicated Table 6 may easily be extended beyond the limits I have chosen, which were selected because the calendar now in use was not introduced before that time.
11 Some centuries ago a blja or correction was introduced, by which the b. of Table 5 would be diminished by 5. This correction should be applied in dates of the last three or four centuries.

Page #175

JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
161
TABLE 1. Initial Dates of Hindu Months. THE YEAR DIVIDED BY 4 LEAVES REMAINDER 1.
Vais.
Sråv. Bhadr. Afvi. Kartt. Márg. Paush.
Magh.
Phalg. Chaitr.
add
ada days
days
8 Mar. 17 Apr. 19 May. 19 June. 21 July.21 Aug. 20 Sept. 20 Oct. 10 Nov. 18 Dec. 17 Jan.
15 Feb.
489
449
441
437
385 501
397 513
413
505
5:57
553
529
721
565 681
673
645
789
737 853 965
857
1081
837 949 1065 1181 1297 1413 1525
797 913 1029 1141 1257 1373 1489 1605 1717
841 957 1073 1189
729 845 957 1073 1189 1305 1421 1533 1649 1765
669 785 901 1013 1129 1245 1361 1477 1589 1705 1821
973 1089 1205
733 845 961 1067 1183 1309 1421
605 1017 1133 1249 1365 1481 1593 1719
1301
1317
801 913 1029 1145 1261 1377 1489 1605 1721 1837
761 873 989 1105 1221 1337 1449 1565 1681 1797
761 873 989 1105 1223 1333 1449 1565 1681 1797
1433
1197 1313 1429 1541 1657 1773 1885
1641
1417 1583 1649 1765
1537
1757 1873
1549 1665 1781
1653 1769
1833
1825
TABLE 2. Initial Dates of Hindu Months. THE YEAR DIVIDED BY 4 LEAVES REMAINDER 2.
Vais.
Jyni.
Ash.
Srbv. Bhadr. Asvi. Kartt. Marg. Pansh.
Magh.
PhAlg. Chaitr.
ada days
19 May. 19 Jane. 21 July, 21 Aug. 20.Sept. 20 Oot. 19 Nov. 18 Deo. 17 Jan. 15 Feb.
354
422
414
426
386
10
462 574 690
530
614
806
730
846
e
698 814 990 1042 1158
586 698 814 930 1046 1162 1274 1990 1506 1622 1738
410 526 638 754 870 986 1102 1214 1330 1446 1562 1678 1790
922 1038 1150 1266 1382 1498 1614 1726 1842
962 1074
358 470 586 702 818 934 1046 1162 1278 1394 1510 1626 1738
642 758 874 990 1106 1218 1334 1450 1566 1682 1794
770 882 998 1114 1230 1346 1458 1574 1690 1806
00 v
366
886 482 588 598 654 714 770 730 830 886 846 942 1002 962 1058 1114 1074 11741230 1190 1290 1346 1806 1406 1462 1422 1518 1578 1588 1634 1690 1650 1750 18061766
478 594 706 822 938 1054 1170 1282 1398 1514 1630 1746 1858
1190
.
5
1390 1506 1618 1734
1306 1422 1538 1650 1766

Page #176

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 8. Initial Dates of Hindu Months. THE YEAR DIVIDED BY 4 LEAVES REMAINDER 3.
Vais.
Jyai.
Srdy.
BhAdr. Aivi. Klett. Marg.
Paush.
MAgh.
Phålg.
ada
ada daya
daya
19 Mar. 18 Apr. 20 May, 20 Juno.pa July 23.425. 218ept. 21 Oct. 20 Nov. 10 Dec. 17 Jan.
15 Feb.
495
455
471
447
555
731
075
787
847
891 1007
815
931 1047
1123
899 1015 1131 1247 1363 1475 1591 1707
1239 1356 1467 1583 1699 1816
507 489 623 739 667 855 783 971 899 1088 1015 1199 1131 13151243 1431 1959 1547 1475 1659 1775 1707 1891
1819
959 1075 1191 1907 1423
848 955 1071 1187 1303 1419 1531 1647 1768 1879
787 903 1019 1135 1251 1963 1479 1595 1711
883 703 799 856 915 971 1081 1087 1147 | 1203 1163 1959 1319 1279 1375 1431 1391 1691 | 18471507 1607 1663 1623 1723 1779 1739 1889 1895
563 679 795 911 1022 1139 1255 1371 1487 1599 1715 1831
703 816 931 1047 1163 1279 1391
1535
1591
1507
1651 1767 1883
1623 1739
19911825
1927
TABL. Initial Dates of Hindu Months.
LEAP-YEARS.
Vais.
Chaitr.
Jyai. Anha. Srav. Bhadr. Airi. Kkett. Marg Paush. Magh. Phalg. 18 Mar. 17 Apr.19 May, 19 Juno, ar July. 21. Ans. 20 Sept. 20 Oct. 19 Nov. 18 Deo,
add
days
520
412
472
488
416
480 596
440
580
556
556
712
700
844
672
696 1. 812 982
816
764
788
788
872
876
772 888 1000
984
1116
864 980 1092 1208 1824 1440 1656 1668 1784 1900
756 872 988 1104 1216 1332 1448 1564 1680 1792
824
940 1056 1172 1288 1400 1516 1682 1748 1864
1100 1216 1982 1448
1048 1164 1276 1992 1508 1624 1740 1852
928 1044 1156 1272 1888 1504 1620 1782 1848
992 1104 1220 1836 1452 1868 1680 1796
484 596 712 828 964 1060 1172 1288 1404 1620 1880 1748 1864
444 536
648 672 764
880 904 996 1020 1112 1132 1224 1248 1340 1364 1456 1480 1572 1596 1688 1708 1800 1894 | 1916
1232 1848 1464 1876 1892 1808
904 1016 1132 1248 1364 1480 1592 1708 1824
1564
1676 1792

Page #177

JUNE, 1888.)
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
163
TABLE &
Years of the 19th Century A.D.
Years.
Years.
5128
8788
1801 1802
1803 L 1804
1905
566 813
59 306 588
2349 5940 9880
479 585 691 797 909
9234 2835 6775
1851 L 1852
1853 1854 1865
O OO TD
CON
375
++
835
1518
+
1806
1807 L 1808
1809 1810
121 227
3480 7080 681 4621 8221
O
81 328 610 857
L 1858 1867 1858
1859 L 1860
OOO
899
to
445 551
3975 7576 5116 2017 6257 9857 8458 7058 998
657
1811 L 1812
1813 1814 1815
1822 5422 9862 2962 6563
103 360 632 879 125
TO CO
1861 1862
1869 L 1864
1865
Oro
769
+ +0901
875 981
918
359
87
L 1816
1817 1818
1819 L 1820
163 4103 7703 1304 4905
372 654 901 147 394
0 OTOR CO
305
1866
1867 L 1868
1869 1870
JOCON
4598 8199 1800 5740 9340
10101 +
0
465 571 677 789 895
411 517
ter
1871
0
1821 1822
1823 L1824
1825
8845 2445 6045 9646 3586
676 923 169 416 698
629 785 841 947
2940 6541
481 4081 7682
L 1872
1873 1874 1875
O 160
59
00
945
537
1826
1827 L 1828
1829 1830
7186
787 4387 8327 1927
CTCO
L 1876
1877 1878
1879 L 1880
1282 5222 8822 2423 6028
720 967
10
967
CO
253
1831 L 1832 1833 1834 1835
er COWN
1881 1882
1883 L 1884
1885
9968 3563 7164
765 4705
499
213 460 742 989 285 482 764
0 CL
746 28
5528 9128 8068 6668
269 3870 7809 1410 5010 8611
185 291 397 509
CO
275
52
L 1836
1837 1838
1839 L 1840
O
CONS
1886
1887 L 1888
1889 1890
8305 1905 5506 9446 3046
615 721 827 939
131 237 349 455 561 667 779 885 991
97 209
768
50 297
0000
257 504
CO C
45
786
O
543 790
1841 1842
1843 L 1844
1845
2551 6151 9751 3352 7292
33 279 526
1891 L 1892
1893 1894 1895
6647
947 4187 7787 1388
79
HOUS
151 257 475 581
319
000
808
CONDONOS
OTO COA OY COCO
1846
1847 L 1848
1849 1850
892 4493 8093 2033 5633
L 1896
1897 1898 1899 L 1900
NC
4988 8928 2528 6199 9730
0001

Page #178

164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 6.
Centuries intervening between the given year and the
corresponding one of the 19th Century,
Century.
6094 4626
185
734 284
823 573 322 73
3157
384 934 484
35
1688
220 8751 7282 5813 4345 2876 1407 9939 8470 3615
585 136
972 486
2
1808
256
N.B.--Centuries 1 and 2 yield the date in the New Style; the other
Centuries in the Old Style.
Equations for converting Hindu years into years A. D.
Kaliyaga-Samvat; - 3101. Vikrama-Samvat; - 56. Saka-Samvat; + 78.
These equations give the commencement, A. D., of the empired Hindu year, i.e., more properly, of the current year next after the expired year for which the equation is applied.

Page #179

June, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES OF HINDU DATES.
165
TABLE 7.
JANUARY
FEBRUARY.
MARCH.
| bo
Leap year,
bo
Common.
Leap year.
Common.
Тъ то та
Common.
Leap year.
day
11
498
3
340
141 177
339
836
14
677
1175
9979 318 657 995 1334
1016 1356
1513 1852
1
359
375
1693 2032 2370 2709 3048
2191 2529 2868 3207 415 3545
1672 2011 2350 2688 3027
381
432
387
5
468
8
504
398
540
404
3386 3725 4064 4402 4741
3884 4243 4561 4900
3366 3704 4043 4382 4720
577
613
5238
649
5079 5418 5757 6095 6484
5577 5916 6254 6593 6932
5059 5397 5736 6075 6413
722 758 794
6773 7111 7450 7789 8127
7609 7947 8286 8625
6752 7091
7429 5 7768
8106
8466 8804 9143 9482 9820
8963 9302 9641 9979
8445 8784 9122 9461 9800
496
502
159
138
514 519
477
266
1 Phålguna c. about 114 1 Chaitra c. about 196
1 Vaisakha c. about 279 w Kumbha-sankranti. * Mina-samkrånti.
r Mesha-sankranti. w.; 1= Sunday, 25 Monday, 3=Tuesday, 4 = Wednesday, 5= Thursday, 6 = Friday, 7 or 0 = Saturday..

Page #180

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 7-continued.
APRIL.
ΜΑΙ.
JUN.
1 & bo
Leap year.
w
Leap year.
&
Common.
b
c
Common.
Common.
Leap year.
day.
day
636
1133
974
477 816 1154 1493 1831 2170
1313 1652 1990 2329
1472 1811 2149 2488 2827
2509 2847
2668 3006 3345 3684 4022
3165 3504 3842
3186
4181
3525 23863
4520
4202
4361
4699
4540 4879 5218 5556
5038 5377 5715
4858 5197 5536 5874 6213
܀ ܘ
5895 6234 6572 6911 7250
6054 6393 6731 7070 7408
ܗ ܘ ܝܕ ܟܬ ܟܘ
6552 6890 7229 7567 7906
7747
ܛ ܗ
8086
7588
7927 18265
8604 8943
8424 8763 9102
ܗ ܘ ܝܢ
8245 8583 8922 9261 9599
ܟ
5
ܘ
9281 9620 9959 297 636
9440 9779 118 456 795 1133
9938
276 615
282 319 355 329 692
ܤ ܗ
954
ܗ
6
1292
4
1 Jyaishţha c. about 354 1 Åshadha c. about 450
i Sravana c. about 536 8 Vpisha-sathkranti. II Mithuna-samkrinti.
Karkata-samkranti. 20.; 1=Sunday, 2= Monday, 3=Tuesday, 4= Wednesday, 5= Thursday, 6 = Friday, 7 or 0= Saturday.

Page #181

JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES OF HINDU DATES.
167
TABLE 7-continued.
JULY
AUGUST.
SEPTEMBER
Leap year.
W
& bo
Common.
bo
Leap year.
Common.
Common.
Leap year.
day
569
605
641
1292 1631 1970 2308 2647 2986
2288 819 665 2626 855 2965 3303 3642
891
678
714
OOO
1790 694 2129 2467 2806 3144 839
3183875 1 3822 72 4160
3 4499 4 4838
5176
750
3981
3324
912
3663
859
984
4001 4340 4679
4319 4658 4997 5335 5674
895
145
932
O
182
968
218
O
254
5017 5356 5695 6033 6372
5515
5854 126 16192 169
6531 6869
6013 6351 6690 7028
291
327
7367
6710 7049 7338
O
149 186 222 258 295
7208 7547 7885 8224 8563
7706 8014 8383 8722 9060
472 508
O
7726
383
8065
420
9399
8404 8742
456 492
00 00 Cooo
OCOO
8901 9240 9578 9917 256
76 415
753
594
O
933
1092 1431 1769 2108 2447
799 835
1272 1610 1949 2288
1
908
747
OT C
783 819 665
1790
i Bhadrapada c. about 622
1 Aévina c. about 708
1 Karttika c. about 791 Simha-samkranti. mg Kanya-sankranti.
A Tuli-samkranti. w.; 1= Sunday, 2 = Monday, 3=Tuesday, 4 = Wednesday, 5 = Thursday, 6= Friday, 7 or 0= Saturday.

Page #182

168
Common.
1 2 3 4 5 6
Leap year.
2 1 1 2785
4
1.0 2447 908 747 575
750 581
753 587
593
T89CH
3 2 2 3124
12345
OCTOBER.
3 3 3462
22
6 6 4478
4817
70
81 5156
=2
23439
117
5494
11 10 3 5833 271
12 11 4 6171 307
66849
15 14 0 7187
£9
B
22222 22222
Q
rd
79.4
621
Common.
12
4
2 14
3
7
1.3 2944 33 832 754
122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
19
TABLE 7-continued.
22
Leap year.
22222
67899
=
2 5
2345
3 6
12
2 36
3280
22
228
N
NOVEMBER.
co
£4
888
3283 69 835 760
3621 105 838 766
3960 142 840 771 4299 178
4637
4976 250 849
5315 287 851
5653 323
01410 940
88888888
1 Pausha e about 954 Dhanuḥ-samkrânti.
Common.
213 1 co
=
30 15
17
220
Leap year.
225
45
6789
==
2
22222
22222
22
313
∞o
[JUNE, 1888.
DECEMBER.
.
4
5 3103 121 914 927
3601 246
P
1 Magha e about 34 Makara-sam krânti.
100
44887
1 Mârgasira e about 872 m Vrischika-sainkrânti.
w.; 1= Sunday, 2= Monday, 3 Tuesday, 4= Wednesday, 5 Thursday, 6 Friday, 7 or 0 Saturday.
3835

Page #183

JUNE, 1889.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
169
TABLE 7-continued.
JANUARY OF THE YEAR CONTINUED.
FEBRUARY OF THE YEAR CONTINUED.
MARCH OF THE YEAR CONTINUED.
y.
2,3.
y. Preced.
common. Proced.
Loop Y
w & bo
y. Procod.
common.
Procod.
leap y.
Years 0,1
day.
day.
246 283 319
3601 3939 4278 4617 4955 5294
day.
...4 4098 371 154437
4776 5114 5453 5791
3580 3918 4257 4596 4934 5273
355
428 464
5632
5612 5950
5971
500
6310 537 6648 573 6987 609
6130 6469
6807 17146
7485
6289 6628 6966
645
682
7326 7664 8003 8341 8680
7823 8162 8500 8839 9178
7305 7644 7982 8321 8659
880
916 932
9516
9855
9019 9357 9696
35 373
19.4 532 871
988 25 61
3
8998 9337 9675
14 353 691 1030 1368 1707 2046
45
712 1051 1399 1728 2066
1209 1548 1887 2225
2564
2903 3241 3580
351 388
161
2405 2744 3092
3421 299 3 3760 335 44098371
2384 32723
3062
3400 6 3739476
4078 518 245
1 Phålguna c. about 114 1 Chaitra c. about 196
1 Vaisakha c. about 279 Kumbha-sankranti. * Mina-samkranti.
Mêsha-samkranti. Note.-Divide the Christian year in which the date falls by 4; the Remainder shows which Index applies.

Page #184

170
Hours.
12345
PERLE HER2 222
d
b
888 CO NO
°=
1
≈38
23
225
0
2 2 2 2 2
d
co co co 2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
4
Minutes.
112 2
∞ ∞ ∞ 34
A
ст
Hours and Minutes.
1 2
TABLE 8
ab
1 2 2 2 2
1 2 2 2 2
*****
=
O
co co co co
cd
7
Minutes,
28
∞ ∞ ∞
HAARE 22222
2533528
13 #4
N
[JUNE, 1888.

Page #185

JUNE, 1888.)
. JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
171
TABLE .
Argument b.
Arg.
Equ.
Arg.
Equ.
Arg.
Equ.
Arg.
Equ.
260
760
270
520
280
770 780 790
175
290
KAO
184
300
550
800 810
192
560
310 320
200
570
820
880
890
580 590
840
8410
860
620
870
370 380 890
880
640
890
400
650
900
258 258 263
680
910
920
267
680
930
270
690
940
450
700
950
273 276
9.80
960
279
986
990
1000

Page #186

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 10.
TABLE 11.
Argument e.
Differences.
Eq. ||
M. ||
socioiso்ஸ்ஸ்ஸ்ஸ்
5.19
6.13
+
6.23 6.27 6.31 6.35 6.40 6.44 6.48 6.52 6.57
1.46
1.51
100 | 7. 5
iscio
| 200
4.10
53 || 300 21.16
0 ||

Page #187

JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR
INDU DATES.
173
TABLE 12.- Subsidiary. Correspondence of Dominical Letters and Week-Days.
Fr Sat
Sat 8
Tu
S = Ravi, Surya-våra. Mo = Sôma, Chandra. Tu - Bhauma, Mangala. W - Budha. Th - Guru. Fr = Sukra. Sat = Sani.

Page #188

c
I
9
XXVIII
ΙΠΛΕΣ
ΧΙΟΣ IIIAXY IIAXY
18
Η | Ο Ρ
XXX XIXX ΠΙΑΧΣ ΙΛΧΧ ΙΔXX ΔXX
Ρ
ΔΧΙ
ΧΙΧΣ ΠΙΑΧΣ ΠΑΧΥ ΙΔΙΑ ΔXX ΔΙΧΣ Ο IIIXX Το
TP ΙΣΣ
XXVI
c
XXV 10 b
XXIV ΣΧΙΙΙ XXII
XXIV
b
XXIII
11 ! XXIV XXIII 10 XXII 9a
8 ο XXI
1 6II • 91 II • 8Ι ΣΙΣ 3 41 106 Ρ Σι ΧΙΧΣ |
: Η ΧΙΟΣ ο ΩΙ ΙΙΑΣ 4 στ ΧΙΥΣ • εΙ ΙΙΑΧΣ 4 Ι ΙΙΑΧΣ: και οι ΙΠΛΕΣΡ ει ΙΙΑΧΣ
| 6 6 ΠΑΧΣ | ο ιι ΙΛΙΣ 13 61 AXY P8 ΙΔΧΣ Οι ΔΧΣ • 8 ΔΙΧΧ
P 9 9 ΛΙΧΧ | 21 ΙΙΙΧΣ " 9 ΠΙΣΙ : 9 ΙΙΥΣ
| 4 9 IXX IXI |P και II
ΧΙΣ | Ε ΙΠΑΣ
Η ΠΑΣ ΠΙΑΣ ΙΙΑΣ
ΙΑΣ ΠΑΣ ΙΑΣ
ΔΥ ΙΑΣ
ΔΙΣ ΔΣ ΔΙΣ
ΠΙΣ ΔΙΣ
IIX
ΔΧΥ ΔΙΧΧ ΙΙΙΣΥ ΠΥΥ ΙΥΣ
3.
ΙΧΣ
ΙΙΙΣ
ΙΧΣ
ΧΙΣ
a
XVIII
P
ΙΠΠΑΣ
ΙΙΙΑΣ
ΙΠΑΣ ΔΙΑΣ ΙΑΣ ΔΙ
ΠΑΣ ΙΑΣ ΑΙ
ΙΑΣ
ΙΙΑΣ ΠΑΣ ΙΑΣ ΔΣ
Ρ
ΔΣ
ΣΥ
ΔΙΣ
ΔΙΣ INY ΠΥ
ΔΙΧ
XIII
AIX
XIII
IIIX
XII
"
ΙΠΣ
ΙΠΣ
IIY
IX
IIIA
ILA ΙΑ
ΠΑ
VII
IIIA ΠΑ IA
IA
| Ρ
Π
19 ο IV
b III 18
II 1 00
• | Ρ
III ΙΙ
II 1 08 XIXX
9 8
II Ι 08
1
o I Leap year.
Common your.
Leap year.
Common year.
Days.
MAy.
April.
Maneh.
February
January.
Days.
A
Jyni shtha.
T
την Ικ
Vaibakha.
|
Chaitra P hálguna. Containing the Epacts and Dominical Letters. Perpetual Lunar Calendar.
TABLE 12.
[JUNE, 1888.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
174

Page #189

ν 14 και
911
VI 13 a
• 11 10 a
ν IV
10 και
ν 10
9 ο ν
XXX 8d
* Ο
ΑΙ
8
ΑΙ
και
6
I
XIV
06
I XI
• Ι ΙΙΑ • 91 ΧΙ | 9 8Ι ΙΙΙΑ | ετ ΠΛ
81 AI "IAI Ρ Μ ΙΙΙΑ | 8Ι ΠΛ 181 IA
8 BLIN • SI INI 81 IIIA ο εΙ ΙΙΑ 3 ITIA
ΟΙ Π
P & II | Ρ τι ΙΙΑ 4 ITIA
ο ττ Ιοε • OLA 5 6 III - 3 8 Π
| 4 OI XIXX 4 8 I EL 10€ ο ! XIXI | 6 ΙΙΙΑΧΣ και 8 ΙΙΙ Ο 9 II
• 9 XIXX 4 9 IIIAXx 8ι ΙΙΑΣΧ 2 III •L II 9 9 Ι 08 | 5 9 XXX TP και IIIAXx: 6 ΠΑΧΥ | 9 ΙΔXX 9 II ΡοΙ
XIXX 0 E ΠΑΧΧ ΙΛΙΣ • 8 10€ ΙΙΙΑΙΣ ΠΙΑΧΣ και IAXX
Ρ ΔΙΧΣ XIXX 19 ΧΙΧΣ | ΙΙΑΤΣ|P IIAXX
AXX ΔΙΑΣ
ΠΙΣΥ • ΙΠΙΛΑΣ : ΙΙΙΛΧΣ • ΙΔΣΣ • IAXX
ΔΙΧΧ IIIXX
ΠΥΣ ILAXX
AXX AXX IIIXX
ΙΙΣΥ ΙΛΙΣ ΙΛΙΣ ΔΙΧΣ ΑΙΧΣ ΠΧΣ
ΣΥ AXY
IIIXX
ΠΙΣX IXX AIXX ΛΙΣΣ IIXX IIXX XX ΧΙΣ
ΠΙΑΣ IIIXX ΙΙΙΣΣ IXX
IXX
ΙΙΙΑΣ
ΠΑΣ HIXX IIXX
XX IIIAX ΠΑΣ
ΙΑΣ IXX
ΧΙΣ ΠΑΧ
ΙΑΣ IIIAX IILAX IAX
ΔΣ ΧΙΣ
ΠΑΣ ILAX ΔΧ
ΔΙΣ ΙΙΙΑΣ ΠΙΑΣ IAX
JAX ΙΙΑΣ ΙΙΑΣ AX
ΙΙΣ IAX AIX
ΑΙΣ ΔΣ IIIX
IIIX ΔΙΧ 6 61 IIX
IIIA P 8 IX
ΙΙΙΑ
ILA ο ΣιX
• LT ΠΙΑ 4 STILA 3 61 IA 4 91 XI
' Ι ΙΔ | 8Ι Α 9ΙΣ P90X • Ι ΠΙΑ
8. 9Ι Α.
ΣΙ ΔΙ
AXY
P
οΙ
b
TP
XV
IIIX
ΙΣ
ο
19
IX
XII 18 ΧΙ 17 και
XIII 198 XII 18 : ΣΙ 17 •
ΙΣ 16
15 f! VIII
VII 16 a VI 16 ο
Ι
December. Days.
November
October
September
August
June.
Days.
Ma
Pausha.
Sravana.
shadhe.
Margasira.
Karttika.
Abvina, Bhadrapada. Containing the Epacte and Dominical Letters.
Perpetual Lunar Calondar.
TABLA 12.-Continued.
175
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
JUNI, 1888.)

Page #190

XIII
P 61 IIX
AIX
IIIX
ΤΙΣ
IIX
ΙΙΙΣ IIX
IX
MIA 18 IIA • BIA
νΙπ 18 .
ΠΙΑ
11 a
V
2
2
30 Ι
XIXX IIIAXx 3
I 08 XIXX ΙΠΛΙΣ ΠΑΧΣ 3
XXVI
a
| P
XXVI
IAXX | ΑΧΧ ΔΙΧΣ IIIXX
ΛΧΧ AIXX
• 8 ΙΠ 8 9Ι
| 9 9 Π
ΧΙΕΣ | SI 08 ΧΙΧΣ
IITAXX 9 XIXX P IIIAXY ΠΙΛΥΣ! ΠΑΣΧ
ΙΙΙΑΧΣ IIAXY ΠΛΥΣ | e LAXX
IIAXX IAXX ΑΧΧ ΙΑΧΣ
ΔΑΣ ΛΙΣΣ ΑΧΧ
ΛΙΧΧ AIXX ΙΙΙΣΥ ΔΙΧΧ
ΠΙΧΧ ΙΠΙΣΣ ΙΙΣΙ IIIXX
ΠΧΧ IIXX IXX
IIXX IP IXX IXX XX
IXX XIX XX
XIX ΧΙΣ ΙΙΙΑΣ ΧΙΣ
IIIAX ΠΙΑΣ ΠΑΧ ΙΙΙΑΣ
ΠΛΧ ΠΑΣ ΙΑΣ
ΙΑΣ ΙΑΣ
ΙΑΣ AX ΛΙΣ
P 6L ΔΙΧ AIX 161 IX
ΑΙΣ ο 8Ι ΙΙΙΣ
XXIII
IIXX
XXII
IXX
XXI
ΣΙΣ
ΧΙΣ ΙΠΙΛΣ | P ΙΑΣ 19 ΙΛΙ
ΠΙΑΣ ΠΑΧ ΙΑΣ
AX
AX
ΑΣ
ΔΙ
ΛΙΣ
8
AIX
|
XIII Common year.
XII 19 Leap year.
e! 18 XII Common year.
Leap year.
April
March.
February. DL
January Janna
Days!
Syai.
VaikAkha.
Chaitra..
Phalguna.
gha.
Continued for the year following. Perpetual Lunar Calendar.
TABLE 18.-continued.
[JUNE, 1888.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
176

Page #191

JUNE, 1888.]
PART THE FIRST.
I.
II.
0 (+1)
304 (+0).
608 (-1)
912 (-2)
1216 (-3)
1520 (-4)
1824 (-5)
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
For finding the date of new-moon in March.
......
(-3)
1468 From I ......... 1216 Remainder...... 252 From II. 228 (-) Remainder 24 (-34) From second part. 24 = 271 Subtract...... 31 231
TABLE 13.
0 [+0]
76 [-]
152 [-]
228 [-]
Example.-To find the day of new-moon in March A.D. 1468.
New-moon: in the last quarter of 23rd March. Chaitra su di 1 on 24th March. Epact XXIV.
PART THE SECOND.
0
d J d
22 19
231 38
1
12 20
12 39
2
314 21
30 40
3
204 22
201 41
4
8 23
91 42
5
27 24
27 43
6
17 25
16 44
7
6 26
64 45
8
241 27
25 46
9
13 28
134 47
10
31 29
2 48
11
22 30 214 49
12 10 31 11 50
18
29 32
29 51
14
181 33
18 52
15
8 34 7 53
16
26 35
17 15 36
18
41 37
J
2285
261 54
15 55
41 56
nd
y
12 58
23 57 23
91 61
28 62
16 63
64
302 59 314
24 65
20 60 194
9
141 66
23 67
214 68
10 69
29 70
"
18 71
177
71 72
d
15 74
གླུ སྲྀ་ ཾ ཾ་ ཾ་ ཌ ཾ་ ཾ་ ཚ་ ཎྜ ྨ ཨྠ ➢ 8 བྲྀ གཽ
4 75
124
27층
171
134
21
101
294
181
26 73 26
7
15+
41

Page #192

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 14. Tables giving the week-day of the 1st March (Old Style) = d. From A.D. O to 2100.
Yoars.
(0 to 24.)
Years.
Centuries.
Centuries.
0 1 2 3 4
161718192011/12/13/14/15/16/17/18/19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 || a Talwrhsal 8 M Tu Th F Sol 8 TalwTh| 8 m/Tal w F|9/8//w/
S M Tu WF Sa S M W Th F S T W Th Sa S M T Th F S S Tu 1 8 15 Sal S M To Th F S S T W T F S M Tu WF S S M W T F Sa M 2 9 F S S M W T F S M Tu W Th SA S M Tu Th F Sa Tu W Th F S 3 10 Th F Sa Tu W T F S M Tu W F S S M W Th F S M Tu W Th Sal 4 11 18 W Th F S M Tu W Th Bas T aTh F Sa s Tu W Th F S M T W F 5 12 19 Tu W Th F S M T W F S S M W Th F S M T W Th Sa SMT Th 6 13 20
Years.
(25 to 49.)
Years.
Centuries.
Centuries.
48
49
25 | 26 | 27 28 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 38 39 | 40 | 41 | 42/4344/46 | Th F S/M Tawth! S S M T Th F Sa s Tu WTI
CORO
8 W T F S M T W T Sal SMW Th F S M T W Th Sal SMT Th 1 16 TO W Th Sa SMT Th F Sa 8 Ta W Th F S M Tu W F S S M W Th 2 9 16
MTU WF Sa SMWTFS M Ta' w Th Sa SMTWTFS s Tu Wl 3 10 17 18 S M T Th F S S Tow Th F S M Ta W F S S M W Th F S M T 4 11
sa s mw Th F S M Tu W Th sa s TaTh F Sa s Tu W Th FSM 5 12 19 13 20 F Sa s Tu W T F S M T W F S S M W Th F Sa M Tu WTA Sa S 6 18 20
Years.
(50 to 74.)
Years.
.
Centuries.
Centuries.
50/51 | 62 38 | 54 55 | 56 | 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 60 70 71 72 73 74 8/2wTh sal mTa w Tulsa 81 a/Ta Th F Sals/raw/TH/F 8 M Tulo 724
O
Se s Tow Th F S M T W F S S M W T F S M Tu W Th SA SM 1 8 15 FS M Tu W Th Sa SMTT FSA s T W T F S M Tu W F S S 21 9 16
Th F S M T W F S S M W T F S M T W Th Sa S M Tu Th F Sa 310 17 18 W Th Sal SMTTh F S S Tu with FSM Taw F S S M with 4 11 18
To WFSal SMW Th F Sal M Tu W Th Sa S M Tu Th F Sa s Tu W Th 5 12 19 MTTh F Sal Tu W Th F S M T W F S M T F S M Tu W 130
Years. (75 to 99.)
Years. Centuries.
Centuries. |75|76|77| 78 79 80 a $2] 83 | 84 | 85 | 86 | 87 | 88 89 90 91/02/03/04/05/06 | 87 88/10 14 W F S S M W Th F S M T W 7 Sa 8 M T Th 1 S T W T F 714 15 Tu Th F Sa Tu W T F S M T W F Sa SMWTF EAM Tu W Th
A W Th F S M T W Th Sa S M Tu Th F S S T W T F S M Tu W 2 9 16 3 10 17s s Tu W T F S M T W F S S M W T F S M T W T S S M Tu 8 10 17
18 S M T W T F S M T Th F Sa STa W T F S M T W T SA SM 4 11 18 5 12 19 FSM T W F S Saw Th F Sa M T W T S S M T Th F Els 5 19 19 6 13 20 Th SA S M T Th F S S'Ta'w Th F S M T W F S S M W T F S 6 13

Page #193

JUNE, 1888.]
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
179
TABLE 15. Longitudes and Latitudes of principal places. Latitude in degrees and first decimal. Longitude in minutes of time, being the difference
in time between Lanka and the place in question.
Lat. Long.
m.
1 +
43.0
+
19.1
20.5
11
o Acc
1 + + +
+ +
... 30-2
31.6 23.9
+ +1| + |
+
1
19.9
+ + + 1
|
.
......
to door to to co to o
06 con
+ + ococo +
+
+ |+ + + + + +
+
Abd (Arbuda) .... 24.6 - 12 Dhulia (Dhulêm) ... 20.
9 4 Maisur
12.31 + 3 Ågrå
23.2 + 16 Dwaraka................ 22.2 - 27 MAlkhed (MAnyaAhmadAbåd ......
thêỆa)............... 17.2 + 6 Ahmadnagar......
Ellôra (Vélépura)... 200 - 8 Måndavi in Cutch.. Ajanta ............
Mangalor ............ Ajmer.............
Farakhabad ......... 1-27-4 + 15 Mathura.............. Allah& båd(Prayaga) 25.4 + 24
Mongir or Munger.. Alligad + 9 Gays ..................
Multân ............ Amritsar .......
- 4 Ghazipur ........... 25.4 +31 Anhilwad
- 15 Girnår ............... 21.5 -21 N&gpur ................ Arcot ............... 12.9 + 14 Goa (Gopakapatta
Nasik
20.0 -12 Aurangabad .........
1 na) ............. 15.5 - 8 Gorakhpur .........
26-7 + 26
Oudhe (Ayodhya)... 26.8 Bådåmi .............
15.9 - 0 0 Gurkha ............... 27.9 + 34 Balagámi or Bala
Gwalior ............ 26.2
+ 9 Paithan
19.4 gânive..........
Pandharpur Banawasi ............ Haidarábåd (in the
Patiala ................ Bardhwan .........
Deccan) ............ 17.4 + 11 Påtņa ............... Baroda (Badoda) ... Haidarábåd (in
Poona (Puņêm) ... BÅrsi ..........
Sindh)............... 25.4 - 26 Purniya................ Belgaum..........
- 5 Harda (in Gwalior). 22.3 + 5 Benares ...........
+ 29 Hardwar ............ 30-0 + 9 Rámêśwar ............ 9.3 Bhagalpur ......
+ 45 Hoshangabad ...... 20.8 + 8 Ratnagiri ........... 17-0 Bharatpur 27.2
Rêvá (Riwam) ...... 24.5 Bhêls&............ 23.5 + 8 Indôr
20-7 Bhopal ............... 23.3
Sågar ................. 23.8 Bibår or Behar ......
Jabalpur............ 23-2 + 16 Sahêt-Mahêt (ŚraBijapur ................
Jagannathapuri . + 40 vasti) .............. Bijnagar or Hampe. 15.3 Jalgaum ............
- Sambhalpur ......... Bikaner ............... 28.0
Jaypur ...........
+ Sátára ................ - Bombay ............. 18.9 Jhansi..
+ 11 Seringapatam (Śr. Broach (Bhriguka.
Jodhpur ...............
26.3 - 11
rangapattana) ... chchha) .......... Junagadh
Sholapur............... Bundi..................
Sirinj .................. Burhanpur............
Kalingapatam ...... 18.3 Sömnáthpatan ......
Kalyan in Bombay. 19-2 Srinagar in Kasmir. Calcutta ............ 22-6 Kalyan in the Ni
Surat ...... Cambay or Kham
zam's Dominions. 17.9 bhất (Sthambha
Kanauj .............. 27.0 Tañjor............. vati) ............... 23.5 + 8 Kanchi, or Conje
Thânã.....................
19.2 - 11 Cawnpore (Kanpur). 26.5 | + 18 veram ..............
Travancore ...... 8.2 + 5 Cochin
10.0 + 2 Katak.................. + 40 Trichinopoly ......... 10-8 + 12 Khâtmå du .........
Trivandram ......... 8:51 Dacca (Deka) .....! 58 Kôlâ pur ............... 16.7 Dehli .................. 28.6
C'dêpur or Oodey Dê vagiri or Daulat
Lahôr ............. 316 + 6 pore.................. 24.6 - 8 sbad................ 20-0 Lakhnau......... 26.9 -20 Ujjain.................... 23.2 + 0 D ar................... 22.6 -
Umararati or AmDharwad ............. 15.5 - 3 Madhura................ 9.9 + 9 roti
20.9 + 8 Dholpur ..............
26.7 + 8 Madras ............... 13:1 + 18
T
+
25.2 16.8
OOO
نن نن نه
+ + +
corocco co
+11 11 + +
+ + 1 cocco
O 1 +
نه نه نر نر تر نہ
11 + + +
+ +
10-8
+
+ +
12.8
20-5
+ + +
+ + +
27-2
23-7
+ +
+
1
+
Noto.-In order to convert Lauku time into local time, add or subtract from the former the minutes of Longitude of the place in question as indicated by the sign of plus or minus in the above list.

Page #194

180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1888.
TABLE 16.
Showing how many minutes the day begins in any place (from 0 to 80 degrees Latitude)
before or after Sunriso at LADKA (or 0 hour of the previous tables).
The day begins before
Sunrise at Lanka
Degrees of Latitude
The day begins after Bunrise at Lanka.
New Style.
5° | 10° 150 200
250 300
New Style.
21 March.. 23 26 » ... 18 31 March..
0 29 Sept.... 21 March To convert Old Style into 5
New Style :28 Sept.... 16 , ... 11
Between add days. 400 & 500 , 1, 500 ... 600 , 2 600, 700
23 23 24 , ... 18 ,
700, 800
18 23 51 88
Oct. ... 12 , ... 5 Nov.... 6 Feb....
1000 ,, 1100 1100 , 1300
12 ... 80 Jan.
1300 » 1800 , 8 ,
18
... 28
1400, 1500 57 1 Deo. ... 12 Jan. ...
1500 , 1700, 10 48 60 21 Dec.... 21 Deo. ...
22 June...
Noto. The days in this Tablo are registered in New Style, whereas in the previous Tables Old Style is used. Hence a date in Old Style must first be donverted in the corresponding one in New Style.

Page #195

JUNE, 1888.7
JACOBI'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
181
TABLE 17. Table of the Nakshatras and Yogas.
Index for the ending-points of the nakshatras according to
Nakshatra.
Inder.
Yoga.
No.
Brahms Garg.
S.
0-
37
37
38- 74 75-111 112-148
Vishkambha 1 Priti......... 2 Ayushmat... Saubhagya.
148
Table for Differences.
6
185
Naksh.
Yoga.
204
H.M.
H. M.
259 296 316
0-37 1-13
362
0-89 1-19 1-58 2-38 8-17
1-60
2-27
989 444
3-
4
3-41
149—185 186-222 223—259 260—296 297-333 334370 971-407 408-444 446-481 482-518 519–556 567-593 594-630 6314667 668—704 705–741 742–778 779–815
3-56 4-36
Asvint Bharani ........ Ksittika Rõhiņt ............ Mpiga or Mriga
siraha ...... Ardre Punarvasu Pushya Aslêshå......... Magh& ............ Parvi-PhAlgunit Uttara-Phálguns Hasta ............ Chitra Svått Viếathế Anuradha ..... Jyêshthân ........ Mala............... Parva-Ashådha . Uttara-Ashadha Sravana ......... Áravishtha, or
Dbanishtha... Satabhishaj, or
Satatarak....... Parva-Bhadra.
pada............ Uttard-Bhad ra.
.......... Rêvatt ...........
4-17
518 537 593
5-16
sôbhana ... Atiganda ... Sukarman. Dhřiti ...... Sala ......... Ganda Vriddhi ... Dhruva...... Vy&gháta ... Harshana... 14 Vajra ...... 15 Siddhi(Asrij) 16 Vyatipata... Variyas ... Parigha Siva ........ Siddha ...... Sadhya ...... Subha ..... Sukla....... Brahman ...
4-54 5 31
5-56 6-84
630
18-8
12-13 18-19
19-42
648 685 722 778 815
816-852
852
853-889
876
890–926
908
pada
963
927-963 1963 964-1000
Indra ...... Vaidhfiti ... 27
27
1,000
1,000
Note. Sometimes an extraordinary nakshatra, Abhijit, is inserted between Uttari-Achadh and Sravaņa. In that case, Abhijit has as Index 769-782. The Index for the ending-point of Abhijit according to the Brahma-Siddhanta system, is 780.

Page #196


Page #197

JULY, 1888.]
BAGUMRA PLATES OF DADDA II.
183
GURJARA INSCRIPTIONS, NO. III. A NEW GRANT OF DADDA II. OR PRASANTARAGA.
BY G. BÜHLER, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E. THE subjoined inscription' is engraved on a peculiar mistake, U. reading slishța, B,
1 two copper plates, found some years ślishta, and I. chlishta. These facts prove that ago at Bagumra, in the Palsâna Taluka of the all three grants were prepared according to the Nausâri District in the Baroda State. I same model form, but that the writers were, acquired them with some others, pablished in as the documents themselves assert, three this Journal, Vol. XII. pp. 179-190 and different persons, all three distinguished by Vol. XIII. pp. 65-69, by myself and Dr. E. carelessness and ignorance of the classical Hultzsch, through the kind mediation of language. Rao Saheb Mohanlal R. Jhaveri. The The contents of this new grant are as folcircumstances of the find have been mentioned lows:--The 'supreme king of great kings,' the in the former paper.
illustrious Dadda II., who had obtained the five The measurements of the plates are about mahásabdas and who was the son of the illus101 by 7", and thick. The massive rings trious Jayabhata and the grandson of the are preserved and in their proper position. To
illustrious Dadda I., presents the village of the right-hand ring the seal is attached; it
Tatha-Umbará to a Brâhman on the occasion of shews, like those of the published grants of the
an eclipse of the sun, which happened on the same king from Umêta and Ilâo, the legend éri. new-moon day of the month Jyaishtha, when Dada and a square emblem the character of 415 years of the Saka king bad elapsed. The which is not clear. The engraying has been village was situated in the áháradvaliga or done well. The letters are deeply cut and
district of Tatha-Umbara. Its boundaries were, distinct. Only a few have suffered seriously
to the east the village of Ushilathana, to the or been destroyed by verdigris. The charac
south Ishi, to the west Samkiya, and to the ters resemble those of the other two grants
north Jaravadra. The donee was Bhatta very closely. The word rdsakát (1.1) shews, Gôvinda, the son of Bhatta Mahidhara, who as in the latter, the cursive form of va, which belonged to the community of the Chaturvedins looks like na. The royal signature (1. 32) is
of Kanyakubja, i.e. to the Kanojià Brâhmans of written in the antiquated Nagari letters, which Gujarât, to the Kausika-gotra, and to a school the Umêta grant also exhibits. The spelling of the adherents of the Chhaudôga-Sakhi. He and the grammar of the Sanskrit text are as
received the village in order to defray the exslovenly and fanlty as in the other two grants, penses of the five so-called great sacrifices and with which the wording of its first portion of other religious ceremonies. The conditions agrees almost literally. But it must be noted of the grant are the usual ones. The charter that, tbough the character of the mistakes is was written by the royal servant Révadita, or, the same, they do not always occur in the as the correct form of the name would be, same words. Thus, in l. 1, U. reads vásakat, Rêråditya, the son of Dimôdara. Like the B. and I. rósakát; in l. 3. U. and B. read other two grants, it is dated from the victorious samaya and phalodgiyamána, I. samaya, and camp or cantonment (rikshépa), situated at phalódgiyamána; ibidem U. reads nistrinsa the gates of the town of Bharukachchha. B. and I. nistrissa; in 1. 4, U. reads didhiti, The date and the geographical names are B. and I, dihiti. In other cases B. alone the only new points contained in the inscriphas a faulty form and in one case, 1. 4, where tion, which require further remarks. The the context requires klishta, each grant shows former seems to contain a mistake in the
1 A German paper on this inscription has been pub. lished in the Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vol. CXIV. p. 89ff.
In order to save space I call in the sequel the Umetà grant, U., that from Illo, I., and the new one, B.
To my remarks on the word ahira, ante, Vol. VII. p. 71, I may now add that it occurs also in Bud.
dhistic literature. In a note to Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XI. p. 31, Dr. Rhys Davids adduces for the word adhuram from the commentary the explanation Bajanapad 191. The meaning of dealisia or adralija is not clear to me. Possibly the word is a corruption of dvidal and intended to indicate that the ahara included twelve villages.

Page #198

184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1888.
name of the month. According to Dr. Schram's a thicket of Ficus glomerata. This word is still calculations the new-moon day of Jyaishtha, frequently used for naming villages and the Saka-Samvat 415, corresponds to May 31, 493 maps show in the districts close to the Tapti A.D. On that day there was no eclipse of the fall half dozen of villages, called Urura. sun, which, as the inscription asserts, occurred It is, therefore, very probable that the syllaon the day when the grant was made. But on bles Tatha and Bag have been prefixed in the next new-moon day, June 29, there was an order to distinguish this Umbara (Umra) from annular eclipse, not visible in India. (See also other homonymous places. What the meaning Th. v. Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse No. of Bag may be I am unable to guess. But 4037 and Blatt. 81 where the astronomical | Tatha may possibly be a corruption of the details regarding the eclipse are given.) It seems Prakrit tittha and Sanskrit tirtha. The value probable that this eclipse ia meant. The dis- of the above identifications is that they crepancy in the name of the month may have prove the dominions of the Gurjara princes been caused by a mistake of the writer or by to have extended south of the Tapti. an erroneous intercalation. However that I must confess that formerly I believed may be, the date possesses little importance that the southern boundaries of the Gurfor the history of Dadda II.; as the oldest of jara state had been identical with those his other grants (U.) is dated fifteen years of the present Collectorate of Broach, and earlier, and the latest (I.) two years later than find that all other scholars, who have touched our inscription. The date of the former is the question, have expressed the same opinion. the full-moon day of Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat On looking over Nos. 34 and 35 of the map of 400; and that of the latter, the new-moon day the Trigonometrical Survey (Gujarat Series) of Jyaishtha, Saka-Samvat 417.
I have, however, discovered that the Uméti More interesting are the geographical grant confirms the information which that of names. With the help of the map of the Bagamrâ furnishes. The villages, named in Trigonometrical Survey, Gujarat Series, No. the former, are likewise traceable, and lie a 34, it is possible to identify nearly all the places few miles to the north-east of those mentioned mentioned. The village of Tatha-Umbara is in the latter. the modern Bagumra, where the plates were According to U., plate II., 1. 11, the village found. For the boundaries are
granted was Nigada, which belonged to the According to the
According to the Map. 116 villages of the bhukti of Kamaniya. This Inscription. to the west Samkiya. to the west Sanki.
is the modern Nagôd, which lies at short to the south Ishi. to the south the old
distance west of the town of Kamroj. For site of Isi.
its boundaries areto the north Jaravadra. to the north Jalwa.
According to the Inscription.
According to the Map. to the east Ushilathaņa to the east a deserted to the east Vaghauri. to the east Rudhsite with an old
vârâ. village-tank. to the south Phalaha- to the south Moti] Though the fourth village cannot be traced vadra.
Phalód. in its proper position, the names of the other to the west Vihânî. to the west Vihân. three suffice in order to prove the identity of to the north Dahithali, to the north Dethli. Tatha-Umbara and Bagumra. As regards the Though a village, the name of which corIntter two words, the second parts umbará and responds to Vaghauri, is not found, the close wnuri are corruptions of Sanskrit udambaraka, resemblance of the remaining names suffices to
. This name, too, survives. For north-west of BA- from Gujarat (Verhandlungen des siebenten Int. Or. Con gumrk the map shows the village of Chalthan. This is gresses) as K Armandya. Dr Bhagvanlal declares the probably a new settlement, founded by the inhabitants latter to be identical with Kimlej, ten miles east of of Ushilgthens when the site to the enst of Bagumri was Surat, which, I suppose, is the Kamrej of the Map. abandoned. Similar re-settlements of villages occar I consider it not improbable that this name is a frequently.
mistake for Vaghvara, caused by the resemblance of the • Kamréj is also mentioned in Mr. H. H. Dhruva's syllables rudh and vagh if written with Gujarati Ráthor inscription, (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen characters. Vaghvard might be the representative of landischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XL. Pp. 322-323, 335) as Vaghauri. Kamwanjia and in Dr. Bhagvanlal's Chalukys grants!

Page #199

JULY, 1888.]
BAGUMRA PLATES OF DADDA II.
185
make the proposed identification incontroverto Professor Kêrê Lakshman's calculation, to tible. It is, therefore, certain that according that of June 8, 495 A.D., he transferred the to U. and B. the northern portion of the Surat three Gurjara princes from the fourth to the District and the adjacent Gaikwad? territory fifth century and assumed that the dates of formed part of the Garjara kingdom.
Khê. I. and II. referred to the same era. More important even than this result is the | I accepted these combinations in my articles fact that the discovery of B. permits us to on the Kavio and Umétato grants, which assert with full confidence the genuineness next came to light. The historical contents of U. and I., which has been dispated by Dr. of the latter fully agree with those of I. Bhagvânlâl and by Mr. Fleet. But before I try Its date, full-moon day of Vaisakba, Sakato show the bearing of B. on this question, it Samvat 400, fitted in well with those already seems to me advisable to subject the arguments, known, which apparently lay between the brought forward against U, and I., to a careful years 380 and 417 of the same era. Ka., consideration. It seems to me that they are by of which only the second part has been no means so strong as the two eminent epigra- preserved, names only one prince, the illusphists suppose, and that a good deal may be trious lord of feudal barons Jayabhata, who said against them, even without extraneous vanquished a king of Valabhi. I identified assistance.
him with the Jayabhata of the other grants In order to accomplish this task, I must and referred the date, Sarvat 486, tenth day begin with a short review of the gradual of the bright half of Ashâdha, a Sunday, to the development of our knowledge and of the Vikrama era, and thus arrived at the year 429 theories regarding the Gurjara dynasty. A.D., which was not too early for the father
The name of the Gurjaras first became known of Dadda II. through Dr. Burns' four Khoda plates' which These views were considered to be right mention (1) the illustrious Samanta or fendal for several years and were utilised by Mr. baron Dadda I., (2) his son the illustrious Jaya- Fleet in his article on the Indian eras, ante, bhata-Vitarâga, and (3) his son the illustrious Vol. XII. p. 291 and by General Sir A. Dadda II. or Praśántarága, all of whom were Cunningham in his Book of Indian Eras, worshippers of the sun or adherents of the pp. 48-49. But matters changed when Dr. Saura sect.
Bhagvånlal published his important inscripTheir dates, Samvat 380 and 385, were taken tion from Nausari." This document mentions to refer to the so-called Vikrama era, antil four princes -(1) the illustrious Dadda I. ; (2) a third grant, Dr. Bhandarker's Ildo plates, his son the illustrious Jayabhata I. ; (3) his was discovered. The latter names likewise son the illustrious Dadda II.-Bahasahiya, an three princes, (1) the illustrions Dadda I., ardent devotee of Siva ; and (4) his son the illus(2) the illustrious Jayabhata-Vitaraga, and (3) trious Jayabhata II., an ardent devotee of Siva. the illustrious sapreme king of great kings Of Dadda I. it narrates that he protected a prince Dadda II.-Prasantarâga. Relying on the of Valabhi against the supreme lord (paramés. identity of the names and of the birudas, vara) Sriharshadêva. Its date is Monday or Dr. Bhindarkar assumed that the princes ! Tuesday, the full-moon day of Magha, Samof I. were the same persons as those men- vat 436, at the time of an eclipse of the moon. tioned in Khê. I. and II. Bat, as the date The mention of the sapreme lord Sriharsbadeva of I. was clearly the year 417 of the Saka and the lucky discovery of some grants of the era, and as the eclipse of the sun, stated to Chalukyus of Gujarât with dates according to have occurred on the new-moon day of the two different eras enabled Dr. Bhagvanlal month of Jyaishtha, corresponded, according to offer an altogether new theory regarding
Published by Mr. J. Prinsep, Jour. Beng. Br. R. A. $. Vol. VII. pp. 9o9ff., by Professor Dowron, Jour. R. A. S. N. S. Vol. I. pp. 247ff. (with facsimile) and by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XIII, pp. 81ff. called hereafter khe. I. and Khe. II.
Published by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 19ff, and with facsimile by Mr.
Fleet, ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 11688.
ante, Vol. V. pp. 109. photograph contained in Mr. Fleet's Sanskrit, Páli, and Old-Kanarose Inscriptions, plate 272. The grant will hereafter be oallod KA. 10 Published with facsimile, ante, Vol. VII. PP. 618.
ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 70ff; called hereaftor Na.

Page #200

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1888.
the Garjaras of Broach and their inscriptions. A.D. As the statements of U. and I. which He very naturally identified Sriharshadeva placed Dadda II.-Prasantaråga in the fifth with Sriharsha-Harshavardhana, the famous century, did not seem to agree with these king of Thâņèsar and Kanauj, who ruled from results, Dr. Bhagvånlál declared them to be 606 to 648 A.D. over the greater part of spurious and contended that they must be Northern and Western India. If this identi- forgeries, (1) because U. and I. in spite of the fication was to stand, the reign of the first alleged interval of seventeen years resemble Dadda, mentioned in Na., must fall in the each other so much that they must have been first half of the seventh century A.D. The written by the same person, (2) because they possibility of proving this was given by the closely resemble a spurious grant of Dharasena inscriptions of three nephews of Pulikesin II. of Valabhi," which has been fabricated by IJ. of Badami (610-634 A.D.), viz. Siladitya, the same forger, (3) because it is alleged that I. Mangalarâja and Palakësin, sons of Jaya- has been written by the same writer Rêva, simhararman, who ruled over southern who drew ap Khê. I and II. He thought it, Gujarat as feudatories of the Western Chalu- however, not impossible that the spurious kyas. Their grants being dated Samvat 421, grants might contain correct dates for the reign Samrat 443, Saka-Samrat 653 and Samvat of Dadda II., if it might be assumed that the 490, it followed that an era, simply marked forger had only made a mistake with respect by the word Samvat and beginning shortly be to the era. fore 250 A.D., was used in Gujarat during the A portion of Dr. Bhagvanlal's conjec. seventh and eighth centuries. Fixing its initial tures was apparently confirmed by a date conjecturally in 244-45 or 245-46, and discovery of Sir A. Cunningham, which assuming that the date of Na., Sainvat 456, Mr. Fleet published in a postscript to the referred to it, Dr. Bhagvånlål obtained for the article. The nearness of Dr. Bhagvånlal's latter the year 700 or 702 A.D., and thereby initial date 244-246 A.D. to 249-50 A.D., the probability that the first Dadda, the third the supposed beginning of the Chedi era ancestor of the donor of Na., reigned between which the Kulachuri or Haihaya kings of 600-625, or even somewhat later. As Khê. I., Tripura used, led Sir A. Cunningham to Khê. II. and Kå. likewise bear dates simply suspect that the latter might be the Samvat marked Samvat, it became probable that the occurring in the Garjara and Chalukya inscripera intended was the same as that of Na. With tions. Calculating on this supposition the date this supposition Samvat 380 corresponded to of Na., “Monday or Tuesday, 15th day of the 624-626 A.D. and Saravat 385 to 629-631 and bright half of Magha of Samvat 456, at the it appeared that the donor of the Khedà grants, time of an eclipse of the moon," he found that Dadda II.-Prasantarâga, was the same personit corresponded to February 2, 706 A.D., a as the first Dadda of Na. The Kåvi date, Tuesday, on which date an eclipse of the moon Samvat 486, on the other hand, being now equal actually happened. On the same supposition the to 730-731 A.D., its Jayabhata, the lord of week-day of Kà. had been given correctly. For great feudal barons, had to be considered as Chedi-Samvat 486, 10th day of the bright half identical with the donor of Na. By means of Asha dha, corresponds to June 24, 736, which of these highly ingenious combinations, the was a Sunday. Sir A. Cunningham also calprobability of which Dr. Bhagvânlal believed culated the date of I. on the supposition that to be increased by epigraphic arguments, he Saka-Samrat had been written erroneously for obtained the following pedigree of the Gurjara Chedi-Saírat. The result was that though no dynasty: (1) Dadda I., the feudal baron, (2) Jaya- eclipse happened in the month of Jyaishta bhata I. Vitaraga, (3) Dadda II.-Prasantaraga, of the exactly corresponding year 666, this was Samvat 380-335, or 621-631 A.D., a contem. the case in the preceding one, 665 AD, when porary of king Sriharsha, 600-618 A.D., (4) Jaya- the new moon of Jyaishtha fell according to bhata II., (5) Dadda III.-Bahusabaya, (6) Java- the Purnimánta reckoning on April 21. Hence bhata IIF., Samvat 456-486, or, 700-2 to 730-2 | the possibility that the date of I. was, as
1 See my article, ante, Vol. X. pp. 277ff.

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Dr. Bhagvanlal thought, a genuine one, could not be denied. In his later article on the Ilâo grant, Mr. Fleet added two new arguments against the genuineness of U. and I. to those brought forward by Dr. Bhagvânlâl. First he pointed out that the description of Dadda I. given in Khê. I. and II. agrees literally with that of Dadda II. in U. and I.; and that the latter grants show some corrupt readings not occurring in the former. Hence he inferred that the author of U. and I. must have known the Khêdâ plates and have copied from them. As the Khêdâ plates had been shown to belong to the seventh century, U. and I. could not possibly have been written in Saka-Samvat 400 and 417, or 478 and 495 A.D. Secondly, he remarked that no weight could be attached to the apparently correct mention of the solar eclipse of June 8, 495 A.D., in I., because it was not visible in India and for this reason would not be noticed by an Indian astronomer.
Of late, the correctness of Sir A. Cunningham's view regarding the initial date of the Chedi has been disputed. Dr. Kielhorn's calculations of the numerous week-days mentioned in the grants of the Chêdi kings tend to show that it began not in 249, but in 248 A.D. This alteration makes no difference for the week-day and the lunar eclipse mentioned in Na. They agree with either assumption. In the one case the year 456 has to be taken as current, in the other as elapsed. But the complicated data in Kâ., which alleges that the grant was made in Samvat 486 on Ashadha su di 10, when the sun had entered the sign of Karkataka, offer a difficulty which Dr. Kielhorn has not yet found it possible to solve.10
Nevertheless, I believe that among the various inferences drawn by Dr. Bhagvanlal from the contents of Na., and from the Chalukya dates, the following may be considered as correct. (1) Na. is certainly dated according to the Chêdi-Samvat; and the supreme lord Sriharshadêva, mentioned as the contemporary of its first Dadda, is the
15 As the following discussion will show that the suspicions against U. and I. are unfounded, I shall not again refer to this point. But I may add that April 21, 665 was, according to the Amânta reckoning of the Gujaratis, the new-moon day of Vaisakha, not of Jyaishtha.
See his letters in the Academy of Dec. 10 and 24, 1887. 1 Dr. Bhagvânlâl held to the last that the Chêdi
187
same person as Śriharsha-Harshavardhana, alias Silâditya. (2) It seems most probable that Kâ., too, belongs, not as I thought formerly, to the fifth, but to the eighth century A.D. Dr. Bhagvanlal's further inference that Na. and Kâ. have been issued by the same Jayabhata, may be also accepted provisionally. The interval between their two dates is not too long for one reign. But the possibility that the donors may be different persons, between whom another Dadda reigned, is not altogether excluded. Dr. Bhagvanlal's assertion that the close resemblance of the characters of the two inscriptions and of their form or wording show them to belong to the same reign, says too much. The characters of two grants, only thirty years apart, will not show any great difference, whether they were issued by one or by two different kings of the same dynasty. The wording of the two documents does not at all agree. The descriptions of Jayabhata in Na. and Kâ. have only two words in common, samadhigatapanchamahasabda and śri; and the enumeration of the conditions of the grant shows many discrepancies. And (3) I must also agree with Dr. Bhagvânlâl in his assumption that Khê. I. and II. belong not to the fifth but to the seventh century, though I am unable to accept his arguments. He said "the characters of the Kaira, Nausârî and Kivi grants are all precisely of the same type and as like each other as can possibly be the case of inscriptions, the actual engraving of which was done by different men. On the other hand, the characters of the Umetâ and Ilão grants are identical with each other and differ entirely from those of the four grants." These sweeping assertions are not quite borne out by the facts. Even a superficial comparison of the facsimiles shows that the characters of Khê. I. and Khê. II. do not fully agree, and that they agree still less with Na. and Kâ. On the other hand, Khê. I. frequently agrees with U. and I. Thus the signs for ja, ba and va are exactly the same in U. I. and Khê. I. The
Samvat is identical with that of the Traikûṭakas. In his paper on two new Chalukya inscriptions, published in the Verhandlungen des siebenten Inter. Or. Congres ses Arische Section, he made pp. 219-222 some very ingenious suggestions as to its origin. He conjectured that Saka-Samvat 170 or 248 A.D. was its initial point.
10 See Dr. Kielhorn's letter in the Academy of Jan. 14, 1888.

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ba with a notch in the top line occurs in none of the same, they do not always occur in the the other inscriptions, the ja with the same pecu- same words. There are further some more liarity only in Ka., and the va in the shape of or less important various readings, such as, an isosceles triangle, only occasionally in Na. sampatka (U. pl. I. 1. 12) against sampanna and Kå. Again the form of 16 agrees through- (I.), charchitángasamunnata (U.) against out in I. U. and Ka., while a different sign charchitasamunnata ; and very considerable is used once in Khê, I., more frequently in Khê. deviations in the description of the boundaries II. and throughout in Na. Similarly the peculiar of the villages granted (U. pl. II. 11. 2-3 and cha of U. and I. occurs in Kâ,, while Khê. I. I. pl. I. 1. 15). The natural explanation of Khô, II. and Na, have a very different sign. these facts is, I think, that the two grants were These instances will suffice to prove that Dr. written by two different persons. Of course, Bhagvânlal's grouping of the grants on palæo- they may also be reconciled with the theory graphic principles is not tenable. If I never- that both belong to one forger. But it seems theless accept his conclusion, my reasons are (1) to me impossible to assert that the agreement that, if a Gurjara inscription of Samvat 456 of the inscriptions is such that they must be is dated according to the Chêdi era, it is most considered the work of one hand. probable that those of Samvat 380 and 385 The same remarks apply to Dr. BhagvånJal's refer to the same era, (2) that hitherto no certain second argument, that the plates must be cases from the older times have become known forgeries, because they closely resemble the in which the word Samvat stands for Saka- admittedly forged grant of Dharashna II., Samvat or Sakansipakala.
dated Saka-Samvat 400, and have been evidently Dr. Bhagvanlal's remaining inference, fabricated by the forger of the spurious Valabhi that u. and I. are forgeries, seems to me inscription. The latter again shows a number untenable. His first argument, the assertion of very striking peculiarities in the alphabet that their perfect agreement in characters and not found in U. and I. The upper end of the form shows them to have been written by one superscribed mátrá has a strongly marked and the same person, rests, it seems to me, on curve and the same Aourish appears at an insufficiently accurate comparison of the two the lower end of the left limb of ta. documents. It is no doubt true that they are Further, in the syllables nå, no and Id the very similar. But their resemblance is just 4-stroke is marked by a vertical line turned such a one as might be expected in the case of upwards. Moreover the subscribed na in samtwo grants written by a father and son in an djñápayati (pl. 1. 1. 16), yajña (pl. II. 1. 2) and archaic alphabet, not in daily use. The main ajñána (pl. II. 1. 12) resembles that of Skanfeatures mostly agree, but in the details various dagupta's Kahâum inscription, not that of small differences are observable. Thus in U. U. and I. Again, in the letter pha the little the left hand stroke of the ta is drawn down tail, drawn through the bottom line, which U. much further than in I.; the top of ļa shows and I. show, is wanting. Finally in the groupe in I. frequently, e. g. in makufs (1.4) ghaļá beginning with s, e. g. sta, sva, sma, etc., the (1. 6) sphatika (1. 8) etc. a straight horizontal lower letter is invariably attached to the rightline which is wanting in U.; the use of the hand vertical of sa, while in U. and I. it is consuperscribed mátra and of the prishthamátrá nected with the left-hand limb." These very does not agree in the two documents; finally striking differences in the characters, as well as the signature of the king shows in U. cursive numerous various readings in the otherwise Någari characters and in I, the same alphabet similar portions of the texts, and some very in which the rest of the inscription is written. peculiar grammatical mistakes, make it, to my Again, as regards the wording quite a number mind, most improbable that the spurious Valaof discrepancies occur. It has already been bhi grant was done by the same personas pointed out above that, though the character U. and I. On the contrary, they prove that of the numerous mis-spellings and mistakes is the forger was acquainted with at least one of
Compare e.g. (ante, Vol. X. pp 283-284) pl. I. 1. 3. wirundsa, 1. 6 karan) and nipunatara: 1. 8 kirand; 1. 14 dhishano; I. 15 bhattaraka and gramakára.
15 Compare e.g. the first word masti in the three insoriptions.

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these documents, but that in using it as his additional compliment for the king. As model he failed to catch and to reproduce all regards the variæ lectiones oyasakpratápasthagiits striking peculiarities. Dr. Bhagvanlal's last tanabhomandalaḥ and ophalodgiyamânao* for argument, that the writer of I. is stated to be yasahpratandsthagitanabhomandalah and ochchthe same person as that of Khê. I. and II, rests halódgiyamána, their sense is certainly not on an identification for which there is absolntely good, and it looks as if they had been no good reason. The writer of the latter two caused by misreading of the old aksharas na grants was "the minister for war and peace and chha." Finally, it is absolutely certain Rêva," and that of I., "the minister of war and that arthijanáslishțao (U.) and arthipeace Rêva, the son of Madhava." As in Khê. I. janachlishtao (I.) are mistakes for 'arthijanaand II. the father's name is not given, and as klishţao, which latter form is, curiously enough, among the Gujarati Brahmaņs the name Rêve, not found in any inscription. Khê. I. gives or Rêvâsankar as we should say at present, arthijandklishaoand Khê. II. arthijandklishta', is as common as Jackor George among
and both thus too show blunders in this passage. Englishmen, it is not in the least necessary to But even if we concede for argument's sake consider the two writers as the same person that Khê. I. and II. have in all four cases the Consequently, it is not possible to contend with better reading, it by no means follows that Dr. Bhagvånlâl, that I. is proved to be a for- I. and U. must have been written after Khê, I. gery, because it contains the assertion that its and Khê. II. and hence be forgeries. For writer is the same person as the writer of in other cases where we have a series of Khê. I. and Khê. II.
undoubtedly genuine inscriptions of the same The additional arguments, brought for dynasty, we find occasionally better readings ward by Mr. Fleet, seem to me like- in the later documents and inferior ones or wise inconclusive. It is perfectly correct simply corruptions in the older ones. Instances that the description of Dadda I. in I. and of this kind occur rather frequently in the U. agrees literally with that given in Khê. | grants of the kings of Valabhi. Thus the I. and II. of Dadda II. It is further grant of Siladitya VI. dated Samvat 441, is true that the latter inscriptions offer in fearfully corrupt, and the description of the this passage at least three better readings donor hardly intelligible, while that of his son than I. and U.-sakalaghanapatalavinirgga- and successor, Silâditya VII-Dhrûbhata, is very tarajanikara, 'the full moon that comes forth much better.” Again in the inscriptions of the from a bank of clouds' is grammatically less Rashtrakūtas of Gujarat, dated Saka-Samvat correct than sajalaghanapatalavinirggataraja- 734 and 749, the identical verse 1 is seriously nikara, the moon that comes forth from a corrupt in the former and nearly correct in the bank of water-laden clouds. For the first latter. Moreover, verse 5 of the grant of adjective sakala ought on account of its posi- 734, which is identical with verse 33 of the tion to qualify ghana, not the remote raja- grant of 745, contains a reading, nidésananit, nikara. Nevertheless the Kavyas and the which, as Mr. Fleet remarks l. c. p. 159, note inscriptions offer numerous instances in which 13, is not as good as that of the second, widar. the position of the parts of compounds is not sanam. These two inscriptions furnish also always the natural one. If one part of a com- the proof that the authors of the Varsávalis pound is a short word and the other a certainly did use the same verses for the longer one, it happens frequently that the description of different kings. In the grant natural order is inverted. The short word is of 734 the just mentioned verse 5 says, usually placed first. The sense of the reading " when on some occasion or other a discussion of I. and U. is preferable, because it yields an arose regarding good government, it was
** Soe, below the text, Pl. I. 1. 1. I have formerly con strued nakala erroneously with ghana.
See below the text ÞI. I. 11. 2 and 3. - A carelessly made nd would nearly look like pa, and chha (not chchha, as Khd. I. and II. read) might easily be road as pha.
See ante, Vol. VI. p. 10ff and Yol VII. p.798. » Soe ante, Vol. XII. p. 158, and Vol. v.
p. 145. The first inscription reads, # T A 47 यत्राभिकमल कृतं हरश्च यस्य कान्तेन्दुकलया समलतं ।। This is simply nonsense. The second has merely one mistake, caused by the pronunciation, a WFA
4 ITU TET GRUT T U

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formerly, forsooth, (customary to note as) an and gifts are according to the Brahmaņical law instance the reign of (king) Bali, during which highly meritorious, nay absolutely necessary. all men enjoyed prosperity; now, however, On the occurrence of a calculated eclipse of (they name) on earth (that) of this king," the sun which falls in India before sunrise, or The king, to whom this compliment is paid, is of an eclipse of the moon which falls in India Karka I. In the grant of 749 it is inserted before sunset, theso observances are not rein the description of Karka II., the sixth des. quired. The mediæval Nibandhas, known tome, cendant of Karka I. Again, verse 9 of the agree on this point, and some of them adduce grant of 734 is identical with verse 34 of passages of rather doubtful Smritis, such as the grant of 7449. In the former it refers to the Shattrinat*' as their authorities. The resKrishna I., in the latter to Karka II. It has triction of obligatory gifts to visible eclipses, never occurred to any one to declare the Valabhi however, does not preclude the possibility that grant of Samvat 441 and the Rashtrakata kings who wished to make gifts chose intengrant of Saka-Sativat 734 to be forgeries, because tionally, in case no visible eclipse was close at later ones of the same series show better read-hand, the day of an invisible one, and that they ings in the identical passages, or because still believed to have secured for themselves verses, describing an earlier king, refer in a later the great rewards promised for a gift made grant to one of his successors. Thence, it is not grahanaparvani. In such a case the invisible permissible to use these points as arguments eclipse would of course be entered in the grants. against the genuineness of I. and U. and to And there is yet another circumstance, which, assert that they prove these plates to have as Dr. Schram has pointed out to me, would been engraved after Khê. I. and II. On the explain the occasional mention of invisible contrary, if one closely examines the wording eclipses. According to him the methods for of the two sets of documents, it seems to me the calculation of eclipses, known to the older evident that it proves I. and U. to be the Hindu astronomers, were so rough and primiolder ones. For their Vurnsávali has through- tive, that they made it very difficult to deterout the same character. Each of the three mine with certainty whether an eclipse would kings is described by a few epithets, mostly be visible in any given place. He thinks that long B. huvrihi compounds. The Vandvali of errors on this point must have frequently ocKhê. I. and II. on the other hand, shows a curred, and that such errors may have easily curious incongruity. The first Dadda and escaped detection, in case the eclipses were Jayabhata are described in highly artificial partial and occurred during the rainy season, language, by a string of rather common-place when the sky is not rarely clouded for weeks. but extravagant comparisons. With Dadda II. Under such circumstances an invisible eclipse the style changes and the description becomes would of course be treated like a visible one. simple and shorter. This disparity seems to For though an eclipse, believed to be a visible indicate that the court-poet, who composed one, is not actually observed, the sky being the Vannádvali, tired, when he had shown his covered by clouds, the prescribed observances art in praising two kings, and copied the rest are yet obligatory." It would, therefore, seem of his work from the older model form,
that the eclipse, mentioned in the Ilao grant With respect to the eclipse of the sun, I which fell in June, the beginning of the rainy cannot agree with Mr. Fleet in his opinion that season in Western India, may have been cona Hindu astronomer or astrologer would not sidered to be a really visible one and have notice an invisible eclipse." The great majority been treated as such. of the eclipses mentioned in the inscriptions | These remarks will suffice to show that were no doubt visible, and the reason is that on the arguments, brought forward against the occasion of a visible eclipse fasting, bathing the genuineness of I. and U. are by no
** [The opinion is, of course, one which I am quite ready दिवा चन्द्रग्रहस्तथा । तत्र स्नानं न कुर्वीत दद्यादानं च ना to abandon, if good reasons for doing NO are shewn. But it will be necessary to examine the circumstances of
THATTII The Shattriniat-Smriti is one fair number of eclipses in many undoubtedly of those compilations, which, though called Smritis, genuine records as can be referred to.-J. F. F.) .
belong to not very remote times, * Nirnayasindhu, Par. I.fol. 32b, 1. 11. FLUÈ HT trai
16 See the long discussion on this point, Nirnayasindhu, Par. 1. fol. 35, 1. 6-fol. 36b 1. 11.

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means conclusive. On the other hand, information, conveyed by the Gurjara plates, there are various reasons which speak that one Dadda-Prasantaraga, the son of a against the sumption that they are for- Jayabhata-Vitaraga, ruled in the fifth century, gerios. (1) The characters in which they are while the reign of another prince, who bears the written are certainly ancient. (2) The state- same name and the same honorific title and likement that the first was written by Madhava, the wise was the son of a Jayabhaça-Vitaraga, fell son of Gilaka, and the second by Rêva, the son in the seventh century. This view gains, I of Madhava, is of some importance. A Hindu think, a great deal more probability by the find forger would hardly think of such a collateral of the Bagumrâ inscription. For, instead of two, circumstance. And (3) their historical contents, we have now three documents which fally agree taken by themselves, are perfectly believeable. in their historical contents, which all three There is no reason why we should deny the show ancient characters and show as close a existence of a Gurjara kingdom during the fifth relationship to each other as may be expecteil century A.D., and the interval of seventeen from their belonging to the short period of years, at which they are stated to have been seventeen years. The larger such a group of issued, is not too long for the reign of one grants becomes, the less is it possible to deny king. If Dr. Bhagvanlal felt unable to recon- their genuineness. For they mutually protect cile their contents with those of Khê. I. and II. each other, since the contents of the one conhis difficulty was, I think, merely a self-created firm those of the others. With every additional one. Though both sets of documents name document, the hypothesis that we have to deal three homonymous kings, two of which receive with the works of a forger, requires more and also the same birudas, it by no means follows more complicated suppositions and hence bethat the same persons are meant." The pedi. comes more difficult. I believe it to be angree of the Gurjaras which Dr. Bhagvânlal necessary to point out these difficnlties in gave, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 73, according to detail; and I turn to the more important task the Khôdk and Nausâri grants, and which of attempting a systematic arrangement of the I too consider to be correct, shows that these historical information which the Gurjara grants kings during six generations contented them- yield, and of supplementing it by tho stateselves with the two names, Dadda and Jaya- ments of some other documents. bhata. Dr. Bhagvanlal also gave the correct Assuming, as we now must do, the explanation of this curious fact. He added three grants, U. B. and I, to be genuine, that the Hindus very commonly name the we obtain from the seven sets of plates, grandson after the grandfather. I see no reason the following pedigree of the Gurjara why we should deny that this practice had princes of Brosch:prevailed for a longer time, and that in the Dadda I. (circiter 430 A.D.) fifth and sixth centuries each Dadda was
Jayabhata I. Vitarâga I. (circiter 455 A.D.] succeeded by a Jayabhata and each Jayabhata by a Dadda, as regularly as during the
Dadda II. Prasantaråga I. (Saka-Sarnvat 400] seventh and eighth. Nor is the repetition of
415, 417, or 478-495 A.D.] the same birudas anything unheard of or even extraordinary. There are other instances of the same kind. Thus among the Rashtra
Dadda III. (circiter 580 A.D.] kůtas, as Gôvinda (III.) surnamed Jagattunga is Jayabhata IL-Vitaråga II. [circiter 605 A.D.] succeeded by an Amôghavarsha and the latter
Dadda Iv.-Prasantaraga II. (Chêdi-Sarvat by a Krishịa (II.) called Akalavarsha. Then
380, 385, or 628-29 to 633-34 A.D. follows another Jagattunga (II.) one of whose
Jayabhata III. (circiter 655 A.D.] song bears the name Amôghavarsha, and the son of the latter is again a Krishna with the
Dadda K.-BÅhusahaya (circiter 680 A.D.] biruda Akâlavarsha. Under these circum
Jayabhata IV. (Chodi-Samvat 456 to 486, or stances it seems impossible to suspect the
706 to 731-35 A.D.]
"The full analysis of the historioal contents of the plates, given below, will show that there are good
Tonsons for not identifying them.
ante, Vol. XI. p. 109.

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In fixing the approximate dates of the kings connected by the French scholars with Balmêr of whose times we have no inscriptions, I in the Jésalmir territory, and this identification go on the assumption that the duration of a has been accepted in Mr. Beal's new transgeneration is about twenty-five years. The gaplation of the Siyuki. As I have stated already between Dadda II. and Dadda III. was probably formerly" following Colonel J. Watson, Pilomilo filled by the reigns of two Jayabhatas and of corresponds exactly to Bhillamåla, one of the old one Dadda between them. The period of names of the modern Bhinmål or Srimals in about 80 years is just long enough for three southern Marvad close to the northern frontier reigns.
of Gujarat. Another work, which was comWith a single exception all the complete posed a few years before Hiuen Tsiang's inscriptions call the princes enumerated above, visit to Gujarat, contains likewise a notice of scions of the Gurjara race; and Khê. I. and this northern kingdom of the Gurjaras. The II. highly extol the greatness and wide extent of astronomer, Brahmagupta, who completed his this family. Na. alone names the Maharaja Siddhanta in Saka-Sativat 550 or 628 A.D., calls Karņa as their ancestor. With respect to this himself Bhillamalakakacharya," the teacher personage it is for the present impossible to say residing in Bhillamalaka,' and is called so by whether the famous hero of the Mahabharata his commentator PrithûdakasvÂmin. He fur. may be meant, or some real historical king. ther states that he wrote under king VyaghraBut the name Gurjara makes it evident that mukha who was 'an ornament of the Chapa this dynasty belonged to the great tribe which race. This family, whose name recurs in the is still found in Northern and Western India | Haddala grant of Dharanivaraha" prince of and after which two provinces, one in the Vadhvân, thus seems to have been the reigning Bombay Presidency and one in the Panjab, house of Bhillamala. It is most probably have been named. The Gurjaras or Gujars identical with the Chậudis, Chávótakas or are at present pretty numerous in the western Châpôtkatas, who from 756 to 941 A.D. held Himalaya, in the Pañjâb and in Eastern Rajpa- Aphilvad and still possess various small districts tâna. In Kachh and Gujarat their number is in northern Gujarat. The Gurjara kingdom much smaller. It would, therefore, seem that of Broach was without a doubt an offshoot of they came into Western India from the north. the larger State in the north; and it may be Their immigration must have taken place in that its rulers, too, belonged to the Chapa early times, about the beginning of our era or family. shortly afterwards. In Western India they The capital of the southern Gurjara State founded, besides the kingdom of Broach, seems to have been always Broach, which another larger state which lay some hundred town has possessed since remote times a very miles further north. Hiuen Tsiang mentions great importance. U. B. and I. are dated from in his travels the kingdom of Kiu-che-lo and a vikshópa, probably a cantonment, situated at its capital Pi-lo-mi-lo. It has been long known the gates of Broach ; while in Khê. I. and II. that the former word corresponds to Gurjara. Nândipuri is named as the place of issue. The But the name of the town has been incorrectly latter name refers, as I have shown formerly,
" Beal, Siyuki, Vol. II. p. 269. Hiuen Tsiang assigns to the northern Gurjara State an extent about double of that given for the kingdom of Broach.
20 ante, Vol. VI. p. 63. 31 Bhillam Ala means etymologically the fold of the Bhil' and SrimAla 'the field of Srl. The latter name must also be ancient, as the Srimáli Brühmaps are called after it. The Jainas narrate various, of course incre- dible, legends, which explain how $rimAla came to be called Bhillamala. Mêrutunga saya that king Bhoja invented the latter name, because the people of Srimala let the poet Maghs die of starvation. According to another authority the town had a different name in each Yugs. It is in India very common for ancient towns to have two or even more namen. Thus Kanauj was called, Kanyakubja, Gadhipura, and Mahodaya.
* See Professor A. Weber, Die Sanskrit und Prakrit Handschriften der Berliner Bibliothek Vol. II. pp. 297, 298. In the first passage the MSS. offers incorrectly
Bhilamacharys; in the second which occurs in the commentary on the Khondakhadyaka, we have Bhillamalavakhch rya, slightly corrupt reading. This latter varia leotio occurs also in other MSS., Bee Weber, Indische Streifon, Vol. III. p. 90, and has given rise to erroneous suppositions regarding Brahmagupta's home. The Gofaráti Joshis still preserve the tradition that Brahmagupta was a native of Bhinmal.
s ante, Vol. XII. p. 190ff. The remark which I have made there that the Chåpes are not named elsewhere, of course requires correction.
3. The forin Chavõtaks, which occur in Dr. Bhagvan. 1Al's grant of the Gujarat Chalukya king Pulakibin of Samrat 490, is the immediate predecessor of the word ChludA. Its Sanskrit original is certainly not Chåpet. kata which probably has been coined in comparatively speaking modern times, in order to explain the difficult Prikrit word, just as the bards of Rbjputana have inveu. ted R lahtrrudha na etymon for R6bod.

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to an ancient fort which once rose east of Broach close to the Jhadisvar gate. Na. and Kâ. give no definite information on this point, as the former grant was issued during a royal progress at Kâyâvatara, probably a tirtha, and as the first half of the latter is missing.
36
The Broach kingdom included, according to the testimony of the inscriptions, the whole of central Gujarât and the northern part of southern Gujarât, i.e. the present Broach District, the Tâlukâs of Ôlpâd, Chôrâsî and Bârdôlf of the Surat District, as well as the adjoining parts of the Baroda State, of the Rêvâkantha and of Sachîn. Its northern frontier was probably the river Mahi; and the southern one the river Ambikâ. For, U. B. and I. grant villages in the Talukâ of Anklêshvar and in the Gaikwadi districts south of the Tapti." Khê. I. and II. both refer to the distribution of the village of Sirishapadraka, the modern Sisôdrâ, in Anklêshvar. The villages named in Na, Samipadraka, Golika and Dhâhaddha, were situated in the pathaka or Taluka of Kôrilla. The latter place has been correctly identified by Dr. Bhagvânlâl with Kôral on the northern bank of the Narmada, in 21° 50' N. Lat. and 73° 15′ E. Long. Kôral was still in the beginning of this century the chief town of a Gaikwadi Pargana (Forbes, Rás Málá, p. 390, 2nd edition). The village of Samîpadraka, to the territory of which the granted field belonged, is probably Samrâ, north of Kôral (Trig. Surv. Guj. Ser. No. 31). I identify
BAGUMRA PLATES OF DADDA II.
35 ante, Vol. VII. p. 62. Dr. Bhagvanlal's conjecture, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 73, according to which Nandipurt has to be identified with Nandod, is not tenable. The word Nandod has nothing to do with Nandipuri, but is derived from Nandapadra. The town Nandod is of modern origin and has no claim to any great antiquity. An examination of its temples which I made in 1875, showed this; and the Brahmans acknowledged it.
30 Dr. Bhagvanlal, loc. cit., thought that Kayavatara is the modern Kivi. Against this identification speaks the fact that according to the phonetic laws of the Prakrit dialects KayAvatara cannot become Kivi, as well as the circumstance that according to the R&thor inscription of Saka-Samvat 749 the old name of Kavt was Kapika, which latter word is just the Sanskrit prototype we should expect. Kâyâvatera, literally "the incarnation of a son or descendant of Ka or Prajapati," probably was a place of pilgrimage on the Narmada.
37 See above, p. 212. With reference to the villages named in I., I have to offer the following remarks:-The village granted, Riva, is the modern Râyâmil in the Taluka of Anklêshvar, in 21° 32' N. Lat. and 73° 52' E. Long., as the resemblance of the names and a comparison of the boundaries according to the inscription and the Trig. Surv. Map, Guj. Ser. No. 13 show. The boun daries are
193
Dhâhadda with the Dhâwat of the map (Trig. Surv. Map. Guj. Ser. No. 30) north-west of Samrâ, because the road from Samipadraka to Dhâhaddha formed the western boundary of the field. The home of the donee, the agráhára of Śrâddhika, is certainly the village of Sâdhli, situated according to the map north of Samrâ. I cannot find any trace of Gôlikâ. The villages mentioned in Kâ. are found, as I have shown in my paper, ante, Vol. V. p. 112, in the north-western corner of the Jambusar Taluka, south of the Mahî. The names of the political divisions of the Broach kingdom occurring in the inscriptions, are the vishaya or province of Bharukachchha (Kâ.), which seems to have included the whole northern half of the Broach District, i.e. the Talukâs of Jambusar, Âmôd, Waghra, and Broach, and possibly the adjoining Gaikwadi Parganas. It is not improbable that it was divided into a number of áháras and pathakas; and that the pathaka of Kôrillâ (Na.) belonged to it. Further south we have the vishaya or province of Akrûrêsvara (Khê. I. II.) or Akulêśvara (I.) which comprised the large Taluk of Anklêshvar and possibly pieces of the Rêvâkânțhâ. Its southern boundary was no doubt, as at present, the Kim river. For we shall see further on that
the Ôlpad Taluka and the Gaikwaḍî districts north of the Tapti formed the Kâsakula vishaya. Immediately south of the Tapti lay the Kamaniya bhukti, which included 116 villages, (U.) or the Karmanêyâhâra (Chalukya inscr.)
according to the inscription. east Varanera
west Sayan. north Alva.
derived from Raivakamála,
south the river Varaṇḍa. west Sunthavadaka. north Aralus. The modern name RAyAmal is the field of Raivaka, i. e. Sanskrit Rajivaka,' or perhaps the lotus (rajiva) field.' The ancient name Raiva is an abbreviation of Raivamala, made bhimavat. The name Sayan does not correspond to Sunthavadaka and the modern village Sayan is probably a new settlement. The identifications of VAranêra and of the river Varanda have already been correctly given by Dr. Bhandarkar in the prefatory remarks to his edition of I. He misread the names Raiva and Aralua, which Mr. Fleet first deciphered correctly. Mr. Fleet considered Râiva to be a less probable reading than Raidham. But the modern name RayAmal and its probable derivation from Sanskrit rajita show that the former is the correct one.
3s Dr. Bhagvanlal was inclined to identify Dhâhaddha with the modern Dohad in the extreme north-east of the Pañch Mahals. This conjecture is exceedingly improbable, first because the distance of Dohad from Kóral is too large, secondly because the ancient name of Dohad or more correctly Dehvad, is according to the Chaulukya inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1196 and 1202, ante, Vol. X. p. 159, Dhadhipadraka. sa See below, p. 197.
according to the map. east Vilner.
south the Wand Khari.

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and further south-east the dhára of Tatha- they were vassals of the Gurjaras of Bhillamila. Umbarâ (B.) or Bagumrå. Later their over-lords probably changed from time to time, as many kings of Central and Southern India tried to get a hold of the muchcoveted garden of the West, and some among them succeeded, each for a shorter or longer period.
If we now turn to a consideration of the historical facts from the reigns of the several kings mentioned in the inscriptions, we must confess that we learn nothing of Dadda I. except the name.
"
The extent of the kingdom was, therefore, in its best times not very large; and it was reduced very considerably, as will be shown further on, in the seventh century. With this assumption agrees the fact that its princes were feudatories of some larger power. In Khê. I. and II., Dadda III. is called a Samanta 'or feudal baron' and the same title is found on the seal where it apparently refers to Dadda IV.-Praśântaraga II., the donor of the grant. The position of Jayabhata IV. seems at first sight to be a little higher, as he calls himself in Kâ. Samantadhipati, 'the lord of great barons.' But he has also the title samadhigatapañohamahá. sabda, he who has obtained the five maháśabdas,' and the latter indicates that he was only a feudatory. The same epithet is also given in U., Ba. and I. to the Mahárájádhirája Dadda II.-Praśântarâga I., whence it may be inferred that he, too, in spite of his high sound. ing title obeyed or had obeyed some time or another, a paramount sovereign. The most probable explanation of the apparent contradic. tion between his two designations is, I think, that he had among his vassals one or several who bore the title Mahárája, which, as e.g. the earlier Valabhi inscriptions show, was sometimes bestowed by paramount sovereigns on distinguished chiefs. In favour of this supposition speaks the fact that Jayabhața IV., too, ruled over Rájus, as he addresses his commands in Na. 1. 17 to Rájas, Sámantas and so forth. It is, of course, not absolutely impossible that Dadda II.-Praśântaraga I. was at first a vassal and later gained independence, but nevertheless continued to use the epithet which he might have dropped. If that were so, it would be necessary to assume that the Gurjaras rose for some time to greater power. The period cannot have been a long one, because Dadda III. was again a Samanta. The question to whom the rulers of Broach owed allegiance, cannot as yet be answered with full confidence. It is not unlikely that at first
40 Sir A. Cunningham assumes, Ancient Geography, p. 327, that the kingdom of Bharukachchha was somewhat more extensive, and he chiefly relies on Hiuen Tsiang's statement, Siyuki, Vol. II. p. 239 (Beal), according to which Po-lu-kie-ch'e-p'o was 2400-2500 li or about 400 miles in circuit. But this estimate is very vague, as the form of the figure is not stated. The description of the country in the Siyuki seems to be inaccurate. It would
Of the second prince, Jayabhata I.-Vitaraga I., it is said "that he displayed in the highest degree all the sportive qualities of the elephants of the quarters by expeditions in the forests growing on both shores of the ocean." As I have pointed out formerly, the expeditions in the forests on both sides of the sea refer in all probability to wars in Gujarât and in Kathiâvad. For, when a Gujarati speaks of the sea, he naturally thinks of the Gulf of Cambay. It seems therefore, that the relations between the chiefs of continental and peninsular Gujarat were as strained in the fifth century A.D., as we shall find them to be in the sixth and the seventh, Jayabhata's epithet Vitaråga, literally 'he whose passions have disappeared,' further indicates that he was an adherent of one of the philosophical systems whose aim is the suppression of the human passions and the attainment of final liberation. He may have been a Vêdântist or a follower of the Samkhya or even of the Saiva or Bhagavata darsana. It is worthy of note that his biruda has hitherto not been found in the case of any king of another dynasty.
The surname of his son and successor, Prasantaraga, he whose passions have been extinguished,' permits us to make the same inference which may be drawn from the epithet Vitaråga. Dadda II., no doubt, likewise inclined to the teachings of the ascetics. In his case this conclusion is confirmed by two other statements of the inscriptions. It is said of
fit only the sterile districts on the sea coast, the so-called Bal, not the rich and fertile soil of the Kanem. The name Po-lu-kie-ch'e-p'o corresponds, I think, to Bharukachchhapura, not to Bharukachcheva, as the usual transliteration is.
41 ante, Vol. IV. p. 107.
See below the text 1. 8.
ante, Vol. V. p. 111.
43

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him, that "he illumined the world of the The description of the next king, Jayabhata living by his pure precepts" and that "he pos- II.-Vitaraga II. yields no historical informasessed the supreme knowledge."** The second tion. His biruda probably indicates that his phrase leaves no doubt that he had studied one religious inclinations were of the same kind as of the philosophical systems, supposed to lead those of Jayabhata I. to môksha. The assertion that he illumined A great deal more is known about Dadda the world by his pare precepts, may mean that IV.-Prasantaraga II. The inscriptions Khê. I. he himself had composed a philosophical work and II. shew that he occupied the throne or had caused one to be written in his name. during the years 628-633 A.D., which, as the It may, however, also refer to his real for the dates of Kû. and Na. show, fell in the comspread of his doctrines and indicate that he mencement of his reign, and that he was an established maths and made the ascetion preach adherent of the Sauras or worshippers of the his and their faith among his people. In Sun. Na, adds that he gained great fame by addition we learn from the inscriptions that he protecting the ruler of Valabbi against the occupied the throne between the years 478-495 supreme lord Sriharshadêva. The latter is, A.D. and that he assumed the title Mahárdja- of course, Sriharsha-Harshavardhana of Thanedhirdja, the probable meaning of which has sar and Kanauj, who ruled over the whole of been discussed above.
Northern and Central India during the greater Dadda III., the first king named in Khê. I. part of the first half of the seventh century and II., seems to have been a great warrior. 606-648 A.D. At first sight it seems difficult The inscriptions say (11. 3-4), thrt he conquered to understand how the king of Valabhi whose the hostile family of the Nâgas, and (Il. 9-10) capital lay west of Broach, could be attacked that “the lands lying at the foot of the Vin- by a Central Indian power before Broach had dhya hills gave him joy as if they were been subdued, and it seems still less intelligible his wives carrying beauty on their high how the ruler of a very small state, a mere bosoms." Dr. Bhagvånlal has called atten- Samanta, could afford protection against the tion to the fact that the first passage contains armies of one of the most powerful kings of India. an allusion to a historical event, and he has | The first difficulty is, however solved by the also stated that it is difficult to decide which Valabhi inscriptions. For a grant of Dharasûna Nagas are meant. Nagavamsas ruled in II., dated Samvat 270" or 588-89 A.D., grants Northern and in Central India, in Rajputana & village in the Khêţakahara, the district of and even in the South. In the absence of any Khêda, and thus proves that Gujarat, north of specification the choice is difficult, and we must the Mahi, had been annexed to Valabhi before wait for further documents before we can the end of the sixth century. Hence the come to a decision. As regards the inter- princes of Valabhi were in the seventh century pretation of the second passage, which hitherto the immediate neighbours of Malva, which has not been noticed, it indicates without a latter country was according to the Sriharshadoubt that Dadda III. made conquests out charita" a dependency of the grent central of Gujarat. The Vindhya hills do not extend empire, Sriharsha was, therefore, able to send to the latter province, but end in the neigh- an army against Valabhi without touching the bouring Malva, and it is probably a piece of Broach territory. The ancient road from the latter country which Dadda III. added for Central India and Mälva to Kheda leads
time to the dominions of the Gurjaras. through the pass of Dôhad (Dadhipadru). The Whenever the rulers of Malva were weak and second point, too, finds its elucidation partly those of Gujarût felt strong, an attack from throngh the Valabhi inscriptions and partly the Gujarat side was the invariable consequence, through some remarks in the writings of Hiuen and it sometimes was successful and led to Tsiang. As Khê. I. and II. say nothing abont temporary conquests. The position of Dadda the deed which reflected according to Na. great III., vis, his being only * Samanta, has been
glory on Dadda IV., it appears that it was mentioned above.
performed after 633-4 A.D. Between these
" See below the text 1. 11. " anto, Vol. VII. p.701.
Sriharshacharita, p. 188, Kashmir edition.

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years and the end of Sriharsha's reign, two matter of course, against Valabhi, the largest princes ruled in Valabhi, Dbrovasna II., who and most powerful state in Gujarat, and deissued a grant in [Gupta-Valabbi]-Samvat 310 feated its ruler Dhravasêna II. Dhruvaena or 628-9 A.D. and his son, the paramabha!!d fled after his defeat to Broach and was sheltered rakamahúrájádhirajaparaméscarochakra rartin by Dadda IV. From his place of refuge he Dharasê na IV., who, as his titles show, was the made his peace with and his submission to his most powerful king of the dynasty. It is thus great foe, and was restored to his throne as a evident that Srîbarsha must have attacked fendatory of the latter. The peace was cemented, one of these two princus. The remarks of as has happened in many similar cases, by a Hiuen Tsiang leave no doubt that it was marriage of Dhruvasena with Sriharsha's grandDhruvasêna II., who had to fly before the armies daughter. With this supposition the magniof the great king of Kapanj. He says, Siyuki, tude of Dadda's feat is somewhat reduced, but II. p. 267 (Beal), in his account of Valabhi, it loses the appearance of absurdity which it "the present king is of the Kshatriya caste, as has at first sight. Hiuen Tsiang's statement they all are. He is the nephew of Siladitya- that Dhruvasena had quite recently attaclied raja of Mâlava, and son-in-law of the son of himself to Buddhism, probably indicates that Siladitya [i.e. Sribarsha) the present king the subjugation and marriage of the king of of Kanyakubja. His name is Dhruvabhata" Valabhs had occurred only a short time before (T" u-lu-h'o-po-tu). He is of a lively and hasty his visit. Dhruvasêna's conversion to or inclidisposition, his wisdom and state-craft are nation towards Buddhism has probably to shallow. Quite recently he has attached him- be attributed to the influence of his connection self sincerely to faith in the three precious with Sriharsha, who, as is well-known, was ones."
possibly himself a Buddhist, or at least, a great Again in the account of the great religions patron of that sect. meeting, which Sribarsha convened in 643 A consideration of other Valabhi inscriptions A. D. at Prayaga, Tu-lu-po-pa-tch'a, 'the king and of the grants of the Gujarat Chalukyas, of Southern India,' is enumerated as one of the teaches us that the reign of Dadda IV. Was princes attending at Sriharsha's command. filled by more events than the Garjara grants Finally the same workinforms as that Pa-tch'a mention. These events were all untoward ones together with Kumara and other kings accom- and led to a temporary annihilation and to a panied Hiuen Tsiang on his departure from permanent weakening of the Gurjara kingdom. Sriharsha's camp.
The friendly relations with the rulers of Hiuen Tsiang's notes leave no doubt that Valabhi do not seem to have lasted long. For Dhruvasena II. occupied the throne of Valabhi we possess two grants of Dharasóns IV., the at the time of his visit, and that he was connec. son and successor of Dhruvasna II., which ted with Sriharsha by marriage and was his were both issued in the autumn of the year Vassal. Taken together with these facts, the 648 A.D., from the victorious camp situated statement of Na. that Dadda IV. (Prasantaråga at Broach." This date leaves no doubt that II.) protected the king of Valabhi who had been Dharashna had made war on the king of Broach defeated by the supreme lord Sriharshadêva, and had occupied his capital. The silence of becomes both intelligible and perfectly credible, Na. on this point proves nothing, as Indian It is now easy to see that Sriharsha extended, inscriptions very rarely confess to & defeat of
-some time between A.D. 633-34, the date of the princes by whose orders they were made. Khê. II., and 640, the approximate date of As the dates of Khê. I. and II. fall in the Hiuen Tsiang's visit to Gujarat,- his sway to beginning of the reign of Dadda IV., it is Western India. He directed his attack, as a very probable that he in person received this
! The transcription is mine. Mr. Beal gives errone The title 'king of Southern India,' which is here given ously Dhruvapata. The Chinese translation Tohangjouito Dhruvabhat may be explained by the circumstance (St. Julien, Mémoires II., p. 168) as I have shown that Sriharsha did not reign over the Dekhan, and that ante, Vol. VII. p. So, goes back to Dhruvabhatta, oom- Valabhi was one of the southernmost states subject to mon mis-spelling for Dhruvabhata.
his control. • St. Julien, vie de Hiouen Theang, p. 254. The identity 9 Vie n. 260. The form Pa.tella, which appears also on of the two Chinese forms Tu-tu-n'o-po-tu and Tu-lu-po. pa-tch'a is incontestable, because tch'a often represents
p. 354 is the representative of Bhata, an abbreviation of | Dhruvabhata, made bhamavat.
in the lingual ta, as has been recognised by M. St. Julien.

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extraordinary return for his kindness to Dhru- tions, excepting the fourth, are dated accordVasena II. The occupation of Broach by the ing to the Chêdi era, and that their dates corruler of Valabhî, however, cannot have lasted respond to the years 642-3, 669-70, 691-92, long; for KÂ. and Na. prove the continuance 731, and 738-39 A.D. As regards the family of the Gurjara dynasty and their holding of the donors, Vijayaraja 'calls himself a the province of Broach. Moreover a great poli- Chalukya, and names a Jayasimha as his grandtical catastrophe seems to have happened in father. His connection with the main line Valabhs soon after 648 A.D. The grants of of Bâdêmi is not stated. But the date of his this year are the last which, as far as we know grant makes it probable that his grandfather at present, Dharasêna IV. issued. In Samvat was the Jayasimba-Dharabraya who is named 332 or 650-51 A.D., Dhruvasena III., his
in the Nirpaņ grant,* and who was a younger youngest cousin twice removed, occupied his brother of Pulakesin II. of Bådâmi. The place. Dharasêna IV. must, therefore, have donors of the other four grants are brothers died shortly after the issue of the two grants and sons of a younger son of Polakesin II. of dated from Broach. As the youngest member BAdêmi, who was also called Jayasinhaof another branch of his family succeeded him, Dharâsraya (see the Pedigree of the Chaluit is probable that he lost his life in consequence kyas of Bådami and Gujarât, on page 199). of an internal revolution. Such an event wonld, This Jayasimha received, as the grants hint, of course, present a favourable opportunity for the province of Gujarat from his brother the Gurjaras to regain their lost possessions. Vikramaditya I. of Bådâ mi, and handed
About the same time as the conquest of over the administration to his son and heirBroach by Dharasena IV., or perhaps a little apparent Siladitya-Sryasraya, who, it would earlier, happened the second misfortune which seem, died before his father. Afterwards the Gurjaras had to suffer. This was the loss the succession to the Chalukya possessions of the southern half of their dominions to the in Gujarat devolved on Jayasimha's second Chalukyas. We know at present of five Cha- son Mangala or Mangalarasaråja, surnamed lukys grants, belonging to the second, third Vinayaditya-Yuddhamalla, and later on and fourth quarters of the sixth century and to Pulakėśivallabha-Jankáraya. All these kings the second quarter of the seventh century, which remained feudatories of the kings of Bâdami show that during this long period the districts | in the Dekhan. immediately north and south of the Tapti, | The village given away in the Kheda grant the British Täluka of Olpad and the Gaikwadi of Vijayaraja is Pariyaya, which lay east of the district of Kamrêj and Nausâri, belonged to village of Sandhiyara and belonged to the branches of the great Chalukya dynasty of province of Kasakala. Pariyaya is the Badami. These documents are (1) the Khêda modern Pariya in the south-eastern corner of grant of Vijayaraja or Vijayavarman, dated the Talaka of Olpad ; and Sandhiyara is now Saivat 394, (2) the Nausari grants of the called Sandhier which lies a few miles further Yuvardja Siladitya-Sryâśraya, dated Samvat west on the local-fand road from SÂyan to 421.(3) the Surat grant of the same prince, Olpad. The fact that the district on the dated Samvat 443, (4) the Balsar grant of Man- northern bank of the Tapti was called Kasagalaraja, dated Saka-Samvat 663, (5) the Nau. kQla is also established by Dr. Bhagvânlal's sari grant of Pulakcsivallabha-Janaśraya, dated Rathôr grant from Antrôli-Chharðli, which Sanvat 490. After what has been said by Dr. village is called in the inscription SthåvaraBhagvanlal and General Sir A. Cunningham, it pallikA and is stated to belong to the province of may be considered certain that all these inscrip- Kalakala." The Nausfri grant of Śry Aśraya
A grant of Dhruvasens III. bearing the date given, Bo. Br. R. A. S. loc. cit. was in the possession of Dr. Bhagvanlal Indrajt, to whom 5. See ante, Vol. IX. p. 128ff. I owe the knowledge of its existence.
45 See Trig Survey Map, Gaj. Ser. No. 14. The only reliable edition of this grant is Mr. Floet's, * See Jour, Bo. Br. R. AR. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 105. see ante, Vol. VII. p. 848 11.
The identification of Chhåroli with Sthåvarapallika has * Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 18.
been made by Dr. BhagvånlAl. He omitted to menI Grants Nos. 3 and 5 have been published by Dr. tion that the village of Khairoda is represented by the Bhanlal Indrii in the Verhandlungen des Biebenten modern Kherws and the town of K Ashthapurt by Kathôr. Int. Orientalisten Congresses in Wien, Arische Section, All these places are to be found in the sheet of the Trig. p. 910 11. The fourth grant has been described by the S. Map. No. 14 in 21°, 11-20 N. Lat. and 720, 56-789 same scholar, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 75 and in the Journal E. Long.

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198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1888.
Siladitya was issued at Navasarika or Nausâri asserts that he quieted the impetuosity of the itself and disposes of the village of Asatigra- lord of Valabhi. The feud between Broach and ma, probably the modern Astgâm," south-east Kathiâvûd thus appears to have continued. of Nausâri. Still more important is the Jayabhata's opponent was either Siladitya V. geographical information of the Surat grant of or Siladitya VI. The grant of the first is dated Samvat 443 or 691-92 A.D. It was written (Gupta-Valabhi) Samvat 404 or 722-23 A.D., in the vice-regal camp at Kärmanêya or Kamrej, that of the latter was issued towards the end and alienates & field of the village of of his reign, in Samvat 441 or 759-60 A.D. In Ôgumbhalâ, west of Alldraka. Osumbhalâ, Jayabhata's reign fell also, it would seem, the is the modern Umbhêl" south of Kamrêj; and great invasion of the Tajikas or Arabs, during Allûraka is still called Alura. It is thus which, as the grant of the Gujarat Chalukya evident that the Chalukyas had conquered the Pulakdsin states, the enemy conquered, besides northern bank of the Tapti as early as 642-3 Sindh and Kachh, Kathiâvâd and the whole of A.D. That indicates, just as Siladitya's grants Gujarat as far as Nausâri. The Gurjara king prove it clearly that the districts south of the is especially mentioned as one of the subTaptî were likewise lost to the Gurjaras. The jugated princes. date of Vijayaraja's inscription shows that this Regarding the further fate of the kingloss happened probably a little earlier than dom of Broach, we can surmise now with more Dharashna's invasion, and the long continuance confidence than formerly that it continued to of the Chalukya rule in southern Gujarat exist until the complete conquest of Southern proves that it was permanent.
and Central Gujarát by the Rathôr Govinda III. If we now turn to the history of the remain- about the year 800 A.D. The Rådhanpur grant ing Gurjara princes, we learn about Jayabhata of the latter says that "on Gôvinda's approach III. nothing beyond the name.
the Gurjara fled in fear into some (unknown His son, Dadds V., is called in Na. Bahusa- hiding-place) and did not even dream of meethaya, "he whose only helper was his arm,' and s ing him in battle." The Barôda and Kavi paramamáhésvara, i.e. a most devout worship- grants" add that Govinda III. presented the per of Siva.' His biruda indicates that he was a i province of Lậta, the country between the warlike prince and confirms the farther state- Mahi and the Tapti, to his brother Indra, ment that he bravely encountered in battle the whose descendants continued to hold it, as lords of the East and of the West. The latter other inscriptions prove, against many foes for foc probably was the raler of Valabhi ; and the more than a hundred years. During Indra's lord of the East may have been the Chalukya reign the Gurjaras stirred once more and he sovereign of Badami. We can easily under gained, as verse 29 of the Kavi plates says, stand that both tried to annex the remainder victories over them. I was formerly (ante, of the Garjara kingdom. Another assertion in Vol. V. p. 145) inclined to identify these the inscription, that Dadda V. studied the Garjaras with the Chåudas of Anhilvad. It teachings (pravachana) of the great sage seems now more likely that the dispossessed Manu, need not be taken too literally. But it rulers of Broach are meant, though it is possiis of interest, as it proves the popularity of the ble that they may have been assisted by their famous lawbook during the seventh century. nortbern clansmen. The latter appear later
The last king of the Gurjara dynasty, without doubt as the foes of the Rathôrs. If known to us, Jayabhata IV. ruled according the Bagumra inscription" of Dhruva III. to Na. and Ka. between 703 and 734-35. The asserts that this prince had to encounter the former inscription teaches us only that he was a powerful Gurjaras, nobody but the king of paramanúheśvara, like his father. The second A hilvad can be meant.
" Trig. Sury. Map, Guj. Ser. No. 36, 20° 53' NorthLat. and 78° 5 East long.
56 Trig. Sarv. Map, Guj. Ser. No. 34, 21° 11' North lat. and 73° 1' East long.
Verhandlungen des Siebenten Orientalisten Con
gresses, Arische Section, pp. 223-224, 236.
* ante, Vol. VI. p. 70. olante, Vol. XII. p. 156, see especially verse 30, p. 163.
ante, Vol. V. p. 144, 500 especially verse 29, p. 150. a nte, Vol. XII. p. 181.

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Jun, 1888.]
BAGUMRA PLATES OF DADDA II.
PEDIGREE OF THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI AND GUJARAT.
(Compiled from Mr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts and Dr. Bhagvanial Indraji's grants.
A.-Badami or main line.
Jayasimha I. I Baparåga.
I Pulikesin I.
Kirttivarman 1. (567 A.D.)
Mangallia. (567-610 A.D.)
I
P Satyaśraya Indravarman
(610 A.D.)
7 B. - First Gujarat branch.
Pujiikedin II. Vishnuvardhana I. Jayasitha Dhararaya (610-634). (founder of the Eastern branch).
Nagavardhana. Buddhavarman.
1
Vijayaraja. (642-3 A.D.)
Adityavarman. Chandrâditya. Vikramaditya I.
(670-880-1 A.D.) I
Vinayaditya. Siladitya-Sryáéraya. (681-696 A.D.)
(Yuvaraja) (669-692 A.D.)
7 तबहलकलितिमिरनिचव
8 तिनृगपतिकिसोरविलेय
C.-Second Gujarat branch. Jayasithha-Dharaśraya.
199
Mangala, or, Mangalaraja, VinayadityaYuddhamalla.
(731 A.D.)
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 भी स्वस्ति विजयविशेपात् भरुवच्छ महारवासकार सकलपनपटलविनिर्गतरजनिकरकराववीवितप्रतापस्पतिमनोमण्डलोनेक रागरसंकटमखगतनिधसाधु
3 भालचनवतिलोत्रीचमानविमलि
4 वामणिकोटिरुचिरविधितिविराजितमकुटोद्भासितच्चिराः
5 रिपूरितविभवमनोरथापचीयमानसृष्टि पैकसहधर्म्मसचयः
6 प्रणामपुमधुरावचनोपपाहितप्रसादमकाधिकृतविदग्धनागरकस्वभावो विमलगुणपंजरक्षि
श्रीमद दस्तस्व पयोनिधिकृत
I. 1, rond ; व in "बासका looks like न; rond - जनी°. - L. 2. कु in कुमुद is indintinot rond प्रमुखा गत: कुलवधू. - I. 3, rend 'समय'; प्रणामो - L. 4, rend बज'; 'दीधिति"; "मुकुटो 'रा दीना' 'भ्यागता 'जिट' | 'बनलेला
PulakésivallabhaJandiraya. (738-39 A.D.)
देवद्विजातिगुरु चरणकमलप्रणमीट
दिनानायातुरा बगवार्थिजनलिष्टपमनयपरिकुपितमानिनीजन
चन समहमतिगजपटानेरिनिरियचिकनमकडभवतटप्ररुडधनलेखविहतनिरंकुचरानमा
I. 5, rend रथोप'; 'चिवि; "सहाय'; संचयः; - L. 6 road पूर्व; मधुर, प्रकाशीकृत. - I. 7, rand निषयः:: सूनु: I. 8, rend किशोरवीयाँ"; "निधीकृतो"; "ड"

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200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1888.
9 हप्रवृतदिग्दन्तिविभ्रमगुणसमूहः
स्फटिककपुरपिण्डपण्डरयशश्चन्दनचर्चितासमुन्नतगग10 गलक्ष्मिपयोधरोसंगः श्रीजयभहस्तस्यत्मज प्रतिहतसकलजगद्व्यापिशेषाधिकारविइंनितसंत11 तातमोहस्विरधिकगुरुस्नेहसंपत्कविमलदिशोसितजिवलोकः परमबोधसमानुगतो विपुलगु12 रनृपन्मवप्रदिपतोमुपगतः समधिगतपंचमहाशब्दमहाराजाधिराजश्रीमहहः कुशली सर्वा13 ने]व राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिमामकूटायुक्तकानियुक्तकाधिकमहत्तरादीसमाज्ञापयति अस्तु वो विदि14 तं यथा मंया मातापित्रोरात्मनश्चैवामुष्मिकपुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये कन्यकुब्ज15 वास्तव्यतचातुर्वियसामान्यकौसिकस्यगोत्रच्छन्दोगसब्रह्मचारि16 भहमहिधरस्तस्य
भहगोविन्द बलिवरुवैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रपञ्चमहायज्ञादिकृ.
Second Plate. 17 बोत्सर्पपर्य
तय उम्बराहाराइलिश अन्त:पातितथउम्बरामामोस्याघटनस्थनानि 18 पुर्वत उपिलथणमम दक्षिणत इषिमाम पश्चिमतः संकियपम उतरत जरवद्रप्रम 19 एवमयं स्वचतुराघटनविशुद्धो प्रामः सोद्रंग[] सपरिकर सधान्यहिरन्यादेवः] 20 सोत्पचमानविष्टिक[] समस्तराजकियनमप्रवेश्यमचन्द्रर्कर्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्वतसमानकालीन[:] पु. 21 बपौत्रान्ववक्रमोपभोग्य] पुर्वपत्तदेवनायवर्जनभ्यन्तरसिद्धया शकनृपकालातीतसंव[च्छ) 22 रशतचतुष्टये पंचदशाधिके येष्ठ[]मावास्वसूर्यपहे उदकातिसर्गेण प्रतिपादितं यतोस्योचित. 23 यप्रायस्थित्या कृषतः कर्ष यतो झुंजतो भोजयतः प्रतिदिनतो वा न व्यासेधः प्रवर्तितष्य[:] तथागा24 मिभिरपि नृपतिभिरस्मरश्यैरन्यैर्व (r]सामान्यभूमिशनफलमवेत्य बिन्दू गोलान्यनित्य[]म्यैश्ववणि तृ. 25 मामलमजलबिन्दुचलच जीवितमाकलव्य स्वायनिर्विशेषोयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः पालवि. 26 तव्यश्च तथा चोक्त बहुभिर्वसधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [0] यस्य यस्य या भूमिस्तस्य तस्य साफ27 लं [1] यश्चाज्ञनतिमिराकृतमतिराछियाशाछियमानमनुमोदेता वा स पञ्चभिर्महापातकैरुपपातकैश्च 28 संयुक्तः स्यादिति [0] उक्तं च भगवता वेदव्याशेन व्याशेन ।। षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [1] आ 29 च्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [1] यानीह दत्तानि पुरातनानि दानानि धर्मार्थायसस्करा30 मि [0] निर्भुक्तमाल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावदीत [1] स्ववत्ता परवत्ता वा यत्नवक्ष न31 राधिपः 0] महीं महीमतां श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्यानुपालनं [1] लिखितंश्चैतत्पादानुजीविदामोदरसते32 न रेवादितन स्वहस्तोवं मम श्रीवितरागसूनो श्रीप्रसन्तरागस्य [1] BEMARKS.
(2) L. 7. Nistriansa-vilerama means with I add no translation, as the grant is so very
reference to the lion'the pitiless similar to those Ilâo and Umêtâ.
paw,' not the pitiless jump.' The only alterations in my former transla. In the preamble of the grant I propose te tion of the Varnsdoali which I think necessary, read Oniyuktakárdhikamahattará dint and to are:
translate the last two words by the kanbis (1) L. 1. Sakalao must be construed with the elders and so forth. The insertion of t
rajanticara and be translated by | at the end of °diant, ie. °adint, is caused by 'full.'
the following sa and is archaic.
L. 9, road प्रवृत्त कर पाण्डुर'.-L. 10, read राघाट; सोपरिकर हिरण्या'.-L. 90, read "कीयानाread लक्ष्मी रोत्सं° भटस्तस्यात्मजः-L.11, road, 'ततमो- मप्रवेश्य आ; मार्का-L.21, road पूर्व संवत्स'.-L. 29, वृत्तिर; द्वासित जीव; समनुगतो.-L. 12, read, नृपाव; read ज्यैष्ठामावास्यायां; सूर्य प्रतिपादितः.-L. 28, rend °या.
-प्रदीपता-L. 13, rend'युक्तकनियुक्तकाधिक'.-L. 15, -L.24, rand°श्वर्याणि.-L. 25, दायो looks like द्वायो.rand"तचातुषि, कौशिकसगोत्र'.-L. 16, read महीधर ; गो- | L.27, read यश्चाज्ञान; मोदेत.-L. 38, read भ्यासेन.विन्दाय यज्ञादिकि-L. 17. The first sign in altogether | L. 29, read तान्येव ; यशस्क -L. 30, road यत्नाबक्ष. mishapen and looks nearly like a modern यो; त्स- L. 31, read राधिपत चेत'.-L. 32, रेवादितेन in probar पैणार्थ; 'घाटनस्थानानि.-Ninालिश in doubtkul. L. 18, | bly meant for रेवादित्येन; road श्रीवीत; मूनोः श्रीप्रशान्त. road पूर्वत: मामो मामः पाम उत्तरतो; पाम.-L. 10,1

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Bagumra Plates of Dadda II.-Saka-Samvat 415.
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Page #217

JULY, 1888.]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM TERAHI.
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM TERAHI; [VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 960.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.
Mr. Fleet has supplied me with rubbings, received from Sir Alexander Cunningham, of the two short inscriptions, which I shall mark here A. and B., mentioned in Archæological Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 177. The import of these inscriptions is clear enough, and it is very different from what it has been supposed to be; but only the rubbing of A. suffices for editing the inscription in full.
A.
According to Sir A. Cunningham, this inscription is on a prostrate pillar, near a temple outside Têrahi,' a village on the 'Mohwar' river, in the state of Gwalior, Long. 78° 1' E., Lat. 25° 3' N., Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet 52 N. E. It consists of 5 lines. The writing covers a space of about 1'3" broad by 4" high, and appears to be well preserved. The size of the letters is about." The characters are Dêvanagari; and the language is Sanskrit.
The inscription is dated in the year 960, expressed by decimal figures only, on the fourth day of the dark half of the month Bhadrapada, on Sani or Saturday. And it records that, on that day, there took place "here, on the Madhuvêņi," or the stream Madhu, a fight between the mahásámantádhipatis, the illustrions Gunaraja and the illustrious Undabhata, in which the kottapala, or guardian of the fort, the illustrious Chândiyana, an adherent or follower of Gunarâja, was killed. The inscription closes with an Anushṭubh verse suitable to the occasion.
Referred to the Vikrama era the date, 960, taken as the year expired, or 961 current, Bhadrapada va. di. 4, calculated by Dr. Schram's and Prof. Jacobi's tables, corresponds to July 16th, 903 A.D., which was a Saturday, as required. On that day, at sunrise, the fourth tithi of the dark half was current, and it ended about 14h. 53m. after mean sunrise. In 903 A.D. the solar month Bhadrapada lasted from about sunrise of July 26th to about sunrise of August 26th, and since within that time there were two new-moons, one about 1h. 17m. before sunrise of July 27th, and the other about 7h. 35m. after sunrise of August 25th, there were in 903 A.D. two lunar months Bhadrapada, and July 16th
201
was the fourth of the dark half of the first of these two months. The fourth of the second, or adhika, dark fortnight of Bhadrapada would have been Monday, August 15.
By a singular coincidence, I have lately received from Dr. Burgess an impression of that "huge inscription," existing "somewhere in the state of Gwalior," which was mentioned in 1862 by Dr. F. E. Hall, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. p. 6, and which has been re-discovered by Dr. Burgess at Sêrôn (or Siyaḍoni, as it is called in the inscription itself), a place in the Lalitpur district of the North-Western Provinces, Long. 78° 23′ E., Lat. 24° 50' N., Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet 70 N. W., about 27 miles S.E. of Têrahi.' And I am thus enabled to state that one of the two mahúsamantadhipatis, spoken of in the present inscription, is mentioned also in the Sêrôn inscription. For, in lines 4-6, that inscription records that during the reign of the paramabhaṭṭáraka mahúrájádhirája paramésvara Mahendrapaladeva, who meditated on the feet of the p. m. p. Bhojadeva, in the year 964 (expressed both in words and by decimal figures) on the third of the dark half of the month Margasiras, the illustrious Undabhata, who is described as maháprútihára-samadhigatáséshamahúsabda-mahúsúmantúdhipati, being in residence at Siyadoņi, made certain religious grants at that place. This statement is interesting, because it proves the correctness of my reading of the year of the present inscription, 960 (not 910), and because it shows that Undabhata was a general or feudatory of the paramoant sovereigns of the country, the rulers of Kanyakubja. On the other hand, the date of the present inscription shows that the dates of the Sêrôn inscription must undoubtedly be referred to the Vikrama era.
The river Madhu or Madhuvênî, mentioned in the present inscription, I take to be the river 'Mohwar' of the maps, on which 'Têrahi' is situated.
B.
This inscription also is on a prostrate pillar, near the pillar which contains the inscription A. It consists of 5 lines. The writing covers a space of about 1' 1" broad by 3" high, and

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[JULY, 1888.
it is, judging from the rubbing, not well pre- the inscription refers to the fight, spoken of served. The size of the letters is about y. in the inscription A., of the illustrious GunaThe characters are Devanagari; and the lan- raja and Undabhata, whose names occur guage is Sansksit.
here in line 1, and it records the death in. Like A., this inscription also begins with a battle of another warrior, whose name ends date, of which the words and figures Sanh. 960 in varman and who, in line 2, appears to be Bhadrapada va. di. 4 Sanaiécharadiné are clear, described as a sámanta and aśva pati. The but in which the figure 4 for the day is pre- inscription also contains, in lines 2 and 3, the ceded by another figure which may be 1 or 2, Anushțubh verse with which the preceding and which may either have been struck out inscription ends, and which is followed here, or may possibly have reference to the fact that in lines 3-5, by another verse (), the exact in the year 960 Bhadrapada, as I have shown words and import of which I am unable to above, was an intercalary month. Undoubtedly make out from the rubbing.
TEXT OF INSCRIPTION A. 1 [Òm]' Sam [11?]' 060 Bhadrapad[0] Va di 4 Sanau || Adyéha Madhu
vényám mahasåmamtà. 2 dhipati-sri-Gunaraja-Undabhatayoh parasparam=bhandanå samjátâ [1 ] Ta3 tra cha sri-Gunaraja-pidapadm-Opajivi kottapala-sri-Chandiyano 4 nâmâ(ma) vyâpâditaḥ || Jitêna* labhyatê lakshmi[r ?]=mpitên=&pi surâmingana 1 ksha5 na-vidhvamsini(ni) kâye kâ chimta maranê ranê 11
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, M. F. L. S. No. XXV.-Chandralekha and the Eight ing to her studies in open schooltill she attained Robbers.
to maturity, and, accordingly, up to that age There was an ancient city named Kaivalyam, she attended the school and mastered the four in the Pâņdiya country, and in that city there Vedas, the six Śástras and the sixty-four varielived a dancing girl named MuttumOhana. ties of knowledge. She was an excellent gem of womankind, for | She then ceased to attend the school, and though born of the dancing-girls' caste, she was a Muttumôhana said to her :-"My darling very learned and pious woman, and never would daughter, for the last seven or eight years she taste her food without first going and wor- you have been taking lessons under the shipping in the temple to Siva. She moved in Brâhman, your master, in the various depart. the society of kings, ministers and Brâhmans, ments of knowledge, and you mast now pay a and never mingled with low people, however large fee to remunerate your master's labours rich they might be. She had a daughter named in having taught you so much. You are at Chandralekha, whom she put to school along liberty to take as muoh money as you please with the sons of kings, ministers and Brahmans. from my hoard." Chandralekha showed signs of very great | So saying she handed over the key to her intelligence, even when she was beginning her daughter, and Chandralekhâ, delighted at her alphabet, so that the master took the greatest mother's sound advice, filled up five baskets care with her tuition, and in less than four years with five thousand mohars in each, and setting she began her lessons and became a great them on the heads of five maid-servants, went panditá. However, as she was only a dancing- to her master's house with betel leaves, arecagirl by birth, there was no objection to her attend. nut, flowers and cocoanats in & platter in her
From the rubbing. Expressed by a symbol.. > This may be a sign of punctuation, or it may possibly be the akshara va, struck out.
• Metre, sloka (Anushtabh).-The first akshara of jitana appears to have been altered to jl, and one cer- tainly expects judna for jiténa. Compare the well- known verse of the Panchatantra :
Mritail sarvprapyati svargi jivadbhi kirtir-uttamdi Tad-ubhav-api saranan gunde etau na durlabhau 11
[The reading, however, is jilena in inscriptions in Southern India alao; .g. in two vfrgals or monumental tablets of heroes at Balagkrve and Sorab in Maisur Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Kanarsse Inscriptions, Nos. 912, 225.-J. F.F.)

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FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
203
hand, to be presented along with the money. out and told her servants to take back the The servants placed the baskets before the money. master and stood outside the house, while At home Muttumôhana was anxiously awaitChandralekha took the dish of betel-leaves, ing the return of her daughter, and as soon as nuts &c., and humbly prostrated herself on the Chandralekhâu came in without the usual cheerground before him. Then, rising up, she said : fulness in her face, and without having given
My most holy gurú (master), great are the the presents, her mother suspected that somepains your holiness undertook in instructing | thing had gone wrong, and enquired of her me and thus destroying the darkness of my daughter the cause of her gloom. She then ignorance. For the last eight years I have been related to her mother the whole story of a regular student under your holiness and all her interview with her old master. Muttuthe branches of knowledge hath your holiness mohana was glad to find such a firm beart in taught me. Though what I offer might be her daughter, and blessed her, saying that she insufficient for the pains your holiness took in would be wedded to a young husband, and lead my case, still I hambly request your holiness a chaste life, though born of the dancing-girls' to accept what I have brought."
caste. The money she safely locked up in her Thus said she, and respectfully pushed the room. baskets of mohars and the betel nut platter to- Now, the Brahmaņ, in consequence of his wards the Brahman. She expected to hear bene- disappointment, was very angry with Chandradictions from her tutor, but in that we shall see lékhả, and, that no young and wealthy gentleshe was soon disappointed.
man might visit her house, he spread reports Replied the wretched Brâhmaņ: "My dear that Chandralekha was possessed by a demon Chandralekha do you not know that I am the (kutlichchattı). So no one approached Chantator of the prince, the minister's son and seve- dralekha's house to gain her love, and her ral others of great wealth in Kaivalyam P Of mother was much vexed. Her great wish was money I have more than enough. I do not want that some respectable young man should secure a single mohar from you. But what I want is her daughter's affections, but the master's that you should marry me.
rumours stood in the way. And thus a year Thus spoke the shameless teacher, and passed and the belief that a kutlichchátti had Chandralekha's face changed colour. She was possessed Chandralekha gained firm ground. horrified to hear such a suggestion from one After what seemed to these two to be a long whom she took till then to be an incarnation of period a sage happened to visit Muttumôhana's perfection. But, still hoping to convince him house, and she related to him all her daughter's of the unjustness of the request, she said : story. He listened and said, “Since the belief "My most holy master! The deep respect that a demon has taken possession of your I entertain towards your holy feet is such daughter has taken firm hold of the citizens, it that, though your holiness's words are plain, I is but necessary now that she should perform am led to think that they are merely uttered (pájá) worship to the demon-king on the to test my chastity. Does not your holiness night of the new-moon of this month in the know the rules by which a preceptor is to be cremation-ground. Let her do this and she regarded as a father, and that I thus stand will be all right, for then some worthy young in the relationship of a daughter to your holi- gentleman can secure her affections, ness? So kindly forget all that your holiness So saying the sage went away, and his advice has said, and accepting what I have brought seemed to be reasonable to the mother. She in my humble state, permit me to go home." very well knew that no such demon had
But the wretched teacher never meant any- possessed her daughter, but that it was all the thing of the sort. He had spoken in earnest, master's idle report. Bat still, to wipe away and his silence now and lascivious look at once any evil notion in the minds of the people she convinced the dancing-girl's daughter of what publicly proclaimed that her daughter would was passing in his mind. So she quickly went perform piljd in the cremation-ground at mid
There would of course be no real marriage between a dancing girl and a Brahman. Hence the insult.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. night at the next new-moon. Now, it is always the rule in such rites that the person who is possessed should go alone to the cremation-ground, and, accordingly, on the night of the next new moon, Chandralekha went to the burning-ground with a basket containing all the necessary things of worship and a light. Near Kaivalyam, at a distance of five kos from it, was a great forest called Khandavam. In it there dwelt eight robbers, who used to commit the greatest havoc in the country round. At the time when Chandralekha proceeded to the cremation-ground, these eight robbers also happened to go there to conceal what they had stolen in the earlier part of that night. Then, being relieved of their burden, they determined to go to some other place to plunder during the latter half of the night also. When Chandralekha heard the sound of footsteps at a distance she feared something wrong, and, covering up her glittering light by means of her empty basket concealed herself in a hollow place. The thieves came and looked round about them. They found nobody, but, fearing that some one might be near, one of them took out an instrument called kannakkôl, and, whirling it round his head, threw it towards the east. This kannakkól is the instrument by which these robbers bore holes in walls and enter buildings, and some robbers say they get it from a thunderbolt. During a stormy day they make a large heap of cow-dung, into which a thunder-bolt falls and leaves a rod in the middle, which is so powerful that it can bore even through stone-walls without making any noise. It has also the attribate of obeying its master's orders. So when the chief of the eight robbers threw his kannakkôl towards the east, true to its nature, it came into the hole in which Chandralekha was lurking, and began to pierce her in her back. As soon as she felt it, she dragged it out by both her hands without making the slightest noise, and, throwing it under her feet, stood firmly over it. The robbers, having concealed the eight boxes of wealth they had brought with them in the sands near the cremation
204
In stories of a master falling in love with the girl he has been teaching, he is usually himself made a soothsayer. In that capacity he asks the guardian (father or mother) to put the girl in a light box and to float her down a river. The girl in the box is taken by a young man, sometimes a prince, and becomes his wife. A tiger or a lion is then put into the box, and when the teacher, a
[JULY, 1888.
ground, went away to spend the remaining part of the night usefully in their own fashion.
As soon as the robbers had left the place Chandralekha came out, and, taking possession of the robbers' rod, took out the eight boxes that the robbers had buried. With these she quickly hastened home, where her mother was awaiting her return. She soon made her appearance, and related all that had occurred during the night to her mother. They soon removed the contents of the boxes and locked them up safely. Then, taking the empty boxes, she filled them up with stones, old iron and other useless materials, and, arranging them two and two by the side of each leg of her cot, went to sleep on it.
As the night was drawing to a close, the robbers, with still more booty, came to the ground, and were thunderstruck when they missed their boxes. But as the day was dawning they went away into the jungle, leaving the investigation of the matter to the next night. They were astonished at the trick that had been played upon them and were very anxious to find out the thief who had outwitted thieves. Now they were sure that their boring-rod, which they had aimed against the unknown person who might be lurking in the smaśánam (cremation-ground), must have wounded him. So one of them assumed the guise of an ointment-seller, and, with some ointment in a cocoanut-bottle, began to walk the streets of Kaivalyam city, crying out "Ointment to sell. The best of ointments to cure new wounds and old sores. Please buy my ointment." And the other seven thieves assumed seven different disguises and also went wandering round the streets of the city. A maid-servant of Chandralêkha had seen that her mistress was suffering from the effects of a wound in her back, and never suspecting a thief in the medicine-seller, called out to the ointment-man, and took him inside the house. She then informed Chandralêkhâ that she had brought in an ointment man, and that she would do well to buy a little of his medicine for her wound. The clever Chandralê khâ at once recognised the thief in the
great way down the river, takes the box and wishes to run away with the girl inside, he is torn to pieces, as a fit reward for his evil intentions, by the beast. But here the story takes a different turn.
From this point up to the end we shall find the story to be similar to " Alt Baba and the Forty Thieves" in the Arabian Nights, though the plot is different.

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medicine-vendor, and he too, as he was a very they opened the boxes to sort out their booty. cunning brute, recognised in the young lady the astonishment of astonishments, their eyes met thief of his boxes, and found her wound to be only broken pieces of stone, lumps of iron and that made by his boring-rod. They soon parted other such rubbish. Every one of them placed company. The lady bought a little ointment, his forefinger at right angles to the tip of his and the thief in disguise, gladly giving a little of nose, and exclaimed:-"Ah! A very clever his precious stuff from his cocoanut bottle, went girl. She has managed to deceive us all. away. The eight thieves had appointed a place But let this day pass. We shall see whether outside Kaivalyam for their rendezvous, and she will not fall into our hands to night." there they learnt who had robbed them of their | Thus, in wonder and amazement, they spent treasure. Not wishing to remain idle, they the whole day. Nor was Chandralekhả idle at chose that very night both to break into her own house. She was sure she would again Chandralókha's house and bring away herself see the robbers in her room that night, and, in and their boxes.
order to be prepared for the occasion, she made Chandralekha, too, was very careful. She a small sharp knife out of the robber's rod locked up all the treasures and kept the eight and kept it beneath her pillow, in the place boxes filled with rubbish, so as to correspond where she was accustomed to keep her purse with their original weights, under the cot containing a few betel leaves, nuts, chunam, &c., which she slept, or rather pretended to sleep, to chew. The night came on. Early Chandrathat night. The thieves in due course made a lêkhâ had her supper and retired to bed. Sleep hole into her bedroom and entered. They she could not, but she cunningly kept her found her to all appearance sound asleep, and to eyelids closed and pretended to sleep. Even their still greater joy they found beneath her before it was midnight the eight thieves broke cot their eight boxes.
into her room, saying to tbemselves : "This "The vixen is asleep. Let us come to-morrow clever lady-thief sleeps soundly. We will do night and take her away; but first let us her no mischief here. Let us range ourselves remove our boxes." So saying to each other, two and two at each leg of her cot and carry they took their boxes, each placing one on his her away unconscious to the woods. There we head, and returned in haste to their cave which can all ravish her and kill her." they reached early in the morning. But when
(To be continued).
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE EPOCH AND RECKONING the ordinary nirayana luni-solar year; the period OF THE SAKA ERA.
covered by Saka-Samvat 1808, as a sdyana year, General Sir A. Cunningham's Tables, and being from the 6th March, A.D. 1886, to the Ganpat Krishnaji's and Kero Lakshman 22nd February, A.D. 1887. For all purposes of Chhatre's almanacs, shew the period from the calculation, however, this Saka year has to be 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March A.D. taken as "the year 1808, expired;" even if we 1887, as corresponding to Saka-Sarh vat 1808. So, were working out the very first day of it, Chaitra also, the sayana-Panchang shews the same sukla 1. The Tables are intended for this apperiod, as corresponding to Saka-Samvat 1808, as plication of the number; and there are, in fact, no
The proper method of applying his Tables may saruvatsaras of the two cycles of Jupiter ; leaving it to perhaps be inferred from his remarks (e. 8. Indian Eras, anyone who has to make a particular calculation, to take DP. 5, 48, 52) that the numbers of the years in Hindu the preceding year as the basis of his work. And, dates refer to years actually elapsed; and that the in ordinary writing, the current Hindu years should Hindus count only by completed years. But I am certainly be quoted with the current Christian years. speaking of the meaning which the Tables present to a
• Unless with Tables based on the Mosha-Sankranti, general reader, at first sight. Thus, anyone turning to bia Table XVII. p. 199,- to which there is not attached
or entrance of the sun into Aries, as Prof. K. L. A note that the Hindu years given therein are expired
Chhatre's Tables are; in which the Saka year is practi.
cally treated as commencing with the day of the Mesha. years,-in order to ascertain the Saka equivalent of
Sankranti. With such Tables, for any tithi connected A.D. 1886-87, finds Saka-Sarnvat 1808; and naturally takes it as a current year. So, also, with any similar
with Saka-Samvat (1809 current and) 1808 expired, up Tables : 6.g. those in Mr. C. Patell's Chronology. Such
to the tithi that coincided with the solar day on which Tables would be much more useful for general pur
the Mesha-Sankranti occurred, we must work with the poses, if they shewed the current Hindu years opposite basis of even one year still earlier, vis. Saka-Samvat the current Christian years, 49 is done in the case of the 1807 expired.
his Tables Eras,
enro preceding thing, the curre

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grounds for doubting that the above period really is equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1808 expired, and 1809 current. But it is quoted, for all ordinary purposes, simply as Saka-Samvat 1808. And, if a Hindu were converting "Saturday, the 1st January, A.D. 1887," into its corresponding Hindu date, he would write down, as the result, " Sake 1808 Pausha bukla saptami Sanivära;" in which, not only does he abstain from including any word meaning "expired," but he actually usea, instead even of the crude form saka, the Sansksit locative Sake, which literally means " in Saka (1808)," i.e. " while Saka 1808 is current;" and this is the meaning which the mention of the year presents to any Hindu who is not an astronomer, and who is not acquainted with the technical application of the number of the year. So, also, the same expression is used in the almanacs themselves; thus, in the first two almanacs mentioned above, "Sako 1808 Vyaya. nâma-samvatsare," on the title-page; and “Sake 1808 Chaitra-sukla-pakshah," on the top of the page which exhibits the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra : and, in the Sayana-Panchang, "Salivâhana-Sakê 1808 Vyaya-nama-samvatsarah," on the title-page, and elsewhere "amantah Chaitra- sukla-pakshaḥ Salivahana-Šakė 1808 Vyayanåma-samvatsarah." In the same way, I find, for the same period, "Sake 1808 Vyaya-nåma. Bamvatsarl" on the title-page of an almanao published at Pandit Umacharan Muhatmim's Press at Gwalior; and for the period from the 17th March, A.D. 1885, to the 4th April, A.D. 1886, "Salibahana-Sake 1807," on the titlepage of the Jodhpur Chando-Panchang for that year, and “ Sri-Sarhvat 1942 Sake 1807 Chaitra-sukla-pakshah," in Bapu Deva Shastri's almanac, prepared at Benares and published at Lakhnau.
Again, in the preliminary passages that introduce the sarwatsara-phala or* (astrological) results for the year,' and other similar matter, Ganpat Krishnaji's and K. L. Chhatre's almanacs contain the passage--atha-gata-Kalih 4987, seshaKalih 427013; Svasti; sriman-nripa- Vikramárkasamay-atita-samvat 1912, Hômalamba-namasamvatsarê; tatha ériman-nfipa-Salivahana-Sake 1808, Vyaya-nåma-samvatsard; asmin varshê rija chandrah,"now the expired portion of the
Kali (age) (is) 4987 (years); (and) the remainder of the Kali (age) (is) 427013 (years). Hail! In the year 1942 expired from the time of the glorious king Vikramárka,* (and) in the Hemalamba samvatsara, so also in the Saka (year) 1808 of the glorious king Salivahana, (and) in the Vyaya samvatsara; in this year, the king (is) the Moon." And, for the nirayana year, the Sayana-Panchang for Saka-Sarhvat 1808 has-Kaliyugasya gata-varshani 4987; sriman-nripa- Vikramarkaeathvat 1943 Vilambi-samvatsarah; brimannpipa-Salivabana-Sak-abdaḥ 1808 Vyaya-namasamvatsarah; ath=asmin varshê råjå chandraḥ, -
the expired years of the Kaliyuga (are) 4987; in the year 1943 of the glorious king Vikramärka, (there is) the sanatsara named Vilambin; (and there is) the year 1808 of the Saka of the glorious king Salivahana, (and) the samvatsara named Vyaya ; now, in this year, the king (is) the Moon." In these passages, these three almanacs again treat the Saka year, apparently, as a current year. The Gwalior almanac, however, which I have quoted above, bas-gataKalih 4987, sesha-Kalih 427015 ........ ....; tan-madhyê gata-Sakaḥ 1808, sêshaSakah 16192 ............ Svasti; sriVikramarka-rajya-samayad atit samvat 1943, Saka-gata-varsheshu 1808, chândra-månêna Vyaya nama-samvatsarê; Bârhaspatya-månena, Saké 1807 Åsvina-kļishna-7 Sakre sdry-odayad gata-ghatishu 47 palêshu 24 tad-avadhi, Sakê 1808 Ásvina-ksishna-14 Bhaumê ghati shu*] 46 pale[ehno] 3 tAvat-paryantar, Vilambi-samvatsar-ollékhaḥ vidhêyah, tad-agre Vikåri-samvatsarOllêkhaḥ karyah ; Chaitr-adau råjå chandrah"the expired portion of the) Kali (age) (is) 4987 (years), (and) the remainder of the Kali (age) is 427013 (years), ....... ....; in it; the expired portion of the) Saka (era) (18) 1808 (years); and the remainder of the Saka (era) (is) 16192 (years)............ Hail ! In the year 1943 expired from the time of the reign of the glorious Vikramárka, (and) in the expired Saka year 1808, (and), by the lunar reckoning, in the (current) samvatsara named Vyaya,'-by the reckoning of Jupiter, the Vilambin samvatsara is to be used in writings from the expiration of 47 ghatis, 24 palas, from sunrise on Friday, the seventh lunar day of the dark fortnight of Agvina, Saka 1807,
3 i.e. sariwataard, or sashratsartshu. • It is curious that here the Vikrama year should be distinctly specified as expired, while the Saks year is not qualified in the same manner; as if a distinction were being made in the method of reckoning the two eras.
i.e. samvatsare, or samvatsaréchu.--The figures here, and in the Gwalior almanac, 1943, differ from those in Ganpat Krishnaji's and K. L. Chhatre's almanacs, 1942, because the latter quote the southern reckoning, by which each Vikrama year commences with the month
Karttika, seven lunations later than the same year in the northern reckoning; consequently, at the commencement of Saka-Sarhvat 1808 (expired), on the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, Vikrama-Samvat 1942 was still running, by the southern reckoning.
• i.e. atité sanhvateare, or atîtéshu gomvatsaréshu.
1 The context is at the beginning of Chaitra, the king (ia) the moon," a little further on. The intervening matter is by way of a parenthesis.

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up to the expiration of ) 46 ghatis, palas (from sunrise) on Tuesday, the fourteenth lunar day of the dark fortnight of Åsvina, in Saka 1808; after that, the Vikärin samvatsara is to be used in writings,- at the beginning of Chaitra, the king (is) the Moon." Passages of a similar kind with those quoted above, occur at the end of each almanac, in connection with the Sankrantis.
In the same passages for the sáyana year, Saka-Samvat 1808, the Sayana-Panchang does not contine itself to any indefinite expression, but explicitly quotes the Saka year as a current year; thus - Kuliyugasya samdhyâya åditah, SAlivahana-Sak-arambhakala-paryantam, NandAdr-indu-guna-(3179)-mitâni saura-varshany= atitâni; pravartamâna-Salivahana-Sak-abdah ashtOttar-&shtadasa-(1808)-mitaḥ; amum samvatsaram Narmada ya dakshina-bhåge Vyaya. namna vyavaburanti, uttara-bhago cha Vilambi. námna; ath=asnain varshê råjå Sanih, -" from the commencement of the saṁdhyds of the Kali. yuga, up to the time of the commencement of the Salivahana-Saka, there expired solar years which are measured by the nine) Nandas, the seven) mountains, the (one) moon, and the (three) qualities, (3179); (and) the current year of the Salivahana-Saka is measured by eighteen hun. dred, increased by eight, (1808); on the south side of the Narmada, they distinguish this sanwat. sara by the name of Vyaya; and, on the north side, by the name of Vilambin; now, in this year, the king (is) Saturn." But, in the corresponding passage in the same almanac for the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 1807, after giving in the same words the number of the solar years that had expired from the commencement of the sandhya of the Kaliyuga up to the commencement of the Saka era, the text runs—tato vartamâna-vatsar. Arambhakala-paryantamsapt-êttar-Ashtadasa-sata. (1807)-mitâni varshini gatâni; amur vartamânasamvatsararh Narmada ya dakshinê bhagê Pêrthiva-namna vyavaharanti, uttare bhåge cha Hêmalamba-namna; ath=asmin varshô rájA Bhau. mah," from then, up to the commencement of the current year, there have expired years which are measured by eighteen hundred, increased by seven, (1807); on the south side of the Narmada, they distinguish this current samvatsara by the
name of Parthiva; and, on the north side, by the name of Hêmalamba; now in this year, the king (is) Mars." In passing, therefore, from SakaSarvat 1807 to 1808, a verbal distinction, at least, was niade between expired and current years; and the phraseology adopted in the almanac for Saka-Samvat 1808, has been repeated in the almanac for the next year, 1809. In one instance, A.D. 1885-86, the Parthiva or Hêmalam ba sarivatsara, each current, was treated as equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1807 expired; while, in the other, A.D. 1886-87, the Vyaya or Vilambin sariwatsara, each current, and each the next in the cycle after respectively Parthiva and Hêmalamba, is treated as equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1808 current. What were the reasons for this change, I do not know: and I will leave it to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit one of the editors of the almanac, to explain them. But, by the literal interpretation of the phraseology for A.D. 1885-86, and in accordance with the principles of the Tables, that period was equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1807 expired, and 1808 current); and A.D. 1886-87 should have been described as being represented by SakaSamvat 1808 expired, (and 1809 current.)
I have now to quote the fact that, in Madras, the same English period, A.D. 1886-87, is actually called Saka-Samvat 1869, with the same samvatsara of the Sixty-Year Cycle, V yaya, attached to it. There are, it is true, two somewhat varying practices to be found in Southern India. Thus, the Telugu Siddhanta-Panchangam, published, I think, in the Arcot District, gives the luni-solar period from the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887, as being the Vyaya sarwatsara, and as corresponding to Saka-Sarnvat 1808 expired; and, at the commencement, it quotes the expired years throughout ; thus—"Kaliyuga-gat åbdah 4987; Saliva hanaSuka-gat-abdah 1808; Vikramárka-Suka-yat-bdah 1943." But, on the other hand, the Telugu Calendar, published at Madras, gives the same luni-solar period, from the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887, as being the Vyaya sanatsara. and as corresponding t Saka-Sanvat 1809, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4988, and Vikrama-Samvat 1944, which are not specified as either current or expired, but can only be
sandhyd, which is usually translatable by morning or evening twilight,' means, as applied to any of the four ages, a long period that runs at the commencement of each, before the full development of the age itself. The saradhyů of the Kali age is one hundred divine years, equivalent to 36,000 years of men ; so that we are still only in this period. The age itself will run for 360,000 years of men. And it will end with a waisdhylsa of 36,000 years of men. These figures make up the total of 432,000 years in the age.
. Except for rending amuris vartamúru-raturan, and
omitting atha before armin varshe, the text is exactly the same in Bapu Deva Shastri's almanac for SakaSainrat 1807. I have not been able to obtain a copy of his almanac for the next year.
10 I had drawn Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's attention to the circumstances of the case. And I now find that, in their almanac for Saka-Sarvat 1810 (expired) (A.D. 1888-89), the editors of the Sayana Panchany have revertod to the phraseology used in their almanac for Saka-Sutavat 1807 (expired).

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intended as current. And, in the same way, the Tamil Siriya-Panchangam, for the following year, published at Madras, gives the solar period from the 12th April, A.D. 1887, to the 11th April, A.D. 1888, as being the Sarvajit samvatsara, and as corresponding to Seka-Samvat 1810, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4989, and Vikrama-Samvat" 1935, which, similarly, are not specified as either current or expired, but can only be intended as current. And, from other indications, there seems to be no doubt that, of these two practices of Southern India, thus illustrated, the popular and generally current one is the latter one, by which the period A.D. 1886-87, is quoted as SakaSamvat 1809; the reckoning, in this and the other eras, being thus, at first sight, one year in advance of the customary reckoning of Northern and Western India.
The difference, however, is only an apparent one; and is due to the evident fact that the Madras reckoning has preserved the system of current years, while the other is regulated by expired years. But it is almost always the reckoning of Northern and Western India that is now quoted. And the years of it, though really expired years, are not distinctly and habitually quoted as such. And hence there is a general understanding that, as between the Saka and the Christian eras, the additive quantity, to be applied to the former, is 78-79;19 and that the epoch or year 0 of the Saka era, is the period from the 3rd March, A.D. 78, to the 20th February, 11 Here the 3 in the tens place must be a mistake for 4.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1 It would appear that the Tamil Vakya-Panchangam, published at Madras, gives the solar period from the 12th April, A.D. 1887, to the 10th April A.D. 1888, as being the Sarvajit sanivaten ra, and as corresponding to Saka-Samvat 1809, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4988, aud VikramaSamvat 1945; all of which are distinctly specified as current. But this cannot possibly be correct, in respect of the Saka and Kaliyuga years.
13 Thus, even Dr. K. G. Bhandarkar,-through whose "Note on the Saka Dates and the Years of the Barhaspatya Cycle, occurring in the Inscriptions" (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 105ff.) my attention was first drawn to the desirability of examining the details of the almanacs, has written (id. p. 99; the italics are his) 191 Gupta past + 242-433 Saka current + 78511 A.D. current 209 Gupta past + 242451 Saka current + 78529 A.D. current." I myself had the same view, till not very long ago. Other writers could easily be shewn to have lain under the same misconception. And Dr. Burnell even went so far as to say (South-Indian Paleography, p. 72, note) "the rough equation for converting this era into the Christian date, is+781. The beginning of the year being at the March equinox; if the Saka atita" (i.e. expired) "year be mentioned, the equation is + 794."
1 I owe these four dates to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit. Gen. Cunningham (Indian Eras, p. 139) gives from the 14th March, A.D. 78, to the 17th February, A.D. 79 and from the 19th February, A.D. 79, to the 8th March, A.D. 80. But a comparison of his initial days for the epoch and the first year, shews at once that there is some mistake. The 18th February is twenty-four days
[JULY, 1888.
A.D. 79, both included; and its commencement, or first current year, the period from the 21st February, A.D. 79, to the 10th March, A.D. 80, both included. This, however, really gives current Christian years, equivalent to expired Saka years. It is evident from the details given above regarding Saka-Samvat 1808 and 1809, that, according to the reckoning of the era as fixed by the early astronomers, and as preserved to the present day, the true epoch is A.D. 77-78, and the period from the 3rd March, A.D. 78, to the 20th February, A.D. 79, is in reality the commencement, or first current year; and that, to obtain current Christian years, equivalent to current Baka years, the true additive quantity is 77-78. But, of course, there is always the possibility that, if ever we obtain a date, with full details for calculation, in a very early Saka year, or in one of the very earliest of the regnal or dynastic years which afterwards developed into the Saka era, this exact equation may not hold good; in consequence of the date belonging to a period anterior to the adoption of the era by the astro
nomers.
The Baka era is emphatically one of the eras that originated in an extension of regnal or dynastic years. The chief Hinda tradition about it, is, that it was founded in celebration of a defeat of the Saka king by the king Vikrama or Vikramaditya who is also the supposed founder of the Vikrama era, commencing a hundred and thirty-five years earlier. 15 This tradition is earlier than the 14th March; whereas the difference should be only eleven days. Mr. C. Patell (Chronology, p. 96) does not give the initial day of the epoch; but gives, in the same way, the period from the 18th February, A.D. 79, to the 8th March, A.D. 80, for the first
year.
15 Another tradition (e.g. Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II. Useful Tables, p. 154) is that the era dates from the birth of Salivahana, king of Pratishthana, who opposed Vikramaditya, king of Ujjayint. But the introduction of the name of Salivahana in connection with the era, is of comparatively modern date, the earliest instance that I have succeeded in obtaining, being one of the thirteenth century A.D.; and the epigraphical instances speak of the year as having been established, settled, or decided' (nirnita) by Salivahana, but not as running from his birth (see ante, Vol. XII. p. 214f.).-A passage to the latter effect has been quoted by Prof. Max Müller (India; What can it teach us? p. 300 f.). from the Muhartabhuvanonmartanda of Narayana, which means "in the year measured by three, the (nine) numerals, and the (fourteen) Indras, from the birth of Salivahana (i.e. in Saka-Samvat 1493), in (the month) Tapas (Magha), this Martanda was composed."-As Prof. Max Müller has pointed out, in his comments on this passage, it is not exactly wrong to speak of the era as the Salivahana-Saka or Salivahana era; for there are ample instances in which the Hindus give it that name, in epigraphical records of authority and of some antiquity. At the same time, those instances shew that it was only in comparatively modern times that the name of Salivahana came to be connected with the era. And in all discussions respecting early dates, it is an anachronism, and a mistake, to call the era by his name.

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nuentioned by Alberuni ;16 but he saw through it of them having for its initial day the anniversary so far as to remark "since there is a long interval of the original coronation from which they between the era which is called the era of Vikra- started, irrespective of the initial day of the maditya and the killing of Saka, we think that years of the astronomical era still continuing in that Vikramaditya from whom the era has got its use. When, however, astronomers came to adopt name is not identical with that one who killed them as an astronomical era, they would establish Saka, but only a namesake of his." And the an exact epoch by reckoning back from the tradition has now been quite exploded by the dynastic year then current to the last year of the Båda mi cave inscription of the Chalukya king Kaliyuga that had expired when the first current Mangaliśa, which is specifically dated "when dynastic year commenced; in the course of which there have expired five centuries of the years of they would simplify matters by allotting to the the installation of the Saka king (or kings) in the dynastic years the same scheme, as regards the sovereignty." It is certain, from this record, starting point of each year, and the arrangement that the real historical starting point of the era, of the fortnights of the months, which belonged is the commencement of the reign of some parti. to the Kaliyuga in their part of the country. cular king, or kings, of the Saka tribe; and, Thus they would fix all the data necessary to therefore, that the years were originally regnal enable them to use the new era for astronomical or dynastic years. Now, such years must run on purposes. All that would remain, would be to for a considerable time, before they can develop use its expired years, in accordance with the into a recognised era ; and this is undoubtedly custom and necessities of their science. The the reason why we find the earlier years of every substitution of the Saka era for the Kaliyuga, for such Hindu era quoted simply by the term varsha astronomical purposes, seems to have taken place or samvatsara, 'a year,' without any dynastic after the time of Aryabhata (born A.D. 476), 25 appellation. Again, such regnal or dynastic who used the Kaliyuga, and in or just before the years can only come to be quoted as expired time of Varahamihira (died A.D. 587), who used years, when they have actually developed into an the Saka era; and probably the apparent differera which has become recognised, or is sought to ence of one year in the reckonings of the Saka be applied, by astronomers for astronomical era will be found to have originated not far processes; up to that point, the years, being from Saka-Samvat 500. Let us assume that wanted only for quasi-private dynastic purposes, this adoption of the Saka era was made in would certainly be quoted as current years. It Saka-Samvat 500, equivalent to A.D. 577-78. is impossible to believe that the first saka king The astronomers would take it, at starting, decreed, immediately after his coronation, that as "Saka-Samvat 499, expired;" and, in quot. a new era had been established from that event; ing it and several subsequent years, would that it was to come at once into general use; and probably be careful to connect with each that, for the convenience of astronomers, the first year a word distinctly meaning "expired." In year, then running, was to be quoted as an expired course of time, however, such precision of expres year, which, in fact, it would be rather difficult tosion would come to seem superfluous to them; do. If it were sought to fix the exact chronolo- and, in issuing their almanacs, they would drop gical position of any public act performed in that the word "expired," and would write, for infirst year, it might be referred to the expired years stance, simply "Sakê 510 Chaitra-masa-sukla. of an earlier era; e.g. of that of the Kaliyuga. pakshah." It would cause no difference or inBut, for any reference to the regnal year alone, convenience to them; because any initiate would that act would be recorded as being performed know that this really designated the bright fort " in the year one," "in the first year," or night of the month Chaitra of Saka-Samvat 511 " while the first year of the reign is current;" current, after Saka-Samvat 510 had expired. The as, for instance, “in the first year; while the people at large, however, including persons who Maharajadhiraja, the glorious Toramâņa, is would use the almanacs for practical purposes governing the earth," in line 1 f. of the Erap without being properly initiated into the applicainscription, Corp. Inscr. Ind. Vol. III. No. 36, tion of them, would be thrown back in their page 158. This custom would continue as long reckoning by a year; and doubtless at first a as the years were simply dynastic years; and good deal of inconvenience and confusion might perhaps, during the whole of that period, the result. But this would soon be forgotten; or years might remain purely dynastic years, each might, for the sake of convenience, be inten. 16 Sachan's Alberúnt's India, Translation, Vol. II. » Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. Vol. I. p. 405.
10 id. p. 407. 11 ante, Vol. VI. p. 363 f., and Vol. X. p. 57 f.
D. 6.

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[JULY, 1888.
tionally put aside. And thus they would very quickly arrive at the understanding, by which, in Northern and Western India, Saka-Samvat 1808 answers, popularly, as a current year, not as an expired year, to the period iron the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887.
J. F. FLEET.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
No. 11. In the Nepal stone inscription of Manadeva, of the Saryavamsi or Lichchhavi family of Månagriba, on the lower part of a broken pillar placed to the left of the door of the temple of the god Chángu-Narayana, about five miles to the north-east of Khatmandu, the date (from Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's published text and lithograph; ante, Vol. IX. p. 163, line 1f.) runssamvat 300 80 6 Jyêshtha-m [A]sa-sukla-pakshe pratipadi 1 [R6]hini-nakshattra-yukt[6] chandramasi m[ujhürttê prasastê=Bhijiti, -"the year 800 (and) 80 (and) 6; in the bright fortnight of the month Jyêshtha, on the first tithi or lunar day, (or in figures) 1; the moon being in conjunction with the Rõhiņi nakshatra; in the excellent muhúrta (named) Abhijit."
The Népal inscriptions were first brought to notice by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, in this Journal, Vol. IX. p. 1638.; and his view of the historical results of them was given in Vol. XIII. p. 4118. My own view has been published in Vol. XIV.
en published in Vol. XIV. p. 342. And all that it is necessary to state here, is, that the earliest inscriptions disclose the use of two eras; vix, the so-called Gupta era, and the Harsha era. At the time, however, when Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji wrote, the fact that the Gupta era was used in some of these records, was not apparent. And it only became clear on Mr. Bendall's discovery of the Golmadhitol in- scription of the Mahardja Sivadêva I. of Måna- priha, which he published originally in this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 97£., and has given again with a slight correction in the reading of the date, in his Journey in Nepal and Northern India, p. 72, und Plate viii. This inscription is dated in the year 316, without any specification of the era. But the clue to the interpretation of the date is given by its mention of the Mahdsamanta Ambuvarman, as the contemporary of Sivadêva I. Amsuvarman's approximate date, viz. about A.D. 637, was very well known from Hiuen
Tsiang's mention of him.' And, as the Nepal series included three inscriptions of Amsuvarman himself, dated in the years 34, 39, and 44 or 45 of an unspecified era, and another, of Jishnugupta, dated in the year 48, and mentioning Amsuvarman, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji very properly referred these dates to the era running from the accession of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and commencing in A.D. 606. This much being quite certain, it follows that the date of the year 316 for Sivadôva I., the contemporary of Amsuvarman, must of necessity be referred to a starting point just about three hundred years before the Harsha era. And the era which exactly meets the requiremente of the case is the Gupta era; for, 316 + A.D. 319-20= A.D. 635-36; which is in due accordance with the recorded dates that we have for Amsuvarman in the Harsha era, representing from A.D. 639 to 649 or 650.
As regards the present inscription of Manadêva, its palaeography, as well as a general consideration of the historical results, shews that the year 386, quoted in it, belongs to the same series with the year 316, that is quoted in the Golmadhitól inscription of Sivadêva I. And accordingly, this record gives us, for calculation, Gupta-Sarnyat 386, current; the month Jyêshtha (May. June); the bright fortnight; the first tithi or lunar day; the Rohini nakshatra, or lunar mansion; and the Abhijit muhurta or thirtieth part of the day and night. And the given tithi should belong to Gupta-Samvat 386 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 628 current (A.D. 705-706); and the calculation should be made with the basis of Saka-Samvat 627 expired. This is on the analogy of the results obtained from the Eran pillar inscription of Budbagupta. of Gupta-Samvat 165, and the Verawal inscription of the Chaulukya king Arjunadêva, of Valabhi-Samvat 945. In each instance, the approximate year for calculation was arrived at by following Albêrûni's moet specific statement regarding an even difference of two hundred and forty-one years between the Gupta- Valabhi and Saka eras; and it was then found that correct results were obtained only by taking the result. ing Saka year as an expired year. Thus, in the Eran record, the result was obtained with the basis of Gupta-Samvat 165 (current) + 241 SakaSarvat 406, expired; and, in the Veråwal record, with the basis of Valabhi-Samvat 945 + 241 -
This is also recorded in the other inscription of Siva- deva I., No. 5 of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Népal series, ante, Vol. IX. p. 168F. But, unfortunately for the general chronological results arrived at by him from those inscriptions, which involved the application of the Vikra. ma era for the interpretation of such of the Nepal dates es belong really to the Gupta era,--the date of Sivadéva
I. is there broken away and lost.
See Beal's Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 81, also ante, Vol. XIII. p. 422, and Vol. XIV. p. 345.
On this point, a separate note will be issued hereafter.
ante, Vol. XVI. p. 151 f. s id. p. 14788.

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Sal-Samvat 1186, expired. And from this it is nection with the writing of the charter, we haveevident that, in following Alberoni's statement | samvat 585 PhAlguna su(su) di 5,-"the year and adding two hundred and forty-one, what is 585; the month Phálguna; the bright fortnight; really accomplished is the conversion of a given the (civil) day 5;" without any indication whether current Gupta- Valabht year into an expired Saka the year is an expired one, or current. The year, by which we obtain precisely the basis that eclipse is also mentioned in line 3, in the words is wanted for working out results by Hindu -marttanda-mandal-Asrayiņi Svavbhânô (read Tables, vis. the last Saka year expired before Svarbbhanau)," while Svarbhanu (i.e. Rahu, the the commencement of the current Saka year the personified ascending node) is resting on the corresponding to a given current Gupta- Valabhi disc of the sun." year; and that the running difference between There is some difficulty in disposing finally of current Gupta- Valabhi and current Saka years, the whole bearing of this record; owing to the is two hundred and forty-two.
fact that the first plate was lost sight of, without Making the calculations by the Sürya-Sid- being procured for examination at all; and now, dhanta, and applying the results to the longi- even the second plate also, the published one, has tude of Khâțmandu, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds been mislaid and is not forthcoming. And I have that, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 627 expir. to point out that, in the second part of the verse, ed, the given tithi, belonging to Bake- Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar read Gaupte, instead of Samvat 628 current, ended on Tuesday, Gøpté; and translated “five hundred and eighty. the 28th April, A.D. 705, at 57 ghatis, 12 palas, five years of the Guptas having elapsed." The after sunrise; that there was the Ksittika naksha- lithograph, however, shews distinctly that the tra up to 11 ghatis, 3 palas, after sunrise, and original has Gopté ; and it is only by the correc. then the Rohiņi nakshatra, which continued up tion of 6 into au that the name of the Guptas can to 11 ghatis, 18 palas, after sunrise on the next be introduced into the passage. But, even then, day, Wednesday; and that, consequently, the the adjective Gaupte occupies an irregularly Abhijit muharta, being the eighth in order detached place, which any skilful composer would among the muhúrtas, and beginning after the have avoided, from the noun, tata-pañchake, expiration of fourteen ghatis after sunrise, which it qualifies. While, on the other hand, I occurred, as required by the record, while the have shewn, in my remarks on the nomenclature Rôhiņi nakshatra was current. He also finds of the era," that we have no reason at all to look that the same conditions of the nakshatra and for the use of such an adjective as Gaupta, the muhurta did not occur, if the given tithi is belonging to the Guptas ;' and, if we maintain treated as belonging to Saka-Samvat 627 or 629 the original reading of Gopté, we have a locative current. The result, therefore, answers fully to case, which we have every reason to expect in the conditions of the record; and to the circum- immediate connection with the verb dadau, he stanoes under which it was to be calculated. gave,' and which will then give us the name of No. 12.
the village at which the grant was made. And, The Morbi copper-plate grant of Jainka, until the original first plate of the grant is profrom Kathiawad, published by Dr. R. G. Bhan. duced, to prove that Göpta was not the name of darkar in this Journal, Vol. II. p. 257f., includes the village, or otherwise to explain the passage, two dates. In line 16f., in connection with the this is the reading and interpretation that I making of the grant, we have (from the published adopt. lithograph)-painch-Asity yute=tite samanan In accordance, however, with the palæography data-parnchake | Gôptê dad&v=ado nipah s-ôpara. of the grant, I see no reason for referring the gê=rkka-mamdalê 11,4" five centuries of years, date to any except the Gupta-Valabhi era: together with eighty-five (years), having passed irrespective of the question whether the era is by, the king gave this (charter) at (the village of) mentioned by name, or not. This record, there. Gôpta, when the disc of the sun was eclipsed;" in fore, gives us, for calculation, an eclipse of the which the year is expressly coupled with a word sun, which took place on some unspecified date meaning "expired." And in line 19., in con. in Gupta-Samvat 586 current, as the originui
• Sake Sahvat 628 current commenced rather early See, when issued shortly, Corpus Inscriptionum on, approximately, Sunday, the 1st March, A.D. 705. Indicarum, Vol. IJI. Introduction, p. 19 ff. And hence the reason why the month Jyéshthe which
• We might easily find its present representative in ordinarily answers to May-June, commenoed on the 28th
the modern name of Gop, which occurs in the one of April, and of course ended before the end of May.
& village, in KathiAwad, about seventy-five miles south"The mistake of 8 for au does occur in the word went of Morbi; twenty-five miles south of Nawinagar suavbhand for svarbbhanau, in line 3 of the krant. But or JAMAAT and fifty miles east of Dhiniki, where there in line 9. in the word pourvua, the au is formed quite was found the oopper-plato grant of Jaikadeva, which correctly and completely.
purports to be dated in Vikrama-Sarvat 794.

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text specifies that the year 585 had expired. And, on the analogy noted under No. 11 above, the eclipse should be found in Gupta-Samvat 586 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 828 current, somewhere between 10 the 10th March, A.D. 905, and the 27th February, A.D. 906. Also, it should presumably, be visible at the place at which the grant was made on the occasion of it. And, though there is nothing, in the existing remnant of the record, to indicate with certainty the exact locality to which it belongs, still there is nothing against the supposition that it really belongs to Môrbi itself, or to that neighbourhood. We have, therefore, to look for a solar eclipse, occurring in Saka-Samvat 828 current, and visible at Môrbî, or near that town, in the north of Kathiawaḍ.
Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Table" mentions no solar eclipse as having occurred during the period defined above. But, by calculations from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds
It
that there was an eclipse of the sun, on Tuesday, the 7th May, A.D. 905, corresponding to the new-moon tithi of the Purnimanta northern Jyêshtha of Saka-Samvat 828 current, which fully answers the required conditions. was visible at Môrbi; over almost the whole of Southern India; and in Ceylon. The magnitude, at Môrbi, was one ninth of the sun's disc; and, in the southern parts of India, greater than this. And the middle of the eclipse, at Môrbi, was at 12.9 midday of the Môrbi mean civil time. This eclipse, accordingly, was very distinctly visible at Môrbi; even if it was not known beforehand from calculations. And this result answers fully to the conditions of the record; and to the circumstances under which it was to be calculated.
In respect of the given civil day for the writing of the charter, viz. the fifth civil day in the bright fortnight of the month Phalguna (February-March), as the name of the weekday is not given, the only test that we can apply,-if, indeed, it does really amount to a test,-is the pre
10 Of course, as it could only take place at a new-moon conjunction, it did not occur on the given civil day for the writing of the charter.-The limits within which we must look for it, are the first and the last days of SakaSamvat 828 current, as given in Indian Eras, p. 167.
11 See Indian Eras, p. 213.
1 For his calculations, which are based on the appa. rent longitudes of the sun and the moon, he has taken the latitude and longitude of Morbi, which I was not then able to supply to him, as 22° 45′ N. and 70° 51′ E. I now find that, in Thornton's Gazetteer of India, the figures are 22° 49' N. and 70° 58′ E. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit states, however, that the difference will not palpably affect his results.
13 So also Prof. K. L. Chhatre himself obtained the same eclipse; see Dr. R. G. Bhandarhar's Early History of the Dekhan, p. 99, where, with a slight difference of
[JULY, 1888.
sumption that the running number of the lunar tithi is the same as that of the civil day, i.e. that the fifth lunar tithi ended on the fifth civil day of the fortnight. If the year 586, connected with this civil day, is to be taken as expired, as in connection with the eclipse, this should be the case in Saka-Samvat 828 current. And, by calculations for that year from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that the preceding new-moon tithi, which was that of the Púr. nimánta northern Phalguna, or the Amánta southern Magha, ended on Monday, the 27th January, A.D. 906; and the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Phalguna ended on Saturday, the 1st February, which was the fifth successive civil day. If this date is accepted, then the charter was written nine months after the making of the grant. On the other hand, if the year 585 is here to be taken as current, there should be the same agreement of the lunar tithi and the solar day in Saka-Samvat 827 current. And, for this year, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that the preceding new-moon tithi ended on Thursday, the 7th February, A.D. 925; and that the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Phalguna ended on Tuesday, the 12th February, which was again the fifth successive civil day. If this date is accepted, then the charter was prepared two months before the actual making of the grant.
It may perhaps be argued, hereafter, in opposition to my results for the exact epoch of the era, that all the Gupta-Valahhi dates are recorded in expired years, whether the fact is distinctly stated or not; and, consequently, that it is as an expired year, not current, that the year 165 of the Éran pillar inscription is equivalent to A.D. 484-85 current, and that the year 585 expired, of the present record, is equivalent to A.D. 904-905 current. In that case, the solar eclipse would have to be found in Gupta-Samvat 585 + 242= Saka-Samvat 827 current, somewhere between's the 21st March, A. D. 904, and the 9th March, A. D. 905. During this period, there were two eclipses of the sun; on Saturday, the 16th
46 on the
phraseology, the eclipse is given as occurring 30th of Vaisakha, Saka 827;" the reference being to the Amanta southern month and the expired Saka year.
14 There is nothing in the record itself, to indicate whether the writing of the charter proceded, or followed, the making of the grant. The Rajim grant of Tivara deva, Corp. Inscr. Indic. No. 81, page 291, furnishes another similar instance. In that instance, the grant was made on the eleventh tithi of Jyeshtha (May-June); while the charter was written, or assigned, on the eighth civil day of Karttika (October-November); and there is nothing to show specifically whether it was the following, or the preceding, Karttika. That charter may have been written, or assigned, either five months after, or seven months before, the making of the grant recorded in it. See Indian Eras, p. 167.
10 id. p. 213.

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JULY, 1888.]
MISCELLANEA.
213
June, A.D. 904, corresponding to the new-moon Saka-Samvat 242 had expired, which brings as tithi of the Párnimanta northern Åsbadha of to the period A.D. 320-21. Suka-Samvat 827 ourrent; and on Saturday, the Albérant, in fact, expresses himself as being 10th November, A.D. 904, corresponding to the inclined to think that the number 242 indicates new-moon tithi of the Purnimunta northern Mar. the years which preceded the time when the gabiraba of the same Saka year. In respect of Hindus commenced to use the cycle of a hundred the first of them, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that it years, and that they adopted this cycle together was not visible anywhere in India; but only in with the Gupta era ; also that the number 606 the more northern parts of the earth. This, represents the completed cycles, vis. six, "each therefore, cannot be the eclipse intended. In res- of which they must reckon as 101 years;" and pect of the second of them, he finds that it that the number 99 gives the expired years of the was visible at Mörbi; over more than half the current cycle. He goes on to say that the role, northern part of Kathi wad; and, to the south, as found by him in the writings of Durlabha of along the coast, as far as Surat, one hundred and Multân, was, to write down 848, and add the seventy miles south-east of Morbi, and in the Lôkakala; the sum of which would give the Saka interior, a little further still. And, at Môrbi, the year. But, in proceeding to apply this rule to middle of the eclipse was at 11:54 A.M. of the Saka-Samvat 953 (expired), as corresponding to Mörbi mean civil time. At Ahmedabad, one the year 400 of the era of Yazdajird, which he hundred and twenty miles east by north from had already used as a "gauge-year," he points out Mörbi, one twelfth of the sun's disc was eclipeed; that, subetracting 848, there remained 105 for and, in the more northern parts of India, a con- the Lôkakala, while the destruction of Sômnathsiderably greater surface. But, at Môrbi itself, påtan would fall in the 98th year of the cycle. the magnitude of the eclipse was very small; There are subsidiary difflculties here, which extending there to only one twenty-fifth part of | cannot at present be fully cleared up. One of the disc. This eclipse, therefore, setting aside them is, the reference of the destruction of all other considerations, is not in any away as Sömnathpåtan to both the ninety-eighth and the satisfactory as that of the 7th May, A.D. 905. ninety.ninth years of a LôkakAla cycle; with the
J. F. FLEET.
addition, moreover, that the ninety-eighth year is indicated as current, and the ninety-ninth is
inferred to be expired. Another is, that, accordA NOTE ON THE LOKAKALA RECKONING.
ing to the only Lôkakala reckoning the nature In the course of his remarks on the Lokakala of which has been fully explained,' viz. that used or popular reckoning by cycles of a hundred in Kaśmir,- which, Albêrani tells us, had been years, in mentioning the "roundabout way" in
adopted by the people of Multân a few years which the Hindus computed the date (in January,
before his own time,-the event in question A.D. 1026) of the destruction of Somnathpåtan by would fall in the first current year of a cycle. Mahmod of Ghazni, which event took place "in Thus, Kalhana, in the Rajatararigini, i. 52 the year of the Hijra 416, or 947 Sakakala," (Calcutta edition, p. 3), makes a very explicit Alborant tells us that they first wrote down 242, statement regarding the equation between the then 606 under it, and then, again, 99; with the saka era and the Lôkakala of Kasmir. His result, by addition of the figures, of Saka-Samvat words are 947, which, as an expired year, brings us to the Laukikê=bdé chatur-vimse period A.D. 1025-26 current, inclusive of the Saka-kalasya sampratar month of January, A.D. 1026.
saptaty=&tyadhikari yatam This passage follows very closely after his sahasram parivatearah II account of the Gupta-Valabhi and other eras. "At this present moment, in the twenty-fourth And the first figures of this process, which is laukika (or popular) year, there have gone by one manifestly connected directly with the Gup- thousand years, increased by seventy, of the Saka ta-Valabhi reckoning, would seem, at first era." In this passage, he quotes the Saka year sight, to indicate that, in this calculation, the as expired, in accordance with the practice of epoch of the era was treated as being when astronomers; but the Lokakala year as current,
* Mr. Sh. B. Dikabit has not made aotaal calculations for the village of Ghôp. (see note 9 above), but is able to state that both the eclipses of the 7th May, A.D. 905, and of the 10th November, A.D. 904, were visible there, the circumstances of the former eclipse, in respect of visibility, being more favourable, and those of the latter being less so at Ghôp than at Morbi
This era dater from the accession of Yazdajird III., & Sassanian king of Persia, in A.D. 682, (see Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II. Useful Tables, p. 802 and note.) The "gauge-year, 400, selected by Alberoni for the comparison of dates, is equivalent to A.D. 1031-32, and is one year ahead of that in which he was writing.
By Gen. Sir A. Cunningham, in Indian Era, p. 6 ff.

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[JULY, 1888.
as would naturally be the case in using a 325-26 current; and this, as we have just seen, popular reckoning of that kind. He was writing, would concide with the first current year of a therefore, in Lokakala 24 current, and when Lokakala cycle, as reckoned in Kasmir. But it Saka-Sarhvat 1070 had expired; which is equiva- is one year too early for the first current year of lent to A.D. 1148-49 current. And this gives any oyole of a reckoning, in a subsequent cycle of Lokakala 1 current of the same cycle, as cor- which the event in question belonged to the ninety. responding to Saka-Samvat 1047 expired; which ninth year expired and the hundredth year current: is equivalent to A.D. 1025-26 current.
Now, I suppose that we must assume that Now, that the scheme of each year of the Albertini has quoted Durlabha correctly. Kasmirt LokakAla cycle was identical with the And, if so, then the first current year of euch scheme of the Saka years of Northern India, cycle in the Multán reckoning really was one commencing with Chaitra sukla 1, is shewn by 1 year later than in the Kasmirf reckoning: and Albêrini's statements, and by the notes put coincided with the forty-eighth year expired, and together by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham in his exposi- the forty-ninth current, of each century of the tion of this reckoning. And it follows that the Saka era, and with part of the twenty-sixth first year, current, of each Kasmiri Lokakála and part of the twenty-seventh years, current, of cycle coincides exactly with the forty-seventh each century of the Christian era. And, if the year expired, and the forty-eighth current, of each introduction of the reckoning, at Multán, could century of the Saka era, and with part of the be carried back so far, it commenced with Sake. twenty-fifth and part of the twenty-sixth years, Samvat 248 expired, and 249 current. This year current, of each century of the Christian era. I might have been obtained by adding seven to The month of January, A.D. 1026, therefore, fell Saka-Samvat 241 expired. But the real tee of in Lôkakala 1 current, of Kasmir, which coincided Saka-Samvat 241 expired is only for obtaining with Saka-Sarvat 947 expired, and extended the basis with which Gupta-Valabhi dates have from the 3rd March, A.D. 1025, to the 21st March to be calculated; and it only bring us to the A.D. 1026. And it is difficult to see how, in the beginning of the Gupta epoch. The difference application of a Lókakala reckoning introduced between Gupta- Valabhi and Saka years, both from Kasmir, an event occurring in that month treated as current for purposes of comparison, is can be correctly referred even to Lokakala 99 242. And Baka-Samvat 949 expired brings expired; and, much more so, to LokakAla 98
uch more so. to Lokakala 98 us to the beginning of the first current Gupta current. To suit the former case, we require a year. This is the starting point that was really cycle oommencing one year later than the Kasmiri wanted for a process of the kind shewn to cycle; and to suit the latter case, a cycle com- Alberuni. And this is why that year was selected mencing three years later than the same. And, as the apparent basis of the computation; the that there were varying starting points of this true basis being Saka-Sauvat 848 expired. kind, as well as a want of uniformity in respect of
ant of uniformity in respect of It is evident, therefore, that the process the scheme of the years, is indicated by Albêrüni's illustrated by the figures given to Alberani remark that the totally different accounts of the does involve a method of adapting the LoksLokakala reckonings, given to him, rendered him kala reckoning to the Gupta era ; or, more unable to make out the truth about it.
properly, of converting Lokakala dates into One point, however, seems clear. As to the Saka dates through the Gupta reckoning. So number 806, given by Alberoni in his first far, however, from the figures tending to support illustration, it is impossible that a centenary cycle any inference that the Lokakala reckoning was can consist of a hundred and one years. And introduced by, or in the time of the Early Guptas, Albérůni himself had previously said distinctly, the fact that Durlabha of Multán would deduct "it a centennium is finished, they drop it, and 848, with a remainder, in the particular instance, simply begin to date by a new one." It is plain, of 105, or one complete Lókakala cycle and five in fact, that the odd six years do not belong years over, seems to indicate very clearly that to the cycles of the Lokakala. To that reckon. the use of this reckoning in that part of the ing, only the six even centuries belong. If we country commenced with Baka-samvat 848 add the odd six years to Saka-Samvat 241 expired, expired, equivalent to A.D. 926-27 current. Had -as representing the epoch of the Gupta- Valabhi it been otherwise, Durlabha's rule would surely era, which really was A.D. 319.20 current, and have been worded in such a way that, in the might be quoted either as Saka-Samvat 241 particular instance, 948 must be deducted, with expired or 242 current.--we obtain Saka-Sarvata remainder of only 5 years over. 247 expired, or 248 current. equivalent to A.D.
J. F. FLEET. * See Indian Eras, p. 171.

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AUGUST, 1888.]
THE EPOCH OF THE KALACHURI ERA.
215
THE EPOCH OF THE KALACHURI OR CHEDI ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. TN tne Central Provinces of India there inscriptions in which the week-day is men
1 are found a large number of inscriptions, tioned, iswhich have reference to the Chedi rulers of Chedi-Samvat 0= A.D. 248-49 Tripuri, Ratnapur, and other places. A
and few of them have been edited by Dr. F. E. Chedi-Samvat 1= A.D. 249-50; Hall'; a list of the Ratnapur inscriptions was and that, if we wish to work out the dates given as early as 1825, by Mr. (afterwards Sir) by a uniform process, we must take the R. Jenkins;' and the contents of most of them Chedi year to commence with the month have been referred to in the volumes of the Bhadrapada, and mast, accordingly, start Archæological Survey of India. Many are dated from July 28, A.D. 249, = Bhadrapada in years, sometimes called Chedi-Samvat, or su. di. 1 of the northern Vikrama year 307, Kalachuri-Samvatsara, which, on historical current, as the first day of the first current and paleographical grounds, cannot be referred year of the Chedi era. to the Vikrama, or to the Saka era, and it was Starting from these propositions, I have Dr. Hall who first suggested that they should obtained the following results :be referred to an unknown era, the initial point 1.-Regarding the date of the Benares of which must be sought somewhere near the copper-plate inscription of Karnadeva, middle of the third century A.D. Afterwards, which was first brought to public notice by Sir A. Cunningham stated that the dates of Wilford, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. these inscriptions referred "to a period close to page 108, Sir A. Cunningham, in Archæol. A.D. 249 as the initial point of the Kulachuri, or Survey of India, Vol. IX. page 82, wrote as Chedi-Samvat"; and the same scholar subse follows:-"The copper-piates, which were lost quently, in his Indian Eras, felt satisfied that for a long time, were re-discovered about 1862, A.D. 249 = 0, and 250 = 1, is "the true start- when through the kindness of Mr. Griffith, ing-point of the Chêdi era."
Principal of the Benares College, I received a Having prepared for publication editions of carefully made impression of tho inscriptions, several of the Ratnapar inscriptions, I have with a translation by one of the pupils of the for some time suspected the conclusion, thus College. During my stay in England, I made arrived at by Sir A. Cunningham, to be slightly over to Professor Hall both the impression erroneons. At present, from an examination and the translation, and I have now with mo of all the years from A.D. 201 to A.D. 280, by only a few of my own notes to refer to. Frora means of excellent Tables, which have been these I am able to state that the record was constructed by Prof. Jacobi, of Kiel, and placed dated in Samvat 793 Phálgun badi 9 Some. at my disposal before publication, I am able to which were the last words on the plate. This state with confidence that the only equation date was quite distinct, and it was not possible which yields correct weekdays for those Chedi to read the figures in any other way."
en
formistisfech 4.3
Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XXX. p. 323; communication, not connected with the present enquiry. XXXI. p. 116; Journal American Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p. which I have received from Mr. Fleet) Alberuni does men499 ; p. 512.
tion a year commencing with the month Bintrapada. So • Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. p. 505.
much is perfectly certain, that with the epoch A.D. 18-249, * Journal American Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 501.
the following ten dates work ont satisfactorily, and the Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 112 etc.
years mentioned in them may uniformly be taken as current
years, if the first day of the Chêdi era was either July 28. • The following ten dates give days from the months
249 = BhOdra pada ku. di. 1, or Angust 26, 219 Asvida Alvina (date No. 4), Kerttika (10), Mårgasiras (2 and 6), éu. di. 1, but not with any other initial day of the year. MAgha (3 and 8), PhAlguna (1), ÅshAdha (5), and Srivana According to von Oppolzer's Canon der Pinsternisse 17 and 9) only; and for them, a year beginning with the there was a solar eclipse, and consequently a new-rnoon, month Abvina (but not one beginning with Karttika)
on July 27, 219, 6h 2m Greenwich time, and there was would do as well as one beginning with Bhadrapada, and
another solar eclipse, and another new-noon, On Angust for the date of the Rêwah copper-plate grant of the mana
25, 249, 14h im Greenwich time. In the samo your, there ránok Kirtivarman, which will be mentioned below, a
was another solar eclipse on March 2. Sb 8m Greenwich
time, or at Lanká 8h Ilm a.m., which shows that tho year beginning with Alvina might possibly appear to be date for the initial day of the Vikenma year 306 (expired) even more suitable. But I do not know of any Hindu vix. 1 Mar.,' given in Indian Eras, page 146, is wroug by year having begun with Alvins; whereas (according to altro days).

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It is true that the same scholar, in order to XV. page 505, is dated Samvat 898, Ashwin obtain the proper week-day, in his Indian Eras, Shudh Saptami'; according to Archeol. Survey page 61, has come to the conclusion that he of India, Vol. IX. page 86, in the Kulachuri may perhaps have misread 793 for 792 ; but Samvat in the year 898, Aswin sudi some'; (disregarding the fact that 792 expired would and page 111,898 Aswina sudi 7, Monday.' after all be 793 current) I believe that any one A photozincograph in Archæol. Survey of obliged to choose would certainly accept Sir A. India, Vol. XVII. Plate xxii. gives only part Gunningham's first statement, and reject his of the date, thus : 'Kalachari) sammvatsarê subsequent conjecture. And assuming the 898;' and Sir A. Cunningham, in his Indian plate to have really been dated -- Samvat 793 Eras, page 6), states that a fresh examination Phalguna ba di. 9 Sômé, ie, the year 793, has shown' the date to be 'Asvina su. di. 2' the 9th of the dark half of the month Phâl- and not Âśvina su. di. 7'). I therefore take guna, on a Monday,' the corresponding date is the date to be 'Kalachuri-samvatsarê 898 Monday, January 18, 1042. On that day, Âśvina bu. di. 2 Sôme,' i. e. 'in the Kalaat sunrise, the 9th tithi of the dark half was churi year 898, the 2nd of the bright half of current, and it ended 17h 9m after mean sun- the month Asvina, on a Monday.' The corrise. [According to von Oppolzer's Canon responding date is Monday, September 9, der Finsternisse, there was a lunar eclipse, and 1146. On that day, at sunrise, the 2nd tithi consequently, a full-moon, on January 9, 1042, of the bright half was current, and it ended 4h 10m Greenwich time, or at Lanka about 21h 54m after mean sunrise. [Calculated by 9 A.M.].
P. Lehmann's Tables, there was a new-moon, 2.-A Ratnapur inscription of Jajalla- at Lanka, about 2 hours before sunrise of dova I. of which a good rubbing has been September 8, i. e. on September 7, 1146]. supplied to me by Dr. Burgess, is dated - Sam. 5.-A Têwar inscription, according to vat 866, Marga su. di. 9 Ravau, i. e. the year Sir A. Cunningham, Archæol. Survey of India, 866, the 9th of the bright half of the month Vol. IX. page 111, and Indian Eras, page 61, is Margasiras, on a Sunday.' The corresponding dated -902, Ashadha su. di. 1, Sunday, a dato is Sunday, November 8, 1114. On that statement about which I am somewhat doubtful, day, at sunrise, the 9th tithi of the bright half and which, at any rate, I am unable to verify. was current, and it ended 19h 54m after mean Supposing it to be correct, the corresponding sunrise. [Calculated by Paul Lehmann's Tables date would be Sunday, June 17, 1151. On for calculating the phases of the moon, there was that day, at sunrise, the first tithi of the a new-moon, at Laika, on October 30, 1114, bright half was current, and it ended 2h after about 3 P. M.].
mean sunrise. [Calculated by P. Lehmann's 3. The Rajim inscription of Jagapala, Tables, thore was a new-moon, at Lanka, shortly of which a good rubbing has been supplied to before noon on June 16, 1151). me by Mr. Fleet, is dated-Kulachuri-samvat- 6.-The Bhora-Ghat inscription of Alhasare 896 Mâghê mîsi sukla-pakshở rathash- nadevi, which has been edited by Dr. F. E. tamyam Budhadine, i.e., in the Kulachari | Hall, in the Journal American Or. Soc., Vol. year 896, on the eighth lunar day called rathásh- VI. page 499, and of which we have a phototam) in the bright half in the month Magha, zincograph in Archeol. Surrey of Western Inon a Wednesday. The corresponding date is dia, No. X. page 107, according to the pubWednosday, January 3, 1145. On that day, lished version, is dated -Samvat 907, Margga at sunrise, the 8th tithi of the bright half su, di. 11 Ravau, i.e. the year 907, the 11th of was current, and it ended 10h 59m after mean the bright half of the month Margasiras, on a sunrise. [According to von Oppolzer's Canon Sunday.' This reading of the date I have der Finsternisse, there was a solar eclipse, and hitherto taken to be correct. At present, howconsequently, a new-moon, on December 26, ever, I strongly incline to accept the sugges1144, 6h 59m Greenwich time, or at Lanka, tion of Mr. Fleet, based upon a more careful about noon).
examination of the lithograph than I had given 4.-A sabrinarayan inscription, accord- to it, that the number of the day is 10, and ing to Sir R. Jenkins, Asiatic Researches, Vol, either that the engraver first formed 11, and

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August, 1888.)
THE EPOCH OF THE KALACHURI ERA.
217
corrected it into 10, or that, in forming the o, posing it to be correct, the corresponding date his tool slipped, and thus gave to the C a partial would be Monday, December 27, 1176. On appearance of 1. And taking the day to be that day, at sunrise, the 10th tithi of the dark the 10th, I find that the corresponding date is half was current, and it ended 13h 40m after Sunday, November 6, 1155. On that day, at mean sunrise. [Calculated by P. Lehmann's sunrise, the 10th tithi of the bright half was Tables, there was a full-moon, at Bhêra-Ghat, current, and it ended 2h 8m after mean sunrise. about 2 A.M. of December 18, i.e. on December Should the number of the day on an examina- 17, 1176). tion of the stone itself, which is now in 9.-The Towar inscription of JayasinAmerica, after all, prove to be 11, the year 907 hadeva, which has been edited by Dr. F. E. would have to be regarded as an expired year, Hall, in the Journal American Or. Soc., Vol. and the corresponding date would then be Sun- VI. page 512, and of which we have a rough day, November 25, 1156. On that day, at photozincograph in Archæol. Survey of Western sunrise, the 11th tithi of the bright half was India, No. X. page 110, is dated - Sarvat 928 current, and it ended lh 54m after mean sun- Sravaņa su. di. 6 Ravau Hastê, i.e. the year rise. [According to von Oppolzer's Canon der 928, the 6th of the bright half of the month Finsternisse there was a solar eclipse, and con- Sravana, on a Sunday, the moon being in the sequently, a new-moon, on November 26 (i.e. asterism Hasta. The corresponding date 20 days after November 6), 1155, 11h 22m is Sunday, July 3, 1177. On that day, at Greenwich time, or at Lanka, about 5 P. M. sunrise, the 6th tithi of the bright balf was And there was another solar eclipse, and con- corrent, and it ended 7h 39m after mean sunrise. sequently, a new-moon, on November 14, 1156, In A.D. 1177 the solar month Sråvana lasted 22h 32m Greenwich time, or, at LaukA, 3h 35m from about 2h before sunrise of June 27 to A. M., of November 15, i.e. on November 14]. about 3h before sunset of July 28, and it con
7.-The LAL-Pahar rock inscription of tained two new-moons, one on June 27, 18h 34m Narasim hadova, according to the rough photo- after sunrise, and the other on July 27, 1h 51m zincograph published in the Archæol. Survey after sunrise. This year too, therefore, con of India, Vol. IX. Plate ii. is dated - Samvat tained two lunar months Srávaņa, and July 3 909 Srivaņa su. di. 5 Budhê, i.e. 'the year 909, was su. di. 6 of the adhika Sravana, and on the 5th of the bright half of the month Sravana, that day the moon was in the asterism on a Wednesday.' The corresponding date is
Hasta. Sa. di. 6 of the mija Sravana would Wednesday, July 2, 1158. On that day, at have been Monday, August 1, when the moon sunrise, the 5th tithi of the bright half was was (not iu Hasta, but) in Jyêshtha. [Calculacurrent, and it ended 16h 26m after mean sunrise. ted by P. Lehmann's Tables, there was a new. In A.D. 1158 the solar month Sravaņa lasted moon, at Lauki, about 1 A.M. on June 28, from about sunset of June 26 to about sunrise
i.e, on June 27, 1177). of July 28, and it contained two new-moons,
1 10.- A Sahaspur inscription, according to one on June 27, 19h 8m after sunrise, and the the photo-zincograph published in Archeologiother on July 27, 4h 53m after sunrise. The cal Survey of India, Vol. XVII. Plate xxii: year thereforo contained two lunar months is dated - Sauvat 934 Kirttika sa. di. 15 Sravana, and July 2 was sn. di. of the adhika Budhê, i. e. the year 934, the 15th of the Śrâ vaņa; su. di. 5 of the nija Sravala would bright half of the month Kirttika, on a have been Friday, August 1. [Calculated by Wednesday. The corresponding date is P. Lehmann's Tables, there was a new-moon, Wednesday, October 13, 1182. On that at Lanka, shortly after midnight on June 28, day, at sunrise, the 15th tithi of the bright i.e, on June 27, 1158).
half was current, and it ended 13h 57m after 8.- According to Sir A. Cunningham, mean sunrise. [Calculated by P. Lehmann's Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. page 111, Tables, there was a full-moon, at Lanka, on and Indian Eras, page 61, & Bhora-Ghat October 13, 1182, in the evening). inscription is dated 928, Magha ba. di. 10, To the dates given under 5 and 8, I at Monday.' I confess that I have no means present attach, for the reasons stated, very whatever of verifying this statement, but sup- little value. Of the other dates, two have been

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[AUGUST, 1888.
taken from good impressions, four from photo. band, starting from A.D. 248-49, we obtain zincographs, and for the remaining two we for the three princes mentioned the following have the somewhat emphatic statements of Sir dates, which may speak for themselves :A. Cunningham, the correctness of which I see Narasimhadeva, - no reason to doubt. And, if my calculations Chedi-s. 907+248 = AD. 155. be at all correct, it is a fact, that of all the
Chadi-s.* 909+248 = A.D, 1157. years from A.D. 201 to 280, only the year Vikrama-8.10 1216 - 57 = A.D. 1159. 248-49, taken as the epoch of the Chedi His younger brother Jayasimhadeva,era, yields correct weekdays for every Chêdi-s." 926 +248 = A.D. 1174. one of these eight dates, and at the same Chèdi-s."* 928 +248 = A.D. 1176. time places the moon in the asterism men. His son Vijayasim hadeva, - tioned in one of these dates. Whether there Chedi-s.13 932 +248 = AD. 1180. are historical reasons for which the epoch of Vikrama-s."* 1253-58 = A.D. 1195. the Chêdi era should be placed before A.D. 201 Narasimhadêva's father and predecessor was or after A.D. 280, others will be more compe- Gayakarnadeva. That prince issued the Jabaltent to say than I am; but I may mention one pur copper-plate grant, of which one plate, or two facts, which render either alternative containing the date, unfortunately has now extremely improbable, I may bay, impossible. been lost, but regarding the contents of which
From an Alha-Ghat inscription, of which we know from a transcript" that Gayakarna we have a photolithograph in Archæol. Survey made a grant of a certain village, “having of India, Vol. XXI. Plate xxviii. we learn bathed in the Narmada at the time of the that Narasimhadeva was reigning in [Vi. Makara-samkranti, on Monday, the 10th of krama-] Samvat 1216 = A.D. 1150. The same the waning moon of Magha in the year Narasimhadeva (together with his younger ..." Supposing Narasimbaddva to have brother Jayasinhadêva) is mentioned, as reign- reigned in 907 + 248, i e. as I have shown ing prince, in Alhaņadevi's inscription of above, A.D. 1155, the Makara-samkranti must [Chedi-]Samvat 907. Supposing, then, the have taken place on Monday, the 10th Chedi era to have commenced, e.g, in or before of the waning moon of Mâgha, in some year A.D. 200, Narasimhadeva would have reigned before, but at such a distance from A.D. 1155, in or before A.D. 907 + 200 = 1107, i.e. as would suit the relation to each other of father already at least 52 years before A.D. 1159, the and son. And it is again a fact that the year, year in which we know him to have reigned, which falfils these conditions, is A.D. 1122.
Again, from the Rewah copperplate in. For in that year, the tenth of the waning moon scription of the maháránuka Salakhanavarma of Magha, by the porthern reckoning, fell on déva which is mentioned in Archeol. Survey of December 25, which was a Monday, and India, Vol. XXI. page 146, and of which I owe in the same year the Makara-samkranti took an impression to Mr. Fleet, we know that place shortly before sunrise of, or, for Vijayadeva was reigning in (Vikrama-] practical purposes, on Monday, DecemSamvat 1253 = A.D. 1195.' And from a ber 25, as required. I may add that on that Têwar inscription we learn that his father, day the 10th tithi of the dark half was cor. Jayasimhadeva, was reigning in (Chedi]- rent, and that it ended 9h 43m after mean Samvat 928. If, then, the Chedi era had commenced as late as, e.g. A.D. 270, not to In Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. mention A.D. 280, Jayasimhadeva would have Plate xxvii. Sir A. Cunningham has given a reigned in or after A.D. 928 + 270 = 1198, photolithograph of an inscription from Bei.e. at least three years after his own son, sani, the date of which he reads "Samvat which clearly is impossible. On the other 958 prathama Asha dha su. di. 3," and from the
Sauvat 1216 Bhadra su. di. pratipada Ravau = India, Vol. XXI. p. 145. Sunday, August 16, 1159.
13 Tewar inscription. The exact date I shall give, when editing the " Kunibh copperplate inscription, Journal As. Soc. of inscription.
Alhanadévi's inscription. Bengal, Vol. XXXI. p. 116. LÅl-Pahår rock inscription.
** Rewah copperplate inscription, Archæol. Survey of 10 Alha-Ghåg inscription.
India, Vol. XXI. p. 146. 11 Réwah copperplate inscription, Archæol. Survey of " Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 88.

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characters of which he concludes that the era mean sunrise of August 3, which was a Saturused must be that of Kalachuri or Chêdi. The day, and therefore evidently not the day meaning of the date is the year 958, the intended. And in 1175 the same fourth tithi third of the bright half of the first month commenced 8h 9m after mean sunrise of Ashidha,' which shows that in the year men. Thursday, August 21, and ended 10h 4m after tioned Åshadha was an intercalary month. mean sunrise of Friday, August 22. Looking If I am right in assuming that the Chêdi era to the wording of the date, I see no reason why began about 'July-August A.D. 249, the the grant should not have been made during month Âshadha must have been intercalary that portion of Thursday, August 21, 1175, about June, A.D. 1207. And Åshadha was when the fourth tithi was current; on the intercalary in A.D. 1207. For in that year contrary, the tithi in question being the Gaņésa, the solar month Ashadha lasted from May 26, chaturthi, the religions ceremonies and the gifts about 1h 40m after sunset, to June 27, about to Brahmans connected with them, certainly 4h after sunrise, and during that time there onght, so far as I know, since the tithi com. were two new-moons, one on May 28, 9h 30m menced about 8 hours after sunrise, to have after mean sunrise, and the other on June 26, been performed on the Thursday, although 23h 41 m after mean sunrise.
civilly that day was the third of the bright The Rewah copper-plate inscription of half of Bhadrapada. I therefore regard the the maháránaka Kirtivarman, which is men- result as satisfactory;" and will only add, that tioned in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. the same result for the commencement of the page 145, and of which I owe an impression to tithi, Thursday, August 21, 1175, would be Mr. Fleet, is dated - samvat 926 Bhadrapada- obtaired, with the epoch A.D. 248-49, for the misê sukla pakshê chaturthyár tithau Guru- Chedi year 926 current, if there were any autho. dine, i.e. the year 926, in the month Bhadra- rity for making the year begin with the month pada, in the bright half, on the fourth tithi, on Âśvina. (See note 5 above.) Gurudina or Thursday.' Judging from the Three other inscriptions, the dates of which style of the letters, and from the fact that the have been referred to the Chedi era (whether paramount sovereign of the grantor was the rightly or wrongly, I must leave it to others to lord of Trikalinga, Jayasinhadova, whom decide), are mentioned ante, Vol. XIII. page from a Têwar inscription mentioned above we 77. know to have reigned in Chêdi-Samvat 928, Of these, the Ilao grant, which has been this date is clearly to be referred to the Chêdi edited by Mr. Fleet, ib. page 115, is dated - Sakaera. With the epoch A.D. 248-49, and a year nripa-kål-atîta-samvatsara-sata-chatushtayê sapcommencing with any of the six months from tadas-Adhike Jyêshth-Amavasya-sûryagrahê, i.e. Chaitra to Bhadrapada, the corresponding date according to Mr. Fleet's translation, 'in (the must belong to A.D. 1174, or, if by chance ! year) four hundred, increased by seventeen, of the year 926 should be the year expired, to the centuries of years that have elapsed from A.D. 1 175. In 1174 the fourth tithi of the the time of the Saka king, at the time of) an bright half of Bhadrapada ended 17h 9m after eclipse of the sun on the new moon day of
16 An exactly similar date, recorded in the Newår era, monies, to which the date refers, evidently were performed about the cpoch of which, as I shall have ocasion to show
in that part of Thursday, Phålguna su. di. 9, during which in a future paper, there can be no doubt whatever, we have
the tenth tithi was current. ante, Vol. IX. pp. 185-185. The wording of it is - Sanitat
[The rule on this point, given to me by Mr. Sh. B. 757 Phalguna.mist sukla-pakshe dacamyan tithau Ardra
Dikshit, is, that the worship of Ganess on the Gand-apana-pansruasi-nakshatré Ayushman-yigBrispati- chaturthi, and any ceremony connected with it, must be vasaré, i e. 'the year 757, in the month PhAlguna in the
performed on that civil day on which there actually is bright half, on the tenth tithi, (the moon being) first in the
the chaturthi or fourth tithi at noon. Iu the present nakshatra ArdrA and afterwards in Punarvasu, in the yoga
instance, this was the case on the Thursday. And, if the Ayushmat, on Thursday'; and the corresponding dato.
grant was made specially to celebrate the Ganesa.chatur.
thi. it must have been made on the Thursday; and so the avdoubtedly is Thursday, March February 23, A.D. 1637
cluaturth, as a current tithi, would for this purpose be On that day, at sunrise, the moon tors in Ardra, and later
properly coupled with the Thursday: though, in the in the day it was in Punarvasu; and the current yoga 1018 almanac, it would be coupled in the ordinary manner, as Ayushmat. Civilly, Thursday, February 23, was the 9th of an expired tithi, with the Friday. There ought to be un the bright half of Phålgana; but the day is, nevertheless, indication of the circumstances, in the record. And this the right day and the wording of the date is literally may be found in the opening verse, which is an invocation correct, because the ninth tithi ended, and the tenth tithi of Ganeka under the names of Héramba and Ganankyaka began, 5b 49mn after mean sunrise. The religious cere. - J.F.F.]

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(the month) Jyêshtha.' Assuming, for reasons ravau punya-tithau ....... ie., 'on which it is unnecessary to mention here, the the tenth (lunar day) of the bright half of the date to have been recorded in the Chedi era, month) Ashâạba, the sun having entered into and taking that era to commence, as we have the zodiacal sign of Cancer, op (this) auspicidone hitherto, about July-August A D. 249, the ous tithi' i. e., as I take it, after consultation year corresponding to the Chedi year 417 ex-with Dr. Bühler, on the occasion of the sun's pired, would be A.D. 667. In that year, the entering the sign of Cancer, or on the Karnew-moon day of the month Jyaishtha fell on kata-sankranti. In lines 24 and 25, of which April 29, and on that day there was no solar the former is incomplete at the end and the eclipse ; nor was there one in April or May latter at the beginning, we readof the preceding year A.D. 166." On the L. 24 ...... sa[m]vatsara-sata-chatushother hand, taking the date to be recorded, as tayê [sha ?] XXXXX stated in the grant itself, in the Saks era, the L. 25 X II (sa ?]mn 400. 80. 6. Ashacorresponding date is May 10, A.D. 495 | dha su [10 P] Adityaváre 11 ......" and on that day there was a solar eclipse The sha at the end of line 24 is distinctly 10h 39m Greenwich time.
visible, but there are certain marks below it, The Nausart grant, which has been edited both in the impression and, more clearly still, by the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, ib. in the photograph, which would render it page 70, is dated - 456 (expressed both in possible to read the whole akshara shta, i.e. numerical symbols and in words), Magha- to regard it as the beginning of the word śuddha-panchadasyam chandr-Ôparage, i.e. 'on 'sh!dšiti (88), not of shadafiti (86), were it not the 15th lunar day of the bright half of that in the following line the namerical symthe month Magha, on the occasion of an bol for the unit is distinctly 6, and not the eclipse of the moon,' on a day of the week similar symbol for 8. In line 25 the numeri. which, owing to the damaged state of the plate cal symbol following upon fu is decidedly cannot now be given with any certainty. indistinct. What is clearly seen, both in the Assuming the date to have been recorded in the impression and in the photograph, is the symbol Chêdi era, and taking that era to commence for 10, as it occurs, e. g. at the end of the about July-August A.D. 249, the corresponding Valabhi grant of Dharasena II., ante, Vol. VIII. date must be either Wednesday, January 14, page 303, minus the curved line on the right; 705, or Tuesday, February 2, 706, according but there are indications that that curved line as the figure 456 denotes the current year or had been engraved and that therefore 10 was the number of years expired. According to von intended. It is more difficult to say, whether Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse there was certain marks after the symbol for 10. are no lunar eclipse on January 14, 705, but there accidental scratches or intended to denote the was one on February 2, 706, 16h 37m Green- unit 1 or 2. Here the actual mention of the wich time or at Lauka, 9h 40m P.M.
tenth in line 15 is a primá facie argument in For the date of the Kavi grant, which has favour of the former and against the latter been edited by Dr. Bühler, ante, Vol. V. page alternative. 109, and of which I owe a photograph to Dr. In all probability, then, the grant is datedBühler and an impression to Mr. Flect, we 486, on the 10th lunar day of the bright half have two data, one in lines 15 and 16, and the of the month Ashâdha, on a Sunday, on the other in lines 24 and 25, of which the latter, occasion of the sun's entering into the unfortunately, owing to the state of the plate, zodiacal sign of Cancer. But there is just is not absolutely certain. In lines 15 and 16 the possibility, that the grant was made on the we read
occasion of the Karkața-samkrânti, on the 10th L. 15. ....... Ashâdha-sud[dh]a- tithi of the bright half of Ashaqha, and recorded daśam yâm P]
on a Sunday, the 11th or 12th of the bright half L. 16 Karkkațaka-r[i*]sau sa[m]krânt[é?] of Åshidha. Under any circumstances the
11 In A.D. 606 there were two solar eclipson, one on the other on August 25. In A.D. 665 there was solar March 11, and the other on September 4, and in A.D. 667 eclipse on the new-moon day of the nija Jysishtha, which there were also two solar eclipses, one on February 28, and I was April 21.

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MURDER OF 'ALI PADIL SHAH I.
221
date, if falling within the 8th century A.D., grant to have been made on the occasion of the must, generally speaking, fall on or after June Karkata-samkranti, on the tenth tithi of the 22, the approximate day of the Karkata-sam- bright half of Ashâdha, and recorded on a Sunkránti.
day, the 12th of the bright half of the same Supposing the date to be recorded in the month, June 22 and Sunday, June 24, A.D. Chôdi era, and taking that era to commence on 786, satisfy the requirements of the case; July 28 (or, possibly, on August 26), A.D., 249 and if the tenth tithi was a kshaya-tithi, which the corresponding year would be either A.D. I have good grounds for believing that it was, 735 or 736, according as the figure 486 denotes the reason why the grant should bave been made the current year or the number of years ex- and recorded on different days, is perhaps not pired. In A.D. 735 the Karkata-samkránti took far to seek. place on Thursday, June 23, which was the Regarding the Chedi year, I may finally 13th of the dark half of a month, while the state that the calculation of the only two 10th of the bright half of Ashâdha had fallen available dates in dark fortnights, viz. that of already on Sunday, June 5, i.e. no less than the Benares copper-plate inscription of Karnaeighteen days before the Sankranti. Neither dêva (above, No. 1), and that of the Bhêraof the two days can be the day intended. Ghât inscription of the year 928 (above, No. 8,
In A.D. 736, on the other hand, the Karkata- to which however I can attach only little imsankranti took place about 8 hours after sun-portance), shows the Chêdi year to have been rise of June 22; and the tenth tithi of the & northern year, with the regular púrnimánta bright half of ÅshAdha began 21 minutes after northern arrangement of the months. This is mean sunrise of June 22, and ended lh 21m also proved (as was first remarked to me by before mean sunrise of June 23. The tithi Mr. Fleet on Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's authority), therefore, in all probability, was a kshaya-tithi, by the record in the Jabalpur grant of Gayabut, under any circumstances, the Karkata- karnadêva, mentioned above, of the occurrence sankranti, in A.D. 786, did take place of the Makara-samkranti in the dark fortnight during the tenth tithi of the bright half of of Mågha. For, since the first day of the solar Åshadha. June 22, however, was a Friday, month Magha must precede the first day of the not a Sunday; and the nearest Sunday, June bright half of the lunar Mâgha, the Makara24, was the 12th of the bright half of samkranti, which introduces the solar Mågha, Åshadha, because the 12th tithi of the may well take place in the dark half of the bright half ended on it, 20h 37m after mean lunar Magha when the latter, as is the case in sunrise.
the northern year, precedes the light half; but Now, taking into consideration that in the it cannot do so in the southern year where the whole century from A.D. 676 to 775, there is dark half of the lunar Mågha follows upon the not a single year in which the Karkata-san- light half of the same month. kranti fell on any Sunday which was the tenth In conclusion, I have to thank my friend of the bright half of Ashâdha or of any other Professor Jacobi for having allowed me the month, I believe that, if the date must really use, before actual publication, of his Tables, by be referred to the Chêdi era, we have to resort the construction of which he has rendered a to the other possible interpretation of the date service of the utmost importance to all who which I have spoken of. And assuming the I take an interest in Indian inscriptions.
STORY OF THE MURDER OF 'ALI 'ADIL SHAH I., FIFTH KING OF BIJAPUR, AS TOLD BY CONTEMPORARY HISTORIANS.
BY CAPTAIN J. S. KING, Bo.S.C. No detailed account of the death of 'All lowing words :-"In 1580 'Ali was assassinated 'Adil Shah I. has yet been published in in a brawl with one of his servants." English. In the Bijâpar volume of the Bombay Farishta' gives the following account of -Gazetteert this event is disposed of in the fol- it :-"In the year 987 (A.D. 1579-80), as the 1 Vol. XXIII. p. 419.
* Briggs, ed. Vol. III. p. 149 n.

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king had no son, he appointed his nephew being the most impartial of Indian historians, Ibrahim, son of his brother Shah Tahmâsp, gives the following account of the murder of his successor, and the following year he was 'Ali 'Adil Shiho : assassinated by a eunuch, whom he had forced "In the year 987 (A.D. 1579-80) he nomiagainst bis inclination to come to his Court nated his nephew, Muhammad Ibrahim, son of from AhmadAbåd Bidar."
his brother, Shah Tahmasp, as his successor, Briggs,' in a note on this passage, says :- and gave him full power, whilst he gave him"A more detailed account of this transaction self up to sensual enjoyments. is given by Farishta in the History of the Kings "When it came to his ears that 'Ali Barid had of Bidar. He evidently avoids the subject in two handsome eanuchs, one of whom in beanty, this place, in order not to give offence to Ibrahim and the other in delicacy. was a reproach to Adil Shah II., the nephew of 'Ali Adil Shah, the sun and the moon, he conceived an intense under whose patronage he wrote. The cause longing to become possessed of them, and, of the king's death is most disgusting and accordingly, sent a message (to 'Ali Barid) offensive, and it is by no means attempted to asking for them. 'Ali Barid at first was firm be palliated by Farishta when he mentions it. in refusing ; but afterwards, on account of his A modern author of the history of Bijapur, excessive entreaty, he sent them both to 'Ali however, has set forth reasons in defence of Adil Shah. Each of these eunuchs knew why All 'Adil Shah's conduct, and endeavours to be had been sent for ; and the elder one, who prove that Farishta has traduced his memory." | had a hankering after evil, concealed a knife
Farishta's "more detailed account" above in the waist-band of his drawers, and awaited referred to, is thus translated by Briggs :- the opportunity for the infliction of punish
"In the year 987 (A.D. 1579), Murtazament. Nizam Shah made an attack upon the remain- "At last, one night, 'Ali 'Adil Shah suming part of the Bidar territories, and laid close moned him into his private apartment, and siege to the capital itself. 'Ali Barid, thus endeavoured to lie with him. The eunuch, on straitened, sent an envoy to 'Ali 'Adil Shah, getting the opportunity, planged that knife into who replied that if he would make him a his hypochondria with such force as to put a present of two eunuchs, whom he named, stop to all sensual desire; and in the year 988 he would send him assistance. 'Alf Barid (A.D. 1580) 'Al 'Adil Shah hurried from this assented; and two thousand Bijapur Cavalry world to his permanent abode ; and, in retribumarched to raise the siege of Muhammadabad tion for the crime of one, the two eunuchs Bidar."
were put to death." “Murtaza Nizam Shah, hearing of the ap- The next account of this occurrence I exproach of the 'Adil Shahis, and also of the tract from a very rare Persian MS. history of rebellion of his brother, Barbân Nizam Shah, at the 'Adil Shahỉ dynasty of Bijapur, entitled Ahmadnagar, retreated to his capital, and left Basktinu's-Salatin, by Muhammad Ibrahîm Mirza Yadgar with a body of Qutb Shâbîs, who az-Zubairi, completed, as the author himself had joined from Gulkunda, to prosecute the informs us, in A. H. 1240 (A.D. 1824). Gene. siege ; but as soon as the Bijapur detachment ral Briggs published his translation of Farishta arrived within a few miles of the place, Mirzâ in 1829. From these dates, and from the fact Yadgår retreated, and 'Ali Barid delivered that the copy of this MS. now in the Royal over the two eunuchs, contrary to their own Asiatic Society's Library belonged to General inclination, to the Bijapuris. These two Briggs, I conclude that this is the history to youths were so stong with shame on being which he alludes in his footnote already transferred from one king to another, that quoted; but before making any further remark shortly after their arrival at Bijapur, one of on the subject, I shall proceed to translate the them put 'Ali 'Adil Shah to death, as we have passage ;before seen in this history."
"'Ali 'Adil Shah's twin sister (ham-shira), Khan Khan, who enjoys the reputation of named Tånibai Sultan, had been married to
• Vol. III. p. 142n. Vol. III. p. 498.
So in Brigra' text, but the more usual appellation is
Ahmadabad Bidar, as above.
• Muntakhibu'l Lubab.

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'Ali Barid; and having died without issue, her king and feeling his pulse, cried out :- Alas! movable property, consisting of valuable | Dust is on our heads! Then, raising the jewellery and other goods, remained in 'Aliking, we laid him on & couch, and went outBarid's house; and as by Muhammadan law it side. The murderer had remained in the priwas allowable for 'Ali 'Âdil Shâh to demand vate apartment, and some one wished to enter restitution of these, he at once sent a messenger it and bring him to punishment, but he had to ask for them. 'Ali Barid returned all the fastened the door on himself. However, next effects except the jewellery, the claim for which day he received the punishment due, and the still remained unsettled, till, in the year 988 other eunuch was put to death by the slaves (A.D. 1580), Kamil Khâí renewed it, and on the same day. petitioned 'Adil Shah, saying :-There is an "The people of the city, hearing of the death old-standing connection between me and Barid; of the king, rushed in crowds to the gate of the with your permission I will send & person on fort that night. The nobles, grandees and amirs my account and recover the goods.' Adil also, both superior and inferior, assembled at Shâh replied :- I have a large claim against the gate, but did not obtain admission. him, and can claim it by law. Kamil Khan, "After morning prayers, some one came to considering this as equivalent to permission, the gate and cried out :- All the Ministers brought General 'Ali Aqå into the presence of and nobles are assembled at the gate, and, the king, and after giving him the necessary with compliments, send this message to the instructions, despatched him to Bidar.
prime minister, Afzal Khân: We have " 'Ali Aqâ returned after four months, and passed the whole night here, like fish without presented to the king a portion of the jewel water, in disquietude and anxiety, and we are lery, together with two eunuch slaves who had all anxious to know from you what arrangeformerly been in the service of 'All Adil ments have been made for carrying on the Shah's twin sister, above mentioned.
government.' Afzal Khan replied I await "One night 'Adil Shah summoned to his the good pleasure of my colleagues; whatever private apartments one of those eunuchs, who they advise, and whomsoever they may conwas more intelligent than the other, in order firm in the sovereignty, they are free to do as that he might make inquiries about his sister's they please.' The nobles, on bearing this, held jewellery. This eunuch was of an evil disposi- council, and confirmed with oaths the promises tion, for as soon as he came into the presence as to the hereditary succession. They then of the king, although there were two or three sent Mir Murtaza Khân Ânja, who went near servants standing by, he plunged a dagger up the gate, and proclaimed the decision of the to the hilt in the king's breast, so that it came council, saying :-ShAh Kamalu'd-din Fathont at his back. The king, wounded as he was, u'llah, being vakil on your part, with the aparose from the chamber, and reached the court- proval of all the nobles has agreed that we yard, where he fell, and those who were near shall confirm in the sovereignty the king's raised a clamour."
nephew, Prince Ibrahim, who is the rightful Raf'u'd-din Shirazi,' who held the ap- heir, and whom the king during his lifetime pointments of Havâldar-i-Mahallât, Khân-Salâr appointed and educated as such. Also that and Treasurer, says:
you shall be Prime Minister, as formerly; and "I was present outside the palace at that the other offices be filled by whomsoever you time, as also was Afzal Khân, who had been may please.' Afzal Khân replied - fcannot sitting there with some people transacting | undertake this important affair; appoint somebusiness. At that moment they had just got up one else. Murtaza Khân said :-'At all events, to go to their houses; but he had not quite you and the nobles can assemble in council, reached the gate of the fort when a shouting and whatever you determine upon will be conand clamour arose. On going inside I found firmed.' Afzal Khân said - A great crowd the king lying bathed in blood. Afzal Khan is assembled here, and if we open the gate came running back, and, after looking at the there will be a rush of the common people, and
Taxkirátu'l-Mulak.

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perhaps a disturbance may arise. The best author of the Tazkirátu'l-Mulúk (who was an plan is for you with only three or four selected eye-witness of the occurrence), 'Ali 'Adil Shah persons to come inside.'
I. was murdered on Monday, the 24th of the "Then Shah Kamálu'd-din Fathu'llah, month Safar, A. H. 988, at the eighth hour of Kamal Khải, Murtaza Khan and Manjan Khan, the night, which corresponds to 2 a. m. on the youngest son of Kishwâr Khân, and son-in-| 19th March 1580. law of Kamal Khan, went inside, and, after The above detailed account of what followed taking counsel together, went to the door of immediately after the murder is interesting, the haram, and, bringing forth Ibrahim 'Adil and probably true in every particular; but in Shah, took him to the summit of a tower; and, relating the circumstances which led to the seating him with much more ceremony, raised murder, Rafi'u'd-dîn seems to me to have failed over his head the gold-embroidered umbrella." to remove the stigma cast on the memory of
According to Mir & Rafl'u'd-din Shirazi, 'Ali 'Adil Shah I. by Farishta and Khafi Khan
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. In the Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. part of the plate, and secured by a strong pp. 143-148, Sir A. Cunningham has given an rivet passing through the plate, there is a account of four copper-plate inscriptions from thicker and broader strip of copper, which, Rowah (properly Riwam or Rimam) in towards the end projecting above the plate, Central India. At Mr. Fleet's request, I shall is turned over so as to catch and hold a plain edit here three of those inscriptions, and give copper ring about " thick and 21 in diaextracts of whatever may be important in the meter. There are no indications of any seal fourth, from excellent impressions supplied by having been attached to the ring.-The weight him. In a concluding paragraph I shall of the plate, with the ring, is 164, tolas.-- furnish, from the four inscriptions together, a The average size of the letters is between genealogical list of the Maháránakas of Kakka- and ".-The characters are Dêvanagari rodika (Kakaredika, or Kakarodi), the chiefs of about the 12th century A.D. The formaby whom the donations recorded in these tion of the letters betrays some want of skill, copper-plates were made. Following Sir A. and I may particularly note that the sign for Cunningham, I denote the four inscriptions by ha is often badly formed, and that it is the letters A., B., O., and D.
sometimes difficult to distinguish between the A.-Copper-Plate Grant of the palatal and dental sibilants, and between the Maharanaka Kirtivarman.
signs for cha and va.-The language is The (Chedi) year 926.
Sanskrit, employed by a person who was either This inscription is on a single plate, very careless or ignorant. The most glaring measuring about 13" by 9}", and inscribed on mistakes against the rules of syntax will be one side only. The surface of the plate itself pointed out in the notes on the text. Wrong is smooth; but, for the protection of the forms are, e.g., the Genitive drij-arthinám for writing, strips of copper about " broad are dvij-arthinár, in line 8, the Singular Dvandvafastened by rivets along the edge of the top compound chandr-árkka-médini, in line 15, and and the two sides; and the bottom edge was the Past Pass. Participle utkirnnitam, in line originally protected in the same way, but the 19.-In respect of orthography, I may note strips here have been torn off and lost. The that ba is throughout written by the sign for preservation of the inscription is perfect; and va, and that the dental sibilant is occasionally there is hardly any letter which is not clear used for the palatal sibilant; thus we have and distinct in the impression.-In the upper paramê svara, line 2; máhésvara, line 3; Kausika,
[No information is forthcoming as to the circumstances under which the plates of these four inscriptions were originally discovered. They will eventually be
deposited in the British Museum ; having been placed in my hands for that purpose by the R&ja of Rewah. -

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August, 1888.]
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
225
line 9; pravesah, line 13, sudhyati and which the inscription is dated, must be referred Rájésvara, line 18. Other mistakes, such as to the Chedi ere. the occasional omission of an akshara, the It is more difficult to explain the exact employment of a short vowel in place of a long significance of every one of the epithets used one and vice versá, the addition of a superfluous with reference to Jayasiṁhadêve and his superscript , the use of va for cha, of ksha for relatives. As to the title lord over the three sha, and of kha for sha, for which either the Rajas,' etc., it may suffice to state that the writer or the engraver is responsible, will Chêdi rulers share it with some of the Rathôr be drawn attention to and corrected in the princes of Kanauj. And regarding the extext.
pression Trikalingadhipati lord over the three After the usual “, may it be well!" and Kalingas,' I agree with Sir A. Cunningham' in a verse in honour of Hålamba, i.e. Hèramba considering the term Trikalinga to denote, (Ganesa), the inscription refers itself, in lines or to be an older name of, the province of 2-4, to the reign of victory of the parama- Telingana, and I may mention that the same bhattaraka makárájádhiraja paramégvara, the title Trikalingádhipati occurs also in lines 3 devout worshipper of Maheśvara (Śiva), the and 43 of the copper-plate inscription from illustrious Jayasim hadeva, the lord over Kapalêśvara, in Orissu, published ante, Vol. Trikalinga, who by his own arm had acquired | V., pp. 55-57. But I am unable, at present, to the title of ) lord over the three Rajas, (viz.) the explain properly the phrase "meditating on lord of horses, the lord of elephants, and the the feet of the paramabhattáraka mahdrájálord of men, and who meditated on the feet dhiraja paramésvara, the illustrious Vamaof the paramabhatláraka mahdrájddhiraja para. deva," which is used of Jayasimhadeva and mêsvara, the illustrious VAmadeva." And his elder brother, as well as of his father and the inscription is dated, in line 19, in the year son. In accordance with ordinary usage, that 926, and more accurately, in line 14," the year expression ought to mean that Vámadeva was 926 (expressed in decimal figures only), on one of the ancestors of the princes who are said the fourth tithi or lanar day, in the bright to meditate on his feet, but none of the inscriphalf in the month Bhadrapada, on Guru-dina tions of the Chedi rulers of Tripuri or Ratnapur or Thursday."
which are known to me, mention a prince The epithets, applied here to Jayasinha Vámadêva in the genealogical lists which they dova, are exactly those applied in the Jabalpur contain. copper-plate inscription' to the Chedi (or! As regards the date, I have shown, ante, Kalachuri) ruler of Tripuri, Gayákarne- page 219, that the corresponding European date, deva, the father of Jayasimbadêva, and, in the which in my opinion satisfies the requirements Lal-Pahar rock-inscription of the Chêdi] year of the case, is Thursday, August 21, 1175. 909, to Narasimhadeva, the elder brother of In line 4, our inscription goes on to state that Jayasinhadava, and, in the Kumbhi copper- in the town of Kakkaródika there was once a plate inscription of the [Chèdi] year 932, to Mahdránaka Jayavarman (line 6), born in the Vijayasinh hadeva, the son of Jayasimhaddva. Kaurava varasa. His son was the Maháránaka And since our inscription, to judge from the Vatsaraja (line 7); and his son again was the characters in which it is written, belongs to devout worshipper of Mahdśvara (Siva), the about the 12th century A.D., there can be no Maháránaka Kirtivarman (line 9). This chief, doubt that the prince Jayasimhadhva mentioned who clearly owed allegiance to the Chedi ruler here, is the Chedi ruler of that name, whom Jayasinhadeva, on the date mentioned, and on from a Tawar inscription" we know to have the occasion of making the funeral oblations in ruled in the [Chèdi] year 928, the younger son honour of his deceased father Vatsaraja (line of Gayakarnadeva, and that the year 926, in
14), granted the village of Ahadapada, situated Archaol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 88.
Ancient Geography of India, p. 519. --The Chedi • Ib. Vol. IX. plate II.
rulers spoken of wore styled 'lords over Tri-kalinga': • Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 119.
their capital was Tri-puri; and according to Pandit Bhage
vanlal Indraji the Chedi era is identical with the era of . Journal American Or. soc., Vol. VI. p. 512.
the Traikatakas, name derived from Tri-kata. This • See ante, Vol. XV. p. 9, note 52.
may be mocidental, but it may as well be pointed out.

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226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1888.
in the Khandagaha pattala, to two Bråh- the son's son of Rajesvara, and engraved by mans, the Thakura Mahaditya and the Thakura the workers in iron Kuke and Kikaka.-In all Śllana, sons of the Thakura Chaturbhuja, son's this part of the inscription, from line 4 to 19, sons of the Thakura Gayadhara, and sons of there is nothing which calls for any particular the son's son of the Thakura Txudchana, of the remark. Kansika gôtra, and whose three pravaras were The town of Kakkarédika is the modern Audala, Visvamitra, and Devarata.
Kakréri, Long. 81° 17' E., Lat. 24° 56' N., 'a Lines 15-18 contain some of the customary large place on the table-land at the head of the benedictory and imprecatory verses; and lines principal Pass, the Mamani Ghât, leading to 18 and 19 state that the inscription was the west towards Bånda and Kalanjar and written, with the consent of the Thakura Rat. Mahoba." The village granted, and the pattala napala, by the Thakura Vidyadhara, son of in which it was situated, I am unable to idenMalhê, son's son of Dhârêśvara, and son of 'tify on the maps at my disposal.
TEXT. i Om0 vasti | Amodasi-cha pramôdas-cha sumukhô durmmukhas-tadА(tha)
avighnð vighna-karttá cha Hêlamvô(mbô) Gaņa2 nayakah Paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramêsva (sva)ra-sri-Vamadeva-pad
Anudhyâta-parama bhattaraka3 mahârâjâdhiraja-paramèsvara-paramamâhêsva(sva)ra-Trikalingadhipati-nija-bhuj-Ôpârjjit
aśvapati-gajapati-narapati-rajatra4 y-adhipati-órimaj-Jayasim hadeva-vijaya-rajyê !! Asasha-vish-artha-"samanvitâyân dêva
dvija-guru-tarpasva-nishêvitâyâm " Kakkaródika sbhidhanayam 5 nagaryyâ[m] Kaurava-(va*]nya''mša)-sambhůta upârjjako sbesha-râjagun-alamkrita
sarirah parama-mahếávarð mabê-vra (bra)hmanyô Snêka-dán-odaka-prakshålita-vá. 6 mộtara-kara-prakoshthah aneka-samgrâma-bhūmau kari-ghařů-kumbha-visravaņa..
pamchananaḥ samasta-kshatriya-garva-hridbhiḥ" | mahârâņaka-sri-Jayava7 rm[) nêma ksit 1 (11) Etasya putrô durvvära-vairi-våraņa-(samva]rttah | Karnna
iva kundala-kirita-dhari mah[&]ránaka-ári-Vatsarajoebhût (11) 8 Etasya putrô mahk-máhêsvarah" kalpavrikshavat dvij-arthi(rthi)nam vimchita-phala
pred=rjjuna iva chê pênrekshu(shu)-koţi-amutgårit"-åråti-ku9 18 maharanaka-triári).Kirttivarma" Kausi(si)ka-gotrasy-Audala-Visvamitra-Dêvara[ta)."
trih "pravarêbhyah" yajana-yajan-adhyayan-[&•]dhyâ10 pana-dana-pratigraha-shatkarma-ratêbhyah I thakura-sri-Trilochana-prapantrebhyaḥ
hakura-bri-Gayadhara-pantrêbhyahi thakura-sri-Chaturbhu11 ja-putrâbbyâm thakura-sri-Mahaditya-Silana-vra(bra)lmaņâbhyam Khardagaha
pattalayam Ahadapada-gråma[h] sva-si12 ma-paryantasava(cha)tar-âghâta-viśuddhal) sa-jala-sthalah s-amra-madhukah
sa-lavankkarah sa-gartt-Okha(sha)rah BB-nirga13 rma(ma)-pravesa(sa)h sa-gôprachâraḥ sa-nidhirni(ni)kshēpa kalyana-dhanah sa-karð
mata-pitrôr=atmanaś=ch=anamta(nta)-punya-yaśô-vivșiddhayê 14 Barvat 926 Bhadrapada-mase sukla-pakshe va(cha)turthyam titheu Guru.
dine ránaka-bri-Vatsarajasya nimitte pindarchana-sthâ[n]e sampra.
Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 146.
» Originally-farth. "Originally casamntedrit. . From the impression. To Expressed by a symbol.
10 On the top-margin we have the akahara na, in what - Metre, Sloka (Anushţubh).
appears to be more modern handwriting, with an 15 Visésh-drtha I take to be used in the sense of
intimation that it should be inserted here. Kirttitarmd vi tisht-artha.
is thereby changed to the Instrumental Kirttivarmand
which must be construed with sarvpradatta, in line 15 15 This appears to be mistake for gurwarya'excellent
but which does not agree with the preceding Nominetouchers.' Here and in other places below, which it is unneces.
tive Oases. sary to point out separately, the sign of punctuation is
This akshara appears to be tra, altered to ta. Comsuperfluous.
pare A svalayana-frautasutra, XII. 14, 2. 1. This akshara was intended to be nia.
Read triprao 16 Visravana appears to be used in the sense of vida. Here and in the following the Plural ending abhyah rana, 'a lion to tear open.
Read-hrit. 'is put wrongly for the Dual ending abhyam.

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रवाना भारसम्ममाटात मरवा में खनपात्रावावतारटलवाला
नवसापतमा परवमयामा गाविसाजरमस्वरगावामद उपादान आतपरमात्रकार मसापानापासूपरमवापसममा सासूतिकालाच पूतिनिनको पाहतावसतिगजपति नरपतिमानव चार पतियोमानसरुदेववित्रामा पालेवेरोलोशिसमन्विनाघोदेवहिए तत्वनिवतिताया कि नाडकाजिमानामा नाशकारवान पाकेको रोष पाउगुलालाची पथ्य पमनादेवगानिसावाल्योऽनेकदानोदक महालिमवा ।
INSTोहा या बातेंकसंगामा घिरा कतविश्वण पंचानन संमत्तकाविटागतेहादि महानायक शोजयव (5-1..या'शीनापरला पोहो नरिवार एसा कि बाल लकिरीटम पी।म पाल के दीवसमाजोन
पए बोममामा सपकल्पावर हिजोदी नीवासित फलपदानिरुतापने काटिसप सापितापातिक लामा पya-14 वीको सिकाउन्या दलविश्वामित्रदेवगावविपतपेशालय नया जनाधायानमा पन दान पूनियर कर्मियतेत्यावामीविलोचन पायापारवत्यो कालाप पौत्रे पाठकपत्याचरी, अपना पक्षश्यामादित्यसीला वा लला पारतरगतापत्रला टाञ्चसहा पाउ.पामारी ना पटो तश्वतया घाट पर 58सल स्वतःसा मुमक साले बलाकासगी रकवा सनिकी । पवे संसोलापहरनिगापिक-मालेगनासकामातापिठो पास नस्या नैताप, चयरातिको संबर मायनोसर कपटे नाव दिळेपाकत्यीय सपाश्वानिमितपि अर्चन वाले सपा दान- स्वनिाशिवंतिकलेस्मा लावा पावलापावा तसारले दान यावर दास मेदिनीवरती
का तस त पारिसमाया पनवर कि पाटो मात दापरला कामगा समारानि लोपाम। लकलो वयापर्ने दना वायो पेलवर जासविका निवापिति सि समातिापाठाना शहा चलनवमेश वागतीकोर राने मिशनी ना कानात प्रोपाला पालापालन एवर पनि मालेपले कासापाला बना वयात लासकार ठूल्म की केवानाम, काजमितिसंवत
Rewah Plate of the Maharanaka Kirttivarman.-The Year 926.
|
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
SCALE •60.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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Page #245

AUGUST, 1888.)
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
227
A
15 dattah (11] Om svasti || Yê bhavamti kal&=smakaṁ surâ virag=cha samgaré
tê pâlayamta mê dânam yâvat chandr-arkka-mi dini il Va(ba)hubhiḥ". 16 rubhukta Vasudhârâjabhiḥ Sagar-adibhil.[i*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya
tasya tada phalam | Kuso-pagraha-hastâbhyam (ch'tetan) Rama17 Lakshmaņau[11]Sa-datt[a] mi vå" para-dattam và yê haret(ta) vasundharam [1]sa
vishthayam krimim(mir=)bhůtvå pistři]"bhiḥ saha majjati | Tadaganam saha18 srêņa asvamê[dha*]-satena cha g avå køți-pradânêna bhůmi-hartt na
su(su)dhyati | Tha" śri-Rajêsva (sva )ra-prapautriņa! haDhärêsvara-pautrêņa 19 tha Malhe-putrêņa | tha Ratnapalasya samatya tha Vidyadharên=alêkhi
Lôhakara-K0k8-KikakAbhyamentkirņņitam=iti [11] Sarvat 926 [11] B.-Copper-Plate Grant of the or dvau sutau ;" and in line 14, matripitron Maharanaka Salakhanavarmadeva. for the very common mátápitroh.-In respect The (Vikrama) year 1253.
of orthography, I may note that ba is written This inscription, again, is on a single plate, by the sign for va, except in babhúva," line 5, measuring about 15%' by 9, and inscribed on and that the palatal and dental sibilants are one side only. The plate is quite smooth; the often confounded, even in ordinary and welledges of it being not fashioned thicker, nor known words. Thus, we have -sarman, for turned up, nor protected in any way. As the -sarman, several times in lines 10-12, yas and result, the preservation of the inscription is sásanatve in line 14, vasagaih in line 15; and only fairly good'; for, the surface of the plate on the other hand, we have frikshmá, for is a good deal worn, especially in the proper súkshmd, in line 2, suta in line 6, suvarnnam in left half, down to about line 14, and, in the line 19; and the same wrong use of sa for sa has right half, from about line 8 to 14, so that caused the employment, in line 6, of Srimachsome aksharas here are only faintly visible, and Chhalakshana- for órimat-Salakshana-. Caree few others are altogether illegible. At the lessness on the part of the writer or engraver same time, all that is historically important, is is responsible also for the wrong verse in clear and distinct; and, so far as the actual honour of Bharati in lines 1 and 2, for the decipherment is concerned, not in the least mutilated verse in line 16, and for the occadoubtful.-In the upper part of the plate, there
sional employment of the dental for the lingual is a ring hole; but the ring, with any seal nasal, of va for cha, of na for ra, and for other that may have been attached to it, is not now mistakes which will be pointed out in the text. forthcoming.--The weight of the plate is 1921 Opening with the words ", may it be tolas.-The average size of the letters is well!" and two verses in honour of the god about 4" The characters are Devanagari of Brahman and of Bhârati, of which the first about the 12th century A.D., and very similar occurs also at the beginning of the inscriptions to those of the grant A.-The language is C and D, our inscription refers itself, in lines Sanskrit, employed by a person of little 2-4, to "the auspicious reign of victory of knowledge, and therefore disfigured by serious the paramabhattáraka mahárájádhiraja paramégrammatical blunders. Thus we find, in lines svara, the devout worshipper of Maheśvara 7 and 8, the construction sô-ham.... sama- (Siva), the illustrious Vijayadeva, the lord Fápayati vôdhayati cha 'I... command and over Trikalinga, who by his own arm had inform'; in line 9 and elsewhere, a number of acquired the title of) lord over the three crude forms used instead of Nominative cases; Rajas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of in line 15, the construction yatupradattasi ... elephants, and the lord of men,--and who palaniyd rakshaniyds-cha; in line 6, the com- meditated on the feet of the paramabhaftáraku pound futa-dvart two sons' for suta-dvayam mahárájádhiraja paramésvara, the devout wor
* Metre, Bloks (Anushtabh), here and in the following * Originally tri.
i.e. Thakuro. уетвев.
30 Originally bhyatim. * This sign for vinirga is superfluous.
3. See ante, page 8, note 3. - This appears to be the beginning of verse which In this particular word, the proper sign for la han I have not met with elsewhere. I am somewhat doubtful | been preserved also in other inscriptions, in which ha in about the words put in brackets.
otherwise denoted by the sign for va. See Hultzach, in * This vd is put in by mistake.
Zeitschrift D. M. Gesellschaft, Vol. XL. p. 50.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[AUGUST, 1888.
shipper of Mahêśvara (Siva), the illustrious déve (or Salakhanavarmadêva, as the name Vamadeva.” And the inscription is dated, is written afterwards), of whom the former in line 13, "the year of years 1253 (expressed succeeded his father, while he himself was in decimal figures only), on the serenth tithi succeeded by Salakshanavarmadêva. or lunar day, in the dark half in the month In lines 7-14 the chief SalakbaņavarmaMârgasira, on Sukra-dina or Friday."
déva, who had attained the five mahasabda, With the exception that Vámadêra is styled and who evidently owed allegiance to the Chêdi here the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara ruler Vijayadêva, informs the people and the (Siva),' which is sufficient to prove that Vâma- officials concerned, that on the date mentioned dêva cannot be Śiva himself, the epithets above he gave the village of Chhiqauda, in here applied to Vijayadeva are the same as the Kayisavapalina pattala, to certain Brâhthose applied to Jayasimhadeva in the in- maņs, son's sons of the son (or sons) of the scription A. And as the date of the inscription Thakura Madhava, of the Kausilla gótra, and must clearly be referred to the Vikrama era, whose three pravaras were Kausilla, Visvathere can be no doubt that the Vijayadeva here mitra, and Devarata (P). The village thus spoken of is the son of Jayasim hadeva of the granted was divided into five padas" or shares, inscription A., Vijayasimha, the Chedi ruler of which two were given to Ramašarman, of Tripuri, of whom we possess the Kumbhi Gathéśarman, and Damaraśarman, sons ef-(?), copper-plate inscription of the Chêdi] year while one share went to śarman (P), the son 932 = A.D. 1180-81.
of Chithu, one to Paitéśarman, the son of As regards the date, the 7th of the dark half Pithana, and one to Haridattaśarman, the son of Margaśiras, of the Vikrama year 1253 cur. of Sridhara. rent, by the northern reckoning, corresponds Lines 14-19 contain the usual admonition to to October 27, A.D., 1195, which was a Fri. give to the grantees whatever might be due day, as required. On that day, the seventh to them, and to protect them in the possession tithi of the dark half ended about 7h 35m of their property, and some of the customary after mean sunrise.
benedictory and imprecatory verses. And the From lines 4-6 of the inscription we learn concluding line 20 appears to say that the that at the capital of Kakaredi there was inscription was engraved by Kuke and his once a personage named DhAhilla," who was son, and to contain some statement, which an object of respect for all princes. After I do not understand, concerning the quanhim came Vajaka, Danduka, Khojaka, and tity of grain necessary for Bowing the fields Jayavarman, whose exact relationship to granted. Dhâhilla or to one another cannot be deter- There in nothing in lines 4-20, which calls mined from the present inscription. Jayavar- for any further remarks. I have only to add man's son was Vatsaraja; and that chief had that I am unable to identify the village and two sons, head-jewels of Samantas or feudatory the pattalu, mentioned in the inscription, on chiefs, Kirtivarman and Salakshanavarme- my maps.
TEXT.
1 [Om P] svasti 1 [Nirggu]ņam” vyâpakam n[i]tya[m] siva[1] parama-karana[rn]
bhava-grâhyam pana(ra)m (jy]ôtis-tasm[ai] Bad-Vra(bra)hmane namah (11)
Suddht" hridaya-ksh[@]tr[a] vallim=i[va ?] dhya. 2 yanti yâ[] munayah | môksha-mahậphala-janani Bharati śd(e)kshmâ så jayati 11
Paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêśvara-paramama3 hêsvara-śrî-Vamadóva-pad-anudhyâta 1"-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja - paraméávara
paramamahêśvara-Trikalinga]dhipati-nija-bhuj-ôpârjjit-a
» See Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. page 146. ** Not ChAhila.
» For the word pada, in the sense of '& share,' see ante, Vol. XV. p. 39, verae 75.
From the impression. * Metre, floks (Anushtabh). » This verse looks like an Åryd, but its construction is very irregular.
» This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

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। तसर्धनमरतमा गाजावापानमा बाटामा
CJI
यो र 07 (TATAR
१
लीमिर 2. - Ritesh ती नासाया ना 51ELIERSITECTION
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मारवासना ... - साहसमरन यापनसमविना पालकानविकमा यासलत्ताधारक पास शाम
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मानव तत्तापासतिश सालस्वा लावावमा व संजना सिपाका गावासात स्थाखिति । 10 पयवा सेशि लगानी पशिला परदामिदनाक यातासातवंप्रग
मा लेयाम घाना MPHET CTEगयामबादासनसनी गावागायनपा एमावत
प्राजिललाना जापी बनवा धपतेसमी गायपरमाबव पुरोम या मारामले ताललाय ।। AVITमा प्रदान सवत नागासवन ।। मार्गसिरमा सकतम मानिमार यावरसास्वानमा वाशिवत। 4. प्रवासामनरतपुययसविरोएनपी पित्याला मोवसासन देवर मात्र यातूयस मे!
ताप्रातवाय अनामनाममा जावसंगार मन्त्राटिसिविपालगाया लापारवानान वानवाजपयरनोवा नवानेतानतीविनःपावित पतन्योत याच्यादितना सामान्यायमसन (एकालकालवालनापाशवंतासन
पालवनवानला तमिदानपवितपालमा पदमावतर्वपदातुन मालिःसूत्रामा निसायरा । योग मिस्सस्यास्पदरापरला. या निराशनियामिपतिात्तीतो पुन्य कारणोनियरोमगंगा ने सिर को तस्त्रावायाहनेहसंयनामविका या हानि वापितिशमहानिरगाठीशतलले कानमा
कमा मोतिभावासलवादिनाने या कूलरवा प्रवती तलवजार
Rewah Plate of the Maharanaka Salakhanavarmadeva.-The Year 1253.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
SCALE •60.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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Page #249

AUGUST, 1888.]
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS
229
4 sva[pa]ti gajapati-narapati-rajatray-adhipati-śrîmad-Vijayadēva-kalyana-vijaya-rajyê (ll
Ka[ka]redya[m] ra[jadbângâm Dhahi[110 nâm={]bhavat! Sa cha ma5 [nyô]-bhavat=sarvva-narsvaranam [1] Tasmad-Vajuko Damdokas-ch=pi kra
matah P] Khôjako Jayavarmma cha babhůva tad-a[nantarah]"0"] [Atha
Jayavarmmadévasy=&pa ?]tyam Vatsaraja-[su)6 tô=bhava(tu) så manta-sirôratnotné) yêna jätau su(su)ta-dvau | Kirttivarmma
sutê jyêshthah prapta-pitripadam" sva tah] 1 srimach-Chha*[laksha]pavarmma
[de]vo-pi kramad=ra7 iyam-avapa yah 1(1) Soham samasta-prakrisht]-ôpêta-samadhigata-pamchamahisavd(bd) -
alam kåra-virâjamâna-sri-Salakhanavarmmadovo vijayi" Kuyisavapalisa8 pattalâya Chhiqau[DA)-grâma-nivåsinaḥ samasta-praja-lokận=any&rs=cha yathasthån
adhishthitân samajñâpayati" vô(bő)dhayati cha | Viditam-astu [bha]vastâmo]
gra
9 mô=yam=asmábhiś=chaturâghatavisuddha-sajalasthala-samramadhûka-sagarttöshara-nidhi
nikshep-Åkâśôtpatti-su (sva)simaparyanta-savanatriņamrigapakshikhani10 gôcharaparyantah 11 Kausilla"-gôtrêya Kausilla-Viśvamitra-Devarajasta ?)-tri-pravaraya
tha " Madhava-prapautraya" Mahl ---ņa)-putraya (Rama]sa (sa)rmmanê
vrâ(brå)hmaņâya 1 ta11 thâ GA[thê]sa(sa)rmmane vrâ(brâ)hmaņayal tatha Dâmarasa(sa)rmmaņê vrâ(brá).
hmaņåga! êteshâm pada 2[1*] tha Madhava-prapautrậya (Ch]i[th]u-putraya
[- --]sa (sa)rmmaņē vrâ(bra)hmaņâya 1 pada 1[*] ha! 12 Mâdhava-prapautrảya Pathana-putrâya Paitêsa(sa)rmmaņê vrâ(brâ)hmanya pada 1[1]
thal Madhava-prapautr[@]ya Sridhara-putrâya Haridattasa(sa)rmmane vra(bra).
hmaņaya pa. 13 da 1 [i*] êvaṁ grâmasya pada 5 [*] samvatsaranam sa[m]vata(t) 1253
Marggasira-måse krishna-pakshe saptamyam tithau Sukra-dino Kaka
radyam sthânê snâtva Sivam pra14 půjya mâtri(ta)pitrôr=ậtmanasucha punya(nya)-yasô(68)-vivriddhayê et[@]bhyô vra(br).
hmaņai(ne)bhyô grâmô=yam så (sa)sanatvės pradattal ! Matv=ai[va]m=aj[]a
vidhêyibhûya sarvvam=ê15 tbhyah prada tavyam yat-prada[ttam] maya mam=ijñkvasn(sa)gaih sâmant
adibhir api pâlaniya(yam) rakshaņiyas(yam)-ch-êti (11) Bhavanti cbratra
punya-ślôkah 16 Sarvvin" A[n] bhậvinah pârtbivlindrà[n] bhayo bhûyê yachita® RAI sâmâny[6]=
yam dharmmah sa tu nipâņam kalê kal) pålaniyah" (11) Samkham
bhadr-asanam 17 ch ha[t]tram var-åśva vara-våraņāḥ bhůmi-dânasya vi(chi)hnâni phalam=[@]tat=
Puramdara | Va(ba)hubhir-yvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhihi yasya 18 yasya yada bhûmis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Bhůmim ya! pratigrihna(hņa)ti
yas-cha bhůmin praya[ch]chhati u bhau tau punya(nya)-karmmaņau niyatau svargga-gå
• After this there is a sign of punctuation which has been struck out.
1 This passage and others below road as if they were the concluding words of Anushţubh versos. * Perhaps altered to padah.
ne. Salak shona, wrongly for Salakshana, Salakhasia. * Here and in other places below, which it is unneces. sary to point out separately, the sign of punctuation is superfluous.
- Here the third person has been wrongly used instead of the first.
Here and below the sign of visarga appears to have been omitted through carelessness.
"Kaulilla is a derivative from Kaulika. *5 i.e. thakura.
* I may draw attention to the fact that the names of the grandfathers of the grantees are not given.
30 Here and in the grants Cand D the Locativo cane fosanat is used instead of the more cominon Instru. mental sus natrena. 51 Originally tta.
Metre, Salini. * Read yachate Ramabhadrah. * Read pslankyo bharadhhik.
- Metre, $16ka (Anushţubh), here and in the followtog verses.

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230
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1888.
19 minau 11 Sva-dattam para-dattâm và yê hared(ta)-vasundharam sa vishthâyám
krimir=bhatva pitribhih saha majjati | GÂm=ék[4*]ỉ su(su)varnnam-êkam
bhůmêr=apy-êkam=angulam [1] 20 haran-narakam=åpnôti mi(ya)vad-ihûtasamplava 1 Vi"nani sri-Kûků tatha putra[ho]
Vîje kshetra chåmdi 2 [11] C. - Copper-Plate Grant of the line 11, -sauryah, line 13, disi, lines 29 and Maharanaka Kumarapaladeva." 30, sasanatvé and varisajah, line 36, and The (Vikrama) year 1297.
Dásarathi, line 39; and the palatal for the This inscription is on two plates, of which dental sibilant in-prasúráh, line 2. The word the first is inscribed on one side only, and the Shanmukha is spelt Sanmukha, in line 24. second on both sides. The first plate measures The dental " is used instead of an usvara about 12} by 9}"; and the edges of it are bent in -pánsavah, line 4, and in vansajdh (for up all round into a rim which is from $' to " vamisajah) in line 36. For mra we have vura high, so that the second plate, which measures in sunwra, line 31, tárinurakam, line 46, and about 121 by 91" can lie within the protection túnirani, line 48. Other mistakes, such as of this rim. The inscription is well preserved; the occasional use of khya for ksha, of ta and almost every letter is perfectly clear for pa and for ra, and of pa for va, etc., will in the impression. There is no ring-hole be pointed out in the text. in either of the plates; and no emblem engraved The inscription opens with the words “ Om, on the plates.-The weight of the two plates Ôm, success!" which are followed by three is 182} tolas.-The average size of the letters verses in honour of Brahman, Purushottama on the first plate and in the upper lines of the (Vishņu), and Tryambaka (Siva), of which first side of the second plate is between it and the last is taken from the introduction to
". Lower down the letters gradually become Baņa's Kadambari. After this, the inscription, somewhat larger, and the spaces between the in lines 4-7, refers itself to the auspicious reign lines wider, so that the first side of the second of victory of the illustrious Trailokyavarmaplate holds six lines less than the first plate.- déva, to whom the same epithets are applied, The characters are Dêvanîgari, written by an which in the inscription B. are applied to the expert writer. Excepting perhaps the palataland prince Vijayadêva, including the statement dental sibilants, the letters are very distinct and that he meditated on the feet of the parama. hardly to be confounded one with another. The bhattáraka mahúrájádhirója paraméávara, the language is Sanskțit, and on the whole correct. devout worshipper of Mahêśvara, the illustrious In line 31 we have the unusual word chatváraka, Vamadeva. And the inscription is dated, in at the end of a compound, apparently used in line 35, on Karttiki, i.e. the full-moon day of the the sense of chatushtaya 'a collection of four'; month Karttika, in the year 1297, expressed in lines 31 and 32 the crude forms sajalasthala both in words and in figures, and corresponetc., instead of the customary Nominative cases ding, as a year of the Vikrama era, to sajalasthalah etc.; in line 35 the Dat. Plur. A.D. 1239. -harmmanébhyah, for-sarmmabhyah; in line 36 Sir A. Cunningham has already suggested the wrong compound matripitrón, for the that the Trailokyavarman, here mentioned, regular mátápitrôh; and in lines 50-55 the probably is the Chandella prince of that name, Prakrit term visul.- As regards orthography, of whom we possess an inscription at Ajayba is denoted by the sign for va everywhere garh, dated in [Vikrama-] Samvat 1269 = except in babhúva, lines 13, 18 and 21, and in A.D. 1211, and that the lands of the Maha brahman@bhyah, line 33; the dental sibilant is ránakas of Kakarédi, between Vikramaused instead of the palatal sibilant in méhésara samvat 1253, the date of the inscription B, (for máhêsvara, máhésucra), line 5, sugrúshá, and 1297, must therefore have passed from the
46 This akshara may have been changed to vn.-I do not know the meaning of rinani or va wini: Kuke evi. dently is the name of the engraver. See the concluding lines of the grants A and D.
" I do not know the meaning of this last sentence, which may have reference to the quantity of seed krain
necessary for the fields grant:d.
06 On the plato, in which toe name occurs only once. in line 29, it is writton Kumaru pólidera; see note 80 below. * Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 147. i b. Vol. XXI. plate xii. D.
to the quantity last centence,
Are

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AUGUST, 1888.] FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
231
Chedi princes into the possession of the Chan. Sômivijhû, and Savantaśarman, sons of the della rulers. Were it not that, unfortunately, Ránta Anavapâla, son's sons of the Thakkura most of the photolithographs of inscriptions in Lahada, and son's sons of the son of the ThakVol. XXI. of the Archaol. Survey of India kura Solha, Brahmaps who followed the Yajurare somewhat too trying to ordinary eyes, it vêda, who were of the Maundilya gótra, and might be possible to obtain from them some whose three pravaras were Mauņdilya, Angirasa, definite information regarding the history of and Barhaspatya. The village was bounded on the later Chandellas and their relation to the the north by Haladuâ, on the east by the Chedi rulers, for the name of Trailokyavar- pippala (or pipyala) of Pavapapalaka, on the man occurs in the inscriptions E., G., and J. south by NandAjhari and madhika trees, and from Ajaygarho, and other inscriptions make on the west by Vadaspamagalika(?); "in the mention of Chedi and of its capital Tripuri. middle of the village (there were)-- ), and As it is, I can, for the present, only say that mango trees, a pond and madh dka trees; also Sir A. Cunningham is very probably right, in the village four lotus-pools." There are and draw attention to the singular fact that several expressions in lines 30 and 31, conthe titles of the Chêdi princes, including the cerning the boundaries of the village and the reference to Vámadêva, have here been simply objects given together with it, which I do not transferred to a Chandella prince.
understand ; and I am unable to identify any The contents of lines 7-28 of our inscription of the places mentioned. may be given in a very few words. In the Lines 36-44 contain the usual admonition to town of Kakaródika (line 10), so we are told, protect the grantees in the possession of their there was once a Maháránaka, named DhAhilla property, and seven benedictory and impre(line 12), born in the Kaurava vassa. His catory verses. And lines 44-49 add that this son was the ruler Durjaya (line 13); his son, támraka or copper-plate grant was drawn up the Maharánaka Shojavarmadova (line 15); (akárt) by the Kdyastha Muktasimha," by his son, the Maharanaka Jayavarman (line 17); whom the reign of the child-prince was made his son, the Maháránaka Vatsaraja (line 18); a prosperous one and his fame spotless"; and his son, the Maháránaka Salashanavärmadeva that it was written by Mâlâdhara, the son of (line 21); his son, the Maháránaka Harird- Sripati, grandson of Mahîpati, and great jadeva (line 25); and his son, the Maharánaka grandson of Somalla ; engraved by the artisan Kumarapaladeva (line 28). The town of Ajayasimha and by Pratápasimha; and acquired Kakarédiká and all these chiefs, devout by the Rauta Savanta. worshippers of Siva, have each å string of high- The second side of the second plate, lines sounding epithets applied to them, which do not 50-55, contains the name of the six donees, the furnish any information whatever.
Rautas SÂvanta, Sárgêka, Sühadaka, MahaiIn line 28-36 the chief Kumarapaladova, taka, Ramasihaka, and Vijhuka, as they are who, it may be assumed, owed allegiance to called here, each followed by the word visua Trailôkyavarman, informs the people concerned and certain figures, apparently intended to that, on the above-mentioned date, he gave the indicate the extent of the proprietary right village of Rohi, in the Vadhara pattalú, to the of each donee in the estate granted to Ráutas Sang, Sahada, Mahaita, Ramasiba, them."
TEXT.
First plate. 1 Ôn ôm siddhih || Nirggunan vyapakan santan • Kivan parama-karan an
bhava-grihyam para jyotisetasmai sad-Vra(bra)hmane namal 11 nib. plates xiii. xiv. and xv.
01 According to the definition of the term biswa, given and that 12 of these minor portions were equal to or in Sir H. M. Elliot's Supplementary Closeary, Vol. II. P: of the estate granted. 26, the total of those figures should amount to 20, and 10 this is actually the case in the grant D below. In the 6From the impression. present grant, the total of the first figures following
- Expressed by a symbol. upon the word visui is only 18; and I conclude therefore
es Metre, Sloka [Anushubh). that the second figuro 2, indicates a subdivision of ol Instead of sántar, the grants B and Dhave nityoris.

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232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
AUGUST, 1888
2 Dhyano-aikatan[a]-manasố vigata-prasa (sârâh paśyanti yam kim=api nirmalam
advitiyan jñin-âtmanê vighatit-akhi3 la-va(ba)ndhaniya tasmai namo bhagavatê Purushottamâya 11 Jayanti Vaba)
nåsura-mauli-lálitâh kach-asya-chûdâma4 pi-chakra-chumvi(mbi)nah sur-âsur-âdhisa-sikhânta-sấyinô bhava-chchhidas
Tryamva(mba)ka-pada-pânsalmsa)vaḥ | Svasti[11] Paramabha5 ttáraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramèśvara - paramamahêsa (sva)ra-srîmad - Vamadeva - pâd - anu
dhyâta" 1"-paramabhattâraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêśvara-va(pa). 6 ramamahêśvara-Trikalingadhipati-nija-bhuj-Ôpárjjit-aśvapati-gajapati - narapati - râjatray
adhipati-srimat-Trailokyavarmmaddva-kalya7 ņa-vijaya"-sâjyê 1011) Asty=anêka-guna-grâma-dhama-ta[ru]ņa-ramaņa-vibhra(ma-bhra)
mana-janita-śram-Ôpaśram-asram"-âsamabhiram-[&]rama-rama8 niya vivu(bodha dig-vidita-vividha-dhanikajana-dhavalita-bhavana-tulita-gaganaman
dalâ vâpi-kupa-tadâg-ôttumgadêvatậyatang-prap-a9 lokan-aśvasits-pântha-sârtha-viśrama-bhůmiḥ ghanavana-giri-gahvar-ôdara-dari-sarala
tarala-tâla-tamala-samkulik[i]ta-si10 mântâi vividha-vêda-dhvani.dhvasta-samasta-kalmashå| Kakaratika nama nagari (11)
Etasyam nagaryyam Kaurave-vam[sa]-samadbhûtô aśêsha-guna11 gan-alamkrita-sartrô dêva-dvija-guru-gu(su)śr[a]sh-anuraktaḥlativa saktah Párvva
tipati-pâdaparikaj-Arâdhan-aikaсhittaḥ paramamah12 svara-mahårânaka-bri-Dhahilla-nam-Abhavat (11) Tasya putró vividha-vidyâ-vinoda
rasikah 1 kaminijana-manasa-rajahamsah 13 I vidita-juga[təklirttiḥ dalit-ârâti-varggaḥ prakațita-samgrâma-sau (sau)ryah
Durjayo nama vå(ra)jyapáló" babhůva (11) Asy=&tmajô dôrdanda14 chamdim-årijita-bhupa-bhůmi-vibhůty-a[dbhu]ta-[vi]jñana-vilásô durddhara-ripu-pa(va)na
dahana-davanalo lalita-yuvatijan-ånamda-mandiraḥ praudha15 turag-âva(pa)gå-va[lg? Javagâhana vidaṁvi(mbi) ta-Rêvaṁtah 1*mahara[na]ka-śrî-Shoja
varmmadovo dina[kri]d-iv-ábhavat 11 Étad-Atmajd nija-vi. 16 kram-akranta-bhûmandalah ta(mu)gdha-ramaņi-vadan-âravimda-makaramda-[madhu
karahi din-Anâtba-manôrath-ôddharaņa-dhurandharah I sada Siva pid-i nuraktah mahârânaka-śrt-Jayavarmma-nâmwasita(t) 11 Asya sunuh sakala-kala
kva(ka)lita-tatvah" pratidalita-dript-ari-va18 rggah pratidina-diyamâna-dana-gita-kirttiḥ! Pår[vva]tiramaņa-charaṇaravimda-shat
padaḥ | maharánaka-sri-Vatsarajo [ba]19 bhůva 11 État-putraḥ samabhavat=sajjan-ânamda-kári | vidvajjan-Ôpanîta-nitiśåstr
achâra-chârii saundarya-darp-oddhata-Kamda. 20 rpa-darp-åpabaril karatal-Akalit-adhijy-òddamda-kodanda-chandim-ikhandit-arati-sam
ghah! kaya-vak-chittaradhita21 Satkara-charana-yugal-Avanamrikrit-êttamamgah 11 mahârâ naka-sri-Salashanavarmma
devo babhůva (11) Etasmaj-jatah sa22 kala-jana-nayan-ânaṁda-kârî dikchakr-akraman-Ôpantta-tîrth-arthi-pathika-s[á]rtha."
viśrama-samsil pamdita-vrimda-såna[m]da-pra
- Metre, Vasantatilaka.
* Read 'Sesha. 44 Metre, Vamsastha.-The verse is taken from ** The grant D also has vdjyapals. Bana's Kadambari, Bu. Ed., Page 1, v. 2. In the second 16 In the grant D the epithet praudha-turag.deaghaPida, the proper reading is Dasdeya, i.e. Ravana, not na-vidashvi(mbi)ta-Révantal is applied to the chief Kirkuchasya, nor, ad the grant D. has it, kavdaya.
tivarman. *Originally odhyat...
10 This is the reading also of the grant D: but as that 10 Hore and in other places below, which it is unneces- grant, below, in reference to another chief, has the sary to point out separately, the sign of punctuation is epithet akala kald-kakita. Kalvarah, the right Nonding superfluous.
" Originally vijayi. here may be sakala-kala-kalita-lanuh (not-tattual). The grant D omits this dfram.; and I believe that." This word might be read sarvva; but the grant D sram-Opasam-daamdbhiram-drama is the right reading. bas aartha.

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AUGUST, 1888.)
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
233
23 kațita-guna-grâma-yogya-dêya-dây sat-pâtr-Ôpanita-nîtisútra-vyavahara-karnnadharaḥ
vidagdha-vanita-parimalita24 vividha-surata-vyAparahi karpura-dhûli-dhavalita-pugaphala-(pha 11(?)li]-"satat-&půrita
vadana-vistårah samgrâm-angana-sambhri(hri P)ta-Sanmu25 kha-darp-ôddhata-vairi-varggah maháránaka-bri-Harirajadovo Harir-iv-asit 1 Etad
âtmajah sakala-sastra-sastra-gita-pari26 jõîta-tat[t]vah Parvvataputrikå-priya-charaṇakamala-samaradhana-tatparaḥ gô-hiranyadhânya-ratna-bhůmi-dan-odaka
Second plate; first side.. 27 prakhyâ(ksha)lita-vâmêtara-kara-prakósbthaḥ dôrddanda-chandima(ma)-vikhandita-ripa
mumda-maṁdali-vimamdita-Chamdikk-charaṇa-yugalah! kâmini-ku28 cha-kalasa-kumkum-amkita-vakshahsthalah mahârânaka-śr[i]-Kumavapaladevo 80 vi.
jayi (11) Vadhara-pattalâyâm Rehi-gråma-nivâsina[h] samasta-pra29 ja 18kân=samajñápayati vô(bô)dhayati cha | Gråmô=ya[m] mayâ chatur-âghâţa-visuddha
uttarasyâm disi(si) Haladuâ sîmâ purvvasyam disi(li) Pasvâ]pa-3 30 palâkasya pippalam" simaldakshinasyam disi(si) Namdájhari madhûkas-cha
su(si)mâ paśchimâyâm disi(si) Vada[spa]mâ[ga]lika sîmâl madhya-grå31 mê damarasihậna[uga?] âmras-cha vâpi madhûkáś=cha tatha grâmê
pushkarini-chatvarakam sajalasthala-sâmyra(mra)-[ma]dhûka-sa-garttôshara-nidhi 32 sa-lavana-triņa-pakshi-mi(ni)kshồpadhana-gôcharaparyantah Maumdilya-"gôtrêbhyah 1
Maumdilya-Amgirasa-Vâ(bâ)rhaspatya-trih pravar[@]bhyah 33 | yâyu(ju)rvvedibhyaḥ vêda-vêdâmga-pâragêbhyê brâhmaņēbhyaḥl svahâ-svadha
dêvapůj-adi-shatkarmma-nishthêbhyahi thakkura-śri-Sélha-prapautrebhyah 34 thakkura-sri-Lahada-pantrêbhyah râuta-śrî-Aņa (va]pâla-putrebhyal | râuta-sri-Samge
Suhada Mahaita Ramasiha! Sômivi35 jhů 1 rauta-sri-Savantaśarmmaņêbhyas=cha saptanavaty-adhike dvadasa-sata
samvatsaré amke-pi 1297 K&rttiky&[m] snâtvå Siva36 sannidhau m âtřipitrôr$câtmanaś=cha p unya-yaśô-vivriddhayê sâ(sk)sanatvê
vra(pra)datta iti (11) Mado-vansa(mśa)jâh para-mahfpati-vamsa(sa)jê yê yê 37 ch=pi dharma-niratâ bhuvi bhâvi-bhủpâh té pâlayantu mama dharmam-idam
samasta têshûm virachitos mayâ=ñjalirusha mürddhni [11*] 38 Yatas" yânti mahibhujah kshitim-imâm bhủyô=pi yâsyanti tê nô yâtâ na cha
yâti yâsyati kada kên=api sârddham 39 dhark | Râmô Dâsa(sa)rathi Ragh-êttama-k[u]lé samyâchatê bhumipân matv
edam vasudh-Adhipaiḥ para-[kri]"tâ lôpya na sa[t-kt-] 40 rttayah 11 Vaba)habhir"=vvasudha bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ yasya yasya
yada bhůmis-tasya tasya tadâ phala 11 Karttuh" 41 svayam kârayitah parêņa chittê[na] tushtë[na] tath=ânumantuhí sâhâyya-karttus=cha
śubh-aśubhånio tulya phalam vêda-vido 42 vadanti il Bhumim" yah pratigrinhâ(hna)ti yas-cha bhâmim prayachchhati ubhau
tau punya-karma nau niyatau svargga-gaminau || Sva** The aksharas in these brackets appear to have been neut., 'the berry of that tree. In the present instance, atruck out.
To Read Shanmukha, i.e. Karttikėya. I pippala or pipyala is perhaps related to pipila, pipilaka 90 I believe the name of the chief to have been Kuma- pipilika, anant,' and may mean, therefore, 'an ant-hill. rapála or Kuinir pala, but the mistake in the most im
This word is, here and in the sequel, particularly portant name of the whole inscription appears extrgor. clear in the impression, and it is not Kaundinya. I can dinary, especially as the inscription otherwise contains not anywhere find a Maundilya gôtra. Maudgalya we comparatively few mistakes. Va is engraved for also
have, e.g., in the Asvaldyana-srautasutra xii, 12, 1. in vajyapaca, line 13.
5 Read tripra'.
* Read matapitror. 11 This word might be read Vavard; but D has • Metre, Vasantatilak. Read maya virachito. distinctly Vadhara.
* Metre, Sardalavikridita. 1 Here and in the following two lines there are several expressions which I am unable to explain. I have
* The akshara in brackets may be hri. enclosed in square brackets every akshara, about the
"1 Metre, Slöks (Anushtubh). "Metre, Indravajra. reading of which there can be any doubt.
* The grant D has fubh-dśubhanat. *Or pipyalah. According to the Dictionaries, • Metre, Sloka (Anushţubh); and of the next two pippala, as a masc., means the holy fig-tree,' and, as a verses.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1888.
43 dattam para-dattam và yê harêt(ta) vasu[indha]ram sa vishyâ(shthâ)yam
ksimir-bhůtvå pit;ibhiḥ saha majjati | Gâm=ékám svarnnam-êkam 44 mu(nu) bhûmêr=apy=êkam=amgalam haran-narakam=âyâti yâvad-khûtasamplavam ||
Rajyam" yêna sisôreakâri nripatêh praudham ya45 60 nirmalan yo v dharma-katha-ratêr anudinam visrama-bhůmih param(rå)
kayasthasya vibhůtayaḥ pratidinam yasy=Arthi. nê nirmitâ[8*?] tên=akári va(bu)dhêna tâmyra(mra)kam=idam fri
Muktasimhêna vai || Likhitam" Mâlâdharên=aitan(t)-tamvra-(mra)kam pu47 nya-parddhanam sukha-santâna-siddhyartham śubham Sripati-sununâ II Somalla
prapantrêņa pautrêņa Ma48 hîpatêh! putrêņa Sripatês-tâmvra(mra) likhitam Maladharêņa vai || Utkir nam
silpinâ A. 49 jayasimhêna Pratâpasimhên=api II Upârjjitá râuta-Sávantēna II
Second plate ; second side. 50 Rauta-Sâvantasy& visua[5] 1 2 51 Rauta-Sâmgêkasya visuâ 31 [2] 52 Rauta-Sühadakasya visuâ 3 1 2 53 Rauta-Mahaitakasya visnâ 312 54 Rauta-Ramasihakasya visuâ 3 2 55 Rauta-Vijhûkasya visu 1 2
D.-Copper-Plate Grant of the contains a rather large number of mistakes of Maharanaka Harirajadeva.
grammar and orthography. The (Vikrama) year 1298.
As the inscription, down to line 28, in the This inscription, again, is on two plates, of introductory verses and the epithets applied to which the first is inscribed on one side only the town Kakarêdika and to the several chiefs and the second on both sides. The arrangement mentioned, and also in the imprecatory verses, of the plates is the same as in the case of from line 36 to line 45, agrees very closely grant C. The first plate measures about 11 with the inscription C., it would be useless by 7"; and the edges of it are turned up all to publish its full text. The extracts which round into a rim about "high, within which will be given below, contain everything which lies the second plate, measuring about 111" by may be at all important. 71". In addition to this, thin strips of copper Beginning with the words “Om, success!" about " broad are fastened by rivets all and the same verses in honour of Brahman, round the edges on the front side of the second Purushottama, and Tryambaka, which occur plate. The inscription is well preserved ; and at the beginning of the inscription C., followed there are only a few letters the actual read by the word svasti, the inscription refers itself, ing of which is at all doubtful in the impres- in lines 4 and 5, to "the reign of victory of sion.-There is a ring-hole in the lower part the Mahárája, the illustrious Trailokyamalla, of the first plate ; and another in the upper endowed with the three kingly titles compart of the second. But the ring, with any mencing with paramabhattaraka" (i.e. paraseal that may have been attached to it, is not mabhaftáraka mahárdjádhiraja paramešvara)"; now forthcoming.-The weight of the two and the inscription is dated, in line 36, "in plates is 174tolas. --The average size of the the month Magha, the year 1298," expressed letters is about ". The characters are Déva- by decimal figures only, and corresponding, nîgarî; and the language is Sangkrit. Both as a year of the Vikrama era, to A.D. 1240-41. the writer and the engraver have done their As this date is only one year later than work carelessly, and the inscription therefore that of the inscription C., I follow Sir A.
Metre, ArdulavikrAdita. * Metro, $10ks (Anushtubb); and of the following verse. Both verses offend against the metre.
* See Mr. Fleet's note in Journal Bombay Branch Roy. 18. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 115; and Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. XI. plate IIxviii, inscription from the pillar at Belkhara.

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AUGUST, 1888.)
FOUR REWAH COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS.
235
Cunningham" in regarding the prince Trailo- pâladêva. If the document D be genuine and kyamalla to be the Chandella Trailokya- its date correctly given, it might possibly be varmadova of that inscription.
suggested that Harirâjadeva was alive in 1297In lines 5-18, our inscription furnishes the 1298, and had permitted his son, Kumarapalasame genealogical list of the Maharanakas of dêva to share in the management of his state, Kakar dika, from Dhahilla to Vatsaraja, or made over to him a portion of his dominions. which is contained in the inscription C. From But such a suggestion could hardly be reconlines 18-29 we learn that Vatsaraja had two sons, ciled with the statement in the grant C, the Maháránaka Kirtivarman, and the Mahár. according to which the reign of the childanaka Salashanavarmadêva; and that the latter prince (Kumârapaladêva) was made a prosper again had two sons, the Maháránaka [V]aha[da] ous one" by Muktasimha, and which appears varmadova, and the Maháránaka Harirajadeva. distinctly to intimate that Kumarapaladeva
In lines 29-36, the last of these chiefs, Hari- succeeded to the government of Kakarêdika, rajadáva, informs the people concerned that, while he was still a child. at the time mentioned, he gave the village of The inscriptions and D furnish the Agas@yi, in the Vadhara pattalá (mentioned following genealogical list of the Maharanakas also in the inscription C), to the Ráutas Sânge, of Kakarodi : Sahada, Mahâditya, and Samanta, sons of the
1. Dhahilla. Ráuta Anavê, and to Râmasimha, son of Kiritû, son's sons of the Thakkura Lahada, Brâhmans
2. Durjaya. of the Maundilya gôtra, and whose three pra
3. Shojavarman. varas were Maundilya, Angirasa, and Bårhaspatya. The estate granted is stated to com
4. Jayavarman. prise 20 visuá, of which 2 were given to Sange,
5. Vatsaraja. 4 to Sähada, 3 to Mahaditya, 8 to Samanta, and 3 to Råmasimha. With the exception of
6. Kirtivarman. 7. Salashanavarman. Vijhůka, who is omitted here, the donees are the persons mentioned as donees in the grant C. Lines 36-45 contain the same benedictory
8. [V]Aba[da]varman. 9. HarirAja.
[Vikrama S. 1298.] and imprecatory verses which are given in C, only differently arranged ; and lines 45-48 add
10. Kumarapala. that this támraka or copperplate grant was
[Vikrama S. 1297.1 written by the karanika, or writer of legal Of these, 4, 5, and 6 are mentioned also in documents, the Thakkura Udayasimha, son of the inscription A., with the date [Chêdi-] Tanapasimha, grandson of Kamalasimha, and Samvat 926 = A.D. 1175 for 6, Kirtivargreat grandson of Sômalla, born in the family man-And the inscription B. has the names of the Maháthakkura Dhâreśvara; and en- 1, and 4–7, (with the date (Vikrama-] Samvat graved (unmilitum) by the son of Kûkêm, the 1253 = A.D. 1195 for 7, Salashanavarman, or grandson of the worker in iron Gânge.
Salakhapavarman, or Salakshanavarman), while, The difficulty presented by this inscription in the place of 2 and 3, it has the three names is that it purposes to record a grant, made in VAjaka, Dandaka, and Khojaka. Of these, the (Vikrama) year 1298 by the chief Hari- I feel no hesitation in identifying Khôjûka râjadêva, while, from the preceding inscription, with 3, Shôjavarman, and I think it probable it would appear that Harirâjadêva already in that Vájúka and Danduka were two brothers, 1297 had been succeeded by his son Kumâra- of whom one was also named Durjaya.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT."
First plate. i min siddhih 1900 .. . .. . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . .
.......... 1 Svasi(sti) | ParamabhatArak-etyadi-rArchæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 148. 1 Brahman, Vishņu, and Siva, which are contained in the From the impronion.
grant c. 200 Here follow tbe same three verses in honour of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(August, 1888.
5 j[AR]vali-tray-Ôpêta-mâ(ma)hâra (sa(ja)]-sri-Trolakyamalla!l-vijaya-rajye | As[t*]y= ..
• Kakarédika nama nagari il E10 tasyam nagaryâr Kaurava-vamsa(sa)-samudbhûtô.. . 11 ............... maharanaka-śrî-Dhahilla-na12 m-abhavata(t) | Tasya putrô .... ..... ... .... ... . 13 .. - Durjjayo nêma vârâ)jyapáló babhůva 11 Nra(A)sy=&tmajó ... 14 ............. mahârânaka-sri-[Sholjavarmmadovaus bhavat 11 € 15 tad-atmajó ..... .... .. .. .... ...... ... . 16 . . . . mnharapaka-sri-Jayavarmma-nấm=isit | Asya Bunuh . . . . . . . 18 ... måhåránaka-sri-Vatsarajó babhůva It Etasya putrah ..... .. . .
Second plate; first side. 20 mahårânaka-sri-Kirttivarmma-nâm=abhavat Sal Asya bhrata .... ... . 23 .. mahârâņaka-sri-Salashanavarmmadevo babhůva Asya sunuh .. .. 24 ...... mahârâņaka-sri-[V]Aha[da]
lvarmmadevaḥ samjatah | MO(A)sya bhra25 tâ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ma. 29 hârânaka-bri-[Har]"Sirajadevo vijayî Vadhara 10 pattalâyâm Agas@yi-grâmima)
nivåsinah pra30 ja-18kân=anyårs=cha samajõâpayantifti) vô(bő)dhayantisti) chal Grâmô=yamm=105
asmabhis-chavu(tu)rágháta-visu(su)ddha[h*] sajala31 [sthala)-s[mvra(mra)]madhûka - sagarttôshapa(ra)-nidhimi(ni)kshềp-akà [6]ôtpatti-sa(kha)..
ni-m6(g)charaparyantah Mai(maumờilya-gÔ[tr]êbhyal 32 [M]aundilya-1 Angirasa- Vârahashatyatripravarebhyah thar Lahada-pautre
bhyah 1 rå 105 MO(A)ņa vê-putrêbhya[h*] 33 rå Sargé vi. rå Sahada vi [4] rå Mahaditya vi 3. rå Sâmanta vi 8
rå Kirita-putra-RA34 [map]simha vi 3 (sar]va vi 20
Second plate; second side. 35 [ebhy]6 vrâ(bra)bmaņēbhyð grâmô=yam sł (śA) sanatvề pradattêti" matva bhaga
bhoga-kara-pravapêkar"-adikan sarvvam data36 vyam-iti Sarvata(t) 1298"* Maghe masi snâ[t*]va Sivar prapůjya pradattamu
itti(ti) Bhavanti che tra punya-ślôkâh k** .... ..... ... 45.. ... . ......... Srimat-karanika-varéna 46 mahâțhakkura-sri-[Dhå]rêśvar-anvay-odbhavênna(na) thakkura-sri-Somalla-prapautr[@]ņa.
thakkura-sri-Kamalasinha (minha)47 pantrôņa thakkura-sri-Tanapa(?)simhasya patrêņa thakkura-bri-Udayasimhầna tâmrakam
idam-al[@khji i 48 Ayaskara-Gange-pautrôna Kükêm-putréņ=ônmilitam=iti 1
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
No. XXV.-(Concluded from p. 205.) Thus thinking, the eight thieves ranged the cot with the sleeper on it outside the town. themselves at the side of the four legs of the Their joy in thus having brought away their cot, and, without the slightest shaking, removed enemy was very great, and, not fearing for the 101 Read Traild kyamalla
100 .. visud.
110 Read pradatta iti. 105 The letters in brackets are doubtful.
in Read pravanikar-, and compare ante, Vol. XV. p. 103 I believe, the letters here put in brackets are quite 10, note 58. certain. The epithets applied to the chief are almost 11. The last figure appears to be undoubtedly 8, as it entirely the same as those applied to Harirajadêya in was read by Sir A. Cunningham; but the figure 8 is the grant o.
differently formed above, in line 38. 10. In the grant this word might be read Varará.. 113 Here follow the same benedictory and impreostory 108 Read yam..
900 Read Barharpatya. verses, which are found in the grant c, but differently 301 i... thakkura. 100 i.e. rduta.
arranged.

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FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
AUGUST, 1838.J
safe custody of their prisoner, they marched to their cave. Meanwhile Chandralekha was not idle on the cot. The way to the jungle was through a long and fine avenue of mango trees. It was the mango season, and all the branches were hanging with bunches of ripe and unripe fruit. To make up for her weight on the cot she kept plucking mango banches and heaping them on it, and as soon as a quantity which she thought would make up her weight was upon the cot, she without the slightest noise took hold of a branch and lifted herself up from off it. The thieves walked on as before, the weight on their heads not apparently diminishing, leaving our heroine safely seated on a mango branch to pass the few remaining ghafikás of that anxious night there. The thieves reached their cave just at daybreak, and when they placed their burden down their eyes met only bunches of ripe mangoes, and not the lady they looked for. "Is she a woman of flesh and blood or is she a devil ?" asked the chief of the next in rank.
"My lord! She is a woman fast enough, and if we search in the wood we shall find her," replied he, and at once all the eight robbers after a light breakfast began to search for her.
Meanwhile the morning dawned upon Chandralekha and let her see that she was in the midst of a thick jungle. She feared to escape in the daytime as the way was long, and she was sure that the robbers would soon be after her. So she resolved to conceal herself in some deep ambush and wait for the night. Before she left the cot for the mango branch she had secured in her hip the small knife she had made for herself out of the robbers' rod and the purse containing the materials for chewing betel; and near the tree into which she had climbed she saw a deep hollow surrounded by impenetrable reeds on all sides. So she slowly let herself down from the tree into this hollow, and anxiously waited there for the night.
All this time the eight thieves were searching for her in different places, and one of them came to the spot where Chandralekha had sat in the tree, and the dense bushes near made him suspect that she was hidden there; so he proceeded to examine the place by climbing up the tree, When Chandralekha saw the thief on the tree she gave up all hopes of life. But suddenly a bright
237
thought came into her mind, just as the man up above saw her. Putting on a most cheerful countenance she slowly spoke to him: "My dear husband, for I must term you so from this moment, since God has elevated you now to that position, do not raise an alarm. Come down here gently, that we may be happy in each other's company. You are my husband and I am your wife from this moment."
So spoke the clever Chandralekha, and the head of the thief began to turn with joy when he heard so sweet a speech, and, forgetting all of her previous conduct to himself and his brethren, he leapt into the hollow. She welcomed him with a smiling face, in which the eager heart of the robber read sincere affection, and gave him some betel-nut to chew and chewed some herself merrily. Now redness of the tongue after chewing betel is always an indication of the mutual affection of a husband and wife among the illiterate of Hindû society. So while the betel-leaf was being chewed she put out her tongue to show the thief how red it was, letting him see thereby how deeply she loved him: and he, to show in return how deeply he loved her, put out his tongue too. And she, as if examining it closely, clutched it in her left hand, while with her right hand in the twinkling of an eye out off the tongue and nose of the robber, and taking advantage of the confusion that came over him she cut his throat and left him dead.
By this time evening was fast approaching, and the other seven robbers, after fruitless search,/returned to their cave, feeling sure that the eighth man must have discovered Chandralekha. They waited and waited the whole night, but no one returned, for how could a man who had been killed come back?
Our heroine, meanwhile, as soon as evening set in, started homewards, being emboldened by the occasion and the circumstances in which she was placed. She reached home safely at midnight and related all her adventures to her mother. Overcome by exhaustion she slept the rest of the night, and as soon as morning dawned began to strengthen the walls of her bedroom by iron plates. To her most useful pocket-knife she now added a bagful of powdered chillies, and went to bed, not to sleep, but to watch for the robbers. Just as she expected, a small hole was bored in the east wall of her

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
AUGUST, 1888.
bedroom, and one of the seven robbers thrust wedding which is to take place there the day in his head. As soon as she saw the hole our after to-morrow. If you come there they heroine stood by the side of it with the powder will reward you with a karór of mohars for and knife, and with the latter she cut off the every nimisha (minute) of your performance." nose of the man who peeped in and thrust Thus spoke the servant, and Chandralekha, the powder into the wound. Unable to bear the knowing that the mission was from the thieves, burning pain he dragged himself back, uttering agreed to perform nách, and, asking the man "na, na, na, na," having now no nose to pro- to come and take her and her party the next nounce properly with. A second thief, abusing morning to the forest, sent him away. the former for having lost his nose so carelessly, In order to lose no time she went at once to went in, and the bold lady inside dealt in the the prince and told him all about the nách. same way with his nose, and he too, dragged Said she, "I know very well that this is a himself back in the same way, calling out "na, scheme of the thieves to kill me, but before they na, na, na." A third thief abused the second in can do that we must try to kill them. A way his tarn, and going in lost his nose also. Thus suggests itself to me in this wise. To make up all the seven thieves lost their noses, and, a nách girls' party more than seven persons are fearing to be discovered if they remained, ran required. One must play the drum ; & second off to the forest, where they had to take a few must sound the cymbals; a third must blow days' rest from their plundering habits to cure upon the någasvara pipe, etc., etc. So I request their mutilated noses.
you to give me seven of your strongest men Chandralekha had thus three or four times to accompany me disguised as men of my disappointed the thieves. The more she dis. party, and some of your troops must secretly appointed them the more she feared for her lie in ambush in readiness to take the robbers own safety, especially as she had now inflicted prisoners when & signal is given to them." a lifelong shame on them. "The thieves will Thus Chandralekha spoke, and all her advice surely come as soon as their noses are cured the prince received with great admiration. and kill me in some way or other. I am, after He himself offered to follow her as her drumall, only a girl," she thought to herself. So mer for the nách, and he chose six of the ableat she went at once to the palace and reported all commanders from his army, and asked them her adventures with the eight robbers to the to disguise themselves as fiddlers, pipers, etc. prince, who had been her former class-mate. and he directed an army of a thousand men The prince was astonished at the bravery to follow their footsteps at a distance of two of Chandralekha and promised the next time ghatikds' march, and to lie in ambush near the the robbers came to lend her his assistance. So place where they were going to perform the every night a spy from the palace slept in nách, ready for a call. Thus everything was Chandralekha's house to carry the news of the arranged and all were ready by the morning arrival of the robbers to the prince should they to start from Chandralekha's house. ever go there. But the robbers were terribly Before the third ghalika of the morning afraid of approaching Chandralekha's house was over, the robbers' servant came to conduct after they came to know that she had a Chandralekha with her party to the forest knife made out of the boring-rod. But they where the prince and six of his strongest men devised among themselves a plan of inviting disguised as her followers, were waiting for him. Chandralekb& to the forest on the pretence Chandralekha with all her followers accomof holding nách and sent to her house a panied him, but as soon as she left her house servant for that purpose. The servant came, a spy ran off to the army, which, as ordered and, entering Chandralekhi's house, spoke thus by the prince, began to follow her party at a to her: "My dear young lady, whoever you distance of two ghafik ds. may be, you have now a chance of enriching | After travelling a long way Chandralekha yourself. I see plainly from the situation of your and her party rer.ched the nách pavilion at house that you are one of the dancing-girls' caste. about five ghatikus before sunset. All their My masters in the forest have made a plan to hosts were without their noses, and some still give a nách to their relatives on the occasion of a had their noses bandaged up. When they saw

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AUGUST, 1888.]
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
that Chandralê khâ's followers had a fine and prepossessing appearance, even the hard hearts of the robbers softened a little.
"Let us have a look at her performance. She is now entirely in our possession. Instead of murdering her now, we will witness her performance for a ghatiká," said the robbers to each other; and all with one voice said "agreed," and at once the order for the performance was given.
Chandralekha, who was clever in every department of knowledge, began her performance, and by the most exquisite movement of her limbs held the audience spell-bound, when suddenly td tai, tôm clashed the cymbals. This was the signal for the destruction of the robbers, as well as the sign of the close of a part of the nách. In the twinkling of an eye the seven disguised followers of the dancing-girl had thrown down the thieves and were upon them. Before the servants of the robbers could come to the help
CORRESPONDENCE.
AN ORIGIN FOR THE WORD "GIPSY."
SIR, Numerous derivations of this word have been suggested from time to time: some very far-fetched.
In Appendix A to Vol. XIII., Part II. Bombay Gazetteer, p. 711 Mr. James M. Campbell has given an able summary of nearly all the then available information regarding the origin of the Gipsies, and his notes will serve as a valuable index for those who wish to study the subject minutely. But he, as well as other writers, appears to have overlooked one origin of the name Gipsy, which, if well-founded, is far more probable them any other which has yet been published. The derivation I refer to is contained in the following paragraph, which I quote from the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, Vol. VI. page 89:
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 13.
In the Muḍyanûr copper-plate grant of the Bana king Brivadhuvallabha-MalladêvaNandivarman, from the Kôlår District in
of their masters the footsteps of an army near were heard, and in no time the prince's one thousand men were on the spot and took all the robbers and their followers prisoners.
So great had been the ravages of these robbers in and round Kaivalyam that, without any mercy being shown to them, they and their followers were all ordered to be beheaded, and the prince was so much won over by the excellent qualities of Chandralekha that, notwithstanding her birth as a dancing girl, he regarded her a gem of womankind and married her.
"Buy a girl in a bázár" (kanniyai kadaiyir ko!) is a proverb. What matter where a girl is born provided she is chaste! And Chandralêkhû by her excellent virtue won a prince for her lord. And when that lord came to know of the real nature of his teacher, who was also the teacher of Chandralekhâ, he banished him from his kingdom, as a merciful punishment, in consideration of his previous services.
MISCELLANEA.
Remarks on the North-East Coast of Africa, and the various Tribes by which it is inhabited. By Lieut. C. P. Rigby, 16th Regt. Bo. N. I., March, 1843.
I have not my ink-impressions at hand to refer to.
239
"The origin of the Gypsies of Europe has been ascribed, with different degrees of probability, by various persons, to Egypt, India and the Western Coast of the Red Sea; but it appears to have been overlooked that the Amharic name for Egypt is still Giptz, and for the natives of that country Giptzi. The same people (the Gypsies) are called Zingaros, or Zinganos by the Italians. The Persians apply the term Zangi to all the natives of the north-east portion of Africa, including the Abyssinians; thus, it is not improbable that these people emigrated from the Abyssinian Coast, acquired the name Gypsey or Giptzi from having entered Europe through Egypt, and that they were called Zinganos by the Italians and people of the adjacent countries, from the Persian name Zangi, an Ethiopian, an inhabitant of North-Eastern Africa." J. S. KING.
Maisûr, published by Mr. Rice in this Journal, Vol. XV. p. 172ff., the date (line 23f.; from the published text) runs-êka-shashty-uttara-dvayasatê Sak-abda pravardhdhamân-âtmanaḥ trayô, vimsati varttamâna-Vilambi-samvatsarê KêrttikBut I satisfied myself at the time that there is at least no substantial error in the published reading.
Read uttara-gata-dvayê sak-abdé pravarddhamana átmanas-trays-vimhiatime varshe.

Page #260

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1888.
Asukla-pakshồ trayodasyarn Sømavårê Abviny 13 ended on Tuesday, the 2nd October, A.D. 339, nakshatré," in the Saks year two hundred, at about 14 gh. 29. ) Karttika bukla 13 increased by sixty-one, in his own augmenting ended on Tuesday, the 18th September, at about twenty-third year; in the Vilambin samvatsara, 1 gh. 38 p., and consequently with the possibility which is current; in the dark fortnight of that calculations by the Siddhantas themselves Karttika; on the thirteenth tithi; on Monday; might make it end on the preceding day, Monday: under the Aévini nakshatra.
--and (3) the Amanta Karttika kşishna 13 ended This gives us, for calculation, Saka-Samvat 261, on Wednesday, the 17th October, at about 26 gh. current according to the literal meaning of the 50 p., being of course identical with the Partext; the Vilambin samvatsara of the Sixty. nimanta Karttika krishna 13 of the previous Year Cyole of Jupiter; the month Kárttika calculation. (ordinarily Oetuber-November); the dark fort. If it should be argued that we should take the night; the thirteenth tithi or lunar day: Soma- Vilambin samvatsara of the Northern System, våra, or Monday; and the Asvini nakshatra. it was current, by the Tables, at the commence
As, however, some objection may be taken to ment of Saka-Samvat 267 current (A.D. 344-45); the use of abukla to designate the dark fortnight, and, by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables, I find that and it may be urged that we should correct Karttik. it actually commenced in Saka-Samvat 266 eur. dónkla into Kárttika-sukla, the calculation will be rent, on Tuesday, the let November, A.D. 343, made also for the same tithi in the bright fort- and it was followed, in Saka-Samvat 267 current, night. And the tithi in the dark fortnight will by the Viktrin samvatsara, which commenced be calculated according to both the Purnimanta on Saturday, the 27th October, A.D. 344. The and the Amanta arrangements.
day on which the Vilambin samvatsara com. By the Southern System of the Sixty-Year menced, actually was the Amanta Karttika Cycle, the Vilambin samvatsara was coincident krishna 13 of Saka-Samvat 266 current; the tithi with Saka-Samvat 261 current (A.D. 338-39); or ending at about 52 gh. 51 p. This therefore, as as shewn in the Tables, 260 expired. And for the week-day was a Tuesday, disposes of another this year, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 260 ex. possible equivalent of the given date. But, in pired, the results, by Prof. K.L. Chhatre's Tables addition to this, the day on which the Vikarin are-(1) the Purnimanta Karttika krishna 13 samatsara commenced was, approximately, Märended on Thursday, the 28th September, A.D. 338, gasireha sukla 4 of Saka-Samvat 267 current. at about 21 ghatis, 11 palas, after mean sunrise at Consequently the Vilambin samvatsara included, Bombay (2) Kárttika sukla 13 ended on Friday, at its end, the whole month of Karttika. both the 13th October, at about 13 gh. 42 p. ;-and Purnimdanta and Amdnta, of Saka-Samvat 967 (3) the Amanta Kirttika krishna 13 ended on Fri- current. And the results, here, with the basis day, the 27th October, at about 45 gh. 28 p. of 266 expired, are--(1) the Párnimdnta Karttika
If it should be argued that the given year Saka- ksishna 13 ended on Friday, the 21st September, Samvat 261 is to be taken as the expired year, in A. D. 334, at about 13 gh. 26 p. ;(2) Kárttika which case the given date belongs to Saka-Sam. sukla 13 ended on Saturday, the 6th October, at vat 262 current (A.D. 339-40), and the name of about 44 gh. 12 p. ;-and (3) the Amanta Karttika the sanwatsara must be altered from Vilambin krishna 13 ended on Saturday, the 20th October; into Vikårin, the results are-(1) the Párnimanta at about 58 gh. 36 p. Karttika krishna 13 ended on Wednesday, the Thus, in no way whatever can the result of 17th October, A.D. 339, at about 26 gh. 50 p.; Monday, in accordance with the record, be (2) Karttika sukla 13 ended on Wednesday, the obtained directly from the Tables. And there 31st October, at about 59 gh. 33 p. ;-and (3) is only a possibility of a Monday in one instance; the Amanta Karttika krishna 13 ended on Thurs in which, to obtain it, we must deliberately day, the 15th November, at about 52 gh. 19 p. and unjustifiably, alter the name of the given These results are in accordance with the statement samvatsara from Vilambin into Vikårin. of the Tables that, in Saka-Samvat 262 current, These results, therefore, furnish the strongest the month Åsvayuja was intercalary, before Kart- possible corroboration of the opinion already tika. On the assumption that, according to any expressed by me, that this grant is a spurious more ancient system of intercalation, the intercala- crant. Also, since the record evidently intends tion was in some month after Karttika, the re- the Vilambin samvatsara of the Southern System, sults are-(1) the Purnimanta Karttika krishna and since I have already shewn, under No, 9 of, • Read Sómapdréa svinydth.
. As the record belongs to Maisur, in no case can the • Thielo detail the oomputation of which I must ending time of the tithi be earlier than the time for leave to others; if it should be thought worth while after Bombay. the present results.
ante, Vol. XV. p. 192, note 1.

Page #261

AUGUST, 1888.)
MISCELLANEA.
241
these Calculations, that the Northern System was rent (A.D. 246-47). In this year, however, the still used in Southern India up to A. D. 804, the given tithi ended, according to the Purnimanta thbrication of this grant cannot be placed arrangement, on Sunday, 'the 24th January earlier than the commencement of the ninth A.D. 247, at about 19 gh. 51 p.; and, by the century A.D.I S
Amanta arrangement, on Monday, the 22nd No. 14.
February, at about 51 gh. 50 p. In the Tanjoro oopperplate grant of the If it should be argued that the details of th Western Ganga king Arivarman, or more Saka year are wrong, owing to a confusion be. properly Harivarman, published by me in this tween the Northern and Southern Systems of the Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 212 ff., with Plate, the date cycle, and that we have to take the Prabhava (lines 10 f., 18 f.) is - Saka-kalê nav-ôttara-shash- samvatsara of the Northern System, then the ţir éka-sata-gatêshu' Prabhava-samvatsar-abhya- given detaile have to be calculated, with the basis ntarê....PhAlgun-Amâvâsya-Bhrigu. of Saka-Satvat 175 expired, for 176 current(A.D.
Irê] Revati nakshatré Vriddhi-yôgê Vșisha- 253-54); since, by the Tables, the Prabhara sanibha-lagnê, -" in the Saka era, when there bave vatsara was current at the commencement of Baks. gone by one hundred years increased by sixty Samvat 177 current; and, by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's raised by nine; in the Prabhava samvatsara ; Tables, it actually commenced in Saka-Samvat ............ on Bhriguv&ra, which is the 176 current, on Sunday, the 20th November, A.D. new-moon tithi of the month) PhAlguna; under 253, considerably before the month Phalguna. the Rêvati nakshatra; in the Vriddhi yoga ; in In this year, however, the given tithi ended, ac. the Vrishabha lagna.
cording to the Párnimanta arrangement, on This gives us, for calculation, Saka-Samvat 169 Sunday, the 5th February, A.D. 254, at about 23 expired, and 170 ourrent (A.D. 247-48); the gh. 12 p.; and, according to the Amdnta arrangePrabhava san vataara, current; the month ment, on Monday, the 6th March, at about 46 gh. PhAlguna (ordinarily February March); the new. 57 p. moon tithi, 1.e. the fifteenth tithi of the dark In no way, therefore, can Friday be obfortnight, and Friday. Also, the Rêvati nak- tained, as required by the record. And this shatra ; the Vriddhi yoga; and the Vpishabba result gives the strongest possible confirmation of lagna; but, in the face of the results for the week. the opinion expressed by me when editing this day, I have not thought it worth while to get inscription, and previously by Dr. Burnell, that these details worked out.
this is a spurious record. For the reasons given By the Southern System of the Cycle, the under No. 13 above, in connection with the Prabhava samvatsara wae Saka-Samvat 170 Mudyanúr grant, the fabrication of it cannot current (A. D. 247-48), in agreement with the well be placed earlier than A.D. 804. And record. In this year, however, with the basis of Dr. Burnell's opinion was, that it should be Saka-Saravat 169 expired, the given tithi, Phal. referred to about the tenth century, A.D. guna krishpa 15, ended according to the Parng.
J. F. FLEET. mdata northern arrangement of the lunar fort. nights, on Saturday, the 12th February, A.D.
HAKIM QAANI. 248, at about 13 ghatis, 8 palas, after mean-sun- Hakim Qaani is one of the most popular of rise, for Bombay, and, by the Amanta arrange- the modern Persian poets. His name is Mirza ment, on Sunday, the 12th March, at about 48 Habibu'llah, poetically styled Qaant. Origi. gh. Il p.
nally the poet styled himself Habib, but was If it should be argued that the given year, Saka- induced to change his takhallues to Q&ant in Saat 169, is wrongly quoted in the record as honour of Aaktå Qlan Mirza, one of the sons of an expired year, in which case, however, the Husain 'Ali Mirza, Shuj&-uddauleh, who specially name of the sasivatsara would have to be altered patronized the poet: The biographical work from Prabhava, the first aan vatsara of one cycle called Ganj Shayagan,' p. 362, calls his father into Kahaya, the last of the preceding cycle, Mirza Abal-Hnean, poetically styled Gulshan, then the given details have to be caloulated, with but the Majma'-ul-Fasehd, in the biographical the basis of Suka-Sunnvat 168 expired, for 169 eur notice of Qadni, calls his father Mirza Muhammed
* Read mav-éttara shashty adhik-aika-tatishu varsh. South Indian Palmography. p. 34. shu gatish.
The Ganj Shdyagan is a biography of the poets who • Whatever may be the opinion held as to the exact eulogised the Sadr Aram, Mirza Aga Khan Nort, and... locality to which this record belonge, and as to the meri- 1 was compiled in A.H. 1972 by Mirz& Taher, poetically dian for which the dotails quoted in it should be com- styled Sh'art, and otherwise known as the Dibloheh puted, of course the time will not in any instance be Nigd. This work was lithographed at Tehran shortly earlier than the time for Bombay.
after it was compiled.

Page #262

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1888.
in which he states that it was componed پریشان
'Ali, and under" Gulshan" repeats this statement, Originally the poet called himself Maskin, but its author adding that he knew Gulshan per- finding a patron in the Shuja'-uddauleh, Husain sonally in Shiraz. The family apparently belonged 'Ali Mirza, by desire of that prince he adopted to the Zankeneh tribe of Kermanshåh, the poet the nom de plume of Fråghi, after the title of the himself being born at Shfråz. Fath 'Ali Shah, prince's son, who was styled Frugh-uddauleh. appreciating his talents, gave him the title of Fraghi Bostami, who is not to be mistaken for Mujtehed-ush-Shu'ara, which title was changed his distinguished contemporary Fraghi Isfa. by Fath 'Ali Shah's successor to that of Hissin hani, was born at Kerbelê in A.H. 1213 and died ul-'Ajem. Qääni died in A.H. 1270, leaving an in A.H. 1274. His father, a courtier of the cruel imitation of the Gulistan of Sa'di called Perishan founder of the Qajar dynasty-Åqa Muhammed
Khân-was elder brother of Fath 'Ali Shah's in A.H. 1252, when he was a few months short of treasurer, Dost 'Ali Khan, Moayer-ul-Mamalek. 30 years of age. This work has been lithographed Besides the above, the lithographed Kulliyat of separately at Tehran, illustrated, A.H. 1271. Qaani has also, bound up with it, some selections The poet's complete poetical works, with the from the poems of one of Qaani's patrons, Jelål-udPerfshdn have been lithographed at Tehrån 1274,
din Mirza, poetically styled Jelal, and author of 1277, 1293 and 1302. The complete works have the epitome of Persian history, called Namen been lithographed at Tabriz 1273, Bombay 1278,
Khosravan, lithographed at Tehran, illustrated 1277 and 1298. The biographical notice from
in 3 vols., A.H. 1285-88, and also in Vienna. the Ganj Shayagán is included in most of these The publication of the deváns of Qaans and editions. Biographical notices of the poet will also Froghi is due to this prince, and the edition of be found in the Nigaristan Sukhan, p. 81, and in
1274 is known by his name. the Maddyih Mu'tamediyeh.
Prefixed to Mulla Mahmod Khwângâri's edi. Included in most lithographed editions of the tion of Qafni's works-dated Tehran 1302_will works of Quant is a collection of ghazela, by Mirza be found the Treatise on Prosody called 'Abbâs bin Aqa Mos& Bostâmi, preceded by a
deuadAiq-us-Sihr of RashidVatvat." notice of this poet, whose takhallus was Fraghi.
A. S. J. C.
BOOK NOTICE. TH. FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE MADRAS GIRLS' MUBIC instrumental music, especially playing on the
SCHOOLS FOR YEAR 1887. Madras : Addison and Co. vind. 1888.
It is moreover extremely gratifying to learn This unpretending little pamphlet gives the that, owing to the absence of books from which to brief history of a new and most interesting expe. teach his girls, the enthusiastic founder of these riment now being tried in Madras.
schools intends publishing primers and progresMr. T. M. Venkatesa Sastri, a devoted stu- sive works in Hindu music, and that he has dent of music, desirous of instructing the female almost completed a graduated series of textbooks. youth of his native city in the art, being more. It is to be hoped that this new departure in over urged thereto by friends and acquaintances, domestic education will not prove to be what is opened last year three schools for music for 80 expressively called in Hindustan shakhst kam, girls in Madras, all conducted on a small scale and die when its chief promoter can no longer But he was met at the outset with a peculiar guide it. But there can be no doubt that it is not prejudice:The people of Mailapur (the locality yet out of its difficulties; for the accounts show of the largest school) did not approve of their that the expenditure was Rs. 339, out of which the daughters being taught music! However he per- founder gave Rs. 265; only Rs. 74 being received as severed, and by the end of the year had 56 pupils fees; and nothing from his friends and sympain his schools.
thisers. Schools cannot live long on this principle. The music apparently taught is not described, In addition to his money Mr. Venkatesa Sastri but it seems to have been mainly vocal: the parents has given his time very freely. And we give his insisting on their children learning only "religi- experiment our heartiest greeting and our best ous and moral compositions." The dread of their wishes; for, not only will his teaching improve the becoming as dancing-girls if taught anything girls fortunate enough to come under it, but else, seems to peep out here. Small beginnings it. also, as hinted above, distinctly makes for have, however, been made towards teaching domestic morality.
• See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 362.

Page #263

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
ALBERUNI ON THE GUPTA ERA.
243
ALBERUNI'S STATEMENT REGARDING THE GUPTA ERA.
BY J. F. FLEET, C.I.E., Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. THE chief difficulty in arriving at a final set- meaning perfectly clear and consistent with 1 tlement of the true period to which we the usual order of things; viz. that the Guptas, should refer the rise and duration of the Early though wicked and inferentially unpopular, yet Gupta power, was, that according to had exercised so powerful a sway that, even M. Reinaud's translation of Albêruni's when their dynasty came to an end, the era, statements (see unte, Vol. XV. page 189), the that had been used by them, still continued to establishment of the so-called Gupta era be used. commemorated the extermination of the So also, somewhat later, Mr. H. C. Kay, Gupta dynasty.
translating the words by “dating was made by As Albêrûni's further statements shewed that (or, according to them," added the following the era,- the commencement of which is now remarks on the interpretation of them :-"The known to have been in A.D. 320,-evidently author's meaning is not clear. But, taking the dated from a point in or very close to A.D. 319, words as they stand, I think they can mos this translation seemed to fix that point of consistently be understood as signifying an time for the termination of the Early Gupta adoption or continuation of the method of datsovereignty. And this is the view that was ing that had been used by the Guptas. The adopted by one class of students of the subject. preceding words when they came to an end'
This rendering of the leading historical item, suggest the possible meaning that the dating however, from the first attracted special atten- ran from that event. But it seems to me that tion; because of the prima-facie improba- this construction can be properly preferred, bility of the fact that an era, specially only if there be something else in the context, named after a certain dynasty, should date or in the known facts of the case, that would from the downfall of that dynasty. And, make it obligatory; or, at least, that clearly from time to time, various attempts were points to it." made to find an explanation for it; and with The essential error in M. Reinaud's transvery conflicting results.
lation,-"the era which bears their name, is the That the true solution was to be found, not epoch of their extermination,"-is due to the in wrong information given to Albêrûnî or in a introduction of the word "epoch,' which does mistake made by him in reporting correct in- not exist in the original text, and the use of formation, but in an erroneous interpretation which gives his translation a fixed obligatory of his meaning, was first indicated to me by meaning that, at any rate, a literal rendering of Mr. Rehatsek, who, in December, 1886, gave the original does not compel us to adopt. me, from M. Reinaud's published text, the And, in proof of this, I am glad to be able following literal rendering of the crucial pass- to publish the following transliteration, with age :-"and (as regards) the Gupta era, it was, interlinear word-for-word rendering and transas is said, & nation wicked (and) strong; and lation, which Prof. William Wright, of Cam. when they perished, dating was made accord- bridge, has been kind enough to give me, from ing to them." Such a rendering as this, Prof. Sachan's published text, of the original would enable us to give to Albêrûni's words of the whole passage in question :
TEXT AND LITERAL RENDERING. Wa-li-dhalika.
'arada
'an-hå Wa-ja'u
STA And for this they have turned away from them and have come to tawârikh Shri-Hrish Wa-Bigarmadita wa-Shaka wa-Bilaba the eras of Sri-Harsha) and (Vikramaditya and [Saka] and Valabhil 1 Similarly, some thirteen years ago, Mr. Blochmann the bracketed words " (the era commenced P)," the use (see the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIII. Part I. page of which shews why Mr. Blochmann, though giving a 388) proposed to translate " regards the Guptakål, translation capable of a totally different meaning. exthey were, as is related, & people wicked and powerful, pressed himself as not able to see any fault in M. and when they were out off it was dated in them (the era Reinaud's translation. commenced P)."--This translation, however, is spoilt by

Page #264

244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1888.
Swa-Kubita.
Wa'amma ta'rikh Balba and [Gupta). ............ And as regards the era of (Valabhi] (wa-huwa sahib madinat Balbah w a-hiya jana biyah 'an
and he lord of the city of [Valabha) and it south from madinat 'Anhlwarah bi-karib min t halathin jozhan fa-'inna. the city of (Aộbilvada] by near to thirty [yojana] behold
'auwala hu m uta'akhkhir 'an ta'rikh Shk b i-mi'atain the first of its posterior to the era of Saka] by two hundred wa-ihdå wa-'arba'in sanah. Wa-musta'milu-hu y ada'ûn . Shg-kal and one and forty years. And the nisers of it put down [Saka)-era Swa-yankuşun min-hu majmů mukaab 'as-sittah wa-murabba 1 and lessen from it the sum of the cube of six and the square of cal-khamsah fa-yabka ta'rikh Balba. Wa-khabaru-bu 'atin 1 five and remains the era of [Valabhi). And his history is coming
ftmandi'i-hi. Ws-'ammẢ Gabt-kal fa-kand kama kila 1 in its place. And as regards (Gupta)-era they were as is said
kanman ,' 'Ashråran 'aķwiya'a fa-lammâ inkarada 'arrikha La people wicked
strong and so after they perished it was dated bi-him. Wa-ka-'anna Blb k ận 'akhira-hum. Fa’inna by them. And as if that [Valabhi] was the last of them. And behold 'auwala ta'rikbi-him 'aidan muta'akhkhir 'an Shg-kal the first of their era also
posterior to [Saka]-era 5 241. Wa-ta'rikh al-munajjimin
yata'akhkhar fan Shg-kal 1241. And the era of the astronomers is posterior to [Saka]-era 587 Wa-'alai-hi b uniya zij
Kndkatk l i-Brhmgûpt 1 587 and on it is built the canon [Khandakataka! by (Brahmagupta] Swa-huwa 'al-ma'ruf
'inda-na
bi'l-Arknd. 1 and it the known with us (chez-nous) by (the name of) Al-Arkand. (Fi-'idhan
sina ta'rikh Shri-Harish
l i-sanati-nâ And so then the years of the era of
(Sri-Harsha)
to our year 'al-mumaththal bi-hâ 1 488 wa-ta'rikh . Bkrmidt
1088 that is used as an example 1488 and the era of [Vikramaditya) 1088
wa-Shg.kAl3953WA-ta'rikh Balbe 'alladhf huwa 'aidan and (Saka)-ora 9 83 and the era of (Valabhi] which it also s Gabita-kil712. [Gupta)-era 712.
TRANSLATION " And for this reason they have given them up, and have adopted the era of Sri-Harsha, Vikramaditya, Saka, Valabhi, and the Gaptas............. And as regards the era of Valabhi, who was the ruler of the city of Valabhi, which was south of the city of Apbilvåda by nearly thirty yojanas, --its beginning was later than the Saka era by two hundred and forty-one years. Those who use it put down the year of the Saka era, and subtract from it the
1. tbe eras of the BbArata war and of the Kaliyaga, been abandoned boonuse of the very large numbers in and certain other methods of reckoning time, just pre volved in the use of them. viously detailed by Albertini, who states that they had

Page #265

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
ALBERUNI ON THE GUPTA ERA.
sum of the cube of six and the square of five, and there remains (the year of) the era of Valabhi. His history is coming in its proper place. And as regards the Gupta era,-(the members of this dynasty) were, it is said, a race wicked (and) strong; and so, after they became extinct, people, dated by them. And it seems as if Valabhi was the last of them. And so the beginning of their era also is later than the Saka era (by) 241 (years). And the era of the astronomers is later than the Śaka era (by) 587 (years); and on it is based the astronomical canon (named) Khandakdṭaka, by Brahmagupta, which among us is known by (the name of) Al-Arkand. So, then, 1488 years of the era of Sri-Harsha are in correspondence with the year (of Yazdajird) that we have taken as a gauge; and 1088 of the era of Vikramaditya; and 953 of the Saka era; and 712 of the era of Valabhi, which is also the Gupta era."
The essence of the whole matter, of course, lies in the precise meaning that is to be given to the words which follow the statement that the Guptas were wicked and powerful. Prof. Wright states that, in the original, we have a vague impersonal passive, meaning "it was dated by them," "there was a dating by them," or "people dated by them;" but that this certainly does not expressly imply that this dating took place from the year of the extinction of the Gupta power, and in consequence of that event. That such an interpretation might, if found on other grounds to be justifiable, be given to this expression, may be admitted. But it is at the least equally open to us to interpret the expression as meaning that the Guptas had been so powerful that, even when they were dead and gone, people still used their era to date by. And we have to determine, from an examination of the details of the recorded Gupta and Valabhî dates, which of these two possible interpretations is the one that must be adopted.
And here I will only add, for the present, that the calculation of the dates in question, -and, in particular, of those in the records of the Parivrâjaka Mahárájas, where we have an expression which shews explicitly that, at the times mentioned, the Gupta sovereignty was still continuing, and that the dates belong to the identical era that was used by the Early Gupta kings themselves, has proved conclusively that they all belong to one and the same era, running from the epoch of A.D. 319-20; and that, irrespective of the question whether the era was actually established by the Early Guptas, we must refer the rise of the Early Gupta power to somewhere about A.D. 319, instead of placing the period of their
245
The reference appears to be to the story of the fruitseller Ranka and the king Vallabha in Chapter XVII.,
supremacy anterior to that year, and their downfall in it.
There is also one other point in the revised translation, to which special attention should. be paid. Prof. Wright's rendering, "(the year) 712 of the era of Valabhi, which is also the Gupta era," is essentially different, in its ultimate bearing, from M. Reinaud's, "the year 712 of the era of Ballaba and of that of the Guptas." It shews very clearly that Albêruni was speaking of absolutely one and the same era under two names; not of two different eras, with the same, or almost the same, epoch.
As regards the origin of M. Reinaud's erroneous rendering of Alberûni's statement, it is clearly to be traced to Mr. James Prinsep's treatment of the Kahâum pillar inscription of Skandagupta, in 1838, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 36 ff.; which contains the first reference to the Gupta era that I can trace; or, at any rate, the first suggestion of the existence of an era connected with the Guptas, apart from any general reference to the chronological period to which they might be referred. By his rendering of this record, it was dated (id. p. 37) "in the year one hundred and thirty-three after the decease of Skandagupta;" on which he remarked (id. p. 38) "the death of this prince is here employed as an epoch in a somewhat enigmatical way.' The supposed enigma refers to the actual manner in which the total of 133,-or, more properly, 141, as shewn by subsequent examinations of the record,-is arrived at. As regards the other point, the reference of the years to the death of Skandagupta is due only to a mislection of the last word in line 2 of the text The real reading there is santé, the locative
"On Hindu Sciences which prey on the Ignorance of People."

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[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
singular of éánta, in apposition with rájyé inet Persans, certain extracts, with French transthe same line, and the real translation is "in lations, from works relating to India, which the tranquil reign of Skandagupta; . . . he had previously published separately in the in the one hundredth year, increased by Journal Asiatique, in September and October, thirty and ten and one" (Corp. Inser. Indic. 1844, and February-March, 1845, he rendered Vol. III. No. 15, page 67), Mr. Prinsep, how- Albêrûnî (id. p. 143) as stating distinctly that ever, read santéḥ, the ablative or genitive sin- the Gupta era dated from the extermination of gular of sánti, quiet, tranquillity, calmness, the Guptas. I do not find that he makes any rest, repose; and, with this reading, it was, of reference to Prinsep on this specific point. But course, hardly possible to do otherwise than he shews, throughout, so good an acquaintance translate it by "after the decease," "of the with Prinsep's writings, as also with those of repose, i.e. death," and "after the death," of other English scholars, that he must certainly Skandagupta, and to make the years that were have read Prinsep's translation of, and comrecorded run from that event. No discussion ments on, the Kaháum inscription. And, of the question was then entered into. But though he may not have intentionally allowed Skandagupta then was, and still is, the last himself to be guided by Prinsep's views, it can known king of the direct succession of the hardly be doubted that he had a reminiscence Early Gupta dynasty. And it is evidently of the purport of them, when he was translatthe above rendering, which first suggested ing Albêrûnî's remarks. In fact, in the face of the idea of an era dating from the extermina- Mr. Rehatsek's, Mr. Kay's, and Prof. Wright's tion of the Gupta power at the death of versions, it is difficult to see how M. Reinaud Skandagupta. can have arrived at the exact words used in his translation, except under some such predispos ing influence.
4
When, in 1845, M. Reinaud republished collectively, under the title of Fragments Arabes
THE EPOCH OF THE NEWAR ERA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
"The Newâr era is peculiar to Nêpâl, where it was introduced in A.D. 880 by Raja Râghava Deva." "The year begins in October, and 951 years had expired in 1831." From these statements of Sir A. Cunningham,' with the substance of which the incidental remarks of other scholars agree, it appears that the epoch of the era spoken of is considered to be A.D. 879-80, and that the first year of that era is supposed to have lasted from about October A.D. 880 to about October 881. The expression that the year begins in October suggests the idea, the correctness of which has not been hitherto proved by documentary evidence, that the Newâr year begins with the month Kârttika; and stating more accurately the opinion of those who have written about the matter, the first day of the first current year of the era, according to their view, should be taken to be the day 2,042,759 of the Julian period, =8th Octóber A.D. 880 Kârttika śukla 1 of the (northern) Vikrama year 938, current.
=
In order to arrive at some settlement of the question as to whether or to what extent the Hindus, during the middle ages, were in the habit of dating their documents in expired years, I have examined, amongst others, almost every available date recorded in the national era of Nêpâl; and in the course of the necessary calculations I have incidentally come to the following conclusions regarding the Nêwar
era :
(1.) The epoch of the Nêwar era is A.D. 878-79, and the first day of the first current year of that era is really the day 2,042, 405 of the Julian period, 20th October A.D. 879 Karttika śukla 1 of the (northern) Vikrama year 937, current.
(2.) As regards the arrangement of the two lunar fortnights, the dark half of a month follows upon the bright half of the same month, or, in other words, the scheme of the months is the amánta scheme of the southern Vikrama year. And from (1) and (2) together it follows that
Indian Eras, p. 74.

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THE EPOCH OF THE NEWAR ERA.
247
(3.) For calculating dates of the Newår era were A. D. 879-80, the corresponding date by means of Dr. Schram's most handy Tables, wonld be Tuesday, April 16, 1387). in order first to obtain the current (northern)| 2. 10., p. 30:Vikrama year, we must add to the expired Dvadas-Ottara-pancha-batam prayâtê vihayears of the Newår era 937, when a date falls yasê (P) i within any of the five months from Kârttika Pausha-suklé navamyan=cha sampúrga (!) to Phålguna, and 938, when a date falls within Gurn-vasarê 11 any of the seven months from Chaitra to Data :-The year 512 expired, the month Asvina.
Pausha, the bright half, the ninth lunar day, To prove these statements, I shall place Guru-vasara, or Thursday. before the reader twenty-five Nêwar dates, | The corresponding (northern) Vikrama year together with the corresponding European is 512 + 937=1449 corrent; and the corresdates. Six of them are taken from the late ponding European date is Thursday, January Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's Inscriptions from 4, 1392. On that day, at sunrise, the 9th tithi Nêpål, ante, Vol. IX. p. 163ff., two from of the bright half was current, and it ended Mr. Bendall's Journey in Nepal and Northern 15h 22m after mean sunrise. [If the epoch India, and the remaining seventeen from the were A.D. 879-80, the corresponding date same scholar's Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit would be Monday, December 23, 1392.] Manuscripts, I shall begin with four dates 3. ante, Vol. IX. p. 183:(1-4), in which the years mentioned are dis- Samvan=Népalak-Akhyê tribhuvana-dahané tinctly described as expired years. After these Kâma-banê prayâté Maghe sukla cha Kame I shall give nineteen dates (5-23), in which the tithi...vidite priti-yôgê cba punye figures for the years likewise denote expired Våre Push-Abhidhånê makara-ravi-gate years, although this is not actually stated in l yugma-råsau sasanke the dates themselves. And I shall conclude It should be noted that the same year, 533, with two dates (24 and 25), in which the which here is called an expired year, imfigures for the years must be taken to denote, mediately afterwards, p. 184, where the exceptionally, current years.
date is repeated in the more business-like A.-Dates in which the years mentioned manner are described as expired years.
Samvat 533 MÅgha-sukla-trayodasi punar1. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 187:
VA8D-nakshatre priti-yôgê Aditya-våre Shat-ttaré (sic) pañcha-satê gatê sbdê Nêpâ- is called simply " the year 533." like mâsi cha Chaitra-samjõe
Data :-The year 533 expired, the month Krishna-pakshe Madan-âbhidhâyâm tithau Magha, the bright half, the thirteenth lanar Sasankatmaja-va sarê cha II
day, Aditya-våra or Sunday, the nakshatra Data :-The year 506 expired, the month Punarvasu, and the yoga Priti. Chaitra, the dark half, the tithi Madana, i.e. The corresponding (northern) Vikrama year the thirteenth lunar day, Sasankatmaja-vasara, is 533 + 937 = 1470 current; and the correor Wednesday.
sponding European date is Sunday, January 15, The corresponding northern Vikrama year 1413. On that day, at sunrise, the 13th tithi is 506 + 938 = 1444 current; and the corres- of the bright half was current, and it ended lh ponding European date is Wednesday, March 25m after mean sunrise. Moreover, at sunrise, 28, 1386 On that day, at sunrise, the 13th the moon was in the nakshatra Punarvasu, and tithi of the dark half was current, and it ended the current yoga was Priti. [If the epoch 20h 41m after mean sunrise. [If the epoch were A.D. 879-80, the corresponding date
Hilfstafeln für Chronologie, pp. 52 and 58. Dr. Schram professes to give, for the lani-solar calendar, approximate dates only, and the results obtained from his Tables bave, therefore, in the following been verified or corrected by Professor Jacobi's Tables for calculating the tithis. But, as a matter of fact, Dr. Schram's Tables, in the majority of cases, do yield absolutely true results, and they are far more convenient and useful than any other similar Tables, and I feel sure that they will be generally adopted
when they become more widely known. It is for this reason that, in the following, I have first converted the Newår dates into dates of the northern Vikrama year, instead of converting them, ag migbt otherwise appear more natural, into dates of the southern Vikrama year.
In the following I shall give the dates exactly as given in the works from which I take them, and I shall not attempt any corrections except where it may be absolutely necessary.

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would be Friday, February 2, 1414, nakshatra As the former date is evidently the one intended, Pushya, and yoga Saubhagya.] the result of the calculation suggests the reading
4. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 147:
248
Yatê Naipalika-varshê tri-yugma-randhrasamyuta I
Margasirshê ssita-pakshê dasamyâm Ravivasarė II
Data:-The year 923 expired, the month Mârgasîrsha, the dark half, the tenth lunar day, Ravi-vâsara or Sunday.
The corresponding (northern) Vikrama year is 923937=1860 current; and the corresponding European date is Sunday, December 19, new style, 1802. On that day, at sunrise, the 10th tithi of the dark half was current, and it ended 18 hours after mean sunrise. [If the epoch were A.D. 879-80, the corresponding date would be Thursday, December 8, new style, 1803.]
Vikhyâte ssmin dasamyân-Danimja(? Danuja)ripugurau vâsarê samprasastê ||
Data: The year clearly is 135, but the expression prasaté following upon satatama is unintelligible; Mr. Bendall hesitatingly suggests the reading pragaté ( elapsed,' see Paleographical Introduction, p. xxv. note), which, he admits, offends against the metre. The remaining data are, the month Chaitra, the bright half, the tenth lunar day, Danujaripuguru-vâsara or Thursday.
Taking 135 to be the year expired, the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 135+938 1073 current. In that year, Chaitra was an intercalary month, and the corresponding European date, for the adhika Chaitra, would be Thursday, March 3, 1015, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 4h 2m after mean sunrise; and for the nija Chaitra, Friday, April 1, 1015.
Pañchatrims-adhikê sbdê satatama itaré Chaitra-masê, "in the 135th year, in the other, i.e., adhika month Chaitra,"
Data:-The year 188, the month Bhadrapada, the bright half, the full-moon day, Sukradina or Friday.
Taking 188 to be the year expired, the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 188 + 9381126 current; and the corresponding European date is Friday, August 15, 1068, when, at 22h 15m Greenwich time, there was a lunar Panchatrims-adhikê sbdê satatama prasa- eclipse. [With 188 current, and the epoch A.D. tê(?) Chaitra-mâsê himâbhâ
B.-Dates in which the years mentioned must be regarded as expired years, although they are not described as such in the dates themselves. 5. Ib., p. 151:
878-79, the corresponding date would be Monday, August 17, 1067, when, at 5h 31m Greenwich time, there also was a lunar eclipse.] 7. Bendall's Journey, p. 80:Tribhir varshail samâyuktê samvatsarasata-dvayê |
Another date which must contain an intercalary month, is given in Mr. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 162,-" samvat 739 Bravana-nashta-más krishna-pakshe;" here the word nashta appears to be corrupt, but the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 1677 current, when Śravana was an intercalary month.
See below, date 16. According to the Dharmasindhusira, the birth (or descent) of the Gangå took place on the saptami or 7th lunar day of the bright half of
Which both from a grammatical and a metrical point of view is unobjectionable. [Taking 135 to be the current year, the date correspond. ing to Chaitra sukla 10, with the epoch A.D. 878-79, would be Sunday, March 14, 1014; and in that year there was, of course, no intercalary month.]
6. Ib., p. 168
Samvat 188 Bhadrapada-sukla-paurṇamasyah Sukra-dinê.
Vaisakha-śukla-saptamyâm Budhe pushyôdayê subha [1]
Data:-The year 203, the month Vaisakha, the bright half, the seventh lunar day, Budha or Wednesday, the nakshatra Pushys.
Taking 203 to be the year expired, the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 203 + 9381141 current; and the corresponding European date is Wednesday, April 26, 1083, when, at sunrise, the moon was in the nakshatra Pushya. Civilly, Wednesday, April 26, was śu. di. 6, but the 7th tithi, mentioned in the date, began as early as 4h 7m after mean sunrise. [With 203 current, and the epoch
Vaisakha, and ceremonies in honour of that event must be performed on that civil day on which the saptami is current at midday. The inscription, from which the above date is taken, simply records the setting up of an image in honour of the Sun, and contains no allusion to Ganga. According to a general rule given in the Dharmasindhusára, any rites whatever of the 7th tithi must be performed on that civil day on which the 7th tithi meets with the 6th tithi.

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THE POOH OF THE NEWAR ERA.
249
A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be ing Europeap date is Saturday, October 22, Friday, April 8, 1082, nakshatra Pushya.] 1384. On that day, at sunrise, the 8th tithi of 8. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 182:
the bright half was current, and it ended 16h Samvat 285 Srivana-suktr-âshtamyÂm=Ādi. 52m after mean sunrise. [With 505 current, tya-dinê.
and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding Data :-The year 285, the month Sråvana, date would be Tuesday, November 3, 1383.] the bright half, the eighth lunar day, Aditya- 11. Ib., p. 191 :dina or Sunday.
Samvata 509 Jyaishta-sukla daśamyâyâ tithau Taking 285 to be the year expired, the corre- Sukra-vasarê. sponding northern Vikrama year is 285 +938 Data :-The year 509, the month Jyaishtha, 1223 current; and the corresponding European the bright half, the tenth lunar day, Sukra-vadate is Sunday, July 18, 1165. On that day, sara or Friday. at sunrise, the 8th tithi of the bright half was Taking '509 to be the year expired, the current, and it ended 12 hours after mean corresponding northern Vikrama year is 509 + sunrise. [With 285 current, and the epoch 938 = 1447 current; and the corresponding A.D. 878-79, the corresponding data would be European date is Friday, June 4, 1389. On Wednesday, July 29, 1164.]
that day, at sunrise, the 10th tithi of the bright 9. Ib., p. 155:
half was current, and it ended lh 8m after Samvat (336] Pausha-krishnashtamyâm Vți. mean sunrise. [With 509 current, and the haspati-vasarê vaisakha-nakshatrê.
epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date Data :-The year 336 (), the month Pausha, would be Saturday, May 16, 1388.] the dark half, the eighth lunar day, Bți- 12. Bendall's Journey, p. 83:haspati-vasara or Thursday, the nakshatra Sriman-Nêpalika-samvat 512 Vaisakha-kțiVisakha.
shņa-shashthyÂm tithau H gara-karanê | visvaTaking 336 to be the year expired, the muhürttà śravaņa-nakshatro I aindra-yôgêi Adi. corresponding (northern) Vikrama year is tya-váśare 1 336 + 937 = 1273 current; and the corre- Data :-The year 512, the month Vaisakha, sponding European date is Thursday, January the dark half, the sixth lunar day, the karana 14, 1216. On that day, at sunrise, the 8th Gars, the muhúrta Viśva, the nakshatra tithi of the dark half was current, and it Sravana, the yoga Indra, Aditya-vasara or ended 5h 32m after mean sunrise. Moreover, Sunday. at sunrise, the moon was in the nakshatra Visa- Taking 512 to be the year expired, the kha. The result of the calculation thus shows corresponding northern Vikrama year is 512+ that the figures for the year, 336, about which 938 = 1450 current; and the corresponding Mr. Bendall is somewhat doubtful, because the European date is Sunday, May 12, 1392. On date has been retouched, and because "the that day, the 6th tithi of the dark half comday of the week and month" were supposed menced about sunrise, and the first half of that
not to tally for the year 336," are quite tithi, i.e. the time from about sunrise to about correct. [With 336 current, and the epoch sunset, was the 41st leurana, called Gara. A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be And at sunrise, the moon was in the nakshatra Friday, December 26, 1214, wikshatra Svati.] Sravane, and the current yoga was Indra. 10. Ib., p. 84:
[With 512 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, Samvat 505 Kartika-sukla ashthamyâm tithau the corresponding date would be Tuesday, Sanimvara-vasarê.
April 25, 1391, the 42nd karana, called Baņij, Data :-The year 505, the month Kârttika, nakshatra Uttarâ Ashâdha, and yoga Sukla.) the bright half, the eighth lunar day, Sanai- 13. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 155:échara-vasara or Saturday..
Samvata 532 Mågaśira-bukla saptamyam Taking 505 to be the year expired, the tithau satavộisha-nakshatrê harashana-pracorresponding (northern) Vikrama year is (para ?)-vajra-yôga i Aditya-vasarê Il 505 + 937=1442 current; and the correspond- Data:-The year 532, the month Margasiras,
• The publiebed version has sarakarand, supposed to Government." My calculation of the date rendere it certain be the Hindustani s y e, and rendered "by order of that the reading gara-karand is right.

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the bright half, the seventh lunar day, Âdityavâsara or Sunday, the nakshatra 'Satavṛisha,' i.e. evidently Satabhishaj, and the yogas Harshana and Vajra.
Taking 532 to be the year expired, the corresponding (northern) Vikrama year is 532937 1469 current; and the corresponding European date is Sunday, November 22, 1411. On that day, at sunrise, the 7th tithi of the bright half was current, and it ended 13h 36m after mean sunrise. Moreover, at sunrise, the moon was in the nakshatra Satabhishaj, and the current yoga was Vajra. [With 532 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be Wednesday, December 3, 1410, nakshatra Pûrvâ-Bhadrapadá, and yoga Vyatîpâta.]
14. Ib., p. 180:
Samvat 532 Ashadha-krishna êkadaśyâm ithau karttika.ghathi 20 | rôhini-nakshatra ganda-ghathi 6 vridi-yôgê | Sôma-vâsarê |
Date:The year 532, the month Ashâdha, the dark half, the eleventh lunar day, Sômavasara or Monday, the nakshatras Krittika and Rohini, and the yogas Ganda and Vriddhi.
Taking 532 to be the year expired, the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 532+ 938 1470 current; and the corresponding European date is Monday, July 4, 1412. On that day, at sunrise, the 11th tithi of the dark half was current, and it ended 21 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. Moreover, calculated by Prof. Jacobi's tables, the moon at sunrise was in the nakshatra Rohini, and the current yoga was Vriddhi. [With 532 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be Thursday, July 16, 1411, nakshatra Mriga, and yoga Vyâghita.]
15. Ib., p. 183:
Samvat 749 Jyêshtha-krishna amâvâsyâ sûrya grâsa-sa..
Data:-The year 749, the month Jyaishtha. the dark half, new-moon day, a solar eclipse.
Taking 749 to be the year expired, the corresponding northern Vikrama year is 749+ 938 1687 current; and the corresponding European date is June 11, 1629. On that day, 3h 56m Greenwich time, or at Lanka about 9 a.m., there was a total solar eclipse, visible
See above, date 7.-I cannot find that any religious ceremony is specially prescribed for the 10th tithi of the bright half of Phalguna. According to the Dharmasin.
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
in India. [With 749 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be June 21, 1628; and on that day there also was a solar eclipse; but this eclipse was not visible in India.]
16. ante, Vol. IX. p. 185:Nêpâla-varshê svara-sara-turagair = ankitê Phâlgunîyê pakshê prâptê valakshê-maraguru-divasê sankara-rkshê daśam-yâm 1; and on p. 186-Samvat 757 Phâlguna-mâse śuklapakshê dasamyâm tithau ârdrâ-para-punar vasunakshatra Ayushmân-yôgê Brihaspati-vâsarê.
Data:-The year 757, the month Phâlguna, the bright half, the tenth lunar day, Brihaspati. vâsara or Thursday, the nakshatras Ardra and Punarvasu, and the yoga Ayushmat.
=
Taking 757 as the year expired, the corresponding (northern) Vikrama year is 757 + 937 1694 current; and the corresponding European date is Thursday, February 23, 1637, when, at sunrise, the moon was in the nakshatra Ardra, and, from 13 to 14 hours later, in Punarvasu, and when the current yoga was Ayushmat. Civilly, Thursday, February 23, was su. di. 9, but the 10th tithi mentioned in the date began 5h 49m after mean sunrise." [With 757 current and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date would be Sunday, March 6, 1636, nakshatra Pushya, and yoga Atiganda.]
17. Ib., p. 188:
Samvat 769 Phalguna śukla shashṭhyam tithau anurâdhâ-nakshatrê harshana-yogê Brihaspati-vâsarê.
Data:-The year 769, the month Phalguna, the bright half, the sixth lunar day, Brihaspativâsara or Thursday, the nakshatra Anuradha, and the yoga Harshana.
Assuming these data to have been given correctly, the corresponding European dates are,for 769 expired (=769+ 937=1706 Vikrama current) Wednesday, February 7, 1649, the 6th tithi of the bright half ending 20h m after mean sunrise, nakshatra Bharani (No. 2 instead of No. 17), and yoga Brahman (No. 25 instead of No. 14);-and for 769 current, Saturday, February 19, 1648,, nakshatra Bharani and yoga Vaidhṛiti (No. 27 instead of No. 14). These days evidently are
dhusára, fasts, etc., of the 10th tithi should take place on that day on which the 10th tithi meets with the 9th tithi.

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y
are.
wrong; and a satisfactory result is obtained dark half was current, and it ended 7h 35m only, if we take the word sukla of the date to after mean sunrise. [With 810 current, and have been put, either in the original inscrip- the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding date tion or by the editor, erroneously for the word would be Tuesday, October 30, 1688.] krishna. For the European date correspond 20. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 142 :ing to the sixth lunar day of the dark balf Sambat 820 Kárttika-masya-sukla-pakshê of Phâlguna, 769 expired, is Thursday, Feb- trayôdasyam tithau rêvatî-nakshatrê vajraruary 22, 1649, when the 6th tithi of the yôge ... Vțihaspati-vâsare, and other pardark half ended 12h 7m after mean sunrise, ticulars which I omit here. and when, at sunrise, the moon was in the Data :-The year 820, the month Kárttika, nakshatra Anuradh, and the current yôga the bright half, the thirteenth lunar day, Bșiwas Harshana.
haspati-vasara or Thursday, the nakshatra 18. Ib., p. 191 :
Rovati, and the yôga Vajra. Népêlê samvato =smin haya-giri-muni- Taking 820 to be the year expired, the corbhiḥ samyuté Magha-misê saptamyam sukla- responding (northern) Vikrama year is 820 + pakshe Ravidina-sahitê rêvati-ri-ksharaje i 937 = 1757 current; and the corresponding yôgê śri-siddhi-samjõe.
European date is Thursday, October 26, 1699. Data :-The year 777," the month Magha, On that day, at sunrise, the 13th tithi of the bright half, the seventh Janar day, Ravi. the bright half was current, and it ended dina or Sunday, the nakshatra Ravati, and 12h 45m after mean sunrise. Calculated the yoga Siddhi (!).
by Prof. Jacobi's tables, the moon, at mean Taking 777 to be the year expired, the sunrise, was in the nakshatra Asvini, the nalcorresponding (northern) Vikrama year is shatra following upon Rêvati, and the current 777 + 937 = 1714 current; and the corre- yoga was Siddhi, the yoga following upon sponding European date is Sunday, January Vajra. [With 820 current, and the epoch A.D. 11, 1657, when the 7th tithi of the bright 878-79, the corresponding date would be Sunday, half ended 22h ilm after mean sunrise. November 6, 1698, nakshatra Bharani, and Moreover, at sunrise, the moon was in the yoga Parigha.] nakshatra Ravati. As to the yôga, the result 21. ante, Vol. IX. p. 193:calculated by Prof. Jacobi's tables would be Abde Råma-prajêsvarâsya-vasubhir-Mâghê Sadhya; and as this yôga (No. 22) is next sitê pakshake to Siddha (No. 21), not to Siddhi (No. 16), 1 sûlê ch=óttaraphalgund Sasad hare vârê dvifeel certain that the word siddhi of the date | tiya-tithau | has been put by mistake for siddha. [With Data :--The year 843, the month Mâgha; the 777 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the bright half, if the word following upon the corresponding date would be Wednesday, word Mághé is taken as it has been taken by January 23, 1656, nakskatra Asvini, and yoga the editor of the inscription) to be sité, but the Sukla.]
dark half, if the same word is taken to be asité 19. Ib., p. 192:
(Mághé ssité); the second lunar day, SasadharaNépål-abdê gagana-dhariņi-naga-yukte kil= våra or Monday, the nakshatra Uttard-Phal. Örje mase pakshe vidhu-virahitê su-dvitiyâ- gunt, and the yôga Sala. tithau . . . . Ravau.
With 843 expired (= 843 +937 = 1780 Data :-The year 810, the month Karttika, Vikrama current) the corresponding European the dark half, the second lunar day, Ravi or date for the bright half of Magha is Sunday, Sunday.
January 27, 1723 ; and with 843 current, the Taking 810 to be the year expired, the cor- corresponding date, also for the bright half, is responding (northern) Vikrama year is 810 + January 8, 1722, which was a Monday, but on 937 = 1747 current; and the corresponding which the moon was in the nakshatra Śravishthâ European date is Sunday, October 20, 1689. (No.23 instead of No. 12), and when the current On that day, at sunrise, the 2nd tithi of the yoga was Vyatîpêta (No. 17 instead of No:).
. Not 778, as given by the editor of the inscription

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Both days clearly are wrong, and a satisfactory style, 1875, when the 2nd tithi of the dark result is obtained only for the dark half of half ended 9h 30ma fter mean sunrise. [With Magha; for the date corresponding to the second 995 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the of the dark half of Magha, 843 expired, -is corresponding date would be Sunday, May 3, Monday, February 22, 11, 1723, when the 2nd 1874.] tithi, of the dark half ended 6h 6m after c.-Dates in which the years mentioned mean sunrise, and when at sunrise the moon must be regarded, exceptionally, 88 was in the nakshatra Uttard-Phalgunt, and the
current years. current yôga was Sala. [With 843 current, 1 24. 10., p. 172:and the epoch A.D. 878-79, the corresponding | Samvat 157 Vaisakha-sukla-tritiyâyar Su date, for the dark half of Mâgha, would be kra-dinê. Tuesday, January 23, 1722.]
Data :-The year 157, the month Vaisakha, 22. Bendall's Catalogue, p. 5:
the bright half, the third lunar day, Sukra-dina Naipâlik-Abdê bhuja-parvata-vasu-samyutelor Friday. måsê Asvini ssitê trayodasiamita-tithau Taking 157 to be the current year, the târâ chitra priti-yôgê ... Bhaskaraputra corresponding northern Vikrama year is 156 vasarê ...
expired + 938 = 1094 current; and the correData :-The year 872, the month Asvina, the sponding European date is Friday, April 2, dark half (Aávino srité), the thirteenth lunar 1036, when the 3rd tithi of the bright half day, Bhaskaraputra-vasara or Saturday, the ended 9h 21m after mean sunrise. [With nakshatra Chitrs, and the yôga Priti.
157 expired and the epoch A.D. 878-79, or Taking 872 to be the year expired, the cor- with 157 carrent and the epoch A.D. 879-80, responding northern Vikrama year is 872 + the corresponding date would be Thursday, 938 = 1810 current; and the corresponding April 21, 1037; and with 157 expired, and European date is Saturday, November 4, new the epoch A.D. 879-80,--Monday, April 10, style, 1752, when the 13th tithi of the dark 1038.] half ended 17 minutes after mean sunrise. 25. 16., p. 148 - Calculated by Prof. Jacobi's Tables, the moon, Samyat 927 Vaišksha - masya-sukla - pakshe at sunrise, was in the nakshatra Chitra, and chaturdaéyám tithan chitta-nakshatrê vaja-yôgê the current yôga was Ayushmat, the yoga ... Vpihaspati-vara. following upon Priti.-As the reading Asviné Data :-The year 927, the month Vaisakha, Ssité might be considered doubtful, I have the bright half, the fourteenth lunar day, Bțicalculated also the 13th of the bright half of haspati-vara or Thursday, the nakshatra Asvina, with the result-Saturday, October Ohitra, and the yoga Vajra. 21, new style, 1752, nakshatra Rêvati (No. 27 | Taking 927 to be the current year, the instead of No. 14), and yôga Vajra (No. 15 corresponding northern Vikrama year is 926 instead of No. 2), which shows that the day expired + 938 = 1864 current ; and the intended must be the 13th of the dark half. corresponding European date is Thursday, [With 872 current, and the epoch A.D. 878-79, May 1, new style, 1806, when the 14th tithi the corresponding date would be Sunday, ended 19h 25m after mean sunrise. At sunOctober 6, 1751, nakshatra Hasta, and yoga rise, the moon was in the nakshatra Chitra, Vaidhriti.]
and the current yôga was Vajra. [With 927 23. Ib., p. 40:
expired and the epoch A.D. 878-79, or with Samvat 995 miti Baisakha krishņa 2 Sani- 927 current and the epoch A.D. 879-80, the śvara-vara.
corresponding date would be Wednesday, May Data :-The year 995, the month Vaisakha, 20, new style, 1807, nakshatra Svati, and yoga the dark half, the second, Sanivara or Satur- Variyas; and with 927 expired and the epoch day.
A.D. 879-80,-Monday, May 9, new style, Taking 995 to be the year expired, the 1808, nakshatra Svati, and yoga Vyatipata.] corresponding northern Vikrama year is 995 + An examination of these 25 dates will show 938 = 1933 current; and the corresponding that, as regards the settlement of the trae epoch European date is Saturday, May 22, new of the Newâr era, the most important of them

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are the first four and the last two dates. If we had only the 19 dates, from 5 to 23, the years mentioned in them might of course be taken as current years, and in that case the results as regards week-days, etc., would be the same with the epoch A.D. 879-80. But that epoch will absolutely not do for the dates 1-4, which distinctly give expired years, nor for the dates 24 and 25; and, unless we are prepared to assume an error in every one of those six dates, the only epoch that leads to satisfactory results for them, and generally for every one of the 25 dates, is A.D. 878-79, or, more accurately, that epoch by which the era began on 20 October, A.D. 879. And this, again, shows that the years given in the dates 5-23, beginning with the Nêwâr year 135 and ending with 995, must undoubtedly be taken as expired years, although the dates contain no such word as atita, gata, yáta, or any other synonymous expression.
SOUTH INDIAN POPULAR EROTIC POETRY.
As regards the commencement of the Nowar year, a comparison of date 22, which gives the 13th day of the dark half of the month Âśvina, with date 10, which gives the 8th day of the bright half of the month Kârttika, and of which the former requires the addition of 938 and the latter the addition of only 937 for the obtainment of the current northern Vikrama year, clearly shows that the year commences on one of the ten days intervening between those two dates; in other words, that it undoubtedly does begin with the first day of the bright half of Kårttika, the day on which it is reported to begin.
And that the arrangement of the two
Arranged in the sequence of the months, the 25 dates would stand as follows:
SOME SPECIMENS OF SOUTH INDIAN POPULAR EROTIC POETRY.
BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
Love Songs in Southern India are as nume- | however, are worth collecting, or the trouble of rous as elsewhere, and large numbers of books publication in translation. But as it is of exist everywhere containing them. Very few, interest to gather specimens of their purely
Date 10, KArttika, éukla 8. Date 20, Karttika, sukla 13. Date 19, KArttika, krishna 2. Date 13, Margasiras, sukla 7. Date 4, Margasiras, krishna 10. Date 2, Pausha, éukla 9. Date 9, Pausha, krishna 8. Date 18, MAgha, ukla 7. Date 3, Magha, éukla 18. Date 21, Magha, krishna 2. Date 16, Phalguna, sukla 10. Date 17, Phalguna, krishna 6.
253
lunar fortnights is the amánta arrangement of the southern Vikrama year, is clearly proved by the dates 1, 4, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 19, 21, 22, and 23; for those eleven dates give days in dark fortnights, which, as I have taken care to ascertain, in every instance, work out satisfactorily only with the amúnta scheme of the month.
Finally, I may draw attention to the dates 7 and 16, because in them the words saptamyam, 'on the seventh (tithi),' and daśamyám tithau, on the tenth tithi,' clearly do not mean 'on the day on which the 7th tithi ended' and 'on the day on which the 10th tithi ended;' but mean exactly what they signify, and thus happen to denote, in the first date, the 6th day, and in the other, the 9th day of the lunar fortnight. The fact is that, when a tithi begins on one day and ends on the next, the ceremonies prescribed for it must, under certain circumstances which are fully described in such works as the Dharmasindhusára, be performed on the civil day on which the tithi commences, and not on the civil day on which the tithi ends; and it is highly desirable that somebody should compile, for easy reference, a short and clear tabular statement, showing the tithis which are liable to be treated in this way, and the exact conditions under which, for religious purposes, they must be connected with the civil day on which they commence. Anyhow, it is clear that, in calculating dates, it may sometimes be necessary to ascertain the beginning as well as the end of a tithi, a process which now has been rendered more than easy by Professor Jacobi's Tables.
Date 5, Chaitra adhika, śukla 10. Date 1, Chaitra, krishna 13. Date 24, Vaisakha, sukia 3. Date 7, Vaisakha, 6ukla 7. Date 25, Vai6Akha, sukla 14. Date 23, Vaisakha, krishna 2. Date 12, Vaisakha, krishna 6. Date 11, Jyaishtha, sukla 10. Date 15, Jyaishtha, krishna 15. Date 14, Ashadha, krishna 11. Date 8, Sravana, Sukla 8. Date 6, Bhadrapada, éukla 15. Date 22, Aévina, krishna 13.

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erotic verse from the lips of the people them- and sing songs, generally descriptive of the selves, I give three ordinary love songs in the amours of some god. In these the goddess is following pages, which are good ones of their usually represented as scolding the god with kind.
having gone astray with some other female. In addition to what may be called the general They get their peculiar name because they are love songs of the people, there exists a very invariably followed by the request, "Open-thelarge number of songs and ditties which are door." sung at ceremonies connected with mar. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the riages, some of which are curious and well songs and customs above alluded to date no worth preserving. Of these the Nalangupattu further back than the time of the introduction are of great interest, and I give below six speci- of Vaishnavism into Southern India, especially mens. At an ordinary infant marriage when the those which celebrate in verse the amorous ritual is over it is customary to beat the bride and adventures of Krishna with his gôpis. bridegroom (both children) opposite each other
LOVE SONGS. on a fine carpet or mat, and to make the bride do mock obeisance to her husband. The boy is
Song No. I. then made to sing some formal song of accept
ALAQITE BHAGYAMAYA. ance thereof. This ceremony, which is entirely
Chorus.-- Alagité bhdgy'amáyd mariémi váda female one-no adult male being present-is
Alágité bhágyamáyá II called nalangu, and hence the name (nalangu
I. páttu) of the songs connected with it. Sometimes a ball made of flowers is rolled between the
Taliru-bóņiro váni dandiñcha galadá Il bride and bridegroom, sometimes the bride has
Alagité bhágyamáyá, &c. to adorn the ankles of the bridegroom and vice
II. versá, while sometimes scented flowers are Arasómpu mátaláue odniki né scattered about. These details, of course, vary taruninô mafichi dánanayyéná with each locality, the songs which accompany Sarasaku rádáya sakiyaró námom u them complying with each variation.
Tirigi taudad=&mo devud unnádu !! In addition to the above occasion every
Alagité bhágyamdyú, &c. formal visit that the bridegroom makes to the
ΙΙΙ. bride's house and vice versá before the real mart
Balilédikan=ela nátó bandu ringe comes off is made an excuse for a na.
tsalugábólu santoshamaya langn, but it is never practised after they have
nilágunéváni kitavugádé mô once lived together.
Nilavóniro náti nenarintsuk alékaná II When girls attain puberty it is, or rather has
Alagité bhagyamáyá, &c. been, customary for all the young girls of the
IV. village to collect and to sing songs of the most obscene nature ! Males are on such occasions Bála préyamunade bhramayiñchi nanna rigidly excluded. In the present day, how.
Vadélina suddulennenno galavu ever, this revolting custom has practically died
Chala nátô búaalu chésinádéyo out, being continued only in remote villages off
Bálar8 Muvvagópáludu appáludu vádu 11 the usual lines of communication, I have
Alagité bhágyamáyd, &c. naturally given no specimens of these.
IF HE IS DISPLEASED WITH ME. Epithalamia are exceedingly common in the
Chorus.-It he is displeased with me, then south of India, and are there known as "Openthe-door Songs." I give one specimen. After.
Bo my happiness has been only so much.' If
he is displeased. the final nuptial ceremonies are over the bride
I. and bridegroom are conducted to the nuptial chamber and are locked in. The ladies of their Ladies! How can I punish him? respective families then collect outside the door, If he is displeased, &c.
1 i.e. it is over.

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255
WELL, SISTERS! IF SOME SPEAK ILL OF HIM.
CHORUS.-Well, sisters! If some speak ill of him, let them keep their opinion.
My Muvvagôpâlasimi is worthy of my worship and is sweet of speech.
Well sisters, &c.
II.
II. How can I be to his liking who does not come to me to toy with me, but only to talk. O! friends! I do not know that he will ever look on my face again. God alone can protect me ! If he is displeased, &c.
III. Ladies! Why does he not speak to me often? All my pleasure is over! Perhaps I am not as much to his liking as you are. O ye dark-haired ladies! He has forgotten all his sincerity in those good old days towards me. If he is displeased, &c.
IV. He captivated my heart when I was young, and there are several things, many things could I say of our dalliance ! Many kinds of pleasure he has given me! Young ladies, where is my Muvvagôpâla now? If he is displeased, &c.
Song No. 2. AKKARO, YORVANI VARU SARASADU. Chorus.-Akkaro yorvani váru sarasadu gådani yadukondé adukonéru 11
1. Mrokkadaginavani muddumátalaváni Muvvagópálasámini yevarainagáni 11 Akkarô, &c.
II. Ráma váni dalachinapude ravika krikkirisi
gubba lémo rommella nimduné váni matamta Ná manasu pai pai numduné váni zúchité Navanidhul abbinatlundunê yeoarainagánill Akkaró, &c.
TII. Mitirð vd dindu vachchi velami gangilińchite Yento badalika diruné vasamu gani Kashtu tápamu tsallûrune yintékaduná Santasamella jékurune yevarainagani 11
Akkaro, &c.
Ladies, if I just think of him my gown is torn to tatters. My breasts rise up and fill the whole space round about, and my mind soars higher and higher. If I but get a glimpse of him, I think I have obtained the nine kinds of wealth. Well sisters, &c.
III. If be just comes to me and exchanges kisses, how much of happiness comes upon me. All my heart becomes cooled (refreshed). Not only this, all my pleasure comes from the mere sight of him.
Well sisters, &c.
IV.
If my Muvvagôpåla place his hand lovingly on my body I begin to perspire with joy. He alone is able to please me, and my mind in his company feels ever delighted.
Well sisters, &c.
Song No. 3.
A DARINE Movi. Chorus.-Adariné môvi tanalcutáne vadalina
nivi 11
Madilôná vádemo mantrimchégábólu Sudati Muvvagópálu zúchinadi modalu 11 Adariné môvi&c.
II. Idi yémô máyá chiluka vachchi bedariñchi
pôya. Nidura kartikiráka ninnadalanunți Cherine chittamu cheliya yámi sétu 11
Adarînê mõvi, &c.
IV.
III.
Púni Muvragôpáludu paini cheyi vesite na Ména pulakaluppa tilluné ná tamirécha Vánikế birudu chelluné váni gudina Manasam ento ranjillunê yevarainagani il
Akkaró, &c.
Appuda konima nannuvádadagiñchenamma Voppaka mávaraluraka unduta xúchi Yuppatiñchi vádu surasurandnemo il
Adariné môvi, &c.
For not being amorous enough.
i.e, my body swells so with emotion.

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IV.
IV. Lilatonindu vachchi tagtilinchéné, mandu Balaro Muvvagópáludu nanuguda Nilágunémémó jálanni jésanu 11
Adaríné móvi, 8c.
MY LIPS DANCE. CHORUS.-My lips dance and of itself the knot of my garment becomes loose.
I. He sowed enchantment in my mind, O Lady, from the moment I saw my Muvvagopåla.
My lips dance, &c.
Muddu-kumara-mukhamuddu bhávé poddu pāyana puttisáli ni ráve II Nalugida pilache, 8c.
V. Gajyálu, vanjalu, ghelu ghellani ráve Rávé ati guna sáli ravé máhanangi Il Nalugida pilache, &c.
O JANAKI, HE CALLED YOU. CHORUS.- Jánakî, he called you to decorate your feet.
O Janaki, he called you to decorate your feet.
II.
This has surely been some enchantment. The parrot came to me and left me after confusing my mind. Sleep by visiting my eyes has troubled me since last night. My heart breaks! Friend, what shall I do?
My lips dance, &c.
O Janaki, of captivating limbs, of speech resembling the voice of the kókila (cuckoo), he called you to decorate your feet.
O Janaki, be called you, &c.
As I was taking 'atar of roses, scented water, sandal and strong scents smelling ghum ghum.
O Jânaki, &c.
Ladies! Even then only he wanted to kiss me, and seeing that my people were a hind rance to it he went away in great anger.
My lips dance, &c.
III.
IV.
He came here in sport and has sown the seeds of love in me! Young Ladies! Muvvagopala has played a great trick upon me.
My lips dance, &c. BRIDAL SONGS. (NALANGUPATTU).
Song No. 4. NALUCIDA PILACHE JANAKI NINNU. Chorus.Nalugida pilache Janaki ninnu Nalugida pilache Jánaki ninnu !!
I. Nalugida-pilachéra-naku-mohanangi Kokila-váni-nalugida-pilache-Janaki ninnu il Nalugida pilache, 8c.
II. Atturu-panniru-aladava-gandhamu Ghumu-ghumu-vásana-tiyaga-nénu Il Nalugida pilache, &c.
III. Rávé Rukmani-dévi-Rájivané tri Rávéati-guna-ádli Rávé mohanangill
Nalugida pilache, &c.
Come, 0 Rukmanidêvi. Come, 0 thou lotuseyed and sweet-natured. Come, thou of captivating limbs. 0 Janaki, &c.
IV. Give & kiss on the face of Muddakumara.
Come, O thou intelligent one, it is getting very late. Janaki, &c.
V. Come, walking slowly, that the small pendents of your anklets and armlets may sound ghal ghal. Come, O thon of the sweetest nature, and of captivating body. 0 Janaki, &c.
Song No. 5.
NALANGIDAVAYTA. Ohoru.-Nalangidavayya Sri Nanda-kumdra Tsálam yala Rukmani-to-Satya-Hari-chóra II
I. Lalita-nava-Ratna-Kalyana gundra. Chalú rára chai-to-kúại chelulu yeduruka II
Nalangida vayya, &c. The pourl bridegroom, said out of affection.
• See above note.

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257
Song No. 6. SRI RAMA JATA.
II. Tárúru-tasalalla tavangi sammetannu, púlu surulu jaţa banduku tsutêra 11 Nala ngida vayya, &c.
III. Nalangida rára ná sámi voyyara Nalanguku rára ná sámi nátha || Nalangida vayya, &c.
IV. Álása márgamuna-sikhalu Ramayya Ráma Nákulu jatalu pulu tsutêrd 11 Nalangida vayya, &c.
V. Parimala gandhamilalanrı ghumu ghum vdsana pai salya kadara II
Nalangida vayya, &c.
Śrí Rámá jaya Site-manôhára-kárunyasárakaruná-nijaya II
II. Bhävinchi-chúdaráma-Vasudevaki-dévulan II
VICTORY TO RIMA.
I. Victory to Rama, the prosperous, the captivatory of Sita's heart, the stronghold of mercy, and the home of generosity.
II. Be favourable to this son of Vasu and Dévaki.
Song No. 7. JANDLETTIYADANE SRI RAMACHANDRADU. Chorus.-Jandlettiyádané Sri Ramachan
dradu 11
DECORATE MY FEET. Chorus.-Decorate my feet, O thou son of Nanda. Why should you be shy in sporting with Rukmani? O thou truthful Hari, ever fond of stealthy dalliance.
I. O thou that art adorned with a fine garland of the nine-valued gems, enough of your shyness) come knit your bands in your (female) friends' and take your seat in front of me. Decorate my feet, &c.
II. Come and decorate me with távaru, tasala, and tavangi. I give my consent. Adorn me also with flowers, gurul, jata and banduku.! Decorate my feet, &c.
III. Come, decorate my feet, my most noble lord. O come decorate my feet, thou lord of my person. Decorate my feet, &c.
lv. The peacocks from the path of the sky decorate. O Ramayya, O Rama! with jata, flowers and ornaments, Decorate my feet &c.
V. Come rub over my body with sweet scents, with sweet things that smell strongly.
Decorate my feet, &c.
Pula Jandlettiyádaně mana Chinni-Krish
padu. Madana-Janakudu-Mahánu prabhávudu. Kundlu-malya-púlu-chendlu-cheta-katti Il Jandlettiyádane, &c.
II. Anda-janakudu-dandarirangadu. Kundlu-malyapálu-chendlu-chéta-katti ||
Jandlettiyadane. SRI RAMACHANDRA TOOK UP THE BALL AND
ROLLED IT. Chorus.-Sri Ramachamdra took up the ball and rolled it. Little Kộishņa took up the flower ball and played with it.
The awakener of passion the most famous, took up in his hand the ball made of kundlamalya (jessamine) and other flowers. Sri Ramachandra took up, &c.
II. The creator of the world, the extractor of respects from others took it up in his hand.
Śri Ramachandra took op, &c.
Names of various ornamenta. . Vasudeva is a name for Krishna, and R&ms is here
invoked to grant favour to the newly married bridegroom, who is compared to Vaudeva.

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Song No. 8.
DASARATHATMAJA-NIKU-DANDAMBU.
Dásarathátmaja-niku-dandambu-dandambu Vaidehipati-niku-vandanambu
Kausalyasuta-niku-kalupu-kalyanambu Jánakipati niku-jayamu-jayamu Anutsu-varyinchi-bhajayinchi-átmatalachi Nilichi-sanmárga-mantude-ninna-rangu Ataḍu-kanukanna-phalamanta-návaśambé Ráma-táraka-Dasaratha-Raja-tanaya ||
O SON OF DASARATHA, SALUTATION.
O Son of Dasaratha, Salutation! Salutation to thee, O lord of Vidêhi! (Sîtâ) makes obeisance to thee, O Son of Kausalya! May there be prosperity to thee: O husband of Janaki (Sita). May there be victory to thee. Thus describing and worshipping thee and making thee part of my soul, if I follow the paths of virtue, is there any doubt but that I shall become favoured of thee! O, Râma, my helper in transgression! O Son of Dasaratha !
Song No. 9.
TSALLANE GUDICHELO.
Tsallane-guḍichelo-jalakambul-áḍiná, Prabalanáthuḍikanna-páru-mukhamu
Pattu-chira-katti-pandlúda-kutti
Patsala-pánála-ravika-tuḍiki.
Ippa-pilla-saramu-veḍalu-tzárchi
Tsippé-mutyepu-nattu-mukkunéḍi Kora-tadpalu-chinna-vadane-kamarchi
Bahu-valent uni-bála-potu-pedda-vadiná ||
IN THE HUTS OF POOR NEATHERDS.
In the huts of poor neatherds, the brother of Prabalanatha (Krishna) sported amorously in the pools of delight. Turn your face and listen, O thou elder sister-in-law. He decked the younger sister-in-law with silken cloths and broke her teeth. He bade her put on garments ornamented with emeralds. He entangled her in a net of garlands of ippapú flowers. He adorned her nose with the best of pearly rings. He presented her with a fine mat (to sleep on) and remained with her for a very long time.
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
EPITHALAMIA.
"Open the door" Songs. (Kaliki Kavatamu). Song No. 10.
KALIKI KAVATAMU BANDHANA JESINA.
I. Kaliki kaváṭamu bandhana jêsina káranam emo Lakshmi-Niku-káranam emo Lakshmi ||
II. Karanam émani yaḍigavu ni madi teliyaga lédata vôyi-Svámi-teliya ga lédata voyi ||
III.
Telisi teliyaka Chemchitanu jériti pantam élané Lakshmi-niku-pantam élané Lakshmi ||
IV. Páramátmá niku pantamul étiki padaravaddu povoyi, padarvaddu pôvôyi || V. Chemchitayani madi chintana jésévu chinta éluné Lakshmi-niku chinta élané Lakshmi ||
VI. Komchavu jati Chenchita náku chavitiyanuchu chimtérá-náku chavi, tiyanuchu chimtéra || VII.
Kaliki kaváṭamu derichinapudé kam!haharamun=ittu-yi kamtha háramun-ittu ||
VIII. Kamthaháramu Chemchitakichchi Chemchita guḍumu svámí-áChemchita gudumu svámí ||
FOR YOUR SHUTTING THE DOOR ! I.
For your shutting the doors so very suddenly, what is the reason, O Lakshmi ? What is the reason, O Lakshmi?
II.
My lord, you ask me the reason; As if your mind was not able to catch at it! As if your mind was not able to catch at it!
III.
1 Spoke angrily.
Yes, I would know! What though by mistake, I partook of a kiss from the Chenchita woman! Why should you be so very obsti

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VII.
nate, O Lakshmi ? Why should you be so very
VI. obstinate, O Lakshmi.
That low caste Chenchita woman you have IV.
made my co-wife, my lord! You have made O Divine-souled! Why should I be obsti- | my co-wife, my lord! nate towards you? You had better not be anxious to enter into my room, my lord ! you If yon will open the door soon I will give had better not be anxious to enter into my you this necklace, O Lakshmi! I will give room, my lord !
you this necklace, O Lakshmi ! V.
VIII. About the Chenchita woman, why should You may give the necklace to the Chenchita you be so very particular, O Lakshmi ? Why woman, and live with her, my lord! And live should you be so very particular, O Lakshmi ? with her, my lord !
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. XXVI.-The Conquest of Fate. sweet voice the hoary lord of the cottage of In the Dakshinadésa there lived a Brahman | leaves. boy who from his childhood was given a very "A thirst for knowledge, so that I may liberal education in Sanskrit. He had read so acquire the mastery over the higher branches much in philosophy that before he reached the of philosophy," was the reply of our young sixteenth year of his life he began to despise adventurer, whose name was Subrahmanya. the pleasures of the world. Everything which "Sit down my child," said the old sage, much he saw was an illusion (mithya) to him. So he pleased that in this Kaliyuga, which is one resolved to renounce the world and to go to & long epoch of sin, there was at least one young forest, there to meet with some great sage, and lad who had forsaken his home for philosophy. pass his days with him in peace and happiness, Having thus seen our hero safely relieved
Having thus made up his mind, he left his from falling a prey to the tigers and lions of home one day without the knowledge of his the Dandakâranya, let us enquire into the parents and travelled towards the Daņda- story of the old sage. In the good old days káranya. After wandering for a long time in even of this Kaliyuga learned people, after that impenetrable forest, and undergoing all fully enjoying the world, retired to the forests, the miseries of a wood inhabited only by wild with or without their wives, to pass the decline beasts, he reached the banks of the Tunga- of life in solemn solitude and contemplabhadrâ. His sufferings in his wanderings in a tion. When they went with their wives they forest introdden by human feet, his loneliness were said to undergo the ránaprastha stage in the midst of wild beasts, his fears whether of family life. The hoary sage of our story after all he had not failed in his search for was undergoing vanaprastha, for he was in the consolation in a preceptor to teach him the woods with his wife. His name while living higher branches of philosophy, came up one was Jaananidhi. He had built a neat par. after another before his mind. Dejected and nasálá, or cottage of leaves, on the banks of the weary, he cast bis glance forward as far as it commingled waters of the Tanga and Bhadra, could reach. Was it a reality or only imagina- and here his days and nights were spent in tion? He saw before him a lonely cottage of meditation. Though old in years he retained leaves (parnasála). To a lonely traveller even the full vigoar of manhood, the result of a the appearance of shelter is welcome, so he well-spent youth. The life of his later years followed up his vision till it became a reality, was most simple and sinless. and an aged hoary Brahman, full fourscore "Remote from man, with God he passed and more in years, welcomed our young philo
his days; sopher.
Prayer all his basiness, all his pleasures " What has brought you here, my child, to
praise." this lonely forest thus alone ?" spoke in & The wood yielded him herbs, fruits and

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roots, and the river, proverbial' for its sweet enters the world. Of course, the great God waters, supplied him with drink. He lived, when he enters the room to discharge his in fact, as simply as the bard who sang onerous duty, is invisible to all human eyes. "But from the mountain's grassy side But the eyes of Subrahmanya were not exactly A guiltless feast I bring;
human. The supreme knowledge which JñânaA bag with herbs and fruits supplied, nidhi bad imparted to him made it easy for And water from the spring."
him to discern at once & person entering His faithful wife brought him these, while most impolitely the room in which his master's Jõậnanidhi himself devoted his whole time wife was being confined. to the contemplation of God.
"Let your reverence stop here," said the Such was Jananidhi-the abode of ali know disciple angrily though respectfully. The great ledge-to whom the boy-philosopher, Subrah-God shuddered, for he had been in the habit magya, resorted. After questioning each other of entering hourly innumerable buildings on both were mightily pleased at the fortune which his eternal rounds of duty, but never till then had bronght them together. Jnananidhi was hail a human being perceived him and asked glad toimpart his bard-earned knowledge during him to stop. His wonder knew no measure, his leisure moments to the young student, and and as he stood bewildered the following repriSubrahmanya, with that longing which made mand fell on his ears: "Hoary Brahman sage him renounce the city and take to the woods (for so Brahmâ appeared), it is unbecoming eagerly swallowed and assimilated whatever was your age thus to enter the hut of my master, administered to him. He relieved his mother- unallowed by me, who am watching here. My for such he regarded his master's wife-of all teacher's wife is in labour. Hold your steps." her troubles, and used himself to go out to bring | BrahmA hastily-for the time of inscribing the fruits, herbs and roots necessary for the the future fortune on the forehead of the baby repasts of the little family. Thus passed five to be born was fast approaching-explained to years, by which time our young friend had Subrahmanya who he was and what had become learned in the many branches of Aryan brought him there. As soon as our young hero philosophy.
came to know the person who stood before him Jõînanidhi had a desire to visit the source he rose up, and, tying his upper cloth round his of the Tangabhadrâ, but his wife was eight hips as a mark of respect, went round the months advanced in her pregnancy. So he Creator thrice, fell down before Brahmâ's most conld not take her; and to take care of her he holy feet and begged his pardon. Brahma had had to leave behind his disciple, Subrahmanya. not much time. He wanted to go in at once, but Thus, after commending the old lady to 8u. our young friend would not leave the God brahmanya's care, and learing for female until he explained what he meant to write assistance another sage's wife, whom he had on the head of the child. "My son!” said brought from a distant forest, Jñananidhi went Brahmâ, "I myself do not know what my iron his way.
nail will write on the head of the child. When The time for confinement was fast approach the child is coming into the world I place the ing, and the old lady even felt the pangs of nail on its head, and the instrument writes the labour. Her attendant remained with her fate of the baby in proportion to its good or inside the cottage, while Subrahmanya sat ontbad acts in its former life. To delay me is side anxiously waiting to hear that his master's merely wrong. Let me go in." wife had been safely brought to bed.
" Then," said Subrahmanya," your Holiness Now, there is a strong belief among Hindus most inform me when your Holiness goes out that Brahma, the great creator, writes on what has been written on the child's head." everyone's head at the time of his birth his “Agreed," said Brahma and went in. After a future fortunes in life. He is supposed to do moment he returned, and our young hero at this just at the moment of birth, when the the door asked the God what his nail had child leaves the womb of its mother and written.
Ganga mdna Tungd pdna. The Ganges for bath and Tuigl (Tusgabhadra) for drink.

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"My child!" said Brahmâ, "I will inform you what it wrote; but if you disclose it to anyone your head will split into a thousand pieces. The child is a male child. It has before it a very hard life. A buffalo and a sack of grain will be its livelihood. What is to be done? Perhaps it had not done any good acts in its former life, and as the result of its sin then it must undergo miseries now."
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
"What! Your supreme Holiness, the father of this child is a great sage. And is this the fate reserved to the son of a sage ?" wept the true disciple of the sage.
"What have I to do with the matter? The fruits of acts in a former life must be undergone in the present life. But, remember, if you should reveal this news to anyone your head will split into a thousand pieces."
Having said this Brahmâ went away, leaving Subrahmanya extremely pained to hear that the son of a great sage was to have a hard life. He could not even open his lips on the subject, for if he did his head would be split. In sorrow he passed some days, when Jñânanidhi returned from his pilgrimage and was delighted to see his wife and the child doing well, and in the learned company of the old sage our young disciple forgot all his sorrow.
Three more years passed away in deep study, and again the old sage wanted to go on a pilgrimage to the sacred source of the Tunga bhadra. Again was his wife pregnant, and he had to leave her and his disciple behind with the usual temporary female assistance. Again, too, did Brahmâ come at the moment of birth, but found easy admittance as Subrahmanya had now become acquainted with him owing to the previous confinement. Again did Brahmâ take an oath from him not to communicate the fortunes of the second child, with the curse that if he broke his oath his head would split into a thousand pieces. This child was a female, and the nail had written that her fate was to be that of a courtezan! She would obtain her living after her attaining maturity by prostitution. Extremely vexed was our young philosopher. The most shameful and sinful life of lives was. to be the lot of a daughter of a most holy sage. The thought vexed him to such a degree that language has no words to express it. After worrying a great deal he consoled himself with
261
the soothing philosophies of the fatalists that fate alone governs the world.
The old sage in due course returned, and our young disciple spent two more happy years with him. After a little more than ten years had been thus spent the boy reached to five years and the girl to two. The more they advanced in years the more did the recollection of their future fate pain Subrahmanya. So one morning he humbly requested the old sage to permit him to go on a long journey to the Himalayas and other mountains, and Jñânanidhi, knowing that all that he knew had been grasped by the young disciple, permitted him with a glad heart to satisfy his curiosity.
Our hero started, and after several years, during which he visited several towns and learned men, reached the Himalayas. There he saw many sages, and lived with them for some time. He did not remain in one place, for his object was more to examine the world. So he went from place to place, and after a long and interesting journey of twenty years he again returned to the banks of the Tungabhadrâ, at the very place where he lived for ten years and imbibed philosophical knowledge from Jñânanidhi. But he saw there neither Jñânanidhi nor his old wife. They had long since fallen a prey to the lord of death. Much afflicted at heart to see his master and mistress no more, he went to the nearest town, and there after a deal of search he found a coolie with a single buffalo. The fate which Brahmâ's nail had written on his master's son rushed into the mind of Subrahmanya. He approached the coolie, and, on closely examining him from a distance, our hero found distinct indications of his master's face in the labourer. His pain knew no bounds to see the son of a great sage thus earning his livelihood ont of a buffalo. He followed him to his home, and found that he had a wife and two children. One sack of corn he had in his house and no more, from which he took out a portion every day and gave to his wife to be husked. The rice was cooked, and with the petty earnings of a coolie, he and his family kept body and soul together. Each time the corn in the sack became exhausted he used to be able to save enough to replenish it again with corn. Thus did he, according to the writing of Brahmâ's nail, pass his days. Kapali was the name of this coolie, the sage's son.

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"Do you know me, Kapili ?" said our hero, as he remembered his name.
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
Subrahmanya showed him some money that he had in his hand, enough to buy a buffalo and a sack of corn in case the great God did not help him, and asked him to spend that night, at least the remainder of it, in calm sleep. So Kapâlî with his heart at ease retired to rest.
The coolie was astonished to hear his name so readily pronounced by one who was apparently a stranger to him, but he said, "I am sorry that I do not know you, sir."
Subrahmanya then explained to him who he was and requested him to follow his advice. "My dear son," said he, "Do as I bid you. Early morning to-morrow leave your bed and take to the market your buffalo and the cornsack. Dispose of them for whatever amount they will fetch you. Do not think twice about the matter. Buy all that is necessary for a sumptuous meal from the sale-proceeds and eat it all up at once without reserving a morsel for the morrow. You will get a great deal more than you can eat in a day. But do not reserve any, even the smallest portion of it. Feed several other Brahmans with it. Do not think that I advise you for your ruin. You will see in the end that what your father's disciple tells you is for your own prosperity."
However, whatever the sage might say, Kapali could not bring himself to believe him. "What shall I do to feed my wife and children to-morrow if I sell everything belonging to me to-day ?" Thus thought Kapili and consulted
his wife.
Now she was a very virtuous and intelligent woman. Said she, "My dear lord, we have heard that your father was a great mahátma. This disciple must equally be a mahátmá. His holiness would not advise us to our ruin. Let us follow the sage's advice."
When Kapill's wife thus supported the sage he resolved to dispose of his beast and sack the next morning, and he did so accordingly. The provisions he bought were enough to feed fifty Brahmans morning and evening as well as his own family. So that day he fed Brahmans for the first time in his life. Night came on, and after an adventurous day Kapali retired to sleep, but sleep he could not. Meanwhile Subrahmanya was sleeping on the bare verandah outside the house, and he came to the sage and said, "Holy sage, nearly half of the night is spent and there are only fifteen ghatikás more for the dawn. What shall I do for the morrow for my hungry children? All that I had, I have spent. I have not even a morsel of cold rice for the morning."
He had not slept more than ten ghatikás when he dreamt that all his family-his wife and children-were screaming for a mouthful of rice. Suddenly he awoke and cursed his poverty which had always made such thoughts prominent in his mind. There were only five ghatikus for the lord of the day to make his appearance in the eastern horizon, and before this could happen he wanted to finish his morning bath and ablutions, and so he went to his garden to bathe at the well. The shed for the buffalo was erected in the garden, and it had been his habit daily before bathing to give fresh straw to his beast. That morning he thought he was spared that duty. But, wonder of wonders! He saw another buffalo standing there. He oursed his poverty again which imagined things impossible. How could it be possible that his beast should be standing there when he had sold it the previous morning? So he went into the shed and found a real buffalo standing there. He could not believe his eyes, and hastily brought a lamp from his house. It was, however, a real buffalo, and beside it was a sack of corn! His heart leapt with joy, and he ran out to tell to his patron, Subrahmanya. But when the latter heard it he said with a disgusted air, "My dear Kapali, why do you care so much? Why do you feel overjoyed? Take the beast at once with the corn-sack and sell them as you did yesterday."
Kapili at once obeyed the orders and changed the money into provisions. Again fifty Brahmans were fed the next day too, and nothing was reserved for the third day's use. Thus it went on in Kapâlî's house. Every morning be found a buffalo and a sack of corn, which he sold and fed Brahmans with the proceeds. In this way a month passed. Said Subrahmanya one day, "My dear Kapali, I am your holy father's disciple, and I would never advise you to do a thing prejudicial to your welfare. When I came to know that you were the son of the great sage, Jñânanidhi, and were leading so wretched a life, I came to

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see you in order to alleviate your miseries.manya, and she in reply said that she did not. I have now done so, having pointed out the He then explained who he was, and when she way to you to live comfortably. Daily must came to know that it was a disciple of her you continue thus. Do as you have been doing father that was standing before her she wept for the past one month, and never reserve most bitterly. The thought that, after having anything, for if you reserve a portion all this been born of such a holy sage, she had adopted happiness may fail, and you will have to so wretched a life, the most shameful in the revert to your former wretched life. I have world, made her miserable at the heart. She done my duty towards you. If you become fell down at his feet and asked to be forgiven. ambitious of hoarding up money this fortune She then explained to him her extreme misery, may desert you."
and the hard necessity which had compelled her Kapali agreed to follow the advice of to take to her present way of living. He then the sage to the uttermost detail and requested consoled her and spoke thus : “My dear him to remain in his house. Again said daughter! My heart burns to see that necessity Subrahmanya, “My son! I have better drove you to this wretched life. But I can work before me than living in your house. redeem you if you will only follow my advice. So please excuse me. But before leaving you From this night you had better shut your door, I request you to inform me'as to where your and never open it to any other person except sister is. She was a child of two years of age to him who brings to you a large measure full when I saw her twenty years ago. She must of pearls of the first water. You follow this be abont twenty-two or twenty-three now. advice for a day and I shall then advise you Where is she ?"
further." Being the daughter of a great sage, Tears trickled down the eyes of Kapali and having been compelled by necessity to when his sister was mentioned. Said he, “Do take to a wretched life, she readily consented not, my patron, think of her. She is lost to to follow the advice of her father's disciple the world. I am ashamed to think of her. when he promised to redeem her. She bolted Why should we think of such a wretch at this the door, and as her customers used to visit her happy time"
at night, several came that night and knocked. At once the inscription made by Brahma's To all she stated from within that her nail rashed into Subrahmanya's mind and he condition was a large measure full of understood what was meant. Said he, "Never pearls. Her visitors, considering she had gone mind; be open and tell me where she is." mad, went away. The night was almost
Then her brother, Kapâli, with his eyes still drawing to a close and all her customers had wet with tears, said that his sister, the daugh- gone away disappointed. Who was there in ter of the sage Jñananidhi, was leading the the village to give to her one measure full of worst of lives as a courtezan in an adjoining pearls for one night with her P Bat as the village, and that her name was Kalyâņi. nail of Brahmâ had fixed for her such a life
Subrahmanya took leave of Kapáli and his as stated, some one was bound to comply with wife, after blessing his little children and again her terms. And as there was no human being warning his friend. He had conferred what who could do so, the God Brahma himself happiness he could upon his master's son, and assumed the shape of a young man, and, with now the thought of reforming his master's a measure full of pearls, visited her in daughter reigned supreme in his heart. Ee the last watch of the night and remained with went at once to the village indicated and her. reached it at about nightfall. After an easy When morning dawned he disappeared, and search he found her house and knocked at when Kalyâņi explained to the disciple of her the door. The door was at once opened, for father the next morning that after all one Kalyani's profession was such that never did person had visited her with measure full wait for a second knock. But on that day she of pearls on the previous night he was glad was astonished to see a face such as she could to hear of it. He know that his suggestion was never expect to approach her house.
working well. Said he, "My dear daughter, "Do you know me, Kalyaņi?" said Subrah- you are pure hereafter from this day. There

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are very few people in this world who could hearing the crows crowing he mistook it for afford to give you a measure full of pearls the dawn and commenced his journey. He had every night. So, he that brought you the not proceeded far, when on his way he met a pearls last night must continue to do so every beautiful person coming before him, with a night, and he shall be hereafter your only sack of corn on his head and a bundle of pearls husband. No other person must ever here. tied up in the end of his upper cloth on his after see your face, and you must obey my shoulder, leading a buffalo before him. orders. You must sell all the pearls he "Who are you, sir, walking thus in this brings you every day and convert them into forest ?" said Subrahmanya. money. This money you should spend in When thus addressed the person before him feeding the poor and other charities. None threw down the sack and wept most bitterly. of it must you reserve for the next day, neither “See, sir, my head is almost become bald must you entertain a desire to hoard up money. by having to bear to Kapali's house a sack The day you fail to follow my advice you will of corn every night. This buffalo I lead lose your husband, and then you will have to to Kapali's shed, and this bundle of pearls I fall back on your former wretched life." take to Kalyani's house. My nail wrote their
Thus said Subrahmanya, and Kalyani agreed fate on their respective heads, and by your to strictly follow his injunctions. He then device I have to supply them with what my went to live under a tree opposite to her house nail wrote. When will you relieve me of these for a month to see whether his plan was troubles P" working well, and found it worked admirably. Thus wept Brahmi, for it was no other
Thus, after having conferred happiness, to the personage. He was the Creator and Protector best of his abilities, on the son and daughter of of all beings, and when Subrahmanya had his former master, Subrahmanya took leave of pointed out the way for his master's children Kalyaoi, and with her permission, most re- and they had conquered fate, Brahma too luctantly given, he pursued his pilgrimage. was conquered. So the great God soon gave
One moonlight night, after a long sleep, them eternal felicity and relieved himself of Subrahmanya rose up almost at midnight, and his troubles.
MISCELLANEA CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
goes on to record a grant of the village of Sin. No. 15.
davallt by Permadi-Sivachitta, in this the twentyIn the Halststone inscription of the third year of their joint reign. Kadamba kings Permați-Sivachitta, and Vija- This gives us, as the basis of the calculation, yiditya-Vishnuchitta, from the Belgaum Dis- Kaliyuga-Samvat 4270 expired, which by the triot, published by me in the Jour. Bo. R. A&. Tables is equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1091 expired; Soc. Vol. IX. pp. 262, 278 ff., the first date (line and the details of the Virodhin samvatsara, 18f.) is-samnivsittê Kaléh kalê kha-sapta-dvi. current, of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter; the payonidhau pravardhamânê tad-rajyo trayövimse month Suchi, which, from the samlerdnti that is Virôdhini samvatsarê Suchau måsê darśê våre mentioned, denotes Ashadha' (ordinarily JuneVrihaspatéh dakshiņayana-samkrantau," when July); the dark-fortnight; the new-moon tithi ; there has expired, in the Kali era (the year that is Vrihaspativåra, or Thursday; and the summer numbered by the sky (0), (the numeral) seven, (the solstice, which we have to take as represented by numeral) two, and the oceans (four); in the aug. the Karka-Samkranti or entrance of the Sun' menting Virodhin sariwatsara, which is the into Cancer. twenty-third year) in his reign; in the month By the Southern System of the Cycle, which. Suchi; on the new-moon tithi; on the day of from the locality and period of the record, is of Vrihaspati; at the time of the sun's entrance into course the system that ought to apply, the his progress to the south." And the inscription Virodhin samvatsara did coincide with the
For a lithograph, see, when issued, Indian Inscrip. tions, No. 32.
• In Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, Suchi is
given as a name, not of a month, but of the hot season, including the two months Jyêshtha and Aghadha.

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indicated current year, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4271, equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1092 (A. D. 1169-70). And, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1091 expired, from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables I find that, by the Amanta southern arrangement of the lunar fortnights, which is of course the arrangement that is required by the locality and period of the record, the given tithi, Ashadha krishna 15, ended, as required, on Thursday, the 26th June, A. D. 1189, at about 28 ghatis, 46 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); and the Karka-Samkranti occurred on the same day, at about 27 gh. 40 p.
No. 16.
In the same Halsi stone inscription, the second date (line 34f.) is-samnivrittê Kalêh kala sva-sapta-dvi-payônidhau pravardhamânê tadrajyê pañchaviméê samê Kharê Mâghê cha suddha-dvådaśyâm mâsê vârê Vṛihaspatêh samprâptê Vaidhritau yôgê,-"when there has expired, in the Kali era, (the year that is numbered by) the Asvine (two), (the numeral) seven, (the numeral) two, and the oceans (four); in the augmenting Khara (samvatsara), which is the twenty-fifth year in his reign; and in the month Mâgha; on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight; on the day of Vrihaspati; when the Vaidbriti yoga has arrived." And the inscription goes on to record a grant of some lands at the village of Bhalika or Bhalika by Vijayâditya-Vishnuchitta or Vijaya ditya II., in this the twenty-fifth year of the joint reign of him and his elder brother PermâḍiŚivachitta.
This gives us, as the basis of the calculation, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4272 expired, which by the Tables is equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1093 expired; and the details of the Khara samvatsara, current, of the Sixty-Year Cycle; the month Magha (ordinarily January-February); the bright fortnight; the twelfth tithi; Vrihaspativâra, or Thursday; and the Vaidhriti yoga.
By the Southern System of the Cycle, the Khara samvatsara did coincide with the indicated current year, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4273, equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1094 (A.D. 1271-72). But, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1093 expired, I find that the given tithi, Magha śukla 12, ended, not on a Thursday, but on Sunday, the 9th January, A.D. 1172, at about 50 ghatis, 21 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). And it is evident, therefore, that there must be some mistake in this record; unless the record itself is spurious;
Read kale-Svi.-When I published this inscription, I read here ka kha; and thought that the composer of this part of the record had carelessly copied the words expressing the year in the first date, without reflecting that two years had elapsed since then. But I find now that the of kale was not engraved; and that the fol
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for which assumption, however, there are no prima facie grounds whatever.
Now, the given tithi, while still belonging to the twenty fifth regnal year, might fall in either the preceding or the following Kaliyuga (or Saka) year; though, to meet either of these two cases, we should have to take a considerable liberty with the text, in altering the name of the samvatsara itself, as well as in making a change in the number of the Kaliyuga year. A correct result, however, cannot be obtained in this way. For, in the preceding year, with the basis of ŠakaSamvat 1092 expired, the given tithi, Mâgha sukla 12, ended on Wednesday, the 20th January, A.D. 1171, at about 42 gh. 59 p.; with no possibility of the Thursday being deduced from any other Tables. And, in the following year, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1094 expired, the given tithi, Mâgha śukla 12, ended on Saturday, the 27th January, A.D. 1173, at about 37 gh. 5 p.
The next idea that occurs, is, that the mistake is in respect of the name of the month; and that, instead of Maghe, we should have Marge, "in (the month) Marga" (ordinarily NovemberDecember). And this seems to be the real state of the case. For, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1093 expired, the given tithi, taken as Mârgasirsha sukla 12, ended, as required, on Thursday, the 11th November, A.D. 1171, at about 15 gh. 17 p. This, therefore, is probably the date that was intended. And it is easy to see that the com. poser of the record may have been compelled, by metrical exigencies, to use the locative case of the rather unusual abbreviation Márga, unusual at least in Southern India; and that, in the writing of the record on the stone, possibly from dictation, Margé may have been carelessly changed into Mághé. I should state, however, that Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit informs me that the Vaidhriti yoga can never occur on Mârgasirsha śukla 12; and that it did occur on Magha śukla 12 in A.D. 1172, on Sunday, the 9th January. His suggestion is that, in the text, which is perfectly legible and free from doubt, Vrihaspatéh should be altered into any such word as tvishampatéḥ, which would give "(on the day) of the sun," i.e. "on Sunday." But I do not see my way to accepting this alteration of the text. And, on the strength of Prof. Jacobi's remarks about the nakshatras at page 156-57 above, I do not think that the nonoccurrence of the given yoga is necessarily fatal to accepting Thursday, the 11th November, A.D.
lowing akshara is certainly sea, not kha. The name of the samvatsara, as well as the number of the regnal year, shews that we should have here a numerical word for two. And the most probable emendation is what I have given.

Page #286

266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SEPTEMBER, 1888.
1171, as the real English equivalent. This date, names well known in all matters connected with however, is one that might advantageously be antiquarian and archæological studies in Madras, subjected to further examination.
designed to promote the "systematic cataloguing No. 17.
of private collections of the ancient coins of In the Dégâmve stone inscription of the South India." Kadamba king Permadi-Sivachitta, from "Private collectors," of course, vary, from the the Belgaum District, published by me in learned numismatist, who has made coins the the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. study of the leisure of a lifetime, to the gentleman pp. 262, 264ff., 287ff., the date (line 33f. in the who collects coins as he collects everything else version in Någari characters, and line 42ff. in that is curious and that comes within his reach. the version in Old-Kanarese characters) is - Such dilettante antiquarians as this last are much panchasaptaty-adhika-dvisat-ottara-chatuh-saha- more common than many suppose, and much more Broshu Kaliyuga-samvatsarēslu paravritteshu frequent than might be expected. They possess pravartamînê cha éri-Kadamba-Sivachitta. treasures of the real value of which they have no Vira-Permadidêvasya pravardhamina-vijaya- conception. If the gentlemen above-mentioned rajya-samvatsarê ashtävimse Jay-ahvayê Márga- can manage to get the collections of such persons sirshê amavasyam Bhaumavåré suryagrahaņa- sufficiently within their grasp to be able to cataparvani," when there have expired four thousand logue and publish them, they will have conferred years of the Kaliyuga, increased by two hundred a real benefit op numismatology. raised by seventy-five; and while there is current The dilettante collector may be properly styled the twenty-eighth year, having the appellation of an enemy to coins; but coins have, widely Jaya, of the augmenting victorious reign of the spread all over India, much worse foes. We glorious Kâdamba Sivachitta-Vira-Permadidêva; mean those ladies and gentlemen who delight in in the month) Mârgasirsha; on the new-moon wearing "funny old coins" as personal adorntithi; on Tuesday; at the conjunction of an ments. In this Journal (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 325) eclipse of the sun." And the inscription goes on there has been published a coin found on a sleeve. to record a grant of the village of Dêgarve by link (1); and the present writer on one occasion Permadideva's chief queen, Kamaladevi, in this discovered a valuable coin on a watch-chain, twenty-eighth year of his reign.
However, try as they may, it is to be feared This gives us, as the basis of the calculation, that the promoters of the scheme under conKaliyuga-Samvat 4275 expired, which by the sideration will succeed in capturing but very Tables is equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1096 ex. few of this class of " collector!” pired; and the details of the Jaya samvatsara, Messrs. Sewell, Thurston, and Tufnell, have set current, of the Sixty-Year Cycle; the month about their business in a thoroughly systematic Margasiraba (ordinarily November December); manner, and have accompanied their appeal to the new-moon tithi, i.e. the fifteenth tithi of the collectors of coins by an intelligible and simple dark fortnight; Bhaumavåra, or Tuesday; and form to fill in, together with a very practical paper an eclipse of the sun.
of "instructions," from which we take the followBy the Southern System of the Cycle, the ing easy method of taking a rough rubbing - Jaya samvatsara did coincide with the indi. - Circular holes a little larger than the coin should cated current year, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4276, equiva- be cut in strong cardboard. A piece of strong lent to Saka-Sarhvat 1097 (A.D. 1174-75). And thin paper should then be placed over the coin and with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1096 expired, pressed down tight by means of the card. The and by the Amanta southern arrangement, I paper should then be gently rubbed with a hard find that the given tithi, Margasiraha krishna blacklead pencil, not cut to a point, but just 15, ended, as required, on Tuesday, the 26th rounded of" November, A.D. 1174, at about 13 ghatls, 12 The only point in the scheme that we would palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); and on deprecate being carried out, is the proposal to this day there was an eclipse of the sun, start a new periodical devoted to this work. which was visible in India.
There are plenty of widely circulated magazines J. F. FLEET.
and journals of Societies in existence already, that
would gladly publish whatever the promoters CATALOGUE OF COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. might send them as the result of their efforts.
We have received a very interesting circular, Indeed, so great are the calls on the purses of signed by Messrs. Sewell, Thurston, and Tufnell, the scientific men of the day in the matter of
* See von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 228, 229, and Plate 114.

Page #287

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
subscriptions to periodicals and Societies connected with their studies, that the best of them are loth to add to the already too long list. So that, unless a scientific subject is sufficiently wide in its scope to demand a journal to itself, the danger of starting a new journal is that its circulation will be very small and fail to reach those who would make the best use of its contents. It is, we submit, better for the South-Indian numismatists to
use the pages of any established and widely circulated journal they may think best suited to them, than to start a journal of their own.
With this one criticism, we have much pleasure
in giving the scheme our welcome and heartiest support.
MISCELLANEA.
الأول
(whale), which is from four to five hundred 'Umari cubits long; these are the cubits in use in this sea (the Sea of Zang
267
take flight when they see this little fish, for it is their destruction."
The usual length of this fish is one (برا لزيج
A little further on the author mentions an island called "Whale Island" (J), but I am unable to identify it.
WHALE AND AL-UWAL.
I have no reason to suppose that the usual derivation of the word whale from the Anglo-y Saxon hwol is incorrect; but the word used for this animal by the old Arab traveller, Mas'udi (A.D. 1601-1603), in his Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems, is curiously similar, and I do not think that attention has previously been drawn to it. The following is a translation of one of the passages in which it occurs :
"There is a fish in this sea called al-Uwal
The word dabâdab, used for a drum in the above passage, corresponds to the Old English "dub-adub," to beat a drum. Also, the blow on the
drum: "The dub-a-dub of honour."-"Rub-a-dub and dub-a-dub the drummer beats away."
TABSERET-UL-AVAM.
This work, the full title of which is padlögmaḍ has been lithographed for the first time in Persia, at Tehran, and bears A.H. 1304 in the colophon as the date of publication. It is sold bound up with the Qisas-ul-'Ulamd of Muhammed bin Sulaimân Tenekâbunt, and is an Exposition of the principal Creeds of the East. Its author, a zealous Shi'ah, is Sayyid Murteza, styled 'Alem-ulHuda. In a MS. copy which once passed through my hands the author was called Murtezâ Râzîul-Husaint. The Qisas-ul-'Ulama which precedes it contains (page 314) a notice of Sayyid Murtezâud-Dâ'i ar-Râzî-ul-Husaint, and it makes him out to be the author of the Tabsereh. At the same time it gives an anecdote of his relations with Abu Muhammed bin Muhammed al-Ghazâli-utTúsi (born A.H. 450, died A.H. 505), whilst Sayyid Murteza in his own work, in the chapter on the doctrines of the second sect of Islâm, those who call themselves Shi'ahs (page 65, line 27 of the edition under notice), mentions that Fakhr Râzî was of late times-that is to say modern in com
hundred fathoms (P). Frequently when it swims through the sea only the extremities of the two fins are to be seen, and it looks like the sail of a ship. Generally the head of the whale is out of water, and when it powerfully ejects water it gushes into the air more than one bowshot high. The vessels are afraid of it by day and night, and they beat drums (parison with himself. Fakhr Râzî died A.H. 606. dabadab) and wooden poles to drive it away. This fish drives with its tail and fins other fish into its open mouth, and they pass down its throat with the stream of water. When the whale sins God sends a fish about one cubit long, called ash-Shake (1); it adheres to the root of its tail, and the whale has no means to make itself free from it. It goes therefore to the bottom of the sea and beats itself to death; its dead body floats on the water and looks like a great mountain. The fish called ash-Shak adheres frequently to the whale. The whales, notwithstanding their size, do not approach vessels, and they
Besides the present work, Sayyid Murteza translated a genealogy of some of the Imams from the Arabic, a work written after A.H. 653, and entitled Ansáb Námeh.
1 Gulf of Aden ?
As this word probably owes it origin to an imitative sound, the similarity even in two widely
different languages is not surprising.
J. S. KING.
The Tabeereh is divided into the following twenty-six babs :-(1) On the doctrines of the philosophers. (2) Tenets of the Magi. (3) Tenets of the Jews, etc. (4) The doctrines of the different sects of Islam. (5) On the Khavarij. (6) On the Mu'tazileh. (7) On the seot founded by Jahur bin Safrån. (8) On the Murji sect. (9) On the Najjart sect. (10) On the Karâmî sect. (11) On the Mushabi sect. (12) On those who

Page #288

268
believe in the transmigration of souls. (13) On the doctrines of the Suanis. (14) On the doctrines of the Maleki and Shâfa'i sects. (15) On the sect founded by Ibn Kalâb. (16) On Sufis. (17) On the doctrines of the Qushairi. (18) Tenets of the Sunnis with regard to the anbiyd. (19) Doctrines of the Shi'ahs. (20) On the discrimination of the true from the spurious. (21) On the Imâmiyeh. (22) On the story of the Bâgh-iFadek. (23) On certain Hadis. (24) On the wrong doings of the Beni Umayyeh. (25) Anecdotes regarding the followers of justice and predestination. (26) On some of the tenets of the Imâmiyeh.
S. J. A. C.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A TABLE FOR THE ABDAPA, TITHI-SUDDHI, AND TITHI-KENDRA.
In using Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables for calculating the week-days, ending-times, and English dates, of Hindu tithis,' some inconvenience is entailed by the number of the quantities that have to be taken, at starting, from his Table I. For instance, in calculating a date with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1134 expired, we have to take out, under the three columns of the Abdapa, the Tithi-buddhi, and the Tithi-kendra, the quantities for the years 0, 1000, 100, 30, and 4,-or altogether fifteen sets of figures, and also to work out from Table II., by proportion, the correction in the Tithi-buddhi and the Tithikendra, before the operation is started by addition, in their respective columns, of all the quantities thus obtained.
The object of the accompanying Table for the Abdapa, Tithi-suddhi, and Tithi-kendra, is to simplify this part of the work. The quantities given in it are all complete, including the kahépaka or additive quantities for Saka-Samvat O expired. And, in working, for instance, with the expired year quoted above, all that is necessary is to take out, from the body of the Table, the quantities for the year 1130, with the corrections for the same year (21-1 p., and 1 gh. 19 p.) as being a sufficiently close approximation, and to add the difference for 4 years from the subsidiary Table at the bottom of the page.
One revolution of the moon's kendra is completed in 27 tithis, 59 ghatts, and 33-36 palas. But, to save trouble on the part of the calculator, it is taken to contain 28 tithis, in adding the quanti. ties of the Tithi-kéndra for the several component parts of a given Saka year; no sensible error being
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
introduced thereby in the ultimate results. In preparing the Tables, however, one revolution of the kendra is taken to contain, not 28, but the correct number, viz. 27 ti. 59 gh. 33 36 p. Thus, for example, the variation in the Tithi-kéndra for 4 years is given (7 ti. 9 gh. 421 p. x 427 ti. 59 gh. 333 p.) 0 ti. 39 gh. 15 p. (see Kâlasâdhana Table I. p. 10, last column) and, in preparing the accompanying Table, I have thought it desirable to follow the correct way. Thus, the Tithi-kendra for Suka-Samvat 1150 expired is 2 ti. 57 gh. 16 p. in my Table; while, by adding the quan. tities for the Saka years 0, 1000, 100 and 50, and taking the remainder over the multiple of 28, it would have been 2 ti. 55 gh. 56 p. Accordingly, the figures of the Tithi-kéndra in my Table will differ a little from those that would be obtained from Prof. Chhatre's Tables; but the change is, it must have been seen, on the correct side. And the ultimate results worked out from my Table will sometimes be more correct than those obtained from Prof. Chhatre's Tables by about seven palas.
There is another point of difference. The correction in the Tithi-buddhi and Tithi-kendra given in Prof. Chhatre's Kalasadhana Table II. p. 12, is too vague, being for the interval of each thousand years. This Table II. is based on the correction in the moon's mean longitude and mean anomaly given in Table IV. p. 89, in which that correction is given for the interval of each hundred years. It is evident, therefore, that the correction in the Tithi-buddhi and Tithi-kendra, calculated from the figures in Table IV. p. 89, will be more accurate. I calculated it accordingly, and have given it in the accompanying Table. This correction becomes nil in Saka-Samvat 1622 expired; and in other years from Saka-Samvat 1500 to 1700 expired, it is less than one pala with respect to the Tithi-buddhi, and less than five palas in the Tithi-kendra; the latter causing a difference of half a pala at the utmost in the ultimate results. The correction for these years, therefore, is neglected in the accompanying Table.
in Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Table I., with the modiThe present Table, thus prepared from the details fications explained above, extends from SakaSamvat 0 to 1690, both expired. Table VII. in his book gives the required quantities for every year from Saka-Samvat 1700 to 1800, both expired. And the two Tables together will render it quick work to calculate any date in the first eighteen centuries of the Saka era.
1 Grahasadhanachih Koshtakém, pp. 10 to 30, KAlasadhana Tables I. to XI.
SH. B. DIKSHIT.
See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 115, col. 2 and p. 116, col. 2. See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 116, col. 2.

Page #289

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
Expired Saka,
0
10
20
888
2888
110
380
140
150
180
190
TABLE FOR THE ABDAPA, TITHI-SUDDHI, AND TITHI-KENDRA.
Expired
Abdana.
vå. gh. p.
1 10 10-0
6 45 25-2
5 20 40 5
3 55 55 7
2 31 10 9
1 6 26-2
5 13 12.
3 48 28 0
6 41 41-4 16
2 23
5 16 56-6 7
3 52 11-9
2 27 27 1
1 2 42 3
6 37 57.5
0 58 58.5
1234
12356
Tithi-suddhi.
2 19 59 4
ti. gh.
2003 - 28 0800 100 100 100 2
29
160 6 34 13-7 13
35427
170 5 9 28-9 3
3 44 44 2
31.5
3 24 7-7 12
20
n
0 0 2 2
1234K
Q
Å
10 18 & C
15 4 14-9
53 37 6
7T19
ON
3 53 4
Tithi-kendra
สี
388
MISCELLANEA
88
N SE SE SELECT
10
27
N
A 8 8 8 0 1000 100088
N
N
74247
A
28
-288%
220
230
22655
240
340
390
+-0008
Abdapa.
và gh p.
0 55 14.7
6 30 29-9
5 5.
Co
5 47 47-0
5 23 2.2
DIFFERENCE FOR INTERMEDIATE YEARS.
2 5
17.5
01345
38488
08386
Tithi-suddhi.
17272
5 45
20
ON ON AN O 4 IN 8 ON N N N N N 82
81
H
86849
22838
Å
28222
22
2 2
0000 ∞
40 20 0
H. 1
Tithi-kendra
17
36
00
30
H
269
2
75
000 600000
2000 1000 1000 0000 ∞ ∞
12185
* * * -
A 1 2 2 2
88888888
2 2
25
L2R

Page #290

270
Expired Saka.
CONTINUATION OF TABLE FOR THE ABDAPA, TITHI-SUDDHI, & TITHI-KENDRA
Tithi-suddhi. Tithi-kendra.
Abdapa.
400
410
88
8
§ 3
88888
540
550
560
Abdapa.
gh. p
040 19.3
4 50 49.8
3 26
6 15 34 5 19 19 56:9
5.0
2 1 20 2
0 36 35 5 11 55
6 11 50-7
4 47 5.9 23
28
6 8 6-9 15
1 53 52.6
2
0 29 7.9
3 22 21 2 13 52 13-0
4 23 1
1 57 36 4 4 31 68
8-8
2012
0 32 51-7 25 10 0.5
12345
99851
442 +85
15 31.
4 43 22-2 6 27 19:5
3 18 37-4
TO
8- 2 ஐம் நம் ஜ் க் ஸ் த ம
BE A
26
TO CO
BL ALL ON
1
F234K
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
61 - 2
19 42
யது
72 43 44 95 66
ON ON A ON ON ON ON TO NO TO DO A 100 000 10 0 2 2
10 23
10
88N SE
ន ន ន ន ន
3
ន ន ន
2
TERR
ti. gh. p.
9568
39 38 3
14 53 6 10 21 10-3 7 44 13
1 50
25
22-9 4
94830
222
25
16.6 20
Saka.
009
-228%
22655
780
vå. gh. p.
0 25 24.0
679
3 11 9.7
1 46
0 14 12.5
5 49 27.7
4 24 42.9
2 59 58.2
6 0 39.2
4 35 54 5 2 56 45 2 14
Tithi-Buddhi.
12
DIFFERENCE FOR INTERMEDIATE YEARS.
01345
84425
28
860
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
282
4-1 23 22 5 790 1 35 13-4 23 57
F 8 11 8 28
67808
38 57.7 11 1 28.5
THE
10
17 51.4 26
Tithi-kendra.
35 38-9 1
ti. gh. p.
22 22
82888 22009
200888
00000
O
75
0 10 10 10 10 2
42185
2 2
2
2 2
2
+ + + ∞ ∞∞0 +00
124
2 +44
+ 8
2 2
000000000
FREE

Page #291

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
MISCELLANEA.
271
CONTINUATION OF TABLE FOR THE ABDAPA, TITHI-SUDDHI, & TITHI-KENDRA.
Expired Saka.
Abdapa.
Tithi-saddhi.
Tithi-kêndra.
Expired Saks.
Abdapa.
Tithi-buddhi.
Tithi-kêndra.
p.
ti. gh.
p.
ti.
vå.gh. p. 0 10 28.7 545 43-9
ti. gh. p. ti. gh.
36 52.3 1542
vi. gh. 6 55
p. 33.3
800
1000
57.0
0
810
46. 03
5 30 48.5
28
13
=
820
420 59.2
4
6
38
=
k
ܪ ܣܲܟ̇ ܡܶܢ ܟܽ ܗ̇ ܘܿܪ
c
1050
d =
+
30
14.7 49.2
1060
27.3
870
3.1
26.4 56-8
1080
25.4
co
44.0
23.5
2 56 14.4 1 31 29.
67 0.6 44.9 542 01 18 4 17 15-3 9 984
- 47.9 2 52 30-6 48 2:1
46.6 1 27 458 20
26 55.9
45.3 0 3 1:0 549.
64 5 38 162 44 43.3 4 13 31.5 23 37.1
41.8 2 48 46 7 13
2 30.8
40.7 1 24 1.9 6 59 17-21 18-3
38.5 5 34 32-4 4 9 47.6
5.7
36.3 2 45 2.9 16 59.4 1 20 181 16 55 53.2
34.1
2 41 19-0 1 16 342 6 51 49-5 5 27 4.7
4 2 19.9 1 2 37 35-2 | 1 12 50.4
6 48 5.6 4 1110 5 23 20-8 24 1120 3 58 36.1 15 2 33 51.
36 1140 11 9 6.6 26
6 44 21.8 17 1160 5 19 37.0 7 1170 3 54 52.2 28 1180 2 30 7.5 19 14 1190 1 5 22-
7 953
42.9
920
930
1130
940
1902
24.5 89.6
20.3
1150
13-0 19.5
960
12.0
37.4
wa
980
35.2
17.1 47.
99 16-3
DIFFERENCE FOR INTERMEDIATE YEARS.
OM
1 15 2 31 3 46 5 2 6 17
31.5
3.0 34-6
6.1 37.
6
11 22
3 | 14 25
3 53.4 7 46.
7 11 40.1 15 89.5 19 26.8
7 9 42 14 19 24 21 296 0 39 7 48
0 1 3
33 48 4
9.1 40.7 19.2
6 23 20.2 17 27 13.6 28 31 6.9 9 35 03 20 38 53.7
14 58 1 18 8 15
ខ្លី
43.7
5
35
15.2

Page #292

272
Expired Saka.
CONTINUATION OF TABLE FOR THE ABDAPA, TITHI-SUDDHI, & TITHI-KENDRA
Tithi-suddhi. Tithi-kendra. Expired Saka.
1200
1220
1240
1210 5 15 53-2 21 11
1260
1270
1230 2 26 23 7
1290
Abdapa
1300
炒 40
1310
vå. gh. p.
1250 6 36 54.2 13
1320
6 40 38 0
1330
1280 2 22 39-9 15 43
0 57 55 1 6 22
6 33 10 3 27 1
5 8 25 5 17 40
3 43 40-8
2 18 56-0 28 58
3 51 8-5 11 50 29:1
2
22.8
ti. gh. p. ti. gh. p.
0 32 41-6
25
5 12 9-4 4 26
3 47 24-6 25 4 57
1340 0 54 11-2 19
1 1 38-9 23 8 16 5 3 4
8 19
1350 6 29 26.5 10
1360 5 4 41.7 0 5
12345
12356
45627
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1%
1380 2 15 12.2 12 12
1390 0 50 27-4
17 37
1370 3 39 56-9 21 33 55.0
H
∞∞
2018
87128
4.5
133
10
2005 70 55
988
20
~ 77
7 31 1400
1410
199
10
10
31.5 11 3 53-4 7
45
24 10
25
50
40
72207
38
2 51 42.5 14 12
88
55
23
2 2 8 8
7 26 33 41
281
-2888
44 1480 2
30 1620 22 1630
1650
Abdapa.
vå. gh.
1000
1690
6789
€
6 25 42.6
2 11
36 13.1
23 30 36-2
5 0 57-8 14 9 29-9 17 28
43206
884
1490 0 42 59-7 29 20 39-8
HO
272305
983400
Tithi-suddhi.
17 33-9
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
ti. gh.
52 49°2
DIFFERENCE FOR INTERMEDIATE YEARS.
8488
€
PLE
4 48 23-7 5 6 32
27 17:4 20
11.1 8
4.9 24
421728222
2
6 18 15 0 19 59 33-5 18 11 17
52.3
8 41 46-0 14 556
HOTELL
35 84 24 43 40
59 12 31-2
3 14 2-2 12 22 0 4 49 46-4 23 52 55.9 0 0 19
3 25 1-6
14
31 49-6
15 38 12
1580 2 0 16-9 5 10 43 3
16 30
1590
49 37.1
0 35 32-1 25 1600 6 10 47-3 1610
16
28 30.7
4 46 2.5
7
7 24-4 22 10 34
3 21 17-8 27 46 18:29 48 54 1 56 33-0 18 25 11-9 25 26 46
Tithi-kendra.
1818
ti. gh. p.
100 50
68
22588
1 50
45.5 1 17 21-0 21 27 29
2 33 25
88
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នផនជន

Page #293

SEPTEMBER, 1888.]
BOOK NOTICE.
273
BOOK NOTICE. ProF. WEBER'S EDITION OF THE PARASIPRAKABA. several astronomical and medicinal terms, and
A Parisi Parkas of Vêdanga Raya (Bédang also, curiously enough, many words used in the Ray) has been known to scholars since the pub- game of chess, though it is undoubtedly of Indian lication of Garcin de Tassy's History of the Lan
origin. guage and Literature of Hindustan, in page 519 Lastly, several foreign words have crept into of the first volume of which, an account is given of the collections of fables from the popular idiom. it. This work was written for Shah Jahan about And to these may be added many foreign words the middle of the 17th century, and according to borrowed and then transformed into possible Garcin de Tassy described the manner of counting
Sanskrit terms through the influence of popular the months, &c., adopted by Hindus and Musal. etymology. Examples of this last are Suratrana, mång. Prof. Weber now introduces us to an older *Sultân'; Mausula, Muslim'; Mudgala, Mugand apparently more complete Persian-Sansksit hal'; Šésha (Sakha), Sébkh'; Miéra, Mirza' and Glossary written in the latter portion of the so on. 16th century for the emperor Akbar. The work I may perhaps be permitted to carry on this a bears the same name, the Pdraft-Prakába, and step further. I have a Sanskrit translation of the was written by a Sakadvipiya Brahman named Arabian Nights in my possession, entitled the Krishnadasa.
Årabya-Yamini. The translator has borrowed In his introduction to this edition, Prof. Weber the Arabic names of places and persons as they gives an account of the traces of the relations stand, transliterating them into Nagari, and then between India and Persia which can be gathered giving them, in the commentary, Sanskrit derivafrom Sanskrit literature. First, there are remini. tions !! Examples of this ludicrous word-play are scences of a common Perso-Aryan and Indo- Sahariyara (47), which he derives from Saha, Åryan period in the Veda. Next we have the strength,' rá, wealth', and dra,' a corner,' i.e. historical record of Indian Auxiliaries with the he in whose inmost recesses are power and Achæmenides in their struggles with the Greeks. wealth. The name of the town of Samarkand From this time dates the introduction of words (tatpraddidntargatapradhdnanagaré Samarakanlike Yavana, Bavéru (Babylon), and Mudrd. The I ddbhidhand) is explained as follows
ddbhidhdnd) is explained as follows 'samardya' last word Prof. Weber connects with the cuneiform yuddhaya; kanda (V kand; to cry,) chvánan Mudrdya, the ancient name for Egypt. Again, yatra débé, sa Samarakandah. The meeting beperhaps the Nrisinha of the Vaishnavas may be
tween the queen and her lover Mas'ud (Sgaw) is referred to man-headed lions of Nineveh, Perse.
thus described 'parumtu rdjamahish karatála. polis, &c. The word Bahut (first met in the vartt.
prddanapurahaarań" Mdstida Músúde" ty uktvato Pånini, 4, 2, 99) is also to be referred to the
hvána kritavati, to which is added the follow. old Persian Bakhtri (Bactria).
ing piece of etymology, Misuda iti Má ita The Magas, the representatives of the worship
Lakshmir iva; sudah pachakah; iti Mdsudah !!! of Mithra, are, Prof. Weber thinks, perhaps related
Prof. Weber next gives a sketch of the history to the Bpaxuavou Mayou of Ptolemy, at any rate we
of the Bakadvipiya Brahmans, and shows the have Varahamihira's authority that a Magian colony probability that in ancient times Iranian stranhad long before his time obtained a secure
gers entered India from Sakadvipa and were adfoot-hold in India, and the modern Sakadvipiysmitted directly into the ranks of the Brahmans. Brahmaņs refer to that tribe their origin.
I may mention here that, in Bihar, at the Srad. The Gupta ingcriptions disclose intimate dha ceremony all Brahmans may be fed by the
dha ceremony all Brahmane may he relations with the Pahlavas or Parthian Arsa
performer, except Sdleadviplyas. Even Jyotisha cides, and with the Parasikas or Persian Sasa
Brahmans who are below the Sakadvipiyas in sanides. And from this period date a whole series
caste, are fed, but never the latter. of words of a political and of a military character
The Paraslprakdea consists of about 260 slakas, used in Sanskrit, such as Shahanushahi, Kshatrapa in which 1065 Persian words are explained. As (a Satrap), pílu (an elephant, ux), and (P) taravara a rule, each quarter-verse explains a different (a sword).
word; but this is not universal. The Persian The Muhammadan invasion was the means word is given in the nominative, and the Sanskrit of introducing many foreign words, especially meaning usually in the locative. It is written in Arabic and Turkish, into Sanskrit. Such were the customary kósa form with ten vargas, but the
Über den Parasiprakasa des Krishnadisa. Von A. I have never seen Bedang Ray's work; but, judging Weber Berlin 1897, Verlag des Königl. Akademie der from its being noticed by Gurcin de Tassy. I presume it Wissenschaften. In commission bei Georg Beimer.
was in the Vernacular. Prof. Weber, who knows it well, can no doubt give ua further information on the subject.
al.

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274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1888.
names of these latter only partially agree with mediæval Hindi means 'a cave,' and nothing their contents.
else. How is it then the equivalent of hujara, The following account of a portion of the first a courtyard ? I think the answer will be (svargavarga) will act as a specimen of the whole. found in the fact that Křishṇadása dealt with the The author begins, as a Sakadvipiya Brahman, Persian of India, In colloquial Hindustani I with the names of the sun (here the influence of have only met the word in one sense,-equivalent Akbar's Tláh religion shows itsell) and then to the slang use of the English. den.' It is used gives the names of God and of the evil spirits. in phrases like the following, - tum din rdt viz. dévata, paraméévara and asura, correspond hujaré mên ghuse rahte ho,' of a man who boorishly ing to ilahi, núrát, khuddya, ivlisa and saitana or sulkily shuts himself up in his house, and respectively. He mentions neither Allâh, nor refuses to see any one,– You remain day and Brahman, nor Vishņu, nor Siva. Yama, apsaras night hidden in your den." The metaphorical use and rikshasa, are given as the equivalents of of this word may well be explained by the Hindi Yavralla (the angel Gabriel !), pari and ddami- gupha, khára. Then we have neotar (piyusha) and the (313) jinah pdr hand. Prof. Weber says that kalpataru, corresponding to dvahayata and túvá. the use of parohana (ie, prarthana) in the Paradise is svarga (=vihista). Hell is naraka (= sense of saddle' is unsupported by other authori. dojakha), and Adam and Eva are Manu and his ties. Here, I think, we have another instance of griheśvari (!).
the author building-up a pseudo-Sanskrit word The Persian with which the author deals is the from the vernacular. Pardhan in Hindi mean, Persian (or rather the Urda) of Hindustan, full of anything on which a person rides. Thus, in a Arabic and Turki words, and sometimes even of well-known proverb, a donkey is called the washer. words of Hindu origin. Specimens of the latter
man's pardhan (see Bihár Peasant Life § 393.) class, which are given by the author as Persian, The word as explained by natives would include are words like varsdtan (the rains), jharokhd
the meaning of saddle.' In 605, parydna also (a window), tamvu (a tent) and so on.
is given as the equivalent of jina. The reading Owing to the Persian words being transcribed
of G. paldné is instructive as giving the form used in the Någari character, difficulty has been
by Vidy&pati Thakur, who wrote in the verna. experienced by the editor in identifying some
cular, A.D. 1400. Vidy&pati has even a verbal of them, especially as the Sanskrit translations
root palina 'to saddle." were often by no means clear. One or two of (385) Kharisha kamdúshu rasaklahu cha.these doubtful words are capable of being explained Prof. Weber suggests kanda (pl.) as meaning by a reference to the modern vernacular: e.g. "itching places ;' and rasaka (also in the plural) (18) takah dipalayê. The latter word is new as 'moist itching wounds.' In Bihar both words to Professor Weber, and he compares it with are still used, to express different varieties of the dipau, a row of lamps ;' tåka he fails to identify. same disease. Kandú is dry itoh,' and ras is It is the Arabic üs, "a recess in a wall.' The
moist itch.' taq is used especially for putting a lamp into, and
(478) valdpolas tu tülikd. Baldposh is an outer hence it is also call díwár or diwal, a corruption
garment. The Sanskrit dictionaries give tülikd of dipalaya, 'lamp-house'. Diwdr does not occur
as meaning 'a mattress filled with cotton. The in Hindustani dictionaries, being confounded with
meaning of 'outer garment' is not given. Again the Persian diwar, a wall.' It is, however, in
the missing link will be found in the vernacular, common use.
In south-east Bihår turdi means & light quilt (295) hujarah tu guphdydṁ sydt. As Professor containing less than a pound of cotton. These Weber accurately points out, means'a court
quilts are always worn as outer garments. Of.
Bihar Peasant Life, $ 731. yard;' regarding guphd he says, 'it is as yet unknown in Sansksit, of. Marathi gurphd, an
I regret that time does not permit me to make
more than these few suggestions, which, I need arbour, a bower, a cavern, a cave.' He suggests
hardly say, are offered with the heartiest admirathat guphd in Sanskrit means 'a courtyard.' I
tion for the learning and acumen displayed in would suggest that gupha in Sanskrit must have
this most useful book. Prof. Weber is to be meant 'a cave,' cf. guhd, which is apparently a Prakritized form of it, or else guphá is a falsely
congratulated on a work which, if possible, lends
an enhanced lustre to his great reputation. resuscitated Sanskrit manufacture from the apparently Pråkpit) guhd. Anyhow, gupha in
G. A. GRIERSON.
(Huri in the Punjab is used as the "abode," 1.c. dark mud hut, of a Mubammadan ascetic.R.C.T.)
Bid. 82, 3, Zaghaka chhala jd basaha palinala, inas. much as he has saddled his bullock with a tiger's skin."

Page #295

OCTOBER, 1888.]
THE BAKASHALI MANUSCRIPT.
275
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT. BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE.
(Continued from p. 48.)
No. II. Two more plates were to have illustrated my The page, figured on Plate II, is the obverse
paper on the Bakhshali Manuscript, of the leaf the reverse page of which is figured published in the February number of this
on Plate I, previously published. It contains Journal. Through an unfortunate misadven
another portion of sûtra 25, and reads as folture they were not forthcoming at that time, and are now given as a supplement,
lows:
TEXT. 1. tê dhanam yasya tanmayatâ chakshu ......vada . . 2 apabrita-sulka-pindam 24 H karaṇam 11 kļitvå rûpa-ksha3 ya-pasta 23 jậtu saņgunya jatam | êtâvad api rûpa-samsu4 ddha-jậtaṁ | * | anêna bhaktvå śulka-pindah guņita jậtam | 40 5 éśa pindam pratyayam2 40 guņita jâtam 16 kêsham | 24 [1 ] 6 vam 40 | 11 anyana 51 sya pratyayar 40 | phalam 16 kshaya 24 7 évai 40
uda
guda-piņda + jõâta-talgoś chata 8. vyé gadam tří-chatush-pancha-shad-vsiddhya chatva | 4+rimsa vê kshaya
The page figured on the lower half of Plate which contains the concluding portion of III is the same as that figured on Plate I.
sûtra 53 and the beginning of sûtra 54. It That figured on the upper half is the reverse (not "obverse" as stated on the Plate) of a leaf reads as follows:
TEXT. 1,..bikêna1 il & 1 | pha 65 prathamêna dvitfyasya[10] 2 r-dattâ játå 1 551 li: 11 pha 45 55 11 samadhana jật 11 3 Satram třipamchâsamaḥ stramm 53 11 (vikra)4 yêna krayaṁ bhâjyam rûpa-hînaṁ punar bhajết - .- lábhô[na] 5 guņayê tatra nîvi bhavati tatra cha If udâ 1| dvibhish kriņâti ya[s sa]. 6 pta vikrinkti tribhish shat ashtådaśa bhavêd labhas kâ ni[vi] 7 [ta]tra katthyatấn ||| 7 6 18 lâbhâ karaṇam vissêsham]. 8 . . . . . . !
The concluding portion of the fifty-third The sabstance of the portion on Plate I had sutra on the above page has been already been already briefly explained, in Note 6, p. 47 transcribed and translated in my previous above, but for the sake of completeness I account of the MS., ante, pp. 41 and 44. I repeat it. The portions of the twenty-fifth proceed to do the same with the remainder sůtra represented on Plates I, and II, belong of the page, as well as with the portions of the to the latter part of it, and comprise four of its twenty-fifth sůtra contained in Plates I and II. examples, vix, from the tenth to the thirteenth.
1 The transcripts are again made from the original, as the lithographs are not quite perfect. The statements on the plates which reverse the position of the two pages are incorrect.
The two pieces at the upper right-hand corner have
got displaced. The lower of the two pieces should be reversed, and joined on to the top of the upper of the two pieces, and then the joint-piece should be brought down to the main piece.

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276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1888.
The total number of its examples is fifteen (see pâtya késbar 18 ir ota-kshayam p. 34 above).
Ưda H. Техт.
Parikshinasya lôhasya tridhậntam pamcha25th Satra.
måsakamo Kritvd ripakshayari pártham dhantasan- Na jõâyatê-t-pravřittikana na cha sésha pragunanasa tataḥ 1
driśyatê It Pravritti-r-gananasa bhaktvá.... vi
Pravșittiśêsharir yô pindar kivalam vimsati nirdiset
sthitam Udá 11
Adarkvatảnh pravrittf sya kim và sẽshari
vada và mô ... .......... to dbana
A Yasya tanmayatâ chakshu......
kritvå rúpakshaya
. vada |
:: apahčitaśnlkapiņdam 24 karaņam # kritvå rûpakshaya pasta jata
54th sutra samgunya jktarin etÂvad api ræpasambuddha Vikrayna krayam bhajyar ropahinam punar
| bhaiệt | játar | | anêna bhaktvà sulkapiņdam gunitam
Lâbhêna gunayê tatra nivî bhavati tatra cha N jậtaṁ | 40 | ééa piņdam pratyayan 3* guņiUdå! ta játam 16 sêshan 241 évam | 40 anyam
Dvibhish' krimâti ya sapta vikriņâti tribhis
sa shat asya pratyayam | 40 | phalai 16 kshayam 24
Asbtâdaśa bhavéd tábhash' kantui tatra êvan 40
katthyatâm ir 1 labha karanan i vikrayénam
wwwwwwwwwww
Udá # Gudapiocha jõâtatulyób chatari .. vyo
gadam Trichatushparchashadvriddhya' chatvarim
sa vê kshaya #
'gumitasi jahtan r 24 r esa niví játar sya" pratyayani trairásikéna yadi dvibhis sapta labhyatê tad& chaturvimsatibhish' kin
11144 phalam bha" 84 11 asya vikrayam kpiyatê I yadi-sh-shadbhi traya. na" labhyatê tadit chaturâéttibhish' kin i phalar 42 mûlan 24 r pityasesham 18 esha labhah Chaupa chášamastram 54 -.
Udå At Ajāata-r-ambhalôhasya trichatushpamehaka
kshayê Saptavinnsati pindasya tridhantaśéshya dri
shyatê !! Kim sarvam vada tatvajna kshayari cha
mama katthyatâm #
!sê 1 || karanań / kritvå rấpakshayam pârtha 13131: guņitaṁ játam râpakshayar | anena sesharh bhaktari sesharh | 27 bhaktar jâtam 45 asya saptavinsa
The preceding portion is not on the plate. It has been added from another leaf for the sake of completeness.
• The original has the upadhmâniya in 'chatushpancha'.
. The original spells it with the guttural nasal conso nant.
Read panchamánakush. The original has the jihudmuiltya.
TRANSLATION
25th Satra. Having subtracted the series (of the given rates) and (the product of) the multiplication of the instalments from one, let (the arithme- tician) determine the original amount by multiplication (with the remainder) after dividing (the latter).
• Conjecturally restored; the original omits sa without which the line does not scan.
The following portion is not on the plate. It has been added to complete the sutra.
10 Bead arya. 11 Apparently an abbreviation of bhavati.
Perhaps read pund (punar); only one akshara is lost.

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FACSIMILE OF A LEAF OF THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT. Containing a portion of Sutra 25.
Plate II.
17 ετττττττττττττττττττττΤ: 18 Τττττττττττττττττττττττττ 19 τττττττττττττττττττττττ : 20 ττττττττττττττττττττττττ
156' 43 - Οφη ε.ττ τττττττ 2 1 755 gsary as 0 δε άσ 28 Evia/σπσστής/τστεί η γη 4 τκό straponger ήρθε 28 ημέρες στην κολ γιος 28 yrgo asse (πολεο)
και παρά τις αυξrII 28
fηστττ ττττετττ τττι ττττττ τττττττττττττττττττττ τι - τττττττττττττττττττττττ 32 τττττττττττττττττττ
Size 8
" by 7».
Reverse restored.
Indian Antiquary
Jaffé & Albert, Vienna,

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1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
FACSIMILES OF LEAVES OF THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
A. Portions of Sutras 53 54.
গ্রহত্ব
গোল
রুবী রচিত মাওয়া দিছি
Size 81 " by 7".
Indian Antiquary
13
11
ও কিছু তার পরেই
ঠিক
ব
கற்பும் உணுகான்
Obverse.
জিডিপি ব
B. A portion of Sutra 25.
Obverse
Plate III.
rea
বর্ষ ি
॥
Jaffé & Albert, Vienna.

Page #300


Page #301

OCTOBER, 1888.]
THE BAKHSHALI MANUSCRIPT.
277
Eleventh Example.
the difference 40 is multiplied, giving or (This example is too fragmentary to be | 80; hence the original quantity was 30, and the translated. Its purport may be inferred from final amount is 70). the solution to have been somewhat as follows:
Thirteenth Example. -Of a certain quantity of goods, a merchant
Of an unknown quantity of lapis lazuli, onehas to pay, as duty, one-third, one-fourth and
third, one-fourth and one-fifth go in loss; the one-fifth on three successive occasions. The
(total) loss of the quantity, accruing in three total amount of duty he thas pays is 24. What was the original quantity of his goods P)
instalmente, is found to be twenty-seven. Say,
O wise man, what is the total, and let me also (The statement is partially wanting, but the
be told the difference between the total and whole of it may be easily restored thus :
the loss, ie, the remainder)? is the series of rates); the total duty taken is 24.
Statement: are the rates of loss; the Solution :-" Having subtracted the series
(total) loss is 27. from one" we get ,,; these multiplied alto
Solution :-" Having subtracted the series gether give; that again, subtracted from one, from one," we get , , , which being malgives; with this, after having been divided, tiplied give; subtracting this from one, we (i.e. inverted, ;), the total daty (24) is multi
get, by this the low is divided; the loss is plied, giving 40 ; that is the original quantity.
27; dividing this by it, we get 45; out of this
the loss is twenty-seven; hence the difference Proof: multiplied with 40 gives 16 as the
(or remainder) is 18. (ultimate) remainder; (to this add the total
Fourteenth Example. duty) 24; hence (the original quantity is) 40. Another proof of it : 40 multiplied with 1-5
Of waste iron there are three instalmente, of
which one-fifth is the last rate." The original and 1 and 1 - ) gives the result 16 (or in nota
amount is not known, nor is the wastage detion): 40 x [(1-1)×(1-1) * (1- -16); clared; but the remainder of the original the deduction is 24 ; hence (the total is) 40. amount is only twenty. Now let the original Twelfth Example.
amount be shown, and tell me what shall be
the wastage. [I cannot venture to translate the example,
Statement is the series of rates of as it is only preserved in a fragmentary state,
Wastago): and all the rest that might have explained it
(The solution and proof are wanting ; but statement, solution and proof-is entirely lost.
after the analogy of those of the preceding The following does not pretend to be more than
examples, the solution would run thus :- Sub* guese at ite parport :- A merchant possesses & quantity of molasses of a certain weight; he
tracting the series from one,' we get , ; makes, on four successive occasions, additions multiplying these, we get dividing with thereto of one-third, one-fourth, one-fifth and this the remainder 20, we get 50 as the origione-sixth; the difference (between these addi- nal amount; hence the wastage is 30). tions and the original quantity) is forty. What
54th Sætrs. was the original quantity, and what is the final total amount ?
*With the sale the purchase should be Solution :-One added severally to
divided; then divide it again (after being)
dinvinished by one; thes multiply it with the à gives , i these instalmente multi
profit; (the result) is then the capital plied together give; subtracting 1 from
Example. we get § ; with divided (or inverted, i.e. ) One who purchases seven for two, sells six
13 This, as the oontext and statement shows, is undoubtedly the meaning of the word whioh in the MS.is written parhchamasakan, and which qualifies tridhantar. The former word seems to be mis-spelling for parcha.
mdmdakah.. parchama nadash Satan) 'baving one-Afth M. (Anal) part. But it may be also suggested to be an orror for pail chamantalah, having one-Afth wita Apal (rate).'

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278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1888.
for three. Eighteen in his profit. Say now, pravritti is explained in the solution of an what was bis capital ?
example to the 26th sútra to 'mean the original Statement : and ; (are the rates of pur- amount, the stock or capital.' In that example chase and sale); 18 is the profit.
the original amount is required to be found, Solution may be thus restored) :-"With
and it is then shown to be 81,to which is added the sale (the purchase shonld be divided);"
the remark ésa pravsittir ity arthah, this is
the original amount, that is the meaning of it.' the rate of purchase is that of sale is ,
In this sense of the original amount,' the dividing with the latter, we get G + jor) ; word pravritti does not appear to be noted in subtracting 1 from , we get this, being
any Sanskrit dictionary. The meaning,
however, is readily deducible from the root of divided (or inverted), becomes with this,
the word.-The term bhaktvá,'having divided,' multiplying (the profit 18), we get 24; this is
(or bhajét or bhaga) is technically applied to a the capital
fraction, when it is to be used as a divisor, Proof of this by the rule of three :-If seven
and directs the 'inversion of the fraction. are got for two, then how much is got) for
For example, if 24 is to be divided by the twenty-four, or in notation 2: 7 - 24: 84. This (i.e. 84) is sold. If for six are again got
direction given is, — divide ; and multiply it three, then how much is got) for eighty-foar, with 24,' where we might say, invert and or in notation 6: 3 = 84: 42; (hence) the
multiply with 24;' that is, x 24 = 40. original amount was 24, and the remainder of the property is 18; that is the profit.
2. Examples of sutra 25. In the 11th example NOTES.
the original quantity is 40 ; of this, or 13 s, is 1. On the terms pártha, dhánta, pravritti, paid as duty; the remainder is 263; of this bhaktvá.-The term pártha occurs very frequently in the fifteen examples of the 25th sutra.
or 6, is paid as daty; the remainder is 20; It is sometimes spelt pasta (as on Plate II), of this or 4, is paid as duty, the remainder is which spelling indeed occurs as often as pártha.
16. The three instalments of duty, 13; +63 + Once I also found the spelling pástha. Neither of the three words is found in any Sansksit
4, amount to 24. And 16 + 24 is 40.-The
| 13th example is similar to the 11th. The arithdictionary accessible to me. But it seems clearly to appear from the context that the
metical process had been given correctly in my meaning of the word must be series,' i.e.
previons note (p. 48 above); but, on reconsidera the series of the rates or proportions. I take
tion, I think, the exact meaning of the example pártha to be a synonym of párthakya (which is
is as now given. It is not the loss, but the given in the dictionaries), and a derivative of
remainder,' that is required to be found. The pritha in the sense of several' (like prithak).
method of the 25th sutra is based on the folThe form påsta, if it is not an error for partha,
lowing considerations ;--The original quantity I would take to stand for apásta (apa-asta),
is assumed to be one; then the remainder, after what is thrown away,' deduction. It will the first instalment of duty is paid, is 1-5 or be observed that the series of instalmente often if the quantity on which the second instalment refers, in the examples, 'to deductions' made (by of duty is paid, be assumed to be one, the way of wastage' or duty') from the original remainder after paying that instalment is 1- amount. This may explain, why pasta might be occasionally substituted for pártha. The
or; but the quantity on which it is really form påstha, I am disposed to think, is simply paid is; hence the proportionate remainder is an error for pártha, or for påsta if the latter
i.e. 1 : - ); similarly if the form be also admissible. The term dhánta is derived from the suffix dha and anta, and
quantity on which the third instalment is paid, means literally that which ends in dha,' (as
be assumed to be 1, the remainder, after paying dvidha, tridhd, &c.).' It hence comes to be that instalment, is 1- or, but the quantity equivalent to our instalment,'-The term on which it is really paid is the previous

Page #303

OCTOBER, 1888.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
279
remainder x!: hence the proportionate first case is illustrated by the 11th and 13th
examples; the second case, by the 14th example. final remainder is now x x (i.e. 1:
From these considerations the several steps *
* ), ors; and if the directed in the rule will be readily underoriginal quantity be assumed to be 1, the loss
tood : viz. (1) to subtract each rate of the series
from one; (2) to multiply the several instalmust amount to l orNow, if the amount of
ments thus obtained ; (3) to subtract the prothe loss is given, it follows that the proportionate
duct, thus obtained, from one; (4) to divide' original quantity is found by dividing the given i.e. invert) (either the product, obtained by the loss with or(as the rule says) by dividing' (i.e. second step, or the remainder, obtained by the inverting) * (i.e. ;), and multiplying the given
third step) and multiply by it (either the given
loss or the given remainder, as the case may be). loss with it ; for,: 1 = given loss : original It will be noticed that, in order to render the quantity. On the other hand, if the final re- rule as wide as possible, the particular manner mainder is given, the original quantity is found of applying the fourth step (i.e. the portions put by dividing the given remainder with, or by in brackets) is not stated in the role. This is dividing' i.e. inverting)
left to be learned from the examples, which (i.e. ») and mul
are given to illustrate the various applications tiplying the given remainder with it (for, : 1
of the rule. = given remainder : original quantity). The
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH. (From the Indische Studien, Vol. XVI. pp. 211-479, and Vol. XVII. pp. 1-90.) According 12117' to the conception of the ments in v. 434, which are rather general in modern Jains, their collective sacred texts character and obscure; and assert that during date back to the first Jina, Rishabha. the eight jinaintaras: Usahajiņirdáu ja Suvihi, The first trace of this view appears to be found 1.e. from Usaha 1 to Suvihi 9, there existed only in the concluding paragraph of the Nandi, in eleven angas, without the ditthivaa. which which the anunnd (anujna) is referred to Usab- stands in the twelfth place: muttúna ditthivdyan hasēņa," the 12 angas having in the passage havanti ikkárase 'va angáin. During [212] just before been enumerated as bhávánunná the following seven jinaritaras : Suvihijiná já and in an earlier passage, in which 8,400,000 Sariti, from Suvihi 9 to Samti 16. all twe painnas are attributed to Vaddhamâņasâmi, anyas were vuchchhinna. But during the last the scholium substitutes Rishabhasvamin. eight jinamitaras : Sartijiná já Virasi, from
The statements in four 436 in Nêmichan- Samti 16 to Vira 24, they were not vuchchhinna. dra's Pravachanasáróddhára 36, composed The ditthiraa was a second time lost : vuchin Priksit, on titthavuchchhéa (in four verses chhinn ditthiváô tahir. These statements are, inserted between 435 and 436), are, to a certain | it is true, obscure, yet become clear by means of extent, in agreement with the above. These verse 434,' which they are designed to explain. verses' are a detailed explanation of the state- According to this verse, all three statements
1 The Editors beg to acknowledge much valuable Adikarapurimatale (kale!) pavattia Usabhag nagna. assistance kindly given by Professor Leumann, of • See Ind.. Stud. 17, 15, note. Catalogue of the Berlin Strassburg, in taking this paper through the Press; Sanskrit and Prakrit M8. 2, p. 679. and the translator adds his acknowledgments for assis
In the commentary of Siddhasnaadri, composed tance of the same scholar in respect of the translation Sathyat 1242 (A.D. 1186) these vernos are not explained. from the German, also for some additional notes distin- but in the M8, which I have before me they are found guished by asterisms with the initial L put after them. in the text, page 212, in the middle of the page, and are
Tho figures in brackets indicate the pages of the counted in with the rest. original German article.
It runs: purimantima-atthaddha(atthattha!)-'rtarégu 3 Dharma Agara in his Kupakshakau ikiditva, in the (chaturvidáatês tirthakrit trayõviosatir @va 'rntarini Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Berlin, of bhavanti) titthasse na 'tthi vôchchheu majihillaisu 1882, p. 813, 23 (I cite this essay of mine under the sattanu ittiyakalam tu voghchhêu || 434 I. Dr. Leumann abbreviation kup.) and Jacobi in this Journal, ante, informs me that the source of these statements is found Vol. IX. p. 161 (1880).
Bhagavati, 20, 8; cf. also Aray. 3, 16: padhamassa • Doubtless of secondary origin.
| Ginnesa) bárasamgarn, san' ikkirasamgasualanbho.

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are valid merely for the interval between the Nandle.), dasap úrvin ; and from that point the Jinas. Their significance is as follows:-At knowledge of the purva decreased gradually. the time of Usabha all twelve angas were in anyógadvarasútra there is still mention of extant; between Jinas 1.9 only the first eleven; the first gradation lower, narapuvvi, cf. Bhag." between Jinas 9-16 all twelve were lost; and 2, p. 318 so that finally in the time of Dêvarunder or between Jinas 16-24 they were all ddhigaņi, 980 years after Vira, "only one púrva extant. The twelfth ungas was however lost remained," ef. Klatt, ante, Vol. XI., 247b again after Jina 24.
1882." Also according to Sântichandra on up. Though these statements appear to establish 6 the ditthivaa was entirely vyavachchhinna the fruct that the 12 angas are said to have 1000 years after Vira. existed as early as the time of Usabha, never. In the 9th book [214] of the Parisishțaparvan theless it becomes perfectly plain, from a con- v.55ff., Hêmachandra gives us a detailed account sideration of their nature, that this claim rests of the first loss of the knowledge of the púrvas, upon an insufficient foundation. The commen- viz. of the reduction of their number from 14 to tator characterizes the degree of the ruchchhéa 10. Unfortunately in the MS. (Berlin MS. or during the jinamtaras, which existed between fol. 773) which lies before me, and which is Savihi, to Samti, as follows:-arhaddharma- rather incorrect, a leaf is lacking with v. 69-98, várttá 'pi tatra nashta ;-& peculiar testimony, cf. Jacobi, Kalpasútra,p. 11. After Hêmachandra we may remark in passing, to the result of has informed us in the preceding verses about the activity of each of the seven saints 9-15. Chanakya and Bindusâra, about Aboka and
In reference [213] to the vuchchhea of the sri-Kunala, and also about Samprati, he passes twelfth anga (i.e. the diffhivaa) which happened to the synod of Pataliputra, held at the end of again after Mahavira, we have additional this "wicked" period. The principal duty of information derived from tradition.
this council which was to collect the bruta, The fourteen so-called púrváni, cf. Hêm. 246- from all who were in possession of any portion; 247, which, according to the statements handed and it succeeded thus in collecting thellangas. down to us, formed a part of this anga and As regards the drishtivada, Bhadrabahu was which Mahavira is said to have transmitted the only person to whom recourse could be to all his pupils (though only one of these, had. He, however, was on his way (?) to Sudharman by name, transmitted them Népål (Népaladésamárgastha) and refused the to & pupil of his own, Jambú, the last Kévalin) summons of the Sangha (which had sent are said to have existed for only six two Munis to fetch him), saying that he has generations longer. In consequence of this begun a dhyanam of 12 years, and that he the six patriarchs in question, namely could not interrupt it. The Srisamgba, how Prabhava 3, Sayyambhava 4, Yasôbhadra 5, ever, threatening him, by means of two other Sambhàtivijaya 6, Bhadrabkhu 7, and Sthala- Munis, with the punishment of exclusion bhadra 8, had the honorary title of brutakévalin, (sasighaváhya), he begged that capable scholars or chaüddasa-puuvi (in the Nandís.), chatur- should be sent to him, to whom, at appointed tasapúrvadhdrin, parvin.
times, he would give 7 váchanás. The Samgha The following seven patriarchs :-Mahagiri, thereupon sent Sthlabhadra, (v. 69) who, [215] Suhastin to Vajra (Hêm. v. 35), knew only however, after he had learned the first 10 ten of the whole number, inasmuch as tradition púrvas, so enraged Bhadrababa, that the latter asserts that with Sthûlabhadra the knowledge as & punishment gave him the remaining of the 4 last púrvas (11-14) ceased. In conse- four for his own personal knowledge only, quence of this they are called dasapuvvi (cf. and forbade him to teach them to others
. Cf. Hêm. 83-84 ; Comm. p. 298 in Böhtlingk-Rien.
20 tray6da faptirvin, dvadaša, ékadaša never existed according to tradition. Cf. commencement of the avachiri to the Oghaniryukti.
11 Ueber ein Fragment der Bhagavati,' two papers of the author in the Transactions of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Berlin, 1806 (1) & (9).
1. I cite this article as Klett's. 13 itas cha tasmin dushkálê karále kAlar&trivat]
nirvåbärthan Adhasanghus tirat niraidber yatha
| 55 | agu yamanan tu tadi sidhtinth viamsitasi sretam Anabhyasanato Dasyaty adhitam dhimatam api || 56 sangha Pataliputr (ak)& dushkAliante 'khilo 'milat yad arogadhyayanoddeady said yaaya tad adade ||57|! tatas chai 'Eldaca 'ngani Prisatigho mélayat tada drishtivad nimittari che testhau kitobid vichintayan il 58

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281
M
(anyasya déshapúrvani pradéydni tvayá na ki, form to the Gapadharas, Bo likewise in the v. 109)
Annyőgadvárastitra we find that the agama is In opposition to this information is the fact, divided into attá, ananitara and paranpará, that not only in anga 4 and in the Nandisutra, 1.e. (1) original doctrine, (2) doctrine that do we find a detailed table of contents of the has been received immediately from its author whole ditthivaa, including the 14 púrvas, but and (3) traditional doctrine. The first category also that partly in the just-mentioned places, belongs to the Titthagaras (plur.) alone unpartly in several other texts (Mahanišitha, conditionally; to their pupils, the Ganad haras, Anuyógado, Avasy. nijj.) the dualasangan it belongs only as far as the suttam (text) is garipidagam is repeatedly mentioned ; conse- concerned, while the Gañadharas, as regards quently the Ditfhivaa appears to have still the uttha (contents), possess the anaritará existed at the date of those texts, and moreover alone. The pupils of the Ganadharas possese, to have been still intact, since there is no mention as regards the suttam, the ananitara, as regards of any imperfection. The Bhadrabahu, to whom the attha, they have only the pura iparáo. the above-mentioned legend has reference, died, and after them only the latter (paraspardo) BO says tradition, 170 after Vîra, whereas in two exists; there is no longer atta® or anahtará of the texts, which mention the daválasangan According to the commencement of the ganipidagaw, there are contained dates which avach úri of the Oghaniryukti, [217] the activity
avach úri of the Oahaniruukti. 12171 the refer to a period later by 400 years. The of the dasapúrvin was already limited to the whole legend appears to me, after all, to be composition of sarigrahanis" to the upángas nothing more than an imitation of the Buddhist
etc. . legend of the council of Asoka etc., and thus We must however not omit to remark that to have little claim to credence.
for some texts of the Agama distinct Be this as it may, the legend manifests a authors are named, part of whom, at least, direct opposition between the 11 angas and are even considerably later than the daiapúrvin. the pervas. And in fact from the scholium on Upanga 4 mentions as its author Ajja-Sama, anga A we must conceive their inter-relation to | characterizing him as “the 23rd" (i.e. be as follows: the Tirthakara, he. Mahavfra "saint "after Vira") and as one who possesses -here is no thought of Rishabha ---Arst recited wisdom ripened through listening to the puvvás, to his Gapadhuras the contents of the purva- as being therefore in unison with the dittkiváa. gatasitras (whence the name párváni); where- The name of Jiņabhadda (Avasy. 14) belongs upon the Gañadhards on their part brought perhaps to a much later date. We have, the contents of the parvagatasútra into the however, no information of an exact nature form of the angas, achára, etc. According [216] | in reference either to him or to Virabhadra, to another view the Ganadharas first brought who was probably author of painna l. Sijjamthe púrvagatasrutam after its recital by the bhava, presumably author of the third mula sútra Arhat, into a textual form, and afterwards and Bhadrabahu, to whom chhedasútra 3-5 directed their attention to the angas : dchára and other texts are ascribed, belong to the etc.15 Later on we shall return to the expla- chaturdasapúrvin, but not to the immediate nation of the name purva and the difference papils of the Ganadbaras, and consequently between asgas 1-11 and anga 12.
can lay claim to the parasparagama alone. In full agreement as we find here that the ac- Nevertheless their works, as those just mentual contents have been ascribed to the Arbat, tioned, are included in the existing agama. i.e. Tirthakara (cf. Av. 2, 13), but the external We must therefore accept the conclusion, that
atha kiin taṁ (tat!) parvagatam ? uchyat, yaamat purvarachitat, paschad achdra (here perhaps lacuna) tirthakaras tirthapravartankkale gañadharkņa Barva niryukty Am abhihitah: savvégi kyare padhamo ity-&di, stradhkratna pûrvagata Batr&dhiratvéns parve- tat katham uchyate, tatra sthkpanám Asritya tatho kalta) Jautrarthatn; the second satradhdogata is perhaps 'ktat, iha tv akshararachani pratitya bhapitan, par.
repetition of the scribe) bhAshste tasmkt porventti vini kritant 'ti. bhapitani, ganadharah punah frutarachan Ath vidadh And * damaphrvadhar spy upakarak, upamgadi(dináth AchArkdi kramena rachayanti sth payatti cha. Cf. also
C) sangrahanyaparachanena (nena hêtun& c). Wilson, Sel. W. 1, 285 ed. Rost (from Mahdvirachar. 3) : tritani ganadharair angebhyah purvam dve yat par
11 "He (KAlikacharya) is the 23rd personago from vint 'ty abhidhlyante tenai 'tani chaturdain .
Vira, including the 11 Ganadharas. In the Siddhanta 15 matartaréna tu pårvagatasútrartha(h) parvam he is called SykmArya."-Bhau Dajt in Jour. Bombay Br. arbata bblebiti, gapadharair api purvagatairutam eva | R. 48. 8. 9, 150 (1807).

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we have to deal in it with constituent parts be astonished that the existing Siddhanta conwhich differ widely from each other.
tains so many traces of antiquity as is the The text-constitution of the agama appears, case. What knowledge would we possess of after all, on nearer view, to be of a very Christ if the New Testament had existed in multifarious character. And this is vouchsafed an unwritten form till 980 A.D., and if we also by tradition itself. The council of Paali- were limited to & codification of traditions putra, which the account of Hêmachandra under Pope Sylvester II., which was based [218] places in the immediate neighbourhood not on written, but on oral transmission ! of the date of Asoka, had, as we have seen Truly, in this intervalthe cultivation of the above, been able to collect the 11 angas only in sacred text had not been entirely abandoned. & rather indifferent fashion, by acquiring one So, for example, to the 19th patriarch, Vajra, is portion from one quarter, another from another ascribed particular solicitude in its behalf (yad angadhyayan6ddésady asid yasya); and of cf. Kup. 811 (21). According to the statement the twelfth anga had been able to acquire of the Digambaras, cf. Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 30, the only a part from Bhadrabahu. The existence written codification of their sacred texts had of what had thus been collected, was, as been effected by Pushpadanta A.V 633–683," time went on, endangered from the fact that 300 years before the date above mentioned. its transmission was only oral;" for which, The sacred texts alluded to are not the same according to tradition, writing was not sub- as those of the usual Siddhanta, which bestituted till eight centuries later, in the year longs to the Svetambaras, cf. Wilson, Sel. W.1, 980 Vira. This was effected by a council in 279 & 281 ed. Rost. Valabhi under the presidency of Devarddhigani In the agama which we possess, writing ksham asramana, though others state that this plays a very important rôle ; so that [220] it ensued 13 years after (993 Vira) at the hands becomes clear that writing had, at the time of a council in Mathurâ under ári Skandila- of the written codification of the Siddhanta, charya. In connection with this the state- long been extensively used for literary pur. ment may be placed that in the year 980 the poses. Indeed the very lateness of the aboveValabhi king Dhruvasêna commanded that the mentioned date necessitates already this conKalpasútram should be recited pablicly. Hereinclusion, A. V.980, corresponding to the middle a special participation of the king in the work of the fifth, or the beginning of the sixth, is indicated, be it in that of Devarddhigaại century A.D." A distinct proof for this or in that of Skandila, to whom by this act he extensive use of writing is the expression gave decisive support.
bambhi livi frequently used in angas 4, 5, If, then, as a matter of fact in the interval uplinga 4 etc., to denote the sacred writing." of 800 or 1000 (980) years after Vira, the Furthermore, the characterization of its most doctrines whose contents were promulgated by important part, the angas, as 'dwdlasangan him (though the form of the doctrines is ganipidagar makes for the same conclusion." ascribed to his pupils and not to the master Lêham (writing) always stands at the head in himself) were handed down by oral tradition the enumeration of the 72 kalks, which we alone-and in unison with this assumption is meet with in anga 4 and frequently elsewhere. the fact that just in the older portions of the The material of which the MSS. are made text' we find the introductory formula [219] pattaya, pötthayalihiyam, is spoken of distinctly suyan mé dusan, tenan bhagavayé évam akkhá- in the Anuyôgadvarasútra. In anga 4 and up. yam as well as for the single sections the 4, eighteen different kinds of writing are concluding formula ti bémi-then we may well mentioned, bambhi and javanáliya (yavanáno)
porvarn sarvasiddh ArtAnAin pathana cha makhapathenai'ya ait, Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 117, from the Kalpa.
1. Or 950, as we reckon from the birth of Christ, the Jainas from the death of Vira.
Of, also the accounts which exist in reference to anga 1, 1, 9.
11 Jacobi's statement the whole of the argas was lost after Pushpadanta; he reduced the sacred law to writing"
is so self-contradictory as to baffle explanation on my year of Vikramiditya's birth, ibid. 470 A.V. and 688 A.V. remains a riddle. The Pushpadanta mentioned ariga 4. 75, 86 is the 9th Jina.
" A.V. 990 corresponds either to the year 543, if we establish as the data of Vikramaditya 470 Vira, or, if we accept Jacobi's maumption (Kalpas. p. 15), to the year 514 A.D.
* cf. Bhag. 1, 282n.

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283
being placed first. Herein we may observe a ancient texts, composed originally in Mágadhi, close connection with the similar enumeration had to accommodate themselves. in Lalitavistara. Moreover all 18 are men. The Council of Paaliputra, it is supposed, tioned as used for the bambhi livi. The 46 [222] limited its functions to the collection of mduyakkhardni in anga 4 ought to be mentioned the angas; the written codification of Dêvarddhihere in this connection.
gani, it is claimed, embraced the entire érisidJacobi (Kalpas. p. 16n) has called our atten- dhánta, agama," tbe sarvan granthan of this tion to the peculiar synchronism of the Agama. See Jacobi, 1. c. p. 115-117. What activity of Dêvarddhigami (or of Skandila), with position have we here to assume ? In anga 3,4,1 the contemporaneous activity of Buddhaghôsa we find angabáhiriya texts expressly recognized as regards the drawing up in writing of the as different from the angas, and as pannattire Pali canon. Since this latter is, furthermore, of this kind the names of upungas 5-7 are several deconnis older (almost & century mentioned, together with a fourth name, which older than Jacobi's “adjusted date" of A.V. is that of a section in upanga 3. In anga 3,10 ten 980), we must conclude that in any case he dasá texts, each comprising 10 ajjhayanas, are must have been followed in the wake [221] toy enumerated, of which we possess only four, as his Jaina colleagues and not vice versa. A great asgus 7-10, and a fifth, as chhedasútra 4. In difference is manifest, it must be confessed, be- anga 4 there are mentioned, besides the 11 tween both parties. While Buddhaghósa did not (or 12) angas, the names of the 36 sections of change the linguistic make-up of the Pali texte, the first múlasitra, and three other texts, which the redactor of the Jaina texts adapted to the are no longer extant; the last occur only in a requirements of his own age the Magadht statement in reference to the number of their language, in which, it is probable to suppose, ajjhayaņas. A real enumeration of those texts, they were originally composed (ef. in anga 5, which besides the angas belong to the suam 2, 1, the salutation Magaha ! see Bhag. 2,250) (brutam) is not found in the angas, but in the and in which they had been in all likelihood Nandisutra, a work that is probably a produc. allowed to remain by the council of Pajaliputra. tion of Dêvarddhigaại himself. See below. In The character of the language of the redaotor this work the sacred texts are divided into two of the Jaina texts is incomparably younger groups: (1) the angapavittha, i.e. the 12 angas, than PAli," and consequently its official And (2) the anangapavitha toxts. A further name addha-Mágahá bhásá (in ap. 1, 4, and subdivision shows that under anangap. there are elsewhere)" or ardha-Mdgadhi (with the Jain | 60 single texts enumerated, 27 of which prove grammarians) bears traces of this late date. to be names of existing parts of the Siddhanta ; In fact, of the Magadhé only few remnants, the other names appear either to be merely titles especially the Nom. sing. Masc. of the 1 Decl. of sections of single texts of this number [223] in é, have been retained, while even these or, and this is the majority of cases, are not disappear gradually in the course of time. found in the Siddhanta, though anga 3,10 is acIn general the language may be characterized quainted with some few of them. A repetition as a very much younger sister of Páli. The of this enumeration in the Pákshikasútra” reason for this fact must probably be sought adds at the end to the latter category in local influence, whether it be Valabhí or four*• additional texts, the former existence of Mathara, where the written codification was which can be proved from another source. made; at least such is a safe assumption. To Inasmuch as this proof is as entirely free from the dialect of either Valabhi or Mathurâ these suspicion as it is surprising I deem it fit to
cf. Bhagav. 1, 892–7. Vorlesungen über indische Lit. Geach. 2, p. 316.
1 &kinh tam bhdsdriya! jt namh addha-Mdgande bhdsda bhi santi,jattha ya nam bambht liet pavattai. - Also according to wpanga 1, 56 (see Leumann, Aupapat, p. 6) Mahavira himself already preached in Ardha-Migadhi. Accordingly, we read in the quotation given by Hemachandra IV. 287 : pôranam addhamagahabharaniaya hovai nuttam of. Pinohel's note on this passage in his translation, p. 109. The ordinary term for that idiom with Hêmachandra is ársham.
Other synonyms are sruta, strn, grantha, sisana, AjñA, vachana, upaden, prajñapana. Such is the enumeration in the Anuyogadu. (but in Prakrit.)
Where the texts in question are called angabd. hira.
• Or 'fire' ? they seem to have been mentioned also by the original MS. commented on by the bhasha of the Caloutta edition of the Nandis.; see the explanatiou of the five names in that edition p. 418 (after Vanhidards). -L.

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discuss this matter already here in some detail.
In the Vihimaggapavá, called briefly Vidhiprapa, that is to say, in a sámáyári of Jinapahamuni (Jinaprabha in Kôsalà; likewise author of the sandé havishaushadhi) composed Samvat 1363 (A.D 1307) in Prakrit, the above mentioned enumeration of the anangapaviṭṭha texts is found, with the addition of the same four names as in the Pákshikasútra. To these four there are added two more names. On this occasion we now find there, inserted between angas and upangas, the following remarkable statements in reference to that state of advancement in which the student is to study the single texts. The statement occurs in a passage where the author describes in detail the diurnal occupation necessary to learn the single texts of the Siddhanta. The passage is as follows: ittha cha dakkha pariyâyèna tivâsô âyârapakappam vahijja vaijja ya, êvam chaüvasô sûyagadam, panchavaso dasâkappavvavahârê, aṭṭhavâsô thânasamavâê, dasavâsô bhagavaî(°vaïm), ikkarasavasô khuddiyâvimânâî (°nâdîni) pamcha 'jjhayanê, varasavisô arunôvavâyâi(âdini)[224] pamcha 'jjhayanê, têrasavasô utthânasuya (yadini) chaürajjhayanê, chaüddasâi-atthârasamtavâsô kamêņa âsîvisabhâvanâ-diṭṭhivisabhâvana-châra nabhavana mahâsumiņabhavanatêyanisaggê, êgunavisavâsô ditthivâyam, sam punnavisavisô savvasuttajôgô tti. The same statements recur in an older form (cf. the name civáha for anga 5 and not bhagavat) in Sântichandra's Comm. on upanga 6 in 7 verses, the first two of which are found in Abhayadêva on anga 3:tivarisapariy gassa u âyârapakappanamam
SU
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ajjhayanam chaüvarisassa ya sammaṁ sûagadam nâma amgam till 1 | dasakappavvavahârâsamvachchharapanagadi
[OCTOBER, 1888.
bârasa vâsassa tahâ arunovâyâi pamcha ajjha yana
The MS. has dakkhah. But Visarga is of course here inappropriate. Is dikkha (diksha) the correct reading?
so anga masculine or êtê neuter; see imê ajjhayapa in 7.3.
If we now return to a consideration of the 60 anangapavittha texts of the Nandi we shall find that we have to deal with a rich literature of which nearly half has probably been lost. On the other hand, among these 60 texts we miss not only at least six names which are now enumerated as portions of the Siddhanta; but all the titles of those groups are lacking, in which the Siddhanta is at present divided. These 60 names are enumerated without any reference whatever to any definite order in groups, and in a succession entirely different from the present order. Does this state of
kkhiyassê 'val
thanam sama vâôchiya amg' êtê atthavâsassa || 2 || dasavâsassa vivâhô, êgârasavåsagassa ya imê
ul
khuddiyavimâna-m-âî ajjhayana pamcha nâ- things permit us to conclude that neither the texts which are not mentioned in the enumeraBhagavati, the latter in its turn being dasavisassa!
yavva 11 3 11
38 Santichandra maintains a different view, viz. that sinoe in v. 3 onga 5 is ascribed to dasavarshapary Syasya addhh therefore eo ipso anga 6, and the connected upanga 6, took their places accordingly. But how is the case with anga 7 etc. P
31 teyaninagga is, according to another passage of the Vidhiprapa, another name of the Gosala book in the
térasavisassa taha utthinasnyâiya chairô || 4 ||chaudasavâsassa tahâ âsivisabhavanaṁ jina bimti
pannarasavasagassa ya diṭṭhâvisabhavanam taha ya #5 ||
sôlasavâsâîsu ya êguttaravadḍhiêsu jahasamkham |
châranabhavana-mahasuviņabhavanâ-têaganisaggå31 11. 6 ||
eguanvisagassa ditthivid duvilasamgam | sampunnavîsavarisô apuvai savvasuttassa tti || 7 |
This enumeration is exceedingly noteworthy, from the fact, that of the texts which now belong to the Siddhanta, only nine are mentioned (six angas and three chhedasútras), whereas the other eight names, to which reference will be made later on when we examine the Nandi, are at present not found therein. The question [225] arises: are we justified in placing the composition of these verses at a period in which the remaining portions of the present Siddhanta were as yet not embraced therein, their place being occupied by the eight lost texts, which are mentioned in the enumeration? In any case the enumeration cannot be otherwise than ancient, since at the date when it was composed, the ditthiváa manifestly still existed, and in fact as the highest in the order of gradation.

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tion nor the present groupings or titles of anga 10 has changed place with anga ll, and the groups existed at the date of the Nandi ? name of upanga 12 having fallen out, in its
At present the entire Siddhanta embraces the stead another name (Kappiyasútra) has been following 45 texts divided into the following introduced in the ninth place. The four Múlasix groups: 1. eleven (or twelve) angas: [226] sútras appear as Group 3, and of these two A châra, Satrakritam ("kpit), Sthanam, Samavâ- bave different names (2. Viséshávasyaka, 4. ya, Bhagavatî, Jnåtâdharmakathâs, Upasaka Pákshika). Group 4 bears the title Kalpasutras daśas, Antakriddaśas, Anuttaraupapatikadaśás, and consists of five texts, viz. : múlas. 1, chhedas. Praśnavyâkaraṇam, Vipaka, (Drishtivada, no 1 and 3, Kalpasútra (part of chhedas. 4) and longer extant),2. twelve upangas: Aupapait- Jitakalpasútra. Group 5 embraces 6 chhedakam, Rajapraśniyam, Jivabhigama, Prajna- stras, of which the first three alone are pana, Jambadvipaprajnapti, Chandraprajnapti, perhaps identical with chhedas. 1; the fourth Süryaprajnapti, Nirayávali [or Kalpika), corresponds to múbasútra 4 of Bühler. The Kalpâvataisika, Pashpika, Pushpachůlika, names are: 1, Mahậnisithavșihadvachana, 2. Vrishạidabas,-3. ten painnas: Chatuhšarana, Mahani ithalaghuvachana, 3. Mahậniśîtha (not Samstara, Aturapratyakhyânam, Bhaktaparijnâ, | in Rajendra Lala Mitra, but in Kashinath Tandulavaiyali, ss Chand&vija, Dévêndrastava, Kunte) Madhyamavâchana, 4. PiņdaniryukGaņivija, Mahåpratyakhyanam, Vîrastava,-4. ti, 5. Anghaniryakti, 6. Paryushanåkalpa. six chhedasútras: Niśitham, Mahâniśitham, Group 6: the ten painna or payanna texts, but Vyavahara, Daśášrutaskandha, Brihatkalpa, in a different order. The MaranasamadhiPanchakalpa,-5. two sútras without a sútram, which is in the eighth place, tal common name, Nandt and Anuyôgad våram, I place of pažnna 10. Nandisutra and Anuyóga-6. four múlasútras: Uttaradhyayanam, dvárasútra, counting separately as groups 7 and Å vasyakam, Daśavaikalikam and Piņdanir. 8 respectively, conclude the list. If, now, [228] yukti. This division is that of Bühler, after a consideration of the above, it is manifest (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 14), with an excep that even the parts of the Siddhanta are at tion in the succession of up. 5-7, where I present uncertain, we have herein a gure proof have deviated from his arrangement on the of the unsettledness and uncertainty which strength of the Vidhiprapá and the scholium attaches to the entire writings of the Jains. As on up. 6. The same division is found also | a matter of fact it is apparent that the oldest in Ratnasagara (Calc. 1880) except that portions of their literature are in reality nothing there groups 3 and 4 have changed places but disjecta membra, that they are very un. with 5 and 6, not to mention some minor equal and, as regards the date of their composidifferences. It is a very remarkable fact that in tion, separated from each other by extensive Rajendra Lala Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit M88. periods. 3, p. 67 (Calc. 1874)-on the authority of In the angas and upángas we may observe a definite source of information, the Siddhanta groups, which are well defined, individual, dharmasúra, -we find an enumeration and united throngh criteria which prove their varying materially from the above. First interconnection. These groups were in a later a very different grouping may be noticed ; [227] age bronght into connection with the other secondly, there are a few additional names (50 groups of like nature. instead of 45) and finally remarkable variations On the other hand, it cannot be denied that a in the names themselves. The first two groups hand, aiming at unification and order, has been of angas and upangas are identical, although brought to bear especially upon the angas and
33 These are probably the " 45 agamas," which the patron of the writer of a MS. (Saṁvat 1666, A.D. 1609) of the Vyavaharasutra (Berlin MS. or. fol. 1038) had copied ; see v. 10 of the statements at its end.
** These names, both as regards form and signification are either of doubtful explanation, or are involved in obscurity.
35 Repeated in the "Report on the Sanskrit MSS. etc. amined during 1880-81" addressed to the Government of the Panjab, by Pandit Kashinath Kante. He has given
the report twice with tolerable similarity :-Jan. 24, 1881 (p. 4-7) and June 6, 1881 (p. 6–9).
98 Here Kashinath Kunte deviates from Rajendra Lala Mitra, adducing the common name of up. 12, but in the ninth place. A further variation is that in the place of the Chandapannatti he adduces the Mahapannavand, which is found in the list of the anangapayittha texts in the Nandi. The Mahapannuna is characterised as "obsolete and extinct" by Kashinath Kunte.

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upangas. This is clear from the many remarks of view may afford us an explanation for in reference to the redaction (Bhagar. 1, 389), the omissions, additions and transformations which consist partly of the parallel references in the constitution of the other angas. The of one text to another, partly of karikás which [230] rigour of the polemic against the annaülare placed at the beginning to serve as a general theya, anyatírthika, parapásanda and against introduction or inserted in the middle or sub- the ninhaga, nihneva, is so sharp and cutting, joined at the end. The linguistic character of that we are justified in drawing ulterior conthose redactionary remarks can be readily disclusions, which are of significance for the tinguished from that of the text. Among history of Jain literature. those parallel references, there are doubtless Thus we have seen above, page 222f, that of many, which are to be ascribed, not to the works mentioned in angas 3 and 4 with special redactor but (cf. below) to the copyists; and reference to their contents and extent, eight are among the kárikás may be contained many no longer extant, as is also the case with some additions of a decided secondary stamp. If 30 of the 60 anangapavittha texts mentioned in now we do not discuss at length the problem the Nandisitra, etc. Again, it is a definite and as to whether we are to consider all the 45 certain conclusion that the mahāpainná chapter agamas of Bühler's list as collected by Dêvar of the first part of anga 1 long formed an inddhigaņi, (229) as is the belief of Jacobi, Kulpas. tegral part of that anga before it was lost, as p. 16, we must accept this as a fact: that their is at present the case. The nisihajjhayanam, present state cannot be that to which they which originally belongs to the second part of were possibly brought by him. Despite the firm that auga, has been removed thence and given foundation erected by his activity, and despite an independent position, that is to say, it exists, the care which the Jains especially have, even according to all probability, as chhedasútra 1. from the earliest times, devoted to the re- Some verses, which originally had their place storation of their MSS., nevertheless both the at the end of the first chapters of upangas 5 and constitution and condition of the Siddhanta and 7, and which the scholium ascribes to that text have been subject to most important place, are now not extant. On the other hand, modifications. Jacobi, p. 16, 17, has called there is no lack of insertions:-At the date of attention to the numerous pâthas (various the fourth anga (884) the fifth had not yet readings) recognized in the Scholia, and has attained the half of its present extent (84,000 expressed it as his conviction that it is im- instead of 184,000 padas). The addition of cerpossible to restore Dêvarddhigaņi's recension tain portions called childs (protuberances), is or text. There exist however other differences expressly recognized by tradition as having between the original and the present Siddhanta taken place partly in anga 5 (vivdhachuld) partly text. Not only have there been lost passages in angas 1 and 12 as also in malasútra 3. In or sections of the texty which were extant at the case of chheda sutra 4 we have a certain the date of the older commentaries, but also instance of a growth out of manifold constithere have been inserted large interpolations tuent parts. Besides these changes, be they which are apparent; and furthermore the text, omissions or additions, there are traces of according to all probability, has even suffered evident textual transformations. The statecomplete transformations. I conjecture that ments in anga 3,20 in reference to the conthe reason of these changes may be sought in tents of angas 8-10, are drawn from a text the influence of the orthodoxy of the Svétám- quite different from our own. Furthermore bara sect," which became more and more on- [231] the statements in reference to the extent bending to the various divisions of sectaries. and division of all the 12 angas, to be found in The existing Siddhanta belongs exclusively to a detailed discussion of the subject partly in the Svetambaras. The loss of the entire drishti- anga 4, partly in the Nandi, are oftentimes in vada (cf. below), is doubtless principally dae unison neither with each other nor with the to the fact that it had direct reference to the actual constitution of the text. Even the modern doctrines of the schismatics. This point representation of the Vidhiprapá, dating from
31 A patent example of this inflexibility is to be found in the Kupakshakausikaditya.

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the commencement of the fourteenth century, doubtless to be referred to the period of the shows extensive variations in the case of anga | redaction. 6. It is furthermore to be noticed that chap- So the text itself, as we see, has met with ter 16 of the first part of anga 2, has a title enormous losses in the course of time; also which does not comport with the character of the form of the words has suffered equally. its contents. The same may be affirmed of I do not refer here to the frequent pathas, anga 10, the commentary to which refers to a l of which mention has already been made and textual division no longer in existence; nor which were intentionally changed from reasons does this anga contain the same dialect as the of the most various character, but to the form others. Finally, the name of the second upanga of the words itself. The Prákřit of these texts does not harmonize with its traditional ex- was, as we have seen, page 221, afflicted in the planation, which, in turn, stands in no genuine very beginning with "a thorn in the flesh." relation to the contents of the upanga. In Its origin is to be sought in the East of India, this latter case there exists perhaps some con- in Magadha, and it was therefore provided at nection with a Buddhistic text of similar deno- the start with those peculiarities, or at least mination, to which we may, in the last instance, with a good part of them, which belonged ascribe some influence in bringing about the to the Mágadhi dialect, according to the transformation of the text. We have seen that testimony of the old inscriptions and of the the constituent parts of the text in general have | tradition of the later grammarians. These texts been exposed to modifications of the most were collected for the first time (233) by the varied character; and the same, we can con- Council of Pataliputra probably in that dialect, fidently assume, has been the case with the state and after 800 years' transmission by word of of the text itself. The peculiar style of these mouth, if we trust the voice of tradition, were works in the first instance is to be held responsi- codified in writing in Western India. In this ble for this result. The massiveness and pondero- codification the attempt was doubtless made to sity especially of the presentation by means preserve a part of the ancient grammatical of continual repetitions and constantly recurring form, particularly the termination of the Nom. stereotyped forms, has often sorely tried the Sing. Masc, of the 1st decl., in é not in 8. Such patience of the Jain clergy. All the precautions was the ancient colouring of the language of which were taken by the division of the text the " Scriptures," as the texts were now called. into granthas, that is to say, groups of 32 sylla- But, aside from this attempt at preserving an bles" and by counting the latter by hundreds ancient flavouring, it may be stated as a general [232] or by thousands, which precautions proposition that the texts were written down according to Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 24 emanated in that form, which the language assumed at from Dêvarddhigaội himself, have not been able the time and place where the written codificato protect the text against the insertion of tion took place. In the case of those texts single words, or against abbreviations and which were then not merely collected or comomissions. The latter were then made good piled from ancient material, but newly created by reference to the parallel passages in other by the sole assistance of this ancient material, texte, cf. p. 228. All this, together with the the desire to preserve the ancient form held dangers accroing from the constant copying good merely as regards the ancient citations. of the MSS., has produced a state of confusion The remainder of the contents, including the which is utterly irremediable. Often the notes of the redactor and his additions, was at catchwords alone, the skeletons of the page so the outset, composed in the new form (e.g. to speak, are left, and that which must be Nom. in 8, not in é.). This then remained for the supplied is to be found in the preceding, future the only authoritative form which, as far which was identical in tenor. The omitted as can be discovered, was imperfect and conportion was thus left to oral delivery taminated by the most varied defects. No or to oral instruction. The allusions to reference was paid to a substructure of gramcertain stereotyped descriptions, the epitheta mar, and the flexibility of the rules as regards ornantia, the so-called vannaa, varnaka, are flexion or non-flexion recalls the latitude which
* Also called sloka or anushţubh. See Ind. Streifen, III. p. 212.

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the Prakrit grammarians of a later age [234] ascribed to the Apabhransa in this particular. In compounds the single members are either entirely without Samdhi, or the case termina- tion is lacking in the latur member, so that it stands, like the other members, in its pure thematic form. The pure theme especially is frequently found instead of the inflected forms in the karikás, which are inserted into the angas. The gender and number of the words which are associated, do not agree in a very large number of cases. The insertion of an inorganic m in the middle of compounds and at the end of a word, is a recognized practice. Corresponding occurrences or rather beginnings of such a use are found even in ancient times, and in fact in the Veda (cf. satamuti). The use of the particles tô (from ató) and 6, tu and u as mere expletives, is exceedingly com- mon. The indiscriminate variation of i and u with & and 8 before double consonants makes many passages obscure and difficult. If to these considerations we add the so-called ya. śruti it is apparent what a wide field is opened up for the disfigurement of words. There is, however, one circumstance more, and that of a very peculiar nature. By reason of the falling out at any time of a t in the frequently recurring forms of the 3rd pers. Singul. Pres., and of the Part. Perf. Pass., a misunderstand ing arose in the minds of the copyists, which is only to be explained from the fact that there was no absolutely established grammatical use. This misunderstanding arose from the belief of the grammarians that t was a sound [235] that could be omitted or inserted at pleasure. The insertion of such an inorganic t in time gained ground so extensively, that the recognition of the original form becomes a matter of exceeding difficulty. As a matter of fact it can be proved that this situation of affairs led even at quite an early date to grotesque misunderstandinge
As the result of all this many words of the texts are exceedingly corrupt. We find there. fore it almost beyond belief when we consider the nature of the licenses which modern Jain authors allow themselves when they write Prakrit. In the scholia all matter of this class is explained simply as chhandasa, or ársha. If now, despite the above great transformation of the constitation and condition of the text of the Siddhanta since Dévarddhigaņi, it is always difficult in a given case to demonstrate the posteriority of any definite text after him, there is nevertheless, [236] in the contents a sufficient number of dates which correspond exactly, or at least tally well, with the period in which he is placed by tradition, namely the fifth century A.D.
Of the evidence of this character we must first mention the astronomical and astrological conceptions, which are anterior to the anthori. tative influence of Greek astronomy, or at least in all essentials independent of it. There is as yet no knowledge of the Zodiac ; the planets are not arranged in the Greek order (as is the case in several of the Ath. Paris.), and play a very unimportant part. The nakshatras and the Vedic yugam of five years still hold sway. The nakshatras are often found, arranged after the old order, starting with ksittikd. At the same time we find in the upangas the change of the vernal equinox from krittika to bharani indicated by the commencement with abhijit, which is such favourite in the upangas." In this fact we have a sign that the influence of Greece had already become active. In general, however, the statements of the upangas still represent the stage of the so-called Jyotisham and of a part of the Atharvapari ishtas. The names of the karanas that have a foreign sound:-bava, bálava, etc. belong, it is true, to the upángas; horá is found however for the first time in painna 8, v. 60.
We must also mention the enumeration of
30 A perfect analogy is presented by the peculiar Sanskrit of the North Buddhistic texts Lalita vistara, Mahavastu, etc.
0 Just as in the texts of the Avesta, especially the Vendidad, which were collected at about this period.
• All sorts of false forms which had no claim to existence came gradually into use in this way. An interesting case of this, which, if my conception is correct, transplants us into a period before Vardhamihira A.D. 504-587, will be found in the name of the metre vaitallyam in anga 2, 1, 2. The title of the first updiga is incorrectly stated to be aupapatika instead of dika. The name Mbayya (Métayya) became Métarya, the
common form. In my treatise on the satrunjaya Mah. p. 3. 4, when I had no knowledge of this inorganic 1, I conjectured Métarya to have originated from Mévorya. The Schol, on anga 2, 2, 7 has, it must be confessed, Médarya. Furthermore the later Jains have been guilty of all sorts of wild misconceptions in reference to their own language : as for example, the completely erroneous explanation of the name nietha by nisitha. In this category we may perhaps place Lichhaki for Lichhavi.
So also in anga 3: in anga 4, 7 probably in an interpolation. The names of the nakshatras appear, we may notice in passing, here only in their secondary form, thus :- pushya, bhadrapada, eto.

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the foreign, non-Aryan peoples, [237] which origin is the same as that to which belong the are frequently referred to in the aigas and Brahmanical angas and upángas, often alluded apángas. This enumeration transplants us to in their most ancient portions. The second of with tolerable certainty to a period from these two names (upáiga) has been adopted by the second to the fourth century A.D., the Jains as the title of the second chief group which is the most ancient period in which the of their texts. I have already called attention enumeration can have originated, though the to the close connection between the astronomi. present texts may be much later. The men- cal doctrines of the angas and those of the tion made of the Arabians among the list, in "Jyotisha” védánga. Finally may be mentioned the form árava, which has yet not been dis- (see Bhagav. 1, 383) the solemn composition covered as occurring elsewhere in India, might in the dryd measure of verses which are lead us to suppose that we had to deal with a cited in the Siddhanta or inserted therein. period far posterior to that delimited above. This measure must at the time of the redaction This could, however, be the case only on the of the Siddhanta have enjoyed especial authosupposition that the Arabians of Islam are re- ritativeness, otherwise it had never been made ferred to. It is my opinion that a reference 80 exclusive a vehicle of composition. We to an ante-Islamic period in which Arabia must however call attention to the fact that and India were closely connected by com- the oldest metrical portions of the texts are mercial ties), is as fully justified as a refer- not composed in gáthás but in álókas; thus anga ence to the Islamic period. From the mention 2, the metrical portions of the chhedasútras of this peculiar denomination of the Arabiang, and those of múlasutras 1 and 3 [239] are which as before said appears here for the first composed in blokas, while the nijjutti and time in the history of Indian literature, I con- chúrni belonging to those mûlas, are in gáthas. clude that the first author of the enumeration In anga 2 we find also the vaitáliya measure. in question lived in a part of India in which The name of this metre (cf. ad loc.) which the commercial connections with Arabia were exists even in the "Chhandas" vedanga, appears very close, that is to say, on the west coast. to have been caused by a misunderstanding The mention made of the seven schisms in of the name of a chapter of this anga, brought unga 3, the last of which occurred in the year about by the insertion of an inorganic t. The 584 Vira, compels us to regard the second existence of the name of this chapter of the century A.D. as the extreme limit à quo for anga would receive by this supposition a the composition of the texts of the Siddhanta. valuable attestation, inasmuch as it dates We have therefore to conclude that the period far back to a very remote period. In álókas from the second to the fifth century is the period and vaitdliyas are composed the verses of the to which their composition must be relegated. Dhammapada of the Buddhists, with which
The other dates, which we can extract from several portions of this anga, as well as of the texts, are in agreement with this delimita-mulasútras 1 and 3, are very closely connected. tion of the period of their origin; of special We come at this point to a question, which importance are the references in the angas to the I will here merely mention. What is the corpus of Brahmanical secular literature [238] relation of the Siddhanta of the Jains to the which existed at that time, see Bhagav. 1, 441; sacred writings of the Buddhists, both northern 2, 446-8. Then too the use of the word anga to and southern ? A few sidelights of this characdenote the oldest portions or the chief group of ter will be brought into use as the course of the Siddhanta" deserves attention, and makes our investigation progresses. The solution of probable the assumption that the period of their the question can only then be successfully
4 The Buddhists in the case of the chief group of their Gench. 316. The style of some of the oldest parts of tho own scriptures make use of the word satra to denote a Siddhanta reminds us in & very slight degree of that class of literature of somewhat ancient date. The word of the later Brahmapical sitra. In reference to the sdtra occurs also in the colophons of the Jaina-Siddhanta connection, of somewhat problematie character, between and plays a very important role in the Scholia ; yet is aamayika or samayart and smaylchdrika, see later on never used in the texts themselves with the same signi- | under anga l, or in Uttaradhy. 16. ficance as among the Buddhists, if we except the Anwy- # There is frequently a great lack of metrical correct. gadvaras. and Avasy. nijjutti together with that section ness in these verses. . of anga 12 which has the specific title of puttáin. • The metre in question existed earlier as may be seen
d Vorles. über Ind. Lit.- ! from its use in the Dhammapada.

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undertaken, when we are in a position to com- of their founders outweigh any arguments that pare the texts themselves. make for the contrary opinion. If we reflectand I here repeat what I have said on page 219that the Jain texts were, as the Jains themselves claim, codified in writing 1000 years after the death of the founder of Jainism, then it is really marvellous [241] that they appear to contain so much that is original. How large the number and how influential the character of the events which occurred in the interval, is for the present veiled in obscurity, although the information emanating from the Jains themselves (or more particularly from the Svêtâmbaras with whose literature we have specially to do) in reference to the seven schisms etc."" affords us at least some slight base of operations. One fact, for example, is noteworthy :-that the nakedness, which is adduced by the Brahmins (e.g. also by Varáhas mih. 58, 45. 59, 19) as a chief characteristic of the Jains, and which according to Buddhistic statements, was resolutely opposed by Buddha, assumes an unimportant position in the angas and at least is not regarded as a matter of necessity, see Bhag. 2, 187, 239, 314. Later the necessity of appearing naked was introduced as a dogma by a sect of dissenters. If we take into consideration the hate which the Svêtâmbaras, who played the role of the orthodox sect, manifested so vigorously against the Digambaras in particular (Kup. 797 7), it is no rash conjecture to assume that many prescriptions or traditions in regard to this point have been removed from the Siddhânta of the Svétámbaras. Even the orthodox do not deny that the Jinas themselves went naked;50 they assert merely that, what was permissible then is no longer permissible at the present day.
At the head of [242] the Siddhanta stand then:
The following review of the contents of the Siddhanta endeavours, in the first place, to disclose to us the actual constitution of the texts which are at the present day reckoned as belonging to the Siddhánta. In this review I follow the order adopted by Bühler (see above, page 226). Secondly, it purposes from the dates contained therein to cast light upon the most important points for the date of the composition of each single division, and for the life of the founder [240] of Jainism, as far as this is possible for me in this first assault upon its literature, remarkable not less for its immensity than for its monotony and intellectual poverty. The more exact details will be found in the second part of my catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS. of the Royal Library of Berlin, which is at present in the press. I have unfortunately been able to make use of the editions of anga 10 and upanga 2 alone out of the Calcutta and Bombay editions of the angas and upúngas, published 1876 ff.
At the conclusion of this introduction it may be permitted me to state that personally I still continue to regard the Jains as one of the oldest of the Buddhistic sects. The fact that the tradition in reference to the founder of Jainism deals partly with another personality than Buddha Śâkyamuni himselfwith the name of a man who in the Buddhistic legend is mentioned as one of the contemporary opponents of Sakyamuni-this fact, I say, does not, in my opinion, militate against the conclusion that Jainism is merely one of the oldest of the Buddhistic sects. It appears to me that the conception of the founder of Jainism as an opponent of Buddha can well be regarded as an intentional disavowal of religious opinion which took its rise in sectarian hate. The number and the significance of common features in both Buddhistic and Jain traditions in reference to the life and labours etc. of each
Of this new catalogue Vol. I. has since appeared under the title: Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der königl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Vol. V. Part II. Vol. I. [352 pages; see ante, 1887, p. 316], Vol. II. [p. 353-828] which is particularly devoted to the sacred Jain Literature, is nearly ready.-L.
This view (which in Europe has apparently persuaded only M. Barth of Paris) will scarcely be maintainable any longer, since Prof. Bühler has discovered inscriptional proofs for the authenticity of the old Thêra lists given by the Kalpasútra see the two papers by Bühler in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes,
a. The 11 (or 12) angas.
We have seen above on page 211 ff. that, according to tradition, at the time of the first Jina all 12 angas were extant; that then beVol. I. p. 165ff. and Vol. II., (III), p. 1ff.-L.
According to v. 43 of Dhammaghosa's Kalasattari: térasasaêhim (1300) Vir hôhimti anêgahâ mayavibhêâ bamdhamti jêhim jiva bahuha kamkhai mohaniam II
désavisamvadinô dravyalingênâ 'bhêdinô nihnavah, Bôtikas tu sarvavisamvadino dravyalingatô 'pi bhinnah, according to the Vichârâmritasamgraha in Malayagiri's Comm. to Avisy.; cf. Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15n.
so See Wilson Sel. W. 1, 294 ed. Rost in reference to the nakedness of Mahavira: cf. also the characterization of his doctrine in añga 3, 9 fin. as achelal.

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tween Jinas 2-9 there existed only eleven i. e. all except anga 12; that between Jinas 9-16 those eleven also were lost, whereas in the time of, or between, Jinas 16-24, all twelve were extant, and that the 12th afterwards was again" lost. If we exclude the mythical first Jina from our consideration, the essence of this tradition is perhaps this: the number of the angas was at first eleven, to these a twelfth was joined, which twelfth auga was again lost. This assumption corresponds to the conclusions to be derived from the Siddhanta itself. In the angas themselves and in the upaigas too," only eleven angas are as a rule mentioned. The principal exception to this assertion is the fourth anga, where at the very outset we find a short enumeration (which can easily be shown to be of secondary addition) of the single parts of the duválasamgam ganipidagam; alike in §§18, 46, 88, some declarations in reference to anga 12; and finally at the end a detailed exposition of this subject, in which the duválasamgam ganipidagam is glorified as having existed eternally in the past and as destined to exist forever in the future. This laudation of anga 12 is very surprising, and may well be explained as an intentional polemical assertion to satisfy all doubts that might arise. According to all probability this last section, which is found almost verbatim et litteratim in the Nandi, composed probably by Dêvarddhigani himself, [243] is to be regarded as a later addition to anga 4, whether it was borrowed from the Nandi itself, or, if this cannot be the case on account of some few differences between them, from a common Besides this mention in anga 4 and some other references, which eventually may also be of secondary origin (e. g. anga 5, 20, 8) the duvalasangan ganipidagam is mentioned only in those portions of the Siddhanta which do not belong to the angas.
source.
The later origin of the passages in question is manifest from the form in which they are referred to.
When anything is said of the eleven augas,
51 Accord. to Bhagav. 20, 8, anga 12 was lost savvattha, i.e. in all 23 jinamtaras, as Leumann informs me.
ss But see up. I. 26 (p. 36, Leumann).
63 SAmAtiga-m-Adiyi i. e. sâmâyikadini, see Bhagav. 2, 281-3. 300. up. I, 31 remains an exception (Leumann, p. 44). of. Pân. 5, 4, 34 where in the gana, samaya and samayachara are found, also samâya (var. 1); the form sam might be regarded as an intentional differentiation for alma; cf. the Akritigana anuśatika as also sAmgrå. hika, from samgraha, in Abhayadeva on anga 4, who even uses svasamdyika as the adj. to svasamaya. The
291
they are always characterized as "beginning with the sámáyika," in case the statement is not merely limited to this number itself, but when the first one is specifically referred to by name. When, on the other hand, anything is said of twelve angas, in which case the titles of each and all are generally cited, the first anga is not called sámáiya, but áchára (e. g. also anga 5, 20, 8); the latter name is found in the MSS. and elsewhere up to the present day. This direct variation between the two forms of denotation is peculiar and surprising, but may perhaps be explained as follows:-The word sámáyika was perhaps originally a synonym of áchára. I derive it from samaya and hold that it is equivalent to the Brahmapical samayáchárika (see M. Müller, Hist. Anc. S. Lit. p. 206 fg.) which here appears probably [244] in the term sámáyári (see Uttarajjh. 26). This may be regarded as a counterpart of sámayáchárika. In upanga 1 at the end of the first part, the dharma of Mahavira is designated in a general way as sámáia or as agárasámáié dhammé and anagárasd. The use of the word in this universal signification in a legend is attested for Mahâvira's predecessor Pâréva; see Bhagav. 2, 184. Besides this wider signification there was developed a second more restricted use (see the reference just quoted) viz.-the first member of the six so-called ávaśyakas i.e. necessary observances, the treatment of which forms the chief subject of the Anuyogadvárasutra and of the sûtra text, on which the Avasyakanijjutti is based. In both these works and in the Nandi, which in turn also makes special mention of the six avasyakas with sámáiya at the head, the duválasanga ganipidaga with áchára at the head is principally spoken of. Consequently it is easy to conjecture that the use of the word sámáyika occurring here in its pregnant sense as the title of the first avasyaka, has been the cause of the dropping of this denotation for the first anga (in order to avoid any misunderstanding), and the reason of the choice of the title áchára for this anga, [245] a title which is perfectly clear."" Jains themselves affect several etymologies, and generally regard sama as the first member of the compound. See also Bhag. 2, 186.
These form the first of the ten groups of the samayari, see Uttarajh. 26,
se It is very peculiar that in Avasy, nijj. 2, 8 sAmAia appears as the title of the first Avasyaka and only six verses later on in 2, 14 as title of the first anga.
The change may have been favoured by the union of both words in the Brahmanical term samayachara.

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Furthermore transitional stages may be found. there included in the collective title of káliyari In Avasy. wijj. 2, 14 we read sámáia-m-diam suami kálikani śrutam. This occurs in the suandnari java bundusaráð. Here the first aliga Anuyógadv., in the section parimanasarikha, is still entitled sómáia although twelve angas where the means are explained by wbich the are treated of; bidusára is the title of the sacred text is assured through counting its fourteenth purva or of the concluding section constituent parts. Common subdivisions are the third part of the twelfth anga. In chhedas. ascribed to both its above mentioned parts, but 2, 3 the same is said of the duválasaigani for the chief sections the titles uddésaga, suyana mani: that it is sámáiya-m-ái ôgabi- ajjhayana, suakhandha, araga are given to the duságara (sára !) payyarasunani.***
káliasua, the titles páhuda, pahudia, pahudaIf now the passages, in which eleven angas pähudia, vatthu however to the ditthivaa. with sámáyika at their head are spoken of, According to this and the other statements are older than those in which reference is made in reference to the division of the ditthivaa to twelve angas with áchára at their head, it are in agreement herewith) there existed becomes self-evident that the twelfth angam between both these groups of texts a fundahas been united to the other eleven as a mental difference in the designation of their secondary addition. According to tradition chief divisions. This may probably be reand to the actual state of the case, the twelfth ferred to a different origin or to a different angam did probably not long assert this secon- treatment of the subject matter of both. In dary position which it had acquired ; and at the Arasy. nijj. 8, 54 two other texts are present at least is no longer extant. Doubtless mentioned (isibhásiydi and súrapannatti) besides it was lost long ago (ef. page 213). Prom this káliasuam and ditthivda. Of these the first is circumstance alone we may conjecture that lost, the second has found lodgment among the there existed a species of opposition, an actual existing upangas. Its agreement with the incongruity between it and the other elevendithivca in its division into páhuda, leads us angas, which led to its loss. For the confirma- to conclude that it must have some connection tion of this assertion we still have proof. with it. Finally of special importance is a In both the works, which we have just notice, found but a short distance from this in found to be the two principal witnesses for the same text (8,40), aceording to which [247] the existence [246] of the duválasangan gani- up to the time of Ajja Vayara, that is, of Vajrapidagam, viz. in the Anuyôgadv. and in the svámin, apuhatte (aprithaktvam) káliánudassa Avasy. nijj, the twelfth angam under its existed, and the puhattara (prithaktvam) “kálttitle ditthiváa drishtirada, is placed in direct asua ditthiváé a" had found entrance later on: opposition to the other eleven angas, which are têņ'ârêņa, tata aratah.-(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI. to stand forward as an independent scholar, his By the premature death of Pandit Bhagvanlal indefatigable zeal and rare ingenuity have conIndraji, which occurred on the 16th March last, tributed materially to the progress made of late Indian epigraphists have lost an enthusiastic and years in the field of Indian epigraphy and history. able fellow-worker, whose place it will be difficult His career as a scholar is a most remarkable one, to fill, and many among them a valued personal
and deserves to be described much more fully friend, whose interesting and sympathetic com. than I am able to do with only an imperfect munications they will greatly miss. Short as was recollectiou of the particulars of its earlier portion, the period during which it was permitted to him which he communicated to me during our pro.
# Both the following parts are herewith completely
of the perras over the angasis claimed. Their position in ignored.
the last ariga, at the conclusion of the others, is however
not in harmony with this claim. The title prirva has *** On the authority of such passages the pravachanam rather reference in the last instance to the contents. is explained by sk&yikidi birhduskraperyarhtam in
See below on anga 12-It must however be taken into later works, or in the commentary to Dharmaghsha's
consideration that the old recounts on the rise of the Jitallpa-also in the Nandf-tika, see ed. of the Nandie.,
Jaic schisma mention only the pervas and not the angas; p. 890.-L.
see my paper" Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der * In the tradition referred to on page 215 the priority 'Jaina," Ind. Stud. Vol. XVII. pp. 107 and 113.-L.

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longed intimate intercourse in India. Yet I tended for publication. The texts, thus obtained, comply with the request of the Editors of this were carefully examined and considered by Dr. Journal to write a notice of his life, because BhAQ Dáji and an able Pandit, Mr. Gopal I trust that I shall at least be able to do justice Pandurang Padhyê, who was a thoroughly good to his character, to his scientific attainments, and Sanskrit scholar. For doubtful passages the to the results which he achieved.
originals were compared afresh. Pandit BhagPandit Bhagvânlâl belonged to a highly respect. vânlal had again to visit the sites and to seek able Brahman family of Junagadh, which like the solution of the remaining difficulties. Somomany others for a long time has received support times he had even to wait there for criticisms or employment from the Musalmain rulers of on his new proposals, and to pronounce on the Sôrath. An elder brother of his used to be the possibility of readings proposed by his master. head of the Sansksit school, maintained by the As a matter of course, Dr. Bhad Daji consulted Darbár, and is, as I hear, still in the service of for his own articles the writings of the earlier H. H. the Nawab. As is usual with the children epigraphists and the translations of the Greek and of those Brahmans who cultivate the hereditary Chinese accounts of ancient India. He by no means learning of their caste, Pandit Bhagvânlal was confined himself to works written in English, but taught Sanskrit from his childhood, in addition had prepared for himself MS. translations of some to the subjects of the ordinary curriculum of the of the most important French and German books, vernacular schools. He acquired a fair knowledge such as Burnouf's Introduction à l'histoire du Boud. of its classical literature, but he cared little, as dhisme, the appendices to the Lotus de la bonne he has repeatedly told me, for the abstruse lore of loi, St. Julien's Life and Travels of Hiuen Triang. the sdstras. Like other compatriots of his who and Lassen's Indian Antiquities. In the conlive in the shade of the Girnir Mountain, he ferences with his assistants, he naturally brought felt more attracted by the historical traditions forward the views of the most eminent among of his native province which, as a matter of his predecessors in the same field; and showed necessity, are kept alive by its numerous ancient how the notes of the ancient travellers might be buildings and epigraphic monuments. His taste utilised. Pandit Bhagvånlal thus not only received and aptitude for antiquarian researches showed a good training in the method of treating inscripitself very early. When still a boy, he used to tions, but also became acquainted with the history pay visits to the venerable rock, on the road to of the science in which he worked, and learned to Girnår, on which the edicts of Aśbka and the appreciate the great importance which the notes of inscriptions of Rudradâman's and Skandagupta's foreign visitors possess for the history of India. lieutenants are incised. A little later he studied This training laid the foundations of the position their ancient characters with the help of a copy of as an epigraphist which he later gained. The Prinsep's tables of the Indian alphabets, and tried, aptitude and the zeal which he showed, induced availing himself of the transcripts of the earlier Dr. Bhad Dâji to confide to his assistant the epigraphists, to decipher their contents. These duty of transcribing all the numerons land-grants attempts, which were not altogether unsuccessful, which he purchased or received on loan, and to came to the notice of Mr. Kinloch Forbes, the employ him on a kind of epigraphic survey which, generous patron of native talent in Gujarat; and beginning in the Bombay Presidency, was grahe recommended the young amateur to Dr. Bhâûdually extended over the greater part of India. Daji, who was on the look out for a Pandit, able Pandit Bhagvinlal's journeys through Gujarat to assist him in his epigraphic researches. Pandit and Kathia vid, and those to Ujjain, Vidisk, Alla. Bhagvanlal eagerly availed himself of the chance habad, Bhitari, Sarnath and Nepal, as well as which offered, and in 1861 extered Dr. Bhad D&ji's some of their results are incidentally mentioned in service, in which he continued during more than Vols. VII. VIII. IX. and XI. of the Journal of twelve years. These years were his Lehr. und the Bombay Br. R. A. S. But these short notes Wanderjahre, the period of his apprenticeship and give by no means an adequate idea of the enor. travels. The introduction to the paper on the mous extent of his travels, and the very great Rudradaman and Skandagupta inscriptions (Jour. amount of work which he performed. In Weatern Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Vol. VII. p. 113), as well as that India, he travelled not only through the northern to the article on the Ajanta inscriptions (ibidem, half of the Bombay Presidency, but also through p. 53ff), tell us how Dr. Bhall Daji worked with the greater portion of eastern and western Rajpuhis assistants, and how he trained them. It tânâ, including the desert as far as Jaisalmer. appears Pandit Bhagvånlal prepared, sometimes In Central India he explored, besides Malvi alone and sometimes checked by another copyist, and Bhopal, also Scindia's territory, a part of the eye-copies and rubbings of the documents in Central Provinces, and the Agra, Mathuri,

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Allahâbâd and Benares Districts. In Eastern India, he repeatedly visited Bihar, both north and south of the Ganges, a part of Bengal Proper and the caves of Orissa. In the North he went as far as Shahbâzgarhî in the Yusafzai District, and as far as Nêpâl at the other extremity of the Himalayan range. On these journeys, which were not made continuously, but with intervals of rest at Bombay, he took copies, mostly ink-impressions and paper rubbings, of all the more important known inscriptions, and .of numerous unknown ones which he discovered. He also collected hundreds of coins and MSS., and gathered much curious and important information regarding the ancient monuments, and the castes and religious sects of the districts through which he travelled, as well as many historical traditions. With respect to the inscriptions and coins, he by no means confined himself to the mechanical work of collecting and taking copies. He made transcripts and translations into Gujarati,arranging them in their proper order and drawing up tables of the various alphabets. In 1875 and 1876 I saw in his library a number of large carefully indexed volumes which contained the results of his work performed at home and on his journeys. During this period he also learned a little English, just sufficient to read the scientific works on India and Indian matters, and studied Prakrit with a Jaina Gorji, who for some time was in the employ of Dr. Bhân Dâjî.
These extensive and varied researches completed his education as an epigraphist; and made him fit for his career as an independent scholar, which soon after he was forced to begin.
Just about the time of his return from Nêpêl, his connexion with Dr. Bhân Dâjî was brought to an end by the death of that gentleman, which occurred on the 29th May, 1874. The circumstances of the family were not such as to permit their employing Pandit Bhagvanlal any longer, or their thinking of a publication of the accumulated materials. But they allowed him to keep the facsimiles and transcripts which he had prepared, and thus gave him a chance of accomplishing what his master had failed to carry out. Though the revival of epigraphic studies had then begun in Western India, and though Dr. Burgess would have gladly welcomed a contributor of Pandit Bhagvanlal's attainments, the seclusion in which he had been kept from all contact with European Sanskritists, his precarious worldly position, and his inability to express himself in English, prevented him from coming forward at once. It was fully two years later that his first article was sent by me to the Indian Antiquary, and others were laid by Dr, O. Codrington before
[OCTOBER, 1888.
the Bombay Br. R. A. S. Pandit Bhagvânlâl first visited me in the spring of 1875, while I was temporarily staying in Bombay for some official business. He told me, among other matters, that he had made some discoveries on the value and the origin of what then used to be called the cave-numerals. My journey to Kasmir prevented my paying at once serious attention to this affair. But when, after my return, he came again, showed me the drawing of his plate, and explained his theory, I felt such an admiration for his ingenious and important discoveries that I offered to put his notes into shape and to get the article published. We prepared it together, and Dr. Burgess printed it in the February number of the Indian Antiquary for 1877. In the meantime, the Pandit had been introduced to Dr. O. Codrington, then Honorary Secretary of the Bombay Br. R. A. Soc., who lent him his assistance for the preparation of four short papers on coins, inscriptions and numeral signs (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XII. p. 404). Shortly after the appearance of his first publications, Pandit Bhagvânlal was elected, in April 1877, an honorary member of the Bombay Asiatic Society on the motion of the late Mr. J. Gibbs; the proposal being seconded by myself and Dr. Codrington. This first recognition of his merits greatly encouraged him, and was of great importance for his career, as it gave him the free use of the Asiatic Society's Library. He amply repaid the obligation under which the Society had laid him, by many excellent contributions to its Journal, and he fully justified the honour shown to him by his incessant literary activity, which continued uninterruptedly almost to the hour of his death. The total number of his published articles is twenty-eight, besides which he has furnished large contributions to some volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer and smaller ones to Sir A. Cunningham's Archæological Reports,
They contain many discoveries which will be of permanent value, and will cause his name to be remembered as that of one of the most successful students of Indian epigraphy and history.
In palæography, he finally settled the values of the signs of the ancient numerical system. It is an undeniable fact that since the appearance of his plates in the Indian Antiquary and in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. S., the vacillations in the readings of the dates, expressed by. "cave-numerals," have disappeared, and that now differences on such points are rare among competent epigraphists. His theory that the "cave numerals" are letternumerals has been disputed, but makes way more and more. This much seems now indisputable, that, whatever the origin of these signs may be,

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they have always been considered by the Hindus interpretation (Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. of historical India as syllables, and that the p. 303) and for that of the Pandu Leņ& inscr. changes which they show in various documents, (Bombay Gazetteer.) He discovered two new kings in the main depend on the character of the alpha of this dynasty, Mâdhariputa-Sakasêna or Sirisena bet used. In the interest of truth I cannot and Vasiļhiputa-Chaturapaņa (P) (Jour. Bo. Br. suppress the remark that Pandit Bhagvanlal's R. A. S. Vol. XII. p. 407 and Vol. XV. p. 306). By name ought to have been mentioned by Dr. BhQhis article on the Andhrabhritya coins (ibid D&ji in his article on the cave-numerals. I have Vol. XIII. p. 303) he contributed much towards strong reasons for the belief that at least a con settling the sequence of some of the later kings. siderable share of the results, at which Dr. Bhd As regards the later Indian dynasties, he has been Däji arrived, is due to Pandit Bhagvanlal's in the path-finder in the history of Nepal, for the dustry and ingenuity. Another service which he explanation of which his twenty-one inscriptions has rendered to palæography, is the discovery of (Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX.p.163, and XIII. p.411) the real value of some signs of the most ancient have laid the foundations. The pedigree of the Southern and Northern alphabets. He first re- Rashtrakațas of the Dekhan has been lengthened cognised the fa on inscriptions of Rudradêman by his discovery of the Eldra inscriptions (Arch. and of Palumâyi. His transcript of the first Suro. W. I. No. 10, p. 92). The recognition of rock-edict in the Shahbazgarhi version, Ind. Ant. the existence of a once powerful Traikataka Vol. X. p. 107, for the first time rendered the signs | dynasty in Western India is solely due to his for thi and mru correctly. The discovery of the tha revised edition of Dr. Bird's Kanhêri plate (loc. was made simultaneously by Dr. Hoernle. To his cit. p. 57), and to his paper on the grant of king skill, finally, we owe some of the finest facsimiles of Dahragéna (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XVI., inscriptions, among which the Nasik series in p. 346). The elucidation of the history of the Volume IV. of the Archeological Reports of SilAhåra obiefs of the Dekhan and of the Konkan, Western India deserves a special mention. Pandit owes much to his two papers in the Jour. Bo. Br. Bhagvânlal's services to historical research are very R. A. S. Vol. XII. p. 329, and Vol. XIII. p. 1, numerous and varied. The fragment of Asoka's and to his contributions to Vol. XIII. Pt. II., of eighth rock-ediot, which he found at Supara, the Bombay Gazetteer. The history of the Gurshows that the great Maurya hell the western jara and Chalukya princes of Gujarat has gained coast of India as well as the eastern one, and an altogether new aspect, in consequence of his explains the occurrence of a later Maurya dynasty article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIII. p. 80, in the Konkan. Equally important is his dis. and in the Verhandlungen des Siebenten Int. Or. covery of an era of the Maurya kings in the Cong., Arische Section, p. 211. I hold it to be Udayagiri inscription of Kharavêla. In my now evident the Gurjara Samantas of Broach were opinion, it is now probable that, though Ahoku not an ephemeral dynasty, counting only three dates according to regnal years, the Mauryas kings, but that they ruled over Central Gujarat had and used an era of their own; and I hope during four or five centuries. The great difficul. that, when the now absolutely necessary excava- ties which the Kheda plates of the Chalukya tions at Patna have been made, records will be Vijayaraja used to cause, have disappeared since discovered which will furnish a real and full it has been shown that they belong to a late account of the beginning of the historical period period when the Dekhan Chalukyas had grown of India. The same paper on the Hathigumpha powerful and extended teir sway to the western insoriptions, which makes us acquainted with the coast. Moreover, it has now become certain that Maurya era (Actes du Sixième Congrès Int. des Or. feudatory Chalukya kings ruled in Southern Vol. III. pt. 2, p. 182) gives also the first account Gujarat for several centuries, down to the conquest of the ancient Chêta dynasty which ruled Kalinga of the province by the Rathors. These results in the second century B.O. It also shows that are chiefly due to Pandit Bhagvanlal's discovery king Khiravêla was the contemporary of one of that an era, which began in the middle of the the early Sâta kaņis of the Andhra dynasty, and third century AD, was extensively used in thus establishes a valuable synchronism, the full Gujarat during the seventh and eighth centuries. importance of which will, however, only appear He was enabled to furnish convincing proof of when the beginning of the Muriyarâjakala has this fact, because, fortunately, he had kept a copy been definitively settled. Pandit Bhagvanlal's of the for the present inaccessible grant of Man. researches have also in other respects materially galaraja, the second prince of the Chalukya advanced our knowledge of the history of the dynasty of Southern Gujarat, who used the Saka Andhras. He first recognised the value of the era, while his elder and younger brothers preNanight inscriptions, and did much for their ferred the later one. Sir A. Cunningham and Mr

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Fleet then showed that the era in question was the towns and villages mentioned in the inscriptions. Chedi-Sarvat used by the Haihayas of Central His essays on the antiquities of Supârå and India, in which identification Pandit Bhagvånlal Padana, and on the Pandu Lena and the Hathi. acquiesced. His latest attempt to account for the gumpha inscriptions, show that he had directed occurrence of the Chêdi era in Gujarat, by the his attention to archæology, and prove an intim. assumption that it was established by the Abhira ate acquaintance with the various styles of king løvaradatta, and by the identification of the architecture and ornament. The famous disÅbhfras of Gujarat and Nasik with the Traikata- covery of the Supårå Stúpa, which he made kas and the Haihayas of Chêdi, is for the present together with Dr. J. MacNabb Campbell, will nothing more than an ingenious speculation. But perpetuate his name as that of an able and lucky his combinations are, though very bold, yet by no archæological explorer. means improbable; and it is very likely that his The great services which Pandit Bhagvanlal extensive unpublished paper on the Kshatrapas rendered to Oriental learning found also further of Western India, which will be published in the ready recognition. In 1883 the University of Journal Bo. Br. R. A. 8., will show them to be well Leiden granted to him, on the recommendation of founded. Another work on which he was engaged Professor Kern, the honorary degree of Doctor until his death, is a history of Gujarat from the of Philosophy. Shortly afterwards he was made earliest times until 1300 A.D. In addition to his an Honorary Member of the Koninklijk Institut services to the political history of India, those vor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Neder. rendered by him to the history of the religious sects, landsch Indië, and of the Royal Asiatic Society of especially of the Jainas, deserve to be mentioned. Great Britain and Ireland. In 1886 the Chiefs Pandit Bhagvanlal was always a staunch adherent of Kathiâvad originally selected him as the deleof the theory that the Jainas are an independent gate to the Seventh Int. Or. Congress. He was, community, the latest development of which dates unfortunately, compelled to decline the offer on from the times of Buddha. He fully agreed with account of a very serious illness. Many of the me on this point when I told him, in 1876, that I most eminent Orientalists in India and Europe had found notices of the Tirthankara Mahavira in entered into correspondence with him, and the Buddhist Scriptures. Later he has shown that honoured him with their friendship. Since, of the Jains were the, or one of the ruling sects in late years, the annual migrations of European Kalinga during the times of the Chêta dynasty, Sanskritists to India became the fashion, his just as at the period of Hiuen Tsiang's visit; and house at Walkeshwar was one of the points of that the Udayagiri and Hathigumpha inscriptions attraction for them in Bombay. All those who belong to patrons of the Jainas. He also brought visited him, left him full of respect for his learnto notice the important Jaina inscription from ing, and enchanted with the readiness with which Mathura, which clearly proves the existence of he showed his treasures, and gave them advice and Jaina temples in that city during the first century assistance in their researches. He, on his part, B.O., and he first recognised that the Kah&um valued these visits more than any other honour pillar,erected according to its inscription in Gupta- shown to him. Only a few months ago, on January Samvat 141 or 460-61 A.D., is a Jaina monument. 6th, he wrote to me a warm letter of thanks, ex. On the Saiva and Vaishnava sects, he has only pressing his gratitude for my having procured him made occasional remarks. These show distinctly, the pleasure of acquaintance with our illustrious what he also has often, told me in private conversa colleague, M. E. Senart. Of my own personal intertion, that he did not agree with those who con. course with him, I have kept the most agreeable sider the religious movements in India to consist remembrances. After bis natural shyness and of the successive development of what is some his distrust of Europeans, which, I think, bad been times called Vêdism, Brahmanism, Buddhism, implanted artificially, were overcome, he became and Hinduism. He held the view, at which every | a most amiable companion, perfectly unreserved careful student of the real historical documents and truthful even in matters on which the majo. must arrive, that the Hindus have not proceeded rity of Hindus find it difficult to speak with full in so systematic a manner; but that many of the candour. In the autumn of 1876, and again in modern creeds existed almost in the same form July and August, 1879, we worked daily from 6 at the beginning of the historical period of India, to 9 in the morning-the only time I could spareand that many currents of religious thought and at the translation of his papers on the Numerals life have run on side by side since very early and the Nepalese Inscriptions. Our work was times. His papers contain also many valuable both times unduly protracted, because very notes on the geography of ancient India, and frequently antarakathds, as we used to call our numerous perfectly certain identifications of incidental conversations, drew us off from our

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main purpose. We used to discuss not only the chief problems and results of antiquarian and literary research, but also the social, political, and religious condition of modern India. In these conversations, I was often struck with the fairness and impartiality of his remarks on men and matters. He never showed any jealousy of the merits of others, but freely acknowledged what was worthy of praise in their work and character; nor did he allow his judgment to be clouded by national vanity. A point which did him great honour was his feeling towards his former master, Dr. Bhân Dâji. Though fully conscious of the weaknesses of the latter, he felt for him as only an Indian pupil can feel for his Guru. He was still devoted to him, tan and man, with the same devotion which he had shown so often during Dr. Bhân Dâji's lifetime. On literary, historical, and linguistic questions, we often differed very considerably. His bearing in such discussions was always perfectly self-possessed and gentlemanly. It was not easy to induce him to give up an idea which once had taken root in his mind. But in spite of a great sensitiveness he always openly acknowledged a defeat. Though he had, as was only right and just, a very good opinion of him. self, and of the ability of his countrymen, he more than once made the apparently sincerely meant remark, that the Hindus did not possess the same mental strength as the Western nations, and he never found the least difficulty in admitting the fact that their ancestors had borrowed much from the Greeks and other foreigners with whom they came into contact. Of the social, political, and religious life of modern India, especially in the Native States, he gave me more trustworthy accounts than almost any other of my numerous Hindu acquaintances, whose statements were only too often biassed one way or the other. His amiable frank character, his keen intelligence, and his extensive learning, made him very dear to me. I shall never forget the pleasant days, when I used eagerly to look forward to the announcement that the Panditjt had come; and I gladly acknowledge now, as I have done already on special occasions, that I have learnt a great deal from him.
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ment service. But I failed, partly because he did not possess a sufficient knowledge of the English language, and partly because his terms were rather high, and he claimed a certain independence in his position. He was, however, by no means quite neglected. Besides the no doubt liberal pay for the work which he did for Drs. Burgess and Campbell, he received generous assistance from the Kathiâvâd Chiefs and other patrons, as well as, on the completion of his inscriptions from Nêpâl, the whole savings, nearly one-half, of the original Government grant of Rs. 2,000. With such occasional help, he seems to have been able to live not uncomfortably, except in the last months of his life, when he became very infirm. In his last letter, dated the 27th January, 1888, he, for the first time, complained of his circumstances. He told me that, after suffering more or less during four years, he had become for the last two months so weak in body as to be unable to leave his bed, and that, though, only 49 years of age, he was quite an old man and unable to work for his livelihood. He asked me, therefore, to apply to the Divân of Junagadh for a pension. I fulfilled his request at once, and the courteous reply of Mr. Haridas Behâridâs leaves no doubt that Pandit Bhagvânlâl would have received help, if he had not died so soon. In spite of his bodily weakness and his cares, he continued his literary work to the last. In the letter of the 27th January last, he added, after describing his infirmity,-"But my mental power is, on the contrary, good. I have engaged a graduate [of the University.] Having taught him with great trouble, I make him write [my] articles (péparo lakhavum chhum)." Some time before his death he made a will, bequeathing his coins and copper-plates to the British Museum, his papers and MSS. to the Asiatic Society of Bombay. Mr. Vajeshankar G. Ozhâ of Bhâunagar has informed me that Pandit Bhagvânlal's admirers in Kathiâvâd intend to raise a fund in order to perpetuate his name by the endowment of a scholarship in connection with the Bombay University. I trust that all European Orientalists will join with his compatriots in order to do honour to the memory of their distinguished colleague who spent his whole life in the pursuit of disinterested scientific work. G. BÜHLER.
Vienna, May 18th, 1888.
His worldly circumstances were unfortunately never very satisfactory. When I made his acquaintance, he was engaged in business with, or was working in the office of, a native merchant in Bombay. I believe he kept this connection up also later, though he was temporarily employed by Dr. Burgess and by Dr. J. M. Campbell, the compiler of the famous Bombay Gazetteer. During my stay in India, I repeatedly tried to secure for him a permanent place in the Govern
CALCULATION OF HINDU DATES. No. 18.
In the Kittar stone inscription of the Kâdamba king Jayakêsin III., from the Bel

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gaum District, published by me' in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. pp. 263, 304ff., the first date (lines 3, 12f.) runs-Kaliyuga-samvatsaram 4289 sand-ad-adi(di)y-âgi Vira-Jayakêsi(si)dêv-arasara varshaka(da) 15neya Du[r]mmati-sari vatsarada Ashâda(dha)sud[dh*]a-ashṭami-8-Adivârad-amdu,-"the Kaliyuga year 4289 (is) the moment; commencing from that (point), . on the first day (i.e. on Sunday), the eighth tithi, (or in figures) 8, of the bright fortnight of (the month) Ashâḍha of the Durmati samvatsara, which is the 15th of the years of the illustrious king ViraJayakééidêva." And the inscription goes on to record a trial by ordeal, in a dispute about some land, between Sivasakti, the Acharya of the god Kallêsvara of the well called Attibâvi at Kittûr, and Kalyanaśakti, the Acharya of the Mülasthana god of the same locality.
The above is the date on which the dispute was formally opened for trial. In line 25f. it is recorded that tat-samvatsarada Ashaḍa(dha) bahula-7-saptami-Ådivârad-adum; i.e. "on the first day (Sunday), 7, (or in words) the seventh tithi, of the dark fortnight of Ashadha of that same samvatsara," the ordeal was undergone; Kalyaṇasakti taking an oath, apparently with some sacred symbol or image on his head ;" and Sivasakti taking an oath, with a heated ploughshare in his hand. And finally, in line 30ff. it is recorded that--bahula-8-Sômavâra de(di)vasa; i. e. "on Monday, the 8th (tithi) of that same dark fortnight," the adjudicants, viz. all the Mahajanas of the neighbouring village of Dêgâmve, convened in an assembly in the sabhámantapa, examined Sivasakti's hand,' and, evidently finding it uninjured, decided that he had won his case, and that the land in dispute really belonged to the god Kallêsvara.
This gives us, apparently as the basis of the calculation, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4289, which, if it should be taken as expired, is equivalent by the Tables to Saka-Samvat 1110 expired; and the details of the Durmati samvatsara, current,
For a lithograph, see, when issued, Indian Inscrip tions, No. 33.
Here sandu seems to be the noun, meaning 'a fissure, crack, opening; a lane, narrow street; an interval of time; not the past participle of sallu, to be current; to pass (as time.) Compare the fuller word sandukattu, an opportunity; a crisis, an ominous interval of time.'
The intervening passage, in lines 3 to 12, contains only the long string of titles and epithets of Jayakêsin III. Read amdu.
[OCTOBER, 1888.
of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter; the month Ashadha (ordinarily June-July); and (1) the eighth tithi of the bright fortnight, coupled with Adivâra, or Sunday; (2) the seventh tithi of the dark fortnight, coupled with Adivâra, or Sunday; and (3) the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight, coupled with Sômavâra, or Monday.
But, if the apparent application of the given Kaliyuga year is accepted, we should have to assume some very considerable error in the record; for the given year, whether it is taken as current, or as expired, does not agree with the name of the samvatsara according to either the Southern or the Northern System of the Cycle.
In line 21 we have 4 Kalytraakti ira-stha yiyágiyiha bashey-emt-edade, lit. "that same Kalya na akti, having become standing on the head, (made) an oath to the following effect." And in line 29f. we have Kalynasakti Alakolana-keyi Múlasthina-dévarad[du sira-stháyiy-ádanum lit. that same Kalya
Thus, by the Northern System of the Cycle, I find from Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables that the Durmati samvatsara commenced in KaliyugaSamvat 4298 and Saka-Samvat 1119, both current (A.D. 1196-97), on Friday, the 8th November, A.D. 1196; and it was followed by the Dundubhi samvatsara in Kaliyuga-Samvat 4299 and Saka-Samvat 1120, on Tuesday, the 4th November, A.D. 1197. And here, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1119 expired, from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables I find that the results are,-(1) Ashadha śukla 8 ended on Tuesday, the 24th June, A.D. 1197, at about 42 ghatis, 3 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay);-by the Purnimanta northern arrangement of the lunar fortnights, (2) Ashadha krishna 7 ended on Sunday, the 8th June, at about 55 gh. 22 p.; and (3) Ashadha krishna 8 ended on Monday, the 9th June, at about 59 gh. 35 p.;-and, by the Amanta southern arrangement, (2) Ashadha krishna 7 ended on Tuesday, the 8th July, at about 32 gh, 56 p.; and (3) Ashadha krishra ended on Wednesday, the 9th July, at about 37 gh. 8 p. Thus, if we could admit the exceptional use in Southern India, at this period, of the Northern System of the Cycle and the Purnimanta northern arrangement of the fortnights, the correct week-day is obtained in two cases out of the three; and it might be thought that either the writer or the engraver of the
nasakti, saying this (culturable land named) Alakolanakeyi is the property of the Millasthana god, became standing on the head." The word sira-sthayi, or, in its full Sanskrit form, sirah-sthayin, can hardly be intended to be taken in its literal sense. But I have not been able to obtain any certain explanation of the meaning that is to be given to it here.
In line 20f. we have 4 Sivasaktigalu pála-divyavari hiideher-endu, "that same Sivasakti having said 'I will hold the pala-divya;'" and in line 27, & sivuśaktigalu pala-divyavash hideva bhdshey-emt-e[m]dale, "that same Sivasakti, holding the påla divya, made an oath to the following effect." Pala is a corruption of the Sanskrit phila, a plough-share; and phala-divya is one of the ten ordeals given by Monier. Williams in his Sanskrit Dictionary, s. v. divya, an ordeal.'
& Sivasaktigala kayyam* sodhisi nodi; line 31.

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inscription simply made a mistake, and transposed the same Kadamba king Jayakêsin III., from the figures 9 and 8, and thus gave Kaliyuga- the Belgaum District, published by me in the Sarvat 4289, instead of 4298 (as an expired year). Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. Pp. 231 f., But the week day in the third case, differing by two 241 f., in which the date (line 66 ff.) is - sâchtdays, rendere it impossible to accept these results Asiti-satadvay-adhikeshu chaturshu sahasrêshu and this explanation. And I shall shew that the Kaliyuga-bathvatsarêshu paravrittéehu Sri-Saptafigures 4289 are really correct; though they have kotisvara - labdha.vara. prasada - sri - Kadambanot the application which suggests itself at first | Vira-Jayakésidêva-vijaya-rajyê pravartamánô sight.
trayodasê Siddharthi-samvatsaré Chaitra-buddha. By the Southern System of the Cycle, the avadasi-Guruvårê damanarüpana semanantararn, Durmati samvatsara coincided with Kaliyuga- -"wben there have expired four thousand years Samvat 4303 and Saka-Sarovat 1124, both current of the Kaliyuga, increased by two hundred to. (A.D. 1201-1202). Here, with the basis of Saka gether with eighty-eight; while there is current Samvat 1123 expired, the results, in all three the Siddharthin samvatsara, which is the thirteenth
es, work out quite correctly; thus-(1) (year) in the victorions reign of the glorious Ashadha sukla 8 ended, as required, on Sun
Kadamba Vira-Jayakesideva, who has acquired day, the loth June, A.D. 1201, at about 52 gh. the excellent favour of the god) the holy Sapta39 p. ;-and, by the Anduta southern arrange- kõtisvara; on Thursday, the twelfth tithi of the ment of the fortnights, (2) Ashidha krishna 7 bright fortnight of the month) Chaitra; immeended on Sunday, the 24th June, at about 26 diately after the damandrópana (ceremony). And gh. 37 p. ; and (3) Ashidha krishna 8 ended on
the inscription goes on to record a grant of the Monday the 26th June, at about 20 gh. 19 p. village of Kiruvalasiga by Jayakobin III., in this
These results are exactly in accordance with the thirteenth year of his reign. those obtained under Nos. 15, 16, and 17 This gives us, apparently as the basis of the above. And they shew that, as was in fact to calculation, Kaliyuga-Sainvat 4288 expired, which be assumed from the locality and period of the 1 by the Tables is equivalent to Saka Sarvat 1109 record, the real guide in caloulating the expired; and the details of the Biddharthin details is the name of the samvatsara accord
samvatsara, current, of the Sixty-Year Cycle ; ing to the Southern System of the Cycle.
the month Chaitra (ordinarily March-April); It only remains to explain the apparent dis
the bright fortnight; the twelfth tithi; and crepanoy between the given. Kaliyuga year
Guruvåra, or Thursday. and the samvatsara. As we have seen, the results But, if the apparent application of the given are correct for Kaliyuga-Samvat 4303 current. By Kaliyuga year is accepted, here again we should the record, the period from Åshadha sukla 8 to have to assume a very considerable error in the krishna 8 of this year, was in the fifteenth year record. of the reign of Jayakêáin III. Accordingly, the Thus, by the Northern System of the Cycle, period from Ashadha sukla 8 to krishna 8 of the the Siddharthin samvatsara was current at the first year of his reign, was in Kaliyuga-Sanyat commencement of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4297 and 4289 current. And, differing from the way in Saka-Sauvat 1118, both current (A.D. 1195-969. which it has to be applied in Nos. 15, 16, and 17, While, by the Southern System of the Cycle, the given Kaliyuga year is evidently here the Siddharthin samvatsara coincided with used as giving, not the basis of the computa- Kaliyuga-Samvat 4301 and Saka-Sarivat 1122, tion of the details of the dates, but simply both current (A.D. 1199-1200). As we have seen the period from some point in which there in the four preceding instances, this is the period commenced the first year of the reign, of for which we must expect to obtain a correct which there is quoted the fifteenth year, with result. And, as the Mesha-Sankranti of Sakathose details referred to it. This is rather an Saxnvat 1122 current occurred on Thursday, the exceptional use of the leading item in a date. 25th March, A.D. 1199, on which day there ended But, two exactly analogous instances are furnished the twelfth tithi of the dark fortnight of Chaitra, by Nos. 19 and 20 below.
the calculation has to be made with the basis of We may also note that the similar use of Kali. Saka-Samvat 1120 expired. With this basis, I find yuga-Sarhvat 4288 expired in No. 19, shows that that the given tithi, Chaitra sukla 12, ended, in the present case we distinctly have the as required, on Thursday, the lith March, quotation of a current Kaliyuga year.
A.D. 1199, at about 23 gh. 26 p. No. 19.
Here again, as in No. 18 above, we find that The preceding result enables us to deal con. the given Kaliyuga year is used as giving, veniently with the Halei copper-plate grant of not the basis of the computation of the details

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of the date, but simply the period from some This gives us, apparently as the basis of the point in which there commenced the first calculation, Kaliyuga-Samvat 4348 expired, which year of the reign, of which there is quoted the by the Tables is equivalent to Saka-Samvat 1169 thirteenth year, with those details referred to it. expired; and the details of the Sadharana And this record seems to fix the commencement samvatsara, current, of the Sixty-year Cycle ; of the reign of Jayakêsin III., as falling on the month Åsvayuja (ordinarily Septembersome date between Chaitra sukla 1 and 12 of October); the bright fortnight; the first tithi; Kaliyuga-Samvat 4289, equivalent to Saka-Samvat Budhavära, or Wednesday; and the (autumnal) 1110, both current, or between approximately the equinox, occurring at the Tule-Samkranti or 13th and the 24th March, A.D. 1187.
entrance of the Sun into Libra. From what I have said above regarding the But here again, if the apparent application of expired Saka year with which the result had to be the given Kaliyuga year is accepted, we should calculated, it is clear that, though for purposes of have to assume an error in the record astronomical calculation the Mesha-Sankranti Thus, by the Northern System of the Cycle, has to be taken as the starting point in the years I find that the Sadharana samvatsara commenced of both the eras, this record proves that, for in Kaliyuga-Sarhvat 4347 and Saka-Sarvat the denotation and computation of tithis 1168, both current (A. D. 1245-46), on Sunday, according to the civil reckoning, the years of the 16th April, A. D. 1245, and the given month the Kaliyuga era have to be taken, like those, and tithi fell of course in the same year; the of the Baka era, as commencing with Chaitra following samvatsara was Virðdhikrit, which sukla 1. For otherwise, i.e. if Kaliyuga-Samvat commenced in Kaliyuga-Samvat 4348 and Saka4301 current had to be taken as not commencing, Samvat 1169, on Thursday, the 12th April, A. D. for civil purposes, till the Mesha-Sankranti which 1246. Nor is there any possibility of this being occurred on the 25th March, A.D. 1199, then the the period intended; as might be argued if we given tithi would belong to 4300 current, and assumed that Kaliyuga-Samvat 4348 expired is the record would have given us 4287 expired, only a mistake for 4347 current or 4346 expired. instead of 4288 expired. It is also evident For, with the basis of Saka-Sarnvat 1167 expired, that the same starting-point, Chaitra sukla find that the given tithi, Åsvayuja bukla 1, ended, 1, has to be taken as the initial day of each not on a Wednesday, but on Saturday, the 23rd samvatsara according to the Southern System September, A.D. 1245, at about 41 ghatis, 10 of the Cycle, at any rate for the civil reckoning. palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); five days For otherwise the given tithi would belong to the before the Tuld-Sankranti, which occurred on preceding samvatsara, Kalayukta.
Thursday, the 28th September, at about 4 gh.
23 p. No. 20.
As in the previous instances, we must apply In the Goa copper-plate grant of the Kadam. the Southern System of the Cycle ; by which ba king Shashthadeva-Sivachitta or Shash- the Sadharana samvatsara coincided with thadava II., published by me in this Journal, Vol. Kaliyuga-Samvat 4352 and Saka-Sarvat 1173, XIV. p. 288ff., the date (line 29ff.)is--ashtAchatva- both current (A.D. 1250-51). And this is the rimbad-adhika-trisat-ottarêshu chatuh-sahasrêshu period in which we have to look for a correct Kaliyuga-samvatsarêshu paravșittêshu satsu sva- result. In this year, Ásvayuja was intercalary. råjy-anubhava-kAlê palichamê Sadharana-samva- And, -partly from the absence in the record of sare tasyoĀývayuja-śuddha-pratipadi Budhavare any expression indicating the intercalated month; tula-rasim upagatavati bhagavati bhaskarê visha- partly because of the general prohibition against Va-samkrantau mahk-punya-kale, -" when there the perfornance of religious rites, &c., in intercehave expired four thousand years of the Kaliyuga, lated months,---we should expect to find the details increased by three hundred raised by forty-eight; l work out correctly for the natural month: i.e.. in the Sadharana samvatsara, which is the fifth according to the present custom of both Northern (year) in the time of his own enjoyment of and Southern India, for the second Åsvayuja. sovereignty on the first tithi of the bright fort. Here, with the basis of Saka-Samvat 1172 expired, night of the month) Åsvayuja of that (samvat the results are-(1) in the first, the intercalated sara); on Wednesday; when his radiance the month, the given tithi, Asvayuja sukla 1, ended Sun has come to the sign Tuld; at the sankranti on Monday, the 29th August, A.D. 1250, at about of the equinox; at this very meritorious time." 57 gh. 27 p.; thirty days before the sankranti ;And the inscription goes on to record a grant of and (2) in the second, the natural month, the soine land by Shashthadeva II., in this the fifth given tithi, Asvayuja sukla 1, ended, as reyear of his reign
Iquired, on Wednesday, the 28th September,

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A.D. 1250, at about 18 gh. 10 p.; and the TulaSamkranti occurred on the same day, at about 22 gh. 1 p.
Here again, as in Nos. 18 and 19 above, we find that the given Kaliyuga year is evidently intended to give, not the basis of the computation of the details of the date, but simply the period from some point in which there commenced the first year of the reign, of which there is quoted the fifth year, with those details referred to it. But in this instance there seems to be a mistake, either in the regnal year, or more probably in the Kaliyuga year. For, by the record, (the natural) Aévayuja šukla 1 of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4352 current, was in the fifth year of the reign of Shashthadêva II. Consequently, Asvayuja sukla 1 of the first year of his reign, was in Kaliyuga-Samvat 4348 current. And the given expired Kaliyuga year ought, apparently, to be 4347 instead of 4348. J. F. FLEET.
MISCELLANEA.
ARABIC ORIGIN OF "BOSH."
SIR, This highly expressive English slang word, though in everyday use by all classes, is omitted in all the dictionaries which I have had an opportunity of consulting, except one. Nuttall, defines it:-"Outline; figure; in pop. lang, nonsense, folly," but he gives no clue to its derivation. In thinking over the origin of the word lately, it occurred to me that many years ago, in reading an English story, the scene of which was laid in Asiatic Turkey, I had seen the word bosh frequently used by a Turk, in Turkish sentences, and, apparently, in the same sense as in English. I then referred to a Turkish dictionary, in which the word bosh is defined as empty, useless. These meanings, though somewhat unsatisfactory, are not inconsistent with the idea that the word under discussion is borrowed directly from the Turkish language. I shall now endeavour to trace this Turkish word back to the Arabic.
Everyone (whether acquainted with Arabic or not) who has touched at any of the Egyptian ports or Aden must remember hearing the expressione má-fish, which is a contraction of ma fi shai, and means literally: "There is not any thing." Both in Yaman and Egypt the expression is frequently used as a simple negation,-"not," but when used in this sense in the Maghribi, or Egyptian, dialect it is usually corrupted into mush, while in
301
Yaman it remains unaltered. Thus, an Egyptian
,hddha mash taib هذا موش طیب: would say
"
This is not good;" while a Yamani Arab would simply, hádhá mú tayib. say; las hddha md-fish tayib or,
While residing in Aden and in the Somâli Country I frequently noticed an interchange in the letters m and b, especially in proper names. I regret that I did not note examples at the time; but I remember one instance, which occurs in the name "Idris 'Umêsh," one of the leading citizens of Zaila' (). He always signed his name in Arabic characters: though he was commonly called in the town: "Idris 'Ubêsh." On questioning him and others about this difference, I was informed that both modes of spelling were correct, because m and b were often considered one and the same letter.
A similar interchange of these letters occurs in the name of the river Narmadd, which, 1 believe, is always so written in the vernacular languages of India, though better known to Europeans as the Nerbudda.
This completes the chain in the somewhat complicated derivation of the popular English word bosh from the Arabic má-fish. I offer the suggestion with some diffidence, and shall be glad to hear the opinions of others on the subject. The derivation here suggested has at least the merit of originality.
J. S. KING.
bosh, the New slang or col
As to the origin of the word English Dictionary, s. v., says loquial. A Turkish word bosh, empty, worthless; the word became current in English from its frequent occurrence in Morier's novel Ayesha (1834) which was extremely popular, especially in the Standard Novels Edition, 1846."
Thence the great Dictionary traces its use in the senses of "contemptible nonsense, stuff, trash; foolish talk or opinions" up to the present humbug! "it says that it was first heard of in day. And in the senses of "Stuff and nonsense!
Dickens, Bleak House, 1852.
Yule, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s. v., says "this is alleged to be taken from the Turkish bosh, signifying 'empty, vain, useless, void of sense, meaning, or utility' (Redhouse's Dict.). But we have not been able to trace its history or first appearance in English."
R. C. TEMPLE.

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BOOK NOTICE.
PROF. WEBER ON AHALTA AND 'Axiλλeús.' On the 10th November 1887, Prof. Weber read before the Royal Prussian Academy of Science a short but suggestive paper on the above subject.
The popular story of Ahalya is well known. She was Gautama's wife, and was seduced by Indra, who presented himself to her in the form of her husband. Her indignant spouse condemned her under a curse to become a stone till she was touched by Râma's feet. The latter touched the stone with his feet on his way to Visvamitra's hermitage. She came to life, and went to heaven after seeing Råma. The early portion of the story, it may be added, is alluded to in Vedic literature. Professor Weber sets himself to solve the question as to what is the undermeaning of this legend of the beloved of Indra, whom he won so basely? A clue, he thinks, may be found in a legend of the Jainas, in which she appears in an altogether different connection. She is there classed with Sitâ, Draupadi and other women, who were the cause of mighty wars. Her name appears there as Ahittiya, Ahilliya, Ahiliya, Ahila, and Ahiņņika.' This leads to the conjecture that Ahalya may be connected with Ahanya, and may mean clearness,' light,' Aurora.' Indra, the god of the bright heaven would be therefore simply the 'lover of the light' (Ahalydyai jára, of the Subrahmanya ritual). So also he is called in another variant of the same ritual svasur jára, 'lover of his sister,' i.e. ushaső jára, lover of the Aurora.'
•
Her husband was Gautama or Gôtama = [Gomattama (P)]' very rich in cows,' which may be a reference to the Sun's cows, whose rape is so often referred to in the old myths. Gôtama may therefore be the thousand-rayed cow' of the Vêda, i.e. either the sun or the moon, and Ahana or Ahalya would fitly appear as his spouse.
'
If now, instead of using the picturesque expression lover of the light,' it were desired to express Indra with the help of a suffix meaning 'longing for,' we should get from ahan or ahar the forms *ahanyu, *aharyu, *ahalyu, and the last would agree in form with 'Axλeus, which would there fore appear to signify longing for the light,' 'for the day,' or 'for the Aurora."
There are several points of resemblance between Indra and Achilles. In the Mahabharata, Arjuna or Phalguna was an incarnation (or son) of Indra, and is continually and closely associated
Ahalya, 'Axiλλeus, und Verwandtes, Von Albr. Weber. In medieval and modern Hindi she is called Ahila or Ahilya.-G. A. G.
I may mention one thing in connection with Indra's seduction of Ahalya. She is according to tradition one
[OCTOBER, 1888.
with his friend and protector Krishna. In the Jaina version of the Krishna legend, we find that he was vulnerable in the foot, and that it was there that he was struck by the fatal arrow.
Further, neither Krishna nor Achilles (both of whom were the greatest heroes in their respective armies) took any share in the fighting of the side on which he appeared. The grounds of abstention were different, it is true. Achilles stays away in anger, and finally joins in the combat, while Krishna is bound by an agreement to abstain, though he helps the Pândavas by his advice. Is this symbolic of the slow gradual development of the storm-conflict, whose aim is the recovery of the ravished daylight?
These considerations lead to the discussion as to how much the Mahabharata owes to Greek influence, and to the Homeric poems. We find in it that the Yavana king Bhagadatta was an old friend of Yudhishthira's father; that the Yavana king Kasêrumant, in whose name we seem to see traces of the word katoap, was killed in battle by Krishna; that the mighty Kala-Yavana met the same fate; that the Yavanas joined in the battle between the Kurus and the Pandavas, beside the Sakas and the Pahlavas (the last word only dating from the 2nd century A.D.): and we cannot doubt that the present text of the Mahabharata belongs to a period in which the names of Greeks, Indo-Scythians, and Parthians were well known, and had wide influence.
As evidence regarding the gradual growth of the Mahabharata it is of interest to know that Al-Bêrûnî, in his description of the contents of that epic, omits all mention of the first book, the adiparvan, commencing with the sabháparvan as the first.
Prof. Weber winds up this portion of his argument by explaining that the question is a very wide one, and is in no way confined to the Homeric poems, but extends over the whole range of fables, tales, and myths. It is often impossible to say whether India has borrowed or has lent the original legends, and this can only be decided in each particular case on its own merits. As regards the Achilles-Krishna myth, he is unable to give a definite reply one way or another.
The author concludes his interesting essay with the text of the Jaina legend in which Ahalya is mentioned in connection with other heroines as already pointed out. G. A. GRIERSON.
of the typical sinners saved by Rama, and her typical sin was alasya, 'laziness.' Her laziness consisted in her not observing that, when Indra came disguised as Gautama, he cast no shadow. This is of course a common property of all Hindů gods, but the fact is significant in its present connection.-G. A. G.

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
303
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY É. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author. CHAPTER II.
the first time in the Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. I.
Plate xxii., is addressed to the officers of THE COLUMNAR EDICTS.
Kausâmbi. They form a necessary appendix ITP to the present date we possess five in our revision of this class of edicts.
columns (or láts) on which are engraved The two last columns were discovered in edicts emanating from Piyadasi :
sites at short distances from each other, and 1.--The one which has been longest known, each contains the first six edicts:and which is the most important, is the Dehli 4.-One is that at Radhiah (R), which column, commonly known as the Lat of General Cunningham prefers to call Lauriya Firuz Shah (D), because it was that prince Araraj. who had it removed to Dehli from its original 5.-The other is the column of Mathiah resting-place. This is the one which bears
(M), which has received in the Corp. Inscr. the most complete set of edicts. It is, I
Indic. the name of Lauriya Navandgarh. think, most convenient to follow the enume
I do not propose to dilate upon the descripration of the edicts suggested by General
tion and history of these monuments. I Cunningham, and I shall therefore say that
could only repeat facts already dealt with by this pillar carries seven edicts inscribed in
Prinsep and General Cunningham, to which four groups, on each of its sides. An eighth,
I have referred in a general way in the Inengraved below, surrounds the shaft in several
troduction: It will be sufficient to recall to lines."
mind that the different texts are essentially 2.-Another pillar exists at Dehll, where it identical in all common portions. I have was also transported by Firuz (D'). It is the
therefore taken, as a basis, the longest and one called by General Cunningham the Merath
only complete text, that of the pillar of Firuz (Mirat) pillar, from its original site. It only Shah. This is the text which I transliterate, preserves a short fragment of the 1st edict, the giving in foot-notes the variations of the other whole of the 2nd and 3rd, and portions of the versions when they differ.' 4th and 5th. The 6th to 8th edicts are altoge
The orthographical or palæographical pecuther missing from it.
liarities which this set of inscriptions presents 3.-The Allahabad column (A), comprising to view are not such as to offer any peculiar edicts I. to VI. Only the two first are com- difficulties in translation. I therefore neglect plete. One line remains of the 3rd ; and of the them here, and shall revert to them when I others, fragments of greater or less extent. examine the philological and grammatical It is characterised by the presence of two questions as a whole. I may add that I have fragments which we do not find elsewhere, and considered myself authorised, by the experience which are unfortunately in bad condition ; acquired in the minute analysis of the Fourone, previously known to Prinsep, has been teen Edicts, to pass over in silence irregulanamed by General Cunningham, the Queen's rities of detail which can lead to no misunderedict;' the other, which was reproduced for standing.
En former volumes (IX. p_282 ff. and X. pp. 83 ff, on the Lat of Firoz ShAh or the Dehli Siwálik Pillar, and
ff, 209 ff, 269 1.) of this Journal, there have been on the Allahabad Pillar, nee ante, Vol. XIII. p. 304 - published extracts from Chapter I. of M. Senart's very EDITORS. valuable studies of the Piyadasi Inscriptions. We now * The text of D, and also that of A (see below), seem propone publishing translations of his further studies to have now becomo, as far as possible, conclusively
the same direction, forming the end volume of his i established by the facsimiles of Mr. Fleet, from which a Piyadagi Inscriptions. For this publication the texts reading was published by Prof. Bühler. ante, Vol. X111. bave been revised by bim with the assistance of the better p. 306. fog-similes which have become available since the original 3 The transcription in the original character, and the French edition was issued. For mechanical fac-similes, variants, are omitted in this translation. The latter are no prepared under the direction of Mr. Fleet, of the edicts longer necessary, now that the text of Dis established.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1888.
FIRST EDICT. Prinsep, J. A. S. B. 1837, p. 581 (cf. p. 965); Burnouf, Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 654 and ff.
TEXT. 1 Dêvânampiyê Piyadasi lâja hêvam âhâ [.] sadvisati 2 vasa abhisitênal mê iyam dhammalipi likhápita [] 3 hidata pålatê dusampatipâdayê' aħnata agêya dharmaka mataya 4 agâya palikhâyâ agâya susûsâyâ agèna bhayena 5 agêna usâhêna []êsa chu khôo mama anusathiya 6 dhammâpêkhâ dhammakâmatâ châ suve suve vadhita vadhisati chêrå .] 7 pulisa pi ca mê ukasa cha gêveya* chỉ majhima cha anuvidhiyanti 8 nampati på dayanti châ alam chapalan samâdapayitavê hêmêva amta 9 mahamâta pi [] sapi vidhi ya iyamo dhamina palana dhammêna vidhane 10 dhammêna sukhiyanâ dhammêna gotîti [-] NOTES.
late it difficult to obtain,' we run the risk of 1. The sign was formerly considered as contradicting the general intention of the edict. representing dda; Dr. Kern (Ind. Stud. XIV. Whenever we come across the verb patipadayati, 394) has rightly identified it as the sign sampatipadayati in our inscriptions (cf. e. g. followed by the mark of the viráma. No one the detached edicts of Dh, and J.) it has the will hesitate to read, with him, sadvisali. causal meaning indicated by the form. We
2. I have on a former occasion (I. 232) must therefore translate Happiness here indicated en passant what I believe to be the below and happiness in the other world are true derivation of the words hidata and pálata. difficult (not to obtain but) to provide.' The Burnouf (p. 655) identifies them with two king does not address himself to his subjects adverbs'; idhatra (with double locative suffix) in general, but, as appears from the sequel, to and paratra, "used together, by an abuse of his officers of all ranks, whom he charges with language common to popular dialects, as two the moral and religious oversight of his people. neuter nouns." We escape from all the diffi It is to them, and to the cares of their office that culties of such a conjecture,--difficulties on the qualities next enumerated are indispensable. which it is needless to insist,-by taking the In fact this interpretation exactly agrees with two members as abstract nouns, derived by the the thought and intention manifested at the suffix td from the words hida (idha) and para. end of the VIth (rock) edict, in very analogous The latter word can even be referred to pára, terms, and it will be recognised that the conin allusion to the Buddhist expression párain ditions indicated, pariksha alertness in gantusia, to cross to the other side. The two oversight,' bhaya, 'fear' of the king (cf. edict words are here joined in a neuter dvandva, VIII. below) apply infinitely better to the hidatapálatan. A further process of derivation officials in question, than to subjects in general. gives us the adjectives hidatika, páratika, 3. The phrase chu kho does not indicate, as which we find at Kapur di Giri (X. 22; XIII. Barnouf thought, a consequence, also, for.' 11) as paratika (not paratrika); the feminine It indicates, as is shewn by the evidence of the páratiká in its turn gives an abstract substan- synonym tu khổ (e.g. G. IX. 5, 7) and the tive (cf. Mahávastu, I. 522) exactly equivalent various passages where it is employed (e.g. to our párata. Dysanpatipadayê is certainly G. IX. 8, 3, below VIII, 9, &c.), a slight oppo. the participle, for pádiyé, pádyarh. This ex-sition, 'but, now. The conditions of which the ceptional resolution of dya into daya is found king speaks are necessary and difficult to find; elsewhere; e.g. Dhamnap. V. 33, where we but, thanks to his instructions, they develop from have dunnirarayam for durniváryam (cf. in this day to day. It is necessary to read annsathiya edict itself gevaya for grámya). Moreover, A. as one word, as an instrumental. With regard to evidently read pádiye, for it is thus that we the use of suvé suve in the meaning of every mast restore the apparent opádáyê. As for the day,' from day to day,' cf. Dhammap. V. 229. sense, it is important to determine the exact 4. Burnouf's identification of gevayd with shade of meaning. If, with Burnouf, we trans- grányá, appears to me ascertain as it is ingenious.

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The neighbourhood of the epithets ukasá and kingdom, should expressly mention, after the majhima proves that the word should be taken, officials of all ranks of the interior, those whose not in its etymological, but in its secondary sense actions extended beyond (cf. Dh. IInd det. ed.) of low, inferior, lowest.' Analogous examples Nevertheless, I have some doubts about this. will be found in the distionaries, and I add the The XIIth edict speaks positively of mahámátras passage of the Lal. Vist. (540, 10), where grámya charged with the oversight of women, and, is, in this sense, placed between hina and pár- according to the Vth, the dharmamahámátras thagjanika. Regarding anuvidhiyanti, cf. I. 232. had to busy themselves with the domestic affairs
5. There can be no question of dividing the of all the members of the royal family. If we sentence before alari, nor is it necessary to only changed anta into arité, and the correction change samádapayitavé, as proposed by Bur- is an easy one, we should find an allusion to nouf. Samádapêti is in Buddhist language these domestic officials.' The agreement of all used in the sense of 'to convert ;' the infini- the versions in reading ta nevertheless compels tive is governed by alan, and the whole phrase me to decide in favour of the first interpretation. forms a development explanatory of sampați- 6. The phrase ya iyasi occurs again in the pádayanti. From the well-established use of VIIIth edict, 1. 7, in the same meaning, i..e. this verb, it follows that chapalah cannot be as equivalent to the Pali phrase yad idan 'to taken as an abstract neuter. It must designate wit.' Although iyani is often employed in our collectively men who are thoughtless, easily inscriptions as a neuter, I do not think that we lead away (cf. Dhammap. V. 33; chapalan are obliged to take yá iyain as actually identical chittari). It is possible that anuvidhiyasiti and with yad idan. In the two places where it sampațrpádayanti have as an object anusathin, occurs, the first substantive which follows the understood from the anusathiyd of the preced. pronoun is feminine, here pálaná, below daya, ing sentence; but we shall see below, especially with which it perhaps agrees. It is more in the detached edicts of Dhauli and of Jau- difficult to fix with the necessary accuracy, the gada, saripațipadayati or patipadayati employed precise shade of meaning of the word vidhi. absolutely; so also we shall find the phrase The word "règle' (rule) appears to be the dharmánupațipattin anupatipajati (below, most exact equivalent in French. This transVIII. 3), but more usually paripajati or san- lation agrees well with the sense properly given patipajati used absolutely. Hence, the transla- by Burnouf to the vidhána which follows. tions to be, to walk in the good way,' and for To sum up, here is the translation which I the causal,"to place, to cause to walk in propose : the good way' appear to me to be those which
TRANSLATION. best render the exact meaning of the verb. Thus saith the king Piyadasi, dear unto the As regards hémêvá, i.e. évam éva, which we Dêvas :-In the twenty-seventh year from my meet subsequently in other edicts and also coronation did I have this edict engraved. in the detached edicts of Dh. and J., cf. Héma- Happiness in this world and in the next is chandra, Ed. Pischel, I. 271. The parallel difficult to provide, without on the part of my versions prohibit us from supposing, with Bar- officials) an extreme zeal for the Religion, a nouf, that anything is missing from the end of strict oversight, an extreme obedience, a very the line, to be completed as ainta (masó]; lively sense of responsibility, an extreme moreover this word would not suit the sense activity. But, owing to my instructions this care The text is certainly complete here, but this of the Religion and this zeal for the Religion certainty does not relieve us of any difficulty increase and will increase (among them) from If we consider the reading as entirely correct, day to day. And my officials, superiors, subwe must consider antamahámátá as a compound alterns, and those of middle rank, themselves signifying officials stationed at the frontiers; conform to and also direct (the people in the and, as a matter of fact, the Vth of the Four-Good Way, so as to keep steadfast the fickleteen Edicts tells us of mahámátras charged with minded; so also, the overseers of the frontier the duty of watching the border-populations. It countries. Now the rule is this; government is also natural that Piyadasi, always intent on by the Religion, law by the Religion, progress extending his charitable cares beyond his own by the Religion, security by the Religion.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1888.
SECOND EDICT. Prinsep, 1.c., p. 582 and ff; Burnouf, 1.c., p. 666 and ff.
TEXT. 10 Dêvânampiyê Piyadasi lâjà 11 bêvam Ahål.] dhaṁmê sâdhů (.] kiyam chu dhammê ti [.] 'apasinavê bahukayanê 12 daya danê sachê sôchayê cha khu [.] dânê pi mê bahuvidhé dimne dupada 13. chatupadêsu pakhivalichalêsu vividhế mà anugah& katé a pána 14 dakhinâyo amnâni picha m3 bahûni kayânâni kațâni [] êtâyê mê 15 athâye iyam dhammalipi likhâpitâ hêvam anupatipajastu chilam 16 thitika* cha hôtâti ti (.] yê cha hêvam sampatipajisati sê sokațat kachhatîti (.]' NOTES.
ti, which would be inadmissible at the com1. The last facsimile, by Mr. Fleet, gives mencement of a sentence, out of the question, the reading kiyan, not käymi. Even this form the pi, which follows dánê would no longer I can only analyze as equivalent to ko iyan. be possible after this accumulation of particles. Iyari would be used for the masculine, which Cha khu or iti cha khu, finishes and winds up is in no way extraordinary in monuments in the enumeration ; pi takes up a new order of which the same form is constantly employed ideas; Also have I given many alms. both for the feminine and the neuter, and in 3. There are two ways of understanding the which the difference between the neuter and expression ápánadákhindye, if we take pána as the masculine, in the singular, is almost representing in Sanskțit prána, or if we take it obliterated by the extension of the termination as representing pána. Burnouf decided in é to the former. This explanation appears to favour of the former, Des faveurs leur (aux me much more probable than the comparison hommes et aux animaux) ont été accordées par with the Sanskțit kiyat. It is not intended to moi, jusqu'au présent de l'existence. Such & determine the extension of the dhamma, but to manner of speaking appears to me unnatural. indicate its nature.
The expression jusqu'u,''even to' (6) leads one 2. Bornouf has well explained apásinava rather to contemplate the indication of a favour in a general way. Only I do not think that so particular, so unexpected, that it constitutes we should look upon ásinava as a form which a refinement of liberality. I would add that is independent of, although synonymous with the term anugaha does not, in fact, appear the ordinary ásrava. It would be too isolated, to declare so bounden a service as the gift an example, and, moreover, the word is of life, but rather some work of supererogaeasily explained by a simple mechanical process tion. But above all, according to the context, Asrava can, in our dialect, become asilava the benefit must be applicable both to men as we have in Pali, silóka, silésuma, silághati and beasts (dupadachatupadés). Now, we kilesa, &c. Asilava can again be changed into shall see that Piyadasi put certain limits to ásinara, like the Pâli nangala, nangula, for the the slaughter of animals, that he pardoned Sanskrit långala, lángula (cf. Kuhn, Beiträge zur some men condemned to death, but nowhere Pali Gramm., p. 44). The versions of Radhiah does he speak of a general abolition of the and Mnthiah help us to correct the word sôchayé death-penalty. I hence conclude that the only at the end of the sentence. It is necessarily in- satisfactory interpretation consists in taking correct, and should be sôchéyé, i.e. sauchéyari, pana in the sense of drink, water;' even a normal form. The iti of these two versions, to securing them water;' and that the king comes naturally after an enumeration, but its alludes to work which he has several times presence is not absolutely necessary. In any mentioned with legitimate satisfaction, to the case, we cannot, like Burnouf, begin the next sinking of wells along the road sides (cf. G. sentence with cha chua, or even with iti cha kh. 1st Edict). We shall see below (VIII. 2-3) The latter pbrase would be, in itself, possible at with what visible complaisance the king enthe beginning of a proposition ; but, putting the larges on this point. This comparison may sandhi of sóchéyeti or rather the enclitic form perhaps even suggest an altogether different

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GHOSRAWA BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION.
307
analysis. In this passage, the king boasts of scarcely remark that we should read hótúti, having established many ápánas, inns or cara- the ti having been erroneously engraved twice. vanserais, and ápana can be taken as a word 5. With regard to kachhati being equivalent in itself. At the same time, one does not to karishyati, cf. Vol. I. p. 123 of the original see exactly why the king should mention only essays. this class of benefactions. The former con
TRANSLATION. struction has this advantage, that it implies Thus saith king Piyadasi, dear unto the many others, as we should expect from the Dêvas :--The Religion is excellent. But, it will use of the phrase vividhé anugahe. For the be asked, what is this Religion? (It consists meaning of dakhina, which we propose here, we in committing) the least possible ill ; [in doing] may perhaps compare arogadachhinaê bhavatu, much good, [in practising] mercy, charity, of the third line of the Wardak inscription truth, and also purity of life. Also have I (J.R.A.S., XX., 261ff); this, at least, is the given alms of every kind; amongst men and reading proposed by Dowson. Unfortunately, four-footed beasts, birds and inhabitants of the the interpretation, and even the deciphering of water have I performed varied benefits, even 60 this monument are too imperfect and too hypo- far as securing them drinking water; many other thetical, for the comparison to have much meritorious actions have I also done. It is for weight.
this purpose that I have had this edict engraved, 4. With regard to the spelling 'thitikd of in order that men may follow it and walk in several versions, compare the analogous ortho- The Good Way, and in order that it may long graphies which I have collected in Buddhist remain in existence. He, who will thus act, Sanskrit, o. g. Mahávastu I., p. 595. I need will do that which is good.
A BUDDHIST STONE-INSCRIPTION FROM GHOSRAWA.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription was discovered in March given as either Ghosrawd'or Ghosrdwan. 1848, by Captain M. Kittoe, in a mound from According to information which I owe to which the people were then digging bricks, Mr. E. H. Walsh and to Mr. Grierson, the at a village about 7 miles south-east of the town name of the place, in all the village-papers etc., of Bihar, in the Patna district of the Province is written TERT , but it is invariably proof Bengal; and it was first edited, with an English translation by Dr. Ballantyne, remarks
nounced secret, i.e. Ghosravam by Captain Kittoe himself, and a note by Mr.
The importance of the inscription for the J. W. Laidlay, in the Journ. Beng. As. Soc.,
later history of Indian Buddhism was fully Vol. XVII. Part I., pp. 492-501. The exact
recognised by Captain Kittoe, who assigned it spelling of the name of the village where the
to the 9th or 10th century A.D.; and Mr. inscription was found, has been somewhat diffi
Laidlay rightly identified some of the places cult to make out with certainty. In Captain
which are mentioned in the inscription. CapKittoo's remarks, l. 6. p. 495, the place is called
tain Kittoe removed the slab on which the Possorawa,' but this must be an error. For,
inscription is, to Bihar, where he took facin the Hindi heading of the Sanskpit text, p.
similes, and returned it afterwards to the village, 492, we have Gusarana,' and in Mr. Laid.
where he had it fixed in a niche in the outer lay's note, p. 500, Gusserawa' instead ; and
wall of a modern temple, having first engraved in the volumes of the Archæol. Survey of India
in English on the margin the date of its being and in Sir A. Cunningham's Ancient Geo
recovered and set up (by Captain Kittoo) for graphy of India, Vol, L., p. 44, as well as in &
preservation on account of Government." paper by Mr. A. M. Broadley, which will be Afterwards, the inscription was prominently mentioned below, the name of the village is referred to by Sir A. Cunningham, in his Reports
1 According to Sir A. Cunningham, Archaol. Survey tho margin:"Recovered and placed here by Captain of India, Vol. XI. p. 172, the slab was still at Ghosrawi M. Kittoe on part of Government, March 30, A.D. in January 1862, with the following words engraved on 1818."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1888.
for 1861.62 and 1871-72, Archæol. Survey of 7, and of the conjunct ry in dchárya-varyam, India, Vol. I. p. 38, and Vol. III. p. 120, as in line 7, and audúryam and viryan, in line 16 well as in his Ancient Geography of India, Vol. (but not in sthitêr-yah, in line 11), compared, I. p. 44. But the original edition and trans- e.g., with the initial á of amradvipa in line 9, lation, as well as these references to them, and with the ry of yatir=yatah in line 7, of the appear to have entirely escaped the attention Bodh Gayà inscription. Exactly the same of Mr. A. M. Broadley; for, in a paper on the alphabet appears to be employed, e.g., in the Buddhistic remains of Bihår,' which he pub- short Nålandâ inscription of Gôpåla, of which lished in the Journ. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLI. a photozincograph is given in Archæol. Survey Part I., and in which on pp. 268-274 he gave of India, Vol. I. p. 15; and a still further two transcripts and translations of this very development of the same alphabet we have in inscription, one by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra and a short inscription of Mahipala, which is in the the other by Dr. R. G. Bhåndarkar (accompa- Bihar Museum. As regards the present innied by a rather useless photozincograph), scription, I may also perhaps draw attention he treated the record as if it had never been to the forms of the final t and n (followed by brought to public notice before. One cannot the sign of viráma) in asmát, line 17, sakalán, wonder at the somewhat severe tone, caused line 7, and bhikshún, line 9, and to the excepby the entire omission of Captain Kittoe's tional denotation of tta by the sign for tu, in name by Mr. Broadley, which pervades Sir sankirttanan, line 5, and Kirtti, line 13.-The A. Cunningham's latest remarks on the anti- language is Sanskrit, and, except for the openquities of Ghôgrå wå, in Archæol. Survey of ing symbol representing or, the inscription is in India, Vol. XI. p. 171 ff.; here it is sufficient verse throughout. In line 6 we find the to say that the stone containing the inscription, wrong form abhyupétum (for abhyupaitum), which no longer bears Kittoe's name,' has been which is also met with elsewhere; othertransferred to the Bihar Museum, where it is at wise the grammar calls for no particular present.
remark. As regards lexicography, I would Though the inscription has been edited and point out that the kirti has in line 17 translated three times, & critical edition of it
been employed in the sense of an edifice' appears still to be desirable, and I therefore or a temple,' a meaning which has been re-edit it, at Mr. Fleet's request, from an assigned to the word kirti by Hêmachandra. excellent impression supplied by him,
-As regards orthography, v has throughout The inscription contains 19 lines. The been used for b; instead of anusvára the dental writing covers a space of about 1' 11" broad n has been employed before the dental sibilant, by 1' 2'' high, and it is in a state of perfect and the guttural i before the palatal sibilant, preservation almost throughout.-The average in sansára, line 1, dhvansi, line 18, vansa, line size of the letters is about 16.-The 4, and vansau, line 17; and the rules of sandhi characters belong to the northern class of have been neglected in bhikshún ári., line 9, alphabets, and they present a further and in samvșiténa, line 12, and étam=vidhaya, development of the characters which we line 17. meet, e.g., in the Bodh Gaya inscription of The inscription is a Buddhist inscription; Mahânâ man, of wbich a photo-lithograph has and it records (line 14) the erection, probably been given ante, Vol. XV. p. 358. This is at the place where the stone containing the clearly shown by a general comparison of the inscription was found, of an edifice for a vajráforms of the consonants and the signs for the sana or diamond-throne,' by a personage named medial vowels; and it is proved in particular, | Viradêva, an account of whom takes up by far e.g., by the form of the initial & in acharya, line the greater part of this record. Viradêva, the
loc. cit., p. 173. Although Kittoe's statement has been removed, traons of Roman letters can, to judge by the impression before me, be still recognized below the last line of the inscription.
The measurements of the stone given by Mr. Broadley are wrong.
• The peculiar form of the sign for 4, and of that for ry, has misled Captain Kittoe to state that the inscrip
tion, in line 7, has achdya (instead of acharya), and induced Dr. Bhåndårkar to put a sign of interrogation after the words audhryam and viryan in line 16. In Dr. Bhånd Arkar's impression the words acharya-varya in line 7 were illegible; and Dr. Rajendralal has prepus ya lua instead.
See ante, Vol. XV. p. 857.

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GHOSRAWA BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION.
309
son of Indragupta and his wife Rajj[@]ka, mentioned, when this inscription was comwas born in a noble Brâhmaņical family, at Na- posed. garahara (in the Jalalabad valley) in Uttard. Unfortunately, the inscription is not dated, patha (or Northern India). Anxious to follow and we therefore are left to determine its the teaching of Buddha, he went, after he had age approximately from the characters in which studied the Vedas and the Sastras, to the great it is written, and from the statement contained Kanishka vihara (in the neigabourhood of the in it, that Viradiva was patronised by a king modern Peshawar), where he became the disci- Dévapala. The test of the characters is, under ple of the teacher Sarvajñaśânti, and, as it any circumstances, a vague one; and although appears, formally embraced the Buddhist faith. there can be no doubt that the Dévapala He subsequently visited the diamond-throne at spoken of is the Pala king of that name, one Mahabodhi (or Bodh-Gaya), and from there of the more immediate successors of that Gopala went to a vihara, called Yasovarmapura, 'the of whom we have a short inscription at Nalantown of Yaśôvarman,' where he stayed for a long da, the chronology of the earlier rulers of the time, enjoying the patronage of the king Déva- Pala dynasty is still so doubtful that even a pala. Viradêva erected two chaityas on the seemingly valuable statement like the mention hill Indrabaila (or Giryêk, about 5 miles of one of their number, in the present instance, south-west of Ghosr&wA); and he was elected leads to no very satisfactory result. I thereby the sangha, or assembly of monks, probably fore can only repeat here, what has been stated
in succession to a monk named Satyabôdhi, to already by Captain Kittoe, that our inscription · preside over the monasteries at Nalanda (the was probably composed some time between modern Baragaon, about 9 miles west of Ghôs- the middle of the 9th and the middle of the râwâ). --It is hardly necessary to say that, with 10th centuries A.D. Judging merely from the the exception of Yalovarmapura, which by characters, the forms of which appear to me Sir A. Cunningham has been identified with the considerably earlier than those of an inscription town of Bihar, but which may be an older name of Mahipala, of which I have an impression of Ghðsråwå itself, all the places mentioned before me, I would assign it to the latter half of here are well known from the records of the the 9th century, while the latest researches by Chinese pilgrims. Nor need I point out what Dr. Hoernle, on the chronology of the Pala valuable proof is furnished by the above short dynasty would rather bring it down to about narrative, in support of the fact that Buddhism the middle of the 10th century. I do not think was still flourishing in the famous localities that the inscription can possibly be later.
TEXT.'
Om 1 Sriman'=asau jayati sat[t]va-hita-pravsitta-san-madas-idhigata-tat[t]va-nayő Munin
drah! kles-atmanam durita-nakra-durasad-antaḥ sansâ(msk)ra-sågara-samatta. 2 ran-aika-sêtuh 11 Asy-asmad-guravô va(ba)bhavar-ava(ha)lah sambhûya harttum
manaḥ ka lajja yadi kovalo na va(ba)lavin=asmi trilóka-prabhau ity
Alôchayat=e. 3 va MÂnasabhuva yo durato varjitah srimin=viśvam-seshnmwend-nyntad=V6(b)dhnu
Sa-vajrasanah | Astyl-Uttarapatha-vibhushann-bhůta-bhâmir-dos-ottamô Na4 garahare iti pratitah | tatra dvijâtir=udit-dita-vansa(msa) janma namn=Èndragapti.
iti râja-sakhô va(ba)bhůva || Rajj[]kaya dvija-varaḥ sa guņi gri. 5 hinya yuktô raraja kalaya [s]malaya ya th=ênduh lôkal pativrata-katha
paribhavanasu samkirttanam prathamam=eva karûti yasyah | Tabhyamraja6 yata entah sataram vivêki yô vâ(bâ)la dva kalitah parn-10ka-vu(buddhyil 1
sarsv-Ôpabhôga-subhayu-pi grihê viraktah (pravra Jiyara Sugata-Kasanam-abhyupé(pai)
See ante, Vol. XIV. p. 164. The Devapála of the From the impression. Expressed by a symbol. huge Gw Alior inscription, mentioned on p. 165 and Metro, Vasantatilaki. re-discovered at Serin (Siya liņi), is, in my opinion, not 1 80 Metre, Sardůlavikridita. the DAADA of the PAla dynasty, and his date, Vikramai 1 Metre. Vasantatilaka: and of the next four verses. Sathvat 1005 (not 1925) is therefore useless for the » This Ikshara, ya, was originally omitted, and is chronology of that dynasty.
engraved below the line.

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7 tun | Vedan-adhitya sakalan krita-sastra-chintaḥ śrimat-Kanishkam=upagamya
maha-viharam" acharya-varyam=atha sa prasama-prašasyam Sarvvajñaśântim=
anugamya 8 tapas-chachara 11 So=yam visaddha-guņa-sambhỉita-bhûri-karttêh sishyö snorûpa-guna
sila-yaśô-bhiramah! vâ(b)lêndu-vat-kali-kalanka-vimukta-kântir-vandyah 9 sada muni-janairwapi Viradevah 11 Vajrasanam vanditum=ikada stha brîman
Mahavo(bo)dhim-upâgató sau drashtu ta[t] «gat-sahades[i]*-bhikshûn
śrîmad-Yasovarmma10 puram viharam | Tishthann-ath=éha suchiraṁ pratipatti-sirah sri-Deva''pala
bhuvanadhipa-lavdha(bdha)-pajah prâpta-prabhaḥ pratidin-8daya püritasah půsh
iva dârita11 tamah-prasarð rarâja | Bhikshôr-s=âtma-samah suhrid-bhuja iva éri-Satya
vôbô)dhôr-nijo Nalanda-paripalanâya niyatah sangha-sthitêr-yah sthitaḥ 1 yên=
aitau sphu12 tam=Indrasaila-mukuta-éri-chaitya-chůdamaņi śråmanya-vrata-sam (in)vșitina jagatah
śrêyösrtham=utthi pitau 11 Nalanday& cha paripálitayaêha satyâ śrîma13 d-vihara-parihara-vibh shit-angya | udbhâsitô=pi va(ba)hu-kîrtti-vadhû-patitvê yah sâdhu
såd harriti sâdbu-janaih praśastah | Chinta-jvaram samayatá srtta-jana14 sya drishty Dhanvantarêr=api hi yêna hatah prabhavab yas-ch=psit-Artha
paripûrņņa-manôrathêna lokêna kalpataru-tulyataya gļihitah 11 Ten=aitad=a15 tra kritam=âtma-manô-vad-uchchair-vajrasanasya bhavanam bhuvan-êttamasyal san
jậyatê yad-abhivikshya vimânagânâm Kailâsa-Mandara-mahidhara-épinga-saúka 11
Sarvva16 sv*-6panayêna sat[t*]va-suhridámeandâryam-abhyasyatá samvô(mbó)dhan vihita
spribam saha gunair-visparddhi viryanatathål atrasthéna nije nijav-iha
vri(brihat-puny-adhikare 17 sthite yêna svêna yaso-dhvajêna ghatitau vansk (ing&)v-Udichipathe | Spâna-"
mârgam=iva mukti-p[uras]ya kirttim=et&m(t)=vidhåya kuśalam=yad=upâttam=
asmật! 18 kļitvaaditah 88-pitara guru-vargam=asya samvô(mbo)dhim=ètu jana-rásir-abesha
dva | Yávat"-kůrmmð jaladhi-valayam bhůta-dhâtrim vi(b)bhartti dhvanta
dhvansimsi) 19 tapati tapanÔ yåvad-êv=Ogra-rasmih snigdh-álókâh bisira-mahaså yâmavatyas-cha.
yavattavat-kîrttir=jayatu bhuvanê Viradêvasya subhra || !! TRANSLATION.
(L. 2).-May the glorious (Buddha), who Om!
has his diamond-throne by the Bodhi tree, ** (Line 1).-Triomphant is that glorions chief protect this whole universe !-he, from whom of sages (Buddha), who with his excellent mind, the mind-born (Mara) drew far aloof, thinking, striving for the welfare of the beings, found as it were, that if his betters had, united, been out the system of truth; (and who), to those powerless to captivate the mind of (Buddha), whose nature is affliction, (is) the one bridge why need he blush for failing in strength, for crossing the ocean of worldly existence, (a single-handed, against the Lord of the three bridge) the ends of which are difficult of worlds"! approach for those) alligators-evils !
(L. 3).-There is an excellent country, known 1 The two akaharas vihd were originally omitted
" See Beal, Si-yu-ki, Vol. II. p. 115: "In the middle and are engraved below the line.
of the enclosure surrounding the Bodhi tree is the 1. Metre, Indravajra.
diamond throne (Vajrdsana)..... It is composed of 15 Perhaps this sign for i has been struck out, so that diamond..... On this the thousand Buddhas of the the akshari would be , not si.
Bhadrakalpa have sat and entered the diamond amids: * Metre, Vasantatilak. Originally Devipúla. hence the name of the diamond throne. It is the place 15 Metre, Sardúlavikridita.
where the Buddhas attain the holy path. 1 Metre Vacantatilakd; and of the next two verses. See, e..., the opening verses of the Nagananda, 30 Metre, Sârdulavikridita.
Boyd's Translation, pp. 1 and 2. * Metro, Vasantatilaka. Metre, Mandåkranta.

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প্রযোবএনধি এবএমদা৫ে৫খুষেধানীষ : মাসেত্মথমেমসাববিএলএনবিসিএগেমৰম যখানশষ্টেশখিযেমনযুথবীবাশখুধবধবেযলবাসে। * নবদমদিঘঃধসধশালমন্মথুন
হলেন। যুগযনবমঘমাওঃখমবেশ্যাময়। • যুঝুনাহ বনৰীৰৰ বহলবাজি
রেষায় ওপেনসেশন খামখেয়াৰিংমদস্য। যথেষযিলবানুমোদৰমণ:
শ্রমিযীৰথমবায়ত্তশাসবেয়কারযকর্মে । 10 যহিষেধফব্রণযজীবশেখেলােয় যুবক। সqরনেছিলামযুদ্ধমুখমনসুন পেস্থ। ৫ খ্রষেবষযেমগবএন
দাববিজ্ঞাপবীণফেলুন। 1 সুখবৰবেৰখনখোমখেজনক বাগদেব, এসমযধসসধফুলিয়ে 1 ঋএমএসব বসবীমেধাবনয়োগ
কমিশন। প্রস্তাবিষযম্বকােষসমষ্টিসুমি 18 ধনলক্সবিশনে যোগ ব িযবেহথরেখনীলশিযদলামসূখযোগ্য
Ghosrawa Buddhist Inscription.
'
:
J. F. FLEET. BO.C.S.
... ।।
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE 3R

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by the name of NagarahAra," the land of he, the quintessence of intelligence, being treated which is an ornament to Uttarapatha (the with reverence by the lord of the earth, the illusnorthern region). There, in a family which had trious Dévapala, shone like the sun, endowed risen higher and higher, was born a twice-born, with splendour, filling the quarters with his daily Indragupta by name, a friend of the king. rising, (and) dispelling the spread of darkness.
(L. 4).-As the moon with its spotless digit, so (L, 11).-He who, (being) a friend (dear) like shone that meritorious distinguished twice-born, his own self, being as it were the own arm of united with his wife Rajj[@]kå, of whom people the holy monk Satyabodhi," by the decrce of make mention in the very first place, when the assembly of monks (saragha) was permathey ponder on tales of devotion to husbands. nently appointed to govern Nalanda; (and) by
(L. 5).--To them was born & son, highly en- whom, engaged in the vow of a Sramana, thero dowed with discernment, who, even as a child, were erected for the welfare of the world theo was filled with thoughts concerning the other two holy chaityas, clearly two crest-jewels in world. He gave up his attachment to his the diadem of Indrakaila;'?— home, though it was blessed with every enjoy- (L. 12).--And who, on becoming the lord of ment, in order that, by going forth as an the lady Great Fame, graced though he already ascetic, he might adopt the teaching of Sugata. was here by Nalanda, governed (by and) trpe
(L. 7).-Having studied all the Vedas (and) (to him and) decorated by a ring of famous reflected on the Sastras, (and) having gone to viháras, was well praised by good people as a the glorious great Kanishka vihara," he then, good man ;following the excellent teacher Sarvajñaśânti," (L. 13).-Who, by (his mere) sight allaying (who was) praiseworthy for his quiescence, gave the fever of anxiety of people in distress, verily himself up to asceticism.
eclipsed the power of even Dhanvantari," and (L. 8.)-This Viradêva, (being) thus the disciple whom people, whose wishes ho fulfilled by of one who by his pure qualities had accumu- (granting to them) the objects desired, took to lated great fame, (and) pleasing by the fame of be equable to the tree of paradise ; corresponding qualities and natural disposition, (L. 14).-He erected here for the diamond(was) always, like the new-moon, an object of throne, the best thing in the world, this bubi. adoration, even to sages, inasmuch as his loveli- tation, lofty like his own mind, tho sight of ness was free from the stain of the Kali-age, which causes those moving in celestial cars
(L. 9).-To adore the diamond-throne, he to suspect it to be a peak of the mountain then once visited the glorious Mahabodhi." Kailasa or of Mandara. From there he wont to see the monks of his (L. 15).-Practising the generosity of those native country," to the vihara, the glorious who are friends of the beings, by offering up Yasovarmapura."
his all, as well as manliness, eagerly directed (L. 10).-Then staying here for a long time, towards the attainment of perfect wisdom and
15 In the immediate vicinity of Jalalabad. See Can. ningham, Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. p. 43; Beal, Si-yu-ki, Vol. I. p. 91.
The Sagharama, which was built by king Kanishka in the neighbourhood of the modern Peshawar. See Beal, l. e., Vol. I. pp. 103 and 109.
"I cannot understand why this word should not have been taken as a proper name in the previous translations. Compare such names as Buddhaianti, Ratnikara janti, Dharmikaranti, mentioned by Taranátha.
i.e. either the great Bôdhi tree, or the MahAbidhi en riagharima at Gay, or Bôdh-Gayà itself. See Boal, L.c. Vol. 1. Introduction, p. I.; Vol. II. p. 133; Journ. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 498; and Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. XI. p. 141, and Vol. XV. Preface, p. III.
* I am not quite sure that this is the right meaning of the word rahade in (or, possibly, sah iddia) of the original
» Comparing the pasage in line 7 4rimal-Renish kam ... mahiiharait, I onght perhaps to translate the
an late 'the glorious vihara, [called) Yasovarmapura,' although the word drinvit is prefixod to Yarmapur. I am aware that Sir A. Canningham has identified Yabōvarmapura
with the present town of Bihar (see Archeol. Sorry. I dia, Vol. III. p. 120 and p. 135; and also Vol. VIII. p. 70), and it would be very tempting to take rihara, in the above passage, a proper name and to translate: From there he went ... to Bihar, the town of the glorious Yasovarman,' I nevertheless believe that the worl has been used in its ordinary sense, anil that Yavorarmupura was the name of the vihare visited by Viren. 1.l. not deny that Yai varmapura may have heen a name of Bihar : but I consider it equally possible that it may have been the name of the very Ghüsrawa, where the inscription has been found.
The beginning of the verse might also he translate: He who, being dear, to the monks like their own selv aanut being as it were, the own arm of the holy Satynbri. ühi. Satyabodhi may have been Viralera's predecesor ut NÁland.
32 Nálunha by Sir A. Cunningham been shown to be the modern Baragraon, and InIrisnila identified with the hill Giryek.--Ancient Geography of Indir, Vol. 1. p. 469.
9 The dictionarios do not give this meaning for the word parihar: but parihiraka means an urm-ring.
» The physician of the gods.

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vying with his other) excellencies, residing men, headed by the circle of his elders (and) here, while his high holy office was continuing, including his parents, attain to perfect wisdom! he hoisted the banner of his fame on the two (L. 18).-As long as the tortoise bears the poles" (of his family) in Udichipatha (the ocean-girded mother of all beings; as long as northern region).
the sun with its fierce rays is shining, dispel(L. 17).- Whatever merit has been acquired ling the darkness; as long as the nights by the erection of this edifice,ac (which is), as present a pleasing appearance with the cool. it were, a staircase to_the city of salvation, splendoured (moon);- so long may the bright may through that the whole assemblage of fame of Viradêva be triumphant in the world.
THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER. BY SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT; BOMBAY EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT.
(Concluded from p. 7.) In the preceding remarks, my object has abdaḥ - "the revolutions of Jupiter, multibeen to explain concisely the system of the plied by the signs (twelve), (are) the years of Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter that is based on Jupiter, the first of which is Aśrayuja." And his heliacal risings; and the three methods for it is given, in very similar words, by Brahmadetermining the nakshatra with which the helia gupta, in his Brahma-Siddhanta, adhyâya xiii. cal rising takes place. I have now to make a verse 42,- Gara-varshány Aśrayujậd dvadasafew observations of a more general kind; gunita Guror bhaganah. In this role, the and to introduce the other authorities of which revolutions (hagana) are meant to be taken I have spoken at page 2 above. Before doing from the beginning of the Kalpa, or of a yo, however, I must refer more fully to another Mabaynga. But, for practical parposes, we system, which also has been incidentally men- need not go back so far. One Twelve-Year tioned, of naming the samvatsaras of the Cycle is completed in one revolution. And, Twelve-Year Cycle according to Jupiter's therefore, we can determine the saivatsara for passage from one sign of the zodiac into an a given year, or for any given date in it, by other, with reference to his mean longitude. taking Jupiter's signs, including the current
The rule for that which I have named sign, of the current revolution, and counting the mean-sign system, is thus given by the from Ásvaynja. In this system, the signs are first Aryabhata in his Arya-Siddhanta or intended to be taken, and in practice are taken, Aryabhatiya, Kalakriyapada, verse 4,- Guru- according to Jupiter's mean longitude. Now, bhagana rasi-guņás tv=Aśvayujada Garor suppose that on a certain day Jupiter's mean
3 valax, two polus,' or the two families (of his 107? expired: A.D. 1150-51). Its date, therefore, lica father and mother).
somewhere between these two limits. In the first verec » According to Himachandra's Aufkirtlastitgrah of it, the author calls himself Aryabhata : and his work, the word kirli also means'a palace' or 'temple I a Sidihanta, withont Laghu or any other epithet. In a (premd=kirlaw), and this clearly in the Renno in manuscript copy of it, I find that it is named Mihi. which it has been employed here. kwala, according Siddhantu at the end of some chapters, and Laghu-Arya. to the lexicographers, also is synonymous with punya.
Siddhanta at the end of others. For the sake of dit! There are two distinct and separate works, each tinction and convenience, it is better to call the author Learing the name of Aryabhata as its author. The one
of these two works, the first and the second Aryabhata. published by Dr. Kern contains one hundred and The numbers of the revolutions of the planets, &c. given, eighteen verses in the Ary& metre, and is called
as belonging to the Ary-Siddhanta, in the Rev. E. Bur. Aryabhatiya in general and by the author himself; but
gess' Translation of the Surya-Siddhanta, and in some it may, and justly so, be called Arya-Siddhanta ; and
instances those given by Prinsep (Prinaep's Erray, Vol. it is called 60 by many Hindu astronomers. II. Useful Tablos, p. 153) as belonging to the same autho. The date of this work is Šaka-Sarvat 421 cx
rity, bolong really to the second Aryabhata. Probably, pired (A.D. 499-500). The other, which, I believe,
when thoue gentlemen wrote, they had not themselves seen has not yet been printed, contains about six hundred
the Siddhanta of the Srst Aryabhata. Gen. Sir A. Cunning. and twenty-five verses in the AryA metre, divided
ham, also, was not, it reen, aware of the two different into eighteen chapters. This is the work that is usually Árabhaas when he wentadian Bran 891 6 ord called the Laghu-Arya-Siddhinta. The date of it is not given. But, from internal evidence, I find that it
ing to Warren the number of days assigned by Arya
bhata to a Maháyuga of 4,320,000 years is 1,577,917,500 is later than the Brakma-Siddhanta of Brahmagupta
in the routh of India and 42 more in the MSS. preserved (Saka Sarivat 550 expired; A.D. 628-20); and there is a in Bengal." Of these two numbers, the former belongs reference to it in the Siddhanta-siromani (Saka-Saravat to the first, and the latter to the second Aryabhata.

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longitude is 9 signs and 12 degrees; i.e. that kshuch-chhastr-agni-vpishti - vyâdhi - prabalyan he is in the tenth sign. Then, counting from ..... Chitra-Svâtyôr udito npipa-sasyaÄśvayuja, we have Ashidha, as the current varsha-kshëm-ârôgya kara).-(2) Garga says samvatsara for the given day.'
- pravás-antê sa h-arkshöna hyrudito yuga-pach The names of the samvatsaras of the Sixty-| charét 1 tasmät kâlâd riksha-purvô Guror Year Cycle, also, according to that which abdah pravartaté 11.-(3) Kabyapa says - is usually called the northern system, but samvatsara-yugê ch=aiva shashty-abdA=igirasas which is, in reality, the only truly astronomical sutaḥ | yan-nakshatr-odayam kuryât tat-sansystem of it, and was current, as is shewn by jaam vatsaram viduh 11.-(4) Rishiputra says many epigraphical quotations of it, in Southern -yasmin tishthati nakshatri saha yêna praIndia also, -are determined by Jupiter's mean vardható samvatsaras sa vijniyas tan-nakshatrplace. And the rule is thus given in the Abhidbanakah II.-(5) Also, in the following, Súrya-Siddhanta, i. 55,--dvádaśa-ghní Garôr Rishipatra quotes Vasishtha and Atri, in yata-bhagani vartamânakaih I råśibhiḥ sahitaḥ addition to Parâśara, who is separately referred saddhah shashtyä syur Vijay-adayah II,-"the to above,-Tishy-adika-yoga prahur Vasishthexpired revolutions of Japiter, multiplied by Atri-Faraśarah | Brihaspatês tu Saumy-antam twelve, (then) increased by the current signs sada dvadasa-vârshikam 11 Udéti yasmin mase
of the current revolution), (and then) divided tu pravâs-Ôpagatô=ngirâh I tasmåt samvatsarah by sixty, are i.e. the remainder is) (the suivat- -(6) In the Samasa-Samhita, a short work saras counted from) Vijaya as the first." In by Varahamihira, we have*-Gurur udayati fact, the Sixty-Year Cycle, and the Twelve- nakshatrê yasmin tat-samjõitâni varshâņi.-(7) Year Cycle of the mean-sign system, are quite Brihaspati, as quoted in the Kiranávali, a identical with regard to the day of the com- commentary by Dâdâbhâs on the Súrya-Sid. mencement of each sariiratsara; and, conse- dhánta, says :- yada Gur-ûdayo bhanór Guror quently, with regard also to its duration, abdas tad-aditah. - (8) In the Narada. which, according to Jupiter's mean motion as Samhita, Gurucharadhyâya, we have - given in the Surya-Siddhanta, is 361 days, 1 yad-dhishạy-abhyuditô Jivas tan-nakshatr. gliati, 36 palas. The Twelve-Year Cycle of the ahva-vatsaralı. — (9) In the Muhurta-Tattva, mean-sign system, therefore, with regard to its Guruchara, verse 7, we have - dvy-rikshố= other details, may be most properly described Gnêh Karttikat try-riksha ishu-ravi-Sivowith the Sixty-Year Cycle, which I shall treat bdaḥ sa yên=ôdit-Éjyah.-(10) In the Jyoti. of fully on a separate occasion. And I have shadarpana, adhyâya v., we have - yasminn introduced the present brief mention of it, abhyuditô Jivas tan-nakshatrasya ratsaraḥ.-It only because references to it are unavoidable is unnecessary to translate these ten quotain the following observations.
tions; as the general purport of all of them The other authorities for the heliacal. is the same; viz. that "a saivatsara is to be rising system, in addition to the Brihat-Sanhitá, named after that nakshatra in which Jupiter of which I have spoken, are as follows: attains his rising." - (11) In the remaining (1) Parabara says-Krittika-Röhinish-adite authority, the Sarya-Siddhanta, the rule
In his treatment of the Twelve-Year Cycle (Indian seeing the writings of Davis and Warren on this subject. Eras, p. 26 ff.), Gen. Sir A. Cunningham opens the But, with all due deference, I may safely say that the subject by quoting Kern's translation (see page 1 above, Twelve-Year Cycle by the heliacal-rising system, has Lote 1) of the same verse in the Brihat-Sarhhit, which I hitherto remained quite unknown to European scholars. u A0 for the same purpose. But, for the rest, he altogether I would take this opportunity of remarking that I can ignores the force of the reference to Jupiter's rising. find no authority for the introduction, in Kern's transand treate the subject as if the heliacal rising system, llation of the bracketed words "(during which Junitar described by me, did not exist at all. What he has completes a twelfth part of his revolution)." Jupi deduced from the verse, is only the mean-siga system, completes a twelfth part (rac) of his revolution in which the verse does not really refer to at all: and in about three hundred and sixty-one days; while the respect of which he is wrong in making the Raricvatears of interval between two of his heliacal risings is about four both the Twelve-Year and the Sixty-Year Cycle, begin hundred days. and end with the luni-solar years. The rules that he From this, it appears that the savioratraras of the applies give, at the best, only the samvatsaras of the Sixty-Year Cycle also, were originally determined by Twelve-Year Cycle by the mean-sign system, and of the the heliacal risings of the planet. And corroboration Sixty-Year Cycle, that are current at the commence- of this is afforded by & verse of Varahamihira, quoted ment of a given solar year; they do not provide for the further on. The above verse of Kaśyapa, evidently essential point in both the cycles, vis. the determination of the exact day on which a given sarvatsara of either I have taken this, and the preceding five quotations, cycle commences. - I have not had an opportunity of from Utpala's commentary on the Brihat-Samhita.
Year Cortearts of
selve. Fear at the bestlar yearst
further online Twelve-Year Cycle alone five quotations,

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appears to be a little different from that of all the other authorities; though the general features are the same. And, for this reason, though the work is one of the earliest, I have quoted it last. The rule is given in the verse -Vaisakh-âdishu krishnê cha yogal pañchadasê tithan Kârttik-âdîni varshani Gurôr astôdayât tatha II," and the years Kârttika and others (that follow) (are to be named) from the rising, after setting, of Jupiter," according to the occurrence (of Krittiká and other nakshatras) on the fifteenth tithi in the dark fortnight of Vaisakha and other (months that follow)." The application of this rule seems to be thus:-The years are to be named, according as Krittika and other nakshatras,-evidently those in which the sun and the moon stand, -occur on the amávásya of Vaisakha and others immediately preceding or following' the day on which Jupiter rises; that is, on whatever day Jupiter may rise, the nakshatra on either the preceding or the following amávásya, gives the name to the samvatsara. This rule seems to have been alluded to, though not in the name of the Surya-Siddhanta, by Utpala; but it is rejected by him. It may possibly have been occasionally in use; but it certainly does not apply to the Gupta records.
Now, all these quotations distinctly refer, in some form or another, to the rising of Jupiter; which it is impossible to understand as meaning anything but his heliacal rising. And, if the rising referred to is the heliacal rising, then no astronomer can deny that, in the period of about twelve solar years, there are only eleven conjunctions of Jupiter and the sun, and consequently eleven heliacal risings of
With reference to some remarks in the first part of my paper (page 1 above, note 1), I should state that Ranganatha, one of the best commentators on the Súryn. Siddhanta, explains this verse with the understanding, into which he seems to have been led by Utpala's com ments on the Brihat-Samhita, vii. 1, that ast-ódnyat means "from the setting or rising." He adds, however, idinim udaya-varsha-ryavahár ganakair gan wat at the present time, the practice of (naming) the year by the rising, is taken into account by astrono mers." For the sake of consistency, it is justifiable to translate the expression ast-údayit as I have translated it above; and the use of the compounded base in the singular, supports that translation. And, since writing the first part of my paper, I have found that Dâdâbhâi, in his commentary on the Surya-Siddhinta, explains it in the same way his words being-tthastid layo kil Guris tal-yukta-nakshatra-samjn Guror abdó nya," so the year of Jupiter is to be known as having the appellation of that nakshatra with which he is joined at the time of (his) rising after setting.". There can be no doubt that ast-dayat is used here in the sense of from the rising after setting;" compare
[NOVEMBER, 1888
the planet. And, this fact being established, the interval of about four hundred days between two successive risings,-the same period, for the duration of each samvatsara, -the omission of one sashvatsara in each cycle of twelve years, and all the other points described by me,-follow of necessity.
It will, doubtless, have been noticed that I have not been able to give any quotations from the first Aryabhata (born A.D. 476) or Brahmagupta (born A.D. 598), in support of the heliacal-rising system. And it might be sought to base some argument against its existence, on the grounds that these two early authorities, who moreover may be said to be the originators of two of the three schools of astronomers in India, are silent about it, though they do give the mean-sign system. But the facts only prove the early existence and use of the meansign system; which I do not seek to deny. They do not prove either that the heliacalrising system did not exist; or that, having existed, it had gone out of use in their time. To take another instance, the first Aryabhata and Brahmagupta give no rule for finding the samvatsaras of the Sixty-Year Cycle; but, to say that this cycle was not known to either of them, would hardly be sensible. The mean-sign system for the Twelve-Year Cycle is undoubt. edly early. But the heliacal-rising system is earlier still. Among the authorities quoted above, the Surya-Siddhanta' is as early a work as the Aryabhatiya, if not earlier. And that Parisara, Garga, and Kasyapa, are earlier than Aryabhata cannot be denied. Utpala quotes a verse of Garga, which, with some proposed emendations, I give as it stands in my manu
such compounds as supt-ôtthita, having arisen from sleep; lit. 'having slept and then having risen.'J. F. F.]
These words, in connection with yigaḥ, have to be supplied from the preceding verse, in which the result exhibited in Table I., page 3 above, is given.
Which of the two, cannot be determined from the context; and I can find no commentator who has explained the point properly. I myself think that the following amávány is intended. But it seems that Utpala, in his allusion to this rule, takes the preceding amáványa.
In his note on the Surya-Siddhanta, xiv. 17 (see the Rev. E. Burgess' Translation, p. 271), Prof. Whitney says that Jupiter "would set and rise heliacally twelve times in each revolution, and each time about a month later than before." But this is evidently a mistake.
To say that the Surya-Siddhanta is a work of Varahamihira is simply a mistake. I cannot enter into this point at present; but would refer any who hold that view, to Varâhamihira's Pañcha-Siddhantika, and to Kern's Preface to his edition of the Brihat-Samhita.

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script copy,-êvam Asvayujam ch=aiva Chai- which must bave been established after tram ch=aiva Brihaspatih | samvatsarô (Pram) observations carried on during a very long nâma(Páa)yatê saptaitêda (? saptaty-abda)- time; to lay down the means of detersatê dhikë 11.0 This verse seems to refer to mining Jupiter's mean yearly or daily motion, the mean-sign system ; though I can say is not a thing that can be accomplished in a nothing definitely about it, without seeing the few years. It seems, therefore, quite evident context; of which I have not the opportunity that the system of naming the samvatsaras after at present. But, supposing that it does refer the nakshatras in which Jupiter rises, i.e. the to the mean-sign system, still it is not un- heliacal-rising system, is the only original one. favourable to the heliacal-rising system ; for the So much as regards the antiquity of the same Utpala also quotes a verse of the same heliacal-rising system. Let us now look into its Garga, given in a preceding paragraph, in somewhat later use. Varahamihira is later which Garga says: "when Jupiter, after than the first Åryabhata. And his verse, with dwelling together with the sun)," rises and which I have opened my account of the Twelvewalks along with a nakshatra, then commences Year Cycle, undoubtedly refers to this system. the year of Jupiter, of which the first part of So, also, another of his verses, in the Brihatthe name) is the name of that) nakshatra." Savihita, viii. 27, points to the same thing. It
Not only that the heliacal-rising system is runs-Adyam Dhanishthêm samabhiprapanna very early, but that it alone is the original Mághê yad=ayâtyudayam Surêjyah | shashtysystem of the Twelve-Year Cycle, is self- abda-půrvah Prabhavaḥ sa namná prapadyatê evident. The heliacal rising of Jupiter is a bhůta-hitas tad-abdah 11, -" when Jupiter, natural phenomenon. No scientific apparatus having come to the first (nakshatra) Dhanishis needed for the observation of it; nor are thå, attains (his) rising in the month) Magha, any calculations required." But such is not then commences that year, beneficial to beings, the case with the passing of Jupiter from one which is named Prabhava, the first of the sixty sign of the zodiac into another, with regard to years." Now, in eighteen centuries from the his mean longitude. No kind of apparatus can beginning of the Saka era, the Prabhava saridetermine Jupiter's mean longitude. It is to svatsara has occurred thirty times. And, by be found only by calculations, the rules for approximate calculations, I find that Varahi.
10 (Gen. Cunningham also has quoted this verse Marwadis in other parts of India, the saltatsaras are (Archmol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. p. 114); and in such a way,
named as Chaitra-Varsha, Vaisakha-Varsha, &c.; the his authority giving ndiyate, where Mr. Sh. B. Dikshits system adopted in that Panchang, however, for naming MS. gives rAmayat, as to shew that, in the second half the sath vatsaras, is the mean-sign system. of it, we certainly have to read udsayat saptaty-abda. 13 The reading that I give, is from my manuscript satd.-J.F.F.)
copy. But, & and being very liable to confusion, the 11 pravdsdnts may be translated by "after having reading adyan Dhanushthanam abhiprapanno, which completed his journey," i.e. having completed a revolu- is given in some printed copies, may also be of some tion of some kind or another.
authority. By eleulatinu, h vever, I find that Jupiter 11 The phenomenon, moreover, is one to which much does not always stand just at the beginning of Dhanish. attention has always been paid in India Even in the thâ at the time of his rising at the commencement of the present day, almost all the Hindu Panchangs give the Prabhava scratsura. And I think, therefore, that the dates of the heliscal rising and setting of Jupiter. This reading which I give is the authof's original reading. is for religious purposes; since, when Jupiter is invisi.
I take adyasi to qualify the word nakshatram under. ble, some duties and ceremonies, such as investiture
stood. And Varihinihira calls the Rakshatra in queswith the sacred thread, marriage, pilgrimages, &c., are
tion the first," because his opinion was, I think, that not to be performod; and the dates in question are
Dhanishtha was the first nakshatra of the Sixty-Year necessary, in order to know when he is visible, and when Cycle. as it was of the Five-Year Cycle of the Vedang he onses to be so. In Panchange printed in Maha- Jyautisha see its versorarákraméte 81m-Arkau rashtra, the custom of naming the survatsaras after the yadd sukasi sa Vása syit tad-di-yugals Moghal, inonths is not in use; in fact, the Twelve-Year Cycle is
"When the moon and the sun, being in the nakshatra) now almost unknown to the people at large of the Dek. VÁsava (Dhanishthå), go together in the heavens, then kan. But in a Parching prepared by JwAlapati Sid- there is the beginning of the Yuga (und of the inonth) dhanti, and printed in the Jñanasůryodaya Press at Migha" which two he intends to reconcile [Kern Madras, I find that the author, in the saivatsara-phala, would seem to have known only the reading adyam after giving the two salvatsaras of the Sixty-Year
Dhanishth-anissar.. His translation, Jour. R. 18. Soc. Cycle. Recording to the northern and the sonthern N. S. Vol. V. p. 49 f.), which follows also the reading of reckoning, goes on to say-arvatra Gur-idaya-taiat pravartate for praradyat, is when Jupiter, on reach. (Chaftr)-abdo grdhyah,"all over (India) & (certain) ing the first quarter of Dhanishtha, rises in the lunar year (1.e. Buch sath vatsaras As Chaitra, &c.), which
inonth of Magha, then begins the first year of the cycle depends on the rising of Jupiter is to be taken," from. of sixty, named Prabhava, a year salutary to all beings." which it is evident that some such rising system ay that And he adds the note" . Davis, Asiatic Researches, described above is followed in this Panchang from Mad- Vol. III. p. 220. The word alla aluo means 'degree,' ras. Also, in the Chand 1-Panchang, prepared for the but is hore rendered by quarter, according to Utpala, meridian of Jodhpur in MarwM, and used there and by who explains it by půda."-J. F. F.

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mihira's assertion, though not quite correct, is longitude. Or, it may also be said, as the nearly so by the heliacal-rising system. Out difference between the mean and the apparent of the thirty occasions, Jupiter rose, accordinglongitudes of Jupiter, on the day of his heliato the Amánta southern arrangement of the cal rising, is not very much, --sometimes about fortnights," twenty-six times in the month of five degrees and sometimes nearly nil, as I MAgha; three times early in Phålguna; and have found from several calculations,-Varaonce in Pausha, nearly at the end of it. Andhamihira gives the simple rule for rough on many occasions he rose in the Danishthâ practical purposes only; leaving it to the nakshatra; and on some, in Sravana. The astronomer to make more detailed calculations, assertion, however, is not correct for the mean. when absolute accuracy is required. But, even sign system. According to that system, at the sapposing that the said verse of Varábamihira commencement of the Prabhava sarmvatsara, | implies the mean-sign system, it will only which always begins when Jupiter, by his mean prove that he gives both systems. longitude, enters Kumbha or Aquarius, he Let us now turn to the more modern evidently always stands in the middle of period. Of the authorities quoted above in Dhanishtha." But the Prabhava savatsara support of the heliacal-rising system, the may begin, and as a matter of fact I find by Muhirta-Tattva and the Jyotishadarpana are calculation that it has begun, in any of the comparatively modern. The author of the first twelve months, as will be shewn when I treat
is the father of the well-known Ganesa Daivajia, of the Sixty-Year Cycle. It is evident, there the author of the Grahalaghava; and, fore, that the verse in question supports the therefore, its date is about Saka-Samvat 1420 heliacal-rising system. Moreover, the word expired (A.D. 1498-99); and it was written udaya itself is used in it. It might be argued at Nandgaum on the western coast, about that Varahamihira's rule (Brihat-Sanhita, viii. forty-five miles south of Bombay. The date of 22; êk-aikam abdeshu nav-hatêshu, &c.) for the second, as I have determined from certain finding the nakshatra of Japiter, has reference data in it, is Saka-Samvat 1479 expired (A.D. to his mean longitude; and, consequently, that 1557-58); and it was written at Kondapalli, it gives the mean-sign system. But it is absurd somewhere in the Karnataka country. And, to suppose that so learned an astronomer as he, in addition to these two, a third reference to stating the role that a saivatsara is to be the heliacal-rising system has been given in named from the nakshatra in which Jupiter note 5 above, from Ranganatha's commentary rises, did not know that the nakshatra, at the on the Súrya-Siddhanta. The date of this time of his rising, can be determined only from commentary is Saka-Samvat 1525 expired his apparent longitude. The reason why he (A.D. 1603-1604); and it was written at yives a rule for finding the mean longitude only Benares. These details suffice to shew that is, in my opinion, this:-Anyone conversant the heliacal-rising system is referred to in with Hindu mathematical astronomy, knows works of a modern period, and belonging to how tedions a task it is to find the mean longi- different parts of the country. tude of a planet from the ahargana, or number It is true that the use of the Twelve-Year of elapsed days, counted from the beginning of Cycle is rare. This is shewn by the fact the Kalpa or of a Yuga. But, when once it that some astronomical works do not refer to has been found, it is much less tedious to cal it in either system, though it would not have culate, from it, the apparent longitude by the been beyond their sphere to do so; and by the general roles. So, Vardhamihira, I think, gives fact that, out of many hundreds of inscriptions, a simple rule for finding the mean longitude only seven have been found, mentioning the of Jupiter on a given day, and leaves to the samvatsaras of it. But, if the use of the astronomers the calculation of the apparent heliacal-rising system is rare, the use of the
1. I have followed the Amanta arrangement here, as Parva-Bhadrapads. also in Table III. on page G above, because it is always 1. 10 víz. the five records of the Mahardjas Hastin and this arrangement that is actually taken in astronomical Saunkshobha, belonging to the Early Gupta period and works for calculations,
territory; and the two grants of the Kadamba chieftain 15 The sign Kumbha commences in the middle of Mrigavarman (ante, Vol. VII. D. 36. and Vol. VI. Dhapishtha and ends at the end of the third quarter of p. 24) from the Belgaum Dietrict.

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mean-sign system is still more so. The sasivat- Looking to the present time, if the meansaras mentioned in the four records of the sign system is used in one part of the country, Early Gupta period, which give fall details for the heliacal-rising system is used in another;"$ calculation, are proved to belong to the while, in others, both systems are almost, if not heliacal-rising system. And, while I have quite, unknown. The mean-sign system is been able to quote no less than eleven autho- doubtless the more convenient of the two; rities referring to that system, a distinct re- since the duration of the sauvatsara, ronghly ference to the mean-sign system is to be found three hundred and sixty-one days, approaches in only two; vis. the first Åryabhata and so near to that of the solar year; and the Brahmagupta, as quoted above. If to these omission of a sarivatsara occurs only once i we add an interpolated verse in the Siddhanta- about eighty-five years. And this point of Siromani, and also hold that Garga and Vara- convenience seems to be the reason for which hamihira give the system, even then the the system was invented by the astronomers. number comes to only five." And in about But, as both the systems are given in astronoeight of such works as would be expected to mical works, both of them must certainly refer to the system, of a date later than have been actually used. And such will A.D. 1478, which I have examined, I find always be the case, as long as those works a reference to it in none at all.
exist.
CONFUCIUS AND HIS MISSION
BY DR. EDKINS; PEKING. There is no spot in China held more sacred, resembles a deer in shape but has scales like a than the tomb of Confucius. It lies midway dragon and fleshy horns, and never appears between Peking and Shanghai, and is about but as & portent of some great event. 400 miles distant from each of these cities. At six years of age Confucius shewed The lineal descendant of Confucius resides here, great fondness for imitating ancient cereand attends to the sacrifices and to the careful
monies, and persuaded his companions, instead preservation of the various antiques which of any rougher play, to join him in mimicking are here deposited. The country is flat, but observances connected with worship and with sixteen miles away is a small hill called Ni-shan. funeral rites. He went to school at seven In the year 552 B.C. the wife of a provincial years of age, and his schoolmaster's name is scholar, respectable in station, might have been recorded as Ping-chung, who was a magistrate seen approaching this hill to worship. She
acting at Tung-ngo, a place still in existence, offered a prayer to the spirit of the hill and and its name preserved on the map of the proreturned. She was dressed in a somewhat vince of Shan-tung. In pictures, the master rough-looking grey silk robe. The sleeves sits under a tree, and a few scholars, the school were deep and full, covering her hands. The companions of Confucius, are seated on stools left portion of the robe was made full enough irregularly placed near to the master's table. to cross under the neck over the right portion At the age of seventeen Confucius accepted of the robe and was held in its position by a a post which required him to be in charge of girdle tied in front. The feet were completely the market-bargaining with the people. He in covered. The next year a son was born to this spected articles and prices of goods brought to lady, and his parents gave him the name Kieu, market, and decided upon the correctness of or hillock,' in remembrance of the prayer. weights and measures. He married the daughTwo days before his birth, it is said, a beauti
ter of his superior in office in his nineteenth year. ful unicorn was seen near to the house called Wben his eldest son was born, the ruler of the the chi-lin. This creature being seen is an Loo kingdom, under whose jurisdiction he had omen that a sage is about to be born. He
been acting as an officer of markets, sent him
A verse containing reference to the system is given as belonging to Sripati in Pandit Bapu Dova Shastri's edition of the Siddhanta-siromani, p. i3, note;
but I do not find it in the Ratnamall of Sripati.
" See noto 19 above.

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[NOVEMBER, 1888.
as a present a carp, and Confucius therefore above justice. When statesmen use this lannamed his son Li, that being the Chinese word guage they mean that they prefer to hold for "carp.' Native artists represent the sage firmly to Confucianism, but it is not unjust to as standing at his door with folded hands, pre- say that the real cause of their want of willingpared to receive the platter of fish from the ness to inaugurate improvements is that they servant who accompanied the official messen- possess too much indolence, timidity, and narger of the prince.
rowness of view, to allow of their making any Confucius, while still young, was a diligent decided progress, willingly at least. inquirer into ceremonies, and it is mentioned Confucius went on a visit to the Chow counthat he visited the ancestral temple of the try, the imperial domain. He is usually resovereign of Loo to enquire into the details of presented as travelling in a carriage drawn by worship. The harp, the bell, and the musical two horses, the gift of his sovereign. He stone, the vases in which the offerings were would proceed westward for ten or twelve days placed, and the other implements used in sa- to reach the old capital of the Chow emperors. erificing, were all in turn the subjects of his He there saw the founder of Tanism, known questionings. The intense interest shewn by as Lau-tan. In the modern engraving conhim in ceremonies was one of the reasons why tained in the hundred pictures of the life of he attained, while comparatively young, the Confucias above referred to, Lan-tan is an old reputation of a sage. In one of a hundred gentleman, sitting at a table on which a harp scenes engraved in China to accompany bio- lies. This he plays. He has a high forehead graphical noticer of Confucius, may be seen deeply marked with the lines of age. Confuthe master seated at a table with his pupils cius is 51 years old, grave, intelligent and around him. Two new disciples are just polite. He asks information as to the cereentering. They are grave men coming to monies of the Court. Lan-tan, being an officer consult the sage. They do so because they of many years' standing, is well able to answer have been recommended by their instructor,his enquiries. On parting he said to his just deceased, to rely in future on the aid visitor,--"Not being rich, I have no valuable of Confucius in their studies. In the Great things to present to you. The good man, when Instruction, 'the first among the Four Books, parting, speaks his thoughts. It is robbery for there is a sentence which has become very me to claim to be good, but I speak my popular—"Let justice be your profit." In a thoughts; and this I say, that with intelligence kingdom, gain is not to be considered as gain. you distinguish deeply and are bold to advise Its gain will be found in justice. That is, the even if death be near. Your views are aim of men must be to do justly and to regard broad; and even when dangerous to yourself this as prosperity. These were, it is said, the you will expose men's crimes. As a son, you words of a forefather of the dying statesman, regard yourself as entirely belonging to your who recommended his pupils to follow the father and mother; as a subject, as entirely teaching of Confacius. With him they would belonging to your prince." This interview is be morally safe. This sentence from the mentioned in the life of Confucius, writien Great Instruction-"Gain will be found in about 100 B.C. by Ss-ma-tsien. In the extant justice"-is a great favourite, and is frequently sculpture of this visit made about the year seen written on the doors of tradespeople in China A.D. 180, Lau-tan stands leaning on a staff. in interchange with such sentences as "Those Confucius presents him with a bird as a gift, who are loyal and filial will long maintain and another bird flying near is added as an their family prosperity." At the present time ornament. Both the sages wear a flat-crowned the same sentence is often quoted by the hat with turned-up brim. There are no characChinese in defence of their conservative policy. teristic features, nor any attempt to express Tf they are advised to adopt railways and the the greatness of the two sagas. The merit of foreign method of working wines, in order to the sculptured group is that of representing increase the material prosperity of their coun the customs of the time. The costumes, the try, they reply that this would be to invert usages, the stamp of Chinese antiquity are the teaching of the sages by putting gain there. In the artist's mind the two sages are

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Portrait of Confucius.
Scenes in the life of Confucius.

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grandees of the Cheu dynasty and nothing more. In the hundred pictures the conception of the Sung dynasty appears, and here the accessories are in keeping. Art was then improved. The philosophy of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, had followed the poetry of the seventh, eighth and ninth. Together they had completed the ideal of antiquity. Men such as Confucius and Lau-tan obtained a conventional treatment in accordance with their historical importance. Here lies the difference between the Confucius of the Han dynasty artist, and that of the Sung dynasty.
Another of the hundred pictures represents Confucius as enquiring respecting ancient music from an officer of the Chow kingdom, named Chang-bung. Confucius is on the right, as guest. Behind the host is a table on which are placed a musical stone and a bell. To the right of Confucius is a boy with a harp. Near to him two pupils of Chang-hung are placed by the artist to fill the picture on that side. They are listening to the conversation. Another pupil adjusts the musical stone. The remainder are variously occupied on the left with a harp or a book. The conversation convinces Changhung that Confucius is a sage of the highest rank. He mentions his opinion to a friend, and remarks that the ancient kings were in manner complaisant and obliging. "They sought knowledge from every source and carefully retained it. They searched into the nature of things without ever resting. Is not Confucius a sage of the same rank as they ?" To this his friend replied, "The good usages of the ancient sages were sunk into disrepute. The ceremonial and the music of Yau and Shun were in a state of decay. The aim of Confucius was to restore them." Confucius heard this and said, "I am not a sage. I dare not take to myself this honour. I am only one who is fond of ceremonies and music." In the Chow dynasty the chief musician was also the chief educator. It was, therefore, natural that Confacius should attribute to music a first-class importance. When he heard performed the ancient music of the emperor Shun, it is said that he was deeply affected. For three days afterwards he could not distinguish the special flavour of animal food. The fact is that the traditions which had reached China, of the rule of wise kings of antiquity, were pervaded by
319
the notion of the mild force of example and the power attendant on a good and pure life. The ancient kings renovated their contemporaries by music as well as by moral teaching, and their high character as regenerators of society is understood to spring from the possession of a mild harmonizing genius of which the musical faculty was the outward sign. The ancient idea of a model government is, with the Chinese, neither commercial nor military, but moral. The ideal Governor is a civilizer, who wins the hearts of the nation by justice and benevolence.
After serving the State as Chief Minister until he was 57 years of age, Confucius retired, and occupied himself with editing the classics. In the ancient poetry he found the glorious example of Wen-wang carefully elaborated. The body of words were combined in this ideal with high moral wisdom. Such a man might be a model for prince and people. So also were Yau and Shun, Yu and Tang, examples of the highest class as men, as kings and as sages. Confucius felt his mission to be the preservation of the words, works, and historical significance of these men, for the benefit of posterity. His eye rested on the past. He was by temperament conservative. He felt a supreme dislike for bad moral conduct, for tyranny, for crime and all breaking away from good tradition. With this in his mind he undertook to edit the classics. His official life and his travels had prepared him for this. He had good opportunities, and he did what he could with the documents he was able to consult.
When Confucius undertook to edit the
classics, with the purpose of perpetuating the good example and teaching of the great men of antiquity, he found that there were five subjects to be treated. These were history, poetry, ceremonies, music and divination. The history he had to preserve was the royal chronicle of the time of Yau and Shun, 2356 to 2205 B.C.; the chronicle of the Hia dynasty, 2205 to 1766 B.C.; that of the Shang dynasty, 1766 to 1122 R.C.; and that of the Chow dynasty, 1122 B.C. to his own times. The poetry he found in existence was partly royal, or official, and partly popular. So far as it was official, it was written by official poets, for use on occasions of sacrifices, banquets, marriages and

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other state occasions. Chow-kung wrote a part possessing their authority. On the other of the local songs, and the other portions of side, it should be said, that there are many these songs were made official by their recep- good moral statemente in this old book. As a tion into the royal collection. Whether Con- picture of what the Chinese thought in the fucius rejected some or not, is a debated twelfth century before Christ it is indeed inquestion. Yuen-mei says no. Chau-yi saye valuable. he rejected more than 200. Both of these This book and the others constitute the learned scholars belonged to the last century. Bible of the Chinese. The great credit of Legge thinks Confucius did nothing to the Confucius amongst his countrymen is based on book. But, however that may be, it has many bis repute as an Ezra in fixing the canon, sweet pictures of early manners. It has high besides being generally their chief guide in praise for sages and for the virtuous. It education, statesmanship and morality. If we sings of battles, of the harvest field, of the take this book which comes down or dates hunt, the banquet, and the sacrifice. It from the age of Eli and Samuel of Hebrew boasts of no epic grandeur, but it has idyllic history, and turn over its leaves,-a book, let it scenes, which please a refined taste in love with be remembered, which 200,000,000 of our felthe primitive and the antique. Confucius also low men regard as their most sacred treatise, discoursed on the importance of ceremonial what do we find? Let it be the forty-eighth observances for the king, the officer and the oracle. It is the oracle of the well. Under the private man. There are three classical works figure of a well the words are,-"When you on ceremonies. They describe in detail the change a city, you do not change the well. The laws, the grades and duties of office, the rules water grows no less nor does it increase. To for marriages and for funerals; in short, all those who come and those who go, the well is the ancient institutions and customs of the still the well. They draw up water. When the land. But how far Confucius had his hand rope is yet not at the top, if the bucket breaks it in them is not known. Nor can we now learn is unlucky.” In the figure itself, the idea is that what he did in preserving the ancient music. of wood going into water. The lesson drawn This, however, we know, that in one of the is the need of care in government to avoid a three classical books first mentioned there are catastrophe. Cities change, but monarchy and preserved a few notes of very ancient sacrifi- law continue to rule. Other ideas similar to cial melodies, enough to tell us that such these are drawn from the oracle. This exammusic as they then practised was slow and ple gives a very good notion of the most solemn, and consisted of four or five notes admired of the Chinese classics, of its antiquity, only. The lute, the panpipe, the bell and the and the style of comment with which for 3000 musical stone, were the favourite instruments. years the Chinese have been accustomed to disDancing accompanied the music, and this was course upon it. A good portion of this ancient also slow and solemn. The object of both was manual of divination is even older than 3000 to inspire all persons with reverential feelings years. It is, therefore, very full of interest, suitable to & religious service. Confucius since there is no country, except the land dishad to decide on all these things, and, lastly tinguished by the Christian revelation, which to edit the Book of Divination. When he has retained a literature fortified by historical grew old, he made this his chief study. It was and chronological data uninterrupted during supposed to contain the most profound results the flight of so many ages. This was the kind of the teaching of the sages. In it also there of book that Confucius studied when he was was much of a frivolous nature. This, how- advanced in age. Perhaps he admired in it ever, he allowed to remain. To tell for not so much its oracular ambiguity as the tanes by straws, is not a very dignified occu- clear moral sentences and a certain breadth of pation. Yet the sages of China had to view which the reader meets with here and countenance it, and to read with respect a there when the authors are throwing glances mraltitude of recorded instances of divina at the outer universe. A philosophy of nature tion, because they were enshrined in a here comes upon the scene which was destined book belonging to the ancient sages and to exert an immense influence and to have a

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Scenes in the life of Confucius.
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long career. It aims to reduce all existence of various Tauist gods, and at last it occurred into groups, to embrace nature, in all her to them to make use of images in the temples aspects, in one comprehensive whole, and of Confucius. At the time of the invention of to bring the universe, by means of steady printing, the art of wood-engraving became and profound thought, under the control of the common, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. sage. It was in this field of thought that Con- In memoirs of Confucius, and in books confucius loved to expatiate when he was in the taining an account of his temple and tomb in maturity of his powers. With it harmonized, his native city, it became a common thing to not unsuccessfully, the philosophy of the Chung- introduce a portrait of the sage. This was yung, that is of the Invariable Mean, a book ideal rather than real; and it represents what published by his grandson, which contained the Chinese of the middle ages thought Conin it the philosophical principles held by fucius ought to have been in feature and in Confucius.
dress. The portrait of Confucius here given,- In the last scene the sage is standing before from a drawing (taken from Chinese wood- & tombstone, pencil in hand, inscribing the cuts) by a lady friend of the writer, is not name of an ambassador from the Woo country, of the Han dynasty tradition, but that of the who was buried there, and whom Confucius Sung dynasty, the result of later criticisms. praised for his economy in the expenses of his When Buddhism led the Chinese to be in love own funeral and for his acquaintance with the with idolatry, they made pictures and images mysteries of philosophy.
MISCELLANEA. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
Chapter V.
of Christian anchorites. No. X.
VI. do. of Muhammadan kings Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
and wise men. Gesellschaft (Journal of the German Oriental
of doctors and the Society.)
learned. (a) Vol. XL. Part III. (1886) :
VIII. do. of Arabian ascetics and Professor David Kaufmann opens the part
reverends. with an article on Ibn Saruk's Hebrew Dic
IX. Anecdotes of physicians, and of tionary, Menachem. He urges the necessity of
what is connected with them. critical editions of Hebrew works of the middle
X. Selected Fables concerning the ages. He takes the Menachem as his text, and shows
speech of irrational animals. the great differences between the printed text of
XI. Anecdotes concerning those who Filipowski (London, 1854) and the available MSS.
interpret dreams and deal in magic. The article is a purely critical one and cannot
XII. Anecdotes concerning rich and be summarized.
magnanimous and generous men. Signor L. Morales follows with an interesting
XIII. Anecdotes concerning covetous paper on the book of the Entertaining Stories
and avaricious men. of Bar Hebräus. The MS. containing this, forms
XIV. Anecdotes concerning men of busi. a portion of the Syriac Codex No. 173 of the
ness. Vatican Library, which was written in the year
XV. Merry anecdotes concerning mimes 1333 A.D. The collection contains about 700 sayings
and players. and anecdotes, some of which Bernstein has
XVI. Anecdotes concerning boorish and published in his Chrestomathia Syriaca. The work
stupid men. is divided into the following chapters; from each
XVII. Anecdotes concerning fools and of which the author gives extracts (text, translation
madmen. and vocabulary).
... XVIII. Anecdotes concerning thieves and Chapter I. Useful sayings of Greek Philoso
robbers. phers.
XIX. Wonderful anecdotes and adven. II. Useful sayings of Persian wise men.
tures. ... III. do. of Indian do.
XX. Physiognomical signs mentioned , IV. do. of Jewish do.
by the wise.

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To Indian readers the third chapter will Book of the Chrie, by Moses of Choren. The naturally be the most interesting, and the rhetoric of this author, written in the tenth following extracts are therefore taken from it :- century, consists of ten books and an appendix.
(Leaf 90.) "It is said that when any one dies Each book is devoted to a distinct rhetorical artiin the house of an Indian his friends arm them. fice, and commences with a definition, followed by Belves, go before his door, and say, 'Show us him | a number of examples of the artifice dealt with. who hath slain thy beloved, that we may slay The titles of each book are given in Armeniar; him.' If reply is made, The unconquerable invisi- the following are the Greek translations :ble is his murderer,' they say, "Grieve not all too
1. Tepi xpeias. much over something against whose power
2. epi youns. neither thou nor we can fight. In this manner
3. Tepi ávao kevñs. console they the mourners."
4. Öpos Xouvoù tómov. "One of them (the Indians) said, "The wound
5.opos explov. of the spear healeth quickly, but wounding by the
6. Tepi úyou. word is unhealable.'
7. õpos ovexploeas. "Another said, "The appetites of this world are
8. õpos nomouias. like the water of the sea, no matter how much a
9. opos ex paréws. man may drink thereof, his thirst remaineth
10. pos Oérews. ever as great.'
The work is an imitation of the Progymnasmata "Another said, “Wine hath four properties
of Aphthonius, or of Theon, or of both. The which it giveth to those who drink it. First,
gubjects of the origin and contents of the work it hath the property of the peacock, i.e.
are dealt with at considerable length. his (the drinker's) colours and motions become
Dr. M. Heidenheim contributes a controversial beautiful; 'then the property of the ape, for he
article on a new edition of the text of I. beginneth to joke with everyone; then the
Samuel. property of the lion, for he trusteth in his strength
Dr. Adolf Fr. Stenzler gives an interesting and becometh proud; and lastly, the property note on the RTG which is mentioned in the of the pig, inasmuch as he maketh himself in. 13th book of the Raghuvamsa, in the Kathd-Sarit. ordinately drunk, walloweth in the mire and Sdgara, and in the Panchatantra. Mallinátha's finally speweth out filth.'
commentary on the first passage is quite unsatis. Leaf 91) "Another was asked, "What does a factory, but Dinakara's supplies the needful woman without a man resemble and he answered, explanation. He says THT Teurgi F y 'A river without water.
निधाय स्त्रीपुंसी यत्र ब्रह्मचर्वण शयाते तदसिधाराव्रतम्, One more example, taken from the tenth chapter if a woman and a man on one and the same bed of this old Syriac collection of folk-lore, may be place a sword between themselves, and so remain in given on account of its close connexion with a chastity, it is called the vow of the sword.blade.' well-known Indian fable :
This is borne out by the Old German custom (Leaf 115) "The wolf, the fox, and the lion mentioned by Jacob Grimm in luis Deutsche joined in partnership, and caught in their hunt. Rechtsalterthümer, p. 168 ; - It was an ancient ing a goat, a doe and a hare. Then said the custom, if a man slept by a woman, whom he did lion to the wolf, Divide them amongst us.' not wish to touch, for him to place a sword between The wolf said. The goat for thee, the doe for me, them, and to lay himself down. He then quotes and the hare for the fox.' When the lion heard numerous examples. K. Weinhold (Die deutschen this he waxed wroth and sprang on the wolf and Frauen, I. 348; II. 9) relates a similar custom. killed him. Then said he to the fox, 'Do thou divide Dr. Stenzler concludes, 'It would not be too them.' Replied the fox, The goat for your rash to conclude from the above coincidence, that breakfast, the bare for your dinner, and the kid this custom, like many others, has been preserved for your supper.' Then said the lion to him, from the most ancient times in various branches • From whom didst thou learn this fair division of the Indo-Germanio stem. That Mallinatha The fox replied, From the wolf, your Majesty, does not appear to have known more about it, can who lieth before thee.'”
be explained by the custom having disappeared in Dr. Adolf Baumgartner follows with a paper his country in the far south, and being no longer on the Armenian work on Rhetoric, entitled the there remembered."
In a nutsequent note (p. 771 of the name volume) Dr. Stenzler mentions that it has been brought to his totice that this expression has been previously dealt
with by Professor Weber in his treatise Ueber eine Episode des Jaimini, Bharata. The vow is there called the asipattravratam.-{I may note that tho sane custom

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323
A short note by Professor O. Böhtlingk suggests Bradke's important essays on Ancient Indian a textual emendation to Vasishtha I. 22; and in Religion- and Language-History. The proconnexion with id. II. 33, quotes some curious fessor takes as his text the German word garten instances of false etymology.
*& garden,' which he identifies with the Dr. G. Bühler contributes a reply to a former Sanskrit griha, 'a house,' through the Gothic article of Dr. Böhtlingk's on Apastamba. The gards'a house,' instead of connecting it with the paper principally deals with questions of textual Greek xopros and the Latin hortus as has been done criticism.
by Kluge in his Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Dr. Emet Kuhnert gives us an interesting deutschen Sprache. This derivation necessitates paper on Midas in Legend and in Art. He exa- the reference of griha to an older form gridha, mines the Midas myth from its earliest form to instead of deriving it from the root grah or its latest development, and concludes that it is grabh. a mixture of the ancient Silenus myth with From this he leads on naturally to his next reminiscences of an actual powerful king of (fourth) essay :-On Sanskrit h, equivalent to Phrygia named Midas. He then traces the Indo-Germanic dh, bh, and the place of the various known specimens of ancient art represent. Vedio language amongst the Indo-Aryan Diaing episodes in the legend.
lects. The author endeavours to formulate the The number concludes with a notice by Signor rule according to which a Sanskrit h is to be reIgn. Guidi of a short Syriac life of the Patriarch
ferred to an original (Indo-Germanic) dh or bh. He Sabhrisho (596-604 A.D.). The text is given in first gives all the instances with which he is full. The MS. from which it is taken is Cod. acquainted in which this is certainly the case. I Vatic. Syriac. 183, fol. 367. a 2.
give them here in an extremely condensed form :(6). Vol. XL. Part IV. (1886).
(1) The suffix of the 1st pers. plu. med.-máhé The number commences with the historico-heroic -muhi.; Greek -uela. poem of Ibn Al Mu'tazz entitled Mu'tasid as (2) The suffix of the 2 sg. imperat. act. hi or Prince and Rogent. The text with full commen- dhi; Greek -. tary and translation into German is given by Dr. (3) hita from dha, beside -dhita (-dhiti) as Lang. The text is founded on the MS. of the Bibl. second member of a compound (sudhita, &c). Cf. Nat. at Paris, No. 1439, written in the year 1007 on the other hand ahita, purðhita, &c. A.H. The poem sings of Aba'l 'Abbas bin Al.! (4) ro'hita, 'red,' beside rudhira : Gr. dov@pos. Muwaffaq from his first appearance (266 A. H.), (5) ruh, róhati, to mount,' to increase'rudh; to his death (289A.H.). The entire text, and a portion | ro'dhati; Zend, rud, raodhenti, 'to increase.' of the commentary and translation, are here given. (6) griha = Gothic garde.
Dr. M. Klamroth continues his interesting (7) grah, grih = grabh, gribh; Zend garew. paper on the Greek physicians mentioned by (8) kakuhá (RV), beside kakubh (RV), kakubha Al Ya'qubi.
(VS); Gothic haubip (P) Dr. Philippi next deals with the pronunciation In only two of the above instances (Nos. 1 and of the Somitic letters usually represented in the
epresented in the 6) do both forms not occur in the oldest Indian Roman character by w and y, and in the Arabic language. Dr. von Bradke finally comes to the character by , ands. After a minute compari- conclusion that from the above examples, or from son of the use of these letters in a number of those cases in which a Sanskrit dh or bh appears Semitic languages, the author comes to the con without a corresponding h, it is impossible to forclusion that we may assume that originally they mulate any rule depending either upon accent or were only spoken as consonantal vowels and position. He next considers the following pairs like other consonants were written, and that of Sansksit forms, which are most probably of also " or i in the so-called diphthongs an Indo-Germanic origin :and ai were represented by these letters, but (1) vah-vadh, cf. vadhu (vadhi: vadh : wor: that when these diphthongs were contracted to vehere). 8 or é respectively, the consonantal u or i could (2) hvar, luru--dhvar, dhru, cf. druh. be omitted, as has happened in Phoenician ; while (3) har-bhar (cf. also dhar). in Hebrow they have remained as signs for the (4) sparh (sprihayati RV) beside spardh (spar. long sonant vowels û and
dhata). To Anglo-Indians, the most important paper in (5) nah-nadh. this number is a continuation of Dr. P. von (6) harsh-bharsh in bhrishti. is familiar to the students of popular folklore in Bihår. down beside him in the bed. But he places a sword Bijai Mall's sister-in-law, in the well-known folk song between her and himself, and calls her his sister and his Song of Bini Mall, J. A. 8. B. Part I., special number, mother, in token of his refusal of her advances. See Rep. 1894. P. 140), attempts to seduce him, and lays herself Arch. Suru. Ind. Vol. VIII. p. 119.-G. A. GI.

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(7) har, hrinité-bhar, bhrinkti.
people had not yet arrived at that stage when, (8) har, haryati--dhar.
owing to worship of ancestors, every word and (9) gul-gidha, gadhri, aghukshat, jugukshatas syllable of half-understood songs was con(RV): Zend. guz; Indo-Ger. ghugh or gugh. sidered a holy thing in itself. That stage was not
These also refuse to lend themselves to any reached till the holy tradition began to be uningeneral rule, and the author concludes that we telligible and it was no longer possible to compose inust also give up this attempt to explain by any other hymne like those handed down, or even to sound law the peculiar Indian forms with h alter those which were already possessed. Then beside old an,bh.
only was it that the necessity of fixing the If we venture on a further investigation, the forms of the words and of sounds, became appar. point arises whether these double forms may not ent, and that every letter was endowed with be explained by the influence of other Indo. sanctity. Till then the oldest songs must have Aryan dialects. He therefore proposes to him. been handed down by word of mouth from genera. self the three following questions :
tion to generation, and must have been altered (1) Do general considerations forbid the idea in the process, till they were fixed for ever by the of the influence of other Indo-Aryan dialects on Vedie collection, just as has happened in the case the language of the Vedic poems, or the idea of of Luther's German translation of the Bible, tine existence of such dialects
although this hos been, to a certain extent, pro. Do we find, with reference to the pheno. tected from the grossest class of alterations by tena which we have just been considering, clear the fact of its being printed. It is, therefore, not traces of other Indo-Aryan dialects in the Kig. the time of the beginning or of the bloom of the Vida as handed down to us? In other words, oldest Indian poetry, but that of its decline, do we find in the Rig Veda, as sporadic instances, which gives its characteristic colour to the collecstund-changes the same as, or analogous to, those
tion as handed down to us. which regularly occur in such popular Indo- In considering these changes, an important Aryun dinlects us we know, and which belong to factor is the spoken language. So long as a literamuch later time?
ture is living, it can never entirely withdraw 3 Is the change of an intervocalic dh orth to itself from that influence, and the ancient Rishis h one of the sound-tendencies, which are spe- were the less able to protect themselves therecially frequent in the later Indo-Aryan dialects P from, either in the traditional rendering of old
If, says the author, we can answer the first or in the composition of new hymns, because the question in the negative, and the second and preserving power of writing was unknown to third in the affirmative, we shall have some right them. We may assume that, besides the literary to refer the phenomena hitherto dealt with to the speech in which they sang and held mutual coninfluence of the oldest popular dialects.
verse, they also spoke the local vernacular The discussion of the answers to these questions dialect. In this way it became impossible to would well deserve complete translation, but avoid the introduction into the holy language of space forbids more than a close abridgment of dialectic variations, especially in the case of the heads of the arguments.
isolated forms, or of words of daily life, and the With regard to the point No. 1 we must first nearer the dialect was to the literary language, consider if the language of the Rig Veda is con- the more impossible it was. If a man talked to temporary with or later than the entry of the his wife about his griha, or said to his daughter Aryans into India.
thi, come, it might easily happen for him to The Hymns of the Rig Veda are no folk songe, use the same words in the correct speech; and their language is no popular dialect. They are his son would not hesitate to introduce these not in an undeveloped speech which has to gradually adopted forms into poetry. In fact the struggle at every step for adequate means of circumstance that we find comparatively modern expression. Nay, the greater number are in a forms, due to dialectic influence, in the oldest forinal shape, and the ideas, ofreu already not hymns, no more argues against either the original, are cast in a fixed poetic mould. The ancientness of the hymns or the modernness of oldest Indian poetry must have been left far be. the forms, than the finding of inodern forms in a hind, before it had arrived at this stage of pro- German Bible, printed in the present century, gress, although there are, it is true, fragments would be considered as proof against the age of in the Rig. Vida, perhaps eren whole poeins, which Luther's translation, or against the moderness of may have been handed down from antiquity. The these forms. Velie Hymns were certainly considered holy, If, therefore, we are entitled to assume that by ani sanctity was ascribed to the priests, but the the time of the collection of the hymns of the

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Rig Veda, popular dialects had developed by the in a sentence can hardly be explained by the side of the Vedic literary language, there is every samdhi rules of Classical Sanskrit. possibility that the former have influenced the (6) PAli and Prakṣit agree with Vedic Sanslatter.
krit in a whole series of sound and inflexion But are we, in fact, entitled to assume the forms,-in which they differ from Classical Sansexistence of Indo-Aryan popular dialects at 80 krit; e. g. the change in Pali of intervocalic d, dh early a period P
to !, th; the Aor. form dka= Ved. akar; the Infini. If, as it has been attempted to prove above, our tive tave beside tum ; the nom. pl. of a-stems in Rig Veda collection belongs to a late period of
dise, compared with Vedic Asus ; the Prakrit the oldest Indian lyric poetry, it must follow that Abstr. suff. ttana = Ved. -tvana. it belongs to a period long posterior to the time
If, moreover, we consider that Classical Sanskrit, when both the Aryan branches formed one peo
as the language of the learned and of literature, ple. This is borne out by other independent must have continually influenced the remaining considerations, such as the retrogression (and, in
Indian dialects, and also that in these dialects the case of Dyaus, the disappearance) of the older forms which stand specially near classical Sanskrit, divinities before the newer gods. But if we may may also be loan-words from that language, then assume that, between the separation of the Aryan
we shall be but slightly inclined to treat Classical brotherhood and the collection of the Rig Veda Sanskrit as the mother of the middle and modern hynins, a considerable period elapsed, it is à Indian languages. But does it therefore follow priori probable that during this period dialects that these languages are derived from Vedic were formed, closely related, it is true, to the
Sanskrit ? literary language, but still distinct from it. We find from the oldest literary records of the From these and other reasons, the possibility of Greeks, Germans, and so forth, that in their time the existence of popular dialects, clearly distinct the languages existed each in several dialects. from the Vedic language, before the final editing So, it is reasonable to suppose, was the case in of the Rig Veda as we have it now, must be un. India. This accounts for double forms like reservedly admitted. But only the possibility; abhis and ais, dsas and us, and the like. It is and not till clear traces of dialectic influence are difficult in many cases to separate the older proved to exist in the Rig Veda, or till we can portions of the Rig Veda from the now; for the point out in the later Indo-Aryan dialects forms of whole, as we have it, is presented to us in the Indo-Germanic origin which must necessarily be conventionally coined speech of one special period referred beyond the Rig Veda, shall we be in a of Indian lyric poetry. A great portion of the position to consider as proved, the simultaneous hymns were written already in that lyric language; existence of the Vedic language, and of other Indo.
and even such songs as were perhaps originally Aryan dialects. In that case we must look upon bung in purer dialect, have scarcely been able the former as a perfected literary language, and it fully to escape the influence of this literary is at least possible that it differed from the con- language. The language of the Rig Veda is temporary dialects not so much in its inflexions closely approached by that of the other Vedic or in its vocabulary. as in its being already in a writings. That of the more modern Vedic state of formalness and ossification."
writings gradually approaches that of Classical This brings us to the second question. Do we Sanskrit, in which the ancient literary speech of find clear traces of other Indo-Aryan dialects in India has preserved to the present day its final the Rig Veda as handed down to us'po Before answering this, it is necessary to consider gene.
hie itia necessary to consider gene. It would be no more reasonable to assume that rally the relationship which the middle and the mediaval and modern Indian dialects are modern Indian dialects bear to Classical and sprung from the Vedic literary language, than Vedic Sanskrit. The following is a brief outliae that the Grecian dialects are sprun from the of the considerations advanced by the author :- language of Homer. It would be much more
(1) Without doubt, Pali stands nearer to Vedic reasonable to search for the older stages of the than to Classical Sanskrit in many important modern Indo-Aryan dialects, in those dialect points
from which the Vedic literary language may (2) The same appears to be the fact in regard have sprung. But even such an assumption is to the middle and modern Indian dialects.
unnecessary. The probability is that the mediaval The following go to prove this :
and modern dialects are sprung from other (a) The manner in which words are dealt with ancient dialects, and that the dialecte from • The author in a subsequent communication refers to More fully given above. rof. A. Weber's Indische Studien. II., 110 ff; and 80€.

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which the Vedic Literary language was deve the more common. Other documents (Vedic as loped, or at least some of them, died out at an well as Classical Sanskrit) appear to know only early date.
náth (except perhaps in vayonddha). Pali has The author next quotes Professor E. Kuhu likewise natha, Prakrit has nddha and ndha. Here (Beiträge sur Pali-Grammatik, p. 10), in support it seems probable that the PAli and Sanskrit of the view above advanced. He then considers have preserved the older form, while the Rig.v. examples of PAli, Prakrit, and modern forms prefers a form influenced by a popular dialect. which must be referred back, not to the language Again, cf. Rig-V. árbhaga with arbhaká; V tuj, of the Rig Veda, but to the popular dialecte which tuji (RV) with tuch, toka, &c.; karta (RV, developed contemporaneously with it. Examples AV) with garta (first appearing in the Brahof this kind have been given by Kuhn, but some manas). are doubtful. But, at any rate, the PAli rukkha (4) In the old literary language, a dental beappears to go back to an Indo-Germanic by-form came a cerebral only under the influence of besides the Sanskrit vriksha. So also the Påli certain special sounds. A dental explosive besuroti, sunati, appears referable to a form bruņoti, came cerebralized through the influence of a older than the Sanskrit frinoti.
preceding original sh, ah, or . The dental It is well known that already in the Vedic nasal was also cerebralized under the influence language there are appearances which remind of a preceding t-sound. In the more modern one of Praksit. A complete and systematic dialects, the cerebralization of a dental occurs examination of these is desirable, but would under & much wider range of circumstances. exceed the bounds of the essay. He, therefore, Dental explosives are cerebralized under the inproceeds only to collect a series of Vedio forms, fluence of an t-sound also, and even without any which run contrary to the sound-tendencies, apparent reason, beyond the tendency of some as hitherto known to us, of the language of the dialects towards cerebralization. Still more proHymns, and to examine whether the forme minent is the general tendency to cerebralize the comply with the sound-tendencies of later Indo. dental nasal. This kind of cerebralization of a Aryan dialects, or at least are in accordance with dental can in the cases of certain words be pointed the general direction of these tendencies. This out in the Rig V. We find kata (Prakrit form of may enable us to answer the question now under karta), katya; nala, cf. ná? (later nala; Pâli, consideration.
nala, nart, nási, ndit, ndli, beside nada): again He begins with a few isolated forms, which kévata (Rig.V.); avata (Ath.-V.), beside avata appear to be loan-words in the Vedic language. (RV); markața (V9, TS); in all of which there
(1) In Vedic and Classical Sanskrit, & in certain is possibly a change of dental (suffix ta) to a cases becomes sh. In the later dialects the cerebral. These changes are still more frequent three sibilants of Sanskțit are treated as one,- in the later language; cf. bhan beside (RV) usually the dental. Now there are Vedic forms bhan; at beside (RV) at; nat beside nart, nrit. like ribisa, busa, brisaya. These may be consi. The conjecture is not unreasonable that the forms dered as loan-words from other Indo-Aryan in which the cerebral appears have arisen from dialects. Indeed the 8, if it represents an Aryan the influence of Indo-Aryan popular dialects. $, and perhaps also the b, may point to Iranian (5) The old literary language of India, the influence. Cf. further Rig.V. prishant, prishati, Classical as well as the Vedic Sansksit, retained, besides prisni, Greek tepkvos; Ath..V. ruéant, we know, the old r vowel in its entirety. The beside Rig-V. rusl.
remaining Indo-Aryan languages agree, on the (2) Vedio and Classical Sanskrit usually pre- contrary, in endeavouring to rid themselves of serve medial consonants, while the later Indo- it, in consequence of which the r-sound usually Aryan dialects often drop intervocalic medial entirely disappears, and another short vowel, a, i, consonants; cf. titai, 'a sieve,' praiga (Rig-V.) or u, enters into its place. We find analogous
a fore yoke,' which are probably loan-words from examples in the Rig Veda; e. g. giha beside other Indo-Aryan dialects. The former the authorgriha ; edh, 'dhate, beside ardh, ridh; 50 also connects with tak, and the latter he refers to perhaps jah, beside (jrambh)jrimbh (cf.jrimbha) *prayuga.
and (RV) hesh, to be referred to *hrish. Here (3) In the later Indian dialects there is a ten- ri is represented by d, and not by a, i, or u. The dency to change an intervocalio tenuis, and later dialects, however, sometimes have &; thus tenuis aspirata, into a media and media asp. (Pali and Pråkpit) geha, beside giha, ghara; edh respectively. Cf. Rig.V. uddhin nddhamana, occurs in PAli, beside idh, hati, iddhi, Praksit uddhita, nddhas with the rarer náth in náthita, iddhi; hesh appears in Pali and Prakpit regularly andtha. In the Ath-V. náth (ndthita, natha) is as hes. If jéh in Rig Veda is to be referred to

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*iribh, jrimbh, Prakṣit has preserved the fuller form jambh, jimbh ( = jrimbh): cf. also Pr. genh=Skr. grihndti, beside the PAli ganh-; PAli, gedha, 'greed,'desire,' Skr. gardh, griddh beside gidh, gijjhati, giddhin, 'greedy'cf. gijjha, gaddha, 'vulture': in Prakṣit venta, tálavanta beside Skr. vrinta, tálavrinta, Páli, vanta, talaventa.
The author then proceeds to discuss the condi. tions of this change of rito e, which appears to him to probably depend upon the near presence of the letter h. Moreover, the e appears to have been originally short.
He then continues, that, although some of the forms above quoted may be the subject of discussion, most of them should be accepted as loanwords into Vedic or Classical Sanskrit, taken from other Indo-Aryan dialects. There are other words also which occur in the Rig Veda, which the author enumerates, which may also be similarly explained, though without the same amount of evidence, and he finally concludes this portion of his essay by answering his second question in the affirmative.
This brings us to the third and last question, Is the change of an intervocalic dh or bh to h one of the sound-tendencies which are specially frequent in the later Indo-Aryan dialects P
In PAli dh and bh usually remain unchanged, though forms with h are not uncommon. In Prakrit the change to his much more common. In the modern dialects it is the rule. He takes the following typical cases :VEDIC SANSKRIT(1) The case endings,-bhis-,bhyas (-bhias),-bhyam
(-bhidm) added to a vocalic-stem termina.
tion. (2) The words, nabhas, ribhu, surabhi, ndihi,
sabha, ibha, ubha, abhi, idhan, vadha,
ôshadhi, adhi, adhas; adhara, adhama. (9) The suffix-bha, e.g. in rishabha, urishabha. PALI
(1) -hi, rarely-bhi. (2) nabha, surabhi, ndbhi, sabhái, ibha, ubha,
ubhaya, abhi; vadhú, osadhi, adhi, adho,
adhara, adhama. (3) usabha, vasabha. PRAKRIT
(1) -hi, hin. (2) See Hômachandra, I. 187. A., Kalpastra,
(a) naha and nabha, surabhi (hi), ndbhi, sabha, ibha, ubhas, ubkaya, abhi; (b) ahi, ahe, ahara. B., HÅla, (a)naha, surahi and surabhi, ndhi, uhaa, ahi; b) vaihú, osaha, ahi, ahara. C., Sêtubandha, (a) maha, surahi, ndhi, saha, uhaa, ahi; (6) vahu, osahi, ahi, aho, ahara.
(3) Cf. Hém. usaha, vasaha, risaha, gaddha,
gaddaha. A., usabha (ha), vasabha (ha).
B., usaha, vusaha. C., vasaha. In the forms, in which in the Rig Veda h = old dh, bh occurs, we find in Pali and Pr. regularly k. To the forms quoted above (-mahé, -mahi ;-hi beside -dhi; hita beside dhd and -dhita ; róhita beside rudhira; ruh, beside rudh, virudh ; griha, (Gothic) gards; grah-grabh; kakuha-kakubh, may now be added nah-nadh ; gák-gridha; gahana--gabhira; and (?) jéh-jrimbh. Here it is interesting to observe that in those forms in which Sansksit has preserved the old dh, bh, the mediaeval dialects often show h. Rarest again in Páli, where we have rudhira beside rohita, virudhanaka beside rúhati; but also indeed dahuti (dadhati). In Prakṣit we find gahira beside gambhfra, ruhira = Skr. rudhira After dealing with possible objections, the author concludes that at least it is not rash to affirm that the occurrence of h in the Veda for an old dh, bh, is due to the influence of contemporary in due to the inanan popular dialects. There are, however, various considerations which prevent our making any more positive statement, and these he proceeds to discuss. This portion I omit, to save space. The author can only hope that he has pointed out the direction in which the truth may be found.
This article is followed by some remarks by Professor Bühler on Dr. Böhtlingk's articles on Vasishtha. The paper deals with textual criti. cisms and with the translation of certain doubtful passages.
This is followed by a short paper by Dr. Bartholomae on the transcription of Indo-Iranian sibilants. He argues for a systematic and uniform treatment of these letters in Sanskrit and Zend transliteration.
Dr. A. Hillebrandt discusses the translation of the eighth verse in Rig Veda, X. 18. The hitherto accepted translation has been
Raise thyself, O woman, to the world of
life; Thou liest before (or by) him whose breath
hath flown : Come; "Who once clasped thine hand and wooed
thee, The wedlock of thy spouse hast thou now
accomplished.' The author says that the only possible literal translation is
Raise thyself, O woman, to the world of the
living, By a dead man liest thou here. Come hither ;

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He who hath wedded thee and wooed thee, Here bast thou obtained the wifehood of thy spouse' (i.e. thou hast become his
wife). Dr. Hillebrandt maintains that the corpse referred to is not the woman's dead husband. The verse, he considers, refers to a portion of the ritual of a human sacrifice, in which a woman lays herself down by the dead man, in order to obtain symbolic fruitfulness."
Dr. A. Ludwig contributes two short papers. The first on three passages in the Rig Veda.
(a) Rig Veda X., 38, 5, mushkayor baddhah, usually translated 'testiculis vinctus.' Dr. Ludwig shows that mushka must mean 'fist,' cf. the Hindi mushken bândhnú, 'to tie the hands behind the back.'
(6) X., 73, 9, payó góshu údadha Oshadhisha. The question is, why has ádadhá the udatta. It depends on the translation, which should be literally, 'thou gavest the milk to the cow-resembling vegetables. In order to show the isolation (rendered necessary by the metre) of adadhd from its object, payah, and also the splitting asunder of one complete expression gishu Oshadhishú, the collectors of the text furnished adadhi with an uddtta.
(c) X., 95, 1, hayê jdye manasd tishtha ghord. Why has tishtha the udutta? Similarly it is ex. plained by taking jayé as 1 sing. with manasd, and translating, "Ha! I come to recollection, stand still, O terrible one."
The second article deals with the meanings of special Vedic words. The Part next contains reviews of
(1) Friedr. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen hebraïsch-aramaïschen Wörterbuchs xum alten Testament. Review by Prof. Nöldeke.
(2) The Massorah compiled from manuscripts alphabetically and lexically arranged by Christian D. Ginsburg. Review by Dr. B. Baer.
(3) Bihür Peasant Life. Review by Dr. Piechel.
(4) Hans Schiltberger's Reisebuch. Reviewed by Dr. F. Liebrecht.
(5) Mera, Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus-Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel. Notes by Dr. Immanuel Löw.
Prof. A. Müller forwards a communication from Dr. Vollers regarding the Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts at Cairo.
Dr. Roth contributes a note on the Bibliotheca Indica, and urges the completion of the Samhita of the Black Yajur Veda, and of the Taittiriya Brahmana.
G. A. GRIERBON.
VIKRAMA DATES IN A MANUSCRIPT OF
THE MAHABHASHYA. In an excellent Manuscript of the Mahabhashya, which I obtained from Gujarat and purchased for the Government of Bombay in 1881, the copyist has recorded the days on which he finished various portions of his work, in the fol. lowing seven dates : (1).-On Fol. 70:-Samvat 1545 varshê Sravana
su. di. 10 Budhê; i.e. in the year 1545, on the 10th day of the bright half of Sravana
on Wednesday. (2).-On Fol. 58a : --Samvat 1545 varshê Bhadra.
pada-måsê kļishna-pakshe 3 tsitiyayar tithau Ravi-dinê; i.e. in the year 1545, in the month Bhadrapada, in the dark half, on the 3rd, on
the third lunar day, on Sunday. (3) ---On Fol. 80a:-Samvat 1545 varsbê Ishê
másê sité pakshê 10 dasamyar tithau Ravi. dinê; i.e. in the year 1545, in the month Isha (or Åsvina), in the bright half, on the 10th,
on the tenth lunar day, on Sunday. (4).-On Fol 107b:-Samvat 1546 varshê Kârttika
bu. di. 4 Budhê; i.e. in the year 1546, on the 4th day of the bright half of Kärttika, on
Wednesday. (5).-On Fol. 128a :-Samvat 1546 varshê Karttika
su. di. 13 Sukrê; i.e. in the year 1546, on the 13th day of the bright half of Karttika, on
Friday. (6).-On Fol. 176b:-Samvat 1546 Marga su. di.
12 Sukre; i.e. the year 1546, on the 12th of
the bright half of Margasirsha, on Friday. (7).-On Fol. 2096 :-Sarivat 1546 varshê Már.
gasirsha-måsê kşishna-pakshe 8 ashtamyåm Bhauma-dinê; i.e. in the year 1546, in the month MArgasirsha, in the dark half, on the
8th, on the eighth (lunar day), on Tuesday. The interest of these dates lies in this, that they furnish sufficient data for calculacing seven consecutive dates, given by one and the same careful writer, of which the latest date is not five months distant from the earliest; and the difficulty presented by them, and which induces me to make these dates public, is, that one of their number apparently does not work out properly, while for at least five of them the corresponding European dates may be given with absolute certainty.
A comparison of the dates (3) and (4), of which the former gives a day of the month Agvina of the year 1545, and the latter a day of the month Karttika of the following year 1546, shows at once that the years we are concerned with, are southern Vikrama years, beginning with the month Kárttika. And a comparison of the dates (6) and (7), of which the former gives a day of the bright half of the month Margasirsha, while the

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442 under the words (Rai). According to this note it appears that it is a district near Sabzwar and that a town was founded there by two bro. thers called Rai and Raj, and that when com. pleted they quarrelled as to which of them should give the place his name. Finally it was decided that the place should be called Rai after one brother and its people Raji after the other. Teheran.
S. J. A. CHURCHILL
SIR,- In page 370, Vol. II. of the Indian Antiquary (December, 1873). I find that a correspo dent, Pudma Nav Ghosal, in attempting to prove that: Calcutta is a place known from remote antiquity, and that the modern name is a corruption of "Kalikshetra," quotes the following, in a footnote, without citing his authority :
« Dakhinashar maravya yabacha Bahoola pooree Kalikshetram beejaneeyath," &c.
Will any of your numerous readers and correspondents give the full text and correct reading of the quotation, and the name of the purdya or other book from whence it is taken P
NILCAWAL BABAK. 16, Churruckdanga Street Calcutta.
latter gives a day of the dark half of the same month Margadirsha, would further prove, if such proof were at all necessary, that we have to deal with a southern year, with the regular amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights. Consi- dering that the MS. was written in Gujarft, this is only what we should expect.
Taking the years 1545 and 1546 as expired years, the corresponding European dates for (2), (3), (5), (6), and (7) are:(2). Bunday, September 13, A.D. 1489; the 3rd
tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 29 m. after
mean sunrise. (8). Sunday, October 4, A.D. 1489; the 10th tithi
of the bright half ended 6 h. 40 m. after mean
sunrise. (5). Friday, November 6, A.D. 1489; the 13th
tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 53 m. after
mean sunrise. (6). Friday, December 4, A.D. 1489; the 13th
tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 45 m. after
mean sunrise. (7). Tuesday, December 15, A.D. 1489; the 8th
tithi of the dark half ended 22 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise (and it commenced 1. h. 26 m.
before mean sunrise). As regards (4), I find that the 4th tithi of the bright half of Kárttika, of 1546 expired, ended 30 minutes before mean sunrise of Wednesday, October 28, A.D. 1489; but considering that the tithi ended so near sunrise, and that the day required would come, under ordinary circum- stances, nine days before Friday, November 6, the day of date (5), I have no doubt that, in Gujarat, Wednesday, October 28, A.D. 1489, was the 4th of the bright half of Karttika.
But I am unable to make out how the date mentioned under (1) should have fallen on a Wednesday. For in A.D. 1489, the 10th tithi of the bright hall of Sravana began 9 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, August 5th, and ended 7 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, August 6th, and the date corresponding to Sravana su. di. 10 accordingly should be Thursday, August 6th, not Wednesday, August 5th. Or can it be shown that, for any reason unknown to me, the case should have been otherwise ?
F. KIELHORN Göttingen.
MAKHZAN UL ADVIYEH. SIR-General Houtum-Schindler in his note on the Acacia ante, p. 143, mentiong the medical dictionary called Makhzan-ul-adviyoh the author of which is Mir Muhammed Husain Khań ul 'Aqilt ul-'Alavi son of Hakim Muhammad Hadi Khan ul-'Aqili ul Khorasani, residing at Shiraz. Muhammed Husain Khân, apparently, wrote the por. tion treating of simple medicamente himself. He first, in A.H. 1183 commenced the work in Arabic, but certain obstacles to its completion arising in A.H. 1185, at the request of his master, Mir Muhammed 'Aliul Husain, he began the present work in Persian. The first volume, on simples, is divided into a muqaddimeh of 14 fasls and the subject matter in alphabetical order, followed by a khátimeh containing a glossary of the technical terms. According to fasl 14 of the introduction to this volume, Mubammad Hadi Khan would appear to be the author's grandfather, and his father would appear to be Hakim Mir Muhammed HÅshim styled Mo'atamed ul-Muluk 'Alavi Khan; although it may more probably be that Muhammed Husain Khan is the son of Muhammed Hadi Khan whose father is Muhammed Hashim Khan, whose father may possibly also have been called Mu. hammed Hadi Khan. This volume has been lithographed by itself at Bombay A.H. 1273.
Muhammed Husain Khan, at the request of his master, the same Mir Muhammed 'Ali, collected the notes of his grandfather, Mir Muhammed
AN ORIGIN FOR THE BIBLICAL NAME
RHAGES. Sir-An interesting note on the origin of Rai- called Rhages in the Bible will be found in the "Burhan-e-Qate'," printed edition of Calcutta A.D. 1818, page 418, under the word ; ' (Raj) and page

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Hashim styled Mo'atamed ul. Muldk, on compound medicaments and compiled a qardbadin, called Ullás, so
we divided into a muqaddimeh subdivided into 20 fasts, and the dictionary of compound drugs in alphabetical order in twenty-eight kitdbs, or books.
The Makhnan-ul-Adviyeh and the Qardbad in, the two volumes in one, were lithographed at Teheran in 1277 A H. The Qardbddin has been twice printed in India (Calcutta P) A.H. 1248-49 and 1254-55.
S. J. A. c.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SUPERSTITION AS TO CIRCUMCISION it will at once give rise to remark. He will be told AMONGST THE MALAYS.
not to eat it lest his skin should be tough and he Among the Malays, if an uncircumcised boy is be caused extra suffering when he submits to the eating with a party of men and the gizzard of rite of circumcision. a fowl, in some dish or other, falls to his share,
W.E.M.
BOOK NOTICE.
GENERAL INDEX TO THE REPORTS OF THE ARCHEO
LOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, VOLS. I. TO XXIII. by V. A. SMITH, B.C.S. Printed by the Superin tendent of Government Printing, India, Calcutta, 1887. Royal 8vo.; pp. xviii., 216. We regret that we have not been able to notice before now Mr. V. A. Smith's most valuable addition to the Reports of the Archeological Burvey of India, in the shape of a General Index to Vols. I. to XXIII.,--the whole series of Reports issued by, or under the direction of, General Sir A. Cunningham,with a Glossary and General Table of Contents.
As remarked by the Compiler of this Index in his Preface, everyone who has had occasion to consult the Reports in question must have felt the want of a General Index, such as has now been made available. "The Reports contain a vast mass of " valuable information, but it is presented in "such an undigested form that much of it is "practically inaccessible. Each volume is cer"tainly provided with an Index, but these Indices " are, with two exceptions, extremely meagre, and " of very little service." Under these circumstances the present Index was undertaken, with Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's approval. And we find every reason for congratulating Mr. V. A. Smith on the results of his work, which will * greatly enhance the utility and value of the series of Reports.
The Index does not aim at giving a reference for every proper name mentioned in the Reports, or for every topic discussed in them. For in. stance, Mr. V. A. Smith has very wisely passed over, with but very little notice, "the crude and "unscientific speculations of General Cunning- "ham's assistanta, which waste so much space in "several volumes of the Reports," and which
ought, in fact, never to have been allowed to appear in print at all. But, excluding matter of this kind, and bearing in mind that the large number of reports to be indexed in a single volume rendered it necessary to avoid many minor entries, such as subordinate and almost unknown dynastic names which must be traced by referring to the dynasties concerned, the Index appears to render easy for the first time a reference to nearly everything in these Reports that is worth turning up. And by no means the least important feature in it, is, that, with the help of maps and gazetteers, the Compiler has remedied in almost every instance Compiler has remedied in what was a most serious and inconvenient defect in the Reports themselves, vix, the omission to give full and definite details, by reference to districts, sub-divisions, &c., as to the exact localities at which epigraphical, architectural, and other remains are to be found, if still in situ, or as to the exact places at which such remaine, and especially coins, were originally found, though, having been since removed into public and private collections, they are not now to be looked for there.
The short Glossary, at the end of the book, is intended to explain Oriental words, used in the Reports, for the benefit of readers who have not resided in India, and to whom therefore they would ordinarily be unintelligible; and, as far as it goes, it is a serviceable addition.
One of the most useful parts of the book is the General Table of Contenta, pp. vii. to sviü. which reproduces, with some additions, the Table of Contents of each separate volume, and thus showe almost as a glance where we have to look for the detailed accounts of the various places described in each Reporte.

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THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
331
THE USE OF THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER IN RECORDS OF THE EARLY GUPTA PERIOD.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. TN the determination of A.D. 319-20 as the krishna 15; and that the means of exactly
1 epoch, and A.D. 320-21 as the commence- determining the samvatsaras of this cycle are ment or first current year, of the so-called provided by the last remainder obtained from Gupta era, one of the most interesting and certain rules given by Varihamihira and important subjects of inquiry is the use of others, which in reality only shews what santhe Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter in the ratsara of the Sixty-Year Cycle of the same dates of some of the records of the Early planet according to the so-called northern Gupta period.
system, and of the Twelve-Year Cycle accordThese dates are found in the inscriptions ing to the mean-sign system, is current at the of the Parivrajaka Maharajas Hastin and
commencement of any given Saka or Kaliyuga Samkshobha, Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. year, and which does not provide for the "The Gupta Inscriptions," No. 21, page 93, determination of the samvatsaras on any other to No. 25, page 112. And the extreme value given date in the year. of the records, from the present point of view, The correct theory of the cycle, accordis due to the fact that in each instance, except ing to the requirements of the heliacal-rising in the Bhumara pillar inscription, No. 24,
system actually applied in the records now page 110, the date is directly connected with
under consideration, with the proper method an expression which shews explicitly that, at of determining each of the sarhvatsaras, has the time mentioned, the Gupta sovereignty was now been demonstrated by Mr. Sh. B. still enduring; and, consequently,--since the Dikshit, in his paper which is published at figures of the years are naturally referable to pages lff. and 312ff. above. And, by calculathe same uniform series with the years quoted tions based on the Súrya-Siddhanta, he has in the records of the Early Guptas themselves; worked out all the results required for a full and since the palæography of the inscriptions
treatment of the dates in question ; giving the is entirely in favour of such a reference,
full English and Hindu dates throughout, in which shews also that the dates are recorded order that both European and Hindu astronoin the identical era that was used by the mers may be in a position to easily check his Early Gupta kings.
results. In publishing his results, I am conIn connection specially with the epochs of
fident that no essential errors can be established A.D. 166-67 proposed by Gen. Sir A. Cun
in them; even though it should be shewn, ningham, and of A.D. 190-91 proposed by Sir
by more exhaustive calculations, that his E. Clive Bayley, the evidence derivable
vidence derivable longitudes for the heliacal risings of Jupiter from these records has hitherto been com
are capable of slight corrections. And, as pletely misapplied ; in consequence of the will be seen, his results show that, with the adoption of the view that the duration of any epoch of A.D. 319-20, with the running sarhvatsara or year of this cycle, is the same
difference of two hundred and forty-two years with that of the years of the Saka era, from
between current Gupta and current Saka Chaitra sukla 1 to the purnimanta Chaitra
years, and with the treatment of the Gupta This inscription is a joint record of the Parivr&jaka
the Kalacburi or Chedi era,should be used. For Mahdrdja Hastin, and of the Mahardja SarvanAtha of further remarks on this point, see Corp. Inser. Indic. Uchchakalpa, defining one point of the boundary be- Vol. III. Introd. p. 8 ff. tween their territories. And the understanding that,
* See, for instance, Indian Eras, p. 26 ff.-This interwhile the Parivr&jaka Maharajas were feudatories of
pretation of the rules in question loaves unutilized, and later members of the Early Gupta dynasty, the Maha.
unexplained, the first remainder, obtained from the rdjas of chohakalpa, whose territories evidently lay
division by 3750 woording to Varhamihira's rule, and more to the east and south-east, were feudatories of
by 1875 according to the rule of the Jyotishtava. In early kings of the dynasty which eventually came to be
connection with the Jyotishtava rule, however, Warren known as the Kalachuri dynasty of the Chedi country
has shown (Kala-Sankalita, p. 202) how this remainder in Central India, would explain at once why no era is
gives the means of determining the actual commencequoted in this record; the reason being that the
ment of each sarhvatsara. feudatories of the two rival dynasties could not agroo as to which of the two rival eras,-the Gupta era, and See, e.g. note 11 below.

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332
year as a northern Šaka year commencing with Chaitra sukla 1, in each instance, by the heliacal-rising system, the given samvatsara actually was current on the given
date.
That the other system of the Twelve-Year Cycle, the mean-sign system, according to which the samvatsaras are determined by the passage of Jupiter from one sign of the zodiac into another, does not apply to the dates in these records, with the epoch of A D. 319-20, is shewn by the fact, as will be seen from the details for this system given below, that it gives correct results in only two cases out of the four by which any absolute proof can be established; viz. in the case of the grant B. dated in Gupta-Samvat 163, and in the case of the grant C. dated in Gupta-Samvat 191.
For the proof that Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's and Sir E. Clive Bayley's proposed epochs cannot be supported, either by the heliacal-rising system, or by the mean-sign system, which is the one that they sought to apply in support of their theories, I must refer to the fuller treatment of these dates in Corp. Inser. Indic. Vol. III. Introduction, page 101ff. The object of the present paper is only to shew how successfully the heliacal-rising system works out for these dates with the epoch of A.D. 319-20; and that the mean-sign system does not apply.
The date in the Bhumarâ pillar inscription, E. below, furnishes no definite proof in itself, because the current Gupta year is not mentioned in it; and consequently the given samvatsara could be proved equally well for epochs differing by a year or more, on either side, from the exact epochs that are being considered. We can only test it, in so far as to see whether, under any particular circumstances, the system fails, through an omission of the given suhvatsara.
See page 210f. above..
Here, and throughout, the year is treated as a northern year. But the details of these dates do not furnish any actual proof as to the purnimanta or amânta arrangement of the lunar fortnights.
i.e. throughout his heliacal rising. But the actual calculation is for his first daily rising after his becoming capable of rising heliacally.
It must be borne in mind that the Hindu tithi is coupled with the week-day on which it ends, after sunrise; and that the Hindu week-day is reckoned, with the civil day and night, from sunrise to sunrise; but the English week-day, and the civil date coupled with it, from midnight to midnight. In comparing Hindu and English dates, the only course is to take mean sunrise and mean midnight (60a.m. and 120 p.m. respectively), and to give, as the English equivalent, that week-day, with ita civil date, which is actually running during these eighteen hours, when of course the same week-day is running in India; i.e. the week-day which is identical for the greater part by both the English and the Hindu reckonings. And, if the difference in mean time between Greenwich and Ujjain, vis. 5 hours, 2 minutes, 52 seconds (using the same longi
[DECEMBER, 1888.
A. The Khôh Grant of the year 156. The first inscription is one of the Khoh Indic. Vol. III. No. 21, page 93; in which the grants of the Maharaja Hastin, Corp. Inscr. date (line Iff.) is-shatpañchâs-ôttare-bda-satê Gupta-nripa-rajya-bhuktau Mahâ-Vaisakha
sainvatsarê Kârttika-masa-sukla-paksha-tritîya
yâm,-"in a century of years increased by the fifty-sixth (year); in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; in the MahaVaisakha samvatsara; on the third lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Kârttika,"
This gives us, for calculation, the MahaVaisakha samvatsara, as current on the third tithi or lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Karttika (October-November) in GuptaSamvat 156 current. And, on the analogy of the Verawal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 945, this should be the case in Gupta-Samvat 156 +242 Saka-Samvat 398 current; in which year the given tithi corresponds to Sunday, the 19th October, A.D. 475.
Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the accompanying Table, Col. A) that Jupiter's rising,' next before the given date, took place on Kârttika śukla 1 of the same year, Saka-Samvat 398 current, corresponding to Friday, the 17th October, A.D. 475; or, by the English calendar, on Saturday, the 18th October. His longitude then was 195° 24'. By both the systems of unequal spaces for the longitudes
tude for Ujjain, 75° 43', taken from Keith Johnston's Atlas, that is used by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit for his calculations and for the Sayana- Pañching) be taken into consideration, of course the week-days of the two places are absolutely identical, except for the space of 57 minutas 8 seconds, or 2 ghatts 228 palas, at the end of the Hindu week-day; during that time, while at Ujjain a Hindu Thursday, for instance, is still running, at Greenwich the week-day will be Friday. Owing to this there may sometimes be a nominal discrepancy in the resulting English week-day for a given tithi; but the instances will be few and far between; as very few tithis will be found to end so late after sunrise; and the discrepancy will be confined mostly to such occurrences as the rising of Jupiter.-Jupiter's daily rising, next after his becoming capable of rising heliacally, takes place about forty-four minutes before sunrise, and therefore in the period during which the Hindu and the English week-days are not identical. In the present case it took place at the time in question before sunrise on the English Saturday, the 18th October. Karttika sukla 2 did not end till after sunrise on that day. Consequently, as current tithis are not quoted, unless under certain very exceptional conditions not applicable to such occurrences as this, the tithi on which he rose was Karttika sukla 1. And this tithi, ending after sunrise on the Friday (and before sunrise on the Saturday),, has to be coupled with Friday, the 17th October, as its week-day. Hence the apparent, but not actual, difference of a day, according as we take the Hindu or the English calendar. And a similar difference runs through all the dates of the heliacal risings given below.

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El
163
191
Gupta year, otrrent... Add the difference of........ Saka year, current..........
156 242 398
249
2242
209 242 451
189 242 431
201 242 443
DECEMBER, 1888.]
405
433
The given samvatsara .... Maha-Vaisakha Maha-Asvayuja Maha-Chaitra Maha-Âśvayuja Maba-Magha
Maha-Mâgha The given date ............. Karttika sukla 8 Chaitra sukla 2 Magha krishna 3 Chaitra sukla 13 Karttika, 19th day Kårttika, 19th dayl 2 Corresponding to ............ 19th October, A.D. 7th March, A.D. 3rd January, A.D. 19th March, A.D. 13th October, A.D. 2nd October, A.D.
475 482 511 528 5.08
520 Japiter's preceding rising was! on...***.
Kårttika sukla 1 Vaisakha krishna ávina sukla 11 of Chaitra sukla 12 of Śråvaņa śukla 15 Bhadrapada suklal
of Saka 398 6 of Saka 404 Saka 433 Saka 451 of Saka 431 3 of Saka 443 corresponding to 17th October, A.D. 5th April, A.D. 29th September, 18th March, A.D. 28th July, A.D. 2nd August, A.D. 475 481 A.D. 510 528 508
520 English date ... 18th October 6th April
30th September 19th March
29th July 3rd August longitude then was 195° 24%
4° 21' 1779 47 347° 457 117° 4'
1210 30 » position was in ...... Visåk hå
Asvini Chitra Rêvati Magha
Maghâ And the samvatsara, which
aiškha Maha Asvayuja Mahâ-Chaitra Maha-Aévayuja Maha-Magh Maba-Magha Jupiter's following rising was on.....
..... Mârgasireha sukla Jyêshtha sakla 8 Mârgasiraha krish- Jyêshtha sukla 3 Åśvina krishna 13 Åśvina krishna 1
13 of Saka 399 of Saka 405 a 7 of Saka 434 of Saka 452 of Saka 432 of Saka 444 corresponding to 15th November, 12th May, A.D. 29th October, A.D. 26th April, A.D. 29th August, A D. 3rd September, A. A.D. 476 482
511 529 509
D. 521 English date .. 16th November 13th May 30th October 27th April 30th August 4th September ► longitude than was 225° 35'
40° 34' 207° 41' 24° 36'
147° 49' 1520 177 → position was in ...... Jyêshthâ Röhiņi
Visakha
Krittika Uttara-Phalgani Uttara-Phalguni And the samvatsara, which . . then began, was....... Maha-Jyêshtha Maha-Karttika Maha-Vaisakha
Maha-Phálguna Mahâ-Phålguna
Samvatsaras of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter.
THE TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
333

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[DECEMBER, 1888.
of the ending-points of the nakshatras (see by all three systems, we have almost the same page 3 above, Table II.), he was then in results in respect of the following sashvatsaras; Visakhâ; and the sannvatsara which then began the only variation is that, in the case of D., (see page 3 above, Table I.), must have been Jupiter's position, at his rising next after the named Maha-Vaisakha Jupiter's next I given date, was by the system of equal spaces following rising took place on Mârgabîrshain Bharani, and, accordingly, the sasivatsara śukla 13 of_Saka-Samvat 399, corresponding which then began, would again be named to Monday, the 15th November, A.D. 476; or, Mahf-Aśvayuja ; which shews that, by this by the English calendar, on Tuesday, the 16th system, there was a repetition of a sarhnatsara November. His longitude then was 225° 35'. at this period; but this does not affect the By the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal sariwatsara current on the given date. So far, spaces, he was then in Jy@shtha; and the therefore, as those dates are concerned, the saivatsara which then began, must have been correctness of the records might be proved by named Maha-Jyêshtha. While, by the Garga any of the three systems. The same, however, system of unequal spaces, he was then in is not the case in respect of the present record. Anuradha; and the sariwatsara which then By the system of equal spaces, Jupiter's position, began, must have again been named Maha at his rising next before the given date, was in Vaisakha; which shews that, by this system, Svâti; the sanatsara which then began would there was at this period a repetition of a be named Mahd-Chaitra; and the Maha-Vaisakha savatsara. This difference as to the following samvatsara would not begin till Jupiter's rising sasivatsara, however, does not affect the given next after the given date, when, by the same date. By both the systems of unequal spaces, system, his position was in Anuradhi. Accorwith the running difference of two hundred dingly, the system of equal spaces could be and forty-two years between current Gupta applied to the present record, only with a and current Saka years, the Maha-Vaisakha running difference of two hundred and fortysamvatsara was current on the given date. three years between current Gupta and current And the result gives Saka-Samvat 398 current Saka years, which would be in contradiction (A.D. 475-76), as the equivalent of the given with the fact that, to prove the sasivatsaras of current Gupta year.
all the remaining records, it must be applied In connection with the results for this re- with the running difference of two hundred cord, the following two points may be noted and forty-two years. It is evident, therefore, here. In the first place, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has that, in dealing with these records, the system described three systems of fixing the ending of equal spaces is not the correct one; and that points of the nakshatras; one of equal spaces; we have to apply one or other of the and two of unequal spaces. An examination systems of unequal spaces. This, however, of Jupiter's longitudes, as given in the accom- is only naturals for they are both more ancient panying Table, for each rising next before the than the system of equal spaces; and, the given dates, will shew that, in all the remain- older the system, the greater the certainty that ing instances, the current samvatsara is proved it is the one in use in the Early Gupta period. by all three systems; the only variation is that, Also, the Dêôgadh inscription of king Bhôjain the case of E1, Jupiter's position, at his dêva of ķanauj, dated Saka-Samvat 784, rising next before the given date, was, by the indicates very plainly that one or other of the system of equal spaces, in Aślêsh&; but, even systems of unequal spaces, if not both of them, then, the current sanvatsara would be named continued in use, in what had formed a part of Mah-Magha, as also by the two systems of the Early Gupta territory, down to at least the unequal spaces, So, also, it may be seen that, last half of the ninth century A.D. Of the
I have not been able to obtain the original authority prefir, however, throughout, in accordance with the for the use of the prefix mahd (mahat), great.' And it custom of the original records now under examination. does not occur in connection with the two samvatsaras | -It occurs to me, as just possible, that the use of the mentioned in the Halsi grants of the Kadamba chieftain prefir belongs specially to the heliacal-rising system: Mrigésavarman; viz. the Paushs samvatsara, in line 8 of and that the absence of it denotes the application of the the grant dated in his third year (ante, Vol. VII. p. 35), mean-sign system. and the Vaibikha samvatsara, in line 10 of the grant
20 See page 23 f. above. dated in his eighth year (ante, Vod. VI. p. 24). I use the

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THF TWELVE-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
335
two systems of unequal spaces, whether we grant of the Maharaja Hastin, Corp. Inscr. are to apply the Brahma-Siddhanta system, Indic. Vol. III. No. 22, page 100, in which the or the still more ancient Garga system, cannot date (line 1 f.) is – tri-shashty-uttarebda. at present be decided; since the only variation satê Gupta-npipa-rajya-bhuktau Mah-Asvayujabetween them is in respect of the saivatsara samvatsaré Chaitra-masa-sukla-paksha-dvitiyafollowing the samvatsara which was current on yâm, -"in a century of years, increased by the given date of the present record.
sixty-three; in the enjoyment of sovereignty The other point is, that, as the following by the Gupta kings; in the Maha-Ašvayuja samvatsara did not commence till Margasirsha sanatsara; on the second lunar day of the śukla 13 of Saka-Samvat 399, the Maha- bright fortnight of the pionth Chaitra." Vaisakha sarvatsara was still current on the This gives us, for calculation, the Mahagiven date, Karttika sukla 3, in Saka-Samvat Åsvayuja samvatsara, as current on the 399, as well as in 398, which is the real second tithi or lunar day of the bright fortequivalent for the Gupta year. So, also, it night of the month Chaitra (March-April) in will be seen that, in the case of D., the Maha- Gupta-Samvat 163 current. And, on the Åśvayuja sariwat sara was still current on the analogy of the Veråwal inscription of Valabbigiven date, Chaitra sukla 13, in Saka-Samvat Samvat 945, this should be the case in Gupta452, as well as in 451, which is the true Samvat 163 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 405 equivalent for the Gupta year of that record. corrent; in which year the given tithi corresConsequently, these two dates, A. and D., ponds to Sunday, the 7th March, A.D. 482. might be used to support a running difference Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the Table, of two hundred and forty-three years between Col. B.) that Jupiter's rising, next before the current Gupta and current Saka years, as well given date, took place on Vaisakha krishna 6 as the trae running difference of two hundred of the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 404 curand forty-two years. But, apart from the fact rent, corresponding to Sunday, the 5th April, that we have not obtained anything else to A.D. 481 ; or, by the English calendar, on support such a result, there is no such alter- Monday, the 6th April. His longitude then native in respect of B. and C.; the sarnvatsaras was 4° 21'. By both the systems of unequal of those records are proved only with the spaces," he was then in Aśvini ; and the running difference of two hundred and forty- sarivatsara which then began, must have been two years. All the four cases together, there- named Maha-Åsvayuja. Jupiter's next followfore, not only answer to, but also prove the ing rising took place on Jyêshtha sukla 8 of running difference of two hundred and Saka-Samvat 405, corresponding to Wednesday, forty-two years between ourrent Gupta the 12th May, A.D. 482; or, by the English and current Saka years.
calendar, on Thursday, the 13th May. His By the mean-sign system, the Maha longitude then was 40° 34'. By both the sysVaisakha saivatsara did not commence till tems of unequal spaces, he was then in Rohini; Vaisakha sukla 5 of Saka-Saṁvat 399 current, and the sainvatsura which then began, must corresponding to Wednesday, the 14th April, have been named Maha-Karttika. Therefore, by A.D. 476 ; and consequently it was not current both the systems of unequal spaces, with the on the given date. The samvatsara then cur- running difference of two hundred and fortyrent was Maha-Chaitra, which commenced on two years between current Gupta and current Jyêshtha krishna 13 of Saka-Samvat 398, corres- Saka years, the Mahl-Åkvayuja samvatsara ponding to Saturday, the 19th April, A.D. 475. was current on the given date. And the
result gives Saka-Samvat 405 current (A.D. B.-The Khoh Grant of the year 183.
482-83), as the equivalent of the given corrent The next inscription is the other Khoh Gupta year.
11 These calculations are not absolutely accurate : but the margin is so wide that there is no necessity for exact precision in this case. If there should be any difference at all between Jupiter's longitudes as found by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, and as capable of being determined with exact precision, it will amount only to a few minutes of arc; and the actual risings of Jupiter could
differ from what he gives, only by one or two days; with the result that Jupiter may have risen, in this instance, on Vaibakba krishna 5 or 7.
13 Also by the system of equal spaces: but see the remarks under A. above. This point need not be noted

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
In this instance, the given samvatsara was not current on the given date in either the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 404, or the following year, Saka-Samvat 406. The result, therefore, not only answers to, but also proves the running difference of two hundred and forty-two years between current Gupta and current Saka years.
By the mean-sign system, the MahaÂśvayuja samvatsara commenced on Chaitra sukla 8 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, corresponding to Tuesday, the 24th March, A.D. 481; and it was followed by Mahâ-Karttika on Chaitra śukla 15 of Saka-Samvat 405, corresponding to Saturday, the 20th March, A.D. 482. Accordingly, by this system also the MahaAsvayuja samvatsara was current on the given date.
C. The Majhgawam Grant of the year 191.
The next inscription is the Majhgawam grant of the Maharaja Hastin, Corp. Inser. Indic. Vol. III. No. 23, page 106, in which the date (line 1 f.) is êka-navaty-uttarê-bda-satê Gupta-nṛipa-rajya-bhuktau śrîmati pravardhamana-Maha-Chaitra-samvatsarê Mâgha-masabahula-paksha-tritiyâyâm,-"in a century of years increased by ninety-one; in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; in the prosperous augmenting Maha-Chaitra samvatsara; on the third lunar day of the dark fortnight of the month Magha." And at the end, in line 21, the date is repeated as-Magha di 3-" (the month) Mâgha, the (civil) day 3."
This gives us, for calculation, the MahaChaitra samvatsara, as current on the third tithi or lunar day of the dark fortnight of the month Magha (January-February) in GuptaSamvat 191 current. And, on the analogy of the Verawal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 945, this should be the case in Gupta-Samvat 191 + 242 Saka-Samvat 433 current; in which year the given date corresponds to Monday, the 3rd January, A.D. 511.
[DECEMBER, 1888.
he was then in Chitrâ; and the samvatsara which then began, must have been named Maha-Chaitra. Jupiter's next following rising took place on Margasîrsha krishna 7 of SakaSamvat 434, corresponding to Saturday, the 29th October, A.D. 511; or, by the English calendar, on Sunday, the 30th October. His longitude then was 207° 41'. By both the systems of unequal spaces, he was then in Viśâkhâ; and the samvatsara which then began, must have been named Maha-Vaisakha. Therefore, by both the systems of unequal spaces, with the running difference of two hundred and forty-two years between current Gupta and current Saka years, the MahaChaitra samvatsara was current on the given date. And the result gives Saka-Samvat 433 current (A.D. 510-11), as the equivalent of the given current Gupta year.
Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the Table, Col. C.) that Jupiter's rising, next before the given date, took place on Âśvina śukla 11 of the same year, Saka-Samvat 433, corresponding to Wednesday, the 29th September, A.D. 510; or, by the English calendar, on Thursday, the 30th September. His longitude then was 177° 47. By both the systems of unequal spaces,
In this instance, again, as in B above, the given samvatsara was not current on the given date in either the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 432, or the following year, Saka-Samvat 434. Here again, therefore, the result not only difference of two hundred and forty-two answers to, but also proves the running years between current Gupta and current Saka years.
By the mean-sign system, the MahâChaitra samvatsara commenced on Mârgasîrsha śukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 433 current, corresponding to Thursday, the 18th November, A.D. 510; and it was followed by Mahâ-Vaisâkha on Margasîrsha śukla 8 of Saka-Samvat November, A. D. 511. Accordingly, by this 434, corresponding to Monday, the 14th system also the Maha-Chaitra samvatsara was current on the given date.
D. The Khôh grant of the year 209. The next inscription is the Khôh grant of the Maharaja Samkshobha, Corp. Inser. Indic. Vol. III. No. 25, page 112, in which the date (line 1 ff.) is nav-ôttarê-bda-sata-dvayê Gupta-nṛipa-rajya bhuktau śrimati pravardhamâna-vijaya-rajyê Mah-Âśvayuja-samvatsarê
Chaitra-masa-sukla-paksha-trayôdasyâm,- "in two centuries of years increased by nine; in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; in the glorious augmenting and victorious reign; in the Maha-Âśvayuja samvatsara, on the thirteenth lunar day of the bright

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fortnight of the month Chaitra." And at the Gupta and current Saka years, as well as the end, in line 24, the date is repeated as - true running difference of two hundred and Chaitra di 20 7—"(the month) Chaitra, the forty-two years. But this possibility has been (civil) day 20 (and) 7."
disposed of in my remarks on the date of A. This gives us, for calculation, the Mahd-above. Åsvayuja samvatsara, as current on the | By the mean-sign system, the Maha-Âśvathirteenth tithi or lunar day of the bright yuja samvatsara did not commence till Äśvina fortnight of Chaitra (March-April) in Gupta- sukla 3 of Saka-Samvat 451 current, corresSamvat 209 current. And, on the analogy of ponding to Saturday, the 2nd September, the Verwal inscription of Valabhi-Samrat A.D. 528; and consequently it was not current 945, this should be the case in Gupta-Samvat on the given date. The sasivatsara then cur. 209 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 451 current; in rent was Maha-Bhadrapada, which commenced which year the given tithi corresponds to Sun- on Bhadrapada krishna Il of Saka-Samvat 450, day, the 19th March, A.D. 528.
corresponding to Tuesday, the 7th September, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the Table, Col. A.D. 527. D.) that Jupiter's rising, next before the given
E.-The Bhumara Pillar Inscription. date, took place on Chaitra sukla 12 of the same year, Saka-Samvat 451, corresponding to
The last inscription of this series is the Saturday, the 18th March, A.D. 528; or, by Bhumara pillar inscription of the Mahathe English calendar, on Sunday, the 19th
rajas Hastin and Sarvanatha, Corp. Inser. March ; i.e. at the dawn immediately before
Indic. Vol. III. No. 24, page 110; in wliich the making of the grant." His longitude then
the date (line 7 ff.) is - Mahá-Maghô samvatwas 347° 45'. By both the systems of unequal
Sare Kârttika-masa divasa 10 9,-" in the spaces, he was then in Rêvati; and the sasivat- Maha-Mâgha sarivatsara; the month Karttika; sara which then began, must have been named the (civil) day 10 (and) 9." Mahd-Abvayuja. Jupiter's next following This gives us, for calculation, the Maharising took place on Jyêshtha sokla 3 of Saka- Magha-samvatsara, as current on the nineSarvat 452, corresponding to Thursday, the teenth civil day of the month Kârttika (Octo26th April, A.D. 529; or, by the English ber-November); but the current year of the calendar, on Friday, the 27th April. His Gupta era is not given. The only guide, therelongitude then was 24° 36'. By both the fore, in determining the approximate Gupta year, systems of unequal spaces, he was then in for which the calculations should be made, is the Kțittika; and the saivatsara which then fact that this inscription shews that the Parivrabegan, must have been named Maha-Karttika. jaka Mahúrája Hastin was, at the time of this Therefore, by both the systems of unequal record, contemporaneous with the Maharaja spaces, with the running difference of two Sarvanâtha of Uchchakalpa. For the Mahárája hundred and forty-two years between current Hastin, we have the extreme recorded dates of Gupta and current Saka years, the Maha- Gupta-Samvat 156 and 191 ; while, for the Akvayuja samvatsara was current on the Mahárája Sarvanåtba, we have similarly the given date. And the result gives Saka-Sam- dates of the years 193 and 214; and for his vat 451 current (A.D. 528-29), as the equivalent father, Jayanatha, the latest date of the year of the given current Gupta year.
177, all of which may have to be referred to the As a matter of fact, the Maha-Asvayuja Gapta era. If so, the Maha-Magha smivatsaru sariwatsara was still current on the given date, in question, - on the assumption that what Chaitra sukla 13, in the following year, Saka- shonld be its regular place in the series was Samvat 452; as well as in Saka-Samvat 451, not affected by any omissions and repetitions which is the real equivalent for the given subsequent to the Maha-Vaisakha saivatsara Gupta year. Consequently, this record might which was current on Karttika sukla 3 in be used to support a running difference of two Gupta-Samvat 156,-must be found in or about hundred and forty-three years between current Gupta-Samvat 189 or 201; with a preference in
13 For this same reason, probably, the given date was mencement of a salvat sara is regarded by Hindus as specially selected for making the grant; since, the com- very suspicious occasion.

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favour of the year 189, because of the early the 3rd September, A.D. 521; or, by the Engdate of the year 156 for the Mahúrája Hastin. lish calendar, on Saturday, the 4th September.
For Gupta-Samvat 189 + 242 - Saka- His longitude then was 152° 17'. By both the Samvat 431 current, the given date, viz. the systems of unequal spaces, he was then in nineteenth day of the month Kárttika, corres- Uttara-Phalgunî; and the sasivatsara which ponds to Monday, the 13th October, A.D. 508. then began, must have been named MahaMr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the Table, Col. Phâlguna. Therefore, by both the systems of E 1) that Jupiter's rising, next before the given unequal spaces, in Gupta-Samvat 201 also, with date, took place on Srávaņa śukla 15 of the the running difference of two hundred and same year, Saka-Samvat 431, corresponding to forty-two years between current Gupta and Monday, the 28th July, A.D. 508; or, by the current Saka years, the Maha-Magha samvat. English calendar, on Tuesday, the 29th July. sara was current on the given date. And His longitude then was 117° 4'. By both the this result gives Saka-Samvat 443 current systems of unequal spaces, he was then in (A.D. 520-21), as the equivalent of the possible Magh; and the sasivatsara which then began, current Gupta year. must have been named Maha-Magha. Jupi- The results for these two years, Gupta-Samter's next following rising took place on Åsvina vat 189 and 201, answer, as is required, to the krishna 13 of Saka-Samvat 432, corresponding running difference of two hundred and fortyto Saturday, the 29th August, A.D. 509; or, two years between current Gupta and current by the English calendar, on Sunday, the 30th Saka years. But they do not, in themselves, August. His longitude then was 147° 49'. prove it; for the reason that the current By both the systems of unequal spaces, he was Gupta year itself is not mentioned in the then in Uttara-Phalguni; and the sarivatsara record. The important point is, that in neither which then began, must have been named of these two cycles was the Maha-Magha Mahi-Phalguna. Therefore, by both the systems sanhvatsara omitted. of unequal spaces, in Gupta-Samvat 189, with If the dates in the grants of the Mahardjas the running difference of two hundred and of Uchchakalpa are to be referred to the Kalaforty-two years between current Gupta and churi era," then the Mahl-Magha sa vatsara current Saka years, the Maha-Magha sam of this record will be earlier by either one or vatsara was current on the given date. two cycles than the first of the two years given And this result gives Šaka-Samvat 431 current above. Here, again, in respect of the actual (A.D. 508-509), as the equivalent of the pos- epoch no absolute proof can be derived from sible current Gupta year.
this record; and the only important point is, Again, for Gupta-Samvat 201 + 242 = to ascertain that the Mahậ-Magha sasivatsara Saka-Samvat 443 current, the given date, vis. was not omitted in either of the two cycles in the nineteenth day of the month Karttika, question. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that, in corresponds to Friday, the 2nd October, A.D. Gupta-Samvat 165 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 407 520. Here Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds (see the current, Jupiter's rising took place on Sråvaņa Table, Col. 2) that Jupiter's rising, next be- sukla 10, corresponding to Thursday, the 19th fore the given date, took place on Bhadrapada July, A.D. 484; or, by the English calendar, śukla 3 of the same year, Saka-Samvat 443, on Friday, the 20th July.' His longitude then corresponding to Sunday, the 2nd August, was 108° 19'. By both the systems of unequaj A.D. 520; or, by the English calendar, on Mon- spaces, he was then in Aslesha; and the sai. day, the 3rd August. His longitude then was vatsara which then began, and which was 121° 30'. By both the systems of unequal current through the whole month of Karttika spaces, he was then in Magha; and the sami- in the same year, must have been named vatsara which then began, must have been | Maha-Magha. Again, in Gupta-Samvat 177 named Maha-Magha. Jupiter's next follow- + 212 = Saka-Samvat 419 current, Jupiter's ing rising took place on Asvina krishna 1 of rising took place on Bhadrapada krishna 13, Saka-Samvat 444, corresponding to Friday, corresponding to Wednesday, the 24th July,
1. See note 1 above.

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A.D. 496; or, by the English calendar, on and it was current through the whole month Thursday, the 25th July. His longitude then of Karttika in Gupta-Satvat 178; being was 112° 48'. By the Brahma-Siddhanta sys- followed by Maha-Phálguna on Magha sukla tem of unequal spaces, he was then in Magb, 4 of Saka-Samvat 420, corresponding to Monand by the Garga system, in Aślêsha ; and," by day, the 12th January, A.D. 498. Again, in both systems, the samvatsara which then began, Gupta-Saṁvat 189 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 131 and which was current through the whole month current, the Maha Migha sarivatsara comof Kärttika in the same year, must have been menced on Pausha krishqa 3, corresponding to named Maha-Magha. Therefore, by both the Wednesday, the 26th November, A.D. 508; systems of unequal spaces, in Gupta-Samvat and it was current through the whole month 165 and 177 also, with the running difference of Kirttika in Gupta-Samvat 190; being fol. of two hundred and forty-two years between lowed by Maha Phalguna on Pausha krishna current Gupta and current Saka years, the 9 of Saka-Samvat 432, corresponding to SunMaha-Magha samvatsara was current on day, the 22nd November, A.D. 509. And thus the given date, and was not omitted. And by this system also, in Gupta-Samvat 166, these results give either Saka-Samvat 407 178, and 190, the Mahl-Magha samvatsara current (A.D. 484-85) or 419 current (A.D. was current on the given date. But this 496-97), as the equivalent of the possible current was not the case in the next cycle. In GuptaGupta year.
Samvat 201 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 443 By the mean-sign system, in Gupta-Sainvat current, the Maha-Magha sanoatsara com166 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 408 current, the menced on Karttika śukla 9, corresponding to Maha-Magha sahvatsara commenced on Chaitra Tuesday, the 6th October, A.D. 520, and sukla 5, corresponding to Thursday, the 7th falling four, five, or six days after the nine. March, A.D. 485'; and it was current through teenth day of the month; and it was followed the whole month of Kárttika in the same year; by Maha-Phålguna on Karttika krisbna l of being followed by Mahi-Phâlguna on Chaitra Saka-Samvat 444, corresponding to Saturday, sukla 12 of Saka-Samvat 409, corresponding to the 2nd October, A.D. 521, and falling sevenMonday, the 3rd March, A.D. 486. Again, in teen, eighteen, or nineteen days before the Gapta-Saṁ vat 177 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 419 nineteenth day of the month. And thus, current, the Maha-Magha sasivatsara com- though the given samvatsara was not omitted, menced on Phålguna kțishņa 12, corresponding the given day did not fall within the limits of to Thursday, the 16th January, A.D. 497; its duration.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH,
(Continued from p. 292). For the present at least it is quite uncertain other eleven. The hostility of the great Bhadrahow we are to understand this peculiar notice, bihu, who is held to be the real representative or how we are to bring it into harmony with the of the drishtivada, to the sacred sangha is position, which Vajra holds elsewhere in tradi- apparent from other sources and from the late tion, that is, as the last dasapurvin-knower of notice in Hêmachandra's varikirlete (merely) ten púrvas. After him there were p. 214). The reason for this epmity can be only navapúrvine, and the knowledge of the clearly discerned in the statements, which have prirvus gradually decreased until it finally ceased been preserved in reference to the twelfth altogether (p. 213). We can determine at least anga. It may be permitted here to refer to this with certainty-that a thorough-going dif- the discussion of the same later on. According ference existed between anga twelve and the to these statements, the first two of the five
If BhadrabAho appears here, and elsewhere, in the tradition, as the last teacher of the 14 piirvar, which form an integral part of the linhlivada, and if with his popil in the 14 partes, Sthalabhadra, the mere know- ledge of the last four parras is said to have vanished,
this is in no greater agreement with the information derived from the Siddhanta itself (see nhove, p. 215) than with the above statements in reference to Vajra's activity in the case of the dirthivi. See above. Dave 215.

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parts in which it was presumably divided, dealt 11, which in a common introductory formula with the views (drishti) of the heterodox sects, refer on the one hand their contents directly to the ájiviya and the térásia" besides treating of Subamma or Jambu, and on the other are shown other subjects [248]. The name drishtiváda by other statements to bave been united by one may perhaps be explained by reference to this hand. See the remarks at the commencement fact. The third part consisted of the so-called 14 of anga 6. púrvas, the contents of which was probably not Angas 7-9 appear to be connected by an in entire harmony with the sect of the Svétám- especially close bond. baras, which had gradually arrogated to itself The fifth anga and the existing redaction of the position of being the representative of anga 10 are not embraced in either of these orthodoxy. This then is perhaps the reason groups. Anga 10 belonged originally to the for the loss of the twelfth angam.
second group. It exists in a form demonstrably The remaining extant eleven angas by no later and is composed in another dialect means represent a unit, since they fall into (Nom. Sing. in 6). The fifth anga takes & several groups, the single members of which separate position, and begins in a very pecuare marked by certain formal peculiarities, liar way. It possesses however one point of which prove a connection closer in the case of similarity with unga 6: kúrikás, which state some than in that of others.
the contents of what is to follow, are found The first of those groups is formed by with each larger section. These sections do angas 1-4, all the larger divisions of which not have in the case of this anga the title close with the words ti bêmi, iti bravimi; and ajjhayana, but are called saya, sata. The title according to the scholia, Sudharman, Mahavira's of the anga itself has some connection with pupil, is regarded as the one who gives utterance the titles of upangas 5-7, and this fact makes to this formula. The prose portions begin plain that there is an inner connection between with the formula: suyan mé duash! tenan them. , bhagavayd êvam akkháyani. "I have heard, O That the reader may obtain a ready survey, long-lived one! Thus has that saint spoken." I add the statements in reference to the extent Sudharman is the speaker, according to the of each of the angas which are found [250] in Scholia. In this formula, which charac- the MSS. of each at the end. As stated above, terizes the contents as the oral transmission page 231, the texts are divided into hundreds of the utterances of Mahậvira, & scholar of and thousands of granthas, i.e. groups of 32 Sudharman, i.e. Jambu, is the one addressed. syllables, and these are marked at the proper This introductory formula is found also in other place either by thousands or by five hundreds) texts of the Siddhanta at the commencement of or the collective number of the granthas is the prose sections; and with this the closing stated at the end. As a matter of fact the formula ti bêmi is generally connected. From statements of the MSS. in reference to the this it appears to me that an immediate con- number vary very frequently; which is to be nection of these prose portions with the first referred to the greater or smaller number of four angas is here eo ipso indicated, in so far omissions which have been made therein. We as in all probability (249) all bear the traces of shall refer further on, under anga 4, to this a unifying hand. In regard to the especial matter again.
matter again. The following are the numbers
The connection of angas 1-3 with one another, this in question:fact deserves mention : that in anga 4, 57 they
1.2554 gr., - 2.2300,- 3.3750,- 4.1667, - appear as a group which belongs by itself or
5.15750,- 6.5375,- 7.812,-8.890,-9.192,as the "three gamipidagas" (ácharyasya sarvasva
10.1300,--11.1316. bhájanáni) kar doxýr. Anga 4 is nothing but In the case of several angas at the close there a continuation of anga 3, and in the very are special statements in reference to the numbeginning is styled to be the fourth anga." ber of days necessary for the study or for the
A second group is formed by angas 6-9 and recitation of the anga-see Bhagav. 1, 377-8,
"The traditional date for the foundation of this sect-- 544 after Vira is exactly 374 years later than the date which is set for Bhadrabahu the supposed last teacher of
the 14 purva-Ralosatts. v. 37).
This is explained in very different ways.

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a subject which is treated of at great length in the Vidhiprapa. I now proceed to an examination of each of the anga texts.
I. The first anga has, in its existing form, the name áyára, áchára, or áyárapakappams and treats [251] in two suakkhamdhas, śrutaskandhas of the manner of life of a bhikkhu." The first śrutask., bambhachéráin, brahmacharyani, contains at present eight ajjhayanas with 44 uddésagas, the second: 16 ajjh. and 34 udd. It is however definitely stated that the first śrutask. contained previously not 8 but 9 ajjh. and the whole anga consequently not 24, but 25 ajjh. and not 78, but 85 udd. Cf. especially in anga 4 § 25 and § 85 and the detailed résumé of the 12 anga found both there and in the Nandi. In § 25, where the titles of the 25 ajjh. are enumerated one by one, we find the name mahaparinná, belonging to this ajjh. which is no longer extant, placed in the ninth place between 1, 8 and 2, 161*; and the same circumstance may be noticed as occurring in Avasy. 16, 112 fg. More exact information is found in the Vidhiprapa according to Avasy. 8, 46-49. Here we find that Vajrasvamin (presumably 584 Vira) extracted from it the ágásagámini vijjá; and from the fact that it contained exaggerations (Psáisayattanena; according to Leumann, on account of the excellence of this extract) it was lost, or rather continued to exist only in the nijjutti. It was the opinion of Silamka (A.D. 876) that it occupied not the ninth but the eighth place." This latter statement is incorrect,70% for [252] in the existing commentary of Silâüka" the maháparinná, which at and probably long before his time had been lost, is placed, not between 1, 7 and 1, 8, but between 1, 6 and 1, 7-that is to say in the seventh place. In the Vidhiprapa there is
The names of the single ajjhayanas and the number of the uddesagas etc. are specifically enumerated in the Vidhiprapa:-aiga 1, 50 days; 2, 30; 3, 18; 4, 18; 5, 77 (a second statement, it seems, allots 6 months 6 days) 6, 33; 7, 14; 8, 12; 9, 7; 10, 14; 11, 24. In like manner the author examines and states the number of days necessary for certain work: Avassaya (8 days), desaréalia (15) uttarajjhayana (39), nistha (10), dasakappavavahára (20 or 22), mahánistha (45). A recapitulation "in 68 aryas" concludes the discussion: jogavihanam nama payaranam.
65 See above, p. 223, 224; this is to be studied in the third year after the diksha.
se Teaching sacred observances after the practice of Vasishtha (1) and other saints, Wilson, Sel. works 1, 284 ed. Rost.
67 According to Malayagiri and the Prakrit anthority quoted by him (Nandis. p. 425) between 1, 7 and 1, 8 (ohánas.)-L.
341
probably a confusion with Abhayadeva, in whose commentary on anga 4-as also in the anonymous comm. on the Nandi-the maháparinná keeps, it is true, the eighth place. The nijjutti then, which manifestly was still extant at the time of Jinaprabha, is probably identical with that nijj., of which the author of the Avasy, nijj. declares (2, 5) that he is himself the composer; and which served specially as a basis to the comm. of Silamka. The scholia everywhere preserve a knowledge of the ninth chapter. Furthermore the comm. on chhedas. 1 in its opening still mentions nine banbhachéráni.
The titles of the 8 extant ajjh. of the first érutaskandha (V = Vidhiprapd) are:
1. satthaparinnâ, sastraparijnâ, with 7 udd.; -in udd. 1 jîvatvam, jîvâstitvam sâmânyêna, in 2-7 viséshéna prithivikáyádyastitvam. There are many references of a polemical nature to the Sakyas, or Bauddhas, in 2. 3, according to the scholiast.
2. lôgavijaya, lôkasâravijaya, with 6 udd.; môkshâvâptihêtubhûtam châritram.
3. siôsanijjam (siusi°), sitôshpiyam, with 4 udd.; pratilômânulomaparishahâb.
4. sammattam, [253] samyaktvam, with 4 udd.; samyagvådaḥ, mithyâvâdabhûtatîrthikamatavicharanâ.
5. lôgasâra; in anga 4, 25, in Avasy. nijj. and in the schol. on Nandis.: avanti, according to the words of the commencement," with 6 udd.; samyamaḥ môkshaś cha, munibhavaḥ. 6. dhûya (dhûyam V), dhûtâ, with 5 udd.; nijakarmaśarîrôpakarana.. vid hûnanêna
niḥsamgatâ.
7. vimôha, vimôksha (?), with 8 udd.; samyag niryâņam.
8. ôhânasuyam (uva V), upadhânaśrutam,
es From this it seems as if its contents touched upon the subject of magic. Was this the cause of its removal? cf. the analogous case in anga 10. According to the Ganadhorasardhasata V. 29 (see p. 371) Vajrasv. borrowed the dysag. vijja from sumah@painna puvvâu rather than from the ninth ajjh. of the first śrutask. of angal.
navamajjhayanam vôehchhinnam, tam cha mahapa rinna ittô kira Ayasagamint vijjå Vairasamina uddhariyAsi tti sAisayattančna vochchhinnam nijjuttimâtram chitthai; Silahkayarryamana puna êyam atthamam, vimukkhajjhayanam sattamam, uvahanasuyam navamaṁ ti.
70 It would suit if Malayagiri were concerned, see the last asterism note.-L.
In the opening of ajjhayara 7 we read-adhunâ saptamadhyayanasya mahaparijnakhyasya 'vasaras, tach cha vyavachchhinnam iti kritvå tilamghya 'shṭamasya sambamdhô vâchyab.
13 Avamti lôgasáram vâ, in the Vidhiprapa.

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with 4 udd., treats of Vira Vardhamanasvâmin in $57, where only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to it, the who himself practised the course enjoined in three angas (1-3) which are there treated of, are ajjh. 1 to 7.
designated as bydrachüliyavajja; a statement, This first srutask. is exceedingly difficult to which as far as I can see, is to be explained comprehend and belongs, as Jacobi, from with tolerable certainty only in the above way." whom we expect an edition, informs me in Also (255) at the time of the Avasy. nijj.16, 114, letter of March 14th 1880,"without doubt to the nisihajjh. was still regarded as a part of the the oldest portions of Jaina literature." Even áchára, and in fact plays a greater rôle there the commentaries “very often do not under- than in anga 4, 25. It is counted as having stand the text, since from pure force of ex- 3 ajjh. so that not 25 but 28 ajjh. enumerated planation they fail at reaching any explanation there." Even the Vidhiprapá still designates of the sense. The restorations, which must the nisihajjhaya nam as the panachanii chúlá of frequently be made, are in fact prodigious." | the second érutaskandha.
This shows that we have to do with the It consists manifestly of different constituent method of explanation found in the later Brah- parts, which originally existed independently manical sútras" (treating of ritual, grammar, of each other, but at a later period were brought philosophy), the difficulty of which is here into 'conjunction. They begin almost always increased from the fact that Prakrit is the with the same formula: tế bhikkhu 4 và thik - language used, and that the MSS. are un- khuní vá abhikarikhé. ... certain. The second srutaskandha is charac- In the Nandi, the angachdliya is expressly terized by the epithet attached to it :-agré. enumerated among the anangapavitha texts. śrutaskandha (agré having the meaning of This is not in harmony with the position of our "later" here) as a species of supplement to the chúlás either at SS 25, 57, 85 of anga 4 nor with first. This is in harmony [254] with the peculiar the detailed treatment of the 12 angas in anga designation of the four sections of which it 4 nor in the Nandi itself, since there the second consists according to the scholia, viz. :-chuld, frutask. with its chulas is invariably regarded i.e. "pudding," "excrescence," used figura- as a part of anga 1. In anga 3, 10 the angatively here: ulta késhánuvádini chuda. The chiliyd is mentioned as third ajjhayanam of the first is formed by ajjh. 1-7, the second by sarith hêviya dasáu. Consequently reference is ajjh. 8-14, the third by ajjh. 15, the fourth made to a text entirely different from these by ajjh. 16. The scholia state that a fifth chalds. child belongs to these, which is called nisitha. The 7 adhyay. of the first chald have the dlyayanam," being no longer reckoned as a following titles :part of the achara but placed among the l. pindésaná, pindaishand, with 11 udd. - chhédastras as the first of them." It belonged "collection of the necessities of life" (see however to the achára at the period of anga Dasavedl. 5) or "rules for eating." 4, 25, where the nisihajjhayanam is expressly 2. séjjá, sayya with 3 add., "couch." designated as “25th ajjh.," of the achára-i.e. 3. iriyá, [256] irya, with 3 udd., "conduct as the last of the 25 ajjh. enumerated there." of the eramana when he goes out pinda-vasatyThe impression is made upon us as if this artham." ajjh, alone was called chúliya. The áchára 1 4. bhásajáyd, bhúshájátari with 2 udd., “what is there expressly designated as sachúliyága, but he has to say and what not to say."
13. This has appeared as one of the publiontions of the Pali Text Society, 1882 ; Jacobi has also translated the text and prefaced it by a most valuable introduction in Vol. XXII. Sacred Books of the East.-L.
7. The chief representatives being Katyayana (srautas.), Panini, Badarayana, Jaimini.
15 Or nishithao, Acharavikalpi niitthan, sa panchamf chadeti fol. 2094. So also parlchichala na designation of the achara in the beginning of the Nifithabhashya,
16 The fourth chhedaritram is closely connected as regards its contents with anga l; and in anga 3, 10 it is cited under the title of Gyaradasdu.
* The first chala must be reckoned as having 6, not
7, ajjh., otherwise there would be in all 26 and not 25 avh.; as a matter of fact 26 names are adduced, mah. parinni in the ninth place. Perhaps sa veriyd is counted as but one ajjhayano.
"Abhay.. it must be confessed, understands by AchArachålika: HarvAmtimat adhyayanan Vimukty: adhyayanam, nisithAdhyayanasya prasthanintaratvene 'ha 'n karayanat (!), the latter statement is however in too direct contrast to $ 25.
79 ... bhavana vimntti || 113 | uggh@yam anugghlyar Aruvana tiviham ô nistham tu ia atth visavihó Ay Arapakappanám a 114 ll. Here we find the correct number of adhyayanas for both grutask; for srut. 1, 9, for śrut. 2, 16.

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5. vatthésaná, vastraishand, with 2 udd.; of the first chhedasútra itself which bears this Vastragrahaņavidhiḥ.
name (see later on), point rather to wishedha 6. pádésand, pátraishand, with 2 udd., than to wisitha. In the traditional conception ," vessel for the pinda."
as nisitha we have to deal with a direct mis. 7. uggahapadimd, avagrahapratimá with 2 understanding, which is without prejudice to udd. ; on possession in general.
the remaining points of identity between nistha The second chuld likewise embraces geven and nišitha. adhyayanas, each of which has only one udd., The third chuld, bhavanajjhayanam V. with whence its peculiar name : sattikka, sattikkaya, but one udd., has reference to the observance explained by saptaikaku. They existed in of each of the 5 bhávanáh, as conditions of the conjunction with one another originally, and five mahdvratas; and, as an introduction, gives formed a wholo before they were placed here.91 the legends of the birth etc, of their teacher Their names are :
Mahavira. 8. thanasattikkayam, sthánasaptaikaka.
The fourth child, vimutti, also having but 9. nisihiyá, nimithiká (also nishio); begins : sé one udd., consists of only eleven jagati-verses. bh, vá bh. vá abhikainché nisihiyari gamandé. The table of contents of anga 1, found in anga Very brief.
4, and in the Nandi is as follows: sê kim tam 10. uchcharapásavana (Oprasravana).
âyđrô ? âyêrô nam semananan nigganthapan 11. saddasattikkaa, sabdao.
àyâragyaros viņaya-vêņaïyatthâņa gamaņa12. danisana, darsana; rúvasattikkayan V. chamkamana-pamina -jógajumjana-bhâsâsamiti
13. Without any specific title, accord. to V. gutti sêyyð-'vahis-bhatta-pana-uggama-uppaparakiriyAsattikkayam; rågadv@shotpattinimit. yaņaêsaņà-visõhi-Buddhasuddha-gahaņa" vayatapratishồdhah.
niyama-tavô'vahâņa-suppasattham ahijjaï[258]; 14. Without any specific title (saptamah 8 samasaü pamohavihd pannatté : tar jaha : saptaikakah), according to V. annÔnnakiriya- nanayarê damgankyard charittäyêrê tavâyâre Battikkayan; anyonyakriya nishidhvate.
viriyåyård. From this we derive but little in. Since it appears that here in the second formation concerning details or for the group(ninth) ajjh, the same subject is briefly treated ing of the contents. Following upon the table of as in the fifth childa, see page 254, [257] the of contents are statements in reference to the latter must be regarded as an amplification division into 2 suyakkh, 25 ajjh., etc.; this is Theconstantexplanation of the word is deserving also the case with the following angas. of special mention : nisiha, nisihiyâ explained by I have before me a commentary on anga 1, nisitha (nisho), nisithika. From this one might which was probably composed Saka 798,87 A.D. readily be led to assume that by this explanation 876, and which at the end of the first part is deconduct at night, or couch for the night was signated as Nirvșitakulinaári SAlyagharyêņa*** intended; and the introductory words (see Tattvadityaparanâmnå Vaharisådhusahayêna above) are capable of being so explained. kțitâ; at the end of the second part as achárya According to the scholiast, however, the con silankavirachita. This commentary is also a tents appear to be of a different nature : comiaentary on a Prakrit niryúkti, composed tasyáin svadhyayabhumou (as it is described in in the dryá measure. ajjh. 8) yad vidhéyar yach cha na vidhéyarn. In the opening the author refers to other The use of these two words in other passages, works and to a sastraparijnávivaranasi Ganespecially in the Arasy. Nijj., and the contents dhahastikritain, the sára of which he claims to 50 saptai "kakani kasarani, udddhakar hitini.
#7 According to Z. D. M. G. 33, 478, it was composed •1 The following two childda too, have only one udd. Samrat 550; but see Kl. 247b, where it is noted that the each and in this respect are exactly like the sattikkaya. verse, which contains the date is added after the They have however not boon drawn into unison with the "colophon of the MS." and consequently " of no great sattikkiya but remain independent.
weight" in all probability. It is as follows: Sakavrishny " For this sd, which corresponds to the ad of the sat. Br., soe Ind. Streifen, 3, 891.
kalkti ("lt!) anavatsaraántéshu saptasu ashtAnavatit. 85 goara N. Instead of tham to anijjai N has
(navaty adhikeshu vai khaxuddhapanchamy Amil Rehramerely. sikkhabhdskabhlacharanakaranajkykmkyåvit
tika krité 'ti. t18 (y StrA, mitra, vritti).
*** Misreading for Silach Ary@ņa.-L. * sayyA upadhi.
* Doubtless the same niryukti as that composed by . sayyAdinkm udgamAdivisuddhy dhanaro cha grahapam.
buddhEnam asud. the author of the Au. ww. (See ante, p. 202.)

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have excerpted. He states furthermore that sense," I should at least give expression to the the arhiadvachaninuyoga" is divided into four conjecture that by these júnayá the Vaideha king groups: dharmakathânuyôga uttaradhyayani- Janaka was meant, "" [260] concerning whom dikah, ganitànuyôgah sûryaprajnaptyädikah, and his guru Yajnavalkya all sorts of statedravyanuyôgah pervâņi sammatyîdikas" cha, ments are preserved in the legends of the charitrakaranînayôgas cha, chârådikahos; the twelfth book of the Mahd Bharata, representing last is pradhanatamah, śêshanam tadarthatvật. either the king or both the king and his guru These statements are in all essentials a re- as having affiliations with Buddhism. See Ind. production [259] of those in kv. nijj. 8, 54 where Stud. 1, 482.100 Jacobi, whom I consulted in uttarádhy. is represented by isibhâsiyáir, which the matter, proposed (April 6th, 1880) that the commentator however explains by uttarao;yánaka (cf. hinayana, maháyána) might be see on anga 4, 44.
thought of in connection with jánaya. II. The second angam, sůyagada, søtrakrita, The titles of the 23 ajjhayanas of the sûtra. destined for the fourth year of study, see p. krita are enumerated in the fourth anga $ 23 223f. likewise treats in two árutaskandhas (of (=S) in their present order; also in Avasy. which the first is composed in slókas and other 16, where, however, the sixteen ajjh. of the first metres," the second in prose with the exception srutaskandha are apparently placed after the of a small portion : ajjh. 5. 6) of the sádhvá- seven ajjh, of the second árut. In v. 65, 66 in chára, the right course of action; and is at the the first place the first sixteen are enume. same time chiefly polemical in character." rated by themselves and in v. 102 the seven According to anga 4 and Nandi," 363 heterodox others by themselves; but after náladamopinions annadithiya (anga 4, pásamdiya N) are the last one-we read solasaith cha té visar. It here combated; viz.: those of 180 kiriyâvai, is, to be sure, not impossible that these words kriyâvâdin, 84 akiriyâvâi, akriyâvâdin, 67 an- sólasáin cha are a mere reference to the earlier nâniyavai, ajnanika, 32 veņaïyavai, vainayika." enumeration in v. 65, 66; but, at any rate, In consequence of this the commentary fre- we should have expected that this reference quently cites the names of Charvaka, Sakya, would occur before the first of these seven Bauddha, Sankhya, Vaibeshika, as those who names, and not after the seventh. Also in are to be understood by the égé cited in the the Vidhiprapá (=V), the names are singly text as opponents. These are also referred to enumerated; they are :in the text as jánayá, explained in the comm. by
a. First srutaskandha. panditanmanya Dauddhah. But as the root jná 1. samaya, with 4 udd., 89 vv. ; bhútavádá. is elsewhere used by the Jains chiefly in a good dimatan nirákriyaté; - udd. 1 closes :
The following passage is found also in Santichandra Another explanation of the term janaya applied to the on up. 6, according to which Silmak charya commented ! Bauddhas may perhapo claim more attention then the one also upon the second aga, cf. Kl. 247b.
ventured in the text by Prof. Weber. We know that the I sutrad anu pa chid arthasya yügo anayogah, sutrl.
founders of religious systems in India as well as elsewhere dhyayang paschad arthskathanan.
were as a rule called by epitheta ornantia (such as
Unditha jira mahavira, &c. &c.) Two of these epithets as 2 ? likewise sintich.; by this the rest of the contonts
applied to kya muuniorin fast to the Budūlas in general in of the drishivada is perhaps referred to, which treated
Buddhistie texts are janaka and prichchhaka i.e. "knower" partly of the different dirbtis or saimat..
and "asker" (see for instance Divvivadona, ed. Cowell » Achirimgadikal Saatich. .
and Neil, pp. 184 & 299; by the editors rendered by "vaitaliya, trishtubh, bul not Arya.
"general interrogator"!!) Most probably those two epithets os iha hi pravachane chatvan 'nnyiigih (nee p. 258):
refer to the supposition pervading not only Buddhistie but chara akaraninuyogah, dravyko, dharmakathao, ganito;
also Jain texts that the founder of the religion knew everytatra pratham frinadichArángarn charanggapridhathing, bat nevertheless, when conversing with any one, nyena vyakhyAtam, athe 'dan irisutrakritAkhyat dviti.
asked as if he knew not. Now it might well be that the yangan dra papridhányena vyakhyllyat; sutra.
Jain author of the above metrical passage of aliga 2 chose in svspara sa moyandchanari kritaria y na tat natrakritarn.
metre-as he would perhaps not have done in prose-a term os Cited froin this as well as from other sources in the
not very common but still perfectly clear to his contempor. introduction to Malayagiri's Comm. on the second
aries for referring to his adversarios of Buddha's party, the upinga and in many other placon..
terms jana ka and prichchhaka being not found (as others It is a most curious fact that a Tibetan text quoted
are e. k. buddha jina &o.) with reference to Mahavir in by Schiefper, Ind. Stud. Vol. IV. p. 335 exhibits also an either of the two literatures, of Bauddhna aud Jaina.-L. enumeration of 303 heterodox opinions. As in Buddhistic 100 The legend of the six falsa teachers found in the texts this number is not found anywhere (as far as I am Buddhistic texts, (see my V..rlea, aber ind. L.-G. 304 aware) it might be that one day Tibetan translations of (247, 1) Burnout, Lotus, p. 485, Weber's Ind. Streifen, 3 Jain fexts should turn up.-L.
504), is told of Janaka and Y Ajnaval! ve. For the peculiar cf. also the designation of their founder under the use of the word Vidths or vid ha quong the Jains (see name of Nayaputta, of. p. 261.
page 261n.) the reader is referred to Bhagav. 2, 306, and * • Janaka from Janaka, as Bauddba from Buddha.-' to my treatise on the Satr. Mah. p. 20.

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Náyaputté Mahavire [261] évam áha Jinottame which is a proof of the antiquity of the text---) tti bemi || 27 || H. Jacobi (Kalpas. p. 6) is the first the scholiast mentions the various reading : scholar who identified the name of Mahavirao je viu (vidus), yo vidvan. The latter is prooccurring here, with Nigantha Nataputra (or bably an intentional change of a secondary Niganthanatha, "fils de Jnâti," Burnouf, Lotus, natare or perhaps a removal of the original. p. 450, 486) who is mentioned in the Buddhistic At the conclusion of udd. 3, which is comlegends as a contemporary of Ajátaśatru or of posed in prose, we read :-êvam sê udahu aņutBuddha. A reference similar to that given taramáni aụuttaradami annuttaranánadamsanahere is found in 3 (cf. 5 and 6). See my dharé araha Nayaputte bhagavam Vesalie remarks on unga 10.
viya hie (vyakhyâtavan) tti beni. The scholiast 2. véyáliya, 101 rétáliya liya V, vaidárika, illustrates Jnâtaputra strangely enough by with 3 udd., 76 vv. ; yatha karma vidaryaté. It Vardhamanasvâmi Rishabhasvami vî and exbegins sambujjhaha : kin na bujjhaha ? sam- plains Vesalse in the first case (ir, when Jnátaböhi puna pêchcha dullaha. This ajjh. is not putra means Vardham.) by Visilá-nagaryám, in referred by the Scholiast to Vîra, but is the second (i.e. when Jnátop. means Rish.) by characterized as a teaching of Rishabhasvámin vaisálikah (višálakulódbhavatvát.) In any case to his sons ; with which statement the conclu. this epithet, which is probably a nominative, sion of the third udd. is however not in harmony. is of extreme interest in this connection. This chapter is composed in the metre called Abhayadeva, too, [263] on Bhag. 2, 1. 12, 2 vaitdliya by Pingala (chhandas 4, 32) and by explains Vainalika by MabAvira and in fact as Varkhamihira (104, 55). In my opinion great a metronymicum (!): VibAlA Mahavirajanani. importance must be attached to this circum- The Vésáliya-sávaga appear elsewhere in the stance. It is very probable that the similarity Jaina legends, but-and herein is to be found of this name with that of the title of our a divergence from the Buddhist legend-in a chapter is to be explained by the assumption favourable light; see Bhagav. 2, 197. 249; 1,440. that the metre had taken its name from the text 3. uvasaggaparinna, upasargaparijnt with 4 in that metre. This designation would not udd., 83 vv.; pratiķúlih and anukalah upacaronly be a direct testimony [262] to the exis- gâh, tais cha 'dhyatmar vishAdah. tence of this text at the time of Pingala and of 4. itthiparinna, thipao V, striparijní, with 2 Varahamihira, but also inasmuch as it rests100 udd., 53 vv.; strîparishahố jêyah ; conclusion apon a representation of the Prákrit word in prose: ichch êvam khu sê Virê dhuyaraê .. végália in Sanskțit, which was liable to be mis- tti bêmi. understood, or upon an incorrect spelling with 5. narayavibhatti, niraya V, narakavibbakti inorganic t-might be regarded as a proof that with 2 udd., 52 vv.; strívasagasya narukapatah even at that early period the title of this chapter tatra cha yád risyi vedanáh. "I asked the had been handed down in this incorrect form. kévalia mahési"- thus the author, according Both of these probabilities are of extreme in- to the scholiast: Sadharmasvâmin, begins terest. We must here notice that Varahaznihira his recital. “Thus questioned by me, Kúsavé expressly cites Mágadhi as a “Prákrit" synonym ásupanne (asuprajnah) i.e. Vira, spoke." of vaitaliyam-see Ind. Stud. 8, 295—from 6. Viratthao, Mahavirastava, with 29 vv.; it which we may with probabilityinfer that a direct begins: “ The samaņas and mabans, the agårins reference is made to the language of our text or and the paratitthiyas (Sakyadayah) asked about to the language of Buddha,10* Of interest, fur- the doctrine and life (nánari, dari saņai, silan) thermore, is the fact that on 2, 1, instead of of the Náta." máhana (= brahmana used in a good sense
(To be continued.)
101 According to the legend Vira first descended into the womb of the Brahmani Dovananda, wife of the Brahman Uanbhadatta (KödAlasagitta), in Kundaggamit; thenco into the womb of the khattiyani Tisald, wife of the khattiya Siddhattha (K Asavagötta), of the race of the khattiys called N Aya, in the same place; Vira is therefore called their son. Cf, also (see page 263) the statements of Abhayadeva: ViAl Mahavirannani! He is deuignated both A NA NAyaputte Ndyakulachaude and
as Vidéhé Vidéhajachche (Kalpar. $ 110).
102 With inorganiet: vêtAlinmaganmagn at the conclusion of uld. I is explained by karmanAro vaidárikar vidaranasamartham miswam. utylia in the name of the dasave is explained quite differently.
203 The derivation from witla (Ind. Stud. 8, 169, 179) would then be overturned.
10° Buddha seoma to have made use of this metro, sinoe it is used in tho Dhammu pada, ote.

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BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. No. XXVI.-The Reign of Lakshunt. Lakshmi still continued in him, and to test Far from any city, in a retired and unfre- her work, notwithstanding her promise that quented wood, there lived a hermit who had she would inform him before she left him. Soon long taken to a retired life. Little occupation one occasion at midnight he entered the king's had he, except meditation and contemplation. haram. As he was prime minister, the guards,
One day the Goddess of Prosperity, Lakshmi, though in their proper places, did not dare to stood before him and said "Holy Sire, I have prevent him, and without any hindrance he come to reign in you."
went into the chamber where the monarch was “Who are you ?" said the sage.
sleeping with his queen. He laid hold of both "Lakshmî," said the goddess.
of them and proceeded to drag them, while yet "Of what use are you to me, who have asleep, out of their room. Of course they renounced the world ?" asked the sage.
awoke and were highly annoyed at this imper"I must abide with you for some time. It tinence; but were unable to extricate them. is so written, in your destiny. Therefore selves from his grasp. However, what was accept me," spoke the goddess.
their wonder when the roof of the chamber in "If so," said the sage, "as you came to me which they had been sleeping suddenly fell in. after giving me intimation of your visit, you Every one praised once more the sage minister, ought to inform me before you leave me, as one who knew the secret of the Three Ages. wheu the term of your reign over my destiny
After this occurrence the king reposed the is closed."
greatest confidence in his minister, and so did "Agreed;" said the Goddess of Prosperity, every one in the State. and remained within the sage.
A year after this second test of the presence The holy hermit being thus assured that the of Lakshmi in him the minister started with the reign of prosperity had commenced in him, king on a hunting expedition. The party was proceeded to test tho truth of the statement very large and the chase occupied a long time. of the goddess. He at once went to the Towards the end of the chase a stag sudtown near which he lived, and, advancing to denly appeared to the king and his favourite che assembly in which the king was sitting | minister and drew them away from the party. with his ministers and other officers of state, Long did the king and minister pursue it, but lifted up his right leg and kicked the monarch found themselves unable to overtake it. Look on the head.
ing back they found themselves separated froin "Cut down that impertinent wretch," said their party and alone in the thick jungle. The many voices, but at the same moment from lord of day was just over their heads, and under the fullen crown & venomous serpent darting his lays fiercely. The king was with ita hood spread was discovered. It was utterly worn out, and proposed to the minister Lakshmi herself, for she had appeared there in that it would be better for both of them to that form to save the sage. And as soon as give up their quarry to rest a while before this great wontier was discovered, every one in they returned to their followers; and the minthe ball exclaimed, “This is a great sage who ister agreed to his master's wishes. So they knows the secret of the Three Ages (Trikálajna), both got down from their steeds and leaving and perceiving that a serpent was lying con- the animals free to find grass and water sat cealed in the king's crown he kicked it down." down under the shade of a big banyan tree.
The king, too, was extremely delighted at Close by, there was a clear rivulet at this saving of his life, and at once gave the which they quenched their thirst, and the suge the post of the prime minister with fullking then prepared to go to sleep, asking powers; while our hero, on his part, owing to the minister to sit with his legs folded, so that Lakshmi continuing her reign in him, discharged he might place his head on his right thigh and his duties most satisfactorily. After two sleep comfortably. While the king was thus years the suge again wished to know whether snoring away the day at ease, a great garuda,

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best."
the king of birds, perched upon a bough of had a peculiar minister, and whatever the king the tree exactly over the king's head and fell consulted him about he always replied, “ It is to preying upon a venomous serpent which it for the best." In a word, this minister was had brought from a great ant-hill. A drop of what would now be called an optimist. poison from the serpent dropped on the king's One day the king lost one of his fingers in throat and our hero the minister perceived it. handling a sharp instrument, and, sending for Thinking that the poison might cause the the minister, he showed him his hand and said, king's death if it found its way inside the body sorrowfally, “See what a calamity has hap. through the pores of the skin, he took out pened to me; I have lost one of my fingers." a small knife which he had with him to gently The minister coolly replied, "It is for the remove the fatal drop. Just at this moment the goddess Lakshmi, true to her promise, Greatly was the monarch enraged. “Vile
pod before him and asked his permission to wretch! Do you dare to say that the loss of go. He permitted her to do so and placed the a finger is for the best? You shall see the knife on the king's throat. The king suddenly result of your stupid motto. You shall live in awoke and finding the minister with a knife prison for a score of years," said the at his throat upbraided him with treachery. king.
"If I had thoughts of killing you, my lord, But again the minister merely replied, "It I could have done it long ago. Look at the is for the best." king of birds up above you, and also look at "What impertinence !" said the king, and the serpent he is feasting upon. A drop of sent the minister off to jail; and so our hero poison fell from the mouth of that deadly had to undergo imprisonment. reptile on your Majesty's throat and for trying The day after this affair the king went to to remove it, I am abused. But there is no the forest to hunt, to which amusement he was use in my remaining any longer with you." in the habit of taking his minister along with Thus spoke the minister and explained to the him. But as he had imprisoned him he had king how up to that moment Lakshmi had to go all alone, and, after a long and tiring reigned in him. Continued he, “As the god- hunt, he rested under a tree for a short sleep. dess Lakshmi remained in me up till now Before long he heard the roar of & lion and even my impertinent acts have met with your considered himself as good as dead, for the Majesty's approval. When I kicked at your lord of the beasts had seen the lord of men and lordship's crown and when I dragged your had marked him down for his prey. The king Majesty and your queen out of your bed-cham- went off into a dead faint. Now, it is a belief ber, Lakshmi it was that saved me by taking among the Hindus, that lions do not eat a man the shape of a serpent from under your crown, who is deformed, or who sleeps. And so when and by pulling down the roof of the room. the lion examined the fainting king and came Now that she has abandoned me but a moment to the mutilated hand he went away, spurning ago even a good act has been misunderstood." the monarch as useless for his prey as long as
He then requested the king to allow him to a finger was wanting. continue in the forest to perform penance. When the king awoke, he thought within Bat the king, not to be out-done in liberality, himself: "The words of my good minister bave gave him again the minister's place. Our hero, proved to be true, when I showed him my however, fearing that after Lakshmi had left deformed hand yesterday and he said, "It is him it would be unwise to accept any appoint for the best;' but I, in the love of my ment, preferred to remain in the woods. own self, took his words in a wrong sense and
The moral drawn by natives of South India | imprisoned him. Now, had it not been for my from this story is that only as long as the lost finger I would have fallen a prey to the Goddess of Prosperity reigns in us we can lion. So my loss has worked for my good. expect to be in good circumstances.
But what good can possibly result from my
imprisonment of my minister? He said it No. XXVII.-It is for the best. was for the best, and I shall ascertain from In a certain country there lived a king who his own mouth what he meant."

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So thinking the king returned, and at once ordered the minister to be released and to be brought before him. He came and stood before his lord accordingly, and the king explained to him all about the lion and how his words had proved to be true so far. "But how can my sending you to jail be for the best ?" said the king.
Replied the minister, "My most noble lord! Had it not been for my imprisonment in the
RAMBLES AMONG RUINS IN CENTRAL INDIA.
Thirty or forty miles north of the river Narmada, in Central India, there lies a tract, enclosed east and west by the rivers Binâ and Parbati and south by the Vindhyan scarp, in which there are many remarkable Buddhist, Jain, and Brahmaṇical ruins. They consist of topes, temples, tanks, monasteries, and columns. This district was formerly part of Gondwana. A low range of rocky hills divides it from the Serôj plateau on the north.
[DECEMBER, 1888.
jail I would have accompanied you to the forest and fallen a prey to the lion. After rejecting you for being deformed he would have taken me away for his feast. So I should have died. Therefore even my having lived in the jail for a day was for the best."
MISCELLANEA.
Through its very centre, towards the north, flows the sacred river Bêtwa, rising among the upland valleys of the range. Its upper course is tortuous; and the rocky hills round which it sweeps, with the broad vales and narrow glens over which the holy stream gently glides or through which it swiftly rushes, were for many hundred years before and subsequent to the commencement of the Christian era a great centre of religion and of wealth. Dotted over mountain and plain the ruins of remarkable works of art and utility testify even now to the religious zeal and mercantile activity of the past.
The oldest and most famed of these is the Budhist tope upon the Sanchi Hill, overlooking the Bêtwa. Probably it formed the earliest centre of attraction, which for so long drew crowds of devotees and also a multitude of all classes to a district which, if it was as wild then as now, must have been singularly uninviting for human settlement. It is not my purpose in this paper to attempt a description of this famous fane, or of those of a like nature which cluster around it, or indeed to give any detailed archæological description; but simply to sketch what I have seen of the lesser known remains of towns, temples, and tanks, still lying for the most part in the jungle and out of the beaten track of travellers, but which are about to be rendered accessible by the Indian Midland Railway.
The king was extremely pleased with the reply and received his minister into still greater confidence.
At a very early period of this settlement, perhaps a few centuries before our era, the city of Bêsnagar must have been founded. Its site was about two miles from the Sâñchi hill. Greek and Buddhist coins, ploughed up every rains, testify to its antiquity. Moreover, its remarkable position and selected means of defence, stamp it to have been contemporary with the ancient cities of Eran, Dhâr, and Sihor, similarly situated and defended. It was placed between the rivers Bês and Bêtwa, above their point of junction, within a triangle formed by a curve of the latter river and completed by an artificial communication between the two rivers. The earth excavated was formed into a high rampart, topped with brick; and thus, surrounded by deep rivers and high banks, good defence and an ample supply of pure water were assured. This circumscribed area of not more than two square miles must have been subsequently much extended. There are ruins across both the Bêtwâ and the Bês, extending to the modern Bhêlsâ on the east, to the Udigiri hills on the west, and to the spot where General Sir A. Cunningham dug up the kalpa-druma and the statue of Mâyâdêvi on the north. A great, rich and populous city must have stood here for centuries, perchance for a thousand years,-a focus of civilization and a centre of wealth.
The sculptured kalpa-druma (wishing-tree) and the statue of Mayadevi (the mother of Buddha), which adorned columns in this city, are now in the Calcutta Museum. But the interesting sculptured ancient caves of the Udigiri hill, still untouched by the hand of time, are full of interest. Scattered around are remnants of capitals and columns enough to enrich a museum, and buried beneath mounds probably lie interesting, and perhaps invaluable, stone records of the ruined city and temples.
From the above account it will be understood that Bêsnagar was built between two rivers. But the sister city of Erap, fifty miles to the north-east,

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MISCELLANEA.
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in the Sågar District, was efficiently defended by a conquest of the city. Bags of powder were single loop of one river, the Binâ, and an artificial henped inside and under the tower; but, watered trench and rampart, while their contemporary, possibly by the power of priestly gold, the Dhar, in south-western Mâlwa, was on an island powder would not burn; and the emperor, Burrounded by a ring of lakes, each connected with in acknowledgment of the miracle, ordered the the other by deep ditches covered by lofty ram. preservation of the temple, compromising with parts, which still tower forty or fifty feet above his conscience by turning one of the two Voda the plain. Sihor was defended on a smaller reading-halls in front and rear of the buildscale, but in a like manner to Bêgnagar. The ing into a mosque, dividing it by a wall from Midland Railway runs between Sarichi and Bês. the heathen structure, and recording the fact nagar, with the great tope on its right and the on the archways of the entrance. This has preUdigiri hill on its left; and after crossing the served the temple to the present day, alike from Bêtwa it passes close by the ruined city to the the iconoclast Aurangzeb as from the occasional Bhêlså Station.
outbursts of fanaticism of the Mandu kings of Twenty miles east of Bhêlsa, around the modern MAlwa. The temple is of perfect proportions town of Gyárispur, lie some most beautiful and of noble form, covered with very fine sculpruined temples. One, indeed, affords a sublime tures. It is most strikingly harmonious, and is sight, owing to its noble proportions, and the a perfect gem of art, not only as a whole, but in grandeur of its site and surroundings. I allude its several parts. The tapering spire, unusually to the magnificent shrine on the extreme point to lofty, is seen from afar, though, such are its perfect the east of the hill behind the city. Its site and proportions, that its great height is not noticed platform beautifully sculptured were boldly carved when viewed near. There are three entrances, out of the hill crest. On the spot, a temple each covered by a grand porch, and the interior is of noble proportions and exquisite detail was even more strikingly perfect than the exterior; erected, in such a manner that it appears to be but, unfortunately, it is so dark that it can be only a part of the cliff under which it nestles, perched seen with the aid of torches, when it will be 500 feet above the plain. There are few more im- observed that at one time the Jains must have pressive spots, and the view from the temple possessed themselves of the temple, though proplatform over fertile fields of green wheat, in the bably it was originally a Brahmanical shrine. It is cold weather, is one not easily forgotten. I remem- a curious fact that the oil for the temple lights is ber this temple, though with a damaged exterior, and has always been supplied by the family of Agra yet with its interior shrine intact. Treasure-seekers Bukera, who are Punwar Rajpats, and claim have now wrecked the statues and destroyed the descent from Raja Bhoj, of Dhårå, in whose reign, floors, but even at the present time the view of or by whose family perhaps, the temple was the interior, when a flood of light enters through erected. This is interesting, though General Sir the eastern door from the rising sun, is very beauti. A. Cunningham has been unable to trace any ful; at all other times it is dark, and can only probable descendants of that famous king. be seen by the aid of torches. In no temple have Twenty miles further east are to be found, in I seen a more curious effect than that of the and round about the modern Pathari, most entry of the rays of the rising sun into the inner interesting and rare remains. The most striking shrine of this one. To the ancient worshippers it is the famous stone column or lat, the largest must have been a supreme moment, when the and most massive in the district, though far less Sun-god kissed into seeming life the beautiful beautiful than the slender graceful monolith of goddess at the shrine.
Eran, twenty miles to the north. Around it are At the base of the hill, not far from the high many interesting ruins fully described in the road between Bhêlsâ and Gyárispur, are two rare Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. But the most and interesting temples, the Bajranath shrines, beautiful and extensive is the ruined temple of which will well reward close inspection; as also Gadarmal, situated on the banks of a tank about will the exquisitely carved roofless columns. & mile and a half from the present town in a pic.
About thirty-four miles north of Bhêlså stands turesque position, near well-wooded but rugged the rare and beautiful temple of Udayêsvara hills, originally constructed after the manner of within the town of Udayapura. This is the that of Udayêsvara. This temple was overturned only ancient fane in the neighbourhood, that and then was put together again unskilfully by escaped desecration or destruction at the the Jains with little order or symmetry. The hands of the Musalman conquerors. Built not exquisite tóran or gateway must have escaped, long before the invasion of Muhammad Tughlag, for, though half-ruined by neglect, it is still it was ordered to be blown up by him on his singularly beautiful, and is worth travelling far

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[DECEMBER, 1888.
to see. This unique gate, tottering to complete closed by a band 87 feet in height, and 800 feet ruin, 'ought to be carried away to a place of thick at the base, or even more; the greater, by safety, together with the finely sculptured and one in places 40 feet high, and about 100 feet
chly carved life-size basso relievo of the mother broad on the top; and, though the first-mentioned of Buddha and her infant. The temple is in band is now a complete wreck, the latter is intact Sindhi's dominions, and there would be no and still continues to turn the river KAliasot difficulty in obtaining permission for the removal into the Bêtwa, and from its top the old bed of of the gate. There are many Jain temples the stream is recognisable. The lesser but higher scattered about, some dating from the seventh band was broken by Shah Hussain, the greatest century.
of the Mandu kings, for the purpose of utilizing Twenty miles north-east are the remains of the the bed of the lake; and, though tradition relates Eran temples, so famed for their graceful columns that he never personally benefited by this act, and valuable inscriptions. On a high bank of the the fact of the present fertility of the valley, Binå river, the beauty of the situation adds a still growing the best wheat in the country, charm to these beautiful and romantic ruins. proves his practical statesmanship, however much
Returning towards Bhopal, twenty miles south we may regret the loss of a water storage of of the city are the remains of the city of Bhoj- such rare size and beauty for India. The Gônds pur, not far from which is situated the ruined or who live in the thick jungle still surrounding this uncompleted temple of Bhojpur, famed far and valley, tell us that it took an army of labourers wide on account of its gigantic linga. This three months to destroy the dam, while three temple is remarkable on account of being pro- years elapsed before the lake was emptied, and bably the only one in India which, remaining thirty before its bed was fit for human habitation. unfinished. presents the earthen ramp up the I do not know that the story of the con. easy slope of which were rolled, after the manner struction of this lake by Raja Bhoj of of the most ancient builders (as pourtrayed on Dhard has ever been written. It is an interesting Egyptian and Assyrian sculpture) the immense tradition. It runs that Raja Bhôj was stricken stone blocks for the walls and roofs. This fact, with a severe illness, some say leprosy, which the apart from its grand internal proportions, attaches court physicians failed to remedy. He therefore great interest to this temple, which, though in a had recourse to a holy recluse, who lived at a ruined condition, is still used for worship, and distunce, but was widely famed for his miraculous owing to its gigantic polished quartzite linga, has cures. The monk, after considering the case and wide local fame. I do not think the inscription performing many incantations and examinations on the lintel of the door has ever been carefully of signs and omens, gave the following oracu. copied and translated. The temple evidently lar decree :--that the king would die of the was built some little time subsequently to the disease, unless he was able to construct a lake so formation of the lake on the shore of which it great as to be the largest in India and fed by 365 stands, and most likely after the city of Bhojpur streams, or a stream for every day in the year. had become a place of importance. The ruins of By bathing in such a lake, on a certain day, at a this large town stand close by. It seems to have certain hour, he would be cleansed, not otherwise. fallen into decay in the fifteenth century, on the The king, it is related, gathered together men destruction of the dam and subsidence of the learned in all the sciences, and settled in his waters of the lake.
capital by reason of his liberal patronage, and The great Bhojpur lake, just alluded to, consulted them. They recommended that skilled was without doubt the largest and most beautiful engineers should be sent along the valleys east sheet of fresh water in India; indeed, the only one and west of the Vindhyan range, which lie near worthy of the name of lake as we understand it. Dhår, to explore the country and report upon It covered a valley which presents the most the feasibility of such a lake being constructed. remarkable feature that, though it is so extensive, And it is said that, after a long and weary only two breaks occur in its wall of hills,-one a investigation and many hopeless failures and little more than one hundred, the other about five | immense expenditure, they discovered the valley, hundred yards wide. Both of them were spanned subsequently enclosed, in which there happened to by very remarkable dams, consisting of an be the head waters of the holy river B&tw. But, earthen central band faced on both sides, outer alas! only 359 springs and streams fed the waters and inner, with immense blocks of stone laid one flowing through the valley. The difficulty was on the other without mortar, but fitting so truly however, eventually overcome by Kalia, & Gônd as to be watertight, the two faces sloping in- chief, pointing out the missing river, which with wards from the base. The lesser opening was its tributaries, made up the number, and was

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DECEMBER, 1888.]
MISCELLANEA.
351
accordingly named, to this day, Kalia's river, or The waste woir, discovered by the writer in the Káliasot.
one of these rambles, lies buried in almost imThis tradition preserves two important penetrable jungle, and is certainly worth a visit. facts, vis. :-(1) That the drainage area of the It is a cutting through the solid rock of one of the sources of the Bêtwa was insufficient to fill the lower hills on the east side. It is at the blunt valley through which it flowed and which it apex of a triangular valley, opening from near the was intended to enclose. (2) That the lake thus great dam, and is probably two miles from it in a formed was of unusual size for an Indian lake. direct line. Its position, so far from the dam, A study of the local topography and the remains affords another proof of the practical ability of of the works, clearly proves that the engi- the Hindu engineers of the time; for any error in neers of those days undoubtedly understood levels would have quickly destroyed the dam, that the drainage area of the Betwâ and its which, though stone-faced on both sides, was tributaries was insufficient for their purpose, and filled in by earth, and could not long have with that they skilfully supplied the deficiency by stood an overflow. There are signs on its rocky turning into the Bêtw& valley the waters of and unbroken sides which show that high-water another river, which, rising twenty miles to the mark was within six feet of the top. west, and flowing naturally outside the hill. The second and lower but longer band already enclosed valley, would increase the drainage area mentioned was thrown across the only other by at least five hundred square miles. This was opening of this remarkable valley, and by its accomplished by the creation of the magnificent construction the Kaliasőt was turned off from cyclopean dam on which stands the old fort of its course at right angles into the Bêtwa. It is so Bhopal, and which, previous to the Bhopal dy covered with jungle that it escaped even the keen nasty, was covered with finely sculptured Jain eyes of the Topographical Survey Officers. It is temples. From the storage lake thus obtained, a constructed in like manner to the other one, but river flowed at right angles to its former course is still unbroken. Its top is used as part of the round the hills into the Bôtw& valley, and be high road from Bhopal to KAliakhêri. came a most valuable feeder to the constructors
On the ancient shore at Bhojpur the Gônds of the great lake, because it carried the surplus point out more than one group of large flat waters of the storage lake into the larger lake for stones,-two upright and one horizontal,-like three full months after the close of the rains. Keltic remains, and revered because they were This river is the Kaliasot.
used by Raja Bhôj as his boat-houses. Sitting To test the tradition as to the lake's unusual
on one of these, and gazing afar over a perfectly sise, emphasised by the local saying, tal ho to flat valley bounded by the hills forming the Bhopal tal, sab dusre talyú" if there be a lake western shore, it is not difficult to fancy an it is Bhopal lake; all others are ponds,"-a line of actual sea taking the place of the sea of waving levels was run from the waste weir or ancient green wheat, or to hear, in the rattling of the pippal outfall to the Bhopal railway levels, and thence leaves overhead, the lapping of the wavelets other lines were projected. These, when plotted under the morning breeze on the rocks below. on sheets 16, 17 and 26 of the Bhopal-MAlwaIt is most interesting to listen to the Gônds Topographical Survey Maps, proved that the telling their old-world tales of the ancient sea; ancient lake covered the valley to the extent of how Raja Bhoj, whose name and memory seems two hundred and fifty square miles --its bed lying beloved beyond all others in Central India, used as shewn in the accompanying map.--and must to sail over to the opposite shore every morning have formed the largest, as it did the most beauti- for his early orisons among the Buddhist caves ful, lake in the peninsula of India, giving one -perhaps then still a monastery on the top of unbroken sheet of water save where islands Bhimbêt hill, and then returning for his noon. added to its beauty. It was in places a hundred day meal. They tell of the traditions of the lake. feet deep; and on all sides it was surrounded by cities now in ruins, of the spirits of the deep that high hills covered with verdure to the water's edge, interfered with the completion of the great except at the clearings, around the towns that temple, and many other tales of old connected soon sprung up on ite shores. Aramble among with the mighty fort of Gonar, away on the these discovers that the wavelets of five hundred mountains beyond the western shore. They relate years have left their marks; and one is struck by with awe how the fort's deep dyke of defence, the many inlets and picturesque outer valleys, carved out of the solid rock, was cut in a single which, when filled with water, must have appeared night, and how the prophecy concerning a still almost like separate lakelets and must have been mightier in days to come has been verified, in of weird beauty.
their simple ideas, by the great rock cuttings of

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[DECEMBER, 1888.
the Bhüpål State Railway under the neighbouring mountains. Regarding this Gônd fort and its curious defences and its adjoining ruins, I may have stories to tell at another time. It is most probable that, during the existence of the Bhojpur lake, the local climate was much affected, particularly to the east as far as Bhêlsa. The hot winds blowing over this city must have been tempered by the mass of water to windward. The evaporation also must have been so great that the waste weir can only have had water flowing late in the rains, and only for a short while then, and therefore for some distance the water in the Betwå must have been during the dry season only a fraction of what it is at the present time; and floods, frequent now, must have been then of rare occurrence. This probably explains the fact that a great deal of the city of Bhêlsâ is built below the present flood level and is subject to disastrous inundations. It was possibly built when the lake existed; indeed, on conversing with the representative of one of the oldest families of Jain merchants, he assured me he had records to prove that, when his family Bettled in Bhêlsa, the Bêtwa was, as he expressed it, a dry river, and, in consequence of the difficulty of procuring water in the hot season, the members of his and other families had excavated the numerous tanks and wells, the remains of which are to be found around the city. The des. truction of the lake rendered their use unnecessary; and the wells were never repaired, and the tanks relapsed into fields. It is possible that the date of the total abandonment of Bêsnagar was hastened by the drying up of its principal defence and reservoir.
Before concluding, it is worth noting that the name of Dip, a village on a small hill about half-way between Bhopal and the Narmada, and on the northern borders of the valley,-now & station on the Bhopal State Railway,---first attracted my attention to the traditions of the great size of the lake, which had been considered by Europeans to be much exaggerated. If the name meant anything it must mean island,' being a corruption of the Sansksit dvipa; and if the hill on which the village stands was an island, then the traditions only testified to what was true. The surveys I have alluded to prove that the entire hill on which Dip stands really was an island, perhaps two miles in length, and that the northern shore closely touched the hills which alone separated the larger lake from its storage lake - the present lake around the modern city of Bhopal. I am of opinion also that the name of this city is derived in the manner related by Gônd tradition: vix. Bhoj-pal, the pal or band of Raja Bhoj.'
And the reason why this band became to recent generations more famed than the great pál near the city of Bhojpur, is, I take it, that the Bhopal pdl, constructed exactly like the others, but immensely broad for its length and height, became a holy shrine of Buddhist temples, constructed on its broad top, which temples were all no doubt ruined when the founder of the Bhopal family wanted materials for the construction of the fort anä walls of the citadel. The city of Bhojpur probably rose so rapidly, from its salubrious position to importance, that it gave its name to the great lake which really was the cause of its existence..
I think there are few European visitors to these ruined sites who have not longed for a glimpse of the once beautiful lake, or a sail on its broad waters on a hot day in May over to the Buddhist ruins on Bhim bêt, or a run up the romantic waste-weir valley, at the close of the rains, to hear the thunder of the overflow as it plunges down in broken cascades to the Bôtwa, 100 feet below, or an early morn or sunset sail among the isles and up the lovely bays on the western shore, some of them so enclosed as to appear separate lakes, surrounded by mountains nearly 1000 feet high and clothed to the water's edge by tropical verdure. Now, right through the old bed of the lake the iron rail is laid; the whistle of the engine is heard over the plain, and even penetrates the distant glens; and never again can the waters lie on the bosom of the valley which they fertilized whilst beautifying. The iron horse protects it, whilst it opens the scene I have endeavoured to portray to the western pilgrim; roads and rest-houses follow its track; and the beautiful Sfichi tope, now renovated and restored by Government, the superb Gyárispur, Udayêśvara,-a veritable sculptured story--the romantic Pathâri, and the picturesque Eran, all lie close to the new railway which will perhaps be, before the close of next year, the through route to convey all travellers to the north of India from Bombay.
W. KINCAID.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP.
No. XI. Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archæological Society, Vol II., Parte 1 and 2.
(a) Meeting Feb. 9th 1887.
M. Chakhotin called the attention of Baron von Rosen to the fact that coins of the first Uthman Amirs and other later Sultans are on sale at Constantinople.

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DECEMBER, 1888.]
N. N. Pantusov sent a Chinese inscription with a translation.
N. P. Ostroümov sent a manuscript collection of popular songs of the Sarts.
S. M. Georgievski communicated the results of his examination of the Chinese manuscript exhibited to the Society by N. M. Yadrintzev. According to his opinion it was written thirty years ago, and its object was to spread Muhammadanism in China. There is no historical information in it, only legends intended to exaggerate the antiquity of Muhammadanism in that country.
V. A. Zhukovski read his paper on the Persian sect, 'Ahl-i-Haqq.1
V. S. Golenistchev described the inscriptions found by him during his travels in the Wadi Hammamåt. He also exhibited some fragments of papyrus and parchment with Egyptian and Arabic texts.
D. A. Chwolson arranged the inscriptions of Semirechia, according to their styles and dates. He decided that the word atlia met with in the date of the inscriptions was really a Syriac word and corresponded to the Turkish lu, i.e. dragon, also to be found in them."
(b) Meeting March 16th 1887.
N. P. Ostroümov sent reprints from the Turkestanskia Viedomosti, containing essays in the Sart language on local traditions and instruction in various trades and professions.
A. A. Tsagarelli read a paper on the Georgian inscriptions found and collected by P. A. Sirku. These inscriptions are to be published.
(c) Meeting April 27th 1887.
Baron von Rosen gave an account from the Arabic newspaper Samaratu'l-funun, of nine marble sarcophagi recently found at Sidon.
A. A. Harkavy gave an account of a Hebrew version of the story of Alexander the Great which he found during his last visit to Egypt and Palestine, differing in many points from those previously known. He assigned the MS., which was unfortunately imperfect, to the sixteenth century:
Baron von Rosen communicated the contents of a work of an Arabian writer of the tenth century, Ibn Roste (= Ibn Dasti). It contains a curious description of Constantinople, particularly some customs of the Byzantine Court, described by an Arab, named Hârûn Ibn Yahya, who was taken prisoner by the Byzantines. There is, besides, the itinerary of the same person from Constantinople to Rome, and a description of the noteworthy objects of the latter city.
(d) The sect of the True People, or the 'Ahl-iHaqq, in Persia. V. Zhukovski, the writer,
• vide infra.
1 vide infra. These are to be published.
358
while studying Kurdish dialects at Shiraz in the Spring of 1886, came in contact with a man who struck him by his severe remarks on the Musalmans, and who acknowledged that he drank wine and ate swine's flesh, not thinking it to be sin. The man turned out to be a member of the Kurdish sect, called The People of Truth.' Although he was at first reserved, yet the author succeeded in taking down from his recitation a strange Confession of Faith,' which is here given in the original with a translation. To the north-west of Shiraz, at the distance of about three or four versts, are some villages inhabited by these sectaries, who belong to the Kurdish race of the Gurans. The Gurâns are very interesting as having a special dialect. They furnish the greatest contingent to the sect here described, and are hated by the Musalmâns, who call them Shariat. They style themselves People of the Truth' ('Ahl-i-Haqq) and are very favourably disposed to the Christians, whom they consider almost as their co-religionists. They eat swine's flesh and drink wine, but esteem drunkenness a great disgrace. In some respects they conform to the outward rites of the Musalmâns to avoid persecution. They do not, however, observe the fast of Ramazan. They never shave, nor out their moustaches, probably because they have some superstitious ideas about the power communicated by the hair. The native who furnished information to the writer about the sect, upon being asked what his co-religionists thought of Muhammad replied, "According to our traditions, it appears certain that Muḥammad cut his moustaches, and therefore could not be a proper judge of or understand the truth. They pretend to take their faith from a certain Muḥammad Ibn Nasir, the contemporary of 'Ali, the son-inlaw of Muhammad. The sect seems to possess no religious books, but they offer sacrifices, which may consist of anything, provided it be edible, beginning with a little sugar to a sheep or cow; but there are fixed offerings on fast days, the birth of a child, or the admittance of a new member into the bosom of Truth.' The writer of the article discusses their religious belief at consider. able length. On his way to Mazandaran from Tehran he passed through two villages, Bumôin and Rudêin, the first of which is partly and the second entirely settled by Kurd-bachê or 'Ahl-iIlahi, who do not entirely coincide with the people above mentioned, but very much resemble them. He was told by a man of the Truth" that the only point of difference was the time for beginning the fast, which is three days later with
See Rieu's Catalogue of Persian MSS. in the British
Museum.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1888.
the Kurd-bachê; but this does not prevent them were found in a large board of silver coins di8. from being present at their assemblies and par covered in 1878 in the village of Molodi, in the taking of the sacrifices. M. Zhukovski was struck district of Pskov. They are now in the Hermi. with the neatness and order to be seen in these tage at St. Petersburg, and the sixth is in the villages
collection of General A. V. Komarov. (e) A Journey to Susinjan.-In this article
M 1 . A dirham struck in the town of Jannab in Veselorski describes a journey which he under- 335 year of hijra (=946-947 A.D.). took to this place with the view of exploring a 2. A dirham struck at Al-Muhammadia in kurgan. It is situated about 70 versts from Tash. 338 of hijra ( 949-950). kand. The naine signifies the parting of the 3. A dirham struck at Astara båd in year 366 of waters. The kurgan was not found to yield any. hijra ( 976-77). thing of especial interest, and the chief value of 4. A dirham struck at As-Sirjân in the year the article lies in its description of the surround. | 366 also. ing localities.
5. A fragment of a dirham of Azadu'ddaula (f ) A Hoard of Coins found at Chistopol.-There without the name of place or year. have been many finds of Kafic coins in Russia, 1 6. A dirham, struck at Shiraz in 398 year of but those belonging to the second half and the hijra (1007-08). end of the tenth century are the rarest, especially (g) Inscriptions obtained in an Expedition to those of the Buveyyids or Buyis. T. S. Saveliev Wadi Hammamdt, by V. Golenistchev. The jour. described a hoard, found in the Government ney was undertaken in the winter of 1884-1885. of Kazan in the year 1885, consisting of dirhams The author went from Kupt (the ancient Coptos) of the Bayis, who in fact ruled Baghdad for more to Wadi Hammamet, which lies between the than a hundred years (933-1058). Their coins Nile and the Red Sea, where the rocks abound are noted for the abundance of inscriptions on with inscriptions. They refer to all periods of them. There is a work on these coins by the Egyptian history, from the earliest to the days of Danish scholar Lindberg, Essai sur les monnaies the Persians and Ptolemies. They have been coufiques frappées par les Emirs de la famille des collected and published for the most part by Bouides et les princes de leur dependance. In Lepsius. The author then describes his journey, 1856 some more of these coins were found in the from which we select some salient points. At village of Maklasheyerka, in the district of Spass. Kusar-al-benat he found several graftti and koe. Most of the coins, however, have unfortunately was astonished to see among Greek, Coptic and disappeared, with the exception of one secured by Arabic inscriptions some in characters like those M. Likhachev. There was another find in 1862 found in the peninsula of Sinai. Up to this time in the village of Balimera, also in the district of none of these have been found on the African Spasskoe. From this hoard the author succeeded Continent. Further on his journey on the rock in obtaining 48 dirhams. They were chiefly of the called by the Bedouins Jabal-Abu-Kud some very dynasty of the Bayis. In February 1886 some old hieroglyphics were met with. The first relates Eastern coins were exhibited in the windows of a to the time of the king Ameni'otep IV. the great money-changer at Kazan. These he purchased. religious innovator. A disk of the sun is figured They were found in the district of Chistopol and with six rays, ending in a representation of hands. had been sold by a Tâtår to the money-changer. The author then gives some examples of inscripThe find consisted of 52 dirhams. The earliest tions not included in Lepsius, and then an inbelonged to year 303 of the hijra ( 915-16 scription of one Hannu, who visited the Valley A.D.); the latest 384 of the hijra (996 A.D.). Hammamet in the times of Pharaoh Sankhkara They are as follows: (1) Amants: two of of the eleventh dynasty. After a somewhat lengthy Nasr, son of Ahmad; two of Noh, son of Nasr ; prelude he proceeds to describe his visit to Wadi seven of Nah, son of Mansur (2) Bayis; three of Hammamat. Another older inscription, relating Azadu'ddaula; nine of Muvayyadu'ddaula (none
to the second year, the fifteenth day of the month of these coins have been previously described);
Faofi of the king Mentuiotep, records the exploita seven of Fakhru'ddaula ; four of Khusrav Firde. of an Egyptian named Amen-em-h-at. A third (3). Dilamis: one of Bistan, two of Qabos inscription records the difficulty which an
To this article a note is added by Tiesenhausen Egyptian named Antef had in reaching the on six other coins of this dynasty, which as yet valley. "My lord, 1.e. (Pharaoh) sent me to have not been described. The first five of these the place Ro-banna to bring him a beautiful
1
. Throughout these lists one is struck with the large number of coins which have not been previously de. scribed.
Denkmaler aus Ægypten und Æthiopien.
These are given on one of the boventoon plates with which the article is illustrated.

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MISCELLANEA.
355
block of the valuable stone, like which there person is filled with blessed joy. In the Fifth, has been nothing produced since the time of a Sixth and Seventh Centuries Avalokitesvara was god. There was no one to act as my guide to the honoured throughout all India 10 His greatness quarry, and I could not reach it, and I was alto. and mercy are spoken of in the Saddharmapun. gether occupied in seeking it. I spent eight days darika, that is, in the book translated from Sansin the search in this mountainous country, and I krit into Chinese between 265-313 A.D. The repredid not know where I was. Then I fell down sentation of Avalokitesvara and many legends before the god Khem, the goddess Maut, the concerning him are found in Elura, Aurangabad, goddess Urt-khekau and all the gods of the place and Kanhêri. and offered them sacrifices." There are also According to a legend Avalokitesvara first hieratio graffitti and rude representations of appeared on Mount PAtala, a mountain, in all animals on these rocks.
probability, somewhere in the Dakhari, some (h) The Embassy of Spafar.-The text is however place it outside of India, in China or given by A. Ivanovski, consisting of forty-one in Tibet. In Hlassa at this time still lives pages in the Manchd-Tatar language. Notes the incarnation of Avalokitesvara in the person are added on various readings but nothing of the Dalai Lama. There the merciful one explanatory. The original seems to refer to some shews himself to thousands of worshippers and relations between Russia and China as far back addresses a few words to the richer and more as the reign of Alexis Mikhailovich (1645-1676). eminent of them. He is also the Creator of
(1) Buddhist Prayers, by I. Minayev.-A the world. From his eyes rose the moon and hymn to Avalokitesvara, taken from a collec- sun, from his forehead Mahêsvara, from his tion of various prayers and hymns brought by the shoulders Brahmâ, &c., from his heart Närañjana, author from Nepal. The text is written in the from his teeth Sarasvati, from his mouth the usual Nepali alphabet on a long leaf folded in the wind (Vậyu), from his feet the earth, from his shape of a book. As the Buddhists in Nepal stomach Varuņa, from his navel, fire, from his often do not understand Sanskrit at all, or know left knee, Lakshmi, from his right Srid. And it badly, the texts of these hymns are sometimes many other gods arose from his body for the in a very corrupt state. Besides the above-men- use of the world, and they are all subject to tioned manuscript the writer has made use of two Avalokitesvara. In China he is sometimes repre. others belonging to the Cambridge University sented in the form of a woman (Kwanyin). Many Library. At the conclusion the author of the suggestions have been made as to the origin of the hymn is called Charpati, of whom Taranatha cultus of Avalokitôšvara, by Professors Vasiliev speaks and who is perhaps the same as the Bud- and Beale among others. Prof. Kern finds in it dhist magician and poet.
traces of a solar myth. Perhaps it is impossible to Avalokitesvara, to whom Charpati composed answer the question in a satisfactory way for want the hymn, is prayed to in all Northern Asia, of materials. in Nepal, Tibet, China, Mongolia, and Japan. (1). Miscellaneous Notes. Millions of voices every minute reiterate his (1) On the graves of three Sultans in Kasimov prayer-Om mani padme hun. Millions of hands who died in the seventeenth century. have written and still write this great sentence (2) The khutba of the Harijite Abd Hamza. of six syllables on the walls of temples, on flags In the chief work of the Arabian polyhistor and on rocks. Millions believe that the repetition Jahiz, among other curious specimens of Arabian of these words is sufficient for salvation. In the eloqnence, is included a khutba or sermon of the biography of Hiuen-Tsiang and in the travels of Harijite Abo-Hamza. Fa-hian we have examples of the efficacy of (8) Archeological discoveries in Sidon.--A very prayer to Avalokitesvara.
interesting discovery has recently been made of Minayev cites a legend of how Avalokitesvara which information has been communicated by a cured a sick Brâhman in the city of Visála, who correspondent from Beyrout, who writes as was learned, but an unbeliever. This legend is told follows:-"Two weeks ago, the Director of the in one of the redactions of the Svayambhupurana Museum, Haradi Bey, arrived from Constan(pp. 37-39) an extract from which work is given. tinople ...... with a commission to transfer He always appears in splendour to believers. He the monuments which have been found here to has a million eyes and a hundred thousand hands. that place. The discovery has been made in a Whomsoever his splendour has touched, that cave, cut in the rock, lying about half an hour's
• 1.8. since the time the gods ruled Egypt.
. Cf. Weber, Verz. deh skr. Handschriften Charpatt- nátha, cited in Subhashitaunli.
10 See Peterson, The Subhashitavali, Bombay, 1886, page 86.

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[DECEMBER, 1888.
distance to the east of Saida (Sidon). Its depth is about 15 mètres below the level of the earth. This artificial cave had not to all appearance any doors or exit, since the inner walls, formed of the rock itself, remained undisturbed. When it was accidentally opened men were let down from above, through the opening by means of a rope, for which a wooden staircase has now been sub. stituted by Hamdi Bey. The bottom of the cave exhibits the form of a square room, surrounded on all sides by a number of niches, also out in the rock, in which were found magnificent sarcophagi of white marble and unusually elegant workmanship. With the exception of some of Phoenician origin, the sarcophagi are Greek. Three of the latter are very remarkable :-The first of these was found in the eastern niche and has the form of a mausoleum of white marble, on the side of which are carved eighteen figures of weeping women, and on the lid the ceremonial of a funeral.
The two others were found in the southern niches. One of them is conspicuous by the incomparable beauty of its sculptures:--groups of warriors fighting carved on the sides, some coloured with red paint. Another is a large mausoleum, weighing about 15 tons, and a similar one is hardly to be found in the museums of the whole world. The lid is of a convex shape and exhibits groups of horses prancing and female figures. On one of its sides sphinxes are represented. The sarcophagi are all of solid marble, but nothing has been found in them. In order to get them out Hamdi Bey proposes to construct a tunnel and they are to be sent to Constantinople by a special ship. Subse. quent intelligence has been received that at Said another sarcophagus has been found of black marble.
(4) Criticism and Bibliography. (1) The Fall of Constantinople, by Nestor Iskander of the XVth Century. Edited by the Archimandrite Leonidas. St. Petersburg, 1866. Written in Old Slavonic by a man who witnessed the taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1433. It contains many Turkish and Arabic words.
(2.) K. P. Patkanov.-Some Remarks on the Dialects of the Gipsies beyond the Caucasus. As yet we have only received information about the European Gipsies. Although the gipsies are undoubtedly of Indian origin, yet to which of the Indian races do they belong? Why did they leave their country? At what time did their migrations begin and by what routes did they go ?
The language of such a despised race would naturally be rude, and we accordingly find that they have borrowed largely from the vocabularies of the countries through which they have passed. Miklosich has done much for the philology of the European gipsies, but the Asiatic have been neglected. The first chapter of the work treats of the gipsies generally; the second of the Caucasian races, Bosha, Karachi and Miutriup; the first of which are Christians, the second Shi'as, and the third Sunnis. Of the Bosha language he gives 46 phrases and 238 words. It shews very strong Armenian influences, for the case inflections and vowel forms are Armenian. The dialect of the Karachi is more interesting : in this we have 101 phrases, a short tale and 268 words. In contradistinction to that of the Bosh it shews many independent forms, and ther are no traces of the influences of Persian or any other language. The writer of the review analyses the grammatical forms and decides that the dialect is rather Iranian than Indian. He concludes with a list of some of the most valu. able Russian works on the Gipsies, and congratulates M. Patkanov on this highly useful contribution to philology.
(3) Peter Pordniev. The Dervishes among the Musalmans. Orenburg, 1886. Reviewed severely by V. Rosen). Most of it taken from John Brown's The Dervishes, or Oriental Spiritualism. London, 1883. The book is without scientific value. The author pretends to know Arabic, but his ignorance is shewn by many blunders.
(4) Major Biddulph. The Populations of the Hindu Kush, translated by P. Lessar. Askábad. An excellent translation with a good ethnological map.15
(5) Pestchurov. A Chinese Russian Dictionary, contains about 6000 Chinese characters. The editor gives a warm welcome to this valuable little book, the first of the kind which has appeared in Russia.
(6) Dr. H. Fritsche. On Chronology and the construction of the Calendar, with special regard to the Chinese computation of time compared with the European. St. Petersburg, 1886.** Herr Fritsche was for sixteen years director of the Observatory at Pekin, and for some time taught astronomy in a school founded by the Chinese Government on the European model. This work is based upon the lectures delivered there. The information concerning the Chinese Calendar and computation of time is taken chiefly from Chinese
11 But see ante, Vols. XV. and XVI.--ED.]
1: The tale is here given, with elaborate philological Annotations by K. Z., the anonymous author of this highly interesting review.
13 By the well-known P. Lessar. Both the name of the translator and the place of publication are noteworthy.
11 Title in English.

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sources and specially from Van-nian-shu (the Calendar for Ten-thousand Years), from recent calendars, astronomical journals and other publications of the Tribunal of Astronomy at Pekin, called Tsin-tian-tsian, and Chinese maps of the heavens, included in the work Da-tsin-huidian, which extends to sixty volumes and is the Encyclopædia of the Manchurian Dynasty. Herr Fritsche has also made use of Ideler's work, Die Zeitrechnung der Chinesen. At the end of the book is given a chronological list of the Chinese dynasties and Emperors.
(7) J.Haas. Deutsch Chinesiches ConversationsBuch, nach Joseph Edkins. Progressive lessons in the Chinese spoken language. Second Edition, Leipsic, 1886.
(8) G. Deveria. La frontière Sino-Annamite. Déscription géographique et ethnographique d'après des documents officiels Chinois, traduits pour la première fois. Paris, 1886, with maps. This valuable work contains plans of the various provinces from Chinese and other sources, and is a mine of information on the country and its inhabitants.
MISCELLANEA.
(9) Notice sur le livre de Barlaam et Joasaph, accompagnée d'extraits du texte grec et des versions arabe et ethiopienne, par H. Zotenberg. This work deserves the fullest attention of orientalists and students of church history generally. The object of the author is to ascertain exactly the time and place of the Greek version of this celebrated romance, the Indian origin of which admits of no doubt. Having carefully analysed the language and contents of the romance he arrives at the conclusion that the Greek redaction was made in Syria, in the first half of the seventh century, and that the belief, widely spread originally and recently reasserted by Max Müller (Selected Essays, London 1881), that St. John Damascenus was the author of the romance, will not stand the test of criticism. From the Greek version all the subsequent translations and imitations were made. The author analyses very carefully what he calls le système théologique of the romance in some chapters which shew his intimate acquaintance with patristic divinity. He refers its composition to the first half of the seventh century, and judging from some special dogmatic portions, probably to the time between 620 and 634. In Chapters vi. and viii. the author speaks of the Indian sources of the tale and discusses the route by which it was brought from India to Jerusalem, traces the importance of the Monastery of Saint Sabbas in the history of the Church and finally comes to the translations of the romance into the Eastern languages. The so-called Christian version
357
in Arabic appears to be a verbatim translation of the Greek and he thinks it already existed at the beginning of the ninth century and served as a foundation for the poetical imitation of the romance by the poet 'Abdu'l-Hamid. The Musalmân version in Arabic is also based on the Greek. He then goes on to speak of the Hebrew and Ethiopic, and briefly of the Armenian versions. To arrive at a complete knowledge, however, we still want a thorough examination of all the Greek texts and especially those preserved in the Synodal Library at Moscow. So also up to the present time our knowledge of the Arabic Musalmâm version is but scanty and it cannot well be judged of by the Hebrew imitation. V. R[osen] the writer of the review goes on to shew from the valuable work recently published by A. A. Tsagarelli in Russian, Notices concerning the monuments of Georgian Literature, of which the first part appeared at St. Petersburg last year, that it is quite probable that an early Georgian version of this romance existed, and believes that he finds its name among some of the works translated by St. Euthymius. Perhaps after all it was translated from Georgian into Greek. That the name of Barlaam was known pretty early in the Caucasus we find from the Georgian lives of St. Barlaam, preserved on Mount Athos (see Tsagarelli). The editor concludes by expressing a wish that some of the Georgian scholars in Russia would edit and translate the lives of St. John and Euthymius according to the manuscript of the year 1074 and also the two existing lives of St. Barlaam. By translating these documents they would confer a great benefit on science.
(10). Ousáma Ibn Mounkidh, un émir Tyrien au premier Siècle des Croisades (1095-1188) par Hartwig Derenbourg; Deuxième partie. Texte arabe de l'autobiographie d'ousáma publié d' après le manuscrit de l'Escurial. Paris, 1887. The Amir wrote his autobiography towards the end of his life, when he was ninety years of age. The work is of no great value from the historical point of view; importance consists in the fact that it gives a graphic picture of the life of the period. There is no chronological order in the book and the events are narrated very confusedly. The author is fairly impartial and does not deny merit to the infidels-only the longer they have lived among Musalmâns the more civilised he finds them! He has some good stories to tell as to how some of them adopted Musalmân habits. The event of his life which he deplores the most, is the loss of his library, consisting of 4,000. volumes. Everywhere the fatalism of the author breaks out. The reviewer V. R[osen] expresses his

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thanks to M. Derenbourg for the book and thinks historians who are not orientalists will give it a hearty welcome, but regrets that the editor did not give a photographic reproduction of the manuscript, which is unique. By comparing the page of facsimile given with the published text it is seen that the editor has made some serious mistakes.
(11.) Dr. Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose. Die Waffen der alten araber aus ihren Dichtern dargeatelt, Leipzig 1886. The reviewer V.R[osen] thinks that the author ought to have consulted one of the Hadises. The book however is very learned and full of information.
(12.) Recueil de texts relatifs à l'histoire des Seljoucides, par M. Th. Houtema, Vol. I. 1886. This is the first volume of a work, in which are to be given the most important texts on this subject in the Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages. It contains the Persian texts of the history of the Kirman Saljuqs, compiled by a certain Muḥammad Ibrahim, who lived at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The text is given according to the only MS. known, unfortunately incomplete, belonging to the Royal Library at Berlin. We find in it part of the history of Chakir Bêg and
NOTES AND NOTE ON THE DERIVATION OF GUTTAPERCHA.
Gutta-percha. "The unknown person who first rendered the Malay word getah (sap, gum, bird-lime) by the Latin word gutta deserves credit for some ingenuity. The accidental resemblance of the two words and the adoption of the latter by botanists may, however, be misleading as to the true derivation of the term Gutta percha. Getah, in Malay, is the generic term for any kind of sticky stuff which exudes from trees, plants, leaves or fruit: perchah means a rag, bit, or strip of any stuff. Getah perchah would thus mean getah in strips or pieces (after being boiled) as opposed to the semi-liquid and sticky condition of the raw substance."-W. E. Maxwell, in Journal, Straits Branch R. A. S. No. 12 (1883) p. 207.
Gutta percha. Crawfurd in 1849 wrote as follows:
"Malay, gatta-parcha, the gum of the Pârcha tree. I was at first disposed to think that the last part of the word was pârchah, but this word, ending also in an aspirate, is Persian, and by no means likely to enter into the name of an indigenous plant, the product of which had not been an object of foreign trade." See Journal of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. IV. p. 184. Against
[DECEMBER, 1888.
Tughrul Bêg; and the history of the Kirmân Saljuqs from Q&dard (433-66) the founder of the Kirman dynasty, till its last representative, Muḥammad Shah (A.H. 579-82). Also the history of Malik Dinâr (A.H. 591) the prince of Ghazz, who overthrew the dynasty of the Saljuqs. and finally a short sketch of the fate of Kirmân till the year A.H. 619 when the power of the Qârâkhata'is was firmly established there.
(13.) New Publications of the Pali Text Society (London.)-The publications have been delayed a whole year on account of the illness of the chief editor, Mr. Rhys-Davids. In the Journal of the Society we have the story how Buddha gives six of the hairs of his head to some arhats who asked him for something belonging to himself. The Sandééa Katha, edited by Prof. Minayev: some interesting Notes and Queries by Rev. R. Morris, and a valuable excursus on Dévadáta (Death Messengers), somewhat overloaded with references to general European folklore.
(14.) Udanam, (hymns) edited by Paul Steinthal, London 1885. The book is made useful by its excellent indices,
W. R. MORFILL.
QUERIES.
this there is the fact that, the real gutta percha is produced by a tree called taban (misprinted tabau in Yule's glossary, p. 309) so that if the name is derived from that of a tree, it is one which produces "a spurious article:" (Dr. Oxley ini Journ. Ind. Arch., Vol. I., p. 22). But it has yet to be proved that there is a gutta-producing tree called Percha by the Malays. The Isonandra or Dichopsis is called by them taban. Percha does not appear as the name of a tree in the Malay dictionary of Marsden. Favre has perchah, as the name of the tree, differing from other lexicographers by inserting a final aspirate.
Pijnappel and Klinkert, authors of MalayDutch dictionaries, say that percha is the name of the tree which produces gutta-percha, but give no botanical name. Von de Wall in his Malay-Dutch Dictionary (edited by Van der Tunk, 1877) gives percha as the name of the tree which produces the best gutta-percha, and taban as that of a tree which produces an inferior sort ? The gum collected by Malays is boiled by them before it assumes the appearance which it presents as an article of commerce, and my experience is that they give the name of perchah to that kind of getah taban which hardens into strips in boiling. These are stuck together and made into balls for export. W. E. MAXWELL.

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DECEMBER, 1888.)
SUMMARY OF RESULTS FOR THE GUPTA ERA.
859
SUMMARY OF RESULTS REGARDING THE EPOCH AND ORIGIN
OF THE GUPTA ERA.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. C.I.E. W HILE treating more fully and systemati- of placing the period of the Early Gupta
cally of the question of the so-called supremacy anterior to A.D. 319, and the terGupta era in my Introduction to “The Gupta mination of it in that year. And the most that
nscriptions," Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, can be said against it, is, that it is the literal Vol. III., I have given from time to time por rendering of an ambiguous original, the real tions of the discussion, and the results of the meaning of which must be determined by calculations of the dates, in this Journal. And extraneous considerations. for this reason, as also because many readers of | The Mandasor inscription of Mâlavathis Journal, who are interested in the subject, Samvat 529 expired shews that we must look will possibly not be in possession of the volume to somewhere about A.D. 319 for the startingof inscriptions, it seems desirable to give here point of the era in which are recorded the the concise statement of the final results dynastic dates of Kumâragupta and the arrived at by me.
other kings of the Early Gupta dynasty (see
the accompanying genealogical Table), and The Epoch of the Era.
any others that are to be referred to the same Albérant tells us that there was an era,
uniform series with them. known both as the Gupta era and the Valabhi The dates in the records of the Early Guptas era, the years of which were to be converted
themselves, as far as the time of Skandagupta, into years of the Saka era by adding, accord
do not afford details for computation. But, ing to his most explicit statement, two
clearly belonging to the same uniform series of hundred and forty-one years to the Gupta
years, is the date contained in the Eran pillar Valabhi dates. This fixes the starting point
inscription of Budhagupta. And, converting of the era, approximately, as having occurred this date into a Saka date, in the manner indiwhen Saka-Samvat 241 had expired, and, by cated by Albêrûnî, we have found that, the the epoch of the well-known Saka era, when
resulting Saka year being taken as an expired
resulting Saks vear being taken A.D. 319-20 was carrent; leaving only the year, the details work out quite correctly. 6 determination of the exact epoch by the calcu- Sach dates, also, are those contained in the lation of recorded dates. And, as regards a records of the Parivrajaka Maharajas; special point in his statements, of extreme im- which, moreover, include a specific declaration portance, with the help of Prof. Wright, we have
that the Gupta sovereignty was then still connow obtained a translation which,-if it does tinuing. And, calculating them in precisely not actually mean only that the Early Gupta the manner that is indicated by the results for kings had exercised so powerful a sway that, the date in the Eran pillar inscription, we heve even when their dynasty came to an end, the obtained equally correct and uniform results. era that had been used by them still continued Also, the latest of these records, the Khôh in use, - is yet fully capable of that interpreta- grant of the Mahárája Samkshobha, Corp. Inscr. tion. At any rate, this translation frees us Indic. Vol. III. No. 25, page 112, shews that from the obligation under which we lay, by the Gupta sovereignty continued for at least reason of M. Reinand's rendering of the same two hundred and nine years. And this fact is passage, of connecting the establishment of an amply sufficient to explain why, whatever era with the extermination of the dynasty, and may have been its historical origin, - the era
See page 243 ff. above. ? See page 205 ff. above. S ante, Vol. XV. page 191 ff.
• In this Table, below the unbroken succession, I insert the names of Budhagapta and Bhinugupta because there is at least a strong possibility that they were descended from the same stock, though their connection with each other, and with Skandagupta, has not as yet been made clear; and because the date of
Budhagupta, at least, has always been secepted as bear. ing on the chronological question. For the birudas or second names given in brackets under the names of Chandragupta I. and Samudragupta, and for a few other points, I must refer to my remarks in Corp. Inacr. Indic. Vol. III. Introduction, page 18. 5 ante, Vol. XVI. page 151 f.
Page 331 ff. above.

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used in all these records should eventually to be popularly known, in those parts, as the come to be popularly known as the Gupta Valabhi era. era.
And, finally, undeniable instances of the Such dates, again, are those contained in
actual use of an era known as the Valabhi era, the inscriptions of Sivadeva I. and Mana
as late as the thirteenth century A.D., are fardove of Nepal. And, that the first of them
nished by the Verawal inscriptionslå dated in is recorded in the era in question, is shewn by
Valabhi-Samvat 927 and 945. For the details the dates, in the Harsha era, for Amsuvarman,
of the earlier of these two dates, correct results the contemporary of Sivadêva 1.;7 while, with
can be obtained by applying the same slightly the same treatment, the details of the second
anomalous treatment that applies to the date of them work out quite correctly.
in the Kaira grant of Dharasêna IV. of the Such another date is that contained in the year 330. The latter of them, however, goes Morbi grant of Jainka, And the details of far beyond this. Not only does it fix the epoch this, again, work out correctly with the same of the ere approximately, and in accordance treatment.
with Albêrûni's statement, through the conSuch a series of dates, too, is that contained
comitant mention of the equivalent Vikrama in the records of the Valabhi family. And,
and Hijra years; but also the details of it are with a slight modification, due to a change in
such as to prove that the epoch of the era was the scheme of the year, easily explainable, the
exactly when Saka-Samvat 241 had expired, same treatment gives correct results for the date and A.D), 819-20 was current. And it has in the Kaira grant of Dharesêna IV. of this
furnished, in fact, the exact analogy, in accord. family, of the year 330;10 the only one, at pre- ance with which all dates in the Gupta-Valasent, that affords exact details for calculation. bhi era, that follow the true and original Also, these records give us a succession of
northern scheme of its years, have to be twelve generations, commencing with the
tested. Nenápati Bhatarka, and ending with king Siladitya VII., with dates ranging from the year
All this uniform agreement of results 207 to the year 447. For the first six or seven
cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. generations, the members of this family were
But we must take it now, as a settled matter,
that all the dates in question belong to one and only feudatory Sénapatis and Mahdrájas, with. out the authority to establish an era of their
the same era, running from the epoch of A.D. own. And, as a matter of fact, the date of the
319-20. And, irrespective of the question year 207 for the Nahárája Dhruvasêna I., in
whether the era was actually established by the second generation, proves that the era did
the Early Guptas themselves, we must refer not run from the rise to power of his father
the rise of the Early Gupta power to Bhatarka, the founder of the family, but must
somewhere about A.D. 319, instead of have been adopted from some outside source.
placing the period of their supremacy While, on the other hand, the long duration of anterior to that year, and their downfall this family, coupled with the fact that several
in it. of their charters were issued from the city of A few concluding words, however, seem Valabhi itself,12 and all of them belong either necessary as to the exact years of the Christian to that vicinity or to the neighbouring parts of era, which represent respectively the epoch or Gujarat, is amply sufficient to explain why the year 0, and the commencement or first current era used by them should eventually come year, of the Gupta- Valabhi era.
ante, Vol. XV. p. 192 £. | Page 210 f. above. 9 Page 211 ff. above.
10 arte, Vol. XV. p. 142 ff.; and see, more fully, Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. Introd. pp. 72 f., 93 ff.
"I See the Genealogy, ante, Vol. XV. p. 273.
19.g. the grants of Dhruvasena I., of the year 207 ante, Vol. V. p. 204); of Gubana, of the year 248 (ante, Vol. V. p. 206, and Archæol. Sury. West. Ind. Vol. III.
p. 99); of Dhanasena II., of the year 252 (ante, Vol. VII. p. 68; Vol. VIII. p. 301; Vol. XV. p. 187; and Corp. Inacr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 38, p. 164); of $11Aditya I., of the year 286 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 350, and ante, Vol. XIV. p. 327), and of the year 290 (ante, Vol. IX. p-237); of Dhruvasena II., of the year 310 (ante, Vol. IV. p. 12); and of Dharna na IV., of the year 326 (ante, Vol. I. p. 14, and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 66).
13 ante, Vol. XVI. pp. 147 ff., 152 ff.

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361
Genealogy of the Early Gupta Kings.
Gupta, Hahárája.
Ghatotkacha, Maharája,
Chandragupta I., (Vikrama I., or Vikramaditya I.),
Mahárájádhirája. Married to Kumaradevi, of the Lichchhavi family.
Samudragupta,
(Kacha), Mahârájádhiraja. Married to Dattadêri.
Chandragupta II., Vikrama (II ), Vikramaditya (II.), or Vikramanka, Paramabhatáraka, and Mahardjádhiraja.
Married to Dbruvadevi. [Gupta-Savat 82, 88, 93, and 94 or 95.]
Kumaragupta, Mahendra, or Mahendraditya,
Maharájádhírája. [G. S. 96, 98, 129, and 130 odd.]
Skandagupta,
Kramaditya, Paramabhattáraka, and Maharajadhiraja, [G. S. 136, 137, 138, 141, 141, 145, 146, 148, and 147 or 149.]
Budhagapta. [G. S. 165, 175, and (?) 180 odd.]
Bhânugupta. [G. S. 191.]

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Taking the years quoted in the records A.D. 318-19 current, or more precisely, by the without qualification, as current years, we southern Vikrama year, the period 25 from the have obtained the following results ;
| 12th October, A.D. 318, to the 30th September, By the Eran pillar inscription of Buchagupta, A.D. 319; and Gupta-Valabhî-Samvat l car. Gupta-Samvat 165 current = A.D. 484-85 rent = A.D. 319-20 current, or more precisely, current ;16 -
by the southern Vikrama year, the period from By the Parivrâjaka. grants, 156 current = the 1st October, A.D. 319, to the 18th A.D. 475-76 current,16 163 current = A.D. October, A.D. 320. 482-83 current,17 191 current = A.D. 510-11 These two instances, however, are purely current, 18 and 209 carrent = A.D. 528-29 exceptional ones. And, in the case of all current ;10_
dates in the era referable to the true and By the Nepal inscription of Månadeva, 886 original scheme of its years, we have to apply current = A.D. 705-706 current ;30 -
the epoch of A.D. 319-20, and to treat the And by the Verawal inscription of Arjunadêva, years of the era as northern years, commenc945 current = A.D. 1264-65 current. And ing with Chaitra sukla 1. all these equations give the uniform result of The equation between the epoch of the Gupta Valabhi-Samvat 0 =
Gupta-Valabhi era and the Christian era, is not A.D. 319-20 current,
intrinsically dependent on any reference to the or more precisely, by the Saka year, the Saka era, and it could be established directly period22 from the 9th March, A.D. 319, to the by European Tables. In this inquiry, how. 25th February, A. D. 320; and
ever, it has been established through results Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat I current = that have been worked out from Hindu Tables A.D. 320-21 curront,
which are arranged for the Saka era according or more precisely, by the Saka year, the period to expired years; and, in order to use those from the 26th February, A.D. 320, to the 15th Tables, the given Gupta-Valabhî years had to March, A.D. 321.
be converted into expired Saka years. The The results obtained from the Kaira grant process, however, has not converted the given of the year 330 and the Verâ wal inscription of Gupta-Valabhi years themselves into expired Valabhi-Samvat 927, differ slightly from the years. But what has been done has simply above, and are - Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 330 been, first, by the addition of a uniform current = A.D. 648-49 current, 23 and Valabbi- running difference, to obtain the current Saka Samvat 927 current = A.D. 1245-46 current.24 year corresponding to each given current In these two instances the difference is due to Gupta-Valabhî year; and then, in the usual a local alteration of the true and original way, to take the immediately preceding Saka scheme of the Gupta year; made in such a year as the expired year that is required as the way that each subsequent year commenced basis of the calculation. Thus, the details of with the Karttika sukla 1 immediately preced-l the date in the Eran pillar inscription of Budhaing the true commencement of the year gupta, which really belong to Gupta-Samvat with Chaitra sukla 1. And for these two 165 + 242 = Saka-Samvat 407 current, have dates, and any that may be found hereafter been calculated with the basis of Saka-Samvat to belong to the same class, we have to apply 406 expired; and the details of the other dates the equations of Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 0= in the same way.
16 I exclude the Bhumard pillar inscription, as proving A.D. 528, to the 24th February, A.D. 529. nothing definite, because the Gupta year is not given in it. * Or, in the same way, the period from the 1st March, 16 Or, more precisely, by the Baka year, as commencing
A.D. 705, to the 20th March, A.D. 706. with Chaitra sukla 1, the period (see Indian Eros, p.
21 Or, in the same way, the period from the 1st March, 159) from the 14th March, A.D. 484, to the 2nd March, A.D. 1264, to the 19th March, A.D. 1265. A D. 485.-The dates given in these notes are quoted as
32 Here I owe the initial and ending dates, which it approrimately correct; they may, or may not be the exact
was desirable to have exactly, tc Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit. dates.
23 Or, more precisely, by the southern Vikrama year, 16 Or, in the same way, the period from the 21st
as commencing with Kirttika enkla 1, the period (see C. February, A.D. 475, to the 11th March, A.D. 476.
Patell's Chronology. P. 122, from the 24th September, 17 Or, in the same way, the period from the 6th March, A.D. 648, to the 12th October, A.D. 649. A.D. 482, to the 22nd February, A.D. 483.
* Or, in the same way, the period from the 23rd Or, in the same way, the period from the 25th October, A.D. 1245, to the 12th October, A.D. 1246. February, A.D. 510, to 15th March, A.D. 511.
20 Here, again, I owe the exact dates to Mr. Sh, B. * Or, in the same way, the pericd from the 8th Marcb, Diksbit.

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SUMMARY OF RESULTS FOR THE GUPTA ERA.
363
Now, in the case of an era used specially by eclipse occurred, are not specified ; nor even astronomers for their technical processes, as the week-day. And, as we have seen at page the Saka era was, since we have to work with 212f. above, it might be possible to identify the expired years, it is natural enough that the solar eclipse of this record with that of the Tables should be arranged accordingly. And 10th November, A.D. 904. In that case, the possibly, after a certain period, and in certain given year 585 expired, and the indicated year parts of India, we may have to interpret any 586 current, would be equivalent to A.D. given year of such an era as an expired year, 904-905 current. It would then be as an whether it is expressly denoted as such or expired year, not a current one, that the year not.28 But the same rule does not hold good 165 of the Eran pillar inscription of Budhain the case of eras that are not actually used for gupta is equivalent to A.D. 484-85 current; astronomical processes, though they are quoted and so on with all the other dates. And we in connection with details fixed by such pro- should have to apply, in the case of all dates cesses. Such an era is the Vikrama era 27 And, in the era referable to the true and original
-though the expired years of this era might be scheme of its years, the epoch of A.D. 318-19 quoted, as is shewn, for instance, by lines 19 current, or more precisely, by the Saka year, and 21 of the Mandasör inscription of Malava- the period from the 18th February, A.D. Samvat 529 expired, Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. 318, to the 8th March, A.D. 319; and, in the III. No. 18, page 79,29 and by line 21 of the case of dates belonging to the same class with Kadi grant of Jayantasimha of Vikrama- those of the Kaira grant of the year 330 and Samvat 1280 expired, 20—yet that, occasionally the Veråwal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat at least, the current years were used, is proved 927, the epoch of A.D. 317-18 current, or by the Gwalior Såsbah û temple inscription of more precisely, by the Vikramı year, the period Mahipala,30 in which we have first in words from the 23rd September, A.D. 317, to the the number of years expired, 1149, and then, 11th October, A.D. 318. But we have also partially in words and fully in figures, the seen that the solar eclipse in question can be number of the current year, 1150. Such an far more satisfactorily identitied with that era, again, is the Gupta-Valabhî era; or, at which occurred on the 7th May, A.D. 90.5; least, we have not as yet obtained the slightest to do which, we have to take the given indication of its ever having been used by year 585 expired, and the indicated year 586 astronomers as the basis of calculations. And current, as equivalent to A.D. 905-906 curin the absence of the use of any word meaning rent. And this record, therefore, furnishes "expired" in connection with the year in a strong and instructive corroboration of my Gupta-Valabhî date, it is only reasonable that view that, in the absence of any distinct specie we should follow the ordinary rules of inter- fication to the contrary, we must interpret pretation, and render the original passage as the years in Gupta-Valabhi dates as curdenoting a current year.
| rent years. In one instance only, among the Gupta
The Origin of the Era. Valabhi dates at present known, is a word meaning "expired” used in connection with In taking A.D. 318-19 as the date of the rise the year. This exceptional instance is the of the Early Gupta dynasty, and either as the Morbi grant of Jainka, in which an eclipse of epoch or as the commencement of the era, - a the sun is recorded as having occurred when result which, it respect of the second point, the year 585 had passed by. Unfortunately, was only one year or two years different from the month and tithi, in and on which the the truth, -Mr. Fergusson's theory32 was that
» A clear instance of this is furnished by the date in the Dêôgadh inscription of Bhojadova (see page 2gf. above), 1 By the literal rules of translation, the given Saka year, 784, has to be interpreted as a current year; but, for the calculation, it has to be applied as an expired year.
I The present Tables of this era, however, seem to be arranged, like those of the Baka era, according to expired years. And some of the almanacs quoted at page 205ff. above, give them in the same way.
> And ante, Vol. XV. p. 194 ff. 29 ante, Vol. VI. p. 197
3. For the full reading and translation of the date me ante, Vol. XV. pp. 41, 46, and Corp. Inerr. Indic. Vol II. Texts and Translations, page 22, note 5.
11 Here, again, I owe the exact initial and ending dates to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit.
22 Jour. R. As. Sor. N. S. Vol. IV. p. 106, and Vol. XII. p. 271.

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the era did not date from the accession of a (expired), the full bearing of which has been king, or from any particular historical event. explained at page 141 f. above. And he selected this particular year on the If the Sixty-Year Cycle was in use at all at assumption, -based apparently on a suggestion the time of the commencement of the Gupta thrown out by Dr. Bhau Dajis in 1864,- that era, then, in Northern India, and in connection the comniencement of the era was regulated with a northern era, - which the Gupta era only by the completion of four of Jupiter's emphatically was, - the only system that can Sixty-Year Cycles from the commencement of have been followed is the regular mean-sign the Saka era, in order that there might be system, according to which the cycle is truly always an even and convenient difference of an astronomical cycle, and the sashvatsaras are two hundred and forty years between the Saka regulated entirely and only by the passing of and Gupta dates. This, however, could be Jupiter from one sign of the zodiac into arranged only by applying the Sixty-Year another. By Mr. Sh.B. Dikshit's calculations, Cycle as used now in Southern India, where it from the Súrya-Siddhanta, at the commenceis not in reality an astronomical cycle at all; ment of Saka-Samvat 1 current (A.D. 78-79), since there the cyclic years run on in regular the sainvatsara was Sukla, the third in the succession, without any adjustment of them to cycle; and it was followed by Pramoda, the the motion of the planet, with reference to his fourth, on the full-moon day of the month sign-passing or his heliacal rising, by the omis- Pausha, in December, A.D. 78. And, at the sion of a year on certain occasions, and are commencement of Saka-Sarovat 241 current taken, for the civil reckoning, as commencing (A.D. 318-19), the samvatsara was Angiras, and ending with the luni-solar years. Accord the sixth in the cycle; which was followed by ing to the present southern luni-solar system, Srimukha, the seventh, on the ninth lunar day Saka-Samvat 1 current (A.D. 78-79) was the of the bright fortnight of the month Phålguna Bahudhânya sanvatsara; and Saka-Samvat 241 in February, A.D. 319. Thus, four complete current (A.D. 318-19) was again the same cycles, and three sasivatsaras over, passed becyclic year, Bahudhânya; and, by this means, tween Saka-Samvat 1 and 241; and the epoch some justification might be found for Mr. of the Gupta era, unless it were placed three Fergusson's view. But I have now shewn years earlier, in A.D. 315-16, could not be deterthat the real epoch of the Gupta era was mined by any consideration of this kind. A.D. 319.20, which does not correspond to Saka- Nor can it have been determined by the Samvat 241 current; so that there was, in Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, the years of reality, a completion of four cycles and one which may be regulated either by the passing year, even by the southern luni-solar system ; | of Jupiter from one sign of the zodiac to and this, alone, is fatal to his view on this point. another; or, as was the more ancient custom, by And, in addition to this, amongst other inscrip- his heliacal rising in a particular lunar mantions, the Waņi grant of the Rashtrakata king sion.36 Taking first the mean-sign system, Mr. Govinda III., which records that in Saka- Sh. B. Dikshit finds that, at the commenceSamvat 733 the Vyaya sanhvatsara was current ment of Saka-Samvat 1 current (A.D. 78-79), on the full-moon day of the month Vaisakha the warmvatsara was Maha-Akvayaja, the twelfth (April-May), and the Râdhanpur grant of the in the cycle; which was followed by Mahasame king, which records that the Sarvajit Kárttika, the first of the next cycle, on, as before, samvatsara, the next in the cycle, was current the full-moon day of the month Pausha, in on the new-moon day of the month Sråvaņa December, A.D. 78. While, at the commence(July-August) in the same year, shew very ment of Saka-Samvat 241 current (A.D. 318plainly that the present arrangement was not 19), the savivatsara was Maba-Pausha, the the original one, even in Southern India; as third in the cycle; which was followed by also, still more pointedly, does another grant Maha-Màgha, the fourth, on, as before, the of the same king, dated in Saka-Samvat 726 ninth lunar day of the bright fortnight of the
35 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. VIII. p. 246. 34 ante, Vol. XI. p. 159, line 46 f. * ante, Vol. VI. p. 68, line 53 f.
56 See Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's paper, published at pp. 1 ff. and 312 ff. above.

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month Phalguna, in February, A.D. 319. And, by the heliacal-rising system, at the commencement of Saka-Samvat 1 current (A.D. 78-79), the samvatsara was Mahâ-Bhadrapada, the eleventh in the cycle; which was followed by Mahâ-Âśvayuja, the twelfth, on the twelfth lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha, in April, A.D. 78, soon after the commencement of the year. While, at the commencement of Saka-Samvat 241 current (A.D. 318-19), the samvatsara was Mahâ-Pausha, the third in the cycle; which was followed by Maha-Mâgha, the fourth, on the sixth lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Sravana, in July, A.D. 318. Thus, between Saka-Samvat 1 and Saka-Samvat 241, there had expired twenty complete cycles and three samvatsaras over by the mean-sign system, and twenty cycles and four samvatsaras over by the heliacal-rising system; and the epoch of the Gupta era could not be determined by any consideration connected with this cycle, unless it should be placed in A.D. 315-16 or A.D. 314-15.
SUMMARY OF RESULTS FOR THE GUPTA ERA.
It is thus evident that the so-called Gupta era is not one which, due originally to some event occurring only in approximation to A.D. 318, 319, or 320, had its exact epoch determined, for convenience of comparison with the Saka era, by adopting the expiration of an even number of cycles of the planet Jupiter, either of the Twelve-Year or of the SixtyYear system. And no other chronological or astronomical considerations suggest themselves, for the selection of the exact epoch that has been proved. Its origin, therefore, must be found in some historical event, which occurred actually in A.D. 320, or so closely to that time that, when the scheme of the northern Saka year was applied, the reckoning of the era was not affected to any appreciable extent. And here, though the point is not conclusive either way, we must bear in mind that, as I have shewn fully in Corp. Inser. Indic. Vol. III. page 19 ff., in the epigraphical references to the era there is nothing at all, at any early period, to connect the name of the Early Guptas with it, especially as the founders of it; and nothing to connect the name of Valabhi with it, until at least nine centuries after its establishment.
37 See ante, Vol. VIII. p. 187 ff.
365
We must also bear in mind that it is certain that the era cannot have been established by any member of the Valabhi family; the reasons for this being (1) that, for the first six or seven generations, the members of this family were mere feudatory Sénápatis and Mahárájas, without the authority to establish an era of their own; and (2) that the date of the year 207 for the Maharaja Dhruvasêna I., in the second generation, proves that the reckoning runs from long before the first rise to power of his father, the Senapati Bhațârka, by whom the family was founded.
In the same way, the first two members of the Early Gupta family, Gupta and Ghatôtkacha, held only the fendatory rank of Maharája, and had not the authority to establish an era. The first paramount sovereign in the family was Ghatotkacha's son, Chandragupta I. And, if a Gupta era, truly and properly so called, was devised in his time, then as its startingpoint there would have been selected the commencement of his reign, not the date of the rise to power of his first recorded ancestor, the Mahárúja Gupta; as was done in the case of the Harsha era, which disregards, not only three generations of Mahúrájas at the commencement of the genealogy, but even the reigns of two kings, Prabhakaravardhana and Râjyavardhana II., and runs from the commencement of the reign of the third paramount sovereign, Harshavardhana himself. So, also, when the Western Châlukya king Vikramâditya VI. established a new era under the name of the Chalukya-Vikrama-Kala,37 he disregarded the reigns of all his ancestors, and made the era date from his own accession to the throne. The dates in the Early Gupta records shew clearly that the Gupta era cannot, under any circumstances, ran from the accession of any member of the dynasty later than Chandragupta I. And there are essential difficulties, under any normal conditions, in the way of making the era date from the commencement of his reign; i.e. of taking A.D. 520-21 as his first current year. For his greatgrandson, Kumâragupta, we have dates in the era, ranging from the year 96 to the year 130 odd;38 of which we may take, as the latest
38 See ante, Vol. XV. p. 191.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1888.
certain one, 39 that of the year 129, recorded in from Saka-Samvat 930 to 1060, there were six the Mankawâr inscription, Corp. Inscr. Indic. reigns; with an average of twenty-five years, Vol. III, No. 11, page 45. And, as we ought to or seven less than we should have to allot to assume that Chandragupta I. was at least each of the four Early Gapta kings in question. twenty years old when his reign commenced, And even this result is due chiefly to the this gives us a period of a hundred and forty- extraordinarily long reign of Vikramaditya nine years, which, spread over four generations, VI., for fifty-two years, from Saka-Samvat 997 gives to each a duration of thirty-seven years to 1048. If we take the whole period of the and a quarter, or nearly half as much again as Western Châlukya dynasty, covering one hun. the usually accepted average maximum rate of dred and ninety years, from Saka-Samvat 895, twenty-five years for a Hindu generation. This the first year of Taila II., down to Saka-Samvat too, is only dealing with the question of gene- 1084, as the end of the reign and the death of rations. If we take the period of a hundred Taila III., we have ten reigns, with an ave. and twenty-nine years only, from the com- rage duration of just nineteen years each. An mencement of the reign of Chandragupta I. to ! average of thirty-two years for four successive nearly the end of that of Kumaragapta, - which reigns of Hindu fathers and sons, seems, from gives an average of thirty-two years and a every point of view, an impossibility. And quarter for each of the four reigns,-then, as this prevents our making the Gupta era run compared with the average duration, twenty from the commencement of the reign of Chan. years at the outside, of a Hindu reign, the dragupta I. We must, therefore, accept it as excess is still more remarkable. And almost certain that the Early Guptas only adopted exactly the same results are obtained, if, in the era of some other dynasty. And we stead of considering four generations and must look for its origin to some extraneous reigns, down to the end of the time of Kumara source. gupta, we take the latest certain date of Now, it is evident that the Early Guptas Chandragupta II., vix, the year 93 given in the rose to power first as feudatory MahaSáñchi inscription, Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. rajas, the third of whom, Chandragupta I., No. 5, page 29, and spread the period of ninety- while holding that same rank, established his three years over three reigns, or, on the same independence; so that, his successors mainassumption as regards the age of Chandra- taining the same position, the paramount gupta I., the period of a hundred and thirteen titles, and not his original fendatory title, are years over three generations. On the question always coupled with his name in the genesof generations, I will not base any particularly logical passages in their records. And, from the special objection. An analogy for an abnormal Maharaja Gupta down to Kumaragupta, we average rate might be deduced from the West- have two fendatory governments and four ern Chalukya genealogy, in which we have reigns; which, at the average rate of twenty Saku-Samvat 2 930 for the commencement of years, almost fill up the period indicated by the reign of Vikramaditya V., and Saks-Sam- the latest certain date for Kumâragupta, and, vat 1060 for the end of the reign, and it may by a coincidence, place the commencement of safely be assumed the death, of Sômésvara III. the government of the Maharaja Gupta very in the third generation after him. If we take near to A.D. 320. If, then, we could deterit that Vikramaditya V. was twenty years old in mine the paramount sovereign of whom the Saka-Samvat 930, we have one hundred and fifty Mahárája Gupta was a feudatory, we should years for the four generations, or an average have in him the founder of the era; provided of thirty-seven years and a half for each. But, we could only shew that his successors also
So And it must be very nearly his latest date: for he 41 See my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 18, had then been reigning for at least thirty-three full years, Table. and we have the date of the year 136 for his son and 19 The exact year was doubtful when I wrote the book Nuccessor, Skandagupta. -The selection of any later date referred to in the preceding note but it has now been would, of course, only intensify the force of the argument. established by the Kauthêm grant (ante, Vol. XVI. p.
40 The silver coins (see ante, Vol. XIV. p. 65f.) seem to 15ff.) give the year 94 or 95; but the latest absolutely certain 43 'I exclude the short reign of Sômêsvara IV., from date is the one that I quote. Here again, the adoption of Saks-Samyat 1104 to about 1111, because there had been a later date would only strengthen the argument.
meanwhile an interruption of the Western ChAlukys power by the Kalachuris of the Dekkan.

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SUMMARY OF RESULTS FOR THE GUPTA ERA.
DECEMBER, 1888.]
dated their records in it. And the only difficulty then remaining would be,-When Chandragupta I. and his descendants had asserted themselves as independent sovereigns, by rebellion against their masters, why should they continue to use a purely dynastic era, which had only been running for a short time and had certainly not become an astronomical era, and which would always remind them of the originally subordinate status of their ancestors; instead of establishing a new era of their own, or instead of adopting some well-known era, of general use, which could evoke no reminiscence of a humiliating kind P44 The Early Gupta records, however, throw no light on this point; nor can we expect any, unless we obtain inscriptions of the time of the Mahúrájas Gupta and Ghatôtkacha, or of the early years of Chandragupta I. And at present, in connection with India itself, we know of no king the commencement of whose reign can with any certainty be referred to A.D. 320; and of no historical event to which we can safely allot that date. Nor, while the Early Gupta sovereignty continued, is there any indication of the Gupta era having been used in India by any other independent dynasty. The nearest approximation to the year in question that we have, is in the case of the Kalachuri dynasty of Central India; in respect of which certain points in the records of the Parivrâjaka Maharajas and the Maharajas of Uchchakalpa do tend to support the actual existence, in the Early Gupta period, of a Kalachuri era, and, consequently, of Kalachuri kings under some earlier name.45 The Kalachuri dates, however, certainly cannot be referred to the Gupta epoch. And circumstances indicate that the dominion of the Kalachuri kings at that time was confined entirely to the more eastern parts of Central India; so that they were only contemporaries of the northern dynasty of which the Early Guptas were at first the servants. Mr. Fergusson's opinion,48 again, was in the direction of the era being established, with the foundation of Valabhi as a new capital of Western India, by
An objection of this sort does not apply to the use of the Gupta era by the Valabhi family. The Senapati Bhatarka drove out the invaders who had overthrown the Gupta sovereignty in Western India; and may possibly have been himself the feudatory of some descendant of the original Gupta stock. And when Dharasêna IV. became a paramount sovereign, it was on the disruption of the
367
the Andhra king Gôtamiputra, whom he placed47 between A.D. 312 and 333; the Mahárája Gupta being a fendatory of him or of one of his immediate successors. But the chronology of the Andhras,-who, at the best, seem to have been too essentially a western and southern dynasty to be concerned in any leading way with the history of Northern India,still remains to be finally determined. And Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, who has given more consideration to the subject than anyone else as yet, places Gôtamiputra about two centuries earlier, 48 in the period A.D. 133 to 154; and, according to his view of the early chronology, we should have to refer the establishment of the Gupta era to some event connected with either the downfall of the Kshatrapas of Saurashtra or the history of the Rashtrakutas of the Dekkan. The Kshatrapas, however, certainly did not use the Gupta era; and there is not the slightest particle of evidence that the Râshtrakûtas ever had an era of their own. There can be but little doubt that the real paramount lords of the Maharajas Gupta and Ghatotkacha, and at first of Chandragupta I. himself, were some of the later Indo-Scythian kings of Northern India, whose duration is certain at any rate up to the time of Samudragupta. These IndoScythian kings must have used the Saka era. But this era, again, had not then become an astronomical era ;49 and there was, therefore, no special inducement for the Early Guptas to adopt it; but, on the contrary, there was an objection of the kind already indicated. Further, the Vikrama era was not an astronomical era; and the use of it, in those days, under the name of the Malava era, was probably confined to the different sections of the Mâlava tribe, and to territories of which no part was brought under the Early Gupta sway until the time of Samudragupta. And, finally, the Kaliyuga era in all probability was used only by the astronomers of Ujjain for purely technical purposes; and was not known at all in the territories in which the Early Guptas first rose to power. In fact, in India itself there was no already existing era which
Kanauj kingdom. At neither point was there any reason for the members of this family to feel any aversion to the Gupta era. 45 See page 831 above, note 1. Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S., Vol. IV. p. 128 f. 47 id. p. 122.
18 Early History of the Dekkan, p. 27. 49 See page 209 above.

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368
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1888.
would recommend itself to the Early them was a family, the name of which is not Guptas. And we have next to inquire whether mentioned in the inscriptions, but which in there may have been any such era beyond the the Varikávali is called the shâkuri family, limits of India proper.
issuing its charters from the house or palace By a comparison of the dates of Sivadêvacalled Kailasakațabhavana, and uniformly I. and Amsuvarman, at page 210 above, I have using the Harsha era. The other was the already shewn, in a general way, that the LichcXhavi family, distinctly so named in Gupta era was in use beyond the north the inscriptions, and in the Varnéávali allotted eastern frontier of India, in Nepal; a fact to the Suryavamsa or solar lineage, issuing its which is duly corroborated by the results for charters from the house or palace called the date in the inscription of Månadeva of the Managriha, and uniformly using an era year 386. We must, therefore, now see what with the Gupta epoch. more particular information can be gathered That the Lichchhavi clan or tribe was from the epigraphical records of that coun- one of great antiquity and power, in the try.50
direction of Nepal, is shewn by the writings of In the Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. Ap- Fa-Hian and Hinen-Tsiang, which connect pendix IV., I have given an account of such them with events that preceded the nirvana of the inscriptions from Nepal as have any of Buddha. No exception, therefore, need be bearing on the question now under considera- taken to the general outlines of the long tion; this account being recast and enlarged account in one of the inscriptions, which, so from my original paper on “The Chronology far as the Nepal branch of the tribe is conof the Early Ralers of Nêpůl," published in cerned, gives us the first really historical this Journal, Vol. XIV. page 342ff., & refer- member of it in the person of Jayadeva I., ence to which will suffice for present purposes. who, by the ordinary allowance of time for The actual dates of them range from A.D. each Hindu generation, must be referred to 635 to 854; and give a fairly clear idea of the the period A.D. 330 to 355. history of the reigning families of the country Proof of friendly relations between the during that period. They shew two separate Early Guptas and the Lichchhavis, at an houses, raling contemporaneously, and mostly early time, is given by the marriage of on equal terms; and each preserving certain Chandragupta I. with Kumaradêvî, the daughdistinctive characteristios of its own. One of ter of Lichchhavi or of a Licbchhavi king.
And here we may note that the Kings of Valabbloan bove bad nothing to do either with the introduction of an ere into Nepal, or with the borrowing of an ons from that gantry. As I have already had Occasion to remark. the members of the Valabht family, for the first six or seven generations, inclusive of Bhatarka, were mere feudatory Senapatis and Maharajas; and these members of the family, at any rate, cannot possibly bave conquered Nepal, or even have extended their territory up to the confines of that conntry. The first of the family who elaimed to be paramount sovereign is Dharasēna IV., with the dates of 326 and 830 : and with the titles of Paramabhattaraka, Mahardjadhiraja, and Parame Svara, in common with all his fuccessors; and also with that of Chakravartin, which,
ot being armed by any of his suc008sore, mby perhaps indicate that his power whs more extensive than theirs ever WM. Now, in passing, if we refer his first date of 326 to the epoch of A.D. 819-20, the result, A.D. 615-16, brings us to a very suitable period indeed for him to assume the position and titles of a paramount sovereign vie. to the commencement of the anarohy which, as Me-twan-lin tells us (ante, Vol. IX. p. 20), attended the death of Harshavardhana,"the warlike lord of all the region of the north.". It ended in the complete disruption, for the time of the kingdom of Kanagj. Ambuvar. man became paramount in Nepal, and Adityasena in Magadhs; and the opportunity was of course taken advantage of by Dharsséns IV. to assert his independence in the west of India. But, to say nothing of the improbability of the thing on other grounds, the fact that Ambuvarman became king of Nepal is in itself enough to prevent our admitting the possibility of a conquest of that
country by Dharasens IV. Referring the same date of 326 to the three earlier proposed epoohs, we have respeo tively A.D. 108, 492, and 516. For these periods there is. perhaps, no particular objection to our assuming, for the Bake of argument, that Dharasena IV. may have extended his power over a considerable portion of Northern India, in the parts nearer to Kathi&wid and Gujarat. But the Valabht charters, in which a conquest so extensive as that of the whole of Northern Indis up to Nepal, or inclusive of that country, would most certainly have been recorded, give not the slightest hint of any such event at any time in the history of the family. In fact, with the exception of the allusion to the overthrow of the Maitrakas by Bhatarka, they give absolutely no detailed information at all in conneotion with any of the successes claimed by the members of this family; which tends to shew very painly that, from beginning to end, the Valabhi power was purely local. And, in connection with the earlier proposed epochs, even if Dharasens IV. did conquer Népal, or Northern India up to the frontier of Nepal, and did introduce there the era of A.D. 319-20, the question still remains, and cannot be answered, - Why should he act with such extreme inconsistency as to introduce there this era, which, according to those who have sought to establish those epocha, was not brought into actual use in his own territory, instead of the Gupia era, which he him. self and his successors continued to employ for all the official purposes of their own kingdom ?
01 See Legge's Travels of Fi-Hien, pp. 71, 76; Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. Pp. xiii. li. lv. and Vol. II. pp. 67 note, 70, 73, 77 note, 81.

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DECEMBER, 1888.)
BOOK NOTICE.
369
And, that the Lichchbavis were then at least intelligible reason for the origin of the era, of equal rank and power with the Early which was clang to so persistently by his Guptas, is shewn by the pride in this alliance descendants that they continued the use of it manitested by the latter; exhibited in the for at least two centuries after the introduccareful record of the names of Kumaradevi, tion of the Harsha era into Nepal, and its and of her father or family, on some of the acceptance by their immediate neighbours, the gold cuins of Chandragupta I., and by the Thakuri family of Kailasakůțabhavana. And uniform application of the epithet, “ daugh- no objection could be taken by the Early ter's son of Lichchhavi or of a Lichchhavi," | Gupta kings to the adoption of the era of a to Samudragupta in the genealogical inscrip- royal house, in their connection with which tions. Again, the Allahâbâd pillar inscription they took special pride. I think, therefore, shews that, even if Samudragupta did not that in all probability the so-called Gupta make Népal a tributary province, his kingdom era is a Lichohhavi era, dating either from extended up to the confines of that country. a time when the republican or tribal constitu
There can be no doubt that the Early tion of the Lichchhavis was abolished in Gupta kings must have known the nature favour of a monarchy; or from the commenceand origin of whatever era was being used ment of the reign of Jayadeva I., as the by their Lichchhavi connections in Nepal. founder of a royal house in & branch of the And the period established for Jayadeva l. tribe that had settled in Nepal. But the approximates so closely to A.D. 320-21, that question of the origin of the era is one of it needs but little adjustment to place the course, on which further discoveries, ospecially commencement of his reign actually in that if any can be made in Nepál, may be expected year. This arrangement would give a perfectly to throw more light.
BOOK NOTICE. A RURAL AND AGRICULTURAL GLOSSARY for the North = invocations against dishonesty - Upper Dukb.
West Provinces and Oudh ; by WILLIAN CROOKE, B.A., B.C.3. Calcutta : Government Press, 1888.
(2) The cere.nony performed at the threshing-floor This is a book which should be in the hands of
at the time of forming the grain into a heap for all those who really wish to obtain an insight
winnowing.-Upper Duab." into the speech of the peoples inhabiting the
Here every synonym given for the name of this North-West Provinces and Oudh; but as it has
ceremony means so much separate research, which been issued by the Government Press and is a
shows only in one word at a time. The value, too, of purely Government publication, such is not likely unearthing such customs and their localities will be to be its fate. It is printed and got up in the appreciated by every student of folklore and custom. severely uninviting style peculiar to Government
The book is further full of proverbs and saws, publications, and no one has any particular interest illustrating the life of the people and their habits in its circulation; so it will probably be distributed of thought. Mr. Crooke claims originality of reto a few officials, some of whom will use it, but search here, having purposely avoided all refermost of whom will pigeon-hole it, while the ence to Fallon's Hindustani Proverbe, ed. Temple. majority of scholars and others to whom it will! Illustrations of the severely practical type be specially valuable will never even hear of it. accompany certain a ticles not otherwise explainHowever, it deserves a far better fate than this.
able. And lastly Mr. Crooke - has used all the It is the result of immense labour and research authorities procurable, including those invaluable
t first-hand, and is simply loaded with philological mines of information about India - the Settle. and folklore information of the most valuable kind.
The size of the book, or the length of an article in In a notice like this we cannot attempt to critiit, is no criterion of the labour bestowed on it. Its
cise the individual articles-indeed, for the vast ccuracy, moreover, is guaranteed by the author's majority we have nothing but praise. However, name. Let us take an example at random. that on "Gaga, Gagapir," might have been
"Chank - (Skr. chapa, charpd) (1) (barakat | enlarged with advantage from Temple's Legends ki mitt, bashavan, chhapa, chattur, gobarchak, of the Pañjdb and from Pañjáb Notes and Queries. gobardhan, gobardhana, gobart, thdpd), a piece of With this one criticism we commend to the wood, eto, on which is an inscription in moist perusal of all who are interestod in the philology, clay put on the heaped grain to keep off the evil folklore, and ethnology of Upper India this very eye and avoid theft. The inscription on it valuable addition to the anthropological literature usually 'aqabat ba khair bád, - iman ki salamatt of those parts.

Page #402


Page #403

INDEX.
abdapa, a simplified Table for calculating
the ..................................................... 268ff. Abhidhdnappadipikå, a Pali dictionary, was
compiled in the reign of Paråkramabahu... 126 Abhidharmapitaka; Kâsyapa VI. caused it
to be engraved on golden plates ................ 125 Abhijit, the name of a muhúrta, 210 ;- also
of an additional nakshatra, in excess of the usual number of twenty-seven, the space of which is taken partly from Uttara-Ashadha
and partly from Sravana........................ 5, 6 acacia, derivation of the word .................. 143 Achilles; points of resemblance between him and Indra...........................
... 302 ddvalida or dvalida, a word requiring explana. tion ............
.............. 183n. Agasêyi, an ancient village in Central India 235 Aguri, a division of the Hill Döms ............ 74. Ahadapada, an ancient village in Central
India ................................................... 225 Ahalya, wife of Gautama; the popular story,
302; -varieties of her name in Jain legende, 302; - Prof. Weber's identification of her
with Aurora ....................................... 802 dhara, a territorial term; in Buddhistie litera
ture, sdhdrar is explained by sajanapadan 183n. dhdrddoalika, a territorial term requiring explanation ...........
............... 183 Aharya, a Gipay tribe of the North-West Provinces ......
............ 69 Ahir, a Clipay tribe of the North-West Pro
vinces, 69, 70; - akin to Ghôi ............... 75 Ahl-i Haqq, an account of the sect ............. 353f. 'Ahl-i-Ilahi, see 'Ahl-i Haqq ..................... 353f. Ahmadnagar District, an inscription from
the, edited ..............................******.. 17 Ajávsisha, see J&vpisha ......... .................61, 63 Ajit Singh Sindhanwalia kills Dhyan Singh... 85 Akroreśvara or Akulêkvara, ancient name of
the modern Aükleshwar, the chief town of
a vishaya ................... ... ...................... 193 Akulêávara, see Akrárèsvara ...................... 193 Alberunf, the Arabic historian; his state
ments regarding the Gupta and other eras, as rendered by Prof. Wright, 943 ff.;-the application of them, 359; his statements regarding the Lôkakala of Kaśmir and
other parts of the country ................... 213f. Alexander, myth of; a Hebrew version.......... 353 Alhañadovi (Kalachuri); examination of the
date in her Bhêra-Ghat inscription of Kala- churi-Samvat 907......
.......... 216f.
56
'All Adil Shah of Bijapur, story of his death 221ff. Aliwal, battle of ......................................... 98 Allard, General of the Sikhs ..................... 23 Alloraka, ancient name of the modern Aluri 198 Aluri, a village in Gujarat mentioned under
the ancient name of Allúraka. .................... 198 Alva, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under
the ancient name of Aralua ................. 193n. andnta, the technical name for the scheme
of the lunar months in Southern India, according to which arrangement the months end with the new-moon day, and the bright fortnights precede the dark; in astronomi. cal works it is always this arrangement that is actually taken for calculations, 316 n.; - even in Southern India, this arrangement was not applied to the Saka years, for the civil reckoning, till between A.D. 804 and 866,.. 141 ff.; - on the other hand, even in Northern India, this arrangement was used in Nepal with the years of the Nêwêr era, 246, 253;- but, in Central 'India, it was not used with the years of the Kalachuri era .............
............. 221 Amir Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, envoy of the Sikhs
to the English .................... ............. Amôghavarsha I. (Rashtrakata); examination
of the date of his Sirûr inscription of the Saka year 788, which proves that the amunta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was applied to the Saka years, in Southern
India, between A.D. 804 and 866 .......... 142f. Ambuvarman of Nepal; the value of his
dates, in the Harsha era, in proving the use
of the Gupta era in Nepal.................. 210, 360 Ananta of Kasmir; he conquered SAlavA.
hanadeva of Champa ............................ 8, 9 Anaurata, a Burmese king of Pagan, in A. D. 1080 ...........................
............... 126 Andhra, or Andhra-Khimidi, a mandala tri.
butary to Jâjalladêva .........................138, 139 Anhilwad, a king of, referred to in the Bag. umrå grant of Dhruva III....
198 animals in folktales, speaking ...... Ankleshwar, a town in Gujarat ; mentioned
under the ancient names of Akrürêsvara
and Akulêsvara ..................................... 193 antelope in folktales, type of male constancy. 131 A pam-napat, the son of the waters, the swift
horsed god, on Indo-Scythian coins ......... 91 Arabe mentioned under the name of the Tajikas.........
............. 198
.......

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372
INDEX.
Aralua, ancient name of the modern Alva... 193n. Asoka, the great Buddhist king; mentioned Aramana, #king on the Coromandel coast, | by the name or title of Piyadasi, 305, 307;
between A.D. 1071 and 1126 ............ 125, 126 - and by the epithet of Devanampiye, 305, Aravindahrada, apparently an ancient Cham 307; - in his time there existed written king
............... 32 Buddhist books, 102;- his columnar edicts; Ardokro, a legend, accompanying a female M. Senart's texts and translations, rendered
figure, on coins of Kanishka and Huvishka; into English by Mr. Grierson; introductory
speculations as to its real meaning ....... 97 remarks, 303; - the first edict, dated in the arithmetic exhibited in the Bakshali manu- twenty-seventh year of his reign, 304ff.;
script, an account of the ........................ 33 - the second edict, not dated ................ 306f. Arivarman, or more properly Harivarman ashtadaba-prakriti, 'eighteen officials' ......... 12
(Western Ganga); examination of the date ashtaprahdrika, a term requiring explanation 10 of his spurions Tanjore grant of Saka- Astgåm, a village in Gujarat; probably menSamvat 169 ............
....................... 241 tioned under the ancient name of AsattiArjunadeva (Chaulukya of Anhilwad); the
gráma ................................................ 198 value of his Vertwal inscription of Valabhf. astronomy of the early Jain sacred books; Samvat 945, in explaining Albêrûni's state
remarks on it .............
288 ment regarding the equation between the Advapati, an official title ...
..... 202 Gupta and the Saka eras .......................... 210 Akvapati, Gajapati, and Narapati kings; Armenian printed books in Persia............... 116 Jayasimhadeva (Kalachuri) had the title Artemis, a reproduction of, on Indo-Scythian of lord over these three kings, 225; - also coins ...............
............. 93 | Vijayadêva (Kalachuri), 228; - also Traild. Arvandåsp; his name preserves the word kyavarmadêva (Chandella) ...... ........... 230 Aurvat-aápa.............
............ 91 Atar, the son of Ormazd, the most great and Aryabhata, the first, an astronomer; he was beneficent deity ..................
. ..... 92 born A.D. 476,.. 209 and n.; he is the Atiranaohanda, a Pallava king; he is to be author of the Aryabhatiya or Arya-Sid. placed before Atyantakama.................... 80 dhanta, the text-book of the Aryapaksha atita, remarks on its value in such compounds school of astronomers, the date of which as Baka-nripa-kdl-atita-samvatsara ......... 119 is A.D. 499-500, .. 312 n. ;-his rule for Atri, an ancient astronomer, quoted by şidetermining the years of the Twelve-Year shiputra, and through him by Utpala, for
Cycle of Jupiter by the mean-sign system 312 the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve. Aryabhata, the second, an astronomer; he is
Year Cycle of Jupiter ............................ 313 the author of the work which is usually Atthakaths, remarks on the ........101, 103, 104 called the Laghu-Arya-Siddhanta, and the Atyantakama, a Pallava king; his date was date of which is between A.D. 628-29 and about A.D. 550 ......................
... 80 1150-51..................... ...................... 312n.
Audh, an inscription from, edited ............... 61 Aryabhatiya, or Arya-Siddhanta, an astrono- Aurora, identified by Prof. Weber with mical work by the first Aryabhata, the Ahalya ................................................ 302 text-book of the Aryapaksha school of Aurvat-aspa, the swift-horsed god, on Indo. Hindu astronomers; it was written A.D. Scythian coins............ 499-500 ...............................................312n. Avalokitesvara, Buddhist hymns to ........... 355 Arya-Siddhanta, a name applied sometimes Ayodhyapuriya family ......... ................. 135
to the Aryabhatiya of the first Aryabhata, and sometimes to the Laghu-Arya-Sid. dhanta of the second Aryabhata ............312n. ba, an abbreviation denoting the dark fort. Asatadêva (Paushanavamsa) 8, 9, 10, 12, night; ba di or va di, and bu di, denote 13;-he is to be placed about the mid
the civil day on which a tithi ends, 145,dle of the eleventh century A.D., 9;
instances of the use of ba di...............216, 217 he is mentioned in the Rajataranging as Badêmi, a town in the Kalddgi District; the attending the court of Kalaśa of Kasmir, value of the cave inscription of Mangalisa, 9;-the Chambê grant of the eleventh year of Saka-Sarovat 500 expired, in proving of his reign, edited ..........................10, 13 that the historical starting point of the Asattigrama, ancient name of probably the Saka era is the commencement of the reign
modern Astgåm ................................... 198 of some particular king or kings of the Asha vahishta, the Avestic name of the second Saka tribe ...............
archangel of the Zoroastrian creed ......... 97 Baddhak see Baddhik ............
.
....... 91
***...... 209 ***... ... 70

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INDEX.
373
Baddhik, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West Provinces..........
.............. 70 Baghôlkhand, inscriptions from, noticed ...382ff. Bagumra, a village in the Nausâri District;
mentioned under the ancient name of Tatha-Umbara, 183, 184; - the (spurious] grant of Dadda II., of Saka-Samvat 415, edited, 183ff.; - Dr. Bühler's arguments in favour of the genuineness of this grant, 185 to 191; - identification of the villages mentioned in it .................................... 184 Babawalpar, reduced by Ranjit Singh, 21;
attacked by Ranjit Singh, 59;-under British protection ................................. 59 Bå husahảya, a biruda of Dadda V. [III.] ... 191 Bakshåli, a village in the Peshwar District; account of the manuscript of a work on Arithmetic found there, 33ff., 275ff. ; - the work is in the so-called Gåthå dialect, 36, 30;-& peculiar connection of the work with the Brahma-Siddhanta, 37; - the manuscript cannot be much later than the tenth century A.D., 36; - its arithmetic uses the decimal system of notation, 35, 38; - the forms of the numerals employed
in it ............................... .................. 36 Båmrt, a State in the Sambalpur District,
perhaps mentioned under the ancient name of Bhramaravadra
................ 137 Bana kings; see Nandivarman ................ 239 Bañjára, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces ............................................ 701, Bansbinwa, a division of the Dôms ............ 74 Bansphôr, a division of the Dôms ............. Banwad, a division of the Dôms ......... Bar Hebräus, a notice of ............................321f. Baragaum, a village in Bihar; mentioned
under the ancient name of Naland& ... S09, 311 Barlaam and Joasaph, notice of Zotenberg's ed............
............... 357 Barðda State, an inscription from the, edited,
183 ;-inscriptions noticed...................185ff. Båtal, a division of the Hill Dôms ............... 74 Baufiya, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces ............ Båwariga, see Baupiya .......... Bds-Nama, notice of the ........ Belgaum District, inscriptions from the,
noticed ........................264, 265, 266, 297, 299 Bôm, a division of the Hill Dôms ................ 74 Benares grant of Karnadeva (Kalachuri);
examination of the date ..........................215. Bengal Presidency, an inscription from the, edited ...........
.................307ff. Bentinck, Lord William, at a great dárbar at
Rapar ................................................. 56ff. Bêriya, see Bhêriya ............ ............... 71f. I
Bêsâni inscription of Kalachuri-Sarvat 958;
remarks on the date .............................. 218 Besnagar in Central India; notes on its posi
tion and remains............... ............... 343 Bhadrapada, the lunar month, was the begin.
ing of the Kalachuri year .................... 215 Bhadravarma, ancient name of the modern
village of Bhadrwår in Chamba ......... 9, 10, 12 Bhadrwar, a village in Chambe, mentioned
under the ancient name of Bhadravarma 9, 10, 12 Bhagwanlal Indraji, Pandit, obituary notice
of, with account of his life and labours ...292ff. Bhangra, a mandala tributary to Jajalladêva 139 Bhanugupta, a king, perhape of the Early
wapta stock..................................... 359 n., 861 Bharukachchha, an ancient name of the modern Broach; mentioned as a camp of Dadda II., 183; - it was the chief town of a vishaya; the probable extent of this
vishaya................................................ 193 Bhaskaracharya, an astronomer, the author
of the Siddhanta-Sirómani, the date of which is A.D. 1150-51; his rendering of the rule of the Brahma-Siddhanta, for one of the unequal-space systems of the nak
shatras ........................ bhatta-village of Takkârika ........................ 118 Bhattavala or Bhattavila desa, conquered by
Svåmin ............ Bhattavasanta, apparently an ancient locality
in ChambA .............. ..........................9, 12 Bhawanidis, Diwan, at Multán ................... 18 Bh&yila, of the Rajamala family.................. 137 Bhôr4-Ghat inscription of Alhanadêvi; ex. mination of the date, 216.; -and of another
inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat 928 .........217 Bhêriyd, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces............................................. 71f. Bhillama I. (Y&dava of Sêuñadéba)............... 118 Bhillama II. (Y&dava of Sèuņadêsa); his
wife was Lakshmi, of the Rashtrakata
family................ .................... 118 and n. Bhillama III., Mahasamanta (Yadava of Sêu.
şadesa); his capital was Sindinagara, 118:- he had the biruda of Y&dava-N&rayaņa, 118; - his Kalas-Budrokh grant of Saka-Sarvat 948, edited ..................... 117ff. Bhillamala, represented in Chinese by Pi-lomi-lo, an ancient name of Bhinmål or Srimal, 192 and n.; - the Chåpas were kings of Bhillamåla .............................. 192 Bhillamålakacharya, a name of Brahmagupta ............
...........192 and n. Bhinmal, or Srimal, a town in Marwad; men
tioned by Hiuen Tsiang under the name of Pi-lo-mi-lo, 192 and n.;-Brahmagupta was a native of this place...... ..............192n.
74
"
********.....
.........
71 71
.... 144
.

Page #406

374
Bhishma-ashtami, a tithi in the bright fortnight of Magha, or in the dark fortnight of the amánta Magha or the purnimanta Phalguna .....136 and n.
Bhitvaramánya, an official title
******************
requiring explanation...... 11 and n. Bhôja, of Dhârâ; map shewing the bed of his ancient lake near the town of Bhopal, 348;the legend about the construction of the lake 350f. Bhôjadêva, a king mentioned in the Sêrôn
******....
201
inscription Bhôjadeva of Kanauj: examination of the date of his Dêôgadh inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 919 and Saka-Samvat 784, which proves that one or other, or both, of the unequal systems of the nakshatras was in use up to A.D. 882.. ............. 23f. Bhojpur, an ancient city near Bhopal; an unfinished temple here illustrates the ramp up which large blocks were rolled by ancient builders, 350;-map shewing the bed of the ancient lake of king Bhôja in this locality, 348;-the legend about the construction of the lake, 1350f;-remains here, similar to Keltic remains.............. Bhopal (see also Bhojpur); the popular deriva. tion of the name....... Bhôṭavarmadêva, Mahdrája; notice of his Chambâ grant. Bhramaravadra dééa, conquered by Jagapâla; perhaps the modern Bâmrå 137 bhú, bhúmi, a particular land-measure ...9, 10, 12 Bhumara, a village in the Nâgaudh State; examination of the date in the pillar inscription of Hastin and Sarvanâtha ......... 337 bhúmashaka, a particular land-measure...9, 10, 12 Bhuvanaikabahu I., a king of Ceylon, A.D.
******************
351
352
10f.
............................
***********
1303 to 1314........... Bhuvanaikabahu IV., a king of Ceylon, A.D. 1347 to 1361...........
************
************
INDEX.
*****************
***************
127 307.
Bihar, an inscription from, edited
Bilachi, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
**********...
**********
Provinces....... Bilvasiva, of the Vastavya family Bir Singh Faqir, his story birudas; remarks on the repetition of them with successive kings of the same name... 191 Bôdh-Gayâ, a Buddhist site in the Gays District; mentioned under the ancient name of Mahabodhi ......309, 311 bódhi, as a termination of proper names; in Satyabodhi Bôdhi-tree, the, at Bôdh-Gay&; mention of it, with the vajrasana
*********************
*******
311
*****************
Bolor, derivation of the name Bombay Presidency, inscriptions
edited..........
**********
**************
*************
127
of the
24
***********
Brihat-Samhita, an astrological work by Varahamihira; its statement for the naming of the years of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter according to his heliacal rising in particular nakshatras, 1; and for the grouping of the nakshatras for that purpose Broach (Bharuch), chief town of the Broach District, in the Bombay Presidency; mentioned under the ancient name of Bharu. kachchha, 183; it was the capital of the Gurjara family, 192; remarks on the extent, geography, and history of the Broach kingdom under that family..... .193ff. Broach District, inscriptions from the, noticed.. ..185ff. 51
.......................................****
brother marrying a sister.
63
-as
72 Buddha mentioned as Sâkyasimha, 'the Sakya lion,' 63; as the chief of sages, 310; -as the lord of the three worlds, 310; Sugata.... Buddhadása, a king of Ceylon, in the fourth century A.D.; he produced a Sanskrit work on medicine Buddhaghôsha, a Buddhist teacher; he visited Ceylon soon after Fa-Hian. 124 Buddhism; in Ceylon it was overthrown by the Malabars in the ninth or tenth century A.D., 125; and was restored by king Mahalu-Vijayabâhu, 125; - proof of ts ancient existence in Cambodia, alongside of Saivism and Vaishnavism, 32; - proof that
*************
310 114f. from the, .....117, 183
2888
86
Book of the Bee, Budge's Ed., notice of......28, 29 Book of the Chrie, notice of the
322 144 301
**************
Book of the Falcon, notice of the bosh, a derivation of the word Brahmagupta, an astronomer, the author of the Brahma-Siddhanta, the date of which is A.D. 628-29, and which is the text-book of the Brahmapaksha school of astronomers; he was born A.D. 598,..314; he was a native of Bhînmâl, and was called Bhillamâlakâcharya, 192 and n.;- and he wrote in the time of the Châpa king Vyaghramukha, 192; a curious similarity
between one of his rules and a rule of the Bakshâli arithmetic, 37; his rule, as rendered by Bhaskaracharya, for one of the unequal-space systems of the nakshatras, 4, 5; his rule for determining the years of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter by the mean-sign system...... 312 Brihaspati, an astronomer, quoted by Dâdâbhâî, in the Kiranávali, in support of the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter........ ..... 313 Brihatkathamañjart of Kshêmêndra, notice
**************
***************
2
311
122

Page #407

********...
it was still flourishing in Bihâr in the ninth or tenth century A.D., 309; it was still extant in Northern India in the first half of thirteenth century A.D. 61 Buddhist inscriptions; the Srâvasti inscription, dated Vikrama-Samvat 1276, edited, 61; -the columnar edicts of Asôka, edited. 307, 303 Buddhist literature of Ceylon; its vicissi tudes .100, 122 Buddhist written books existed in the time. of Aśoka Budhagupta, a king, perhaps of the Early Gupta stock (see also Eran) 210, 359 and n., 361 building; an illustration of the ancient prac
***************
tice of raising large blocks by sloped ramps 350 .203f. burial-grounds, purification in ...... Burnes, Sir A., envoy to Ranjit Singh. 56
INDEX.
*********...
***********
Calcutta (?) Kalikshêtra..... caluminated persons in folktales; stepson 76; - hero
*************
Cambodia; notice of M. Barth's inscriptions from this country Central India, notes on some ancient places and ruins in, 348 ff.;- inscriptions, edited, 201, 224, 227, 230, 234;noticed, 23f., 215ff., 332ff. Central Provinces, an inscription from the, edited....
102
********
329
79
31
135
Ceylon; the vicissitudes of its Buddhist literature, 100, 122; the accepted dates of some of the kings of this country, 101, 103, 104, 122, 125, 126, 127;- a proof of the cultivation of Sanskrit in this country in the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. ......123, 124 chakwd and chakwi in folktales, 77; - chakwd's liver makes eater happy, 77; head makes eater a king Chalukyas, Early and Western, of Bâdâmi (see also Mangalisa, and Pulikêsin II.); their genealogy, amended in the earlier generations, 199; - notes on them in connection with the Pallavas..................... Chalukyas of Gujarât; their amended genealogy, 199; notes on them, 185, 186, 197, 198; some of their grants are dated in the Kalachuri era.... 186, 197 Chama, the ancient kingdom of the Chams,
known in Sanskrit as Champâ........... Chamang, a division of the Hill Dôms Chamar, a division of the Hill Dôms........ Chambâ, a State in the Pañjâb; mentioned under the ancient name of Chanpak, 8, 10, 11-mentioned in the Rájataramgint under the name of Champå, 8, 9;- the grant of Sômavarmadêva and Asata.
77
30
32 74 74
dêva, edited, 7; notice of the grant of Bhôṭavarmadêva, 10;-: notes on the kings of Chambâ, 8, 9, 10; ancient divisions of the country, with villages and locali ties in them .....9, 11, 12 Champâ, a variant of the name of Chambâ 7, 8, 9 Champå, an ancient kingdom near Cambodia;
.......
the name is a Sanskritised form of Chama 32 Chams, see Aravindahrada, Chama, Champå 32 Chand Kunwar, Râni of Lâhôr, assumes the Government Chandal Chandan Rânî of Lâhôr intrigues with Suchêt Singh, 85f.; her fall
Dôsåd
Chandella kings, notes on the, 139; - Kalachuri titles applied to a Chandella..... Chândiyana, Kottapala... Chandralekhâ, folktale of Chanpaka, an ancient form of the name of Chamba .................................................................8, 10, 11 chank, an agricultural ceremony of the NorthWest Provinces
*********...
=
..................
*****************
********..
375
*****......
.................................
************
*********
231 201 202ff.
*******.
84f. 75
**************
230
Chapa kings; they were the reigning house of Bhillamåla; they were probably identical with the Châuḍâs, Châvôṭakas, or Châpôtkatas; and perhaps the Gurjaras of Broach belonged to their family. ************** ..... 192 Châpôtatas, see Châuḍâs 192 Chatur&ha mandala, an ancient territorial division in Chamba chatváraka, an unusual word, apparently used in the sense of chatushṭaya... Châudâs were probably identical with the Châpa kings....... Châvôṭakas, see Châuḍâs......... Chêdi, the Kalachuris of; remarks on the Ratnapur branch..... ..137, 138 Chêdi era, see Kalachuri or Chêdi era ......215ff. chhatrabhoga, the expanse of the royal umbrella'.. ..........12 and n. Chhiḍauda, an ancient village in Central India. 228 Chhonnêrakagoshṭhika, apparently an ancient
99
locality in Chamba .....................9, 12 Chilianwâlâ, battle of Chinese; remarks on their religious and other literature, and its compilation by Confucius 319ff. Chinese Calendar and computation of time. 356f. Chinese-Russian Dictionary, notice of......... 356 Chuhur Magala, notice of the.................. 143 coins; the Zoroastrian deities on the coins of Kanishka, Muvishka, and Vasudeva, 89ff.;the sun-god, 90, 91;-the moon-god, 91; - the wind-god, 91;- the fire-god, 92; - the god of kingly glory, 92; the war-god, 92; the bird Vareñjana, 92;- the winged goddess of victory, 92, 93;- the star Sirius, 93; Shahrêvar, the genius of metals,
********************
99
370
11
192 192

Page #408

376
INDEX.
DOU.***........................
30
77
94; - a goddess of wealth and fortune, 97; - a male deity, who is perhaps the second Zoroastrian archangel, 97; - unidentified representations, 98; - remarks on the legend Ardokro, coins of Kani.
shka and Huvishka............ ..................... 97 coins, a proposed method of cataloguing,
266; - finds of KQfic, in Russia, 354 ; - of the Bayis, 354; -of the Dilamis, 354 ; - of the Samanis, 354 ; - of the Othman
Amirs ................................................ 352 Confucius ; account of his life and mission,
317ff.; his portrait according to the Sung tradition ........
............... 318 Conjeveram; a Pallava temple was built
there about A.D. 550......... cross used for the negative sign in the arith.
metic of the Baksbali manuscript............ 34 cures, miraculous, in folktales..................... Curiosities of Indian Literature............... 60, 88 current and expired years (see also expired
years); current years can come to be ordinarily superseded by expired years, only in the case of eras that are actually applied by astronomers for astronomical purposes, 209; - a distinct instance of the use of a current year, after the quotation of the preceding expired year, 363 ;- instances of the use of both current and expired years of the Kaliyuga, Vikrama and Saka eras, in Hindu almanacs, 205 to 208; - use of a current Saka year in an inscription, 119; -and of a current Kaliyuga year, 299; - and of a current Vikrama year, 363 ;- years of the Gupta. Valabhi era are to be interpreted as current years, unless the contrary is distinctly specified, 363; - so also the years of the Kalachuri era, with two exceptions, 215n., 215ff., 220f: -- but with the Newar era this interpretation is exceptional ............ 252
of Prasantariga, 191, 194; - and the spurious Bagumra, Ilåó, and Umêta grants give him the title of Maharajadhirdja, 185, 194, 195; - his (spurious] Bagumrå grant
of Saka-Samvat 415, edited ..................183ff. Dadda III. [but properly the first of this name,
and identical with Dadda I. in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family], 191, 194, 195; - his rank was that of Samanta, 194, 195 ; - he conquered the Nagas, and probably
part of Malwa ....................................... 195 Dadda IV. [but properly the second of this
name, and identical with Dadda II. in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family; also Bagumrå, Kaira, Ilao, and Umêta], 185, 186, 191, 194, 195, 196; — his rank was that of Samanta, 194, 195; - he had the biruda of Prasantaråga, 191, 194, 195; -- he protected a ruler of Valabhi against Harshavardhana of Thânèsar ........................... 195, 196 Dadda V. [but properly the third of this name;
see Gurjara family], 185, 191, 198; -- he had the biruda of Bahusabaya, 191, 198; - remarks on the enemies whom he en.
countered .............................................. 198 Dadbipadraka, ancient name of the modern Dôhad .....................
...................................193n. Dahithali, ancient name of the modern Dethli 184 Dakshina-Kôšala country, conquered by
Kalingaraja, 138; - and tributary to JAjalladeva
................138, 139 dakshiniyana (see also sankranti), the
period during which the sun is moving from
north to south....................................... 147 Dal Singh reduces the Dêráját ................. 21 Dalêrå see Dholêra................
............... 74 Dalip Singh of Lahôr, supported by Raja
Hira Singh, 85; - Sikh war with the English, 87; - his deportation to Eng.
land.............. ......................... 100 damanáropana, a particular ceremony ........ 299 Dandakapura, a town or mandala tributary to Jâjalladeva
.............. 139 Dåndôra district, consisting apparently of
Two-thousand-five-hundred villages, ac
quired by Jayadeva .............................. 137 Dandaka (Kaurava)..............................228, 235 darsa used to denote the new-moon ............ 264 dates (see also eras) recorded in :
decimal figures... 23, 64, 119, 140, 201, 202,
211, 216, 225, 228, 230, 234, 248 to 252, 298, 328 numerical symbols ............210, 220, 336, 337 numerical words 247, 248, 250, 251, 252, 264, 265 words... 12, 23, 119, 141, 142, 200, 211, 219, 220, 230, 239, 241, 247, 248, 266, 299, 300,
332, 335, 336 Dathavana, remarks on the .....
126
Dadabhai, author of the Kirandvali, a commentary on the Súrya-Siddhanta; his quotation of Brihaspati in support of the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, 313; - his comments on a verse of the Surya-Siddhanta in the same
connection .................... ................314n. Dadda I. [properly identical with Dadda
III. in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family], 183, 185, 191, 194; - his rank was
that of Sumanta ................... .................. 185 Dadda II. (properly identical with Dadda IV.
in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family; als, Bagumrå, Kaira, Ilað, and Umêta), 183, 185, 191, 194. 195; - he had the biruda

Page #409

INDEX.
377
..................
216
......
.......
daughter in folktales, favourite, 50; -
seventh, 54; -- youngest, 130ff.; -- only... 128ff. days, civil, of the fortnight or month, denoted by
fu di, and, ba di or va di, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight: -
first ............................................. 216 second ...................... third .................
...................... 218 fourth .........................
.................
328 fifth
................211, 217 sixth
............ 217 ninth ........................
216 tenth ........................ twelfth ..................... thirteenth ..............
fifteenth dark fortnight:
fourth ........................... ninth ......................... tenth .......................
.................. fortnight not specified: - third
............... 336 nineteenth ..................................... 337
twenty-seventh .............................. 337 days, lunar, i. e. tithis, of the fortnight or month,
denoted by the number or name of the tithi, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight:first
............... 210, 300 second .......................................8, 335 third ....................................... 252, 332 fourth ................. ........................ 225 sixth ............................................. 250 seventh...
......... 248, 250, 251 eighth ........................ 136, 216, 249, 298 ninth ............................................. 247 tenth ........................220, 248, 249, 250 twelfth .................................. 10, 265, 299 thirteenth ........................... 247, 251, 336 fourteenth ............ ................23, 252 fifteenth
............. 220 full-moon .........
.................. 248 dark fortnight :second ................
251, 252 third .................
.............328, 336 fifth ....................
................ 141 sixth ...... .....*******
.................. 249 seventh .................
...............228, 298 eighth
........249, 298, 328
....... 218, 248, 328 eleventh .......................
................... thirteenth................................... 240, 252
new-moon ................... ............... 250 fortnight pot specified: -- full-moon ......
............ 230 new-moon.......... 142, 183, 219, 241, 264, 266
days of the week; the week-day is reckoned
by the Hindus from sunrise to sunrise ; consequently the English and Hindu weekdays are not identical for a period of 57 minutes, 8 seconds, at the end of the Hindu week day, when, by the English reckoning, the following week-day has already commenced, and thus, as for all ordinary purposes the week-day of a lunar day or tithi is the week-day on which that tithi ends, there may in certain instances be a nominal discrepancy between the resulting English and Hindu week-days, 332n.;-Prof. Jacobi's Table for finding the week-day of the 1st March, from 0 to 2100 A.D., 178; - the week-day is usually denoted by the word vara; instances in which it is denoted by dina, 23, 136, 202, 216, 219, 229. 248, 249, 250, 252, 328; - by divasa. 250; - and by vásara, 247 to 252; - cases in which it is mentioned only by its name, without any of these words, 202, 216, 217, 248, 250, 328; - names of the days of the week, as used in recorded dates :
Adi (Sunday, as the first day') ......... 298 Aditya (Sun.) ......... 124, 220, 247, 249, 250 Amaraguru (Thurs.) ........................ 250 Bhaskaraputra (Sat.)........................ 252 Bhauma (Tues.) .........................266, 328 Bhrigu (Fri.)
............ 214 Brihaspati (Thurs.) ....................141, 250 Budha (Wed.) ... 136, 216, 217, 248, 300, 328 Danajaripuguru (Thurs.) .................. 248 Guru (Thurs.) ......................225, 247, 299 Ravi (Sun.) ........... 216, 217, 248, 251, 328 Sanaischara (Sat.) ..................... 202, 249 Sani (Sat.)........................... 201, 202, 252 Sasadhara (Mon.) ........................... 251 Śaśänkåtmaja (Wed.)...................... 247 Söma (Mon.) ...................216, 240, 250, 298 Sukra (Fri.) ..........8, 228, 248, 249, 252, 328 Vrihaspati (Thurs.) ...23, 249, 251, 252,
264, 265 decimal system of notation was used in the
arithmetic of the Bakshâli manuscript; ...35, 38 Dégârive, a village in the Belgaum District :
examination of the date in the inscription of Permadi-Sivachitta, of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4275 ............
.................. 960 Dôogadh, a village in Central India; exami
nation of the date of the inscription of Bhôjadova of Kanauj, of Vikrama-Samvat 919 and Saka-Samvat 784, which proves that one or other, or both, of the unequal systems of the nakshatras continued in use
up to A.D. 852 ................ .............. 23 Désala, of the Rajamala family .................. 137
.........
***.....
..........251
tenth...
..................
250

Page #410

378
INDEX
ancient name was Dadhipadraka, not DhAhadda ..............
............. 193n. Dôm, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces 73f.; - the same as Romani...... 73 Dom Mirasi musicians are Dôms .............. 73 Domâng, a division of the Hill Dôms ......... Dômkatêr is a military Brahman ............... Dômrâ see Dôm ............ Dôsåd, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces, 74; -- the same as Chandal...... Dost Muhammad of Kabul and Ranjit Singh.. 81 Dulêrê see Dholêrå Dam see Dôm Mirasi, 73; - is not Dôm ...... Domni is not Dôm ........... Durgarèsvara, a king conquered by SAhilla. dêva, 8, 11:4his country is perhaps the
modern Dågrå ............ Durjaya (Kaurava).......... ............. 231, 235 Durlabha of Multån, an astronomer quoted
by Albêráni; his method for converting Lokakala dates into Saka dates shews that the Lôkakala reckoning was introduced, at
Multân, in A.D. 926 .............. ................ 214 Dasad see Dôsåd............ ............... 74, 75 Dúta, used for the office of Dataka of a
charter................................................... 13 dvalića, or ddvalida, a word requiring explanation ............
............ 183n.
............
.........
9
Dethli, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under
the ancient name of Dahithali .............. 184 Dêv, a small river in the Ahmadnagar Dis.
trict, mentioned under the ancient name of
Dêranadi .................................... Dêvanadi, ancient name of the river Dêv ... 118 Divdnanpiye, 'dear to the Devas,' an epithet
of Asoka-............ ................. 305, 307 Dôvapkla, a king mentioned in the Ghôsråwå
inscription ............... ..................... 309, 311 Dêvarâja, prime minister of J&jalladova, Ratnadeva, and Pșithvideva .............
***.............. 137 Dêvasimha, of the R&jamála family ............ 137 Dêvfchand, Diwan, at Multân, 19; - appoint
ed Governor of Kaśmir ......................... 21 dh, bh, in Indo-Germanic=h in Sansksit ...323f. Dhadiyappa (Yadava of Sêuņadesa) ............ 118 Dh&hadda, ancient name of the modern Dhawat ............
..............193 and n. Dhåhilla (Kaurava)........................228, 231, 235 Dhályaka, apparently an ancient village in Chamba ...............
...............9, 12 Dhanvantari, the physician of the gods ...... 311 Dharasôna II. (of Valabht); remarks on his
spurious grant of Saka-Samvat 400... 186, 188 Dharasêna IV. (of Valabhi); he was the first
paramount sovereign in the Valabhi family, and his power was perhaps more extensive
than that of his successors...................... 368n. Dharkår, a division of the Dôms ................ 74 Dharwad District, an inscription from the, noticed
.................. 142 Dhâtusêna, a king of Ceylon, A.D. 459 to 477. 125 Dhaullēka, apparently an ancient locality in
Chamba ............................. ..................9, 12 Dhawat, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Dhahadda 193 and n. Dhiyår, a division of the Hill Dôms ............. 74 Dholêra, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West Provinces ...........
.................... 74 Dhruvasêna II. of Valabhi, identified with
Tu-u-ho-po-tu ........................... 196 and n. Dhyan Singh, appointed wasir by Ranjit
Singh, 83; - supporta Sher Singh, 85; -
killed by the Sindh&nwâliâs .................. 85 di (see under ba), an abbreviation denoting
the civil day and the tithi ending on it: instances of its use alone, 336, 337;with ba or va, 202, 216, 217;--and with su
10, 211, 216, 217, 218, 328 diamond, miraculous, in folktales, opens a
passage into water..............................53, 105 Dip, a village near Bhopal ; notes on its name 352 Dipawamba, remarks on and extracts from the
101, 102, 103, 125, 128 disguises in folktales ........... .......... 104, 130, 204 Dohad, a town in the Pañch-MahAls; its
eclipses; Prof. Jacobi's method of calculating
them, 154 f.;- remarks on the question whether, if they are to be celebrated, they should be visible, or not, 190 and n.;eclipses mentioned in recorded dates :lunar ..............
.................. 220 solar...... 119, 141, 142, 183, 184, 211, 219,
250, 266 epoch; a word used as the most convenient
term for the year 0 of an era, as required for comparison and calculation and as contrasted with its commencement or first
current year ....................................passim Eran, a village in the Sagar District; the
value of the pillar inscription of Budhagupta, of the Gupta year 165, in connection
with the question of the Gupta era ......210, 359 elephant in folktales elects the king ............. 78 Epithalamia in Southern India, 254; - speci. mens of
........258f. eras, the various, used in recorded dates :
Gupta........................ 210, 211, 332, 335, 336 Kalachuri or Chêdi......... 136, 215 to 220, 225 Kaliyuga ..............264, 265, 266, 298, 299, 300 Néwår......
..................247 to 252 Saka ..........23, 119, 141, 142, 183, 219, 240, 241 Vikrama 23, 61, 64, 201, 202, 228, 230, 234, 328

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379
expired years (see also current and expired the date of the Môrbi grant of Jainka; but years), they can come to be ordinarily
it does not seem probable ......................... 211 used, instead of current years, only in the Gautama represents a solar myth ............... 302 case of eras that are actually applied by Gayakarņa (Kalachuri of Chêdi), perhaps menastronomers for astronomical processes, tioned as a friend of Jajalladéva, 139; exa209; - instances of the use of expired years mination of the date in his Jabalpur grant 218 distinctly specified as such, of the Gupta geese in folktales, a type of female constancy. 129 era, 211; -- the Kaliyuga era, 264, 265, 266, geographical notes; Ahmadnagar District, 298, 299, 300:- the Newâr era, 247, 248;
118, 119; - Central India, 226; -Bihar, the Saka era, 141, 241 ; - and the Vikrama 309;-Gwalior State, 201; --Gujarat, 183fr., era, 363; - exceptional instances in which 192, 193, 197, 198; - Lalitpur District, a Kalachuri year has to be applied as er. 201;- Kathiâwâd, 211 n.;-MAlwa, 192;. pired .....................219, 225, and perhaps 216 Marwad, 192;- Nasik District, 118; - Rây.
pur District, 137; -Sambalpur District ... 137 Fa-Hian, the Chinese pilgrim; he visited Ghalahana, apparently an ancient village in
Ceylon in A.D. 411........... ................ 123 1 Chamb& ............ .............................. 10, 13 fate, written on the forehead of the new-born Ghosi, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West Pro.
babe ........................................................ 260 I vinces 75; -- akin to Ahir........................ 75 fire-god, on Indo-Scythian coins................... 92 Ghỏsråwå, a village in the Patna District; Folktales, in Salsette, 13ff, 50, 104 ; - of perhaps mentioned under the ancient name Southern India, 202ff. 236ff. 259ff. 346ff. ; -
of Yasovarmapura, 309, 311n.; - the Bud. in Western India......................... 75ff. 128ff. dhist inscription, edited ...........................307ff. fortnights, lunar(see amanta and purnimanta); Gidhiya, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
the bright fortnight denoted by valaksha, Provinces .............................. ......... 71
250; -and apparently by subhra........... 12 Gipsies, list of Russian works on ................ 356 friends in folktales travelling together......... 528. Gipsy, derivation of the word .................. 239
Gipsy dialects of the Caucasus, notice of PatGadhipura, an ancient name of Kanauj ...... 63 kanov's ......................................
............... 356 Gaikwar's Dominions, an inscription from Gipsy tribes of the North-West Provinces, the, edited........................................
68ff. ; - who avoid agriculture, 68; -- who Gajala, a younger brother of Jagapala ......... 137 practise husbandry ...........................68, 69 Gajapati king: see Afvapati .........225, 228, 230 Giryêk, a hill in the Patna District; menGamdgamika, an official title requiring expla
tioned under the ancient name of Indra. nation ...............11 and n. saila
...................309, 311 Gandía-chaturthi, a tithi in the brighs fort. Glossary, an agricultural, of the North-West night of Bhadrapada..............219 and n, 225
Provinces........................................... 370 Gangas, Western; see Arivarman ............... 241 Goa; examination of the date in the grant of Garga, an ancient astronomer, quoted by
the fifth year of Shashthadeva II. ............ 300 Utpala for the heliacal-rising system of the Gölmadhitól, a village or hamlet near Khật. Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, 313; - and mându in Nepal; the value of the inscripfor a variation from the usually accepted tion of Sivadêva I. of the (Gupta) year 316, grouping of the nakshatras, 2 n.;-Utpala's in proving the use of the so-called Gupta quotation of his rule in the Garga-Sanhita, era in Nepal, and in fixing the chronology for one of the unequal-space systems of the of the early rulers of that country.............210 nakshatras, 4; - and of a verse by him, Gonda District, in Oudh, an inscription from which seems to refer to the mean-sign
the; edited ............
61 system of the cycle .......... ..................... 315 Gôp, a village in Kathiâwâd, perhaps menGarga-Sanhita, an astronomical work by tioned under the ancient name of Göpta 211n.
Garga; Utpala's quotation of its rule for Gopala, a king of Kanauj .......................61, 63 one of the unequal-space systems of the Göpta, apparently an ancient name of a village, nakshatras
and perhaps represented by the modern Garuda-image attached to a copper-plate Gởp................................................ 211 and n.
grant ............. ............................ 117 gótra, 'a family or clan;' names of gótras Gath& dinleot, so-called, used in the Bakshalt mentioned in records :manuscript....................................... 36, 38
Bharadvaja..
............ 118 Gaupta, of or belonging to the Guptas;' an
Kaśyapa......
...... 11 adjective which may possibly be used in
Kausika.
........... 183, 226

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380
INDEX.
Kausilla ..................
.................228, 229n. Maundilya........... Govinda III. (R&shtrakata); examination of
the date in his grant of the Saka year 726, which proves that, up to A.D. 804, the párnimânta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was used with the Saka years, even in Southern India, and also the mean sign system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter ...............
...............141f. Govindachandra (of Kanauj), probably men.
tioned as a friend of Jajalladêva............... 139 Greek remains at Sidon ..........................355. Gujarat, north of the river Mahf, was annexed
to Valabhi before the end of the sixth
century ......................... ...................... 195 Gujarat, KanojiA Brahmans of .................. 183 Gujastak Abalish, Barthélemy's Ed., notice of 29 Gujrat, battle of.................................... 99, 100 Gulab Singh of Kasmír at Rapar, 57; - sent
to Peshawar, 81;- his accession to power 98-99 Gunaraja, Mahdsdmantadhipati.................. 201 Gupta era, a convenient name for the era,
comiencing in A.D. 320, used by the Early Gupta kings and their successors; Albêrani's statements regarding this and other eras, as rendered by Prof. Wright, 243ff.; -- he speaks of both the Gupta and the Valabhi eras; but he distinctly shews that he is referring to one and the same era under these two names, 245; - his statements do not really mean that the era dates from the extinction of the Gupta sovereignty; but, that the Gupta era continued in use after that time, 245; - and the erroneous idea is due only to Prinsep's rendering of the Kahâum inscription of Skandagupta, and its endorsement by Reinaud in his translation of Albêrûni, 245, 246; - Albêrani's illustration of the method of converting Lôkakala dates into Saka dates through the Gupta reckuning, 213 f. ;-calculation of dates in this era, 210, 211, 332, 335, 336, 337;-proof as to the epoch afforded by the use of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter in records of the Early Gupta period, 331 to 339; - summary of the results, which prove A.D. 319-20 as the epech of the era, and A.D. 320-21 as its first current year, 359 to 363; - proof that the years in GuptaValabhi dates are to be interpreted as current years, unless the contrary is distinctly specified, 361 to 383; -- inquiry as to the origin of the era, 363 to 369; - its epoch, or its commencement, was not determined by the expiration, from the epoch or the commencement of the Saka era, of an even
number of Cycles of Jupiter, either of the Twelve-Year or of the Sixty-Year system, or by any other astronomical considerations, 363 to 365; - but its origin must be found in some historical event, which occurred actually in A.D. 320, . . 365; - it was not established by any member of the Valabhi family, 365 ; - nor by the Maharaja Gupta, the founder of the Early Gupta family, 365; -it cannot run from the accession of Chandragupta I., the first paramount sove. reign in the family, 365, 366; - it was adopted by the Early Guptas from some extraneous source, 366; - the reasons for which they would not adopt any era then in use in India itself, 366 to 368; - the socalled Gupta era was in use, outside India, in Nepal, by the Lichchhavi rulers of that country, 210, 368; - the antiquity and power of the Lichchhavis, and the friendly relations, including intermarriage, between them and the Early Guptas, would dispose the latter to adopt any Lichchhavi era, 368, 369; -and in all probability the so-called Gupta era is a Lichchhavi era, dating either from the general establishment of monarchy among the Lichchhavis, or frona the commencement of the reign of the Lich
chhavi king Jayadeva I. in Nepal ............. 369 Gupta-nripa-rdjya-bhuktau, a technical ex.
pression in the grants of the Parivrâjaka Mahdrájas, shewing that at certain dates the Gupta sovereignty was still continuing
331, 332, 335, 336 Gupta-Valabhi era; a convenient name for
the Gupta era, especially during the period when, through its use by the kings of Valabhi, it may have begun to be called
the Valabhi era .............. .............. 360 IF. Guptas, the Early; their genealogical table;
361; - notes on their history ....... 359ff., 365ff. Gurjara family of Broach (the value of much
of the matter referred to here, and in connected entries, depends on the supposed genuineness of the Bagumra, nað, and Umêta grants of Dadda II. ; but they are spurious grants; and the names of Dadda I., Jayabhata I., and Dadda II., as entered in the list on p. 191, require to be struck out; and the numbers attached to the following names require to be altered, and some of the historical and other details in the article require to be recast accordingly; - J. F. F.]; Dr. Bühler's remarks on the previous theories regarding this family, 185 to 191;- with the conclusion that the Umêta grant of Saka-Samvat 400, the Ilão grant

Page #413

INDEX.
381
.................
9
2
of Saka-Samvat 417, and the newly discovered Bagumrå grant of Saka-San vat 415, are to be accepted as genuine, 191; - that the Nausâri grant of the year 456 is dated in the Kalachuri era, 186; -- and that the same is probably the case with the Kaira grants of the years 380 and 385, . . 187, 188; and with the Kåvi grant of the year 486,.. 186; the list of the members of the family, on this view, 191; their history, conquests, &c., on the same view, 194 to 198; -- according to the Nausâri grant their family was founded by the Maharaja Karna, 192; the name, Gurjara, is men. tioned by Hinen Tsiang, in the form of Kiu-che-lo, 192; -- they perhaps belonged to the Châpa family, 192; - their capital seems to have been always Broach, 192;-remarks on the extent, history, and geography of
their kingdom of Broach.................. 193 to 198 gutta-percha, a derivation of the word ......... 358 Gwalior State, inscriptions from the, edited and noticed ..........
............... 2014.
Hastin, Maharaja (Parivrâjaka); eramina
tion of the dates in his grants of the (Gupta) year 156, . . 332; -of the vear 163,.. 335; - and of the year 191, .. 356;
- ana in his Bhumara pillar inscription ... 337 Hazára, Ranjit Singh's doings in..............21, 22 Héla, a division of the Dôms ..................... 74 Hephaestus; his characteristics represented
on Indo-Scythian coins.............. hero in folktales: - is calumniated, 79; is
neglected, 50; substituted for old woman's son, 79; disguised as a physician, 104; apprenticed to a potter, 78; falls in love with heroine's picture, 129; -- marries off his companions, 105 ; his friends are hunter and carpenter, 52; arranges marriages of his friends, 54; kills ogre, 79; kills
rákshasa .............. .......................53, 105 heroine in folktales :-wears male dress, 130;
disguised as a male artist, 130; possessed
by serpent ............... Hira Singh supports Dalip Singh, 85; his death ..............
............. 86 hóma-sacrifice performed at the time of making a grant ..........
................ 118 Huvishka (Indo-Scythian or Turushka) re. marks on his coins...
............89ff.
....
54
h in Sanskrit is dh, bh in Indo-Germanic ... 323ff. Habib, takhallus of Hakim Qaani ................ 239 Hábora, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West Provinces ...............
............ 71 Haidaråbåd in the Dekkan; examination of
the date of the grant, of the Saka year 534 expired, of Pulikesin II., which proves that up to A.D. 612 the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was used with
the Saka years, even in Southern India ... 141 Haji Kakar at Pêshwar .............................. 82 Hakim Q&âni, notice of ........
............. 239f. Halálkhôr, a division of the Dôms ............ 74 Halsi, a village in the Belgaum District;
examination of the dates in the inscription of Permadi-Sivachitta and Vijayaditya. Vishnuchitta, of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4270 and 4272, . . 264, 265; - and in the grant of
the thirteenth year of Jayakésin III. ... .. 299 Hari Singh, Sardar, at Tiwana, 21; at
Peshawar, 59; - his death ..................... 82 Harirâjadêva, Maharanaka (Kaurava), 231,
235; - his Rêwah grant of the (Vikrama)
year 1298, edited ...................................234ff. Harivarman; see Arivarman (Western Ganga) 241 Harkiyå, a division of the Hill Doms............. 74 Harshadêva, a variant of the name of Harshavardhana of Thânésar ......185, 186,
187, 195, 196 Harshavardhana of Thânêsar, mentioned
under the name of Harshadêva, and in connection with Dadda IV. (II.) and a ruler of Valabhi ............ 185, 186, 187, 195, 196
Il&o, a village in the Broach District; the [spurious) grant of Dadda II., of SakaSarvat 417; Dr. Bühler's arguments in favour of the genuineness of this grant, 185 to 191; - examination of the date by Prof. Kielhorn, 219.; - identification of the
villages mentioned in it................. ....... 193n. images attached to copper-plate grants........ 117 Imâmu'adin, Governor of Kasmir ............... 99 impossible task, variant of ....................... 130ff. Inde, Les civilisations de l', notice of
Le Bon's ............................................. 25 India, Northern, mentioned under the
name of Uttar&patha, 309, 311; - and of
Udichipatha.............................................. 312 Indo-Germanie Languages, Comparative
Grammar of the, notice of Brugmann's ... 25 Indo-Scythian kings; see Turushka ......... 89 fr. Indra, the god; points of resemblance
between him and Achilles .................... 302 Indragupta, a proper name ..................309, 311 Indraśaila, an ancient name of the modern
Giryêk, 309, 311 and n.; - two chaityas
were built there by Viradêva ................. 311 inexhaustible supply in folktales procured by
parting with all stores daily... ..... 262 inscriptions, hieroglyphic, in the Wâdi Hammamât ...........
...384f.

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382
INDEX.
20
inscriptions on copper, edited :
Bhillama III. (Yadavă of Seunadeśa);
Saka-Samvat 948.......... ............. 117 Dadda II. (Gurjara); Saka-Samvat 415
(spurious) ................... ............... 183 Hariraja (of Kakarêdi); Vikrama-Samvat 1298 ..................
............. 234 Kirtivarman (of Kakaredi); Kalachuri.
'Samvat 926 .................................... 224 Kumarapaladeva (of Kakarêdi); Vikra.
ma-Samvat 1297 ........... ............... 230 Salakshanavarmadêva (of Kakarôdi);
Vikrama-Samvat 1253 Sômavarmadova and Åsatadêra (of Cham.
ba).................................. inscriptions on stone, edited :
Asoka; his columnar edicte; the first
edict, dated in his twenty-seventh year,
304; - the second edict, not dated ... 307 Jagapala (Rajamala); Kalachuri-Samvat
896 ............ ............................. 135 Ghôsråwå Buddhist inscription ............ 307 Srävasti Buddhist inscription; Vikrama
Samvat 1276.......................... Térahi monumental inscription; Vikrama
Samvat 960................ ..................... 201 instrumental case used instead of the locative
in expressing the week-day of a date ......8, 23 intercalary months; the intercalation and
expunction of lunar months, 146; -remarks on mean intercalations, 54; epigraphical mention of intercalary months, 218, 219, 248n.; - other instances in which the details work out for intercalated months ......217, 248 invocations of Bharati, 227; - Bhavani, 11; -
Brahman, 11, 117, 227, 230, 234; - Buddha, 63, 310;-Ganesa, 11, 225; -Siva, 11, 117,
230, 234 ; - and Vishņu.........11, 117, 230, 234 Ishi, ancient name of the modern Isi............ 184 Isi, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under the
ancient name of Ishi .......... ............... 184 Islam Shah Sar, coins of ...... .......... 67
......
61
Jagasimha, another name of Jagapala ......... 137 Jagatpala ; see Jagapala ....................... Jagatsimha; see Jagasimha.......................... 136 Jahåndar Khân of Peshawar, conquered by
Rañjit Singh ........................ Jåinka, a chieftain in Kathiawad ; remarks on the reading and interpretation of the date of his Mörbi grant of the (Gupta) year 585 expired, 211; - examination of the details of the date .......................................... 211 Jains; translation of Prof. Weber's paper on
their sacred literature ................. .279ff., 339ff. J&jalladeva I. (Kalachuri of Ratnapur); his alliances, conquests, and tributary countries, 138, 139; -Jagapala was his feudatory, and Dêvapala was his minister, 137 ;-remarks on his Ratnapur inscription of the Kalachuri year 866, 137, 138;-examination of its date. 216; - remarks on his Malhar
inscription of the year 919 .................... 138 Jalla, Pandit of Lähôr, waxir under Dalip Singh, 85; - his death ...........
........... 86 Janaka, of the Vastavya family; his wife was
Jijja; and he was a minister of Gopala of Gadhipura .................. . ............ 63 janina, 'kind to people;' a rare word ..... 62, 63n. Jaravadra, ancient name of the modern
Jólwa................................................... 184 Jaudhaka, apparently an ancient village in
Chamb& ..................... ................9, 12 Jaunpur, perhaps mentioned under the ancient
name of J&vộisha ..............................61, 63 J&vpisha, or perhaps Ajávșisha, a town built
by the epic king MåndhâtA; perhaps repre.
sented by the modern Jaunpur ............61, 63 Jawahir Singh, his doings at Lähôr, 84f;his death ............
....................... 87 Jayabhata I. (properly identical with Jaya. bhaça II. in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family], 183, 185, 191, 194; - he had the biruda of Vitaraga, 185, 191, 194; -he carried on wars, probably in Gujarat and
Kåthiawad .. Jayabhata II. [but properly the first of this
name, and identical with Jayabhata I. in the list on p. 191; see Gurjara family], 191, 195; -- he had the biruda of Vitariga
191, 195 Jayabhata III. [but properly the second of
this name; see Gurjara family] ...185, 191, 198 Jayabhata IV. [but properly the third of this name, see Gurjara family, also Kavi, and Nausâri], 185, 186, 191, 194, 198 ;-his rank was that of Samantadhipati, 194; - he opposed either Siladitya V. or VI. of Valabhi, 198; - and the great invasion by the Tajikas probably occurred in his time.. 198
**............. 194
Jabalpur grant of Gayakarnadeva; exami.
nation of the date ............ ................... 218 Jabbar Khan, Governor of Kasmir, con
quered by Ranjit Singh ........................ 20, 21 Jagapala, also called Jagasimha, a chief, apparently of the Rajamala family, and a feudatory of the Kalachuris of Ratnapur, 136, 137; -his exploits and victories, 137; - he founded or rebuilt the town of Jagapalapura, 137; -his R&jim inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat 896, edited, 135; - examina
tion of its date.............. .......... 216 Jagapalapura, a town founded or rebuilt by
Jagapala ..........

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INDEX.
383
Jayadeva I.; the first historical person in the
family of the Lichchhavis of Nepal; his initial date, as reckoned backwards, is about A. D. 330; and this needs but little adjustment, to place him in A.D. 320, and to make the so-called Gupta era run from the commencement of his reign ............... 369 Jayadeva, of the Rajamala family ................ 137 Jayakèáin III. (K&damba of Goa); examina
tion of the dates in the Kittar inscription of his fifteenth year, 297; - and in the Halsi grant of his thirteenth year ..................... 299 Jayasimhadeva (Kalachuri), 225; - examina
tion of the date in his Tewar inscription
of Kalachuri-Samvat 928.......................... 217 Jayatsiinha, a younger brother of Jagapala... 137 Jayavarman, Mahdrdraka (Kaurava)...... 225,
228, 231, 235 Jéjábhuktika, an ancient district; a ruler of
it was the friend of J&jalladeva ............... 138 Jews of Persia used Persian Language, but
Hebrew character ................................. 115 Jijjá, wife of Janaka of the V&stavya family 63 jitána labhyaté lakshmir &c. ; remarks on this verse.........
***......................202n. Jogi, see Dhôlêre .................................... Jolwa, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Jaravadra ...... 184 Jurngurâra, an ancient village in Chamb& ... 11 Jupiter, the planet; its regent mentioned
under the names of Angiras, 313;-the son of Angiras, 313 ; - Brihaspati, the lord of prayer, 313; - Guru, 'the preceptor, 312, 313, 314.n.; - Ijya, 'the teacher,' 313 ;--Jiva, the living being,' 313; -- Surêjya, the teacher of the gods,' 315; - the counsellor of (Indra) the lord of the gods (dévapati-mantrin), 1; -and the counsellor of the gods (sura-mantrin) ............ In. Jupiter, the planet; exposition of the
Twelve-Year Cycle based on his heliacal risings, with reference to his apparent longitude, in particular nakshatras, lff., 312ff. ; - the authorities for this system of the cycle, with the rule for naming the years of it, according to the order of the lunar months, commencing with Karttika, 1 and n., 313, 314; — the length of each year of the cycle, by this system, is roughly 400 days, 2; - a practical illustration of two cycles of this system, 6;-the years of this cycle that are liable to be omitted, and to be repeated, 7; - this is evidently the original system of the Twelve-Year Cycle, 315; - instances of the later and modern use of it, 316 and n., 316; - the heliacal risings of Jupiter are still noted in
Pañchdngs, for religious purposes, 315, n.; - there are indications that the Sixty. Year Cycle also was originally regulated by the same system, 313 and n., 315, 316;-the years of the Twelve-Year Cycle, by this system, mentioned in records of the Early Gupta period, are, Mahd-Asvayuja, 335, 336; - Maha-Chaitra, 336;Mahi-Magha, 387; - and Maha-Vaisakha, 332; -- examination of the dates of these records, 331, 332, 335, 336, 337; - the Pausha and Vaisakha years of a TwelveYear Cycle are mentioned in early Kadamba records; the absence of the prefix mahd possibly indicates that they are of the mean-sign system, 336 n.;-the proof that the epoch of the Gupta era was not determined by the Twelve-Year Cycle
according to the heliacal-rising system 364,365 Jupiter, the planet; incidental remarks on
the Twelve-Year Cycle based on his passage, with reference to his mean longitude, among the signs of the zodiac, 2, 312, 313; - the rule, as given by the first Aryabhata and by Brahragupta, for determining the years of this cycle by this system, 312; - the years commence with the years of the Sixty-Year Cycle by the same system ; and the length of each year, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, is 361 days, 1 ghati, 86 palas, 313; - instances of the use of the cycle, by this system, indicated by the absence of the prefix mahd, are possibly to be found in early Kadamba records, 334 n.; - the proof that this is not the system of the cycle used in records of the Early Gupta period, 332, 335, 336, 337; - and that the epoch of the Gupta era was
not determined by it ..........................364, 365 Jupiter, the planet; incidental remarks on
the Sixty-Year Cycle based on bis passage, with reference to his mean longitude, among the signs of the zodiac, 2, 313 ; - the rule of the Súrya-Siddhanta for determining the years of this cycle by this system, 313; - the length of each year of this cycle, by this system, according to the same authority, is 361 days, 1 ghats, 36 palas, 313; - a verse by Kasyapa seems to indicate that the years of this cycle also were originally determined by the heliacal-rising system, 313 and n.; - Varahamihira gives the rule that Prabhava, the first year of this cycle, commences when Jupiter comes to Dhanishthi and rises in Mâgha, 315, 316; comments on this rule, which is not correct for the mean-sign system, but is nearly so

Page #416

384
INDEX.
266
119
300 299
264
for the helincal-rising system, 315n., 316; - Kakrêri, a village in Central India, mentioned the Sixty-Year Cycle by the mean-sign under the ancient name of Kakarédiká system, was current in Southern, as well as
225, 226, 228, 231, 235 in Northern India, at least up to A.D. 804, Kalachuri or Chêdi era, an era tised by the .. 112 ; -- the proof that the epoch of the Kalachuri kings of Central India ; Prof. Gupta erit was not determined by this Kielhorn's examination of the dates in this cycle, 364 ; - names of years of this eyele, era, 215ff. ; - with the results, taking as a3 used in recorded dates :
current years all the years except those in Subhanu ................... .................. 141 the Nausäri and Kåvi grants, in the Rewah Jupiter, the planet; the use of the Sixty
grant of the year 926, and perhaps in the Year Cycle, according to the southern Bhèrå-Ghât inscription of the year 907, luni-solar system, seems to have been that the epoch of the era was A. D. 248-19, introduced between A.D. 804 and 866,
and its first current year was A.D. 249-50, .. 142 f.; - and the epoch of the Gupta .. 215; - that each year commenced with cra cannot have been determined by this Bhadrapada sukla 1, .. 215; - that the cycle, 364 ; - names of years of this cycle, first day of the first current year was as used in recorded dates :
28th July, A.D. 249,.. 215; - and that Durmati ................
298 the Kalachuri year was a northern year, Jaya .......................................
with the purnimanta arrangement of the Khara
265 lunar fortnights, 221; - in this era are Kródhana ..............
also recorded the dates of the Nausårigrant Prubluva .....................
241 of Jayabhata IV. [III.], 185, 186, 187, 198; Saclhrana ................
- and of some of the grants of the Chaluk. Siddharthin ...............
yas of Gujarat, 186, 197; - also probably of Vilambin .........
240 the Kaira grants of Dadda IV. (II.), and Virudhin ..............
of the Kivi grant of Jayabhata IV. (III.), Vyaya ..........
142 185, 186, 187, 188, 195, 198; - and early Jururadesi (®), wife of Manikyavarman ...... 10 instances of the use of it are perhaps to be Jyotishadarpana, an astrological work; its found in the records of the Mahardjas of date is A.D. 1557-58, 316; - a quota
Uchchakalpa, 331n.;- instances in which tion from it in support of the heliacal. the name of Kalachuri is coupled with the rising system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of
era ......
............... 136, 216 Jupiter
..............313 Kalachuris of Chêdi; notes on them, 137, 158,
139; - remarks on an ornamental mark at Kuidambari of Bana; an invocation of Siva the end of some of their inscriptions ......140n
quoted from it in an inscription ............... 230 Kalachuris of Ratnapur, an instance of the Kadambas of Goa; see Jayakêśin III., Per- use of the Vikrama era by them ................ 138 madi-Sivachitta, Shashthadeva II., and Kalakacharya, the Jain legend of; remarks
Vijayaditya-Vishnuchitta ............264ff., 297ff. on the occurrence of Scythic titles in it ... 95 Kahuka, Dátaka of the grant of Sômavarma- Kalasa of Kaśmir; his court was attended dôva ........
..................8, 13! by Asatadêra of Champå ...................... Kailasanatha Temple, or R&jasimhisvara Kalas-Budrukh, a village in the Ahmadnagar
Temple, at Conjeveram, was built about District; mentioned under the ancient name A.D. 550 ......
of Kalasa, 118 and n.; - the grant of Kaira (Kheda), the chief town of the Kaira
Bhillama III., of Saka-Samvat 948, edited 117 District; the grants of Dadda IV. (II.), Kalhana see Lokakala ..............................
*** ... 213 of the years 380 and 385; Dr. Bühler's Kalingaraja (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ......... 138 remarks on them, with the conclusion that Kalinga-Vijayachakka, a king of Ceylon, they are probably dated in the Kalachuri A.D. 1235 to 1266 ................................. 127 era, 185, 186, 187, 188, 195 ; identification Kaliyuga era, an era commencing, with the
of the villages mentioned in them............ 193 beginning of the Kali age, in B.C. 3102, Kaira District, in the Bombay Presidency, though usually represented as commencing
inscriptions from the noticed ..................185ff. in B.C. 3101; it is of but rare use in Kakarêdika, or Kakkarêdika, ancient name epigraphical records, but there are in
of the modern Kakrêri ... 225, 226, 228, 231, 235 stances, 264, 265, 266, 298, 299, 300; - Kâkayara deća, taken by Jaga påla, 137; - it quotations of the reckoning of this era,
is the modern Kånkôr ..... .............. 137 both by current and by expired years,

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385
from Hindu almanacs, 206 to 208; - its Karttikėya, the god of war; one of his names duration is 432,000 years of men; and
was Pippata ................................. 63, 61n. we are still only in the sandhyd of it, 206, Kåsakola vishaya, an ancient territorial divi. 207 and n., 208; it was the original sion on the north bank of the Tapti......193, 197 astronomical era of the Hindus; and Kasht hapur, ancient name of the modern the substitution of the Saka era for it, Kathôr................................................ 197n. for astronomical purposes, seems to have KAŚiwala, a division of the Dôms ............. 74
taken place between A.D. 476 and 587 ... ... 209 Kasmir, Ranjit Singh's doings in, 18ff.; - Kamalardja (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ......... 138 taken by Ralijit Singh, 21; - sale of, Kamaniya, an ancient name of Kamrêj, and Native version ............ ................. 98, 99
the chief town of a bhukti ............... 184, 193 Kasmir; notes on kings Ananta and Kalasa, Kammanijja, an ancient name of the modern 8, 9; - and on the Lokakâla reckoning... 213f Kamrej
..............184n. Kaśyapa, an ancient astronomer, qnoted by Kamrêj, a village in the Baroda State; men- Utpala for the heliacal-rising system of the
tioned under the ancient names of Kama- Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, 313; -his niya, 184, 193; - Kammanijja, 184n.; - rule indicates that originally the years of and Kårmanêya .................... 184n., 193, 198 the Sixty-Year Cycle also were determined Kanauj, a town in the Farrukhâbâd District; by the heliacal risings of the planet.........313n. mentioned under the ancient names of Kasyapa IV. or Madisensôna, a king of Gadhipura, 63; -and Kanyakubja, 138; -
Ceylon, A.D. 858 to 891 ........................ 125 notes on the Kings of Kanauj, 138, 139, Kåśyapa VI., a king of Ceylon, A.D. 954 to 201, 368n.; - a ruler of Kananj mentioned
964........................ .......................... 125 as a friend of J&jalladeva, 138, 139,- Kathiâwâd, an inscription from, noticed ...... 211 cases in which the Hindu kingdom of Kanauj Kathôr, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under
is referred to as existing after A.D. 1193 ... 61 the ancient name of Kashthapuri ........... 197n. Kandásêhvara, a country or town, taken by Kaurava family, Maharanakas of the, 225, 231, 285
Jagapala, 137; -- it may be identical with Kåvi, a village in the Broach District; it is
the modern Sehåva or Sihốa....................... 137 'a mistake to suppose that its ancient name Kanishka (Indo-Scythian or Turushka); re. was Kåyåvatara, the real name being Kapi
marks on his coins............ ..................89ff. ka, 193n.; - Dr. Bühler's remarks on the Kanishka-vihira, a vihdra built by king grant of Jayabhata IV. (III.), of the year
Kanishka near Peshwar ......... 309, 311 and n. 486, with the conclusion that it is probably Kañjar, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
dated in the Kalachuri era, 185, 186, Provinces ............................................. 71 187, 188, 198; - examination of the date Kanker, a State in the Râypur District, men- by Prof. Kielhorn, with the same contioned under the ancient name of Kakayara 137 clusion ...........
......... 220 Kântara, a country or town, taken by Kay, Mr. H. C.; his proposal for amending Jagapala ............
the translation of Albêrûni's words regard. KanojiA Brahmans of Gujarat .................. 183 ing the origin of the Gupta era ................ 245 Kapika, ancient name of the modern Kåvi... 193n. Kayavatara, probably a tértha on the Nar. karana, an astrological term for half a tithi; mada; it is not to be identified with the the names and order of the karanas,
modern Kävi................................. 193 and n. 156 ;-names of the karanas, as used in Keltic remains; similar remains exist near recorded dates :
Bhopal
................ 351 Gara .................... ****
............. 249 Khadgaraksha, an official title............ 11 and n. Karivarsha, a biruda of Sahilladeva............8, 11 Khairūda, ancient name of the modern Karköta, a person to whom Mândhâtå en
Khêrwa ............................................. 197n. trusted the protection of Jâvsisha.......... 61, 63 | Khandagaha pattala, an ancient territorial Kårmaņêya, an ancient name of the modern
division in Central India ........................ 226 Kamrêj, the chief town of an dhára 184n., Kharak Singh, succeeds Ranjit Singh, 84; -
193, 198 his death ........ Karna, Mahdrája, the original ancestor of khari, a particular grain-measure ...............
the Gurjara family, according to the Khaba-Kulika, official titles requiring expla.
Nausari grant...................................... 192 nation ................................................ 11 Karnadeva (Kalachuri); examination of the Khataks, defeated by Ranjit Singh ............ 18
date in his Benares grant of Kalachuri- Khêrwâ, a village in Gujarat ; mentioned Samvat 793 ...........
........... 215f. under the ancient name of Khairoda......... 1979,
***... 137
be

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386
INDEX.
94, 95
08
..
Khimidt, or Andhra-Khimidi, a mandala tri. loubalam, used in the sense of punyam,
butary to Jâjalladeva ....... .................138, 139 'religious merit' .............................312 and n. Khôh, a village in the Någaudh State; exami. Kushan, how rendered on Indo-Scythian coins
nation of the date in the grants of Hastin, of the (Gupta) year 156, . . 332; -and of Kusumabhôga, a country or town, taken by the year 163,..335; - and of Samkshobha, Jagapala
............... 137 of the year 209....................................... 336 Kuyisavapalisa pattald, an ancient territo Khoilun, ancestress of Chinghiz Khan, story rial division in Central India ................... 228
of ..................... ............................... 112 Khôjavarman ; see Shôjavarradêva ...... 231, 235 Khôjaka (Kaurava); to be identified with Laghu-Arya-Siddhanta, the customary name
Sbôjavarmadêva ............ .................228, 235 of the Siddhanta by the second Aryabhata; Khshathravairya, the Avestie name of the the date of it is between A.D. 628-29 and
third archangel of the Zoroastrian creed... 94 1150-51 ............................................... 312n. Khulika, an official title requiring explana- lagna, the rising of a sign of the zodiac, or
tion .................. ................................. 11 its passing the meridian ; names of the Kira, a people in the north-east part of India,
lagnas, as mentioned in recorded dates: - 9; -mentioned as conquered by S&hilladeva8, 11 Vpishabha (Taurus)
................ 241 kirti, 'an edifice, a palace, a temple' ...312 and n. Lahna Singh Sindhånwâliâ, kills Sher Singh Kirtivarmadêva (Chandella), probably men
and Part&b Singh ................ ............... 85 tioned as a friend of J&jalladeva ......... 189 Laili, story of the mare................................ 54ff. Kirtivarman, Mahdránaka (Kaurava), 225, 228, Lakshmanavarman, a person mentioned in the
285; - his Rêwah grant of the (Kalachuri) grant of Sômavarmadeva .....................10, 12 year 926, edited, 224ff.; - examination of Lakshmi, of the Rashtrakāta family, wife of its date ............... ....***********
................... 219 Bhillama II............. ............... 118 and n. Kittar, a village in the Belgaum District; Lakshmi, legend of ........... .................346f.
examination of the date in the inscription LA1-Pahâr rock inscription of Narasirahadeva
of the fifteenth year of Jayakabin III...... 297 L (Kalachuri); examination of the date......... 217 Kiu-che-lo corresponds to Gurjara............... 192 Lañjikå, a mandala tributary to Jâjalladêva... 139 knots for remembrance, tying .................13, 14 Lankdvistariyaye, a Sinhalese work produced Köhli, a division of the Hill Dôms................ 74 in the ninth century A.D. ........................ 125 Kõlar District, an inscription from the, noticed 289 Lartuka, apparently an ancient locality in Komo mandala, acquired by Davasimha, 137; Chambê .............
.............. 9, 12 mention of Vajjaka, a chief of this country 138 Lichchhavi era; this would probably be the Koral, a village in Gujarat; mentioned ander more correct name of the so-called Gupta the ancient name of Kôrilla ..................... 193 era.........................
**......................... 369 Körilla, ancient name of the modern Kôral, Lichchhavi tribe or clan; its great antiquity, the chief town of a pathaka
368; -- the connection by marriage between Kösala country, the southern, conquered by the Lichchhavis of Nepal and the Early
Kalingaraja, 138; - and tributary to Guptas, 389; - the so-called Gupta era is
Jájalladeva ......... .....................138, 139 probably a Lichchhavi era, dating from the Koshtågrahkra, an ancient locality in monarchical constitution of the Lich| Chambố .....
............. 11 chhavis, or from the accession of Jayadeva Kottapdla, an official title, a guardian of a I. in Nepal
............... 369 fort' ..........
.............. 201 life-index in folktales is a sword, 57 ff.; - is Kshatriyasimha, a Pallava king who built a
& plant ............
.................. 105 temple at Mamallapuram ....................... 31 Lilâvats, a Påndyan princess, wife of Parikra. Kukkuta, a mandala tributary to Jajalladeva 139 mabahu................................................ 126 Kulachuri, a variant for Kalachuri ... 136 and n. Lõhardsp=Aurvat-aśpa .......... Kulöți, a proper name ......... .................9, 12 Lôkakala, a method of reckoning by cycles of Kulata, the modern Kulla District, 9; - a a hundred years; Albêruni's illustration of lord of Kulata was a kinsman of Sahilla
the conversion of Lôkakala dates into Saka dôva, and rendered him homage ............8, 11 dates through the Gupta reckoning, 213f.:-- Kumârapkladeva, Maharánaka (Kaurava). it entails the use of the first current year of
231, 235;-his Rêwah grant of the (Vikra. the Gupta era, not of its epoch, 214; - ma) year 1297, edited ........................... 230ff. according to Kalbana's statement in the Kurd baché, see 'Ahl-i-Haqq ....
Rájatarangini, the first year of each
91

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387
Lokakala cycle coincided with the forty. Maisur, an inscription from, noticed............ 239 eighth current year of each century of the Majhgaw&m, a village in the Nagaudh State ; Saka era, 214; - according to Albêrani's
examination of the date in the grant of statements, the first year of each Lokakala Samkshobha of the Gupta) year 209......... 336 cycle in Multân and those parts, commenced Makhaanu'l-adviya, a notice of the ............329f. from one to three years later, 214; - the Malabar people overthrew Buddhism in method of Durlabha of Multân, as quoted Ceylon, in the ninth or tenth century A.D.... 125 by Albêrûni, indicates plainly that the use Malays, circumcision among the ............... 330 of the Lôkakala in that part of the country Malhar inscription of Jajalladeva ; remarks only dates from A.D. 926, and that it was
on it ................................................ 138 not introduced by, or in the time of, the Mallah, see Dholêrá ............
............ 74 Early Guptas ............
.................. 214 MAlwa: part of this count
Malwa; part of this country was probably Love Songs of Southern India, 253 ff. ;-speci. conquered by Dadda III. [I.] .................. 195 mens of ..........................
..................254f. Mâmallapuram ; the Pallava temples there loyalty in folktales, younger to elder brother 77 were built about A.D. 550 ..................... 30 luck, folklore of good ........... ...................346f. Månadeva (Lichchavi of Nepal); examination Luhrasp = Aurva-aspa ........................... 91 of the date in his inscription of the lunar calendar, a perpetual; by Prof. Jacobi, (Gupta) year 386 ........... ............... 210
157f., 173 to 177 Mandasôr, a town in Scindia's Dominions; the luni-solar dates; Prof. Jacobi's method and value of the inscription of the Malava year Tables for the verification of them......... 149ff. 529 expired, in proving that the Gupta era
runs from an epoch in or very close to
A.D. 319-20 .......................................... 359 Madana, a king, probably of Kanauj .........61, 64 Måndbåta, an epic king; mentioned as having Madana-tithi, a special name of the tithi built the city of Jâvsisha or Ajávsisha... 61, 64
Chaitra kşishna 13............. ................. 247 Mangala, apparently an ancient village in Madhuvêni, ancient name of the modern Chamba ................................... 9, 10, 12, 13
Mohwar ..................... ..................... 201 | Mangaliśa (Early Chalukya): the value of Madhyadêsa, the Middle Country ............... 118 his Bad mi cave inscription, of Saka. Madisensena, or Kåśyapa IV., a king of Samvat 500 expired, in proving that the
Ceylon, A.D. 858 to 891 ...... ........... 125 historical starting point of the Saka era is Mah, mde, the moon-god, on Indo-Scythian the commencement of the reign of some coins ............
91 particular king or kings of the Saka tribe... 209 Mahâbhârata, the; a copy of it was presented Manghaiya, a division of the Dôms ............ 74
to a temple in Cambodia by king Sômaśar. Manikyavarman, a king of Chanpak; his man in the seventh century, 32; -notes wife was Jururadêvi ............................ 10, 11 from Prof. Weber on its gradual growth Månkôra, Nawab of, reduced by Ranjit Singh 21
and on Greek influence on it .................. 302 Manu; a proof of the popularity of his code Mahâbhâshya, the ; examination of some in the seventh century A.D. .................. 199
Vikrama dates in a MS. of it .................... 328f. Måras, enemies of Buddha, mentioned as Mah&bodhi, an ancient name of Bôdh-Gaya; eight in number........... ................... 63 and n.
mentioned with the vajrásana there ... 309, 311 mashaka, in bhúmashaka, a particular land. Mahalu.Vijayabahu, a king of Ceylon, A.D. measure ...............
................... 10 1071 to 1126 ......................................125, 126 Matamatasingha, a biruda of Sahilladêva ...8, 11 Mahanama, a king of Ceylon, between A.D. Mavakäsihavaha, a fort taken by Jagapala ... 137 410 and 432 .........
............ 103 Mâyûrikas, defeated by Jagapala ................ 137 mahdaena, how represented in a Scythic form 96 Menachem, a notice of Ibn Saruk's ............. 321 Mahîsêna, a king of Ceylon, between A.D. Midas, the myth of ........... ......... 323
275 and 302 .......................................... 104 Mihr and variants = Mithra .................. 90, 91 Mahathakkura, a title of office or rank......... 235 milk drinking, a source of strength ......... 50 Maharania, the ; remarks on, and extracts
Miråsis, musicians, described ....................... 73 from it, 101, 103, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, mistakes, genuine, in recorded dates; in the 128; - the continuation of it was written in name of a month, 265;- in the name of a
the reign of Parakramabahu III............. 127 yoga ................................................... 251 Mahôndrapaladêva, a king mentioned in the
Mithra, the god of heavenly light, the sun. Sêrôn inscription..................................... 201
god, on Indo-Scythian coins.................... 90, 91 Mahinda, the converter of Ceylon ......... 102, 103 Mohkam Chand, Dewan, his death............... 18

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388
INDEX.
grant of Srivadhůvalla-Malladêva-Nandi
varman, of Saka-Samvat 261 .............. 239ff. mughailan = umm-i-ghaildn ..................... 143 Muhammad Azim of Kabul defeats the Sikhs 23 Muhammad Shah Sar, coins of .................. 67. Muhammadans spoken of as Turushkas, and
mentioned as defeated by Sahilladôva...... 8,11 muhúrta, the thirtieth part of a mean day and
night, a period of forty-eight minutes ; names of the muhúrtas, as used in recorded dates :
Abhijit ................... .............. 20 Visva...
........... 249 Muharta-Tattva, an astrological work; its
date is about A.D. 1498-99, . .316 ; - a quotation from it in support of the heliacal. rising system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of
Jupiter ................................................ 313 Malraj of Multân .......... ............... 99 Multân, conquest of, by Rañjit Singh 18, 19;
- Ranjit Singh's reception at ............... 21 Mungala, apparently an ancient village in
Chamb& ............................................9, 12 music, a school of Hindu ........................... 242 Mu'tazz, Ibn-al, a notice of ...................... 323 Mutwålesena, a king of Ceylon, A.D. 838 to
858.............. Muzaffar Khân, Nawab of Multân .............18, 19
......... 328
*..**............ 125
Mohwar, a river near Têrahi, mentioned
under the ancient name of Madhuvēņi...... 201 months, Cappadocian, Iranian, and Zoroas
trian; remarks on their names .......... 90 to 94 months, Hindu, lunar; the lunar month
takes the name of that solar month in which occurs the true new-moon forming the commencement of the bright fort. night of the lunar month, 145; - the duration of a mean lunar month is about 29 days, 13 hours; that of a true lunar month varies between 29 days, 40 min., and 30 days, 1 hr., 15 min., 145; -the intercalation and expunction of lunar months, 146; - remarks on mean intercalations, 15+; - names of the lunar months, as used in recorded dates :
Åshadha (June-July).........216, 218, 250, 298 Asvayuja (Sept.-Oct. ......
............ 23 Åśvayuja (Sept.-Oct.) ....................... 300 Åśvina (Sept.-Oct.) .........................216, 252 Bhadrapada (Aug.-Sept.) ...10, 141, 201,
202, 225, 248, 328 Chaitra (March-April)... 247, 248, 299, 335, 337 Isha (Sept.- Oct.)............ Jyaishtha (May-June) ......
.... 249 Jyêshtha (May-June)...142, 183, 210, 219, 250 Kårttika (Oct.-Nov.) ...... 119, 217, 230,
240, 249, 251, 328, 332, 337 Mágha (Jan.- Feb.) ...... 136, 216, 218, 220,
234, 247, 251, 265, 336 Marga (Nov.-Dec.) ........................216, 328 Mårgasira (Nov.-Dec.).....................228, 249 Mårgaśirsha (Nov.-Dec.) ......... 248, 266, 328 Paushu (Dec.-Jan.) ........................ 247, 249 Phálguna (Feb. March)......211, 216, 241, 250 Sravana (July-Aug.) ...............217, 249, 328 Suchi (June-July) ............................... 264 Urja (Oct.-Nov.)...............
251 Vaisakha (April-May) ...8, 141, 248, 249, 252 months, Hindu, solar; the civil commence
ment of each solar month is the day on which the corresponding sankranti is usually celebrated; the first of the solar Vaisakha being the day of the Mesha-Sam. kranti, and so on, 146; - Prof. Jacobi's method and Tables for calculating their
initial days ............... ............... 145f., 161f. moon-god, on Indo-Scythian coins............... 91 Mörbi, a village in Kathiâwâd ; the grant of
Jainka, of the (Gupta) year 585 expired; remarks on the reading and interpretation
of the date, 211; - examination of the date 211 Mộtiråm, Diwan, his appointment ............... 18 Madki, battle of ....... Mudyanar, a village in the Kolár District;
examination of the date in the spurious
nagara, nagart, Sansksit, represented in
Prákşit by nêra, nêri ........................... 118n. Nagarahára, a country near Jalalabad.. 309,
311 and n. Någas, mentioned as conquered by Dadda III. [I.]............
..................... 195 Någaudh State, inscriptions from the noticed
332ff.
Nagod, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Niguda ......... 184 nakshatra, 'a lunar mansion; the grouping
of the nakshatras for naming the years of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, according to the heliacal-rising system, 2, 3; - a variation by Garga and Parisara, as quoted by Utpala, from the usually accepted grouping, 2 n. ; - the longitudes of the ending points of the nakshatras, according to the equal-space system, by which each nakshatra represents the exact twentyseventh part of the ecliptic circle; according to the Garga system of unequal spaces, governed by the same primary division; and according to the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, governed by the moon's daily mean motion, and introducing the additional nakshatra Abhijit, 3; the indexes of the same, as arranged by Prof.
..
..........
88

Page #421

INDEX.
389
A
svinf
..
.............
.....
...........
..
..
.
217
GIO118, 1L the Newar er
..................
...24LBA
Jacobi for his method of calculation, Narasimhapôtavarman, also called Rajasinha, 181; - the proof that we must apply one or a Pallava king; his date was about A.D. other of the unequal-space systems in dealing
550 ............ with the records of the Early Gupta period,
Nau Nihal of LÅhôr, his marriage, 81: --Buc334;- and that one or other of them was
ceeds Kharak Singh, 84; his death ...... in use, or both of them were, up to A.D. 862, Nausâri, chief town of the Nausari District; 24; - Dhanishthê was the first nakshatra mentioned under the ancient name of Na. for the Five-Year Cycle of the Vêdânga
vaaårikå, 193; - Dr. Bühler's remarks on Jyautisha; and it seems to have been taken the grant of Jayabhata IV. [III.], of the by Varahamihira as the first nakshatra year 456, with the conclusion that it is for the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter dated in the Kalachuri era, 185, 186, 187, according to the mean-sign system, 315; 198; - examination of the date by Prof. - Prof. Jacobi's method and Tables for
Kielhorn, with the same conclusion, 220;calculating the nakshatras for the
identification of the villages mentioned moon, 156, 181; - names of the nakshatras
in it .................................................. 193 as used in recorded dates :
Nausâri District, in the Baroda Stato; an Anuradha ......
.............. 250 inscription, edited............. ................ 183ff. Ardri............................
250 Navasårikå, ancient name of the modern 240 Nausâri..............
.............. 198 Chitra .........................
252 negative sign represented by a cross in the Hasta................................................
Bakahali manuscript ................................ 34 Krittiki .......................................... 250 Népal, an inscription from, noticed, 210;Punarvasu..................................... 247, 250 examination of dates, of MSS. and inscripPushya ............................................ 248 tions, in the Nêwar era ..... Révati........................................... 241, 251 néra, nert, Prakrit forms of the Sanskrit Rôhini ......................................210, 250 nagara, nagart ............ ..................118n. Satavşisha (Satabhishaj) ..................... 250 new-moon; a method of finding the date of Sravana...............
**......................... 249 new-moon in March ........................ 157f., 177 Uttara-Bhadrapada
Nôwår era, an era used in Nepal, and, in some Uttari-Phalguni.
.................. 251
of the instances, called the Nepal year; Vaisakha (Visakha)............................... 249
Prof. Kielhorn's examination of the datea Nalanda, an ancient name of the modern in this era, 246ff.; - with the results, taking Baragaum ..............................309, 311 and n.
all the years, with two exceptions, as nalangapattu, a type of South Indian love expired years, whether specified as such
songs, 254 ; - specimens of..................... 256f. or not, that the epoch of the era was A.D. Nandávall, a mandala tributary to Jajalla- 878-79, and its first current year was A.D. dêva ..................
879-80, ..246;-that each year commenced Nandipuri, an ancient fort, east of Broach, with Kårttika sukla 1, .. 253; - that the
close to the Jhadêśwar gate, 192, 193; - it first day of the first current year was 20th is not to be identified with the modern
October, A.D. 879, .. 246; -and that the Nåndôd...............
............... 193n.
Nêwâr year was a southern year, with the Nandivarman (Bana); he had the birudas of
amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, Srivadhavallabha and Malladova, 239; - 246, 353; - the two exceptional instances, examination of the date in his spurious in which the given years have to be applied Mudyantr grant of Saka-Samvat 261...... 239f. as current ................. ... .. .......... 252 Nåndôd, a village in Gujarat; it is not Niguda, an ancient name of Nagod................ 184 mentioned under the ancient name of Nikdyasamgraha, a chronicle of Ceylon, was
Nândipuri ........................................... 193n. | compiled in the reign of Bhuvanikabahu nar, a further corruption of the Prakrit nera IV.
............... 127 or ner..................
................. 118n. Nissankamalla, a biruda of Sahilladêva...... 8,11 Ndrada-Sanhita, an ancient astrological work, Nizâmi-al-Arazi, notice of......................... 143f.
quoted in support of the heliacal-rising Nônalla, daughter of Vajaka, and wife of system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter 313
Ratnaråja............................................ Narapati king; see Aśvapati .........225, 228, 230 numbers in folktales : twelve ...................... 13 Narasimhadeva (Kalachuri); examination of numerals; anomalous position in compounds
the date in his Lal-Pahår rock inscription I of words expressing them ...8 and n. 64n., of Kalachuri.Samvat 909 .......................... 217
227 and 2.
...............
23
.

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390
numerical symbols; use of them in a grant of the eleventh century A.D., 8, 12;- modified forms of them, used with the decimal system, in the Bakshâli manuscript......36, 38
11
309 74
official titles, strings of......... Om at the commencement of a Buddhist inscription
Orâ, a division of the Hill Dôms.................. ordeal, trial by, an instance of, in an inscription of the twelfth century A.D. ........ 298 ordinal adjective used irregularly in composition; an instance (see also numerals) ......64 n. Osumbhalâ, ancient name of the modern Umbhêl....... 198 Oudh, an inscription from, edited 61 Oxus, definition of the name........................ 114
******************
.......................................**********
INDEX.
************
pada, a share".. .....................228 and n. padra, padraka (see also vadra), as a termination of village-names, in Dhadhipadraka, 193n.;-Samipadraka, 193; - and Sirisha. padraka... ......... 193 pakhilam, a word requiring explanation... 10, 12n. Påla kings, a note on the.................. 309 pala-divya = phála-divya.... 298 and n. Pâli language; a mistaken early introduction
......
of it in Turnour's Mahawamsa............ 101, 103 Pallavas; remarks on their history and the probable age of some of their remains 30 Påmir Påmôr, derivation of .............. 114f. Pañchahamsa, or perhaps Pañichatrimśa, the 137, 139n.
=
**************
24 20
7
***************.........
name of a family.... Pañchdsika, notice of Sölf's........................ Pandit Birbar of Kasmir................. Pañjab, an inscription from the, edited......... Pânthila mandala, an ancient territorial division in Chamba 9, 10, 12, 13 Pârakamata mandala, an ancient territorial division in Chamba............ 9, 10, 12, 13 Parakramabahu, a king of Ceylon, A.D. 1153 to 1186...... ................ 126 Parakramabahu III., a king of Ceylon A.D. 1266 to 1301.... 127 Parakramabahu IV., a king of Ceylon, A.D. 1314 to 1319...... Parakramabahu VII., a king of Ceylon, A.D.
127
************
1410 to 1462........... paramabhaṭṭárak-éty-ádi-rájávali-traya,
127, 128 an
expression shewing the close connection of the three principal titles of paramount sovereignty......... 234 and n. paramabrahmanya, a most devout worshipper of Brahman........ 8, 10, 11 Parásara, an ancient astronomer, quoted by Rishiputra, and through him, as well as directly, by Utpala, for the heliacal-rising
************ ******************
*************
system of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, 313; and for a variation from the usually accepted grouping of the nakshatras Pardêsî see Dhôlêrâ parihara, a 'ring' Parikara, an official title, probably for Uparika.................
**********************
........................................
*********************
2n. 74
311 and n.
*************
***********.......................
Parivrâjaka Maharajas (see also Hastin and Samkhshôbha), feudatories of later members of the Early Gupta dynasty; the extreme importance of their records lies in their proving that the Gupta dominion continued to A.D. 528 331 and n., 359 Pariya, a village in the Surat District; mentioned under the ancient name of Pariyaya 197 Pariyaya, ancient name of the modern Pariya.... ....... 197 Partâb Singh of Lâhôr, killed by the Sindhânwâliâs 85 passage in water opened by diamond, 53, 105, 106 Pathari in Central India; notes on its remains 349f. Patna District, an inscription from the, edited......... 307ff.
...............................................
*************
********** ***********
******************
paṭṭaka used to denote a grant on copper...... 12 Pattari, a division of the Dôms 74 Paushapavamsa, the Solar Race or Suryavamsa...... ............................................. 8, 11 Payodhara, probably the ancient name of the river Pravar&
119
.... 29
Penka's Descent of the Aryans, notice of...... Permaḍi-Sivachitta (Kadamba of Goa); examination of the date in his Halsi inscription of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4270,..264;-and in his Dêgâmve inscription of KaliyugaSamvat 4275.......
266 87 20
**************
****************
Pêshaurâ Singh, rebels against Dalip Sing. Peshawar taken by Rañjit Singh Pesserawa, see Ghôsråwå.. ..................................................... 307 phala-divya, the ordeal of taking an oath, with a heated plough-share in the hand 298 and n. Phalahavadra, ancient name of the modern Phalôd .... ............ 184 Phalôd, a village in Gujarât; mentioned under the ancient name of Phalahavadra... 184 Pharmacotis = qarenanhaiti 92 Pi-lo-mi-lo corresponds to Bhillamâla 192 Pippata, a name of the god Karttikêya...63, 64n. Pitaka, the; remarks on the commentary on it............... ........................................................ 103 Piṭakattayya, remarks on the. 101, 103 pitris, a libation to the, at the time of making a grant ..... 118 Piyadasi, a name or title of Asoka.....305, 307 possession in folklates, demoniacal 203
**************
*****************
***
11
************

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INDEX
391
Prajia-Satra; in A.D. 746 a Brahman priest Rajasimha, a Pallava king; his date was took a copy of it from Ceylon to the about A.D. 550 ................................... 30
emperor of China ................................. 125 Rájataranginí; see Lokakåla ..................... 213 Prasantaraga, a biruda of Dadda II., 191, 194; Radljavali, a chronicle of Ceylon; remarks on
- and of Dadda IV. (II.)............191, 194, 195 it ............................... 100, 104, 124, 125, 126 pratibaddha, a territorial expression ........ 12, 13 Rajim, a town in the Râypur District; the pravara, 'an invocation of ancestors at the inscription of Jagapala of Kalachuri-San
performance of certain rites;' names of vat 896, edited, 135; - examination of the pravaras, as mentioned in records :
date ................................................... 216 Audala-Visvâmitra-Devarata ............... 226 Rajjôka, wife of Indragupta ..................309, 311 Kausilla-Visvamitra-Dêvarata (P) ......... 228 rakshasa killed by hero, in folktales ......... 53, 105
Maundilya-Ångirasa-Barhaspatya ...231, 235 | Ramayana, the; a copy of it was presented Pravari, a river in the Ahmadnagar District, to a temple in Cambodia by king Sumasar.
probably mentioned under the ancient man in the seventh century....................... 32
name of Payodhara ............................ 119 Råmdial, Diwan, his appointment, 18; - his Principien des Sprachgeshichte, notice of death.......................
............... 22 Prof. Paul's ......... ................24, 25 Ranganatha, a commentator on the SúryaPrithvideva or Prithviša, (Kalachuri of Rat
Siddhanta : the date of his commentary is napur), 137, 138; - his wife was Rajalla, A.D. 1603-1604, ..316; -, his remarks on a 138; - Jagapala was his feudatory, and verse in the Súrya-Siddhanta, in connection DêvarAja was his prime minister, 187; - with the heliacal-rising system of the remarks on his Ratnapur inscription of Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter ............... 314n.
Vikrama-Samvat 1247 ........................... 138 Rio, and Rionâno Rao, titles, as hitherto read, Pajavallya, the, a chronicle of Ceylon, was on Indo-Scythian or Turushka coins; but
written in the reign of Parikramab&hu III. 127 they really are Shah and Shabanano Shah. 95 Pulikesin II. (Western Chalukya); eramine- rankhas = rákshasa ..... .................52ff.
tion of the date of his Haidarabad grant of Rañjit Singh, his doings in Kasmir, 18ff; the Saka year 584 expired, which proves his journey over the Pir Pañjal Pass, 18; that, up to A.D. 612, the purnimanta defeats the Khataks, 18; conquers Multan, arrangement of the lunar fortnights was
18, 19; reduces Bahawalpur, 21; his recepused with the Saka years, even in Southern tion at Multân, 21; takes Kasmir, 21; sub. India
... .......... 141 dues the Nawab of Mankêra, 21; his treatpúrnimánta, the technical name for the ment of Sada Kanwar, 22, 23; his doings in
scheme of the lunar months in Northern Hazara, 21, 22; the mare Laili, 54ff.; the India, according to which arrangement the mare Shirin, 55; his connections with the months end with the full-moon day, and
English, 56ff. ; at Rapar, 56ff. ; attacks Bahathe dark fortnights precede the bright; in
walpar, 59: his communications with Dost astronomical works, however, it is always Muhammad, 81; defeats Dost Muhammad the amanta arrangement that is actually at Peshawar, 81 ; his action on the project taken for calculations, 316n.; - even in of restoring Shah Shuja'a, 82f. ; -- his Southern India, the purnimanta arrange. death........................... .................... 83f. ment was used with the Saka years, for the Rardhadevi, wife of Såhilladeva ...............8, 11 civil reckoning, up to between A.D. 804 Rashtrakatas; see Amôghavarsha I., 142,and 866,.. 141 ff.;- on the other hand, even
Govinda III., 141; - an intermarriage in Northern India, it was not used with the with the Yadavas of Sêuņadesa...... 118 and n. Nêwar era in Nepel, 246, 253;- it was used rabi, a sign of the zodiac;' names of the with the years of the Kalachuri era, in rdbis, as used in recorded dates :Central India .......
............... 221
Karkataka (Cancer) ........................... 220
Yugma (Gemini).................................. 247 Råiva, ancient name of the modern Råyåm&l..193n. Ratnadeva (Kalachuri of Ratnapur), 137, Raja, or perhaps Srfråja (Yadava of 138; - Jagapala was his feudatory, and Seunadeša) ..........
............ 118 Devaraja was his prime minister............... 137 Rájdchá Masthia, folktale in Salsette ......... 50ff. Ratnapur branch of the Kalachuris of Chedi, Råjalla, wife of Prithviếa ....
ne Ol Frithviba ........................ 138 remarks on the, 137, 138; - the city of RAjamåla family, members of the ......... 136, 137 Ratnapura was founded by Ratnarija, Rajaratnákari, & chronicle of Ceylon; 138; - remarks on the inscription of J&jalla
remarks on it ...100, 101, 103, 104, 123, 125, 126 dêva, of Kalachuri-Samvat 866, .. 137; -

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392
INDEX.
remarks on the inscription of Prithvidêva of Vikrama-Samvat 1247 ......... ............ 138 Ratnarâja (Kalachuri of Ratnapur); his wife was Nônalla ...................
............... 138 ratha-ashtami, a tithi in the bright fortnight of Magha............
............ 136, 216 ratha-saptami, a tithi in the bright fort.
night of Magha .......... ............... 136 and n. Rayâmâl, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Raiva ......... 193n. Râypur District, an inscription from the, edited 135 regnal or dynastic years, which have furnished
the origin of most of the Hindu eras, can come to be ordinarily quoted as expired years, only when the era has been adopted by astronomers for astronomical processes, 209; - instances of regnal years used in dates, 8, 10, 142, 240, 264, 265, 266, 298, 299, 300; - a curious use of the era-year in
connection with the regnal year... 297, 299, 300 Rehatsek, Mr.; his proposal for amending
the translation of Albêruni's words regard.
ing the origin of the Gupta era ............... 243 Rohi, an ancient village in Central India...... 231 Reinaud, M.; the origin of the mistake in his
translation of Alberuni's statement regard.
ing the Gupta era ........................ 243, 245f. Rêwah, a State in Central India; the grant of
Kirtivarman, of the (Kalachuri) year 926, edited, 224ff. ; - examination of the date, 219n.; - the grants of Salakshanavarmadêva, of Vikrama-Samvat 1253, edited, 227; - of Kumarapaladêva, of VikramaSamvat 1297, edited, 230; -and of Hari. råjadova, of Vikrama-Samvat 1298, edited 234 Rhages, an origin of the name ................... 339 Rig Veda, Hymns of, an examination of, 324f.;
- traces of Indo-Aryan dialects in, 325ff.; - X. 18, discussed 327f.; - Dr. Ludwig's notes on passages in the .......................... 328 Rind, a Gipsy tribe of the North-West
Provinces .................. ......................... Rockhill's Life of Buddha, notice of ......... 25 rod, miraculous, in folktales ........................ 204 Rudhwårå, probably nore correctly Vagh
wära, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under the ancient name of Vaghauri ......... 184 Rupar, great darbár at ..........................56, 7ff. Rustem-ul-Hukemå, note on .....................115f. Ruyyaka's Sahridayalılá, Pischel's Ed.,
notice of ......
Sadhli, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Sraddhika ...... 193 sahadéía or sahadébin, belonging to the
same country with '............ 310 n., 311 and n. Såhåņus&hi; Prakrit form of Shahanushahi. 95 Såhasånka, a biruda of Sahilladeva ......... 8,11 Sabaspar inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat,
934; examination of the date.................. 217 Sahi; - Pråkpit form of Shahi................... 95 Sahilla, Thakkura, of the Rajamala family,
136, 137 Sahilladêva (Paushaņavamsa), founder of the
family to which Sômavarmadêva belonged, 8,11; -- he had the birudas of Karivarsha, Såhasanka, Nissankamalla, and Matamatasingha, 8, 11; - his wife was Rardhadevi,
8,11; - his conquests.... ...................8, 11 Saka era; an era of northern origin, commencing in A.D. 78, though usually represented as commencing in A.D. 79; according to the chief Hindu tradition, its starting point was the defeat of a Saka king by king Vikramaditya of Ujjain, 208;according to a later tradition, it dates from the birth of king Salivahana of Pratishthâna; but there is no proof of his name being connected with it before the thirteenth century A.D., 208 n.; - its real historical starting point was the commencement of the reign of some particular king or kings of the Saka tribe, 209; - the Saka era considered to have been used by the Turushka kings, and to have originated with Kanishka, 89; - even in Southern India, the amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was not used with the Saka era, for the civil reckoning, till between A.D. 804 and 866, . . 141ff. ;-a note on the epoch and reckoning of the era, 206ff.;quotations of the reckoning of this era, both by current and by expired years, from Hindu almanacs, which give its total duration as 18,000 years, 205 to 208, 200 n.; - the present reckoning in Southern India is by current years; while the reckoning in Northern, Western, and Central India, is by expired years, 208; - the habitual quotation of the latter reckoning has led to the mistaken idea that the era commenced in A.D. 79, .. 208 and n. ; -- but it really commenced in A.D. 78, . . 208; - the years of the era were originally regnal or dynas. tic years, and must have been used as current years, 208, 209; -the substitution of the Saka era for the Kaliyuga era for astronomical purposes, which would introduce the ordinary use of its years as
29
Sabhrawin, see Sobraon. ............................ Sada Kanwar, her treatment by Ranjit Singh, 22, 23; - her death......
23 Saddharmalamkára was written in the reign
of Parâkramabâhu VII. ......................... 128

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INDEX.
393
220
300
1
expired years, seems to have taken place between A.D. 476 and 587, .. 209; - an epigraphical instance of the equation
between the Saka and Vikrama eras......... Saka princes are called Shâhi and Shahånu.
shahi in the Jain legend of Kalakacharya 95 śdkhá, lit. a branch,' a Vedic school,
following any particular recension of one of the Vedas; names of tdkhas mentioned in records :Chhandôga .......
....... 183 Madhyamdina..........
............ 118 sakh ilan pakhilaris, a term requiring expla. nation..........
.............. 10, 12n. Sakyasimha, 'the Sakya lion,' i.e. Buddha 63 Såla of Champå ; see Salavahanadêva......... 8, 9 Salakaravarman, probably another name of
Salavahanadêva ................................. 10, 12 Salakshanavarmadêva, Mahuranaka (Kau.
rava), 228, 231, 235; - his Rêwah grant of
the (Vikrama) year 1253, edited ...........227ff. Salavahanadôva (Paushaņavamsa), 8, 11;
he probably also had the name of Salkkaravarman, 10, 12; -he is the king Såla of Champå, mentioned in the Rajatarangin
as conquered by Ananta of Kasmir.............8, 9 Saljaqs of Kirmân, a Persian history of the 358 Salsette dialect, specimens of ..................16, 17 Salsette folklore ............. .....................13ff. samadhigatapanchamahdsabda, applied to a
supreme sovereign (in the spurious grants
of Dadda II.) ......... ............... 183, 194 Samasa-Sanahitá, an astronomical work by
Varahamihira, quoted by Utpala in support of the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve
Year Cycle of Jupiter .......................... 313 sandhya, a period at the commencement of
each of the four Hindu ages; the sandhyá of the Kaliyuga lasts for 36,000 years of men, and is still running ................... 207n. sandhyamsa, a period at the end of each of
the four Rindu ages; the sandhyamra of the Kaliyuga is to last for 36,600 years of men.........
................. 207n. Sangamika, ancient name of the modern
Samgamner ............ Samgamner, town in the Ahmadnagar District,
mentioned under the ancient name of Sam.
gamika ............................................. 118 Samîpadraka, ancient name of probably the
modern Samrå.................... ............... 193 Samkiya, ancient name of the modern Sanki 184 sankranti, or sankramana, the entrance of
the sun into a sign of the zodiac; the days of sankranti are the initial days of the solar months, 147; - Prof. Jacobi's method and Tables for calculating the samkrantis, 146,
161.;- names of the sankrantis, as used in recorded dates :
Dakshinayana (summer solstice) ............264 Karkataka(Cancer).............. Makara (Capricornus) ........................ 218 Tula (Libra) Vishuva (equinox) .......
300 Samkshobha, Mahdrája (Parivr&jaka); exami
nation of the date in his grant of the Gupta year 209.............
................ 336 Samra, a village in Gujarat; probably men.
tioned under the ancient name of Sami.
padraka..................................................... 193 sarwat, an abbreviation of the word sansvat.
sara, 'a year,' or of any of its declensional cases that can be used in expressing a date; used as a declinable word, in the locative,
251;-used in apposition with a locative......247 sarvatsara, ' a year ;' the reason why the
earlier years of Hindu eras are quoted by this term, or by the abbreviations san and
sanwat, without any dynastic appellation... 209 san, sampi, the ancient Greek sibilant, the
prototype of a sibilant used on Indo-Scy. tbian coins...........
............... 97 Sandhier, & village in the Surat District ; mentioned under the ancient name of
Sandhiyara ............................................. 197 Sandhiyara, ancient name of the modern
Sandhier ........... sandu,' an interval of time; a certain definite
moment'............ .............. 298 and n. Sanki, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under
the ancient name of Samkiya .................. 184 Sanskrit language; a proof of its cultivation
in Ceylon in the fourth and fifth centuries
A.D. ............................................. 123, 124 sant shittah =gum arabic ...................... 143 santi, as a termination of proper names; in
Sarvajsiasanti ..............................311 and n. Sarada characters used in the Bakshâlf manuscript, 33 ;-characters of this type
used in a Panjab inscription...................... 7 Saraharågadha, a fort taken by Jagapala; the modern Sarangadh.......
............. 137 Sarah ula, apparently an ancient village in
Chamba ....................... ................9, 12 Sarangadh, a hill-fort near Raypur, mentioned
under the ancient name of Sarahara
gadha ................................................ 137 Sarfaraz Khân of Multân .......................... 19 Sarvajñaśanti, a Buddhist teacher 309, 311 and u. Sarvanátha, Mahardja (of Uchchakalpa);
examination of the date in his Bhumara
pillar inscription.................................... 337 Satavfisha, used to denote the nakshatra Satabhishaj ....
.............. 250
.............
197
... 118

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394.
satka, the holding of; belonging to'...9, 12, 13 Satyabôdhi, a Buddhist monk ... ....309, 311 Saumatika, a king or tribe conquered by Sâhilladeva ................8, 11
137
Såvantas, defeated by Jagapâla Sayan, a village in Gujarât; its site mentioned under the ancient name of Sunthavadaka...... ............ 193n. Sayyid Ahmad of Peshawar ......55, 56 seals of grants, emblems on, 183;-legends 183 Sohawa or Sihoa, a village near Kanker, perhaps mentioned in the name Kândâsêhvara 137 Senart, M. E.; translation of his rendering
************...**
of the inscriptions of Piyadasi......... 303ff. Sêôrinarayan inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat
893; examination of the date................ 216 serpent in folktales, possessing heroine... 54 Sêrôn, a village in the North-West Provinces; mentioned under the ancient name of Siyadoni....... Set-Mahêt, the ancient Srivasti, a ruined site in the Gonda District, Oudh; the Buddhist inscription, dated Vikrama-Samvat 1276, edited.
.........................................
INDEX.
******
.........
seventh daughter in folktales Seunachandra (Yadava of Sêunadeśa) Sounadôéa, the Yadavas of; a genealogical inscription, edited......
....................................................
117ff. sh, how rendered in the Greek writing on Indo-Scythian coins 94, 95, 96, 97 Shah and Shâhan-shah, Iranian titles, how represented on Indo-Scythian coins 95, 96 Shâhânushahi and. Shâhi, titles applied to Saka princes in the Jain legend of Kalaka. charya, 95; remarks on the titles as used in the Indo-Scythian inscriptions and coins, and in the Allahâbâd inscription of Samudragupta.... Shahi see Shâhanushâhi............ Shahrêvar, the genius of metals, on Indo
***************
****************
*****************
Scythian coins......... Shashṭhadêva II. (Kadamba of Goa); examination of the date in the Goa grant of his fifth year. 300 Sher Shah Sûr, coins of .......65 ff. Sher Singh, his successes in Hazara, 22; he succeeds Nau Nihal Singh at Lâhôr...... 85 Sher Singh Atâriwâlâ Shirin, story of the mare shittah sant = gum arabic Shôjavarmadeva, Maharanaka (Kaurava) 231, 235; also called Khôjaka [which suggests that perhaps his name should be read Khôjavarmadêva]..........................228, 235 Siddhanta-Siromani, an astronomical work
99 55 143
by Bhaskaracharya, written A.D. 1150-51; its author's explanation of the rule for the
**************
******************
201
61 54 117
95
95
94
*************
..............................................
92
*******.....
Brahma-Siddhanta unequal-space system of the nakshatras Sihôa see Sêhâwâ Silâditya V. or VI. of Valabhi was subdued by Jayabhata IV. [III.] 198 Simurgh, the, of the Shih-náma legend, is closely connected with Varenjana Sindhanwâliâ faction at Lâhôr support Râni Chand Kanwar, 84; Sher Singh and Partåb Singh Sindinagara, the capital of Bhillama III.; the modern Sinnar....... Sinnar, a village in the Nâsik District, mentioned under the ancient names of Sindinagara and Sindinêra, 118; and probably Sindigrama.......... ..........118n. sirah-sthayin, a term used in a description of a trial by ordeal, and apparently denoting the bearing of some sacred symbol or image on the head, while taking an oath 298 and n. Sirishapadraka, ancient name of the modern
.................................
...........................................
*********......
Sisôdrå.... Sirius, the star, represented by the Zoroa.strian Tishtrya and the Pahlavi and Persian Tir.....
Sirar, a village in the Dharwad District; examination of the date of the inscription of Amoghavarsha I., of the Saka year 788, which proves that the amánta arrangement of the lunar fortuights was applied to the Saka years, in Southern India, between A.D. 804 and 866 ..................... 142f. Sisôdra, a village in Gujarât; mentioned
under the ancient name of Sirishapadraka 193 51 sister marrying a brother.....
Siva, worship of, at the time of making a grant.... 118 Sivadeva I., Mahardja (Lichchhavi of Nepal); the value of his Gölmaḍhitôl inscription of the (Gupta) year 316, in proving the use of the Gupta era in Nêpâl, and in fixing the chronology of the early rulers of that country ..... 210 Siyaḍôni, ancient name of the modern Sêrôn. 201 Slav Tongues, Etymological Dictionary of, notice of Miklosich's.......
********...
25
sleeping beauty, variant of55ff, 105ff. Sobraon, battle of
solar myths..
*********...
98 302 Solar Race mentioned under the name of Paushanavarsa....... ************..... 8, 11 Somali, colloquial sentences in 48ff. Sômavarmadêva (Paushaṇavaméa), 8, 9, 11, 13; he is to be placed about the middle of the eleventh century A.D., 9;-his Chamba grant, edited.................. 7ff.
**********......
******************
******...
*****************
5 137
85
118
193
93

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INDEX
395
******.
..
50
.......
50
Sômêsvara, a person captured and released tras on new-moon days, 313, 314; - com.
by Jâjalladeva .................................. 138, 139 ments on this rule by Ranganatha and son in folktales, only, 13; - born in old age. 50 Dadabhai ............................................ 314n. spurious inscriptions (see also under Gur. Suryavainsa mentioned under the name of
jara), instances of............................... 239, 241 Paushanavarisa; Sômavarmadêva and his Sraddhika, an agrahara, ancient name of the predecessors belonged to it .....................8.11 modern Sådhli.......
.......... 193
suta used as a termination of proper names; ért, an honorific prefix; repeated, for empha- in Dennasuta, Hurtâkasuta, Lutthukasuta,
sis, before a name of which it is also an and Råmajjeyasuta..................................... inherent part, 121;-ért-púrva, equivalent Sútrapitaka, the, existed in Ceylon, in a
to bri-yuta, used for ért...... ................. 63n. written form, in the second century B.C. ... 104 Srimál, see Bhinmal .........................192 and n. Svåmin, of the Rajamala family ................... 137 Sringaratilaka of Rudrata, Pischel's, notice Svayamvara, in folktales of ..........
............ 29 Sriraja see Raja ............ .............. 118 Tabsaratu'l-avám, a notice of the ............ 267f. Srivadhůvallabha, a biruda of Nandivarman 239 Tajikas, the Arabs; their conquests in Gujarat, step-mother in folktales, 76ff. ; - puts out her
Kåthis wad, and Sindh ........................... 198 step-son's eyes, 76; - calumniates her step- Takkariká, a bhatta-village in the Madhyadêsa 118 son
................. 76 Talahari, a mandala tributary to JAjalladeva, strength in folktales, extraordinary, 50ff.; 139; - and acquired by Jagapala ............ 137 caused by drinking milk ............
Tamraprastara, an ancient village in the Su (see under ba), an abbreviation denoting Ahmadnagar District ........................... 119
the bright fortnight; instances of the use Tanjore (Tañjawar); examination of the date of bu di, 10, 211, 216, 217, 218, 328; - in the spurious grant of Arivarman, or
instance of the use of éu alone ............... 220 more properly Harivarman, of Saka-Samvat Subhashitdval, Peterson's, notice of ......... 29
169 ....................
................. 241 bubhra, apparently used to denote the bright Tarapati, an nfficial title requiring explafortnight ..................... ................. 12 nation ............
............... 11 and n. submarine palace in folktales .................. 14, 53 Taris, the wives of the Dhyani-Buddhas; an substitutions in folktales; of fawn's eyes for allusion to them ............................ 63 and n.
the heads by the executioner ................... 77 Tatha-Umbara, an ancient name of the Suchết Singh, his death ........................... 86 modern Bagumra, the chief town of an Sadrakasvamin, perhaps a local name of dhdra, 183, 184, 19+;--the prefix tatha
Vishnu in Chambê ..........................9 n., 11 perhaps represents tittha, i.e. tirtha.......... 184 Sadras mentioned under that name ............ 12 Tåvasaka mandala, an ancient territorial Sugata, a name or epithet of Buddha ......... 311 division in Chaunb& ................................ 9, 12 SultAn Khân, Governor of Peshwar............ 55 Temujin, ancestor of Chinghiz Khan, story sun, worship of the, at the time of making
of .............................................112ff. 132ff. a grant ..................
***.......... 118 Têrahi, a village in the Gwalior State; an sun-god, on Indo-Scythian coins ..............90, 91 inscription of Vikrama-Sainvat 960, edited, Sunthavadaka, ancient name of the site of and another of the same date noticed ......2018.
the modern Sayan ................................ 193n. | Têwar; examination of the dates in the SupakArasurambhata, apparently an ancient inscriptions of Kalachuri-Sarvat 902, ..
locality in Chamba .............................. 9, 12 216; -and of Jayasimhadeva, of Kalachuri. supernatural sight in folktales .................. 260 Sarvat 928 ................. ................ 216 Sari Dynasty, coins of the ...... .............. 64.ff. Thakkur djní, feminine form of Thakkura...... 137 Súrya-Siddhanta, an ancient astronomical Thagaum-Budrůkh, a village in the Ahmad.
work, the text-book of the Saurapaksha nagar District, mentioned under the ancient school of astronomers; according to it, the name of Thaha........................................ 119 length of the year of Jupiter, by the mean- Thaha, ancient name of the modern Thagaumsign system, is 361 days, 1 ghati, 36 palas, Budrakh ............................................. 119 313; - its rule for determining the years time; Prof. Jaenbi's Table of differences in of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter by the time for varnus places, as compared with mean-sign system, 313; - its rule for Ujjain or Lanka............... ............... 179 determining the years of the Twelve-Year Timor Mirzê of Persia, notice of .............. 144 Cycle of Jupiter by his heliacal rising in Tir, the star Sirins ............ ............. 93 connection with the occurrence of naksha. Tishtrya, the star Sirius .........

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396
INDEX
64
tithi, 'a lunar day;' Prof. Jacobi's Tables udarambharina, a rare word, equivalent to
and method for calculating the week-daye, udaranbhari, 'filling the belly .............. 64n. ending-times, and English dates, of Hindu Udaya II., a king of Ceylon, A.D. 926 to 937. 125 tithis, 145ff. ; - the Hindu almanacs use Unaya, Thakkurdjñi, wife of Jayadeva or of true tithis, as determined from the Sid.
Dévasimha .............. ................... 137 dhantas, not mean tithis, 145; - the dura- Udayapura, in Central India; notes on the tion of a mean tithi is about 23 hrs. temple of Udayêśvara ... 37 min.; that of a true tithi varies between Udayin, a proper name. 20 and 26 hours, 145; - the repetition and Udichipatha, a name of Northern India ...... 312 expunction of tithis, 146; -half a tithi is udumbaraka appears in the form of Umri as called a karana, 156; - the new moon tithi a common village-name in Gujarat ......... 188 denoted by the word darda, 264; - excep- Umbhol, a village in Gujarat; mentioned tional instances of the use of current tithis,
under the ancient name of Osumbhala ...... 198 219 and n., 248, 250, 829; - rules for the Umôta, a village in the Kaira District; the rites of the Gandda-chaturthi, 219 and n.;
[spurious] grant of Dadda II., of Sakaof Vaisakha sukla 7, .. 248n. ; -of the Samvat 400; Dr. Bühler's arguments in ordinary seventh tithi, 248n.; - and of the favour of the genuineness of this grant,
ordinary tenth tithi .............................250ri. 185 to 191;-identification of the villages tithi-kendra and tithi-buddhi, a simplified mentioned in it ............
............... 144 • Table for calculating the ..................... 268ff. | umm-i-ghailan mughaildn ..................... 143 Trailokyamalla, Trailokyavarmadeva (Chan. Umrk, from the Sanskrit udumbaraka; a
della) .......................................... 230, 234, 235 common village-name in Gujarat ............ 184 trees, in folktales, speaking ..................... 13 Undabhata, Mahásdmantadhipati, a feudaTrigarta, the country between Kangra and tory of the kings of Kanauj...................... 201
Jalandhar, 9; - a lord of Trigarta was Undopherrês, on Indo-Parthian coins, is derisubdued by, and sought an alliance with ved from a Zend word meaning "winning Såhilladeva ............
......................8, 11 glory" ................................................. 92 Trikalingadhipati, a title of Jayasimhadêva unmilita used for the engraving of a grant... 285
(Kalachuri), 225; - and of Vijayadeva Usama-ibn-Munkir, notice of ................... 357f. (Kalachuri), 227; - and of Trailokyavarma- Usilathana, an ancient village in Gujarat...... 18 dêva (Chandella), 230; - a note on its uthaigird, the pickpocket of the North-West meaning ............
................ 225
Provinces ....................................... Tripitaka, remarks on the ... 102, 103, 124, 126,
Utpala, a commentator on the Brihat-San
127, 128 hita; his quotations of early astronomers Tulu-l'o-po-tu identified with Dhruvasêna for the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve
II. of Valabhi .............................. 196 and n. Year Cycle of Jupiter, 1n.;- his quotation Tammâna, the capital of Kalingaraja, 138; - of Garga and Paraśara, as giving a varia
the Tummann country was ruled by Jajal. tion from the usually accepted grouping of ladeva ...............
..................... 138 the nakshatras, 2n. ;- his quotation of the Turushka kings, viz. Kanishka, Huvishka, and Garga-Samhita for one of the unequal.
Vasudeva; the Zoroastrian deities on their space systems of the nakshatras, 4;-and coins, 89ff. ; - remarks on the legend of of a verse by Garga, which seems to refer Ardokro, 97; - the era employed in their to the mean-sign system of the Twelve-Year Indian Inscriptions is to be taken as
Cycle ...................................................315 identical with the Saka era, and as Uttarapatha, a name of Northern India...309, 311 originating with Kanishka, 89; - a new uttardyana, the period during which the sun discovery as to the manner of rendering sh
is moving from south to north ............... 147 on their coins, which shews that the titles ural = (?) whale ...........
.............. 267 hitherto read Rao and Raonano Rio are really ShAh and Shahanano Shah, 94 ff.;the naine Turushka used, in the inscription va (see under ba), an abbreviation denoting of Sômavarmadêya, to denote the Muham. the dark fortnight, instance of the use madans.......... .................8, 11 of va di..............
........ 202 Vadahara country ...........
........ 137 Uchchakalpa, the Mahdrdjas of, were proba- Vaddiga (Yadava of Sôunadesa) .................. 118
bly feudatories of early Kalachuri kinge Vadhara pattald, an ancient territorial division (see also Sarvanatha) ........ ....... 331n. 1 in Central India............... ............ 231, 238

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INDEX.
397
.......
............
103
vadra (padra), as the termination of village.
names, in Bhramaravadra, 137; - Jara
vadra, 184;-and Phalahavadra .............. 184 Vaghauri, ancient name of the modern • Rudhwårå ..............
............... 184 Vaghwârs, see Rudhwårå........................... 184 Váhadavarnadeva, Maharanaka (Kaurava)... 235 Vairågara, a mandala tributary to Jâjalla
deva ................................. ..................... 139 Vaisyas mentioned under the name of Vis ... 13 Vaitulyas, the heretical; the destruction of
their books in Ceylon........................ 104, 125 Vajjúka, a chief of the Rômô mandala......... 138 vajrásana, 'a diamond-throne,' 308 and n.,
311 ;-mention of the vajruisana at Mahabôdhi ............
.......... 309, 310, 311
...................228, 235 Valabhi, the Kings of (see also Dharasêna
II. and IV.); a list of their grants issued from the city of Valabhi itself, 360n.;
- indication of the purely local nature of their power, 368; - notes on their history, 195 to 197, 360, 365; - a ruler of Valabhi was protected by Dadda IV. (II.) against Harshavardhana of Thânêsar, 185, 186, 187,
195, 196 Valabht era, the later name of the Gupta
era ; used by Albêrûni, and in epigraphical records of the thirteenth century A.D., and due to the preservation of the era by the Kings of Valabhi, 241 f., 360; - Albêruni distinctly states the absolute identity of the
Valabhi era with the Gupta era ................ 245 valaksha used to denote the bright fortnight 205 Válnêr, a village in Gujarat; inentioned
under the ancient name of Varandra...... 193n. V&madêva, perhaps a member of the Kala
churi family ............ ............225, 228, 230 Vanaisti uparatât, the female genius' victo.
rious superiority'.............. .................. 92, 93 Våraghna ; see Vârenjana........................... 92 Varahamibira, an astronomer; he died A D. 587,.. 209 and n.;- his rules, in the Brihat. Samhiti and the Samdsa-Samhita, for the naming of the years of the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter according to the heliucal. rising system, 1, 313 ; - his rule, in the Brihat-Sarkhitd, for the grouping of the nakshatras for that purpose..................... 2 Varanda, ancient name of the modern Wand Khári..............
................. 193n. Våranêra, ancient name of the modern Válaer 193n. Vårežjana, or Våraghna, the bird sacred to
Verethraghna .......................... .............. 92 sarsha, 'a year;' the reason why the earlier
years of Hindu eras are quoted by this term, without any dynastic appellation...... 209
Vasishtha, an ancient astronomer, quoted by
Rishiputra, and through him by Utpala, for the heliacal-rising system of the Twelve.
Year Cycle of Jupiter ............................ 313 Vasudeva, of the Rajamåla family ............ 137 Vasudeva (Indo-Scythian or Turushka); remarks on his coins, 89, 98; remarks on
his title of Shahi in a Mathura inscription 95 Vastavya family
...............63 and n. Vata, the wind-god, on Indo-Scythian coins.. 91 V&tâ, apparently an ancient village in
Chamba................................................9, 12 Vatsarkja, Mahdywnaka (Kaurava)...225, 228,
231, 235 Vattagamini, a king of Ceylon, between
B.O. 106 and 76 ............ Vedas, the earliest sacred books of the Hin..
dus; mention of the Yajur Veda ............ 231 von, a stream or river,' in Madhuveni ...... 201 Ventura, General of the Sikhs, 23 ; - captures the mare Laili............
... 56 Veriwal, a town in Kathiâ wal; the value of the inscription of Arjunadeva, of Valabhi. Samvat 945, in explaining Alberoni's statement regarding the equation between the Gupta and the Saka eras ......................... 210 Verethraghna, the Iranian war-god, on IndoScythian coins ..........
.................92, 93 Vêsu (Yadava of Sêuñadêsa)
OI Seunadesa) .. .............. 118 victory, the winged goddess of, on Indo.
Scythian coins .....................................92, 93 Vidyadhara, of the Vastavya family; he seems to have been a minister of a king named
................61, 64 Vihân, a village in Gujarat: mentioned under
the ancient name of Vihânâ ....................... 184 Vihand, ancient name of the modern Vihan... 184 Viharà désa, conquered by Svůmin................ 137 Vijayabâhu, a king of Ceylon, A.D. 1071
to 1126............................................. 125. 126 Vijayachakka, a prince of Ceylon, and a Pali scholar, A.D. 1186 ..........
......... 126 Vijayadeva, or Vijayasimha (Kalachuri)...227, 228 Vijayaditya-Vishnuchitta (Kadamba of Goa); examination of the date in his Halsi
inscription of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4272......... 265 Vijjaula-Bhadravakasiya, apparently un an.
cient locality in Chambů .......................9, 12 Vikrama ers; an era of western origin,
commencing in B.C. 58, though usually represented as commencing in B.C. 57; an epigraphical instance of the use of both an expired and a current year of this era, 363 ; - quotations of the reckoning of this era, both by current and by expired years, from Hindu almanacs, 206 and n., 207, 208; - an epigraphical instance of the
at

Page #430
398 INDEX. .... 60 equation between the Vikrama era and Yajur-Veda, followers of the .................... 231 Saka eras, 24 ; - an exceptional use of the Yar Muhammad, Governor of Peshawar, 23; -.. Vikrama era in an inscription of the the mare Laili ......... ............. 54f. Kalachuris of Ratnapur ....................... 138 Yasahkarna (Kalachuri of Chedi), perhaps vikshepa, ' a camp or cantonment. .......... 183 mentioned as a friend of Jajalladeva ...... 139 Vinaya, the ; a Sanskrit copy of it was found Yasovarmapura, the town of Yabovarman,' at Pataliputra by Fa-Hian 123 has been identified by Sir A. Cunningham Vindafarna, a name derived from a Zend with the town of Bihar; but it may be an word meaning " winning glory"................ 92 ancient name of Ghosrawa............... 309, 311n. Vindhya mountains; mentioned in connec Yasovarmapura-vihara, an ancient Buddhist tion with the conquests of Dadda III. [I.]. 195 vihdra ........................ ............ 309, 311 and n. Viradeva, a proper name ...............308, 311, 312 Yavanas, notes on the, 302; - remarks on Virayatrika, an official title requiring expla the Yavanas of Orissa ............. nation .......... .........9, 11 Yazdajird, a Sassanian king of Persia ; there Vishnuxarsa, the lineage of Vishnu; it is an era, dating from his accession in A.D. included the Yadavas of Seunadesa ......... 118 632, of which the four-hundredth year is visua, a particular land-measure....... ............ 235 used by Alberani as a gauge-year for the vitaraga, 'free from passions ;' an epithet of comparison of dates ......... ..... 245 Buddha .... .................... 63 year; the length of the year of the Twelve. Vitaraga, a biruda of Jayabhata I., 185, Year Cycle of Jupiter, by the heliacal. 191, 194;- and of Jayabhata II. [1.] ., 191, 195 rising system, is roughly 400 days, 2; - vow of the sword .......... 322f. 1 and of the Twelve-Year and the Sixty. Vyaghramukha (Chapa); Brahmagupta wrote Year Cycles, by the mean-sign system, is in his time ... 192 361 days, 1 ghati, 36 palas ..................... 313 yoga, an astrological element, the addition Wakh = Wakhs = Wakhsha = Wakhshab = of the longitudes of the sun and the moon; Wakhab = Oxus ...................................... 114 the names and order of the yogas, 181 ; - Wand Khari, a river or stream in Gujarat, Prof. Jacobi's method of calculating them, mentioned under the ancient name of 156 ; - names of the yogas, as used in Varanda ........ .........193n, recorded dates :Weber, Prof.; translation of his paper on the Aindra ......... ................ 249 - sacred literature of the Jains ......279ff,, 339ff. A yushmat........ ........ 250 wind-god, on Indo-Scythian coins ............ 91 Ganda ....... 250 Wright, Prof. William ; his rendering of Harshana ...... 250 Alberani's statements regarding the Gupta Priti ........ .247, 252 and other eras .243ff. Siddhi (for Siddha) ..................... Sala ...... 251 y in Semitic 323 Vaidhriti Yadava-Narayana, a biruda of Bhillama III, 118 Vajra..................................... 250, 251, 252 Yadavas of Seunadesa; a genealogical Vriddhi .......... 241, 250 inscription, 117; - they belonged to the yutht for yutt ......................................12 and n. Vishnuvamsa, 118; - and to the lineage of Yadu, 117; - their intermarriage with the Rashtrakatas ................................118 and n. | zero represented by a dot in the Bakshali Yaduvamsa, the lineage of Yadu; the Yadavas manuscript .......... .........35, 38 of Seupadesa belonged to it..................... 117 Zoroastrian deities on Indo-Scythian coins. 89ff. .. ... . ....... 251 ........... 265 **.. .......12 and n.